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8-907 what
In presenting this new edition of Mrs. Lennox’s Transla-
tion of the Memoirs of Sully to the public, it is necessary to.
state in what respects it differs from those which have pre-
ceded it. In the first place, the whole of the text has been
carefully collated with the French, and such corrections
made in it as were deemed justifiable; and such, the Editor
is persuaded, the ingenious Translator herself would have
made on a careful revision of her translation. Recourse has,
next, been had to the original work composed under the
direction of the Duke of Sully, entitled, “ Mémoires, ou
Oeconomies Royales d'Estat, Domestiques, Politiques, et
Militaires de Henri le Grand, par Maximilien de Bethune,
Duc de Sully” (from which the “ Mémoires de Sully” were
compiled in the middle of the last century, by a M. l'Ecluse);
and wherever, on comparison, this original was found to be
more clear and satisfactory in the narration of any particular
event, it has been followed in preference to the modern work.
The Editor was first induced to collate this very curious,
and, in England, but little-known book, with the modern
Memoirs, by reading a tract published in France soon after
the appearance of the latter, entitled, “ Observations on the
new Form of the Memoirs travesty of the Duke of Sully,''*
meo
* 4 Observations sur la nouvelle Forme des Mémoires travestis de
M. le Duc de Sully.” It may be seen in the ninth volume of the French
edition of Sully, in 12mo, 1778.
223810
ADVERTISEMENT.
in which the compiler is accused, not without cause, of
having garbled, and, in some cases, misrepresented, his
original.
A few additional notes have been added where they seemed
necessary, either to correct or explain any passage in the
text; and, in the last volume, some Letters from Henry IV.
to one of his mistresses. These are given for two reasons :
first, because they turn chiefly upon several occurrences
noticed by Sully in his Memoirs; and, secondly, because
they tend still further to illustrate the character of that
great and extraordinary prince, who, amidst the toils and
dangers of a most harassing and cruel warfare, seems to have
given way to all the impulses of the tenderest of passions,
and to have been as anxious to deserve and secure the affec-
tion of his mistress, as he was to defeat the plots of his ene-
mies, and assert his right to the crown of France.
. From the abrupt manner in which these Memoirs com-
mence, the Editor has been induced to prefix a brief historical
Introduction. Some apology is perhaps due for this per-
formance; but as it aims at nothing more than a detail of
the leading events from the accession of Francis II. to the
year 1570, he hopes it will be received as such; he has en-
deavoured to render it as perspicuous as his narrow limits
Would allow; and though it may not deserve the attention of
readers deeply versed in the history of that period, yet he
trusts it will be of some use to those who have not always
leisure or opportunity to consult the original sources from
whence it is drawn.
March 20, 1810.
CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
PAGE
PREFACE BY THE EDITOR OF THE FRENCH EDITION ..... 1.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION .......... ... 19
BOOK I.—[1570-1580]
State of affairs in the council of France-State of the Calvinists
at the peace of 1570-Rosny's extraction, and anecdotes of the
House of Bethune-Some account of the birth, education, and
early years of the Prince of Navarre-Idea of the government
under Henry II., Francis II., and during the first years of the
reign of Charles IX.--Artifices of Queen Catherine de Medicis to
ruin the Huguenots-Rosny engages himself in the service of the
King of Navarre, and follows him to Paris-Death of the Queen
of Navarre—The wounding of Admiral Coligny, and other
causes of suspicion, which the court gave to the Protestants
Profound dissimulation of Charles IX.-Massacre of St. Bar-
tholomew; observations and reflections upon it-On the con-
duct of Charles IX. and of Admiral Coligny-In what manner
the King of Navarre and Rosny escaped being massacred-
Education of Rosny--The Calvinists resume courage, and re-
trieve their affairs-Flight of the Prince of Condé-Imprison-
ment of the princes—The insurrection of Shrove Tuesday-
Death of Charles IX.; his character-Henry III. returns to
France, and declares war against the Huguenots-Flight of
Monsieur and the King of Navarre—The queen-mother de-
ceives them by the peace called the Peace of Monsieur —The war
renewed--Military rencounters, and taking of cities-Rosny's
first exploits in arms—The peace of 1577-Conferences between
the queen-mother and the King of Navarre--Further military
expeditions—Taking of Cahors, &C.-Imprudence of Rosny .
57
BOOK II.—[1580—1587.]
Affairs of Flanders-The United Provinces offer their crown to
Monsieur---He goes to the Low Countries-Rosny attends him
viji
OONTENTS.
PAGE
-The taking of Chateau-Cambresis, &c.--Monsieur surprises
the citadel of Cambray-Goes to England-Returns to France-
Is hated by the Dutch and the Protestants on account of the
treachery attempted by him at Antwerp-Disconcerted by the
Prince of Orange-Rosny dissatisfied with Monsieur, who,
finding all his schemes blasted, returns to France-Rosny re-
turns likewise, after having visited the city of Bethune--Spain
makes offers to the King of Navarre-Rosny sent to the court
of France by the King of Navarre-He visits Monsieur-Death
of that prince—Rosny's second journey to Paris, and negotia-
tion there—His marriage-Domestic employments-Origin,
formation, and progress of the League-Henry III. joins the
League against the King of Navarre—Divisions in the Calvinist
party-The views of its chiefs--Rosny is again sent to Paris by
the King of Navarre, to observe the motions of the League-
An attempt upon Angers: fails-A dangerous journey taken
by Rosny-The Prince of Condé in extreme peril—The King
of Navarre in great perplexities-Military expeditions-Rosny
negotiates an alliance between the two kings-The taking of
Talmont, Fontenay, &c.—Rosny goes to visit and assist his wife
during the plague-Fruitless interviews between the queen-
mother and the King of Navarre-A series of military expedi-
tions-Rosay defeats one of the enemy's squadrons--Other suc-
cesses of the Calvinists-A declared persecution against them
-Madame de Rosny in great danger—Rosny's secret journey
to Paris–The Duke of Joyeuse leads an army into Poitou, and
is beat by the King of Navarre at Coutras-A particular ac-
count of that battle . . '. . . . . . . . . . . 124
BOOK III.—[1587—1590.]
Errors committed by the King of Navarre and the Protestants,
after the battle of Coutras-Secret designs of the Prince of
Condé, the Count of Soissons, and the Viscount Turenne-
Death of the Prince of Condé-Insurrection of the Parisians,
and its consequences-Assassination of the Duke and Cardinal
of Guise-Death of Catherine de Medicis. The pusillanimity of
Henry III. with respect to the League-Rosny negotiates a
treaty of alliance between the two kings-Is disgusted on the
occasion-Interview of the two kings—The Duke of Mayenne
sits down before Tours-Military exploits on both sides--Battle
of Fosseuse, at which Rosny is present-Death of Madame de
Rosny-Military successes of the two kings-Siege of Paris-
Death of Henry III.--Particulars of his assassination-Henry
CONTENTS.
PAGE
IV. asks counsel of Rosny-Perplexing situation of this prince
-The dispositions of the several officers in the Royalist army
with respect to him-Rosny surprises Meulan-Military expe-
ditions>A particular account of the battle of Arques, at which
Rosny was present-Skirmishes at Pollet-Henry IV. often in
danger-An attempt upon Paris-Rencounters and sieges of
different places-Digression upon these Memoirs-Siege of
Meulan-A Spanish army in France-Rosny defends Passy-
The battle of Ivry-Rosny often in great danger-Is wounded
in several places—Is carried by his own orders to Rosny-
Henry IV.'s affectionate behaviour towards him there... 182
✓ BOOK IV.-[1590--1592.]
A mutiny in Henry's army after the battle of Ivry-Dissipation
of the finances, and other causes of the little advantages he de-
rived from his victory—Cities taken-Fruitless attempts on
others- The taking of the suburbs of Paris-Siege of that city
- The causes which obliged Henry to raise it-The Prince of
Parma leads an army thither-His encampment, and other
military details-An error committed by Henry-He obliges
the Prince of Parma to retire–The siege of Chartres--An ad-
venture wherein Rosny is in danger of being killed-He retires
to Rosny in discontent-Success of Henry IV's arms—The
taking of Corbie, Noyon, &c.--An enterprise upon Mantes-
The Duke of Montpensier's expeditions in Normandy-Pre-
parations for the siege of Rouen-Conduct of the siege--Mutual
aniniosities between the soldiers and officers of Henry's army
The Prince of Parma re-enters France--Insolence of the Council
of Sixteen-Henry advances to meet the Prince of Parma--An
enterprise badly seconded by the Duke of Nevers - The battle
of Aumale“-Henry raises the siege of Rouen-Movements of
the two hostile armies in the neighbourhood of that city-Ob-
servations upon them-A glorious exploit of the Prince of
Parma at the passage of the Seine-Henry's army refuses to
pursue him-Causes of this refusal .......... 234
BOOK V.—[1592—1593.]
A succinct account of the state of affairs in the provinces of
France during the years 1591 and 1592-Intrigues carried on
by the Count of Soissons-His character-An abridgment of
the Duke of Epernon's history–His disobedience--His cha-
racter-Several parties formed in the southern provinces of
France- A short account of what passed there-The sieges of
OONTENTS.
PAGE
Villemur and Epernay, where Marshal Biron is slain—His
eulogium-Death of the Prince of Parma-Rosny marries again,
and retires in discontent-The cause of it-He intercepts the
memoirs of the negotiations between Spain :and the League
A detail and examen of those papers-A third party formed in
France-The persons who compose it, and their view.s-Herry
follows Rosny's advice--The wise and cautious conduct ob-
served by them both--Conversations betwixt them, wherein
Rosny advises him to change his religion-Henry sounds the
Protestants upon this subject-Rosny's conference with Bello-
zanne, the two Durets, and Du Perron-Conditions offered by
the League to Henry-With what design-Rejected - The
meeting of the States of Paris-A project of the Prince of
Parma's badly executed—Disunion of the Catholic chiefs in
these states-Their intrigues and artifices to supplant each
other-The parliament of Paris publishes an arrêt—The zeal
of its members for the honour of the crown-The truce-The
great wisdom and ability of Henry in profiting by the dissen-
sions among the chiefs of the League-Conduct of Villeroy and
Jeannin-Rosny gives the king very prudent advice--The siege
of Dreux--Taken by Rosny's means--Henry removes all ob-
stacles to his conversion-Particulars relating to his abjuration 288
BOOK VI.-[1593—1594.]
Conduct of Henry with regard to the pope, Spain, the League, and
the Huguenots, after his abjuration-Another truce-Artifices
of Spain-Attempts of the Jesuits upon the life of Henry~
Rosny begins a negotiation with Admiral Villars, to disengage
him from the party of the League--Fécamp surprised by a very
extraordinary method-A dispute raised about this fort--Se-
veral cities surrender to Henry-Rosny's journey to Rouen-A
detail of his negotiations with Villars-—The character of that
governor-Rosny is employed by Henry to effect a reconcilia-
tion betwixt the Duke of Montpensier and the Count of Sois-
sons, and to break off the marriage of the latter with the Prin-
cess Catherine-He visits the Duchess of Aumale at Anet-A
further account of his negotiations with Villars, Médavy, and
others—The treaty with Villars, after many obstacles, concluded
--Henry is received into Paris-Several instances of his gene-
rosity and clemency — An accommodation with Villeroy -
Rosny's third journey to Rouen-Villars sends away the depu-
ties of Spain and the League-The ceremony with which Rouen
was surrendered to the king—The conditions upon which Rosny
CONTENTS.
xi
PAGE
consents to receive any gratuities—Villars comes to court-An
instance of Henry's generosity-Lyons submits to the king, not-
withstanding the endeavours of the Duke of Nemours to the
contrary-Poitiers, Cambrai, and other cities do the same
The taking of La Chapelle by the Spaniards--The siege of
Laon-Rosny is obliged to return to Paris—His conversation
with the Cardinal of Bourbon-Disputes between the Univer-
sity of Paris and the Jesuits—He returns to the siege of Laon
—A further account of the siege-Henry's indefatigable labours
there- A great convoy of the Spaniards seized by Biron-
Rosny is present at this rencounter—The king displeased with
Biron-The Spaniards endeavour in vain to throw supplies into
Laon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 346
BOOK VII.—[1594—1596.]
Henry dissatisfied with the Duke of Bouillon, and why~The mo-
tives for Rosny's journey to Sedan--His conversation with
Bouillon, in which he penetrates into his designs, and discovers
his real character-Taking of Laon-Military expeditions in
different parts of the kingdom between the king's party and
that of the League-Designs of the Duke of Mayenne upon
Burgundy-Death of the Cardinal of Bourbon--Death of the
Superintendent d'O–His character-Character of the Duchess
of Guise- The Duke of Guise makes a treaty with the king-
Rosny's apology for this treaty-Services performed by the
Duke of Guise for his majesty—Character of Sancy--The
story of Alibour-Changes made in the council of the finances
-Maxims and reflections relating to the finances-Henry de-
clares war against Spain, contrary to Rosny's opinion-He is
wounded by Jolin Châtel-Particulars of this horrid attempt,
and the banishment of the Jesuits—The motives which deter-
mine Henry to march into Burgundy-Rosny quarrels with
the council of the finances-Desertion of the Count of Soissons
-Rosny insulted by the count's officers-A campaign in Pi-
cardy, The French defeated at Dourlens-Death of Admiral
de Villars-Campaign in Burgundy glorious for Henry IV,-
Battle of Fontaine-Française—Conditions upon which the pope
gives absolution to Henry_The conduct of Cardinal d'Ossat
examined—Henry goes to Picardy-Losses sustained there by
plots of the chief noblemen of the kingdom-Bouillon is sent
to London-Jealousy and hatred of the council of the finances
against Rosny . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 415
CONTENTS,
BOOK VIII.--[1596–1597.]
PAGE
Siege of La Fère-The king taken ill-Military enterprises-Some
executed -Others fail-Death of the Duke of Nemours and of
the Duke of Nevers—Embezzlement of the finances—Rosny
goes to Henry at Amiens-His adventure with an astrologer
Madame de Liancourt in great danger-Rosny's journey to
Rouen-He is deputed to the princess to prevail upon her to
espouse the Duke of Montpensier-The treatment he receives
from her-In danger of being disgraced upon this occasion .
Recovers the favour of the princess-Success of the king's arms
in different provinces-Opposition made by the financiers to
Rosny's being appointed one of the council of finances-
Henry's irresolution upon this head, who at last places him in
the council . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 478
PREFACE
BY THE EDITOR OF THE FRENCH EDITION.
As, in the judgment of good critics and lovers of literature,
the MEMOIRS OF SULLY have been always ranked amongst
our best books, I have no need to enter here into a disquisi.
tion which will be of little use to those who are acquainted
with the work.
To give those an idea of these Memoirs who have never
read them, it will be sufficient to observe, that they contain
a history of whatever happened from the peace of 1570 to
the first years of Louis XIII., comprehending more than
forty years of a period which has supplied the most copious
subjects to the historians of France; and that they treat of
the reign, or, to speak more properly, almost of the whole
life, of Henry the Great. They presuppose, indeed, some
knowledge of the foregoing commotions, * which are only
occasionally mentioned; but they display all the succeeding
erents with the utmost minuteness. These events are equally
numerous and diversified; foreign and civil wars, interests
of state and religion ; master-strokes of policy ; unexpected
discoveries; struggles of ambition ; stratagems of policy;
embassies and negotiations, are all to be found in this book,
of which, however, they form but a part.
The Memoirs of Sully derive their value, perhaps their
greatest value, from the innumerable recitals of a private
kind, which scarcely belong to the province of history; this
is the particular advantage of memoirs, they admit all sub-
jects, however numerous, and all incidents however various,
* These the Editor has endeavoured briefly to detail in the Intro-
duction now prefixed to the Memoirs.
VOL. I.
PREFACE.
which one can desire to insert; and they are not subject to
the burthen imposed upon history, of continuing the narra-
tive through dry generalities, with which even the writer
finds himself disgusted.
To obtain a complete knowledge of any prince, it is neces.
sary that the picture of his private life be set to view, to-
gether with his public conduct; he must be shown with his
courtiers and domestics, in those moments when he is little
observed ; his character must be fixed by his letters and
conversation; the passions are better displayed by a single
word, related as it was spoken, than by all the art which a
historian can use. This idea of memoirs is quite answered
by those of Sully; so that no man, till he has perused them,
can have a just conception of Henry IV. They represent to:
us that great prince in his good; as well as his bad fortune;'
now as a private man, now as a king, as a warrior; or as a
politician; and to come still lower, as a husband, father, or
friend; and all told in so affecting a manner, that the reader
cannot refrain from taking part in the most minute and
indifferent incidents of his life : at most, I can only except
some military recitals, which occur, perhaps, too often at the
beginning of the work, and a small number of other passages:
less pleasing; though, on the other hand, these recitals are
always connected with the public affairs, and diversified,
like the rest, with the part which the Duke of Sully bore in.
them.
The duke is as the second actor, and this double action
makes no breachi in the unity of interest, because this
minister says almost nothing of himself which has not some:
relation to public affairs; or the person of his master. The
reader will, doubtless, be pleased to know what judgment
was formed of these Memoirs when they first appeared in
the world, and I shall give him information from the author
of an old discourse, to be found among the MSS.* of the
king's library : “ One of the most beautiful pictures of
human prudence and fidelity," says he, “is to be found in
the account left to the public, in two volumes, by the
Duke of Sully, of the nature of the advice he had given,
and the seryices. he had done, to his king and benefactor,
* Vol. 9590.
PRDTACD
as well for his particular and personal: honour; as for the
prosperity of his kingdom. And, in truth, the fortune of
Henry the Great, and the virtue of his prime minister, are
two things which appear alternately, or, more properly, go
hand in hand. The minister, in this work, serves and
obliges the king in all the ways that a king can receive
service or obligation from a subject, with his hand, his
courage, his sword, and even with his blood; or actions of
bravery and adventure, but particularly in his council and
cabinet, with the greatest understanding, and most quick-
sighted policy, the most pure disinterestedness, and un-
tainted sincerity, that has ever been known to historians,
either of our own or other countries."
It is natural, in the reign of a prince like Henry IV., to
look for great generals, deep politicians; and skilful ministers;
but we are surprised to find in one man, the warrior, the
politician, the wise manager of business; the steady and un-
bending friend, as well as the close confidant and darling of
his master. But what is more uncommon, is to see in a
work where the actions of two such extraordinary persons
are collected after their deaths, a great king forced to make
a conquest of his own kingdom engaged with a minister, in
his way not less great, in contriving means to make his
undertakings successful; labouring afterwards, in concert
with him, to make his kingdom not only peaceable but
flourishing; regulating the revenue, laying the foundation of
trade, methodising the government, and, in short, recovering
every part of the establishment from confusion.
In this work, therefore, are comprised two lives united to-
gether, and illustrating and adorning one another, the lives
of a king and a minister, his confidant, nearly of the same
age, carried on from the infancy of both to the death of the
king, and to the retreat of the minister:
We may add that the Memoirs of Sully are yet further
valuable, by principles of excellent morality; by civil and
political maxims derived from truth ; by an infinite number
of views, schemes, and regulations, of almost every kind, with
which they are filled. · The Duke of Sülly is said, by one of
his contemporaries; to have been the only man that ever dis-
covered the means of uniting two things, which our fathers
not only could not unite, but considered in their own nature
B 2
PREFACE.
inconsistent, the increase of the king's revenue and the
relief of the people. He that would have an idea of a good
subject and an incorruptible minister, must look for it in
this picture, where he will see economy in its full lustre, and
policy in all its practice; the art of using and of gaining
power; the science of reigning as a man, and of reigning as
à king: the finest instructions and most forcible examples of
morality are here exhausted, and the whole supported and
adorned by a knowledge of everything, from the highest arts
to the lowest mechanic occupations.
However high this praise may seem, I do not find that the
severest critics depart much from it; one need only consult
the Abbé Le Laboureur, in his Additions to the Memoirs of
Castelnau, vol. ii. book ii. p. 687; Father Le Long; and a
multitude of modern writers; for who is there that does not
cite the Memoirs of Sully as the first political treatise that
has shown us the real power of this kingdom, and in which
are contained the seeds of whatever has been done by
Richelieu, Mazarin, and Colbert; and in which is opened
the best school for the art of government ?
I will now quit this consideration for another, which I
neither can nor ought to conceal ; namely, that the pleasure
'which so valuable a book affords is attended with a degree of
fatigue which makes this ornament of libraries useless to the
greater part of readers. This is to be imputed to want of
method and defects of style: the subjects lie in the greatest
confusion ; those who have compiled them propose to enter-
tain us with particular recitals of military, political, and
domestic affairs; but they neither know how to keep them
apart, nor to join them properly: a fact is cleared up, or a
narrative continued, at the distance, sometimes, of a hun-
dred pages; from the beginning of the first volume, one
must often jump to the end of the second; the Letters of
Henry, which ought to be regularly inserted in the narra-
tion, are bundled up together and put by themselves, or in-
troduced where they only break the thread of the discourse,
to which, very often, they have no relation; the maxims of
law and government are driven off to a distant page, where
it is often difficult to meet with them; they have the ap-
pearance of an independent note; and one might have known
PREFACE.
5
:
that the compilers were mere men of business though they
had not told it.
As to the diction, it is not going too far to say, that it has
every fault which diction can admit; it is too much diffused,
obscured frequently by the enormous protraction of the sen-
tences, and frequently by the impropriety of the words, which
are sometimes creeping and low, and at others ridiculously
inflated.
These two general reflections on the Memoirs of Sully, one
would have imagined, might have induced some of our best
writers to make them as agreeable as they are interesting
and useful; the more so, as their excellence arises from the
subject, while their defects consist only in the form in which
they are presented. It is allowed on all hands, that they
must be excepted from the number of those old books which
cannot be altered without being spoiled; but the danger of
giving offence to the nicety of critics has hitherto driven
away all thoughts of such an undertaking: and I confess
that I could never have engaged in it, had I not been urged
on by that fondness for the original, which brings the
passions as well as the genius into a work, and makes us
blind to all the obstacles that may oppose us; for, to accom-
modate such a work as this to the present taste, a man must
preserve at once the fidelity of a translator, and the liberty
of a compiler : he must carefully preserve the sense of his
author, though he must abridge, transpose, and methodise
his work.
An emendation, merely grammatical, which should reach
no further than to change those expressions which are con-
fessedly bad, and to retrench those that are apparently
superfluous, would have been short of the reformation which
the style requires; and, if nothing had been attempted but
to bring the scattered parts of the story together, and metho-
dise those things that are out of order, to free the book from
the inconvenience of confusion, even this must have ended in
the destruction of the text. I have tried every method that
I could invent to avoid the necessity of taking the work
wholly to pieces, and moulding it anew ; but I saw, at last,
that no other way would answer my intention. I was con-
vinced that a style so faulty as that of these Memoirs, was
PREFACE.
far from deserving to be treated with the same respect as
that of Comines, Montaigne, and Amyot: that the mere
general alterations, which are confessedly necessary, would
change it so much from its original state, that to make it yet
more different was no great matter: and that these altera-
tions, producing a necessity of connexions and transitions
which would naturally be of a different cast of language from
the rest, many patches of new style appearing in those pages
of antiquity, would have produced a disagreeable contrast: and
that the original must not only be cleared from a great num-
ber of odd expressions, but of unnatural and unusual ideas,
which appear even in the ridiculous singularity of the very
title, Economies Royales, et Servitudes Loyales: that such
liberties as I have taken were necessary, in order to arrive at
a just chronology and arrangement of matter; and that this
liberty was consistent enough with the obligation of pre-
serving the sense of the original, and suffering the Memoirs
of Sully to lose nothing by being put into a new language.
In the first place, I found it indispensably necessary to
change the formal language of secretaries, who know nothing
but to praise and flatter. What can be more tedious than to
see them, at every line, addressing their master to put him in
mind of something that has already happened, and to confess
that he understands the business better than themselves ?
This perpetual address makes the book little more than a
long dedication ; and yet this could not have been corrected
without giving the work a new form.
I must add, that the historical narrative, which allows only
the third person to be used, could not take place here, as I
immediately found, when I endeavoured to apply it: for the
Memoirs .of. Sully, as I have already said, instead of one
principal actor, present us with two, whose parts are con-
stantly intermingled in the recital, or who almost always
make their appearance together, either talking between
themselves or with other persons. The pronouns he and hin,
which in other histories supply so conveniently the place of
proper names, must, in a book like this, have been applied
sometimes to one, sometimes to another, which would have
produced an obscurity only to be avoided by repetitions and
circumlocutions equally inconvenient. If, to rid ourselves of
this difficulty, which will be generally perceived, this book
PREKAOE.
had been entitled Memoirs to contribute to a History of
Henry IV., and the relation had been confined to the actions
of that prince, this had at once cut off half the Memoirs, and
perhaps that half which can least be spared; for the life and
actions of Henry the Great:are everywhere to be found.; but
those of the Duke of Sully can be read nowhere else: and it
had been still less proper to have mentioned only the actions
of the minister.
There remained therefore only one plan to pursue, that of
making Sully tell his own story. I yielded with less reluc-
tance to this necessity, as. I found it likely to be the source
of new pleasure; for nothing is more proper to throw over
a work those interesting passages, which put the heart into
emotion, than to introduce the principal actor in a complica-
ted affair, entertaining you with an account of the part
which he acted.; and what an actor would he appear if one
could attain to make him speak as such a :minister, so
favoured by his master, and so respected by all ranks of the
community, might be supposed to speak at the present time.
This motive alone might prevail upon the public to grant
me the indulgence which I require, for the only real liberty
I have taken, if it should be found that I have in other re-
spects discharged the duty which this licence made indis-
pensable: but, as I cannot assume so much to.myself, I shall
found my defence upon a matter of fact; which is that, in
reality, the Duke of Sully himself is the true author of the
Memoirs which bear his name; since the original pieces are
his own, and his secretaries did nothing more than tack
them together. This is easily perceived in several places,
where the pen of the minister being withheld, either by
promise of secrecy or some consideration equally strong, you
see the reader's expectation disappointed with regard to
facts of which the secretaries themselves had apparently not
the least knowledge. This is therefore no robbery, but an
honest restitution, which I make to their master of his own
works. In attestation of this, I can produce all our writers,
who show evidently, when they quote the Memoirs of Sully,
that they consider them as the work of that great man, and
depend upon his authority. The single doubt of Vittorio
Siri * is of no weight against so much evidence.
* Mem. Rec. rol. i. P. 29.
8
PREFACE.
This critical disquisition I do not think of sufficient im.
portance or amusement, to require that I should transcribe
whole pages to establish this truth by exhibiting the words
of Henry, Sully, or the secretaries themselves : he that thinks
it worth his while, may consult the places marked in the
margin ;* I shall here offer only a conjecture, which I submit
to the discernment of my reader.
The Memoirs of Sully were formed first upon the obser.
vations which M. de Rosny began, from his earliest youth, to
make upon the events of his times, as well those that related
to the public, as those that affected his master and himself.
To these were added, in the next place, the observations
which he set down at the entreaty of this prince, who soon -
began to distinguish a man of his character. M. de Rosny
had plainly no intention to write a connected narrative,
much less a formal history, but only a collection of pieces
upon several events of his time, which he improved with his
own reflections on government.t. The term Journal, which
is sometimes used, is not to be taken in the strictest sense:
accounts consisting of pieces thus independent were not
things absolutely new in his time. It is not unlikely that
he considered himself as collecting materials for more regular
memoirs, which he afterwards thought fit to communicate to
the public, under the name of his secretaries, rather than
bis own.
These registers, I of which there has been already mention,
were put into the hands of four of his secretaries, two of
whom composed at first the two former volumes, such as
they now appear; the two other secretaries (those who were
taken into the service of Sully at the time of his retreat)
were busy, at the same time, upon the first of bis two fol-
lowing volumes, which comprises a space of five years, from
1605 to the death of Henry IV., and conceiving their labour
incomplete unless they should produce two volumes as well
as their fellows, they fell to, tumbling over all their master's
papers, and at last attained their purpose. But notice must
be taken, that they are not to be believed too easily with
* Epît. des 1 et 3 tom.; tom. ii. pp. 407, 409, 410, 434, 435, 440, 448;
tom, iii. pp. 82, 83, 294, 385, &c.
† Tom. ii. pp. 448; tom. iii. p. 83, 385.
| Epît. Limin. du tom. iii.; tom ii. p. 410.
PREFACE.
9
:
respect to the place where these Memoirs are said to be
printed; for they had an interest in imposing upon the
public, by making it be believed that these Memoirs were
not printed in France.* Guy Patin, Father Le Long, the
Abbê Lenglet, and several others, are confident that the first
two volumes were printed at the castle of Sully; and for the
last two, it is a known fact that their first appearance was
in an edition printed at Paris in 1662, by the care of the
Abbé Le Laboureur.
In the Memoirs of Mademoiselle mention is made of
letters, and a great number of other original pieces, which
the Count de Bethune kept with great care, and showed as a
curiosity to those that came to see him. Of these, part at
least may be thought the minutes of the Duke of Sully.
But since none of these pieces are found in the vast collec-
tion of manuscripts presented by the Count de Bethune, in
1664, to the late king, we may conclude that, after the pub-
lication of these Memoirs, those minutes were destroyed as
of no further use; but, for my part, I make so little reckon-
ing of the works of the compilers, that I could wish to have
only the originals as they had them ; for what they have
given us of their own makes no essential addition, nor has
any consequence but that of concealing the true work of
Sully, which, in many places, cannot be distinguished or dis-
entangled from theirs; for they did not content themselves
with arranging their pieces according to the order of time,
which was the best thing they were capable of doing.
I know not whether there is not even room to suspect
them of having suppressed some pieces of considerable im-
portance. One may safely charge them, at least, with having
destroyed“ The Treatise of War," “ The Maréchal de Camp,
“The Military and Political Instructions, and some other
works of the Duke of Sully, which have certainly been once
in existence. They have been sought for in vain in the
closet of the present Duke of Sully, t notwithstanding the
pains which he, who is so well known for his love of litera-
ture and antiquities, has taken to recover monuments which
can contribute so much to the honour of his family. He has
* Epît. Limin. du tom. iii.; tom. ii. p. 410.
† Louis Pierre Maximilian de Bethune.
10
PREFACE.
little more than some accounts and memoirs relating to the
different employments of Maximilian, Duke of Sully, of
which the substance is found in this book. The only manu-
scripts that raise.much curiosity are the original copy of the
first volume of the Memoirs of Sully, from which the impres-
sion was certainly taken; and the last two volumes of a kind
of heroic romance, of which the first two have been lost.
These adventures, or allegorical histories of that age, are
entitled Gelastide, ou les Illustres Princesses et belliqueuses
Pucelles du puissant Empire de la grande Sclarame. Doloso-
phomorie, les Slarazones diamantées, Percy de Rubicelle, et
Pyrope ; titles as singular as that of the Memoirs of Sully,
and which show that they are drawn up by the same hand.
It is possible that the loss of these originals is to be im-
puted to Sully himself, since his secretaries acted not only
under his orders, but under his own eyes. In that case we
shall be forced to confess that a little vanity, from which this
minister was not free, kept him from suffering his Memoirs
to appear in his own name: he perceived that he could not
forbear to give himself the honour of the brightest part of
.the reign of Henry IV., and, not caring either to praise him-
self or to lose the praise he had deserved, he determined to
have that said by others which he could not modestly say
himself.
He is charged with another fault proceeding equally from
vanity, but which, if we examine it well, may appear very
pardonable; it is the freedom with which he acts and speaks.
Let us hear, on this head, our old dissertator. “That stiff
and haughty humour," says he, “which so often obliges his
prince to speak first, and to open himself to him, if it had
been softened and made more easy, would have been perhaps
more perfect, and more deserving of imitation; but if the
original was as it is represented, and nature had formed it of
this cast, it ought not to be flattered or disguised : if this
gravity and general circumspection, which his enemies men-
tion as a reproach to his memory, was the very quality which
gave so much value to his ministry and his credit, we ought
not to regret it in him as a blot, or condemn it as a defect.”
And indeed, if a minister is of known honesty, and unsus-
* Tom. iii. p. 83 and 294.
PREFACE.
11
pected of any bad design, why should he, in speaking to his
master, or transacting business with him, recede from the
privilege of following the severe dictates.of truth? With-
out this liberty the condition of private men would be much
happier than that of princes : but we may sufficiently prove
that Sully deserves no reproach of this kind, by observing
that he never received any from his master, who not only
allowed, but loved and praised his freedom of speech. What-
ever may be said, for instance, of the famous promise of
marriage which Sully tore in pieces in the hands of Henry,
I see nothing in that affair which does not deserve admi-
ration, and there is no fear that it shall be drawn into pre-
cedent.
The necessity of being beforehand with the reader for my
own sake has given occasion to these two remarks. I have
considered it as indecent in Sully to relate all that happened
of this kind with Henry IV., and as to personal commen-
dations, I cut off what was uttered by secretaries, and could
never have been said by him, and keep all that he has said
or suffered others to say to him, that was for his own honour,
or for that of the family of Bethune. In like manner I let
all stand which the same vanity, joined with his religious
prejudices, disposed him to advance with relation to the
greatest families; such as the house of Austria, among
others, or concerning private persons, to whom he has not
always done justice.; such as the Dukes of Nevers and
Epernon, Messieurs de Villeroi, Jeannin, and the Cardinal
d'Ossat, and others, amongst the Roman Catholics; and the
Dukes of Rohan, Bouillon, and La Tremouille, Du Plessis-
Mornay; and to conclude, with respect to a society deserving
esteem, for purity of manners, and the service it has done
the public by the education of youth, and the advancement
of polite literature.
If I stop at this head, it is only to show how much I
detest every species of prejudice; as for the rest, I know
well enough that I shall never be called to account about it:
it was my duty to preserve the ground-work of the original
inviolate; and as that original (which I am far from sup-
posing that my work will destroy) must always remain in its
true state, it would appear against me, if I had dared to
alter it, and furnish an accusation against me of dishonesty

12
PREFACE,
and flattery. All that I have been able to do, and I protest
I have done it only out of regard to justice, is to show my
dislike by frequent corrections, from which alone the public
is to judge of my real sentiments.
It appears, indeed, to me that a single word is sufficient
to put an end to the greatest part of the imputations thrown
upon the Jesuits and other good Catholics by the Duke of
Sully; we must consider that they acted upon one principle,
and that he judged of their actions upon another. It may
be added, that in the circumstances under which these things
took place, it was difficult to pass a right judgment upon the
measures of the different parties; at present, when time has
thrown new light upon their causes, motives, and means,
We, who are neither carried away by the heat of action nor
overpowered by fear, hope, or desire, have, with respect to
the subject on which we are treating, two opinions almost
opposite; we detest the League, and have great reason to
detest it; but, on the other hand, we judge, and with proba-
bility, that without the League France was in danger of suf-
fering the greatest of all evils, the loss of the true religion.
If the Villerois, the D’Ossats, and others, stand in need of
defence, this is the principle upon which they must be de-
fended.
À motive of the same kind determined me likewise to
write notes upon passages where Sully speaks unfavourably
of the Spaniards, the English, and other neighbouring states.
I am as far from applauding his prejudices as espousing his
quarrels. To see nothing in other nations worthy of praise
is to be blind; to see it, and not own it, is to be weak.
Another article, which appears to me of yet greater in-
portance than all these, is the liberty with which the author
sometimes discovers his particular principles with respect to
the very substance of religion. At first it was natural to
imagine that a man full of knowledge, reflection, and of good
qualities, must have been very dangerous when he was led
to speak of the Reformed religion, to which it is well known
the Duke of Sully always remained a firm adherent; and
such was my idea; but the first perusal of his Memoirs
altered my opinion. I will quote upon this occasion, for
the last time, the writer whose testimony I have so often
made use of, to show that these Memoirs cannot make, at
PREFACE.
13
this time, those in pressions which they were unable to make
when they were new. “It is not," says the author, “upon
account of his religious opinions that he is to be considered
as a model, or as an original ; we are to look into these
Memoirs for a general, a master-general of the ordnance, a
superintendent of the finances, and a minister of an universal
genius, concurring in all the schemes of his prince; but you
are not here to expect a picture of a Christian, and much
less of a Catholic.” “These books," says the same writer in
another place,“ do not show him properly pious or religious,
because they do not show him a Catholic.".
The author might have added another reason of yet greater
force, which is, that when Sully represents himself either as a
Huguenot or a Catholic, that man, whose reasoning upon
almost every other subject is solid and conclusive, appears so
wretched as a divine, that the mere comparison of his writings
with themselves is sufficient to confute him; besides, how many
confessions are drawn from him by the force of truth ? how
much does he say against the mad determination of some
Protestant synods, against the intrigues and bad designs of
the chief of that party; against the mutinous and seditious
temper of the whole body? It is something so singular, to
see the Duke of Sully by turns a Calvinist, and an enemy to
Calvinists, that I thought it necessary to preserve whatever
he has said on the subject of religion, lest what I had sup-
pressed had been thought of more importance than it really
is. But I thought it necessary to be likewise liberal of my
notes, in opposition to those passages,* and perhaps under
the notion, that I could never be careful enough of weak
minds, I may, without thinking of it, have shown some re-
gard to my first scruples.
The notes have been considerably multiplied from another
consideration. As I was desirous to make this work more
clear and complete, I have shown the same regard to things
of mere entertainment as for those of necessity. I could not
prevail upon myself to skip over a fact obscurely or but
slightly touched, without clearing it up and explaining it.
* Mrs. Lennox, in her translation, kas judiciously omitted several
of these; they prove the author to have been a most intolerant bigot,
and must have even been offensive, I think, to every liberal-minded
Roman Catholic.
14
PREFACE,
!
In one place, therefore, will be found. a: passage of pure
amusement, producing another of the same kind, in another
place, a person of note is mentioned only by his name, and I
have thought it necessary to add his christian or surname,
his dignities or employments, and sometimes the year of his
birth or his death. There are notes likewise; in which I
have endeavoured to rectify false calculations and mistaken
dates, and to adjust the valuation of coins; and on all these
occasions, I have endeavoured to copy only from our best
writers; and to draw. immediately from the fountain-head:
thus the Memoirs of the League, L'Etoile and De Nevers';
les Chronologies Novennaire et Septennaire of Cayet and the
Mercure François ; Messieurs de Thou, Pèrefixe, Matthieu,
Davila, Le Grain, D’Aubigné; the manuscripts of the king's
library, the Letters of the Cardinal d’Ossat;* &c., are my.
vouchers for facts; and for all the rest, my credit depends
upon the books which have furnished the assistance that I
happened to want. I have commonly contented myself with
giving their words upon the subject before me, without
entering into any disquisitions;. except when contrariety of
opinions seemed to require it; but notwithstanding this pre-:.
caution, the margin of the first five or six books are somewhat
crowded, nor was it in my power to do otherwise, the first
years of Henry IV, affording a prodigious number of facts
of every sort, which: Sully has only hinted: at, or mentioned
very slightly.
To these might very properly have been added notes upon
politics, war, the finances, government, and naval affairs ;
and I could not but, in compliance with my inclination,
scatter a few upon the last books particularly, of which the
subject made them often useful, and sometimes absolutely
necessary.
As to maximis and reflections, the only use that could pro-
perly have been made: of them, was to scatter them here and
There in the places where they have relation. With respect
to another part of this work, I have taken a contrary me-
thod; I have brought together all that was said in different
places upon the great and famous design of Henry IV.,
* For these letters. I consulted the old folio edition, as also the old
edition of L'Etoile's Memoirs
PREFACE,
15
which seems often to break the narration in an unpleasant
manner; and finding no place where a recital of so many
particulars could be inserted, I made a book of it by itself.
I may be suspected upon these last heads of having made
great additions to my original; but let the reader suspend
his judgment till: he has read it from beginning to end. I
am well aware that the necessity of arranging these mate-
rials in a different order has given this work. a kind of ori-
ginal air, which distinguishes it from common translations,
without giving it the rank of a work of invention. There
are many other places where it will be seen, that if 'I had
thought myself entitled to an absolute authority over my
original I should often have given it another cast. As to refer-
ences, it was not possible to put them all in the: margin, and
they would have only tired the reader:
The letters, which are scattered here and there, I could
only make useful, by casting them into a narrative, and join-
ing them with the fact to which they relate: by this means;
I have contrived to diversify my history, and have made the
letters more useful than they were before. It is common
for those who write on things talked. of by them before, to
mention them imperfectly; these omissions: I commonly sup-
ply by, a note, when the matter is such as can be discovered,
or deserves explanation; for of this prodigious: number of
letters, either of the king's or Sully's; the greater part con-
tain. only particulars of small.importance:; all these I consider
as useless, and retrench them either wholly or in part; and
I take the same course with the recitals that are too long,
with trifling remarks, with diffuse memorials and regulations
of the finances; drawn out in particularities:; but when I
find letters, conversations, or other pieces, truly original, I
copy: them faithfully, except when I meet with a word that
would offend the ear, I change it for another; this I intend
for the gratification of those readers who would complain if
in these ancient, memoirs the personages who are intro-
duced should talk always like men of our own time, and
judge of the pleasure they must receive from the singularity.
of the ancient language, by that which it gives to myself.
I have followed the usual method of dividing a historical
work into books, rather than into chapters; there are here
thirty books, reckoning the account of Henry's great project
PREFACE.
as one of them. Some were of opinion that this project,
having never been executed, might have been omitted; but
it seemed to me to make so considerable a part of Sully's
Memoirs, that the public were likely to be offended with its
suppression.
I thought it not for my purpose to proceed further than
the retreat of Sully, in which I have ventured to differ from
my original; but besides that, according to my scheme, I
saw no use to be made of the pieces which had no relation
either to Sully or Henry IV. I thought, judging of these
pieces critically, that they did not deserve much attention
from mankind. I find nothing in the fourth volume which
can truly be called the work of the Duke of Sully, more than
what he says of the new court, of the council, and of him-
self, till his departure from Paris; together with the regula-
tions that he had formed for different purposes, and the
evidence he gives of the great design of Henry IV. As to
the furious invective against Villeroi, and the other pieces
belonging to the reign of Louis XIII., and, in a word, what-
ever is contained in the last two hundred pages of the fourth
volume, the whole is apparently of another hand; so imme-
thodical, so unconnected, and at the same time so trifling
and so dull, that I could look upon it only as a thing com-
piled by one of his secretaries, without judgment, and for
this only purpose, as themselves confess, that the last volume
might be as large as the former ; * all this is to be ranked
with the panegyrics, sonnets, and other pieces, both in French
and Latin, which the reader, if such things happen to please
him, may look for in the original.
As we cannot learn from these Memoirs what became of
the Duke of Sully from his retreat to his death, and as the
reader may be curious about him, I have given a supple-
ment. Nothing of the lives of great men should be lost or
neglected: this supplement is more full and interesting than
I at first could promise myself, by means of the informa-
tion with which the Duke of Sully has been pleased to
supply me.
I make use, as I have already said, of the edition in folio ;
it is properly in four volumes, though in some libraries it is
* Epît. Limin. du tom. ïïi.
PREFACE.
17
bound in two: the first and second of these volumes were
printed at Amsterdam, that is to say, at Sully, without the
date of the year or the name of the printer, for that which
appears at its head is counterfeit: this is commonly called
the green-letter edition, on account of its VVV, and its
vignette, coloured with green. The third and fourth volume,
printed at Paris, by permission, by Augustin Courbé, in
1662; this edition is incorrect, but some of the others are
mutilated, which is worse. I shall here enumerate the sub-
sequent editions: the two first volumes were reprinted at
Rouen, 1649, in two volumes folio ; in a smaller letter, at
Amsterdam, 1654, in four volumes 12mo; at Paris, 1664,
by Courbé, in two volumes folio. The third and fourth
volumes were reprinted at Paris, 1663, in eight volumes
12mo; and at the same time at Rouen, in seven volumes
12mo. The last edition is that of Trevoux, in 1725, in
twelve volumes 12mo.
What I have here to add, is to assure the public that I
respect it too much to expose myself to its censure by any
faults that labour and attention could enable me to avoid ;
and as for any others, as they may serve, if not to correct my
work, at least to mend myself for the future, I am so far
from endeavouring to obviate them, that I entreat the world
not to spare them; they shall never find me claiming the in-
dulgence naturally due to the first attempt: nor do I plead
my situation in excuse, though my situation was so little
propitious to this kind of labour, that I should have seen
myself obliged to throw it up, had I not been assisted by
persons whose generosity was equal to their zeal for the ad-
vancement of learning. This confession is due to truth. I
should likewise be guilty of extreme ingratitude if I omitted
to make it known, that a man of genius and candour, who
had been intimately acquainted with the two late Dukes of
Sully, not only gave me the first notion of this work, but
assisted me likewise to form the plan, and promoted the
execution by all the means which his friendship or generosity
could dictate.
JUL
VOL. I.
A BRIEF
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
To
TO
:
SULLY'S MEMOIRS.
THOUGH the first causes of the religious civil wars which
raged for so long a period between the Catholics and Pro-
testants in France may be dated as far back as the year 1533
(about which time Calvin began to preach in the kingdom of
Navarre, under the protection of Queen Margaret, sister of
Francis the First of France), yet it will be sufficient for the
purpose of an Introduction to these Memoirs, to commence
the relation of events with the year 1999, when Francis the
Second ascended the throne. At this period, the persecution
of the Reformed was at its height; the most severe decrees
had been issued against them in the last days of Henry the
Second : they were condemned to the stake wherever found,
and all persons who attended, or were privy to any of their
meetings for the purposes of devotion, were also sentenced to
death.*
These severe measures, however, produced none of the
effects expected from them; instead of diminishing, the num-
bers of the Protestants daily increased, and seeing themselves
everywhere deprived of all protection from the laws, and
their lives and property at the mercy of every person who
chose to inform against them, they ať length began to con-
sider of means for their own defence, and to revenge them-
selves in some instances upon their persecutors. The first
* To prevent a repetition of references, it may here be observed tha
the authors consulted for the detail of events in this Introduction
were principally Davila, Castelnau, and Montluc.
02
20
[1560.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
7
violent act committed by (or at least ascribed to) them, was
the assassination of the First President of the Parliament;
and soon after of one Fresne, who was carrying papers to
the parliament relative to the prosecution of some Protestant
of distinction. It is, nevertheless, highly probable, that all
their efforts would have proved fruitless, had they not been
at once called forth and directed by some of the most illus-
trious persons in the kingdom, namely, Antony King of
Navarré (Henry the Fourth’s father), his brother Louis
Prince of Condě, first princes of the blood, Admiral Coligny
and his brother D’Andelot, besides many others, all of whom
either openly professed the Reformed religion, or were known
secretly to favour it. From this moment religion became
blended with politics, and while the Catholics as well as the
Protestants professed to combat only for the maintenance of
their respective faiths, it is but too apparent that ambition
and the love of power were the principal objects for which
the chiefs, at least, of both parties contended: and here, in
order to detail more clearly the succession of events, it will
be necessary to describe the state of the court at the com-
mencement of the year 1560.
Immediately after the accession of Francis the Second,
the government was distracted by the rival contentions of
the princes of the blood on one side, and Catherine de Me.
dicis, the queen-mother, and the house of Guise, on the
other. It was always the custom, during the minority of a
king, for the government to be placed in the hands of the
princes of the blood ;-in this case, the King of Navarre,
and the Prince of Condé, ought to have been called to the
head of affairs: this right, however, was successfully con-
tested by the Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal of Lorraine,
who, though both foreigners, pretended to an equal claim to it,
as well from their alliance with the king through his marriage
with their niece, Mary of Scotland, as from the great services
which they had rendered the kingdom, but more particularly
from the share they had enjoyed of the government during
the preceding reign. The queen-dowager, who as ardently
aspired to the administration of affairs as either of the above
parties, fearful that, should the princes succeed in obtaining
what in justice belonged to them, her power and influence
would be at an end, espoused the cause of the Guises, and
1560.]
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
21
all three determined to share the government amongst them-
selyes, to the utter exclusion of the Princes of Bourbon,
whom they next contrived, under various pretexts, to remove
to a distance from the court.
When the princes thus, found themselves not only denied
all participation in affairs, but even: of access to the young
king, they immediately held a consultation together, on the
conduct they should pursue. For this purpose, the King of
Navarre repaired to Vendôme, where he was joined by the
Prince of Condé, Admiral Coligny, and his brothers D’An-
delot and the Cardinal Châtillon, Charles Count Rochefou-
cault, the Vidame de Chartres, and Anthony Prince Por-
tiane, together with a great number of other persons of
distinction, adherents or dependents on the houses of Bour-
bon and Châtillon. The Constable Montmorency, who had
been lately disgraced, and his post given to the Duke of
Guise, was represented by his secretary, whom he sent
thither to explain his sentiments. In this. assembly the
Prince of Condé, the vidame, D'Andelot, and several others,
strongly insisted upon the necessity of immediately taking
up arms; while, on the other hand, the King of Navarre, the
admiral, Prince Portiane, and the secretary of the con-
stable, in the name of his master, were of directly contrary
sentiments. Nothing; they said,, was to be expected or
hoped from hostile measures; for though they acted with no
other view than to free the king and kingdom from the do-
minion of the Guises, yet their conduct would be attributed
to other motives, and they would be branded with the name
of traitors who had risen in rebellion against: their lawful
sovereign; and, therefore, recommended an attempt to gain
over to their party the queen-mother, on whose protection
all the power of their enemies was founded. These opinions
prevailed, and the King of Navarre was accordingly deputed
to the court, there by his representations and arguments to
endeavour to persuade the king, and Queen Catherine, to
admit them to some share in the government, and to restore
to their former offices those who had been deprived of them.
The Duke of Guise and the cardinal, being fully informed
of all the proceedings at Vendôme, had made such represen-
tations to the king, and so far persuaded him. of the ill in-
tentions of the princes and their followers, that when, the
22
[1560.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
King of Navarre arrived at Paris, he could with difficulty
obtain an audience of Francis, and tbat only in the presence
of the Duke of Guise or his brother. The king was deaf to
all his remonstrances, and rejected all his demands. Nor
was he more successful with Queen Catherine, who was
determined to adhere firmly to the party she had espoused,
as the only means she possessed of retaining her present
power. In the hope, however, of preventing an open rup-
ture, and to avert the fatal effects of a civil trar, which she
was sensible would be the consequence, if matters were
pushed to extremities, she endeavoured to detach the King
of Navarre from the others; and by flattering promises of
future honours, when her son should have attained to full age,
and an offer of the honourable distinction of conducting the
ful that he abandoned all the objects of his mission, and ac-
companied by a splendid retinue of noblemen and gentlemen,
quitted Paris with the young princess, and after conducting
her to the foot of the Pyrenees, retired to his former resi-
dence in Béarn in Navarre, determined to reject all proposals
for taking up arms.
The Prince of Condé and the others, finding themselves
abandoned by him whom they had appointed as their chief,
the former convened at La Ferté, his patrimonial estate, on
the borders of Champagne, another assembly of all his adhe-
rents and dependents; and shortly after a third was held at
Nantes, where, after various expedients were suggested, it
was at length determined to make use of the Protestants,
now ripe for revolt, in various parts, but particularly in the
south, of France, as affording the most speedy and only
means of raising a force sufficiently formidable to cope with
that which they well knew would be sent against them the
moment their hostile designs should be fully known. Agents
were accordingly despatched in secrecy into Gascony, Béarn,
Limousin, Saintonge, Picardy, Provence, La Brie, and Cham-
pagne, to excite the Reformed to take up arms; a proposal
to which they listened, perbaps, with the more readiness,
from the Prince of Condé and Coligny, D’Andelot, Prince
Portiane, and several of the others being of the same religion
as themselves. The court at this time resided at Blois,
where, according to some writers, it was resolved, in conse-
· 1560.]
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION,
23
quence of the determinations of the late assembly at Nantes,
to make an attempt to seize the two Guises, and either put
them to death or banish them the kingdom, and place the
princes of the blood at the head of affairs; others say it was
only intended to present a petition to the king against the
duke and cardinal; while others again assert that it was
their intention to put the king and queen-mother to death.
Whichever of these was their design, the principal conduct
of it was entrusted to one Renaudé, who after quitting
Nantes repaired to the Prince of Condé at Blois (whither,
the better to cloak their intentions, he had gone, while the
admiral retired to his estates at Châtillon), in order to
inform him more particularly of all that had been agreed
upon. From Blois he went to Paris, where he communicated
the whole design to a Protestant lord in that city, who, it is
said, being alarmed at the boldness and danger of the enter-
prise, gave immediate intelligence of it to the Cardinal of
Lorraine. Upon this, the Duke of Guise prevailed on the
king and court to remove to the castle of Amboise, as to a
place of greater security, as well from its strength as from
the difficulty of access to it.
The plan adopted by the conspirators was for a body of
unarmed Protestants to present themselves before the gates
of Blois, there to require leave to present a petition to the
king, praying for liberty of conscience and the free exercise
of their religion; and as it was not doubted that this request
would be denied them, a considerable armed force, under
chosen leaders, was to be nigh at hand, which, on a given
signal, was to rush forward and seize the place. Renaudé
was ignorant of the removal of the court till he arrived at the
gates of Blois with the unarmed multitude; he was not, how-
ever, disconcerted by this intelligence, but, on the contrary,
advanced immediately to Amboise: here, instead of gaining
admittance to the king, they were forcibly driven back by
the soldiers who guarded the gates, and obliged to separate
into small bodies in the adjacent country, in expectation of
the armed force which was appointed to follow them: but,
not long after, a Captain Linières, one of the party, deserted
into Amboise, and gave the king the most certain information
of the whole plot, the number of the conspirators, the
names of the leaders, and the roads by which they were
24
[1560
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
approaching : on this, guards were immediately set over the
Prince of Condé to watch his motions, and an ambush of
horse placed in the adjoining woods under the command of
the Marshal St. André and the Duke of Nemours, for the
purpose of intercepting all persons advancing to the castle.
The Protestant levies which had been made in Béarn, were.
the first who fell into this ambush; they became panic-
struck, could neither defend themselves, nor retreat, and
were all surrounded and made prisoners. The Gascons under
the command of the Baron de Castelnau de Chalosse having
reached Noisy, that place was surrounded by the troops of
the Duke of Nevers, and they, being unable to make any.
effectual resistance, yielded at discretion, and were all con-
ducted prisoners to Amboise. In the mean while, Renaudé
had again penetrated as far as the gates of the place, where
he was attacked by a body of troops under the Lord de Par-
daillon, whom he slew in the rencounter, but was immediately
after shot dead by Pardaillon's page; and nearly the whole
of his followers likewise fell upon the spot.
When the other parties on the following day heard of
these disasters, they determined, in a fit of desperation, to
storm the gates of Amboise, under the conduct of De la
Motte and Cocqueville, the only two leaders who were
now left them; but though they acted with great bravery
and resolution, they were everywhere repulsed, and being
presently afterwards assailed in the rear by the troops of
horse which had been scouring the adjacent country, they
were nearly all. put to the sword. Of the few who were
made prisoners the principal were reserved for examination,
while the others were immediately hung up on gibbets along
the road-side leading to Amboise. Such was the termination
of this most rash and ill-judged enterprise, from which is to
be more immediately dated all the miseries and devastation
to which France was so long a prey ;-the Protestants were
now considered not merely as heretics but as rebels, who,
under the cloak of religion, had conspired against the lives of
the king and his mother, and, in addition to their former
sufferings from the clergy, were everywhere subject to the
violence and outrages of the military.
The Duke of Guise, profiting by the terror into which the
conspiracy had thrown the weak young king, procured the
25.
1560.] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.,
appointment of himself to the post of lieutenant-general of
the kingdom; and his first step after being invested with
this new dignity was to persuade Francis: to bring the
authors of the conspiracy to justice. As: the admiral and his
brother D’Andelot were known to be favourers of the Pro-
testants, and therefore likewise suspected of being among
the secret abettors of the late proceedings of the party,
attempts were made, by means of letters and flattering mes-
sages from the king and queen-mother, to draw them to the
court. As to the Prince of Condé, he was accused of having
been privy to it, which was further strengthened by some
expressions he had used on seeing the cruelties which were
exercised upon the wretched peasantry who had been lately
made prisoners. The prince, in order publicly to justify his
conduct, entreated that he might be heard in a full assembly
of the nobles, which was granted; though the assembly
broke up without coming to any decision favourable to him.
He was, however, soon after liberated, and, together with
the family of Châtillon, retired from the court, which he had
scarcely quitted before orders were issued to arrest him: but
this was done with so little secrecy that he was immediately
informed of it, when, the better to elude his pursuers, he
made show of returning thither by ordering his equipage to
Blois, while he himself escaped by the road to Poitiers, from
whence he sent Genlis to the king and the Duke of Guise, to
acquaint them, amongst other things, that he was resolved to:
put himself immediately at the head of the Huguenots.*
* Castlenau (b. ii. c. 7) says: “ This name took its rise from the
conspiracy of Amboise; for when some of the petitioners fled for fear,
some of the countrywomen said they were poor fellows, not worth a
huguenot, a small piece of money of less value than a denier in the
time of Hugo Capet, from which, by way of ridicule, they were after-
wards called Huguenots." But it would seem they had been so termed
long before the conspiracy of Amboise, though historians are at a loss
to account for the true origin of the term. The following various opi-
rions are collected by Nugent in a note on his translation of Hénault's
“ Chronological Abridgment of the History of France," vol. i. p. 406 ;
“Some derive it from John Hus; as much as to say, les guenons de Hus,
the apes of Hus. Others from Hugo Capet, the Huguenots defending
the right of his descendants to the crown against the house of Guise,
who pretended to be descended from Charlemagne. There are some
who deduce it from Hugh the Sacramentarian, who taught the same
doctrine as Calvin, in the reign of Charles IV. Others derive it from
26
[1560.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
This information did not fail to alarm the court, as every-
thing was to be apprehended from the bold and resolute spirit
of the prince: both the Duke of Guise and his brother saw
that a civil war was on the eve of breaking out, and the
better to discover, if possible, the real intentions of the
prince, and also of the King of Navarre, the Marshal St.
André was sent into Gascony; but as they were informed of
the object of his mission, they regulated their conduct accord-
ingly. The prince, however, could not long temporise; he
wrote to all his friends to join with him; but his messenger
was seized and carried to Fontainebleau; amongst the letters
found on him was one from the Vidame de Chartres, offer-
ing his assistance against all persons except the royal family,
for which the vidamme was sent to the Bastille, where he
soon after died, greatly lamented for his abilities.
At this alarming crisis of affairs, the queen-mother had
recourse to the Chancellor de l'Hôpital and Admiral Coligny,
whose advice she earnestly entreated, and through their re-
presentations, she was prevailed upon to convene an assembly
of the principal persons of the kingdom, at Fontainebleau, at
which she, tlie king, and his brothers, were present, as also
the Cardinals of Bourbon and Lorraine, the Dukes of Guise
and Aumale, the Constable Montmorency (who came with a
train of six hundred horse, to the great displeasure of the
the harangue of a German, who being taken and interrogated by the
Cardinal of Lorraine concerning the conspiracy of Amboise, stopped
short in his harangue, which began with these words, Hùc nos venimus,
we are come hither; and the courtiers, not understanding Latin, said
to one another, these fellows are come from Huc nos. Pasquier relates,
that the common people at Tours were persuaded that a hobgoblin or
night spirit, called King Hugo, ran about the town at night, and as the
Reformed assembled in the night to perform their devotions, from
thence they were called Huguenots; as much as to say, the disciples of
King Hugo: and this opinion appears the most plausible. Others
affirm it was owing to their meeting near the gate called Hugon.
Others, in fine, and, among the rest, M. Voltaire, derive it from the
Eidgenossen of Geneva. There had been two parties for some time in
that city; one of the Protestants, and the other of the Roman Catho-
lics. The former were called Egnots, from the German word Eidgenossen,
allied by oath ; and at length triumphed over the latter. Hence the
French Protestants, who were before styled Lutherans, began to be dis-
tinguished by the name of Egnots, which, by corruption, was changed
into that of Huguenots.”~-Hénauli's Chronological Abridgment of the His
tory of France, vol. i. p. 406, note.
1560.]
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
27
duke and cardinal), the Chancellor de l'Hôpital, Marshals
St. André and Brissac, the admiral, the Archbishop of
Vienne, the Bishops of Orleans and Valence, and many
others. Here the adıniral stated that the chief causes of
discontent arose from the persecutions on account of religion;
that he was the bearer of a petition from the people of Nor-
mandy, humbly praying for redress on this point; and after
many arguments, concluded with entreating the king and
queen-mother to grant the petitioners liberty of conscience,
and the free and unrestrained exercise of their religion.
Though a great proportion of the persons present in this
assembly supported the admiral, the influence of the Cardinal
of Lorraine prevailed, and obtained its rejection; and all that
was decided upon it was a resolution to call a meeting of the
states in the month of December following.
Whilst these measures were in agitation, information was
sent to the court that the Huguenots in Dauphiny had
broken into open rebellion, and had nearly succeeded in an
attempt to surprise the city of Lyons. The Prince of Condé
being implicated in this revolt, the house of Guise endea-
voured, but without success, to prevail upon the King of
Nayarre to send him to court, in order, as they pretended, to
clear himself from this accusation. The king replied that he
was well assured of his brother's innocence and fidelity, and
should have no difficulty in bringing him to court, did he not
know that the great influence which his enemies possessed
over the mind of the king rendered such a measure dangerous
to his brother's safety. The prince also excused himself
from going, in nearly the same terms.
However, notwithstanding this declaration of the two
brothers, they were at length prevailed upon, by repeated
letters and solicitations from the queen-mother and the king,
to promise they would be present at the approaching as-
sembly of the states. This, as had been at first agreed on,
was to be held at Meaux ; but the Duke of Guise, ever fear-
ful of plots and conspiracies against his person and power,
contrived to have Orleans appointed for that purpose, as
being more in the centre of the kingdom, a fortified city, and
consequently less liable to be surprised by any sudden at-
tempt of his enemies. Hither the king and queen-mother
repaired in the middle of October, and in the last of the same
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
[1560.
month the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé. The
latter was immediately arrested, and put under a guard, not-
withstanding all the remonstrances of his brother, and his
offers to be answerable for his person; and at the same
tine, Madame de Roy, the admiral's sister, and mother-in-
law to the prince, was arrested and sent to St. Germains, on.
a charge of being concerned in the conspiracy of Amboise..
It was not long before the Prince of Condé was brought
to trial, and being convicted, though on very slender evidence,
or rather no evidence at all, of high treason, he was sentenced
to lose his life; and this sentence, doubtless, would have soon
been carried into effect, had not an event taken place which
completely changed the whole state of the court: this was
the death of. Francis the Second, which happened on the 5th
of December, 1560..
Charles the Ninth, on whom the crown now devolved, was
only ten years of age; consequently the princes of the blood
still had the same, or even stronger claims to the administra-
tion of the government during his minority, as in the pre-
ceding reign. Queen Catherine, fully sensible by what had
already occurred of the danger of resisting these claims, yet
unwilling herself to resign entirely the power she enjoyed,
now determined to gain over to her side the King of Navarre
and the rest of the house of Bourbon, and to hold the regency
entirely in her own hands; and the better to accomplish this,
she set the Prince of Condé at liberty, who not long after
obtained an arrêt declaring him innocent of the charges
alleged against him; to the King of Navarre she promised
the post of lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and effected a
reconciliation between him and the house of Guise, who now
no longer shared in the administration of affairs; but not-
withstanding this reconciliation, the nation was still divided
into two parties; the one of the princes of the blood, the
other of the Guises ; and by dexterously preserving the
balance between these two parties did Catherine hope to
retain the sole government of the kingdom. Another con-
sequence of this change in affairs was the repeal of all judi-
cial proceedings against the Huguenots, and the liberation
of those persons who had been confined either as accomplices
of the prince, or for their religious opinions. These, and
various other circumstances at this time concurred to give
1560.]
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
the Huguenots great hopes that the persecutions under which
they had so long suffered would soon be at an end; their
most bitter enemies, the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal, had
lost much of their power; in the King of Navarre, and the
Prince of Condé, who had publicly embraced the Reformed
religion, they had just reason to trust for the support of their
cause with the queen-mother; from the speech which the
Chancellor de l'Hôpital delivered in the Assembly of the
States, it was evident that he was not an enemy to the Re-
formed religion; and some of the states had even proposed
that the King of Navarre should be appointed regent of the
kingdom. But these hopes were considerably disappointed
when they learnt that the assembly had separated without
coming to any decision favourable to them, and without even
taking the petition into consideration which had been pre-
sented by the admiral at Fontainebleau, as already men-
tioned.
In this extremity, the Protestants again applied to the ad-
miral to interpose in their favour, who, in conjunction with
the King of Navarre and the prince, presented another peti-
cíon to the king, which was referred to the privy council; but
being considered as an affair of the greatest importance it
was laid before the parliament, where it was discussed during
nearly two months, and after various and opposite opinions,
an edict was at length passed, in July, 1561, prohibiting all
further persecutions on account of religion, but at the same
time forbidding the exercise of any other than the Romani
Catholic, either publicly or privately...
The publication of this edict (usually called the Edict of
July) afforded much satisfaction and relief to the Hugue-
nots; and it was not long before they began to hold religious
disputations, and to meet in private houses for the celebration
of marriages, and the administration of the sacraments. They
even presented another petition for places of public worship;
this, however, was denied them, though the public meetings
which they held were connived at.*
* The following curious extract from the Memoirs of Margaret de
Valois, first wife of Henry IV., plainly shows that many persons even
in the heart of the court, at this time, strongly favoured the Reformed
religion : “ At the time of the colloquy at Poissy, all the court was
inclined to the new religion by the imperious persuasion of many lords
30
[1560.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
Among other particular events of this year relating to
religion, was a conference at Poissy between the Catholic
and Reformed ministers: of the latter, the most considerable
persons present were Peter Martyr and Theodore Beza ;
while those of the former were some of the most distin.
guished doctors of the Sorbonne; bere Beza had a private
conference with the Cardinal of Lorraine, and was also heard,
together with twelve other ministers, before the privy
council, at which the king and queen were present, where he
boldly and unequivocally denied the doctrine of transub-
stantiation. Several other proceedings of a similar nature
took place; but which produced nothing except useless con-
troversy, and mutual accusations of heresy, error, and super-
stition. The conferences terminated in November.
The Catholics, as was naturally to be expected, could not
behold with indifference the assemblies of the Reformed,
when in defiance of the late edict, particularly as these as-
semblies were now common in almost every part of the
kingdom, and even in the capital itself; accordingly, a
serious affray took place at the close of this year in the
suburbs of St. Marcel, in Paris, where a congregation of
Huguenots being assembled in a garden adjoining a Catholic
chapel, as soon as the minister began to preach, the Catholics
began to ring the bells and make such an uproar, that the
and ladies of the court, and especially of my brother of Anjou, since
King of France (Henry III.], whose infancy could not avoid an im-
pression of that religion, who with incessant importunity did call upon
me to change my religion, casting oftentimes my Howres into the fire,
and giving me instead of then, the prayers and psalms of the Hugue-
nots, constraining me to take them, which as soon as I received them,
I gave them to Madame de Curton, my governess, whom God in mercy
to me had preserved still a Catholic, and who oftentimes would go with
me to that good man the Cardinal of Tournon, who did counsaile and
encourage me to suffer all things for the maintenance of my religion,
and gave me new Howres and beads in the place of those which my
brother of Anjou had burned ; and some other friends of his who were
zealous to preserve me, observing me again to wear them, transported
with choler, would offer injury unto me, affirming that it was mere
childishness and folly that made me do so, saying it did well appear that
I had no capacity, that all those who were of any discretion, of what-
ever age or sex they were, hearing grace preached, were retired from
the abuses of the old superstition, but I, they said, was as very a fool
as my governess.”—Memorials of Maryaret de Váloys, translated by
Robert Codrington, 1661, p. 7.
1560.]
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
31
congregation were unable to hear his discourse, and when
the latter sent persons to entreat the priests to cease, the
messengers and they came to blows, and one of the former
was killed. On this the Huguenots broke into the chapel,
beat down the images, and threatened to set fire to the
steeple if the priests did not cease to annoy their assembly;
for all wbich the Catholics next day took vengeance by
burning the forms and other seats in the place where the
Protestants had met.
To remedy these disorders and outrages, a council was
immediately held by the queen-mother, and another edict
issued in January, 1562, granting to the Huguenots the free
exercise of their religion in the suburbs of all cities provided
they came unarmed, and to remove as much as possible all
animosities between the principal persons in the court, Ca-
therine at this time effected à reconciliation between the
Duke of Guise and the cardinal and the Prince of Condé :
but the Protestants had scarcely begun to enjoy all the ad-
vantages of these favourable dispositions of the court, before
they were deserted by the King of Navarre, who was so far
wrought upon and flattered by the pope's legate and the
Spanish ambassador, that he united seriously with the house
of Guise, the constable, and the Marshal St. André; this
union, while it sank the hopes and expectations of the Pro-
testants, again emboldened their enemies to insult and ob-
struct them in their meetings; and in many places, under
pretence that they held seditious assemblies, they were se-
verely punished, and often put to death.
The King of Navarre, after his union with the Catholics,
took up his residence in Paris, where the Prince of Condé
also resided. Here, either through jealousy or to prevent
any disturbances which might be apprehended from the
prince's openly protecting the Protestant divines in and
about that city, the king attempted to compel him to quit
the capital, whither at the same time, the better to strengthen
his party, he invited the constable and the Duke of Guise.
By this proceeding the court became again distracted with
two factions: the one of the persons just mentioned at the
head of the Catholics, and the other of the Prince of Condé,
Admiral Coligny, and D’Andelot, the chiefs of the Huguenots.
The desertion of the King of Navarre, and the return of
32
[1560.
ILISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
the house of Guise to power, naturally spread alarm and
distrust amongst the Reformed, which was unfortunately
confirmed by an affair which took place at Vassy, in March,
-1562'; the Duke of Guise happening to pass through that
place with a large retinue, on his way to Paris on a Sunday
morning, while the Protestants were celebrating divine service
in a barn, and some of the duke's attendants going thither,
words arose, and a fray ensued, in which many persons were
slain on both sides, and the duke himself wounded in endea.
vouring to restore order. This unlucky accident, which is
usually termed the massacre of Vassy, occasioned a great
ferment amongst all the Reformed throughout France. The
Prince of Condé, the Chancellor de l'Hôpital, and the admiral
were loud in their complaints to the queen-mother; and the
preachers in their sermons aggravated it by exaggerated re-
presentations of the facts, while the Catholics attributed it
entirely to accident, and the religious zeal of each party.
The inhabitants of Paris fearing some commotion might
happen in the city, in consequence of what had taken place
at Vassy, fresh attempts were made to induce the Prince of
Condé to quit it, as his presence, it was feared, would en-
courage and embolden the Protestants to revenge the death
of their brethren, who had lately fallen. On this the prince,
in hopes of strengthening himself with the queen-regent, re-
paired immediately to Fontainebleau, where the court then
resided; but the King of Navarre, Guise, and St. André
reached that place before him, and almost by force carried
the young king and his mother to Paris, in which a strong
garrison was placed to prevent any surprise.
This was the last effort of the prince and his party to keep
terms with the court; they now had recourse to open force,
and began with surprising Orleans, which was effected by
the skill and judgment of D'Andelot, the admiral's brother.
As soon as the triumvirate at Paris learnt this, they ordered,
in direct violation of the last edict, all the houses in the
suburbs of the city in which the Protestants assembled to
be burnt; in effecting which several of the ministers were
killed, and others thrown into prison. This act of violence
only served to widen still further the breach between the
two parties; a great many of the Protestant noblemen and
gentlemen repaired to Orleans, to the Prince of Condé, who
1560.]
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
33
was soon joined by the admiral, Prince Portiane, the Counts
de la Rochefoucault and Montgomery, together with a number
of officers, soldiers, and persons of common rank. Here the
prince was declared chief, and immediately issued a manifesto,
stating, amongst other things, that they had been compelled
to take up arms, as well to redress the wrongs done to the
king and royal family, as to maintain the observance of the
January edict, which had been lately violated, and prohibited
at Paris; and concluding with a solemn declaration that they
were all resolved to die together for the honour of God, the
liberty of the king and his family, and the preservation of
the laws.
As soon as the queen-regent received a copy of this mani-
festo, she despatched a letter to the prince, in which she used
every argument in her power to induce him to abandon his
designs, and to quit the Huguenots; but it was all in vain
the die was now cast, and both parties prepared seriously for
war : the court ordered an immediate lery of forces through-
out the kingdom, and the prince on his part wrote to all the
Protestant assemblies to furnish troops, with every other
thing necessary for the support and preservation of their re-
ligion; and to be beforehand with their enemies, they seized
on a great number of towns and cities, amongst which were
Blois, Poitiers, Tours, Angers, Beaugency, Rochelle, Rouen,
Dieppe, and Havre, besides several fortresses, all the country
about Avignon, Lyons, Grenoble, and various other places.
Catherine, after another unsuccessful attempt to avert a
civil war, now gave orders for the troops which were quar-
tered about Paris to take the field, and advance towards
Orleans, where the chief forces of the Protestants were as-
sembled. As soon as the prince learned this, he likewise
put his troops in motion, and marched against the royal
army as far as a village called Talsy, where he determined to
give them battle. Here the queen made another effort to
accommodate all differences, in an interview which she had
with the prince and some of his principal followers, in the
presence of the King of Navarre ; but the minds of both
parties were so heated, and jealousy and hatred had risen to
so great a height between them, that all propositions were
equally rejected on both sides. Another interview took
place at Beaugency, with no better success, after which Ca-
VOL. I.
34
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. [1562.
therine determined to carry on the war with the utmost
vigour.
· The admiral, finding their party not sufficiently strong,
prevailed on the prince not to hazard an engagement, but to
wait till the reinforcements which were expected should
arrive. He accordingly retired, on which the royal army
laid siege to Blois, which they presently took. Tours was
soon after yielded, in which many of the Huguenots were
put to death by the inhabitants, for having destroyed the
images and relics which they found in the churches. In
revenge for this the prince retook Beaugency (which had
been given up when the conference was held there), and put
nearly the whole of the royal garrison left in it to the sword.
The king's army next took Bourges and Angiers, in which
great numbers of the Huguenots were slain.
The Count of Montgomery, who was at this time at the
head of a body of Huguenots in Lower Normandy, being
compelled by the grand prior of France to retire to Rouen,
that city was soon after besieged by the Duke of Aumale :
the king, the queen-mother, the King of Navarre, and the
Duke of Guise were likewise present at this siege, which was
carried on with great obstinacy on both sides, for a consider-
able time; but the place was at last taken by assault, and
the miserable inhabitants exposed for eight days to all the
fury of the soldiery, who plundered them without any regard
either to Huguenots or Catholics. During the siege, the
King of Navarre received a wound, of which he died soon
after ; the Duke of Nevers also was slain in the assault, to-
gether with a considerable number of other persons of dis-
tinction. The Count of Montgomery and the principal
Huguenots escaped in the night, on board some galleys
which were lying in the harbour.
As soon as Rouen had surrendered, the court returned to
Paris, while the constable, who commanded the army, turned
his attention towards Havre, into which some English forces
under the Earl of Warwick had been lately received by the
Protestants : he therefore ordered Count Rhingrave, who
commanded a body of German troops in the royal army, to
lay siege to that place, and to block up the adjoining ports,
in order to cut off all communication between the English
and the interior of the country ; the besieged, however, fre-
1562.]
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
35
quently made successful sallies upon the count's army, and
slew great numbers..
The fame of civil war had now spread over the whole king-
dom, and, unhappily for the cause of humanity, was, like all
wars undertaken for the sake of religion, everywhere marked
by the most cruel and savage actions, zeal for their respec-
tive faiths, revenge of former injuries and insults, added to a
thirst for plunder, so animated every individual of each party,
that no opportunity was suffered to escape in which either of
these passions could be gratified. This was more particu-
larly the case in Provence, Dauphiné, and Guienne, as is
fully proved by the testimony of Marshal Montluc, who in
his Commentaries appears to detail with a-sort of savage de-
light, the numerous cruelties which he exercised upon the
· Protestants in the latter province.
The parliament of Paris next made an attempt to deprive
the Protestants of their chiefs, by declaring all those in
Orleans traitors, except the Prince of Condé, who, they set
forth, was retained a prisoner by them; but the prince an-
swered this declaration by justifying his followers, and charg-
ing the parliament with hatred towards them, and partiality
to the house of Guise, whom he accused of having said they
would never observe any treaties concluded with the Protes-
tants. The court having also written to the emperor and the
German princes to dissuade them from assisting the Protes-
tants with troops, the prince, on his part, took care to send
messengers thither, fully to explain the nature of the present
contest, and to justify his conduct; in which he was so far
successful that the Landgrave of Hesse not only gave D'An-
delot all possible assistance in making levies of German
troops, but even marched with them himself, and joined the
prince's army near Orleans. With this reinforcement,
which arrived towards the conclusion of the year, the prince
boldly resolved upon besieging Paris, and, after leaving D’An-
delot with a strong garrison in Orleans, set out for that
purpose. In his march he took several towns, and at length
encamped at Arcueil, near Paris; while the Duke of Guise,
the better to defend the city, fixed himself in the suburbs.
To preserve the capital from the danger to which it was
thus exposed, and to gain time for the arrival of supplies
that were expected from Spain and Gascony, the court pro-
D 2
36
[1563.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
posed a treaty, and for this purpose the constable repaired
as a hostage to the prince's camp, while the admiral went
into the city to confer with the queen-mother; but the pri-
vileges of the January Edict being denied, the conference was
instantly broken off; it was afterwards renewed in one of
the suburbs, though with no success.
This suspension of hostilities was particularly disadvan-
tageous to the prince, for many persons in both armies hav-
ing an opportunity of seeing their friends and relations,
numbers of the Protestants were persuaded to desert to the
king, or to retire to their homes; this, with the arrival of
the expected succours, compelled the prince to raise the
siege and retire into Normandy, where he hoped to be able
to winter his army: his force at this time was about nine
thousand infantry, and four thousand horse. He was imme-'
diately pursued by the constable at the head of the royal
army (consisting of near fourteen thousand foot and two
thousand horse), in the hope of bringing him to a battle, and
thus prevent his reaching the English in Normandy, from
whom the prince expected money for the pay of his army,
now become very urgent for it, particularly the foreign
troops. On the 18th of December, the constable came up
with the Protestants near Dreux, where, after a very severe
action, in the early part of which they had a decided advan-
tage, and in which the greatest bravery and obstinacy was
shown by each of the armies, the latter were completely
routed; the loss on both sides amounted to from six to eight
thousand men; and what is remarkable, both the commanders
were made prisoners : the chief person of distinction who
fell was the Marshal St. André. The admiral, on whom
the command now devolved, effected his retreat in the night,
with the remains of the army, a part of the cannon, and all
the baggage; and marching through the country of Beauce,
reached Dangeau, where he was unanimously chosen com-
mander-in-chief till the Prince of Condé should be ex-
changed; from hence he intended to enter Sologne and
Berry, there to refresh his army, but learning that the Duke
of Guise was in pursuit of him, he crossed the Loire in the
beginning of January, 1563, and took Selles and some other
small places. The Duke of Guise, having a large train of
artillery, was unable to come up with him ; he, however, re-
1563.]
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
37
covered some towns in his march, and at last sat down before
Orleans.
As soon as the admiral heard that Orleans was threatened
with a siege, he directed bis march thither; and, after re-
freshing his men and reinforcing the garrison under his
brother D’Andelot, he with much persuasion induced the
German horse to follow him into Normandy. About this
period the king published a general amnesty to all such
Protestants as would lay down their arms and return to
their homes; and the queen-mother at the same time endea-
voured to stop the admiral's advance into Normandy, by
holding out proposals for an accommodation; but he con-
tinued his march as far as Dives, from whence, after halting
a few days to learn some intelligence of the aid from Eng-
land, he continued his route to Caen, to which he laid siege,
and presently compelled it to surrender. By means of de-
tachments from his army, he also took Honfleur and Bayeux,
while the Count of Montgomery, who had landed at Havre
from England (whither he had fled after his escape from
Rouen) with some troops, accompanied by Throgmorton,
who brought over the money Elizabeth had promised to the
Protestants, gained Vire and several other places.
During the admiral's successful career in Normandy, the
Duke of Guise began the siege of Orleans, some of the
suburbs of which he had taken, and reduced the city to the
greatest extremity, when he fell by the hand of a soldier
nained Poltrot; this young man had quitted Lyons, and come
to the camp before Orleans, for the express purpose of as-
sassinating the duke; the better to favour his design, he
entered into the Catholic army as a deserter from the Pro-
testants; and after following the duke for three days, at last
found an opportunity to carry it into effect on the evening of
the 18th of February, when he mortally wounded hiin in the
shoulder with three poisoned bullets. Such was the melan-
choly termination of the life of Francis Duke of Guise, after
having, during the two preceding reigns, as well as the pre-
sent, filled the most important stations in the cabinet and
the field, and by his actions rendered his name celebrated in
every part of Europe. As he had always shown himself the
irreconcilable enemy of the Reformed religion and its fol-
lowers, he was greatly beloved by the Catholics, who con-
38
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
[1563.
sidered him as the bulwark of their faith, and his fall deeply
lamented by them. But it is not the manner only of this
nobleman's death that is to be regretted; Admiral Coligny,
with Theodore Beza, was unhappily accused of being the
secret. instigator of the deed, and this accusation, whether
true or false, gave birth to that deadly hatred between the
houses of Guise and Châtillon, which there is but too much
reason to believe, contributed in no small degree to produce
the horrible scenes that took place on the dreadful night
of St. Bartholomew.
With the death of the Duke of Guisa the war may be said
to have terminated; for though many places had been reco-
vered from the Huguenots, and a complete victory gained
over their army, yet the nation began to grow tired of the
struggle, and became divided in its opinions as to the utility
of pursuing it any longer. In this state of things, the queen-
mother caused a parliament to be held in the neighbourhood
of Orleans, at which the Prince of Condé and the constable
were present, and after some discussion a suspension of arms
was agreed upon; which was followed by a treaty of peace,
concluded on the 9th of March, by which, among other
stipulations, the Protestants were allowed the free exercise
of their religion in every town throughout the kingdom,
except Paris.
The civil commotions being thus allayed, the queen-mother,
after expelling the English who were still in Havre, deter-
mined upon restoring complete order throughout the pro-
vinces, and reforming the irregularities that had crept into the
government; and the better to effect these designs, as well
as to destroy all further claims of the Prince of Condé to the
administration of affairs, and at the same time to secure the
whole to herself, she resolved to cause the young king to be
declared of age at thirteen and a half, which was accordingly
done with all due solemnity in the parliament at Rouen,
notwithstanding a violent opposition made to it by that
of Paris, which denied the right of any minor taking the go-
vernment into his own hands before the full term of four-
teen years. The queen's next efforts were directed towards
detaching the prince from the Huguenots, and winning
over entirely to her side the admiral and his brother
D’Andelot (who still continued to betray suspicions), being
1563.]
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
39
fully convinced by the late events that their power could
no otherwise be weakened or destroyed than by depriving
them of their principal leaders and protectors; but though
she was in some degree successful at first with the prince,
she could make no impression upon the admiral and his
brother, who resisted all her fair offers, and retired from the
court full of distrust. of her intentions.
Everything, indeed, seems alike to have conspired against
the queen's attempt to restore perfect tranquillity. The
three sons of the Duke of Guise, * urged on by their uncles,
the Cardinal of Lorraine and the Duke of Aumale, continued
to charge the house of Châtillon with the murder of their
father, and even came to Paris, with a numerous train of their
relations and dependants, publicly to demand justice of the
king upon the authors of that assassination. This proceed-
ing, together with their avowed intention of standing forth
as the defenders of the Catholic religion, alarmed the admiral
and protection, to unite more firmly than ever with the
Huguenots. The decrees of the council of Trent were an-
other source of embarrassment: that council having broken
up in November of this year, the Cardinal of Lorraine, who
had assisted at it, repaired immediately to Rome, where he
prevailed on the Pope, already greatly displeased at the
late peace with the Huguenots, to require of the King of
France that these deerees should be published and observed
throughout his dominions. The king and his mother, who
well knew that they could not receive them without abolish-
ing the late edict of pacification with the Huguenots, and
again renewing all the severe laws that had formerly existed
against them, which would not fail to rekindle a civil war in
the kingdom, were greatly perplexed by this request from the
pope, whom they were unwilling to offend, yet could not
obey without exposing themselves and the country to the
greatest danger and misery; they therefore had recourse to
dissimulation and artifice, and by ambiguous expressions,
and a promise of sending fit persons to the different Catholic
courts to signify their real intentions, they evaded acceding
* Henry, the eldest, now Duke of Guise ; Louis, afterwards a car-
dinal, and Charles, Duke of Maïenne, the chief of the league against
Henry IV.
'40
[1565.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
to his holiness's demands, without exciting that displeasure
which an absolute refusal would have drawn upon them.
With the above-mentioned events the year 1563 termi.
nated, and on the commencement of the following, the king
and queen-mother resolved upon taking a journey through
the principal provinces of the kingdom, the avowed object of
which was the gratification and pleasure of the young king.
It was, however, intended for far different and more im-
portant purposes, amongst which measures for the future
extermination of the Reformed religion was one of the prin-
cipal; these were to be concerted either with the princes
who might border upon their route, or the ambassadors they
were to meet from those who lay at a greater distance. The
state of affairs in the kingdom of Navarre was also another
cause for this journey; for Jeanne, Queen of Navarre, who was
a true Huguenot, immediately, on the death of Antony, her
husband, had forbid throughout her dominions the exercise
of any other than the Reformed religion, and deprived the
Roman Catholic clergy of their livings. This drew upon her
the displeasure of the pope, who threatened her with excom-
munication if she did not desist from these violent proceed-
ings, and allow the Catholics to exercise their religion in her
dominions as formerly. The King of France had, however,
for certain political reasons, interfered, and by espousing the
queen's cause in some degree allayed the animosity of the
pope; but, as the dispute was likely to be again renewed, it was
deemed expedient to visit the queen, and to endeavour to
prevail on her to accede to his holiness's demands; and, if
they could not succeed in this, at least to take from her the
young prince, Henry of Navarre, that he might not be edu-
cated in the principles of the Reformed religion.
With these various intentions, the king and queen-mother
set out from Paris, and after visiting many different places to.
wards the frontiers of Germany,—where they had interviews
with several princes of the empire, some of whom they secured
in their interests, while others remained firmly attached to the
cause of the Huguenots,they next went to Lyons, Valence,
Rousillon and Avignon; and in the opening of the year 1565,
reached the province of Languedoc, from whence, after cele-
brating the carnival, they went to Bayonne, where they were
met by Elizabeth, Queen of Spain, and the Duke of Alya :
1565.] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
. 41
here, while they affected to be entirely occupied with feasts
and tournaments, secret consultations were held on the most
certain methods of extirpating the Huguenots,—the strict
union of the Kings of France and Spain were allowed on
both sides to be indispensably requisite for the attainment of
this object; but on the most advisable manner in which it
was to be effected, there existed a difference of opinion.
The Duke of Alva, with that vehement and violent spirit
which afterwards marked his conduct in the Low Countries,
advised the queen to seize and strike off the heads of all the
chiefs of the Huguenots, as the only possible and effectual
means of putting a stop, as well to the further dissemination
of their doctrines, as to prevent any future resistance to the
royal will ; but Catherine, while she admitted that the plan
thus proposed to her by the duke would probably be attended
with success, did not conceive the present a fit time to „at-
tempt it; she was desirous of first trying less violent means,
and if these should fail, she gave the duke to understand
that his advice might then, probably, be followed. They,
however, came to a resolution that the two kings should
mutually assist each other in rooting out the growing heresy
(a resolution which may be considered the first step towards
the League), and after settling other matters of less importance,
the Queen of Spain and the duke returned to Madrid, while
Charles and Catherine pursued their route to the court of
Navarre : here they used all their endeavours to persuade
Queen Jeanne to embrace the Catholic religion, but without
success; though she consented to tolerate the Catholics in her
kingdom, and to restore to them the lands of which they had
been deprived. She was also prevailed upon to accompany
the king and queen to the court, and to take with her the
young prince her son, and his sister Catherine, to whom they
showed much love and affection ; after which they all set out
towards Paris.
The devastation and wretchedness which were everywhere
visible during the late journey, convinced the queen-mother
that it required the most prompt and vigorous efforts of the
Government to restore order and prosperity in the kingdom;
she therefore, soon after her return, gave notice for a conven-
tion of all the parliaments of the kingdom at Moulins in
the ensuing year; and that the administration of affairs
42
[1566.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
might be no longer interrupted or distracted by factions, or
contentions between the chief families of the nation, she
resolved to effect a reconciliation between the houses of
Guise and Châtillon in the presence of that assembly. She
hoped, by thus making known her intentions, entirely to gain
the prince and the admiral, and to induce them to reside
with the court; but in this she was completely disappointed.
Some circumstances which had occurred during the late
journey, and particularly the interview at Bayonne, had
excited strong suspicions in the Huguenots of the sincerity
of the queen's fair professions, and tended to unite more
closely than ever the prince and the admiral with the rest of
their party. In this year also a rupture took place in the
constable's family, which served still more to increase the
disorders in the state ; his eldest son, Marshal Montmorency,
openly united with the prince and admiral, while the younger,
the Lord of Damville, espoused the party of the Guises. In
the midst of these dissensions, the Cardinal of Lorraine
happened to return from Rome, and coming to Paris with an
armed train of attendants, Marshal Montmorency (who was
governor of that city) despatched a messenger to him while
he was yet at some distance, to forbid him entering the
capital with his armed followers, lest any disturbance might
ensue; and to acquaint him that his coming thus attended
was in direct violation of the laws against the bearing of
fire-arms. The cardinal, however, not choosing to obey this
order, the marshal immediately set out to meet him, and
forcibly disarmed both himself and his followers as he entered
one of the suburbs. This proceeding of the marshal, while
it occasioned much animosity between the two families, gave
great offence to the king and the queen-mother, but as they
flattered themselves that they would be able to reconcile all
these opposite parties and interests in the approaching as-
sembly at Moulins, they took little notice of the affair.
In the beginning of 1566, Charles and Catherine repaired
to the assembly at Moulins, where, after various measures
had been adopted, and new laws enacted for the better
government and the relief of the different provinces, Catherine
proceeded to attain the great object of her wishes-the re-
conciliation of the two houses of Châtillon and Guise ; and,
after many objections and much repugnance on both sides,
1566.]
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
the admiral and his brother, the constable, and his son the
marshal, and the Cardinal of Lorraine and his nephew, the
young Duke of Guise, were all prevailed upon to meet and
embrace each other in the presence of the king; but this was
done in a way which afforded those who witnessed it very
little cause to believe that the hatred they had respectively
borne each other was destroyed, or that their professions of
mutual esteem and friendship were either sincere, or likely
to be of long duration. Indeed, a few days only had passed
over before this conjecture was verified; for when the Duke
of Aumale arrived, he not only absolutely refused either to
see or speak with the admiral, or any of his family, but also
accused him with having plotted against his life; D’Andelot,
in his turn, accused Aumale of having done the same with
regard to him; and thus, by mutual recrimination, and accu-
sations of designs hostile to the state, both families became,
if possible, more bitter enemies than they had been previous
to their affected reconciliation.
The king and Catherine, having no longer any hope of
putting an end to these domestic feuds, which, instead of
diminishing, appeared rather to increase in proportion as they
laboured for that purpose, now resolved that both parties
should immediately quit the court and retire to their re-
spective estates, which they all did, except the Cardinal o
Lorraine and Marshal Montmorency. The Queen of Navarre
also, disgusted at the conduct of the king with regard to her
niece, Frances de Rohan, left the court soon after, and
returned to Béarn.
The provinces, this year, were not less harassed than the
court by the contending interests of the two religions; the
Catholics were everywhere indignant at the liberty enjoyed
by the Huguenots, and made repeated efforts to deprive them
of some of the privileges which they had obtained by the
treaty of peace, while the Huguenots, on the other hand,
not content with those privileges, made frequent attempts to
obtain others which that treaty had not conceded to them;
all which often produced much violence and outrage, and
filled the court with daily complaints from both parties.
Affairs remained for some time in this state, with little va-
riation; the prince, the admiral, and other principal Hugue-
nots, continued to watch all the motions of the queen-mother,
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION,
[1566.
and to strengthen their interests with the Protestant princes
of Germany,* whom they prevailed upon to send an embassy
to Charles the Ninth, to entreat him to allow the Reformed
the full liberty of exercising, both publicly and privately,
their religion in every part of his kingdom, without any ex-
ception or restriction whatever. This embassy, and the bold
language of the admiral, who, with the prince, was frequently
going to and from the court, excited the resentment of the
young king against the Huguenots in a high degree; and it
is said that, one day, after some discourse with Coligny re-
specting them, he retired in a violent passion to his mother's
apartment, and observed to her that the opinion of the Duke
of Alva was just,—that dissimulation was of no effect, and
they must have recourse to rigorous measures to lower these
turbulent chiefs : an expression which is the more deserving
of notice here, when it is recollected that this so highly ex-
tolled opinion of the Spaniard was at last adopted in the
execrable massacre of St. Bartholomew.
From this period everything portended another civil war:
the counties of Foix, Languedoc, and Dauphiny were exposed
to daily conflicts between the two religions, which the legis-
lature was unable to suppress; each party accused the other,
and where they could not obtain from the magistrates a re-
dress of their alleged wrongs, they proceeded to take the law
into their own hands, and to revenge themselves as they
thought proper. The king was now firmly resolved to bend
all his efforts towards the destruction of the Huguenots, and
the better to disguise his intentions, be affected to entertain
suspicions of the Court of Spain, and the designs of the Duke
of Alya, who was to carry a large force with him into the
Low Countries; and, as he was to pass along the frontiers of
France, judged it a good pretext for levying a body of Swiss,
raising forces within his kingdom, and making other warlike
preparations, as if to watch the duke's motions. But the
chiefs of the Huguenots were not to be deceived by these
and other shallow artifices of the king and queen-mother;
they had recourse to the most certain and speedy method of
penetrating into the real designs of this armament; they
* These were the Palatine of the Rhine, the Dukes of Wirtemberg
and Deux-Ponts, one of the Dukes of Saxony, and the Duke of Pome.
rania.-Davila.
1567.]
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
45
affected to be equally alarmed at the Spaniards, whom they
represented as a people who had made their chief conquests
under the mask of friendship. The admiral advised the king
to deny the Duke of Alva a passage through his dominions,
and offered, together with the Prince of Condé, to drive him
back should he attempt to force one. These offers not being
accepted, and no forces being sent towards the frontiers, not-
withstanding the duke's advance, the principal Huguenots
were convinced that the troops raising both abroad and at
home, instead of being destined for carrying on a war with
Spain, were designed to act against themselves, and they ac-
cordingly took all precautions during the remainder of this
year and the beginning of the next, against any sudden
surprise.
In the summer of 1567, the six thousand Swiss, levied for
the king's service, entered France, about which time, the
Huguenots, in one of their assemblies held at St. Valery,
received secret information from some of their friends re-
specting the designs of the court, and advising them to be
upon their guard, as the arrest of the prince and admiral, and
other severe measures against them, were resolved upon.
The assembly were divided in their opinions respecting
this information; some disbelieved it, while others, though
they considered it as entitled to some credit, were entirely
averse to hazarding a renewal of hostilities with the few forces
they were able to bring at first into the field; it was there-
fore resolved to act with caution, and wait a little longer, in
the hope of discovering with certainty the truth or falsehood
of what had been reported to them. With this the assembly
separated; but the Swiss having marched into the Isle of
France, after it had been declared they were intended only to
guard the frontiers, and certain transactions taking place in
the court which induced the Huguenots to believe the council
of Trent was about to be received in France, another meeting
of the chiefs was held at Châtillon, in which it was finally
resolved to prepare for war without further delay: the way
in which this should be done occasioned much debate ; some
were for resorting at once to their former expedient, of seiz-
ing as many towns as they could ; others thought they ought
to make themselves masters of only two or three of the prin.
cipal ones, nearest at hand, which would present rallying
46
[1567.
IIISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
points for all their adherents, and soon enable them to bring
together a force sufficiently formidable to take the field, with
every prospect of beating the royal army, without which
nothing favourable could be expected. Admiral Coligny,
however, had conceived the bold project of commencing the
war with seizing the persons of the king and queen-mother
(who, not suspecting any movements amongst the Reformed,
were at this time residing at Monceaux), and on communi-
cating it to the Assembly it was unanimously adopted. As
the success of this enterprise depended entirely upon the
suddenness with which it should be made, it was agreed that
the chiefs should meet at Rosé, near Monceaux, on the 27th
of September, with as strong a body of cavalry as could be
drawn together. But a very short time previous to the
appointed day the queen-mother received intelligence of the
plot, and fled immediately with the king, in the utmost con-
fusion and alarm, to Meaux (the nearest place, of any strength,
to Monceaux), whither she called around her the Swiss, who
were dispersed in cantonments in the adjacent country; but
being apprehensive that the enemy, who were 20w within a
short distance of Meaux, would storm the place, the whole
court departed by daybreak, under protection of the Swiss ;
and though they were greatly harassed by the Huguenot
cavalry under the command of the prince and admiral, they
all reached Paris in safety, except the Cardinal of Lorrainc,
who having taken the road to Rheims, fell in with a party of
the enemy, and only escaped by quitting his carriage and
.flying on foot through by-paths.
Though they had thus failed in their grand object, the
prince and admiral, relying for future success on the celerity
of their motions, as soon as all their forces were united,
pushed on without delay towards Paris, which they deter-
mined to besiege, and for that purpose seized upon all the
passages of the river, by which provisions were brought into
the capital, and occupied Montreuil, Lagny, St. Denis, the
bridge of St. Cloud, Danmartin, and all the other neighbour-
ing places; and in the beginning of October, advanced close
to the very walls of Paris, where they burnt down the wind-
mills between the gates St. Honoré and the Temple. This
blockade threw the court into the greatest consternation;
which was further increased by the total want of money in

1567.]
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
17
the royal treasury, and the certainty that if means were not
immediately found out to obtain provisions, the city must in-
evitably yield to the besiegers through want. Messengers
were therefore instantly despatched to the commanders in
the provinces to advance without delay with what forces they
could draw together; while, through the assistance of several
of the foreign ambassadors resident in Paris, and the contri-
butions of the merchants, a sum of money was raised to pay
the troops and provide for the further defence of the city.
Nor were the besiegers less active in increasing their forces,
by means of their partisans in Normandy, Picardy, and Cham-
pagne, who daily sent off bodies of troops towards Paris.
The royal army, however, was the first which received suc-
cours, and the city being reduced to the greatest extremities,
it was resolved to attempt its relief; for this purpose, the
constable marched out at the head of the army, and took up
a position on the high road between Paris and St. Denis,
where the Huguenots were encamped. This obliged the
latter to concentrate their forces (which were greatly inferior
to the king's), by which means the road to the capital was
thrown open, and finding it impossible to retreat without
being exposed to a total rout, the prince and admiral deter-
mined to risk a battle. The prince was posted in front of St.
Denis ; the admiral in the village of St. Ouen, on the right,
and Genlis and Muy on the left, where, the country being
open, deep trenches had been cut and works thrown up,
which were occupied by 600 arquebusiers. The constable,
at the head of the royal army, drew up the centre in front
of the prince, the Duke of Aumale and Marshal Danville
were opposed to the admiral; while the Duke of Nemours,
with a large body of the cavalry, advanced with the rear-
guard, followed by the Swiss, and the infantry of Brissac and
Strozzi. About noon, on the eve of St. Martin, the con-
stable began the attack with great fury on the centre of the
prince, but he was everywhere repulsed, his ranks broken
through and dispersed, and himself mortally wounded in the
shoulder, by a Scotchman named Stuart: but fortune was not
equally favourable everywhere to the Huguenots; the admiral,
after a severe struggle, was routed, and the trenches on the
left being carried by the Duke of Nemours, who made a
dreadful slaughter of those within them, the prince was
48
[1568.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
compelled, under favour of the night, to draw off the remains
of his army to St. Denis, leaving the dead and wounded in
the hands of the royalists. Here he was joined by D’Andelot,
who had been unable to take a share in the battle, and the
next morning, to the great surprise of his enemies, again
presented himself in order of battle, and so far intimidated
them, that he was enabled to carry off a part of those who
had fallen the preceding day, or were left wounded on the
field.
After the death of the constable, who expired the day
after he was wounded, in the seventy-eighth year of his
age, the Duke of Anjou, the king's brother (afterwards
Henry III.), was appointed lieutenant-general of the king-
dom, and took the command of the army, having under bim
as advisers, the Duke of Nemours and Marshal Cossé. The
Huguenots having broken up from St. Denis, and directed
their march towards Montereau and Sens, the better to form
a junction with Prince Casimir, the son of the Elector Pala-
tine, who was advancing to their assistance with 8000 Ger-
man auxiliaries, the Duke of Anjou immediately marched in
pursuit of them, with the hope of bringing them to an action
before that junction could be effected, and though an oppor-
tunity for doing this presented itself near Chalons, in
Champagne, he neglected to take advantage of it, and the
prince, after a most harassing march, in which his troops
endured the greatest hardships, at length reached Senne, in
Lorraine, where he waited for Casimir, while the Duke of
Anjou took up his quarters at Vitry.
On the lîth of January, 1568, the Prince of Condé
effected a junction with the German auxiliaries, and, after a
few days allowed them to refresh themselves, he resolved to
retrace his steps through Champagne into Beauce, as well to
be in a more abundant country, and to have it in his power
to threaten Paris and succour Orleans, now closely besieged,
as to afford greater facility to his union with the different
levies which were marching to join him from the southern
provinces; for at this time the Huguenots were in revolt
throughout the whole kingdom, and had made themselves
masters of Rochelle, and many other important places. This
movement of the prince induced the king to recal the Duke
of Anjou with his army to the capital, the court being re-
solved to protract the war as much as possible, in the hope
1568.]
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
49
of exhausting, by this means, the resources of their enemies,
and depriving them of the German troops, which, it was
well known, would remain in their service no longer than
they continued to receive regularly their stipulated pay: the
prince, however, used his utmost endeavours to oblige the
roval army to keep the field, and thereby afford him an
opportunity of gaining some signal advantage over it; and
for this purpose he laid siege to Chartres, a large and popu-
lous city, from the vicinity of which Paris derived no small
portion of its provisions. This disconcerted entirely the plan
of the king and queen-mother: there was no hope whatever
of Chartres resisting for any time; to risk a general battle
was replete with danger, and yet to suffer it to be taken, in
the very face of the royal army, without an effort to relieve
it, would bring disgrace upon both that army and its com-
mander, and add fresh vigour to the adverse party. In this
perplexing situation deputies were despatched to the prince
and admiral with overtures for a peace, which, after various
delays, was at length concluded, at Longjumeau, highly to
the advantage of the Huguenots, who obtained everything
they demanded: they were, however, obliged to promise to
disband their forces, deliver up all the towns in their posses-
sion, and never after enter into associations, or levy money.
This peace was proclaimed at Paris, in March of this year.
It might have been supposed that the little advantage
which had attended the royal arms during the last two wars
with the Huguenots, added to the distresses these wars
had everywhere occasioned, would have at length convinced
the king and Catherine of the folly and impolicy of contend-
ing with them any more, and that as a peace was again con-
cluded, nothing would have been omitted to render that
peace lasting. But six months bad scarcely elapsed before
another war broke out, far more furious than either of those
which had preceded it. The very favourable terms of the
peace itself were to a great many of the Huguenots a cause
of suspicion that the court had granted them only for the
purpose of obtaining possession of the towns held by them,
and to gain time till it could assemble an army suffi-
ciently powerful to overwhelm them; and on this account
several of these towns, and particularly Rochelle, refused to
receive the royal garrisons sent to occupy them. These
VOL. I.
E
50
[1569.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
proceedings were for a time disavowed by the Princo of
Condé ; but some movements of troops in Burgundy and
other parts, and the discovery of a design to seize the prince
and the admiral, convinced the former that the court was
again preparing to attempt the destruction of himself and
his adherents. He, therefore, retired to Rochelle, whither
he was soon followed by Admiral Coligny; and in September
the Queen of Navarre also, and her son, Prince Henry, with
about three thousand infantry and four hundred horse, re-
paired thither. D’Andelot, Montgomery, and others were
busied in Brittany, Anjou, and Maine, where they raised
about two thousand foot and twelve hundred horse, for the
purpose of uniting with the prince's army,
Charles and Catherine now repealed all the edicts in
favour of the Huguenots, and issued others prohibiting the
exercise of any other religion whatever than the Catholic;
ordered all the reformed clergy to quit the kingdom, and
displaced all those Huguenots who held any employment in
the state. They used, at the same time, their utmost exer-
tions to collect their forces together, at the head of which
the Duke of Anjou again set out from Paris towards the
prince and admiral, who were in the neighbourhood of Aube-
terre: the advanced guards of both armies first fell in with
each other nigh Poitiers, where a sharp encounter took
place, which terminated in favour of the latter, who the
next day marched to attack the duke; but finding him very
advantageously posted, they declined engaging him: the
winter setting in, the duke, after an unsuccessful attempt to
take Loudun, put his army into quarters in the Limosin,
while the prince and admiral marched to Niort, where they
met the Queen of Navarre, and settled the future plans of
the campaign. At this time the Queen of England sent
them some succours of money, artillery, and ammunition
to Rochelle, through the persuasions of Cardinal Châtillon,
who had gone over to England at the breaking out of
the war.
During this inactivity of the two armies, the court made
an attempt to bring about a peace; but, notwithstanding
the fairest professions on both sides, nothing was determined
upon, and hostilities were recommenced in the beginning of
1569 with increased vigour, and continued, with various suc-
1569.]
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
· 57
cess, till the middle of March, when, both armies meeting at
Jarnac, a desperate engagement took place, in which the
Huguenots, after a most noble resistance, were entirely
routed, with immense loss, and the Prince of Condé slain.*
The admiral and his brother D’Andelot retreated with a few
followers to St. Jean d'Angély, from whence they went to
join the Prince of Navarre and the young Prince of Condé
at Xaintes, whither a few of the cavalry likewise fled, while
the remains of the infantry escaped to Cognac,
As soon as Charles was informed of the victory of Jarnac,
he despatched inessengers into Germany to hasten the ad-
vance of the auxiliaries which had been promised him by
some of the Catholic princes; and others to the Duke of
Alva for the same purpose; that the Duke of Anjou might
by these reinforcements be able to follow up his successes,
and prevent at the same time the advance of the Duke of
Deux-Ponts, who, with Prince Louis of Nassau, was march-
ing to join the Huguenots with a considerable force; but
though the royal army in Burgundy, under the Dukes of
Nemours and Aumale, was joined by these auxiliaries, it was
unable to stop the progress of the duke, who, having got into
the country of Auxerre, and wishing to secure a pass upou
the Loire, laid siege to La Charité, in the beginning of May,
and took it by storm. As soon as this intelligence reached
the Princes of Navarre and Condé, who were now chosen
the chiefs of the Huguenots, under the guidance of the ad-
miral, they immediately set out towards him with the few
forces they had together, and in their route made themselves
masters of Nantron, from whence the admiral despatched
Montgomery into Gascony, to make head against the com-
mander in that province, who was overrunning the territories
of the Queen of Navarre. From Nantron, the princes con-
* The prince had a hurt in his arm, which obliged him to wear it in
a sling, and before the battle his leg was fractured by a kick of a horse;
yet, in this state, he rushed into the thickest of the fight, and bore
down everything before him, till his horse was shot, when he yielded
his sword to an officer named Argis, who removed him to a little dis-
tance from the field of battle, where, as he was sitting, faint with the
loss of blood from his wounds, he was basely shot dead by the Baron
de Montesquiou, the captain of the Duke of Anjou's guards. He was
only thirty-nine years of age.
E 2
52
[1569.
IIISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
tinued their march, and reached Chalus in the beginning of
June, where, to their great grief, they learned, two days
after, the death of the Duke of Deux-Ponts, who expired at
Escars, after a long indisposition: he was succeeded in the
command of his army by Count Mansfeldt, who joined it a
few days after.
These successes of the confederate princes are to be attri-
buted entirely to the dissensions and discontents which pre-
yailed at this time in the royal army. The Dukes of Nemours
and Aumale, by their differences, suffered the Duke of Deux-
Ponts to advance, when they had it in their power to rout
his army; and though the Duke of Anjou had, after the
battle of Jarnac, reduced several places to his obedience, yet
his army had become extremely mutinous from the great
arrears of pay due to them, and both officers and common
soldiers were daily deserting in great numbers.
On the 23rd of June, the Huguenot and German forces
joined each other at St. Yrieix, from whence the two young
princes sent a petition to the king in the name of the whole
body, setting forth their grievances, and praying for liberty
of conscience, and a general pardon for all that had taken
place; but the king would not listen to this petition unless
they would first lay down their arms, which they refusing to
do, each side prepared for a further prosecution of the war.
The Duke of Anjou's army being considerably reinforced, as
well by native troops as by a body of horse and foot sent by
the pope, he determined, contrary to the advice of the court,
to bring the enemy to a general engagement, to prevent
them from penetrating into Poitou : in this, however, he was
in some degree anticipated by the admiral and princes, who
attacked and routed his vanguard at Roche-la-Belle, with
considerable loss; this check obliged the duke to put his
troops into garrison in Guienne to recruit, they being re-
duced to the greatest distress for want of provisions, and
forage for the cavalry, after which he went himself to Tours,
where the king and his mother were residing. The princes,
as soon as they saw the royal army dispersed, reduced many
towns, and in the end of June entered Poitou, and laid siege
to Poitiers, which they carried on for a considerable time,
and would probably have taken it, had not the Duke of
1569.] :
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
53
Anjou, who had again taken the field, invested Chatelherault,
which obliged them to raise the siege, in order to relieve
that important place. As soon as Anjou learnt this, he
withdrew his army from Chatelherault to La Celle, whither he
was closely pursued by the admiral, and only escaped by the
promptitude of Biron and Tavannes. After staying a few
days at La Celle, he marched to Chinon, where he remained a
considerable time to refresh his men, and give time for the
arrival of fresh supplies, and then set out in search of the
enemy, who he learnt had marched towards Moncontour,
which they seized before he could come up with them.
After encamping for a short time at La Cler, where a smart
skirmish took place, the duke passed the river Yves, deter-
mined to give the Huguenots battle, who were drawn up in
a large plain in the neighbourhood of Moncontour: their
van was led by the admiral, supported by Count Mansfeldt,
and the main body by Count Louis of Nassau, accompanied
by his brother the Prince of Orange, and several others of
his countrymen. The action, which was begun about three
o'clock, soon became general, and was for a long time
entirely favourable to the Huguenots : but the admiral
being wounded in the cheek, and the German troops at
last giving way, the whole arıny was completely routed,
with the loss of nearly eight thousand men, among whom
were several leaders, all their artillery, and the baggage of
the Germans; the royal army, though its loss was not so
great as that of the other, suffered nevertheless very severely
in officers,—the elder Count Rhingrave, the Marquis of Baden,
and several others of distinction being slain ; and the Duke
of Guise, Counts Schomberg, Bassompierre, and Santelles
wounded. It was in this battle that the Prince of Navarre
gave the first proofs of that great military genius for which
he was afterwards so celebrated: he and the Prince of Condé
being placed on an eminence at a short distance from the
field of action, it was with difficulty he could be restrained
from rushing into the midst of it, particularly when he saw
the Duke of Anjou's van broken through by the admiral; at
that instant be exclaimed, “ We are losing our advantage,
and for this reason we will lose the battle!" a prediction
which, unhappily for him and his followers, was but too soon
verified.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
[1570.
The defeat of Moncontour would, in all probability, have
decided the fate of the Huguenots, had the Duke of Anjou
known how to take advantage of it; but, instead of vigorously
pursuing the admiral and princes, he laid siege to St. Jean
d'Angély, and thereby afforded them an opportunity of re-
tiring with the remains of their forces into Gascony, where
they formed a junction with the Count of Montgomery, who,
as has been already observed, was despatched from Nantron
to protect the Queen of Navarre's dominions from the ravages
which the king's troops were committing in them—a com-
mission which he had ably executed—and was now at the
head of about two thousand infantry and eight hundred
horse, in the neighbourhood of Condom. With this rein-
forcement they were enabled to maintain themselves in that
part of the country and in Languedoc till the spring of 1570,
when they descended to the borders of the Rhone with about
6000 infantry and nearly 3000 horse, and passing that river
in the face of an enemy, whom they routed, they reached,
after a toilsome march, the country of Bourbonnois, where
they halted some time, in order to refresh and reinforce their
army. From thence they advanced into Burgundy, as far as
Arnai-le-Duc, where they were met by the royal army, under
the command of the Marshal Cossé ; the Duke of Anjou,
after the reduction of St. Jean d'Angély and an unsuccessful
attempt upon Rochelle, having quitted it through indis-
position. Here a partial engagement took place, greatly to
the advantage of the Huguenots, who, for the first time,
were led on by the Prince of Navarre, the admiral being
unable to act, on account of sickness.
This advantage, and the near approach of the princes to
tbe capital, after the Catholics had been taught to believe
that the Huguenots were alınost annihilated, filled the court
with the greatest alarm, and induced the king and queen-
mother again to attempt to procure a peace; for this purpose
they sent, about the end of May, two commissioners, Biron
and Malassise, to the princes and admiral with propositions;
and though they were at first rejected, a peace was at last
concluded in the middle of August, by which it was stipu-
lated that the Huguenots should enjoy full liberty of con-
science, the public profession of their religion, with all the
other privileges conceded in former treaties; and that they
1570.]
HISTORICAL INTRODUOTION.
55
should retain possession of Rochelle, Cognac, La Charité,
and Montauban : all which places, however, they promised
to deliver up to the king in two years, provided the articles
of the peace were faithfully observed by him. How far this
was done by Charles and his mother, the way in which hos-
tilities again commenced, and the misery and devastation to
which France was afterwards so long a prey, are amply
detailed in the early part of the Memoirs of the Duke of
Sully.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
BOOK I.
[1570-1580.]
State of affairs in the council of France-State of the Calvinists at the
peace of 1570--Rosny's extraction, and anecdotes of the House of
Bethune-Some account of the birth, education, and early years of
the Prince of Navarre-Idea of the government under Henry II.,
Francis II., and during the first years of the reign of Charles IX.-
Artifices of Queen Catherine of Medicis to ruin the Huguenots-
Rosny engages himself in the service of the King of Navarre, and
follows hirn to Paris-Death of the Queen of Navarre-The wound-
ing of Admiral Coligny, and other causes of suspicion, which the
court gave to the Protestants—Profound dissimulation of Charles IX.
-Massacre of St. Bartholomew; observations and reflections upon
it-On the conduct of Charles IX. and of Admiral Coligny-In what
manner the King of Navarre and Rosny escaped being massacred-
Education of Rosny- The Calvinists resume courage, and retrieve
their affairs—Flight of the Prince of Condé-Imprisonment of the
princes—The insurrection of Shrove Tuesday- Death of Charles IX.;
his character--Henry III. returns to France, and declares war against
the Huguenots-Flight of Monsieur and the King of Navarre—The
queen-mother deceives them by the peace called the Peace of Monsieur
The war renewed— Military rencounters, and taking of cities-
Rosny's first exploits in arms—The peace of 1577-Conferences be-
tween the queen-mother and the King of Navarre-Further military
expeditions—Taking of Cahors, &c. Imprudence of Rosny. ,
THEY flattered themselves at the court of Charles IX.,
that the disasters which befel the Protestants during the pre-
ceding reigns would at last oblige them either to submit to
the king's will, or to leave the kingdom. The loss of two
great battles, * in one of which the Prince of Condé,t their
leader, fell; the utter dispersion of their troops, and the
* Jarnac and Moncontour.
† Louis I., Prince of Condé; brother of Antony, King of Navarre;
and son of Charles of Bourbon, duke of Vendôme: he was wounded
58
BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY..
little probability of their being able to reanimate the feeble
remains of their army, discouraged by a long series of misa
fortunes, all contributed to persuade the court that the
moment of their ruin approached; but a courage superior to
all reverses supported them in circumstances so distressful:
they recalled their soldiers, who were scattered throughout
the provinces, and now began to draw together from Bur-
gundy, Bourbon, and Berry. La Charité was named for the
place of their general rendezvous; Vezelai, and some other
towns, still holding out for them in that neighbourhood.
They had even the boldness to talk of approaching the Seine
and Paris, as soon as they should be reinforced by some con-
siderable supplies of horse and foot from Germany, which
had been raised there for the assistance of the Huguenots.
This news gave great uneasiness to the queen-mother, Cathe-
rine de Medicis; but she flattered herself that it would not
be difficult to prevent their junction, and afterwards to dis-
perse the troops, which she supposed would be by that means
thrown into a consternation. For this purpose she ordered
a powerful army to march, in which Strozzi, * La Chatre,
Tavannes, La Valette, and all the general officers in France,
were desirous of serving; and the Marshal de Cossé, t who
1
and taken prisoner in the battle of Jarnac in the year 1569, and assas-
sinated immediately after by the Baron de Montesquiou, who shot him
in the back part of the head with a pistol. Montesquiou being captain
of the guards to the Duke of Anjou, that prince'was accused of having
ordered him to assassinate the Prince of Condé.
* Philip Strozzi, Lord of Epernay, son of Peter Strozzi, Marshal of
France. Claude de la Chatre, afterwards Marshal of France. John
de Nogaret de la Valette, father of the Duke d'Epernon. Gaspard de
Saulx de Tavannes, who was also Marshal of France; he had been
page to Francis I., and was at that time one of the counsellors and
confidants of Catherine de Medicis. His character may be known by
the following traits, which I shall copy from the author of the 'Hen-
riade,' in his Notes, p. 34: “In the night of St. Bartholomew,” says he,
“he ran through the streets of Paris, crying, 'Let blood ! let blood!
bleeding is as good in the month of August as in May,' His son, who
has written his memoirs, relates that his father, being upon his death-
bed, made a general confession of the sins of his life; after which his
confessor saying to him with an air of astonishment, 'Why! you
speak not a word of St. Bartholomew,' 'I look upon that,' replied the
marshal, as a meritorious action, which ought to atone for all the sins
I have ever committed.'”
† Artus de Cossé, Lord of Gonnor, who died in 1582.
1570.7
THE CALVINISTS AT THE PEACE OF 1570.
was to have the supreme command, suffered himself to be
intoxicated with the glory he should acquire, by extirpating
even the last Huguenot soldier, and bringing the chiefs of
the party, bound hand and foot, to the queen-mother, but he
was soon undeceived: the Protestant army received him with
great intrepidity; they were always the first to offer battle ;
in the skirmishes, which were frequent, the advantage was
wholly on their side, and they even obtained a kind of vic-
tory at the encounter of Arnai-le-Duc.* So much obstinacy
convinced the queen-mother that to ruin the Protestant party
it would be necessary to have recourse to other measures
than open hostilities: treachery seemed to her the se.
curest; and in order to gain time to prepare for it, she
listened so favourably to proposals for an accommodation,
that a peace was concluded when it was least expected, and
upon conditions very advantageous for the Huguenots. This
was the peace of 1570. After which, during the space of
two years, each party tasted the sweets of a repose that had
been equally desired by both.
* It was expected from appearances that the Marshal de Cossé would
beat the Huguenot army, or at least prevent it from approaching Paris;
but he did neither; on the contrary, he was obliged to retreat after a
very smart encounter, and from thenceforward contented himself with
watching the motions of the enemy. In this engagement the Calvinists
were commanded by the Prince of Navarre and the Prince of Condé,
his cousin-german the one sixteen, the other seventeen years of age-
and by the Admiral de Coligny. Peter Matthieu, the historian, relates
these words of Henry IV. after he had ascended the throne, speaking
of this encounter of Arnai-le-Duc: “My first exploits in arms,' said
this prince, 'were at René-le-Duc, where the question was, whether I
should fight or retire, I had no retreat nearer than forty miles from
thence; and if I stayed, I must necessarily lie at the mercy of the
country people. By fighting, I ran the risk of being taken or slain,
for I had no cannon, and the king's forces had; and a gentleman was
killed not ten paces distant from me with a cannon shot; but recom-
mending the success of this day to God, it pleased Him to make it
favourable and happy.'" (Vol. i. book v. p. 327.) In this same year
the Huguenots gained the battle of Lucon, and took Marennes, the
Isle of Oleron, Brouage, Xaintes, &c.
Ť By this treaty of peace many privileges, of which they had been
deprived, were restored to them: the number of their churches was
augmented; and four cities were given them for security, La Rochelle,
Montauban, Cognac, and La Charité. This peace was signed on the 11th
of August, and was called the lame and ill-founded peace, because it
60
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
[BOOK I.
My father* retired to his house at Rosny, and employed
himself in settling his domestic affairs. As it is the history
of my own life, jointly with that of the prince whom I served,
that will make the subject of these Memoirs, it is necessary
that I should give some account of my family and person.
By satisfying the curiosity of the public in these particulars,
I must entreat that neither vanity nor affectation be im-
puted to me, since a strict regard to truth is my only induce-
ment for relating whatever may appear to my advantage,
either here or in the succeeding parts of these Memoirs.
Maximilian is my baptismal name, and Bethune that of
my family, which derives its origin, by the house of Coucy,
from the ancient house of Austria : we must not, however,
confound it with that which is at present in possession of the
empire of Germany, and the two Spains. This last is des-
.cended only from the Counts of Hapsburg and Quiburg, I
was concluded in the name of the king by Biron, who was lame, and
ky N. de Mésmes, Lord of Malassise, which in French signifies ill-
founded.
* Francis de Bethune, Baron de Rosny, who died in the year 1575.
His first wife was Charlotte Dauvet, daughter of Robert Dauvet, Lord
de Rieux, president of the Chamber of Accounts, and of Anne Bri-
connet; by her he had three children, whose names will be mentioned
hereafter. His second wife was Margaret de Louvigny, who brought
him no issue.
† These particulars relating to the house of Bethune are drawn from
the body of the ancient Memoirs of Sully, and the pieces joined to
them; but it will be safest to rely on the best modern genealogists,
whose opinions we shall mention hereafter.
It was long believed that the house of Austria was descended froni
the Counts of Hapsburg, or Thierstein. The writings in the Abbey
de Mure, or Muri, in Switzerland-carelessly consulted by Theodore
Godefroy, and upon his word adopted by the best critics, and even by
Father Le Long-have given rise to this error; but by these writings,
better examined by the charters of the monastery of St. Trutpert and
other acts, it appears that this house is originally from Brisgaw, that
it is descended from the ancient Counts of Alsace, and goes back by
Luitfrid, Rampert, Otpert, &c., Counts of IIapsburg, and Landgraves
of Alsace, not only to Gontran the Rich, Count of Altenburg, who
lived in the beginning of the tenth century, but even to Adelric, or
Ethic I., called Duke of Germany, eighteenth ancestor of Raoul, or
Rodolph I., to the middle of the seventh century. This seems to be
sufficiently well established by the new work in Latin of Father Mer-
quard Hergott, a Benedictine, printed at Vienna, 1737, in three volumes
folio, entitled, “The Diplomatic Genealogy of the August House of
1570.7
ORIGIN OF TIIE HOUSE OF BETIUNE.
61
private gentlemen, who, three hundred years since, were in
the pay of the cities of Strasburg, Basil, and Zurich, and
who would have thought themselves highly honoured by
being stewards of the household to such a prince as the King
of France, since Raoul, chief of this second house of Austria,
held a like employment under Ottocar, King of Bohemia.
It is from the son of this Raoul tbat the new stock of Austria
properly begins, for he took the name of Austria instead of
his own.
The house of Bethune (which has given its name to the
city of Flanders, and from whence issued the counts who
anciently governed that province) boasts of one Robert de
Bethune, * protector of the Church of Arras, whose father
and grandfather, bearing also the name of Robert, were de-
Hapsburg," &c. See also the learned and judicious extract from this
work inserted in the Journal des Savans, March, April, and June, 1740.
Besides this general error, our Memoirs seem to have fallen into two
particular oues. It is certain we ought not to confound this second
house of Austria with that which had possession of Austria, &c., till
the year 1248, when Frederick, the last of it, died, and which drew its
origin from the ancient dukes of Suabia; but we want proofs of the
house of Bethune's being allied to that of Suabia, or the first house of
Austria, though it was to the second by the house of Coucy. The
Duke of Sully probably gave credit to the old tradition, which derives
the house of Austria from Sigebert, son of Theodebert, King of Aus-
trasia, and has applied it not to the second house of Austria, but to
the first, although the one is not more true than the other. He is right
in saying afterwards that Raoul, or Rodolph, Count of Hapsburg, and
the first of this house that was emperor, had been steward of the house-
hold to Ottocar, King of Bohemia; and that Albert, his son, elected
emperor likewise, was the first of his house who took the title of Duke
of Austria, which happened in 1274, when Rodolph gained the Duchies
of Austria, Styria, Carniola, &c., from Ottocar, his rival; but he ought,
at the same time, to have done more justice than he has to the an-
tiquity of this house.
* Du Chesne seems to be much of the same opinion. He proves
that Robert, called Faisseus, the head of the house of Bethune, who
lived in the tenth century, was descended from a younger branch of
the ancient Counts of Flanders, and had for his portion the lordship of
the city of Betliune, first barony of the earldom of Artois. If this
opinion be well founded, it is certain that it was the city of Bethune
from which this branch took its name, and which was from that time
borne by all the house of Bethune. The title of patron of the Church
was then so noble, that many sovereigns thought it an honour to be
distinguished by it.
62
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
clared protectors of the province of Artois. One of these
two Roberts de Bethune signalised himself in France, by
the taking of La Roche-Vandais, a fortress upon the confines
of Auvergne, where the rebel Emerigot Marcel had retired;
and the other, in the wars of Sicily, by killing with his own
hand the tyrant Mainfroy, in the presence of two armies; a
service which Charles of Anjou, the rival of Mainfroy, did
not reward too highly, by giving him his daughter Catherine
to wife. They mention à fourth Robert de Bethune, who
gained a naval battle over the Infidels in the Mediterranean.
In the Church, a James de Bethune, bishop of Cambray, at
the time of the Crusade of the Albigeois, and a John de
Bethune, abbot of Anchin, near Valenciennes, who died in
the year 1250, with the reputation of great sanctity, and
whose bones are revered as those of a martyr. The history
of the Crusades has not forgot those who distinguished them-
selves at the taking of Jerusalem, by being the first that
mounted the breach. Antony and Coësne de Bethune,*
emulating the glory of their ancestors, were also the first
that fixed the standard upon the walls of Constantinople,
when Baldwin Count of Flanders won that capital from
Alexis Comnenus; and Coësne obtained the government
of it.
Whoever has such domestic examples as these, cannot re-
cal them too often to his memory, to animate himself to
follow them. Happy, if during the course of my life, my
conduct may be such, that so many illustrious men disdain
not to acknowledge me, nor I have occasion to blush that I
am descended from them!
At length the house of Bethune, growing every day more
illustrious, became alliedt to almost all the sovereign houses
* These are apparently the two brothers, sons of Robert, the fifth
Lord of Bethune, whom (according to William of Tyr) Philip of Alsace,
Count of Flanders, proposed to marry to the two daughters of Baldwin,
King of Jerusalem. It is also certain, that, after the death of Peter de
Courtenay, Emperor of Constantinople, this Coësne, or Conon de Bethune,
was declared regent of the empire during the minority of Philip de
Courtenay, his son.
+ See in Du Chesne and Father Anselm all the alliances of the house
of Bethune with different princes of France : with the emperors of
Constantinople; the counts of Flanders, Hainault, Boulogne; the kings
of Jerusalem; the dukes of Lorraine; the kings of Castile, Leon, Scot-
1571.]
HISTORY OF THE HOUSE OF BETHUNE.
63
in Europe; it entered into that of Austria,* and to conclude,
with what honoured it infinitely more, the august house of
Bourbont did not contemn its alliance.
But I must confess, that the branch from which I am des-
cended had then lost much of its original splendour. It was
the issue of a younger brother, and the poorest of all who
have borne this name. The eldest branch having thrice
fallen into the female line, all thegreat estates it possessed
in different parts of Europe did not go to the collateral
branches, but went with the daughters to the royal houses
they married into.
My particular ancestors, by marrying advantageously,
restored to their branch what it wanted to maintain the
dignity of its name; but all these riches were almost en-
tirely dissipated by the prodigality and bad management of
my grandfather, who left nothing to his son, my father, but
the estate of Anne de Melun, his wife, which it was not in
his power to deprive him of.
As for what relates to me personally: at the time of which
I have been speaking, I entered into my eleventh year, being
land, and England; the families of Courtenay, Châtillon, Montmo-
rency, Melun, Horn, &c.
* By Jeanne de Coucy, who married John de Bethune. It must be
observed, that whenever the house of Coucy is mentioned here, it is
not, in reality, the house of Coucy, but that of Guines which is meant.
The eldest branch of this ancient house of Coucy became extinct in the
person of Enguerrand IV., of Coucy. Enguerrand de Guines, who
married Alice de Coucy, the daughter of a younger branch, revived it,
by taking the name and the arms. The house of Guines was not less
ancient and illustrious than that of Coucy.
† By the houses of Châtillon, Néelle, Montmorency, Luxemburg,
and lastly by the house of Melun. Anne de Melun, lady of Rosny,
who married John IV. de Bethune, reckoned in her family, says Du
Chesne, as well on the side of her father, Hugo de Melun, Viscount de
Gand, as on that of Jeanne de Horn, her mother, more than ten princes
of the blood-royal of France, and all the sovereigns of Europe.
John de Bethune, ancestor in the seventh degree of the Duke of
Sully, had two sons, Robert and John. Robert, by three marriages,
left only daughters. John is the younger brother, of whom the author
here speaks; he was Lord of Locres and Autreche. Matthew de Bethune,
another ancestor of the author, had likewise three daughters, and no
Son.
Ś John de Bethune, Baron de Baye: he married Anne de Melun,
daughter of Hugo de Melun, Viscount de Gand, and of Jeanne d'Horn;
she was heiress of Rosny. After her death, he married Jeanne Du-Pre,
64
MEMOIRS OF SULLI.
[BOOK I.
born on the 13th of December, 1560. Although I was but
the second* of four sons, yet the natural imperfections of
my eldest brothert made my father look upon me as the
future head of his family; all the indications of a strong and
vigorous constitution recommending me still more to his
favour. My parents bred me in the opinions and doctrine
of the Reformed religion, and I have continued constant in
the profession of it; neither threats, promises, vicissitude
of fortune, nor the change even of the king, my protector,
joined to his most tender solicitations, have ever been able to
make me renounce it.
Henry,f King of Navarre, who will have the principal
share in these Memoirs, was seven years older than me, and
when the peace of 1570 was concluded, entered into his
eighteenth year. A noble, open, and insinuating counte-
a private gentlewoman. He sold the lordships of Hautbois, d'Avrain-
court, Novion, Caumartin, Baye, Bannay, Taluz, Loches, Villerenard,
Châtillon, Broucy, &c. (Du Chesne, ibid.)
* Francis de Bethune, Baron de Rosny, &c., had six sons, but the
author does not reckon John and Charles, who died young. The four
others are, Louis, Maximilian, Solomon, and Philip de Bethune. He
mentions each of them in another place.
† Louis drowned himself at twenty years of age.
I “ The house of Bourbon, from Louis IX. to Henry IV., had been
almost always neglected; and to such extreme poverty was it reduced,
that the famous Prince of Condé, brother to Antony, King of Navarre,
and uncle to Henry the Great, had no more than six hundred livres a
year for his patrimony.” (Essay on the Civil Wars.) These words of
the author of the “Henriade' might easily lead one into an error, if at
the same time we were not warned of it by a better-informed historian,
who tells us that the house of Bourbon was then in possession of a
revenue of more than eight hundred thousand livres a year in lands
only, which was at that time thought a very considerable fortune. It
is certain that this was all it possessed of the ancient estate of Bourbon,
or even of the house of Monçade, the maternal stock; the estates of
these two houses, which came by very rich and illustrious alliances,
being alienated to purchase the viscounty of Narbonne. (Peter Mat-
thieu's History of Henry IV., vol. ii. pp. 1 and 2. For these alliances,
and the genealogy of the house of Bourbon, consult also the “ New
Chronology of Peter Victor Cayet,” vol. i. book i. p. 237 and our
other historians.)
§ He was born at Pau, in Béarn, December 13, 1553. M. de Pèrefixe
relates some very curious particulars concerning his birth. “Henry
d'Albret, his grandfather, made his daughter promise to sing a song
to him while she was in labour,--in order, said he, that you may bring
me a child who will neither weep nor make wry faces. The princess
1571.7
CHARACTER OF THE PRINCE OF NAVARRE.
65
nance, free, easy, and lively manners, with an uncommon
dexterity in performing all the exercises suitable to his age,
drew the esteem and admiration of all who knew him. He
began early* to discover those great talents for war which
have so highly distinguished him among other princes. Vigo-
rous and indefatigable by the education of his infancy,t he
breathed nothing but labour, and seemed to wait with impa-
tience for occasions of acquiring glory. The crown of France
not being yet the object of his aspiring wishes, he indulged
himself in forming schemes for recovering that of Navarre,
which Spain had unjustly usurped from his family, and this
he thought he might be enabled to perform, by maintaining
had fortitude enough, in the midst of her pains, to keep her word, and
sang a song in Béarnois, her own country language. As soon as Henry
entered the chamber, the child came into the world without crying;
his grandfather immediately carried him to his own apartment, and
there rubbed his little lips with a clove of garlic, and made him suck
some wine out of a golden cup, to make his constitution strong and
vigorous.” (Pèrefixe's “ History of Henry the Great," p. l. “Cayet,"
vol. i. book i. p. 248.)
* “ This young prince, when he was only thirteen years of age, had
judgment enough to observe faults in the conduct of the Prince of
Condé and the Admiral Coligny. It was his opinion, and a very
judicious one, that at the great skirmish at Loudun, if the Duke of
Anjou had had troops in readiness to attack them, he would have done
in a weak. condition, and therefore they ought to have attacked him;
this they neglected, and by that means gave time for all his troops to
join him. At the battle of Jarnac he represented to them with equal
strength of judgment that they had not a favourable opportunity for
fighting, because the forces of the princes were dispersed, and those of
the Duke of Anjou all joined; but they were too far engaged to retire.
At the battle of Moncontour, when he was but sixteen years of age, he
cried out, 'We lose our advantage, and consequently the battle.'" (Père-
fixe, ibid.)
† “He was brought up in the castle of Coarasse, in Béarn, situated
amidst rocks and mountains. Henry d'Albret, his grandfather, wouid
have him clothed and fed like other children in that country. They
even accustomed him to run up and down the rocks. It is said that
his ordinary food was brown bread, beef, cheese, and garlic; and that
they often made him walk barefoot and bareheaded." (Pèrefixe, ibid.)
While he was in the cradle be was called Prince of Viane. A short
time after they gave him the title of Duke of Beaumont, and after
great care of his education, and appointed La Gaucherie, a very learned
man, but a strict Calvinist, to be his preceptor.-“While he was yet a
VOL. I.
66
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLT.
a secret intelligence with the Moors in Spain.* The enmity
he bore to this Power was open and declared ; it was born
with him, and he never condescended to conceal it. He felt
his courage inflamed at the relation of the battle of Lepantat
which was fought at that time; and a like opportunity of
distinguishing himself against the Infidels became one of his
most ardent wishes. The vast and flattering expectations
.
child he was presented to Henry II., who asked him if he would be
his son. He is my father,' replied the little prince, in Béarnois, point-
ing to the King of Navarre. Well,' said the king, will you be my
son-in-law, then?' 'Oh, with all my heart,' answered the prince.
From that time his marriage with the Princess Margaret was resolved
upon. At Bayonne, the Duke of Medina, looking at him earnestly,
said, 'This prince either will or ought to be an emperor.'” (“Cayet,"
vol. i. book i. p. 240.) In the Memoirs of Nevers we meet with some
letters written in 1567 by the principal magistrates of Bordeaux,
which contain several very interesting particulars concerning the
person and manners of young Henry. “We have here," says one,
56 the Prince of Béarn; it must be confessed that he is a charming
youth. At thirteen years of age he has all the riper qualities of
eighteen or nineteen; he is agreeable, polite, obliging, and behaves to
every one with an air so easy and engaging, that wherever he is there
is always a crowd. He mixes in conversation like a wise and prudent
man, speaks always to the purpose, and when it happens that the
court is the subject of discourse, it is easy to see that he is perfectly
well acquainted with it, and never says more nor less than he ought in
whatever place he is, I shall all my life hate the new religion, for
having robbed us of so worthy a subject." And in another: “His
hair is a little red, yet the ladies think him not less agreeable on that
account; his face is finely shaped, his nose neither too large nor too
small, his eyes full of sweetness, his skin brown but clear, and his
whole countenance animated with an uncommon vivacity; with all
these graces, if he is not in favour with the ladies, he is extremely un-
fortunate.” Again: “He loves diversions, and the pleasures of the
table. When he wants money he has the address to procure it in a
manner quite new, and very agreeable to others as well as himself; to
those, whether men or women, whom he thinks his friends, he sends a
promissory note, written and signed by himself, and entreats them to
send him back the note, or the sum mentioned in it. Judge, if there
is a family that can refuse him; every one looks upon it as an honour
to have a note from this prince,' &c. (Vol, ii. p. 586.)
* “My ewe,” said Henry d'Albret, " has brought forth a lion." And
added, from a secret presage, “this child will revenge me on Spain for
the injuries I have received from her." (Pèref. ibid.)
† Gained this year against the Turks by Don John of Austria,
natural son to Charles V., and Generalissimo of the Spanish and Vene-
tian troops.
1571.7
GOVERNMENT OF THE PRINCE OF NAVARRE,
67
which the astrologers agreed in making him conceive were
almost always present to his mind. He saw the foundation
of them in that affection which Charles IX. early entertained
for him, and which considerably increased a short time before
his death: but animated as he was with these happy pre-
sages, he laboured to second them only in secret, and never
disclosed his thoughts to any person but a small number of
his most intimate confidants."
In order to form a just idea, either of the general state
young Prince of Navarre, and what he had to hope or fear
at the period of which we are speaking, it is necessary
to give a summary relation of the different steps taken by
the ministry, both before and after the death of the King*
of Navarre, his father, slain before Rouen. I shall go back,
therefore, to the rupture which kindled the war between
Henry II. and Philip II. of Spain. To which side soever it
owed its rise, the event was not so favourable to France as
convenient for the views of the two men who advised it.
These were the Constablet de Montmorency and the Duke
de Guise, I who hoped these troubles would furnish them
* Antony de Bourbon, husband of Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of Navarre.
He turned Catholic. M. de Thou relates an anecdote of him, which we
cannot do better than give in the words of the author of the Henriade.'
“ Francis de Guise designed to assassinate him in the chamber of King
Francis II. Antony de Navarre had a great deal of courage, though
his judgment was weak; he was infornied of the plot, yet went reso-
lutely into the chanıber where it was to be executed. If they murder
me,' said he to Reinsy, one of his gentlemen, 'take my bloody shirt, and
carry it to my wife and son; that will teach them what they ought to
do to revenge me.' Francis II. durst not stain himself with this crime;
and the Duke of Guise, at leaving his chamber, exclaimed, What a
poor king bave we!""
† Anne, Constable of Montmorency. He received a wound at the
battle of St. Denis, October 10, 1567, of which he died.
# Claude de Lorraine, a stem of the house of Guise, in France, had six
sons: Francis, Duke of Guise; Charles, Archbishop of Rheims, called
Cardinal of Lorraine; Claude, Duke of Aumale; Louis, Cardinal de
Guise; Francis, grand prior; and René, Marquis d'Elbeuf. Francis,
the eldest, is he whom the author here mentions: he married Anne
hand of John Poltrot de Méré, a gentleman of Angoumois. Poltrot
impeached the admiral, the Count de la Rochefoucault, and Theodore
de Beza, as accomplices in his crime; but afterwards varying in his
F2
68
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
with the means of reciprocally supplanting each other. In
this war there was sufficient employment for both. The
Italy, where he performed nothing worthy his reputation ;
but the constable was still more unsuccessful: the most dis-
tinguished post, which was the command of the army in
Flanders, he reserved to himself, and lost St. Quentin, with
the battle of that name, where he was taken prisoner. This
defeat was followed by that of the Marsbal Thermes at
Gravelines. *
The Duke of Guise saw all his wishes accomplished by
these unfortunate events. He was recalled from Italy, to be
placed singly at the head of the council and armies, with
which he gained Calais for France. The constable felt in
his prison all the force of this blow; and being resolved to
go and defend his rights at any price, he treated for a peace
with Spain; it was not, indeed, an honourable one for the
king his master; but it released him from captivity. He,
however, lost everything by the death of King Henry II.,
who was slaint in the midst of the magnificent rejoicings on
account of his daughter's marriage with the King of Spain,
which was the seal of the peace. Francis II., who succeeded
him, was young, weak, and infirm : he had married the niecei
of the Duke of Guise, and that nobleman became in his turn
the sole governor of the king and kingdom. The Protestants
could not have fallen into the hands of a inore cruel enemy;
he was busied in forming vast projects, and meditating the
strangest catastrophes in France, when he himself expe-
rienced the vicissitudes of fortune. A sudden death, occa-
sioned by a pain in his ear,ß deprived him of Francis II.
accusations, the admiral was declared innocent. His titles were, Duke
of Guise and Aumale, Prince of Joinville, knight of the order of the
king, pcer, grand master, grand chamberlain, and grand huntsman of
France.
* Paul de la Berts, Lord of Thermes, Marshal of France.
† He was struck in the eye with a splinter of a lance in a tourna-
ment, where lie ran against the Count de Montgomery, July 13, 1559.
# Mary Stuart, queen of Scotland, daughter of James V., king of
Scotland, and of Mary of Lorraine, of the house of Guise.
§ The abscess which had formed in this part turning to a mortifica-
tion, he died the 5th of December, 1560. No more was necessary to
raise a suspicion of his being poisoned.
1571.] THE GOVERNMENT OF CHARLES IX.
69
The reign of Charles IX., his brother, yet an infant, was
singular in this, that the authority seemed to be equally
divided between the queen-mother, the princes of the blood,
the constable, and the Duke of Guise. Each of them in
secret supported a party of his own. The good fortune of
the Duke of Guise placed him a second time at the head of
affairs, by the union that Catherine inade with him. Upon
this union she even founded the principal part of her
politics : and it is pretended that the hatred she began to
show towards the princes of Bourbon had a great share in
it: this aversion arose from her having taken it into her
head, upon the faith of an astrologer, that none of the princes
her sons should have issue, in which case the crown must
pass to a branch of the house of Bourbon. She could not
resolve to see it go out of her family, and therefore destined
it to the posterity of her daughter, * who was married to the
Duke of Lorraine. Whatever there may be in this predilec-
tion of the queen-mother, t it is certain it gave birth to two
parties, in politics as well as religion, which began from that
moment to fill the kingdom with confusion, horror, and the
most dreadful calamities.
This dreadful tempest seemed solely formed to burst upon
the head of the young Prince of Navarre.' The King of
Navarre, his father, was just then dead:I his death, indeed,
left a prince and a king to be head of the Reformed religion
in France; but this prince was a child of seven years of age,
and the mark at which all the blows of the new council were
* Claude of France, the second of three daughters which Catherine
de Medicis had by her marriage with Henry II. She married the Duke
of Lorraine, and had children by him.
* M. l'Abbé le Laboureur, in his additions to the Memoirs of Cas-
telnau, assigns another reason for Queen Catherine's hatred to the
King of Navarre: he declares he read in these memoirs that this prince
and the Duke d'Alençon, being prisoners together, they plotted to
strangle the queen-mother with their own hands, when she came into
their chamber. This design was not executed, through the horror they
themselves felt at the fact; and the King of Navarre afterwards but ill
concealing the secret, Catherine de Medicis was to the last degree en-
raged against him.
I The author is mistaken in placing the death of Antony, King of
Navarre, in 1560; it did not happen till 1562, by a wound he received
at the siege of Rouen. (See his character and eulogium in the Memoirs
of Brantôme, vol. iii. p. 242.)
MEMOIRS OF SULLI.
[BOOK I.
aimed, who acted in concert with the pope, the emperor, the
King of Spain, and all the Catholics of Europe. Indeed,
this party experienced the most cruel reverses of fortune;
yet, by the wise conduct of its chiefs, and the early talents
of young Henry, it supported itself with glory till the peace
of 1570, at which period these Memoirs commence.
Prince Henry made use of the repose that was given him
to visit his estates, and his government of Guienne ; after
which he came and settled in Rochelle, with the Queen of
Navarre, his mother, the Admiral de Coligny,* and the prin-
cipal chiefs of the Protestant party, to whom this important
city, far distant from the court, seemed most advantageous
for the interest of their religion: a very wise resolution, had
they been capable of firmly adhering to it.
Queen Catherine dissembled the trouble this conduct
gave her, and during the whole year 1571 spoke only of
faithfully observing the treaties, of entering into a closer
correspondence with the Protestants, and carefully prevent-
ing alſ occasions of rekindling the war. This was the pre-
tended object of the Marshal de Cossé's deputation, whom
she sent to Rochelle, with Malassise and La Proûtière, Ť
masters of requests, her creatures and confidants ; but the
true motive was to observe all the steps of the Calvinists, to
sound their inclinations, and draw them insensibly into an
entire confidence in her, which was absolutely necessary to
þer designs, and she forgot nothing on her part that was
capable of inspiring it. The Marshal de Montmorencyf was
sent to Rouen with the President de Morsan,to do justice
there for the outrages committed against the Huguenots;
any infringements of the treaty of peace were severely pu-
nished; and King Charles usually cailed it his treaty and his
peace. This prince would on all occasions artfully insinuate
that he consented to this peace in order to support the
princes of his blood against the too great authority of the
Guises, whom he accused of conspiring with Spain to throw
UN
* Gaspard de Coligny, Lord of Châtillon-sur-Loing, Admiral of
France.
† Philip Gourau de la Proûtière.
* Francis de Montmorency, eldest son of Anne, Coustable of Mont-
morency, died in 1579.
§ Bernard Prévôt, Lord of Diorsanı.
1571.)
INSINCERITY TOWARDS THE HUGUENOTS.
71
the kingdom into confusion.* These noblemen seemed
daily to decrease in favour; and their complaints, whether
true or false, gave all inaginable colour to this report.
Charles did not even make the least difficulty of advancing
as far as Blois and Bourgueil, to confer with the Protestants,
who for their deputies had named Téligny,t son-in-law to the
admiral, Briquemaut, Beauvais la Nocle, and Cavagne ; # and
these four deputies, when they went afterwards to Paris,
were loaded with presents and civilities.
The Marshal de Cossé did not fail to give weight to these
appearances of sincerity: having by that means insinuated
himself, he began to confer in earnest with the Queen of
Navarre on the scheme of marrying the prince, her son, to
the Princess Margaret, sister to the King of France; and
was commissioned by Charles to promise a portion of four
hundred thousand crowns. For the Prince of Condé, ş he
proposed the third heiress of Cleves, a very considerable
match; and the Countess d'Entrémontſ for the Admiral de
* Charles IX. had a natural aversion to the Duke of Guise; he was
so offended at his having demanded the Princess Margaret, his sister,
in marriage, that, speaking on this subject one day to the Grand Prior
of France, natural son of Henry II., he said, showing him two swords,
Of these two swords that thou seest, there is one of them to kill thee,
if to-morrow at the chase thou dost not kill the Duke of Guise with
the other." These words were repeated afterwards to the Duke of
Guise, who quitted his pursuit. (F. Matthieu, book vi. p. 333.) The
same historian adds, that Charles IX. pursued the Duke of Guise one
day with a javelin in his hand, and struck it forcibly into a door at the
same moment that the duke came out of it, for having, in playing,
couched him with a file. (Ibid. p. 376.)
† Charles ,Lord of Téligny in Rouergue, Montreuil, &c., married to
Louisa de Coligny. He had something so sweet and amiable in his
countenance, that at the massacre of St. Bartholomew, those persons
who were first sent to assassinate him, stopped as in suspense, and had
not resolution enough to strike the blow. Francis Briquemaut. John
de Lafin, called Beauvais la Nocle, to distinguish him from Philip de
Lafin, his eldest brother.
I The author wrote Tavannes, but we must read Cavagne. Arnaud
de Cavagne was a councillor of the parliament of Toulouse.
§ Henry the First, Prince of Condé: Mary of Cleves, Marchioness d'Ile,
related to the Guises, and brought up in the court of the Queen of Na-
varre. She had no children by her husband, who afterwards married
Charlotte Catherine de la Trimouille.
|| Jaqueline de Montbel, only daughter of Sebastian, Count of Entré-
mont, widow of Claude Bataruai, Lord of Anton, who was killed at the
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
[BOOK I.
Coligny, whom he rightly judged would be more difficult
than all the others to be persuaded: to this last article,
therefore, he added a nuptial present of a hundred thousand
crowns, which the king engaged to give the admiral, together
with all the benefices his brother the cardinal had enjoyed.*
The Marshal de Biront was sent to confirm these splendid
offers, and entirely gained the Queen of Navarre, by feigning
to impart to her in confidence the suspicions which were
entertained at court, that Philip II., King of Spain, bad
poisoned the queen his wife, Elizabeth of France, I who had
been falsely accused of an intrigue with the Infant Don
Carlos. At the same time he told her, under an injunction
of secresy, that the court, being resolved to revenge this in-
jury, would carry the war into Flanders and Artois, the
restitution of which would be demanded from the King of
battle of St. Denis. The Duke of Savoy detained her some time in his
dominions, but she escaped, and came to Rochelle to marry the admiral.
His first wife was Charlotte de Laval.
* Odet de Châtillon, Cardinal Bishop of Beauvais, Abbot of St.
Bénoit-sur-Loire, &c. He was made a cardinal at sixteen years of
age; and although he was degraded from this dignity by Pope Pius IV.,
he was publicly married in the habit of a cardinal to Elizabeth de
Hauteville, a lady of Normandy, to whom he gave the title of Countess
of Beauvais, and as such she took rank at the public ceremonies. In
1564 he was accused of high treason before the parliament of Paris.
He died in the beginning of the year 1571, at Southampton, in England,
whither he was sent during the war, to support the interests of the
Calvinists with Queen Elizabeth; and after the peace he was commis-
sioned by the king to treat of a marriage between that princess and
the Duke of Alençon. It is certain, though D’Aubigné takes no notice
of it, that his valet-de-chambre poisoned him with an apple as he was
preparing to return to France, being recalled hy the admiral, his
brother. (Thuanus, lib. 1.) D'Aubigné adds, that the admiral was
in reality put in possession of great part of these benefices, and enjoyed
them during the space of a year; and that Charles IX. gave him also
a hundred thousand francs, to purchase furniture for his house of
Châtillon. (D'Aubigné's History, vol. ii. book i. chap. 1.)
Ť Armand de Gontault de Biron, Marshal of France,
| Eldest daughter of Henry II. and Catherine de Medicis. Most of
the French historians are of this opinion. The Spaniards attribute
her death to bleeding and medicines, which the physicians, not knowing
that she was with child, made her take. She died a little time after,
in 1568.
§ Don Carlos, Prince of Spain, whom Philip II., his father, also put
to a violent death.
1571.]
INTRIGUES AGAINST THE HUGUENOTS.
73
Spain, as being ancient fiefs of the crown, like that of
Navarre ; and that they would commence hostilities by suc-
couring Mons, which the Prince of Orange* had just taken
from the Spaniards.
To complete all, he added, that the king had fixed upon
the admiral to command his army, with the title of Viceroy
of the Low Countries : and he was actually at that time
permitted to nominate the general officers who were to serve
under him as a short time before he had done the commis-
sioners of the peace. The report of this expedition into the
Low Countries spread so far, that it is certain the Grand
Seignor offered the King of France his galleys and troops to
make a diversion, and to facilitate the conquest. With regard
to the Queen of England, nothing was omitted that was
necessary to be done on this occasion. Montmorency was
sent ambassador thither, with instructions to use every
method to gain Elizabeth, and prevail upon her to choose one
of the king's brothers for a husband; a marriage which, it
was said, would alike strengthen the union of the two reli-
gions, and the two powers.
This conduct, so full of seeming frankness, might have
been suspected by its excess; yet it had the designed effect,
and the language of the courtiers did not a little contribute
towards it. The desire of breathing the air of a gay and
magnificent court, and of enjoying the honours which were
prepared for them, served more than anything else to banish .
the scruples of the Protestants. Beauvais,t Boursaut, and
Francourt, were the first who suffered themselves to be
persuaded, and they made a point of it afterwards to per-
suade others. Some hints for a journey to Paris had been
already thrown out; these three persons strongly sup-
ported the design, and represented to the Queen of Navarre,
that if she refused to go upon this occasion, she would not
only give offence to the king, but lose all the advantage
of this favourable situation of her affairs. At first, she
doubted, and continued irresolute during some months, but
yielding about the end of the year 1571, preparations for the
* William of Nassau, Prince of Orange.
t Beauvais, governor to the Prince of Navarre. Gervais
Barbier, Lord of Francourt, chancellor to the King of Navarre.
74
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
journey were made at the beginning of 1572, and the month
of May following fixed for their departure.
The Huguenots, one would imagine, affected to close their
eyes, that they might not see a thousand circumstances, suffi-
cient to make the sincerity of such great promises suspected.
The king and queen could not so well dissemble, but that
they suffered their real sentiments to be sometimes guessed
at. It was known, that Charles had one day said to Cathe-
rine, “Do I not play my part well?" To which she an-
swered, “Very well, my son, but you must hold out to the
end.” Something also had transpired, relating to the result
of the conferences held at Bayonne,* between the courts of
France and Spain. The King of Navarre had been very ill
received in his government of Guienne : Bordeaux had
shut its gates against him; and the Marquis de Villars, i
who commanded the royal army there, would neither draw
off his troops, nor permit them to receive orders from the
prince. In Rochelle, they were not ignorant that the king
had actually a naval force all along the coast, which they
supposed had been destined for Holland ; and the citizens
had moreover discovered the artifices Strozzi, I La Garde,
Lansac, and Landereau had employed to gain the custody
of their gates, and to seize their city. In fine, while the
court boasted of its exactness in maintaining the treaty of
* In 1564, the queen-mother, after having travelled through great
part of the kingdom, advanced almost to Bayonne, where she had many
private conferences with the Duke of Alva, who had attended the
Queen of Spain thither. There were appearances sufficient to make it
probable that the subject of these conferences was an alliance between
the Pope, France, and the house of Austria, and the means by which
they should extirpate the Protestant party; but there is no certainty
that the design of the massacre of St. Bartholomew, which was not
executed till several years after, was formed there. Matthieu tells us
that the Prince of Navarre, being then a child, and almost continually
with Catherine de Medicis, heard something of the plot to exterminate
all the heads of the Protestant party; he gave notice of it to the queen,
bis mother, and she to the Prince of Condé and the admiral, and the
rage this inspired them withi, carried them to the enterprise at Meaux.
(History of France, vol. i. p. 283.)
f Honorat, a bastard of Savoy, Marquis of Villars.
Philip Strozzi; the Baron de la Garde, called Captain Polin ;
Lansac the younger, brother of Louis de Lusignan of St. Gélais, Lord
of Lansac; and Charles Rouhault, Lord of Landereau, who commanded
1572.]
ARTIFICES OF CATHERIND DE MEDICIS.
75
peace in its fullest extent, it was but too plain that a great
number of injuries were done to the Protestants, which the
court either authorised, or connived at. The Chancellor de
l'Hôpital* being inclined to punish the aggressors at
Rouen, Dieppe, Orange, &c., this, together with his refusal
to seal the revocation of an edict of pacification, was the
cause of his banishment from court; but without all these
instances of treachery, the Huguenots, one would imagine,
were sufficiently warned by the knowledge they had of
Catherine's temper, as well as that of her son. Could they
flatter themselves that this prince, naturally furious and
vindictive, would forget the attempt at Meaux,t the invasion
of Orleans, Rouen, Bourges, Lyons, &c., Havre given up by
the Huguenots to the English, foreigners introduced into
the heart of the kingdom, so many battles fought, and
so much blood shed ? Reasons of state, that phrase so
familiar with sovereigns, that under the disguise of policy
they may satisfy their personal resentment, and other
passions, will scarce permit them to suffer their subjects
to engage in such enterprises with impunity. Catherine,
to that time, had always persisted to impute the death of
her husband to them, which she could never pardon, no more
than their having treated the whole family of Medicis as the
enemies of Christ. Nor was there less imprudence in trust-
ing the Parisians, whose animosity and fury against the
Huguenots had broke out again, in the affair of the cross of
Gatine. From all this, my father conceived such strong
* Michael de l'Hôpital, Chancellor of France. The seals were taken
from him, and given to John de Morvilliers. He died in 1573.
+ In the year 1567 the Prince of Condé and the Admiral de Coligoy
formed the design of seizing Charles IX. at Meaux, where he then was,
and from whence the queen-mother made him set out precipitately at
night to return to Paris. This design would have been executed, but
for the seasonable arrival of three thousand Swiss, who covered the
king in his retreat, and the Calvinists durst not attack him. (See the
historians.)
# The following is the fact, as it is related by M. de Thou, book I.
anno 1571. Philip Gatine, a rich merchant of St. Denis-street, having
some years before been convicted of lending his house to the Huguenots,
to serve them for a church, he was, by the parliament of Paris, con-
demned to be hanged or burnt the 30th of July. His house was de-
molished, and in its place a pillar was erected, in the form of a cross,
which was afterwards called the Cross of Gatine. With the edict of
76.
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
apprehensions, that when the report of the court of Navarre's
journey to Paris first reached him, he could not give credit to
it. Firmly persuaded that the present calm would be of
short continuance, he hastened to take advantage of it, in
order to shut himself up immediately with all his effects in
Rochelle, when every one else talked of nothing but leaving
it. The Queen of Navarre herself informed him more par-
ticularly of this design soon after, and requested him to join
her in her way to Vendôme. My father prepared to go; and
being desirous of taking me with him, he ordered me, some
days before his departure, to attend him in his chamber,
where, no one being present but La Durandière, my pre-
ceptor, he thus addressed me: “Maximilian, since custom
does not permit me to make you the principal heir of my
estates, to balance this disadvantage I will endeavour to
enrich you with virtues; by means of which, I hope, as hath
been predicted to me, you will one day distinguish yourself.
Prepare, therefore, to support with fortitude whatever diffi-
culties you may meet with in the world, and by nobly sur-
mounting them, procure the esteem of all good men, particu-
larly that of the master to whom I am desirous of giving you,
and in whose service I recommend to you to live and die. I
am going to Vendôme, to meet the Queen of Navarre, and
the prince her son; prepare yourself to accompany me, and
when I present you to him, offer him your services.; and,
that you may express yourself gracefully, study a short speech
for that purpose.” I accordingly attended him to Vendôme.*
pacification, passed in the year 1570, the Calvinists obtained, that this
cross should be thrown down, which, after some delay, was at last
executed; but it occasioned such violent tumults amongst the populace,
that the council was obliged to send some troops thither, under the
command of the Duke de Montmorency. Felibien, in the Second
Volume of his History of the City of Paris, says, that this cross was re-
placed at the entry of the churchyard of the Innocents, after the iron
plate, upon which the decree of the parliament was engraved, had been
taken away; and it is still to be seen there. Sauval, vol. ii. book viii.
of the Antiquities of Paris, mentions the place where this house stood,
in the street of St. Denis, over against the street of the Lombards,
where indeed there is a hollow in the ground, which possibly might be
the foundation of Gatine's house.
* Francis de Bethune, the author's father, followed the Prince of
Condé to the battle of Jarnac, and was there taken prisoner. An in-
dictment of high treason was made out against him for having borne
1572.]
ROSNY ENTERS THE PRINCE'S SERVICE.
77
He found there a general confidence, and an air of satisfac-
tion on every face, which in public he durst not object to;
but whenever he had an opportunity of conversing in private,
either with the queen, the prince, the admiral, the Counts
Ludovic* and Rochefoucault, and the other Protestant lords,
he very freely told them that he was surprised they had so
soon forgot the many occasions that had been given them for
well-grounded apprehensions; that from a reconciled enemy
excessive promises and civilities were no less suspicious, and
much more dangerous, than open menaces and declared
hatred; that it was hazarding still more to expose a young
prince, too little guarded against the allurements of pleasure,
to the attractions of the most voluptuous court in the world.
He represented to them, that, instead of dreaming of an
alliance so unhappy as that must necessarily be, between this
prince and a princess who professed a different religion, they
ought rather to bave endeavoured to marry him to the Queen of
England, who might have assisted him in bis attempts to recover
the crown of Navarre, and possibly, as occasions offered, that of
France likewise. He had so strong a foreboding of the fatal
consequences of this French match, that he often said, if the
nuptials were celebrated at Paris, the bridal favours would be
crimson. This prudent advice was looked upon to be the
effect of weakness and timidity. My father, not willing to
appear wiser than so many persons of more distinguished
understandings, suffered himself, contrary to his opinion, to
be driven with the torrent, and only demanded time to put
himself into a condition of appearing with that splendour his
rank required, in a court where everything was magnificent.
For this purpose he again took the road to Rosny; but
before he went he presented me to the Prince of Navarre, in
the presence of the queen his mother, and, in my name, gave
him assurances of an inviolable attachment, which I confirmed
with great boldness, putting one knee to the ground. The
prince raised me immediately, and after twice embracing me,
had the goodness to commend the zeal which my family had
arms against his majesty, and his estates were seized, but were restored
to him at the peace. (Du Chesne.)
* Or Louis of Nassau, brother to William, Prince of Orange. Francis,
Count of Rochefoucault, and Prince of Marsillac, slain in the massacre
of St. Bartholomew.
78
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLI.
always shown for him, and, with that engaging air so natural
to him, promised me his protection ; a promise I at that
time regarded as the mere effect of his complaisance, but
which I have since seen fulfilled far beyond my hopes and
merit. I did not return with my father to Rosny, but went
to Paris in the Queen of Navarre's train. As soon as I
arrived, being sensible of the necessity my youth had of
instruction, I applied myself closely to my studies, without
neglecting, however, to make my court to the prince my
master. I lived with a governor, and valet-de-chambre, at
a distance from the court, in a quarter of Paris where almost
all the colleges stood, and continued there till the bloody
catastrophe, which happened a short time after.
Nothing could be more kind than the reception the Queen
of Navarre, her children, and principal servants, met with
from the king and queen-mother, nor more obliging than
their treatment of them. Charles IX. was continually
praising the virtues and good qualities of the Count de
Rochefoucault, De Téligny, Resnel,* Beaudisner, Piles, Plu-
viaut, Colombières, Grammont, Duras, Bouchavannes, Ga-
mache, my father, and other Protestant lords; the admiral
he always called father, and took upon himself the task of
reconciling him with the princes of the house of Guise; he
also granted him the pardon of Villandry, which he had
denied to his own mother and his brothers, his crime being
thought too great to be forgiven. When the admiral was
wounded, the king, at the first news he heard of it, broke
into oaths and threatenings, and declared that the assassini
* Antony de Clermont, Marquis of Resnel; Galiot de Crussol, Lord
of Beaudisner, brother to the Duke d’Uzès ; Armand de Clermont,
Baron of Piles, in Périgord ; N. de Rochefort, Lord of Pluviaut
Claveau, a gentleman of Poitevin; Francis de Bricqueville de Colom-
bières; Antony de Grammont, Viscount d'Aster; John de Durefort,
Viscount Duras; Bayancort, Lord of Bouchavannes; Nicholas Rouhaut,
Lord of Gamache.
† Villandry being one day at play with the king, was so rash as to
commit some offence against majesty itself, for which he was sentenced
to be put to death. (Davila, book v. See D’Aubigné, who relates this
fact more particularly, vol. ii. book i. chap. 2.)
# He was called Nicholas de Louviers, Lord of Maurévert in Brie.
“Must I,” said Charles IX., throwing his racket at him in a rage, “be
perpetually troubled with new broils ? shall I never have any quiet ? ”
Many persons have doubted whether these threatenings of Charles,
1:2
1572.]
WOUNDING OF ADMIRAL COLIGNY.
79
should be sought for in the most secret recesses of the
palaces of the Guises, and made all the court, after his ex-
and his violent transports of rage, were not sincere; and whether this
prince, who had at first entered into all the designs of the queen, his
mother, did not suffer himself at last to be gained by the Admiral de
Coligny in those private conversations they had together, in which the
admiral never ceased to represent to him the fatal consequences of this
princess's bad government, and to exhort him to shake off his de-
pendence on her. Villeroy's Memoirs of State, vol. ii. pp. 55 and 66,
and many other writers of those times, produce such strong proofs of
authority, which she was upon the point of losing, than by causing
the admiral to be assassinated; and this writer pretends that Mau-
révert was suborned, unknown to the king, to strike the blow. On the
other side, the historian Matthieu believes he has sufficient reason to
maintain (vol. i. book vi.) that Charles IX. deceived the admiral from
first to last. He relates that this prince, observing the opposition
some of his counsellors gave to the design of extirpating the Huguenots,
represented to them in a rage that the kingdom was lost if their plot
was not executed that same night, for a longer delay would put it out
of their power to prevent the schemes the Huguenots were forming;
who, he told them, were well acquainted with their design. He added,
that those who did not approve of his resolution would never be con-
sidered by him as his servants. But this historian does not perceive
that a few pages after, he himself lessens the weight of these proofs, by
relating a conversation which passed between Henry III. and his phy-
sician, Miron, in Poland, of which the following is an abridgment, for
it is too long to be inserted here at length. Henry III., then Duke of
Anjou, going, some days before the massacre of St. Bartholomew, into
the chamber of the king, his brother, observed that this prince looked
upon him with eyes so full of rage, and with such indications of fury
in his countenance, that, apprehending the consequence of these violent
emotions, he softly regained the door, and hurried immediately to give
the alarm to the queen-mother. She, from what had happened to her-
self, being but too much disposed to believe it, resolved to get rid of
Coligny without further delay. Maurévert having partly failed in his
attempt, since he only wounded the admiral in the arm, the queen-
mother and the Duke of Anjou, finding they could not hinder the king
from visiting him, thought it necessary to accompany him, and, under
pretence of sparing the admiral's strength, interrupted, as often as
they could, the private conversation they held together. During this
visit Catherine, who was surrounded with Calvinists, observed that
they frequently whispered to each other, and looked on her from time
to time with very suspicious eyes. This adventure, she acknowledged,
was the most dangerous of all she had ever been engaged in. As they
returned, she pressed the king so vehemently to tell her the subject of
80
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
ample, visit the wounded person; and when the Guises came
to entreat that he would condescend to hear their justifica-
tion, he gave them a very unfavourable reception. The
Spanish ambassador was on this occasion so ill-treated that
he thought fit to withdraw; nor could Pope Pius V. escape
the resentment of Charles, be having refused to give the ne-
cessary dispensation for Henry's marriage with the Princess
his private discourse with the admiral, that this prince could not refrain
from betraying it, by telling her, with his usual oath, that she spoiled
all his affairs, or words to that purpose. Catherine, now more alarmed
than before, had recourse to an artifice that succeeded. She told her
son that he was ready to fall into the snare the admiral had prepared
for him; that he was upon the point of being delivered up to the Hu-
guenots, combined with foreigners; and had nothing to hope for from
his Catholic subjects, who, through disgust at finding themselves be-
trayed, had chosen another leader. All the other counsellors, excepting
only the Marshal de Retz, seconded her arguments so strongly, that
Charles himself being seized with fear, and passing from one extreme
to the other, was the first to resolve, and even press, not only the
murder of the admiral, but of all the Huguenots; " to the end,” said he,
" that there may not one be left to reproach me.” All the rest of that
day and the following night they consulted upon the means of executing
this design. At break of day Charles, the queen-mother, and the Duke
of Anjou, went to the gate of the Louvre, and hearing a pistol go off,
fear and remorse seized them. The king sent orders to the Duke of
Guise to proceed no further; to which the duke replied, his orders had
come too late, and they, recovering from their consternation, joined in
everything that was afterwards performed. It is possible, I think, to
reconcile these different opinions, and preserve to the proofs alleged
on each side all their force, by saying that Charles IX., who certainly
invited the admiral to Paris with no other view than to have him
murdered with the rest of the Huguenots, suffered himself to be shaken
by his arguments, and that he embraced alternately propositions from
each of the contending parties, and from their different reasons was
thrown into a state of irresolution, from whence he was only treed by
the natural impetuosity of his disposition, which Catherine well knew
how to take advantage of. Coligny's security proceeded from his not
being able to doubt the efficacy of his arguments on the mind of this
prince; otherwise, it would not have been possible for Charles to have
so long imposed upon a man of the admiral's great prudence and
sagacity. A young king of three-and-twenty years of age, who till
then had been almost always governed by others, was not capable of
that deep policy which they have had the complaisance to attribute to
him; however, it must be confessed that this young prince already
carried dissimulation to its utmost height, of which his having never
discovered the secrets of his council or those of the admiral to each
other, although strongly pressed to it, is an incontestable proof.
1572.]
DISSIMULATION OF CHARLES IX.
81
Margaret, for which the most magnificent preparations were
then making. The king carried his respect for this prince
so far as to dispense with his going into the church of Nôtre
Dame,* and even with observing any of the Romish cere-
monies. The Cardinal de Bourbon f making some remon-
strances upon these tolerations, which to him seemed to ex-
ceed all bounds, was dismissed with a severe reprimand; and
when the Queen of Navarre died, the whole court appeared
sensibly affected, and went into deep mourning. In a word,
it is not passing too harsh & censure upon this conduct of
Catherine and her son, to call it an almost incredible prodigy
of dissimulation ; since a man of the Admiral de Coligny's
great wisdom fell into the snare, notwithstanding a thousand
circumstances concurred to make him apprehend the danger
that was approaching; for it was loudly said that Genlis and
La Noué, who had been sent to the assistance of the Prince
of Orange, were defeated with the connivance of the French
court, which, whilst uncertain of success in the principal
* “The king,” says Le Grain, “was resolved that the marriage
should not be celebrated in a manner wholly conformable to either
religion. Not to the Calvinist, because the vows were to be received
by a priest, who was to be the Cardinal of Bourbon; nor to the Romish,
because these vows were to be received without the sacramental cere-
monies of the Church. A great scaffold was erected in the court before
the principal gate and entry of the church of Paris on Monday, the
18th of August, 1572, upon which were betrothed and married on the
same day, and by a single act, the most high, &c. This done, the
bridegroom retired to meeting, to hear a sermon, and the bride went
into the church to hear mass, according to the articles of the treaty of
marriage; after which they both came to the entertaiument prepared
for them in the great hall of the palace," &c. (B. Le Grain, Decease of
Henry the Great, book ii.) Charles IX. gave his sister three hundred
thousand crowns for a portion; and the Queen of Navarre yielded the
upper and lower counties of Armagnac, &c., to her son at his marriage.
(F. Matthieu, vol. i. book vi.)
† Charles de Bourbon, cardinal, uncle to Henry IV.
# John d'Angest d'Ivoy, of the ancient house of Genlig. Francis de
la Noué, a gentleman of the greatest reputation in the Protestant party,
and esteemed even by the Catholics themselves. The admiral, speaking
of this misfortune to Charles IX., attributed it to the secret being but
ill kept in the council. Charles demanded of the Duke of Alva, by
Claude Mondoucet, his resident in the Low Countries, the French Pro-
testant gentlemen who had been taken prisoners. (De Thou, anno
1572, book ii.)
VOL. I.
82
BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
object of its dissimulation, was not willing to hazard all the
consequences which that dissimulation might produce.
The Protestants were also informed of the conferences:
which the queen-mother and the principal ministers held
with Cardinal Alexandrin, nephew. of Pope Pius V., and
with the Guises, who were twice discovered conversing in
masks with the king, the queen-mother, the Duke de Retz, *
and the Chancellor de Birague; of this was sufficient to show
what they ought to think of their pretended disgrace. In
the death of the Queen of Navarre,f plain indications of
poison were perceived, and it was never doubted but that the
wound the admiral received came from the house of Villemur,
preceptor to the Guises; and the assassin was met in his
flight upon a horse belonging to the king's stable. Even the
guards which Charles placed about the admiral (under pre-
tence of securing his person from the like attempts), were
* Albert de Gondy, Duke de Retz, Marshal of France.
t René de Birague, a Milanese, Bishop of Lavaur, afterwards car-
dinal. He was at that time only keeper of the seals, and was not made
chancellor till the following year, after the death of the Chancellor de
l'Hôpital. See his eulogium in the Negotiations of Busbeq. Aug.
Gist. Busbequii, Epist. 29. Of him it was said that he was cardinal.
without a title, chancellor without seals, and priest without a benefice.
I Her lodgings were in the house of Charles Gaillart, Bishop of
Chatres, a man violently suspected of Calvinism. Soon after her
return from Blois, whither she had followed the court, she was seized
with a fever, and died on the fifth day of her illness. Many different
opinions prevailed concerning the manner of her death. The Memoirs
of L'Etoile, D'Aubigné, and all the Calvinists, attribute it to poison,
which, they say, was given her in a pair of gloves by a Florentine,
named René, perfumer to the queen-mother. De Serres, in bis Me-
moirs, gives us to understand that the pbysicians, who opened her
body had orders not to touch her brain, which was supposed to be
affected by the poison; but they are all contradicted by Le Grain, and
several others, who maintain that she died of a pleurisy, occasioned by
her being overheated in making preparations for the nuptials of her
son; to which was added, the vexation she conceived at being obliged
to kneel to the holy sacrament as it passed before her house on Corpus
Christi Day. La Popelinière, Pèrefixe, and De Thou, endeavour to.
remove all suspicions of poison. The last mentioned assures us that
Charles IX.: ordered the head of this princess to be opened, as well as
the rest of her body; and if the physicians did not do it, it was because
they found the true cause of her death in an abscess in her body.
This is also the opinion of Matthieu, the historian.
§ This is all true, and proves that the queen-mother, and not the
1572.7 WITHDRAWAL OF THE PROTESTANTS FROM PARIS. 83
21
almost all his declared enemies ; nor was it less certain that
all the citizens of Paris were furnished with arms, which, by
the king's order, they kept in their houses.
The most clear-sighted amongst the Huguenots, yielding
to proofs so convincing, quitted the court, and even Paris
itself, or at least lodged in the suburbs. M. Langoiran,*
when blamed for thus absenting himself; replied that the
good cheer and fine. promises : of the court induced him to
quit it, that he might not be caught in the net like some ill-
advised persons. The Marshal Montmorency retired to
Chantilly, for the same reasons; and when Montgomery,
king, was the designer of this stratagen. It is hard to say what was
her real intention by this stroke; whether she sought to get rid of a
man who possessed too much power over the king's mind, and was
capable of ruining her design of extirpating all the - Huguenots; or
whether, if the admiral had died of this wound, she would have con-
fined her vengeance: to his death only; or, lastly, whether she expected
the noise of this assassination would excite the Calvinists in Paris to
revolt, and by that means furnish her with the occasion she wanted to
fall upon them, for which her party was already prepared. In the
council, many expedients' to give a pretence for attacking them were
proposed; amongst others, the assault of an artificial fort built in the
Louvre, which would afford them an opportunity of turning the feigned
attack into a real one against the Huguenots; at last, they resolved to
put them all to the sword in the night. The admiral·lodged in the
street Bétisy, in an inn, which is called at present the Hotel St. Pierre.
The room in which he was murdered is still shown there.
* N. de Montferrand, Baron of Langoiran; John de Rohan, Lord
of Frontenay; John de Ferrières, Viscount of Chartres; N. de Lon-
caunay, a gentleman of Normandy, slain at the battle of Yvry, at
seventy years of age; N: de Rabodanges;—(In the manuscripts in the
king's library, No. 8669, p. 31, may be seen the original of a letter
of Charles IX. to M. de Rabodanges, dated from St. Maur, May 6,
1566, which begins thus: “Monsieur de Rabodanges, I know with
what fidelity you have acted on occasion of the commission which I
delivered you some time ago, to punish the vagabonds and robbers of
your country.")-N. de Ségur de Pardaillan, N. du Touchet, a gentle-
man of Normandy, near Domfront; N. des Hayes Gasque ; Guy
de Lusignan of St. Gélais, son to Louis, Lord of Lansac; l'eter
de Chouppes; John de la Fin, Lord of Beauvais la Nocle; Peter de.
Grandrie, steward in ordinary of the king's household, &c., -all these
persons earnestly pressed the admiral to leave Paris. “By doing so,".
he replied, “I must show either fear or distrust. My honour would
be injured by the one, by the other the king. I should be again :
obliged to have recourse. to a civil war; and I would rather, die than
see again the miseries I have seen, and suffer the distress. I have
already suffered.” (Matthieu, vol. i, book vi. p. 343.).
G 2
84
[BOOK 1.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
Frontenay, the Viscount De Chartres, De Loncaunay, De Ra-
bodanges, Du Breuil, De Ségur, De Say, Du Touchet, Des
Hayes, De Saint-Gélais, De Chouppes, De Beauvais, De
Grandrie, De Saint-Etienne, D’Arnes, De Boisec, and many
other gentlemen of Normandy and Poitou, were pressed to
come nearer the court, they replied that they found the air
of the suburbs agree better with their constitution, and that
of the fields was still more advantageous for it. Happily,
my father was one of those whose life was preserved by a
like prudent distrust. When they were informed that the
Bishop of Valence,* on taking leave of the king for his em.
bassy to Poland, had penetrated into the secret, and been in-
discreet enough to reveal it to some of his friends, and that
they had intercepted letters sent to Rome by the Cardinal
de Pellevé, † in which he unfolded the whole mystery to the
Cardinal de Lorraine--it was then that these gentlemen re-
newed their entreaties to the King of Navarre that he would
either leave Paris, or permit them to retire to their own
houses. To this advice, the prince opposed that which had
been given him by a great many other persons, and some even
of the Protestant party; for where are not traitors to be
found ? They warned him to be cautious; they told him
the names of all those who had been gained by the queen-
mother to deceive him. He listened to nothing. The ad-
miralſ appeared no less incredulous; his evil destiny began,
* Jean de Montluc, Bishop of Valence.
+ Nicolas de Pellevé, cardinal archbishop of Rheims, passionately
devoted to the League.' Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine.
It has been said, that all the great actions which the Admiral
Coligny performed in his life were against his God, his religion, his
country, and his king; how much is it to be lamented that he did not
employ his talents more usefully! All the historians agree in saying,
he was the most consummate politician and greatest warrior that ever
appeared. It is thought that it was in consequence of the advice he
gave to the Prince of Orange that the Low Countries rebelled against
Spain, maintained the war during ten years, and formed the plan of a
republic, which in part has succeeded. It is also believed, and with
good reason, that he would have made a like attempt in France. In
Villeroy's Memoirs, vol. iv. pp. 322, 340, he is accused with great vio-
lence; but he always steadily denied, particularly in his last will, his
ever having any intention of attempting the person of the king. (See
his eulogium and political designs in Brantônie, vol. iii.; De Thou, and
the other historians.)
1572.]
THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTIOLOMEW.
85
by blinding him, to lead him to his ruin. It would have been
well if he had acted with the same prudence that the Mar-
sbal de Montmorency did, who could never be drawn from
Chantilly, notwithstanding repeated invitations from the
king, who pressed him to come and partake his favour with
the admiral, and be near bis person, to assist him with his
advice.
If I were inclined to increase the general horror inspired
by an action* so barbarous as that perpetrated on the
* What M. de Sully says of the massacre ought not to be thought
too severe: “ An execrable action," cries Pèrefixe, which never had,
and I trust in God never will have, its like.” Pope Pius V. was so
much afflicted at it that he shed tears; but Gregory XIII., who suc-
ceeded hin, ordered a public thanksgiving to God for this massacre to
be offered at Rome, and sent a legate to congratulate Charles IX., and
to exhort him to persevere. The following is a short account of the
massacre:--All the necessary measures having been taken, the ringing
of the bells of St. Germain l'Auxerrois, for matins, was the signal for
beginning the slaughter. The Admiral de Coligny was first murdered,
Duke of Guise, and others, the duke himself and the Chevalier de
Guise staying below in the court. His body was thrown out of the
window. They cut off his head, and carried it to the queen-nother,
the memoirs of his own times, composed by himself. After every sort
of indignity had been offered to the bleeding carcase, it was hung on
the gibbet of Montfaucon, whence the Marshal de Montmorency
caused it to be taken down in the night, and buried at Chantilly. The
whole house of Guise had been personally animated against the
admiral ever since the assassination of Claude, Duke of Guise, by
Poltrot de Méré, whom they believed to have been incited to this crime
by him; an accusation of which the admiral certainly was never able
to clear himself. If this cruel slaughter (as many people are fully
persuaded) was only an effect of the Guises' resentment, who advised
the queen-mother to it, with a view of revenging their own injuries, it
must be confessed that no individual erer took so severe a vengeance
for an offence. All the domestics of the admiral were afterwards slain;
and the slaughter was at the same time begun by the king's emissaries
in all parts of the city. The most distinguished of the Calvinists that
perished were Francis de la Rochefoucault, who having been at play
part of the night with the king, and finding himself seized in bed by
men in masks, thought it was the king and his courtiers, who came to
divert themselves with him. Antony de Clermont, Marquis de Resnel,
was murdered by his own kinsman, Louis de Clermont, of Bussy
d'Amboise, with whom he was then at law for the marquisate of Cler-
mont. Charles de Quellenec, Baron of Pont in Bretagne, whose dead
body excited the curiosity of the ladies of the court, on account of a
:86
UUD
MEMOIRS OF SULLY[BOOK. I.
.
24th of August, 1572, and too well known by the name of
the massacre of St. Bartholomew, I should in this place en-
large upon the number, the rank, the virtues, and great
talents of those who were inhumanly murdered on that hor-
rible day, as well in Paris as in every other part of the king-
dom; I should mention at least the ignominious treatment,
the fiend-like cruelty, and savage insults these miserable
thousand times more terrible : than death itself. I have
writings still in my hands which would confirm the report, of
the court of France having made the most pressing solicita-
tions to the courts of England and Germany, to the Swiss
and the Genoese, to refuse an asylum to those Huguenots
who might fly from France; but I prefer the honour of the
nation to the satisfying a malignant pleasure, which many
persons would take, in lengthening out a recital wherein
might be found the names of those who were so lost to hu-
manity as to dip their hands in the blood of their fellow-
citizens, and even of their own relations. I would, were it
in my power, for ever obliterate the memory of a day that
Divine vengeance made France groan for, by a continual suc-
cession of miseries, blood, and horror, during six-and-twenty
years; for it is impossible to judge otherwise, when one re-
flects on all that happened from that fatal moment till the
peace of 1598. It is even with regret that I cannot omit
what happened upon this occasion to the prince who is the
subject of these Memoirs, and to myself.
process carried on by his wife, Catherine de Parthenay, daughter and
heiress of John de Soubise. Francis Nonpar de Caumont was mur-
dered in his bed, betwixt his two sons, one of whom was stabbed by his
side; but the other, who was wounded, by counterfeiting himself dead,
and lying concealed under the bodies of his father and brother, escaped.
Téligny, son-in-law to the admiral; Charles de Beaumanoir de La-
vardin; Antony de Marafin, Lord of Guerchy; Beaudisner, Pluviaut,
Berny, Du Briou, governor to the Marquis of Conti; Beauvais,
governor to the King of Navarre; Colombières, Francourt, &c. The
Count of Montgomery was pursued by the Duke of Guise as far as
Montfort l'Amaury. The king pardoned the Viscounts of Grammont
and Duras, and Gamache and Bouchavannes: the three brothers of the
Marshal de Montmorency were also spared, through fear that he might
afterwards revenge their death. (See the historians and other writers,
and that fine description of the massacre of St. Bartholomew, by M.
de Voltaire, in his 'Hepriade,' canto ii.)
1572.]
ROSNY'S. ESCAPE FROM MASSACRE.
87
Intending on that day to wait upon the king my master,
I went to bed early on the preceding evening; about three
in the morning I was awakened by the cries of people,
and the alarm-bells, which were everywhere ringing. M.de
Saint Julian, my tutor, and my valet, who had also been
roused by the noise, ran out of my apartments to learn the
cause of it, but never returned, nor did I ever after hear
what became of them. Being thus left alone in my room,
my landlord, who was a Protestant, urged me to accompany
him to mass in order to save his life, and his house from being
pillaged; but I determined to endeavour to escape to the
College de Bourgogne, and to effect this I put on my scho-
lar's gown, and taking a book under my arm, I set out. In
the streets I met three parties of the Life-guards ; the first
of these, after handling me very roughly, seized' my book,
and, most fortunately for me, seeing it was a Roman Catholic
prayer-book, suffered me to proceed, and this served me as a
passport with the two other parties. As I went along I saw
the houses broken open and plundered, and men, women,
and children butchered, while a constant cry was kept up of,
“Kill! Kill! O you Huguenots! O you Huguenots !''
This made me very impatient to gain the college, where,
through God's assistance, I at length arrived, without suf-
fering any other injury than a most dreadful fright. The
porter twice refused me entrance, but at last, by means of a
few pieces of money, I prevailed on him to inform M. La Faye,
the principal of the college and my particular friend, that I
was at the gate, who, moved with pity, brought me in, though
he was at a loss where to put me, on account of two priests
who were in his room, and who said it was determined to
put all the Huguenots to death, even the infants at the
breast, as was done in the Sicilian vespers. However, my
friend conveyed me to a secret apartment, where no one en-
tered except his valet, who brought me food during three
successive days, at the end of which the king's proclamation
prohibiting any further plunder or slaughter, was issued ; at
the same time also, two soldiers of the guard, named Fer-
rières and Viéville, dependants of my father, came armed to
the college to inquire after me on the part of my father, who
was under great apprehensions for my safety, and from
whom, three days after, I received a letter ordering me to
88
(BOOK I.
YEMOIRS OF SULLY,
remain in Paris, and there pursue my studies; and the better
to do this, he advised me to go to inass, as the king my
master had agreed to do, and above all things to follow that
prince's fortune, even to death, that no one might reproach
me with having left him in his distress.
With respect to the King of Navarre, he and the Prince
of Condé, his brother, were awakened about two o'clock in
the morning of St. Bartholomew by a great number of sol-
diers, who rushed boldly into a chamber of the Louvre,
where they lay, and insolently commanded them to dress
themselves, and attend the king. They would not suffer the
two princes to take their swords with them; and as they
passed along they beheld several of their gentlemen* mas-
sacred before their eyes. The king waited for them, and
received them with a countenance and eyes in which fury was
visibly painted: he ordered them with oaths and blasphe-
mies, which were familiar with him, to quit their fine religion,
which they had only taken up, he said, to serve for å
cloak to their rebellion. On the princes making some
refusal to abjure their religion, the king, transported with
anger, told them, in a fierce and haughty tone, " That he
would no longer be contradicted in his opinions by his sub-
jects; that they, by their example, should teach others to
revere him as the image of God, and cease to be enemies to
the images of his mother;" and concluded by declaring, that
if they did not go to mass he would treat them as criminals
guilty of treason, divine and human. The manner in which
these words were pronounced, not suffering the princes to
doubt of their sincerity, they yielded to necessity, and acceded
to what was required of them. Henry was even obliged to
send an edict into his dominions, by which the exercise of
any other religion but the Romish was forbid. Though this
submission preserved his life, yet in other things he was not
better treated, and he suffered a thousand capricious insults
* James de Ségur, Baron of Pardaillan, a Gascon; Armand de Cler-
mont, Baron of Piles, a Perigordin, &c. Gaston de Levis, Lord of
Leyran, took refuge under the Queen of Navarre's bed, who saved his
life. Some persons were sent to Châtillon, to seize Francis de Châtillon,
the admiral's son, and Guy d'Andelot's son; but they both escaped,
and fled to Geneva. Armand de Gontault de Biron was saved by for-
tifying himself in the Arsenal.
1572.]
EDUCATION OF ROSNY.
89
from the court; free by intervals, but more often closely con-
fined and treated as a criminal; his domestics, of which I
was always one, sometimes permitted to attend him, then all
on a sudden not suffered to come near him.
As for me, I employed this leisure in the most advan-
tageous manner I was able. I had it no longer in my choice
to prosecute my study of the learned languages, nor of what-
ever is called learning: this application, which my father had
strongly recommended to me, became impracticable from the
moment I lived in the court. It was with regret that I
parted with an excellent preceptor, to whose care he had
entrusted my education ; but he himself, perceiving be
could be no longer useful to me, asked leave to retire. From
his hands I passed into those of a man named Chrétien,
whom the King of Navarre kept in his train, and who was
ordered by him to teach me mathematics and history-two
sciences which soon consoled me for those I renounced, be-
cause I felt an inclination for them, which I have ever since
preserved: the rest of my time was employed in learning to
write and read well, and in performing all those exercises
which give ease and gracefulness of person. It was in these
principles, added to a still greater attention to form the man-
ners, that the method of educating youth consisted, which
was known to be peculiar to the King of Navarre, for he
himself had been brought up in the same manner; I con-
tinued to follow it till I was sixteen years of age, when the
situation of affairs throwing both him and me into the tumult
of arms, from which we had no hope of being freed, these
exercises were succeeded by those which related only to war,
and which I began by learning to shoot, and renounced all
others. In such circumstances, all that a young man can do,
is to improve his morals, if he cannot his genius; for even
the hurry and confusion of arms offer excellent schools of
virtue and politeness to him who is desirous of profiting by
them; but miserable, and that during his whole life, is he
who engages in a profession so fatal to youth, without having
strength or inclination to resist bad examples. If he should
have the good fortune to preserve himself from being tainted
with any shameful vice, how will he be able to instruct and
fortify his mind in those principles which wisdom dictates as
well to a private man as to a prince, but by making virtue
90
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
habitual by practice ? so that any good action may never be-
come painful, and that, if reduced to a necessity of saving all
by crime, or losing all by a virtuous action, he may find his
duty and inclination the same.
It was not long before Charles felt the most violent re-
morse for the barbarous action to which they had forced him
to give the sanction of his name and authority. From the
evening of the 24th of August he was observed to groan in-
voluntarily at the recital of a thousand acts of cruelty; which
every one boasted of in his presence. Of all those who were
about the person of this prince, none possessed so great a
share of his confidence as Ambrose Paré, his surgeon. This
man, though a Huguenot, lived with him in so great a de-
gree of familiarity, that, on the day of the massacre, Charles
telling him the time was now come when he must turn a
Catholic, he replied, without being alarmed, " By the light of
God, sire, I cannot believe that you have forgot your promise,
never to command me to do four things, namely, to enter
into my mother's womb, to be present in the day of battle,
to quit your service, or to go to mass.” The king soon after
took him aside, and disclosed to him freely the trouble of his
soul: “Ambrose," said he, “I know not what has happened
to me these two or three days past, but I feel my mind and
body as much at enmity with each other as if I were seized
with a fever; sleeping or waking, the murdered Huguenots
seem ever present to my eyes, with ghastly faces and welter-
ing in blood. I wish the innocent and helpless had been
spared.” The order which was published the following day, .
forbidding the continuance of the massacre, was in conse-
quence of this conversation.
The king hoped to retrieve his honour by publicly dis-
arowing all that had been done. In the letters patent which
he sent into the provinces, he threw all upon the Guises, and
would have had the massacre pass for an effect of their
hatred to the admiral. The private letters he wrote on this
subject to England, Germany, Switzerland, and other neigh-
bouring states, were all conceived in the same ternis.
There is no doubt but the queen-mother and her council
convinced the king of the bad consequence of so formal a
disavowal; for eight days after, his sentiments and language
were so much changed, that he went to hold his Bed of
1572.1
REMORSE AND CONDUCT OF CHARLES IX.
91
Justice in the parliament, and ordered other letters patent to
be registered, which declared that nothing was done on the
24th of August but by his express commands,* and to
punish the Huguenots; to each of the leaders of which party
a capital crime was imputed, in order, if possible, to give the
name and colour of justice to that detestable butchery.
These letters were addressed to the governors of provinces,
with orders to publish them, and pursue the rest of the pre-
tended guilty. I ought here to make honourable mention of
the Counts: de Tendet and De Charny ;I of Messieurs de Man-
delot,ş De Gordes || De Saint Héran, and De Carouge,**
who boldly refused to execute such orders in their govern-
ments. The Viscount d'Orthez, governor of Bayonne, tt had
resolution enough to answer Charles IX., who wrote to him
* Nothing is more certain than that he was seen with a carbine in
his hand during the massacre, which, it is said, he fired upon the Cal-
vinists, who were flying. The last Marshal de Tessé, in his youth, was
acquainted with an old man ninety years of age, who had been page to
Charles IX., and he often told him that he himself had loaded that car-
bine. It is also true that this prince went with his court to view the
body of the admiral, which hung by the feet with a chain of iron to the
gallows of Montfaucon; and one of his courtiers observing it smelt ill,
Charles replied, as Vitellius had done before him, “The body of a dead
enemy always smells well.” These two anecdotes I relate from the
author of the Henriade,' in his Notes, pp. 32 and 37.
of Claude de Savoy, Count of Tende, saved the lives of all the Pro-
testants in Dauphiny. When he received the king's letter, by which
he was directed to destroy them, he said, that could not be his majesty's
order.
| Eleanor de Chabot, Count of Charny, lieutenant-general in Bur-
gundy: there was only one Calvinist murdered at Dijon.
Francis de Mandelot, governor of Lyons: he had: determined to
save the Protestants, nevertheless they were all massacred in the prisons
where he had put them for security. He is said, by M. de Thou, to
have only feigned ignorance of this barbarity.
|| Bertrand de Simiane, Lord of Gordes, a man in great esteem.
T N. de Saint Héran de Montmorin, governor of Auvergne: he po-
sitively refused to obey unless the king himself was present.
** Tanneguy Le Veneur, governor of Normandy, an honest, humane
man; he did all that lay in his power to preserve the Protestants at
Rouen, but he was not master of it.
ft N. Viscount d'Orthez, goveruor of all that frontier. See his an.
swer to the king: “Sire, I have communicated your majesty's orders
to your faithful inhabitants and to the troops in the garrison; I found
there good citizens and brave soldiers, but not one executioner,” &c.
(De Thou, books lii. and liii. ; D'Aubigné, vol. ii. book i., &c.)
92
BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
with his own hand, “ That on this point he must not expect
any obedience from him.”
The number of Protestants massacred in the course of
about eight days, in the different parts of the kingdom, was
estimated at seventy thousand; and this cruel blow struck
the party with such terror, that, believing itself wholly ex-
tinct, nothing was talked of but submitting, or flying into
foreign countries; but a bold and unlooked-for enterprise
once more broke this resolution. M. Rénier, a gentleman
of the Reformed religion, having by a kind of miracle escaped
the massacre at Paris, and also out of the hands of M. de
Vezins, * his most bitter enemy, fled to Montauban, in the
neighbourhood of which he lived, accompanied by the Viscount
causing the people of the town to take up arms; they, how-
ever, found the whole of the inhabitants in such consterna-
tion, and so dispirited, that, not being able to persuade them
was about to send there to garrison it, they quickly fled, to
avoid being taken, and repaired to their respective homes ;
but falling in, before they separated, with about four hun-
dred and fifty of Montluc's men, who were marching to
Montauban, and in a place where they must either fight or
perish, they summoned all their resolution, and falling upon
the enemy, who, not being prepared, were soon put to the
rout, leaving about one hundred dead, sixty prisoners, and
one hundred horses. Rénier and Gourdon returned imme-
diately to Montauban, where the inhabitants received them
with the greatest joy, and taking courage at the success of
their enterprise, flew to arms, and resolved upon defending
the town. This, and other means of defence which they re-
sorted to, obliged Montluc to retire. The example of Montaul-
ban was followed by about thirty other places; and a great
number of gentlemen and soldiers also declaring for the Pro-
testants, they, who were considered as completely destroyed,
* Here is an error in the Memoirs of Sully: it was Vezins himself, a
very good man, but of harsh manners, that saved the life of Rénier,
whose enemy he had a long time been, and still continued to be, not-
withstanding this action. (See this remarkable story in M. de Thou,
book lii.)
† Blaise de Montluc, Marshal of France.
THE CALVINISTS RETRIEVE THEIR POSITION.
soon compelled their oppressors, in many instances, to act
upon the defensive.
The Catholics now turned all their forces against Rochelle
and Sancerre, which, taking advantage of the general terror,
they had invested. These enterprises did not succeed: San-
cerre, after having suffered all the horrors of a famine of which
history can furnish us with no example, at last concluded a
sort of treaty with the besiegers; but Rochelle held out, and
baffled all the Duke of Anjou's efforts, * who had in person
come to besiege it. The election for the throne of Poland
happened very opportunely to save the honour of this prince;
and by a treaty, in which Nismes and Montauban were com-
prebended, Rochelle retained all its privileges. These were
the only cities which preserved entire all the advantages of
the last edicts.
· Time also produced other favourable conjunctures for the
Calvinists. The queen-mother, of all her children, felt only a
true affection for the Duke of Anjou. The departure of this
prince for Poland gave her as much grief as it occasioned joy
to his two brothers, King Charles and the Duke of Alençon;
the last of whom, by his brother's, removal, becoming Duke
of Anjou, began to entertain great hopes of the crown of
France, when he reflected that Charles had no children, and
that his weak state of health was changed into a mortal
disease. The opposition he thought there was reason to
apprehend the queen-mother would give to his design, wholly
alienated his affections from her. This princess, by bestowing
her confidence on a small number of foreigners of mean
birth, who governed her finances, had made the greatest part
of the nobility almost as discontented as the Duke of Alen-
çon; he privately fomented this revolt, and persuaded them to
apply to the Protestants for assistance, in whose disgrace
* The Marshal de Montluc, in his Commentaries, finds great fault
with the conduct of this siege, saying, that they did not send troops
enough, carried on the assaults improperly, hazarded too much, and
suffered provisions to be brought into the place by sea; however, he
says, it would have been taken at last. He advised the queen-mother,
from the time she went to Bayonne, to take possession of this city: it
would have saved France both men and money had this advice been
followed. (See a relation of the sieges of Rochelle and Sancerre, in
D’Aubigné, vol. ii. book i.; La Popelinière, book xxxiii.; Matthieu,
vol. i. p. 340, and other historians.)
94
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
they partook. To ward off this blow, and at once to gratify
the Duke of Anjou, and her tenderness for the King of
Poland, she began from that moment to think in earnest of
marrying the first of these princes to the Queen of England,
and of procuring for him the sovereignty of the Low Coun-
tries; but his discontent had already produced its effect.
Charles, through another motive, joined in his brother's
resentment against the queen their mother. The disease
with which he found himself attacked began at Vitry, whither
Lie had accompanied the King of Poland, under pretence of
doing him honour, but in reality to enjoy the pleasure of
seeing him quit his kingdom. The condition to which he
soon found ħimself reduced, raised in his mind a thousand
suspicions against Catherine; so that uniting his interest
with that of the Protestants, he began to show them a great
deal of favour. This principally appeared in his permitting
them, notwithstanding the opposition made by the queen-
mother, to send deputies to court to declare their grievances
and state their demands. These deputies meeting with
others who came from the Catholic provinces, which had
been prevailed upon by the discontented lords to require the
abolition of certain, new taxes, and a diminution for ten
years of the old, they joined each other. The memorial, in-
deed, which contained their demands, was signed only by
four or five gentlemen ; but the terms in which it was con-
ceived, showed the most immovable steadiness in a party
that seemed to derive new strength even from its losses.
The queen-mother was violently enraged at it; but the king
not suffering her to exert any authority upon this occasion, all
she could do was to make use of delays till the death of this
prince, which she foresaw was not far distant. The Protest-
ants penetrated into her designs, and that they might be be-
forehand with her, appeared suddenly in arms: this was called
the Insurrection of Shroye Tuesday, because they possessed
themselves of several towns on that day.* Montgomery
returned from England to Normandy, where he fortified him-
self. The queen-mother and the whole court were then at
* Fontenay, Lusignon, Melle, Pons, Tonne-Charente, Talmont,
Rochefort, Oriol, Livron, Orange, and other places in Poitou, Langue-
doc, Dauphiny, &c.
† Gabriel, Count of Montgomery, the same that wounded Henry II.
1574.]:
THE INSURRECTION OF SHROVE TUESDAY.
95
St. Germain-en-Laye: she was resolved, at least, to take such
measures that the princes should not escape; but the at-
tempts which were every day made to get them out of her
power did not a little embarrass her. Guitry* and Buhy
came one day to St. Germain to carry them. away by force,
but everything not being properly concerted, they failed in
their design; it however created so great an alarm, that
Catherine fled with the princes to Paris, where she beheaded
Coconnast and La Molé, the contrivers of the plot, and im-
prisoned the Marshals de Montmorency and De Cossé. She
afterwards placed guards about the King of Navarre and the
Duke of Anjou, and sent soldiers to Amiens to arrest the
Prince of Condé, who was there strictly watched, and bring
him to Paris; but that prince was informed of it, and dis-
guising himself, deluded his spies, and happily escaped into
Germany, where he was honourably received, with promise
of assistance, by the Protestant princes, and shortly after
declared chief of all the Protestants in France.
The queen-mother now resolved to send all her forces
against the Huguenots immediately. They were divided
into three armies : Matignon led the first into Normandy,
where Montgomery, having only two or three ş inconsider-
* John de Chaumont, Marquis of Quitry, or Guitry: Peter de Mor-
nay, Lord of Buhy, brother of Du Plessis-Mornay. (See an account of
this enterprise in the Life of Du Plessis-Mornay, book i. p. 26.)
† Joseph Boniface de la Molé; Hanibal, Count of Coconnas, a Pied-
montese. “La-Molé and Coconnas were beloved by two great prin-
cesses (the Queen of Navarre and the Duchess of Nevers); love and
jealousy brought them both to destruction.” (Memoirs of Nevers, vol. i.
p. 75.)
# James de Matignon, Marshal of France: he died in the year 1597.
This nobleman, for his great qualities, deserves all the praises which
M. de Thou has bestowed on him, particularly for his inviolable attach-
ment to the person of his king; a virtue in those times very uncommon.
(De Thou, book lxvi.)
$ These were. Caréntan, Valogne, St. Lô, and Domfront. In this
last he was taken fighting like a man in despair. D'Aubigné, who was
himself a zealous Protestant, cannot certainly be suspected of partiality
upon this question relating to the promise given to the count by the
marshal: 6 The place," says he, “was taken, and life was promised to
all but the count, to whom artful'assurances were given that he should
not be delivered into any other hands than the king's, This I am
convinced of, notwithstanding the contrary has been written. France
is guilty of but too many perjuries, there is no occasion to invent any
96
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
able forts in his possession, was soon defeated, and obliged to
deliver himself up to this marshal, who carried him to Paris,
where he was beheaded. The second, commanded by the
Duke de Montpensier, * went to invest Fontenay, and after-
wards Lusignan, which he took, notwithstanding the bravery
with which the Viscount de Rohan defended it. The princet
Dauphin, who commanded the third, also took some small
places in Dauphiny; but having sat down before Livron, he
shamefully raised the siege. Everything was suspended on
account of the king's death, which happened this year, on Pen-
tecost-day, at the castle of Vincennes : he expired in the most
exquisite torments, and bathed in his own blood ;f the cruel
massacre on. St. Bartholomew's-day was always in his mind,
and he continued to the last, by his tears and agonies, to
show the grief and remorse he felt for it. The Cardinal of
to charge her with," &c. (Vol. ii. book ii. chap. 7.) Montgomery sub-
mitted to his fate like a hero. (De Thou, Brantôme, &c.)
* Francis of Bourbon. This branch of Montpensier descended from
a Louis of Bourbon, second son of John II. of Bourbon.
† Francis of Bourbon, son to the Duke of Montpensier, bore this
title. (Memoirs of Brantôme, vol. iii. p. 301.)
I Pèrefixe says, that when Charles was on his death-bed he sent for
the King of Navarre, in whom alone he had found faith and honour,
and in a very affectionate manner recommended to him his wife anch
sister. The queen-mother, he adds, on hearing he had sent for Henry,
and fearing he might appoint him regent, endeavoured to terrify the
latter, and for that purpose, when he was conducted to the king, she
ordered him to be led through the vaults, which were purposely lined
with guards drawn up in menacing attitudes. Henry sħook with fear,
and drew back a few paces; when Nançay la Chastre, the captain of
the guard, encouraged him to go on, swearing that no harm should be
done to him: and then, though he placed no great reliance on his word,
he was obliged to pass between the muskets and halberds.
§ A little before he expired he said he was glad he had left 110 chil-
dren, who would have been too young to govern the state in such diffi-
cult times. Montluc, De Thou, and almost all the historians agree in
saying, that if he had lived he would have been a very great prince.
He possessed, and in a great degree, courage, prudence, eloquence,
economy, and sobriety: he loved polite literature and learned men,
but he was choleric and a great swearer. He was but twenty-five
years of age when he died. Many contusions were found in his body.
(De Thou. However, there were no proofs found of his having been
poisoned, as the author of the Legend of Claude Duke of Guise says he
was. His death proceeded from violent exercises, to which he was
1575.] RETURN OF HENRY III. TO FRANCE.
97
Lorraine * died also this year, in the pope's territories, on the
23rd of December, a day made remarkable by the most ter-
rible storm ever known.
The King of Poland was informed of his brother's death
in thirteen days, and the night after the news was brought
him, he stole from his Polish attendants, and fled out of the
country. In his journey, he visited the Emperor Maximilian,
Charles Duke of Savoy, and the Duke and Senate of Venice;t
all these gave him advice equally wise and conformable to
his interests, which was, to grant the Protestants peace, and
the free exercise of their religion ; but instead of complying
with it, he immediately upon his arrival in France, broke the
truce that had been granted them for three months, and
changed it, at the solicitations of the queen-mother, into a
declaration of war against the whole party, to which a great
number of Catholics had lately joined themselves, out of
affection to the Marshal de Damville, I who had been dis-
gusted by the imprisonment of his brother.
The king went in person to lay siege a second time to
Livron, which he was likewise obliged to raise ; and brought
nothing away with him but the shame of finding himself
insulted from the top of the walls by the women, and even
children, and hearing the most satirical and bitter reflections
on the queen his mother. From this time he always appeared
so different from what he had been when Duke of Anjou,
that it may be said with reason, his shameful flight to
very much addicted, and a great quantity of bile, that often made his
eyes look quite yellow. His stature was tall, but he was not straight;
his shoulders were bent, his legs thin and weak, his complexion pale,
his eyes ghastly, and his countenance fierce. (See F. Matthieu, vol. i.
book vi., and the Life of this Prince, written in Latin by Papire
Masson.)
* Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine, Archbishop of Rheims. See his cha-
racter in the third book of Brantôme's Memoirs. “He died,” says
that writer, “ at Avignon, by poison, if we may give credit to the Le-
gend of St. Nicaise, p. 138;" and most piously, according to Matthieu,
who wrote his eulogium, vol. i. book vii. p. 407.
† The reader may consult Matthieu, vol. i., upon the departure of
Henry III. of Poland, and the particulars of his journey
# Henry de Montmorency, Duke of Damville, second son of the Con.
stable Anne de Montmorency.
VOL. I.
98
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
Avignon was at once the era of his ignominy, his kingdom's
misfortunes and his own. In his journey to Rheims, whither
he went immediately after to be consecrated, he conceived a
passion for one of the daughters of the Count de Vaudé-
mont,* and married her.
It was fortunate for him that the Duke.of Anjou was all
this time closely confined; but, after Henry's coronation,
this prince, who again quitted his title to take that of Mon-
sieur, enjoyed, as well as the King of Navarre, a little more
liberty, which was increased or lessened according to the
reports that were brought of their correspondence with the
enemies of the queen-mother.t One of Catherine's other
cares was to cause a rupture between these two princes,
which she effected by promising each of them separately the
post of Lieutenant-General of the French armies, and by
making use of such means as seldom fail to succeed,-in-
trigues of gallantry, and competitions in love; but, not-
withstanding all her arts, Monsieur at last escaped: he
deceived his guards, and fled in disguise, on the evening of
the 17th of September, to Dreux, where he was soon joined
by a great many of the nobility, who were disgusted with
the ill-treatment they had received from the king and his
ministers. The Prince of Condé had, in the mean time,
laboured so effectually in Germany, that Prince Casimir was
soon in a condition to enter France with a strong army.
Catherine had now recourse to other stratagems; she
endeavoured to regain Monsieur by the most specious offers,
and pursued him from city to city, always attended by a
train of young and beautiful ladies, on whom she relied still
* Louisa of Lorraine, daughter of Nicolas, Duke of Mercour, Count
of Vaudémont, and Margaret of Egmont, his first wife. Matthieu
gives this princess great praises for her virtue and affection to her hus-
band. (Vol. ii. book ii. p. 438.)
† Henry III. hated Monsieur, on account of his having, as he sup-
posed, attempted to poison him. He endeavoured to persuade the King
of Navarre to kill this prince, but was refused with horror. Henry II.
being ill with a disorder in his ear, the King of Navarre one day said
to the Duke of Guise, whom he loved, “Our man is very ill." The
duke answered the first time, “It will be nothing;" the second, “We
must think of it;" and the third he said to him, “I understand you,
sir;" and striking the hilt of his sword, “This," added he, “is at your
service.” (Matthieu, vol. i. book vii. p. 418.)
1576.]
MENACING PREPARATIONS FOR WAR.
99
more. In a word,* she succeeded so well, that he fell at last
into the snare she laid for him.
The King of Navarre, who had given credit to her promise
of making him lieutenant-general, now thought himself
secure of it, and rejoiced at first that he had got rid of
Monsieur, whom he always looked upon as his rival; but the
Ladies de Carnavelet and De Sauves undeceived him ; they
informed him that the court had resolved to give this great
employment to Monsieur, as a means of bringing him back
to court, where they intended to seize his person as soon as
he should arrive. This opened Henry's eyes, and he now
wholly applied himself to the recovery of his liberty, the
means for which were offered him one day in the month
of February, when he was hunting near Senlis :of his guards
being dispersed, he instantly passed the Seine at Poissy,
gained Chateau-Neuf in Timerais, which belonged to him,
where he took up some money of his farmers, and, followed
only by thirty horse, arrived at Alençon, which the Lord de
Hertra had seized in his name. There he had a conference
with Monsieur and the Prince of Condé, and they agreed to
unite all their forces. From Alençon the King of Navarre
went to Tours, where he no sooner arrived than he publicly
resumed the exercise of the Protestant religion. I was one
of those who accompanied this prince in his flight, and dur-
ing his whole journey.
The three princes, after uniting their troops, found them-
selves at the head of fifty thousandſ effective men, and made
Catherine tremble in her turn. A bloody war was now
expected; I entered into the infantry, in the character
of a volunteer, till an employment more suitable was given
me. I made my first essay in arms in the neighbourhood
of Tours, where several skirmishes happened between detach-
ments from the different parties. The King of Navarre
hearing that my behaviour had more of rashness than courage
in it, ordered me to be called, and said to me, “Rosny, it is
not here that I would have you hazard your life; I admire
* They conferred together at Champigny-sur-Vade, a house belong-
ing to the Duke of Montpensier, upon the confines of Touraine.
† See an account of this in D’Aubigné, vol. ii. ch. xvii.; Matthieu,
vol. i. book vii. page 420, &c.
† According to others, thirty thousand only.
II 2
100
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
your valour, but I desire you should employ it on a better
occasion." This occasion was not so near as we believed,
for Catherine, finding herself deficient in strength, had
recourse to her usual artifices. She talked of peace; she
offered more than we thought we could demand promises
cost this artful princess nothing. In a word, she had
address enough to make the princes lay down their arms,
and peace was concluded upon and signed three months
after; this was called Monsieur's peace, * for, besides that
Catherine's principal view in making it was to gain this
prince, he was so much the dupe of her artifices that at
last he wished for it, and solicited it more warmly than
any other person. It must be confessed it was a very advan-
tageous one; however, the princes never committed a more
To this Monsieur added a second error as considerable
against his own interest; he separated from the Protestants,
and by that means lost opportunities, both in France and
England, of becoming one of the most powerful princes
perhaps in Europe. Thus all things fell out agreeable to
the queen-mother's wishes, who, in making this peace, had
nothing in view but the disunion of her enemies.
After the conclusion of the peace, and while the king was
at Tours, he sent me with Fervaquest to court to demand
his sister, $ who, the second day after our quitting Paris,
declared herself of the Reformed religion, and I accompanied
* By the edict of sixty-three articles, passed at the convent of Beau-
lieu, near Loches, in Touraine, between the queen-mother and the
princes, the memory of the Admiral de Coligny and the other Protes-
tant chiefs was restored; chambers of justice, composed equally of Pro-
testants and Catholics, were granted in the principal parliaments, and
several cities given for security. Monsieur procured also a large ap-
Prince Casimir. (De Thou, D’Aubigné, &c.)
† In reality, Monsieur, on this occasion, sacrificed the King of Na-
varre and the Huguenots to his interests, or his politics. In the Me-
moirs of Nevers, vol. i. p. 90 and following, may be seen all the steps
taken by each party on occasion of this treaty.
: William de Hautemer, Count of Grancy, Lord of Fervaques, &c.,
Marshal of France, and lieutenant-general in Normandy. He died in
the year 1613, aged seventy-five.
s Madame Catherine de Bourbon, afterwards Duchess of Bar.
1576.] CATHERINE DISSEMBLES WITH THE HUGUENOTS. 101
her to the Protestant church at Chateau-Dun, with many
others who had changed during the massacre. The king
waited for his sister at Parthenay, from whence they went
to Rochelle, the inhabitants of which, except that they
offered him no canopy, paid him all the honours they could
have done to the king ; but the Catholics in his train did not
ineet with so favourable a reception; Caumont, afterwards
Duke d'Epernon,* was not suffered to enter the city, nor
any other whom they could prove had embrued his sword in
the bloody slaughter of the 24th of August.
The King of Navarre stayed but a short time in Rochelle;
for, notwithstanding the fair promises which had been made
to him and the Prince of Condé to fulfil the terms of the
peace with regard to their authority in Guienne and Picardy,
they had no sooner disbanded their troops and dismissed the
foreign auxiliaries, than they found that Monsieur had been
gained over, and had become one of their greatest enemies;
this, the non-execution of the edict, and the ill-treatment
which the Huguenots everywhere experienced, compelled
them again to take up arms towards the close of the year.
At this time M. de Lavardin,t my kinsman, who had a great
affection for me, presented me with a pair of colours in the
regiment he commanded, and I was appointed to defend
Périgueux, and afterwards Villeneuve in Agenois, when
threatened with a siege. The King of Navarre had a design
to undertake some considerable enterprises, but the greater
part of the gentlemen on whom he had relied for the supply ·
of fresh troops disappointed him, and the few which were
raised were so bad that there were only two places which
could be attacked with any prospect of success : the first was
Réole, which Favast carried by escalade, when I mounted
among the foremost with about fifty of my company; the
other was Macary, the attack on which was made by Lan-
goiran; but here we failed through treachery, for the people
were so well informed of the design, that the whole of the
first troop which entered were either killed or taken; and if
* John Louis de Nogaret de la Valette, Duke of Epernon. He will
be mentioned hereafter.
† John de Beaumanoir de Lavardin, or Laverdin, marshal of France.
† John Fayas, called Captain Favas.
102
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
Favas, who led the second troop, had not kept me and young
Bethune with him, we should have shared the same fate, as
we had several times entreated him to allow us to accompany
the first assailants.
At the siege of Ville-Franche in Périgord, which was
afterwards carried on by Lavardin, I was exposed to a more
considerable danger. During the assault, having mounted
the wall with my colours, I was overthrown. by the pikes
and halberds into the ditch, where I lay sink in the mud,
and so entangled with my colours, that had it not been for
the assistance of La Trape, my valet, and some soldiers, who
drew me out, I must infallibly have perished. The city.
being forced while they were parleying on the walls, it was
given up to pillage. I gained a purse of a thousand crowns
in gold for my share, which an old man, who was pursued by
five or six soldiers, gave me to save his life. The name of
Ville-Franche recals to my memory a very singular adven-
ture which happened some time before: the inhabitants of
this town having formed the design of seizing upon Mont-
pasier,* another little neighbouring town, by surprise, they
chose for the execution of it the very same night which the
citizens of Montpasier had, without knowing anything of the
matter, pitched upon to make themselves masters of Ville-
Franche. Chance ordered it so that the parties, taking
different ways, did not meet; all was executed with so much
the less difficulty, as the walls of both towns were wholly
without defence. They pillaged, they glutted themselves
with booty; each thought himself happy till day appeared,
and discovered the mistake ; they then came to a composition,
everything was restored to its right owner, and they returned
to their respective habitations. Such was the manner of
making war in those times; it consisted of seizing by artifice
the towns and castles of the enemy, though. often those
attempts produced very bloody engagements.
Soon after the above-mentioned occurrences, great dissen-
sions arose in the King of Navarre's court: his army was
almost equally composed of Protestants and Catholics, and
he often said that his obligations were greatest to the last,
for they served him disinterestedly, and through pure attach-
* A town in Périgord, upon the confines of Quercy.
1576.]
DISSENSIONS IN THE COURT OF NAVARRE.
103
ment to his person: but it was this: medley of Catholics and
Protestants which injured his affairs. Messieurs de Turenne,
de Montgomery, de Guitry, de Lusignan,* de Favas, de
Pardaillan, and other principal Protestants; had an invin-
cible aversion to Messieurs de Lavardin; de Miossens,t de
Grammont, de Duras; de Saint Colombe, de Roquelaure, de
Bogole, de Podins, and other Catholic officers. This ap-
peared, amongst other occasions, in: an affair where I was
concerned: an officer named Frontenac I having treated me
contemptuously on account of my youth, added, that if one
were to wring my nose, milk would flow out; I replied, that
I found myself strong enough to draw. blood from his with
my sword. This quarrel made some noise; and what was
very extraordinary, though my antagonist was a Catholic,
and myself a Protestant, yet the Viscount de Turenneş pro-
mised him his assistance, and that of his Protestant friends,
against me; which M. de Lavardin being informed of, he
and his Catholic friends offered me their services. The
viscount's hatred to me proceeded from my having taken
Langoiran's part (to whom I was obliged) in a quarrel he
had with that nobleman. M. de Turenne expected, that
wherever he and Langoiran' were together, the latter should
receive orders from him as his general. Langoiran, who
thought his birth equal to Turenne's, made a jest of his pre-
tensions; and adding some strokes of raillery, spoke of
Turenne as a bigot, who came over to the Reformed only
because Bussy|| had supplanted him in Monsieur's favour.
When the quarrel was composed, my relations and friends
advised me to seek the friendship of Turenne: I complied,
but he received my first advances so coolly, that I drew back,
and we continued at a greater distance than ever.
During these dissensions in the king's councils, the siege
* Louis de Lusignan of St. Gélais.
† Henry D'Albret, Baron of Miossens,
* Antony de Buade de Frontenac..
$ Henry de la Tour, Viscount de Turenne, afterwards Duke de
Bouillon.
| Louis de Clermont de Bussy-d'Amboise, celebrated for his valour
and personal accomplishments. In an assignation he had some time
after with the Lady de Montsoreau, he was killed by her husband and
his domestics.
104
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
[BOOK I.
of Marmande* was obstinately determined upon, contrary to
the opinion of Henry and La Noué, as the place was too
strong and too well garrisoned for so ill-conditioned an
army as the king's was. M. de Lavardin, colonel of the
infantry, having been ordered to make approaches, he sent
ine (as being his ensign) and others, with a hundred ar-
quebusiers each, to occupy the houses and hollow ways which
lay about two hundred paces from the city towards the river ;
but we were so warmly received by three times our numbers
from the town, that after a very severe skirmish we were
all obliged to retire with loss, and, instead of assailing, to
defend ourselves in some houses at a great distance, till the
king with the cavalry and infantry came up, when the enemy
was compelled, after some brisk charges (one of which the
king made, armed only with a cuirass), to retire to the
counterscarp of the ditch, which enabled us to entrench
ourselves in the places assigned to us; but they were of little
use, as we had not men enough to invest the city on all sides;
and the King of Navarre would have had the mortification
of not being able to approach it, and of being under a neces-
sity of shamefully raising the siege, had not the arrival of
the Marshal de Biron, with proposals for an accommodation,
furnished him with an honourable pretence for withdrawing
his troops.
A truce only could be agreed upon, during which the King
of Navarre went to Béarn, to visit the princess his sister, or
rather, as it was thought, the young Tignonville,t with
whom he was in love. I was permitted to accompany lim;
and giving back my ensign's commission to M. de Lavardin,
who bestowed it upon young Bethune, my cousin, I quitted
my warlike equipage, and took one more suitable to the
character I was to appear in. My economy during three or
four years, joined to my military profits, made my finances
so considerable, that I now found myself in a condition to
entertain several gentlemen in my pay, with whom I attached
myself solely to the person of the king. As I had no incli-
'.
--
**
*
* In Agenois, upon the Garonne.
† This young lady was daughter to Madame de Tignonville, governess
to Madame, the King of Navarre's sister, who, in the court of Navarre,
was generally called Mademoiselle Navarre. Mademoiselle Tignonville
was afterwards married to the Baron of Pangeas,
1576.]
RENEWAL OF THE WAR.
105
nation to descend from this station, I regulated my domestic
affairs in such a manner that the King of Navarre, who was
always attentive to the conduct of his officers, confessed to
me afterwards that I owed the greatest part of that esteem
with which he honoured me to the prudent economy he
observed in this disposition of my affairs. It was my youth
only that made this conduct appear extraordinary, for I
began early to be sensible of what advantage it is to observe
an exact regularity in domestic concerns. Such a propensity,
in my opinion, is a very happy presage either for a soldier or
a statesman.
During our stay at Béarn, nothing was thought of but
diversions and gallantry; the taste which Madame, the king's
sister, had for amusements, proved an inexhaustible source
of them to us. Of this princess I learned the trade of a
courtier, which I was yet unacquainted with. She had the
goodness to make me one in all her parties; and I remember
she took the trouble herself to teach me the steps of a dance
in a ballet that was to be performed, and which I in fact
danced eight days afterwards before the king.
The truce was now almost expired, and the King of Na-
varre, on his return from Béarn, being informed that the
city of Eause,* excited by the mutineers, had refused to give
entrance to a garrison he sent thither, ordered us to come,
with our arms concealed under our hunting habits, to a cer-
tain part of the country, where he himself waited for us. He
arrived at the gates of the city before they could be informed
of his inarch, and entered it without meeting with any resist-
ance, at the head of fifteen or sixteen of his men, who had
followed him closer than the rest of his troop. As soon as
the mutineers perceived this they called out to the sentinel
at the gate to cut the ropes of the portcullis, which was
horse and Bethune's, so that we were separated from the rest
of the troop, which remained without the city. The rebels
at the same time rung the alarm-bell, and arming hastily,
a band of fifty soldiers came thundering upon us : among
these we distinguished three or four voices, which cried,
“ Fire upon that scarlet cloak and white plume, for it is the
* A city of Armagnac.
106
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
King of Navarre.” The king, turning towards us, exclaimed,
“My friends and companions, you must here show your
courage and resolution, for our safety depends upon what
we shall now do; follow me, therefore, and do as I do,
without firing your pistols." As he concluded these words
he galloped boldly up to the mutineers with his pistol in his
hand: they could not sustain the shock, and were soon
dispersed; three or four small bodies of men presented them-
selves afterwards, and these also we drove before us; but the
enemy rallying again, to the number of two hundred, and
our forces being greatly diminished, the danger became
inevitable. The king retired to one of the gates, which
two of us ascended, and made a signal to our companions,
who continued in the field, to advance and force the gate;
which they performed with the more ease, as very fortu-
nately the draw-bridge had not been raised. By this time
those citizens who were well affected to the king, but had
been forced by the seditious into their measures; perceiving
the soldiers upon the point of entering the city, attacked
and the city filled with our troops. All would have been
put to the sword, and even the city abandoned to pillage,
ħad not the principal inhabitants, with their magistrates at
their head, thrown themselves at the king's feet, and im-
plored his pardon, which he granted, and contented himself
with punishing only those four persons who had fired upon
the white plume.
The King of Navarre, leaving* Bethune governor of Eause,
went to Nérac, where he was informed that St. Criq, a
Catholic gentleman of his party, had possessed himself of
Mirande ;t but that not having men enough to keep it, he
had been obliged to throw himself, with his troops, into a
self till he received assistance, which he earnestly solicited:
the king, on hearing this, immediately set off, and sent to
the neighbouring garrisons to follow and meet him at a
certain point which he named; when these had joined, he
marched directly to Mirande; but it happened that on the
* See all these little military expeditions in D’Aubigné, book ii.
1576.7 MILITARY. RINCOUNTERS AND TA:KING OF CITIES. 107
alarm of the capture of the place, all the Catholic troops in
the neighbourhood had tbrown themselves into it, and
attacked the tower with such fury, that before the king

his men. The inhabitants, who thought to draw the king
also into their power, artfully concealed what had happened,
and as soon as he appeared before the town, made the
trumpet sound, as if St. Criq. was rejoicing for the assistance
they brought him, when a. Huguenot soldier who had mar-
ried a Catholic in the place, perceiving the danger to which
the king was exposed, together with all his men, who must
infallibly have perished, through the great superiority of the
enemy's numbers, threw himself. over the wall. to inform
him of the snare that was laid for him. The king now thought
of nothing but retreating ; but as he was very far advanced,
the inhabitants of Mirande soon perceived that their design
was frustrated, and sallying out, attacked him in his retreat.
Myself and young Bethune having engaged too far amidst
the enemy, were surrounded on all sides : despair added to
our strength, and we fought like men who were resolved to
sell their lives dear ; but we should certainly have been over-
powered, extreme fatigue making it hardly possible for us to
use our arms any longer, when, happily for us, Lesignan and
the elder Bethune, whom the King of Navarre had sent to
our assistance, charged the enemy so fiercely, that they gave
back, and afforded us the means of retreating.
The King of Navarre, seeing night approach, gave orders
to cease fighting, and retired to Jegun, where, two or three
days after, the royal troops, with the Marshal de Villars at
their head, appeared in arms, drawn thither by the report of
the attempt upon. Mirande. It would have been rashness to
attack them; we therefore kept firmly entrenched, and sought.
only to engage them to force us, but this they durst not
attempt. The two armies continued in view of each other
till night. A combat of six against six was proposed by
Lavardin and La Devêse, but we not being able to agree
amongst ourselves about the choice of the combatants, both the
king and the Marquis de Villars towards night drew off their
respective troops.
Some time after, the King of Navarre going from Leic-
108
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
toure to Montauban, commanded the Count de Meilles* and
me, with five-and-twenty horse, to fall on a body of musk-
eteers, which the inhabitants of Beaumontt had posted in the
vineyards and hollow places in our route. We engaged, and
drove them almost to the city gates, from whence about a
hundred soldiers came out to their assistance; part of these
we left dead upon the place, and the rest were drowned in
the ditches. The garrison within seeing this, and fearing that
we would enter pell-mell with the fugitives, drew up the draw-
bridge, and the king, observing all the curtains were filled
with arquebusiers, did not think proper to pursue this
advantage, and continued his journey.
At his return he endeavoured to avoid passing under the
walls of this city, and took a lower road, by a place which, if
I remember right, was called St. Nicholas, I near Mas de
Verdun. Scarce had we marched a league when we heard
the beating of drums, and discovered a party of three hun-
dred musketeers, marching on the road from Beaumont to
Fleurance, in very indifferent order, under five ensigns. A
council was immediately held: some were of opinion that we
should attack the enemy, notwithstanding their superiority
of numbers ; others disapproved this. The King of Navarre,
who wanted only to try them, ordered fifty horse to advance,
and in the mean time we drew up in a line, with our do-
mestics behind us, and presented a front to the enemy, which
concealed the smallness of our numbers-the shining of our
armour contributed to deceive them : they fled across the
woods to a small town named Cassaux, which they thought
to barricade; but we pursued them so closely that, not
having time to do this, they threw themselves into a large
church outside the town, which was well furnished with pro-
visions, it being the accustomed retreat of the peasants. The
King of Navarre determined to force it, and sent to Mont-
auban, Leictoure, and other neighbouring towns, for work-
men and soldiers for that purpose, not doubting but Beau-
mont, Mirande, and other towns of the Catholic party would
send powerful succours to the besieged if they were not
* Frederick de Foix de Candalle.
* Beaumont de Lomagne, in Armagnac.
I St. Nicholas de la Grave. Mas de Verdun, or Mas Garnier, a city
of Armagnac.
ROSNY'S FIRST EXPLOITS IN ARMS.
109
prevented. In the mean time we endeavoured, with the
assistance of our servants, to undermine the church. The
choir was allotted to me, and though the wall was of great
thickness, and built of very hard stone, yet in the course of
twelve hours I made an opening in it, through which I or-
dered several grenades to be thrown, which wounded many
of those within; I next ordered a scaffold to be raised against
the opening, from which the soldiers fired into the body of
the church. The besieged had no water, and were obliged to
temper their meal with wine; but what incommoded them
still more, they had neither surgeons, linen, nor salves, to
dress their wounds. A powerful reinforcement being sent
from Montauban to the King of Navarre, they surrendered
at discretion; and he contented himself with only ordering
seven or eight persons to be hanged, who were accused of
having acted with great cruelty towards the Protestants, and
particularly to six women, whom, after violating, they put to
death in a most barbarous manner; but he was obliged to
abandon the whole to the fury of the inhabitants of Mont-
auban, who forced them out of our hands, and butchered
them without mercy.
After these events the king retired to Nérac, where he
was visited by the Archbishop of Vienne, * and the Dukes of
Montpensier and Richelieu, deputies from the King and
the States of Blois. The king sent Bethune and me as far
as Bergerac to receive them. They were commissioned to
exhort him to embrace the Catholic religion, which the States
had declared should be maintained throughout the kingdom.
This interview, which had produced a suspension of arms,
having had no other effect, the deputies returned, and hosti-
lities again began.
Immediately after this interview, Admiral de Villarst
* The three deputies whom the States sent to the King of Navarre
were Peter de Villars, Archbishop of Vienne, for the clergy; Andrew
of Bourbon), Lord of Rubenpré, for the nobility; and Menager, General
of the Finances of Touraine, for the third estate. Here is, therefore,
an error in these Memoirs: consult De Thou, D’Aubigné, &c. See
also an account of the session of the states of Blois in Matthieu, vol. i.
book vii. p. 438, and in the Memoirs of Nevers, vol. i. p. 166 and fol-
lowing.
† FIonorat of Savoy, Marquis of Villars. Although he was made
110
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
assembled his army to besiege Castel-Jaloux,* but learning
that the place had been reinforced, he changed his design ;
and a short time after, having gained over some persons in
Néract (as he afterwards boasted), he appeared before it
with all his army, but his partisans not having laid their
plans well, he had no success; there was, however, some very
severe skirmishing, in which the king himself, at the head of
a troop, charged a body of the enemy's cavalry, and put them
to the rout. It was not in our power, by the most earnest
entreaties, to make him take more care of his life; and his
example animating us in our turn, twelve or fifteen of us
were bold enough to advance within pistol-shot of the whole
Catholic army. The King of Navarre, who observed us, said
to Bethune, “Go to your cousin, the Baron of Rosny, he is
rash and heedless to the last degree; bring him and his comi-
panions off, for the enemy, seeing us retire, will no doubt
charge us so fiercely that they will be either all taken or
killed.” I obeyed this order; and the prince perceiving my
horse wounded in the shoulder, reproached me for my teme-
rity, in a manner, however, wholly obliging. He proposed
this day a combat of four against four, but it did not take
place, the admiral having given the signal for retreating.
About this time, the Duke of Mayennef entered Poitou
with an army, and laid siege to Brouage, f the garrison of
which being hard pressed, sent repeatedly to the King of
Navarre for speedy succours; he accordingly ordered his
troops together from all parts, and marched to Bergerac,
Montguion, and Pons,ll where he found the Prince de Condé,
M. de la Rochefoucault, and others, having left the Viscount
Turenne to follow with the infantry ; but a misunderstanding
arose here between the king and the Prince of Condé, in
which Turenne took so conspicuous a part that the prince

admiral by the king during the Admiral de Coligny's life, he did not
in reality exercise that employment till after the death of that noble-
man.
* Castel-Jaloux, or Castel-Geloux, near Auch.
t In Guienne, the capital of the duchy of Albret.
Ị Charles de Lorraine, Duke of Mayenne, second son of Francis of
Lorraine, Duke of Guise. He was general of the League.
§ A city and port in Saintonge.
|| In Saintonge.
15.78.] CONFERINCES BETWEEN HENRY AND CATHERINE. 111
challenged him; this, and his delay in bringing up the in-
fantry, lost Brouage, which surrendered by capitulation
before the king could relieve it.
The peace of 1577, which soon followed these unfavour-
able events, was the sole work of Henry III., who was de-
sirous of giving this mortification to the Guises. War was
no longer agreeable, either to his inclinations, which led him
to a strange kind of life, divided between devotion and sen-
suality, * or to his designs, which tended only to the crushing
of the princes of Lorraine, now grown too powerful by the
League. But although this peacet was less advantageous to
the Huguenots than that of Monsieur, yet they observed the
articles of it with more fidelity than the Catholics, for the King
of Navarre had no sooner quitted Agen, and the neighbour-
hood of Villeneuve, i than the Marshal de Biron seized those
two places, for which it was impossible to obtain satisfaction.
The consequence of a peace so very ill observed was an inac-
tivity full of distrust, which rather resembled a long suspen-
sion of arms than a real peace. In this manner passed the
remainder of this year and part of the following.
Whether it was that the queen-mother was desirous of
labouring effectually to compose the troubles of the state, or
that she had secret designs which obliged her to gain, if pos-
sible, the King of Navarre, she quitted Paris with all her
court, and making the tour of the provinces, had a conference
with this prince at Réole, from whence the two courts went
together to Auch. She even stayed with him a long while, at
* “There is nothing," said Sixtus V. to Cardinal de Joyeuse, “which
your king has not done, and does, to be a monk; nor nothing which I
have not done to avoid being one.” He had no less than a hundred
and fifty valets-de-chambre, ministros cubicularios, says Busbeg, Ep. 3.1.
of By the treaty which was concluded at Bergerac between the King
of Navarre and the Marshal de Biron, and the edict that followed in
the latter end of September, the number of churches was diminished,
the exercise of the Reformed religion was prohibited ten leagues round
Paris, the burying-places of the Calvinists in that city were taken
away, the liberty of marriages revoked, and the chambers, composed
of half Catholics and half Protestants, suppressed in Paris, Rouen,
Dijon, Rennes, &c. King Henry III. called this his treaty. Neither
party observed it faithfully; the Catholics complained that several
articles were infringed by the Calvinists. (Memoirs of Nevers.) .
I Villeneuve in Agenois, upon the Lot.
112
BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
different times, either at Nérac,* Coutras, Fleix, t or other
places, for the year 1578, and part of 1579, was wholly con-
sumed in journeys from one place to another, and reciprocal
complaints of the bad execution of treaties, which, indeed,
both parties did not scruple to violate.
The mixture of two courts equally remarkable for gallantry,
produced such an effect as might have been expected. No-
thing was seen but balls, festivals, and polite entertain-
ments; but while love became the serious business of the
courtiers, Catherine was wholly absorbed in politics : · for
once, however, she did not succeed. She indeed reconciled
the King of Navarre to his queen, then greatly disgusted
with the proceedings of her brother, Henry III., towards her;
but she could not draw the king again to Paris, nor prevail
upon him to resign to her those places of security, to obtain
which had been her principal object.
I should swell these Memoirs too much were I to enter
into a detail of this medley of politics and gallantry, and, to
confess the truth, my youth, and other affairs more suitable
to my inclinations, did not permit me to engage in the first;
as for gallantry, besides that I have lost the remembrance of
it, a trifling detail of intrigues would, in my opinion, make a
very indifferent figure here. It is sufficient to say, that all
was reduced to a desire of pleasing and supplanting each
other. I shall not, however, omit some military enterprises.
Whilst negotiations were carrying on for a solid peace, a
sort of truce was agreed to, but which was to extend only a
league and a half beyond the residence of the two courts,
wherever they might reside; the reason of this was, that the
queen-mother was determined either to conclude a peace or to
remove all hopes of it, which a general truce would still have
cherished. In consequence of such an arrangement, wherever
the courts were, nothing was seen or heard of but peace, love,
balls, and every other kind of amusement; while beyond the
*" At Nérac," says Le Grain, “the queen-mother had several con-
ferences with the King of Navarre, her son-in-law, in which some ar-
ticles were explained, but not all; for the good lady would always keep
her Spanish genet hy the bridle as much as she was able." It was
here that Henry IV. fell in love with the two ladies, D'Agelle and
Tosseuse.
of Fleix in Périgord.
1578.7
MILITARY OCCUPATION OF CITIES.
113
prescribed limits, there was continually fighting and taking
of prisoners, whenever the opposite parties fell in with each
other.
During this state of things, when the two courts were at
Auch, one night, in the midst of a ball which was given, a
gentleman sent by Favas, came and informed the King of
Navarre that Usac, the governor of Réole, who was an old
man, and always considered a most zealous Protestant, had
been persuaded by one of the queen-mother's maids of
honour, of whom he was passionately enamoured, to turn
Catholic, and deliver the place up to the queen.* As soon
as the king learnt this, he withdrew unperceived from the
midst of the company, accompanied by three or four of us,
whom he ordered to assemble, as secretly as possible, all his
attendants whose apartments we were acquainted with, “for,"
continued he, “in an hour I shall be on horseback outside
the town, with my cuirass under my hunting dress, and let
all those who love me, and wish to acquire honour, meet me
there.” Everything was done as he had commanded, and
with such success, that the next morning at the opening of
the gates, we were before Fleurance, and the inhabitants
suspecting nothing, on account of the peace, the king made
himself master of the town, without any opposition. The
queen-mother, who could have sworn that the King of
Navarre had lain at Auch, was greatly surprised next morn-
ing with the news of this expedition; however, she was the
first to laugh at it. “I see," said she, “this is in revenge
for Réole: the King of Navarre was resolved to have nut for
nut, but mine has the better kernel.”
This affair separated the two courts for a few days, but a
sort of accommodation taking place, they both went to Foix,
where the King of Navarre wished to amuse the ladies with
a bear-hunt, but they did not like the amusement; some of
the animals tore the horses to pieces, others overthrew ten
Swiss and as many fusiliers, and one of them, who had been
wounded in several places, mounting upon a rock, threw him-
self down beadlong with seven or eight hunters whom he
held fast in his paws, and crushed them to pieces.
When the two courts were at Coutras,the King of
* See Pèrefixe, Life of Henry IV.
VOL. I.
† In Guienne, near Libourne.
114
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
Navarre resolved to seize upon St. Emilian, two leagues from
thence; he accordingly sent all those who chose to engage
in the enterprise to St. Foi,* which was not within the limits
prescribed by the truce; two days after we set off as soon
as it was dark, and before daylight next morning were
within a quarter of a league of the place; here we dismounted,
and marched through a deep valley, till we arrived close under
the walls of the town, without causing any alarm. Those
who conducted the enterprise then laid a train through two
portholes situated very low in one of the towers, which, as
soon as fired, made a breach large enough to allow two men
to enter abreast, and by this means we gained the town with
very little loss. When the news of this reached Coutras,
where the explosion had been heard, the queen-mother was
greatly enraged, and said openly, that she looked upon the
action as a premeditated insult, St. Emilian being within the
bounds of the truce; but the King of Navarre, who knew
that a few days before the citizens of St. Emilian had pillaged
a Protestant merchant, which the queen-mother maintained,
to be a lawful prize, justified what he had done by this fact
and all was passed over.
At last the queen-mother left the King of Navarre, and
continued her route through Languedoc, Provence, and Dau-
phiny, where she had an interview with the Duke of Savoy,
and returned to Paris, leaving all things in the same state in
which she found them, that is, in a peace which only in-
creased the doubts and suspicions of each party. However,
she did not forget to seduce part of the King of Navarre's
Catholic officers, among whom were Lavardin, Grammont,t
and Duras. Another effect of her presence was to embroil
so completely the Prince of Condé with the Viscount Tu-
renne that he challenged him to a single combat; Turenne
went indeed to the place appointed, but it was only to make
those submissions which he owed to the high quality of his
antagonist. The viscount was next challenged by Duras and
Rosan, I whom he fought, and was severely wounded; but it
Upon the Dordogne in Agenois.
† Philibert de Grammont, John de Durfort.
I The two brothers, Durfort de Duras and Durfort de Rosan, fought
with the Viscount de Turenne, and John de Gontaut de Biron, Baron
of Salignac, his second. Although the brothers were armed with coats
1580.]
HENRY LAYS SIEGE TO CAHORS.
115
was said at that time, that the advantage they had over him
was owing to an artifice scarcely allowable.
After the queen-mother's departure, the court of Navarre
went to Montauban, where consultation was held on the
course to be pursued, since the queen-mother had departed
without satisfying any of the grievances complained of by the
Huguenots. From Montauban they went to Nérac, where
for some time nothing was thought of but pleasures and
gallantry.
The news of the Catholics having taken the city of Figeac*
by surprise, and holding the castle besieged, determined them
to take up arms immediately. The King of Navarre sent
the Viscount Turenne to raise the siege, who at parting said
to me, “Well, sir, will you be of our party ?" "Yes, sir,"' I
replied, “I shall be always of your party, provided it is for
the service of the king my master; and yours at all times,
when you favour me with your friendship.” The Catholics,
surprised at our diligence, abandoned Figeac; and the war
being now begun by the Huguenots, they made above forty
attempts on different places, of which three only succeeded.
These were Fère in Picardy, Montagu in Poitou, and Cahors;
at this last I was present, for which reason, as well as that
of all the towns attacked by petard and undermining, this was
the most remarkable, I shall give some account of it.
Cahors is a large and populous city, surrounded on three
of mail, yet the disadvantage was wholly on their side. The viscount
permitted Rosan to rise, and Salignac allowed Duras to change his
sword; at the same moment nine or ten armed men fell upon the vis-
count, and left him upon the place pierced with two-and-twenty
wounds, none of which, however, proved mortal. He recovered, and
generously entreated the queen-mother to pardon Duras. The Marshal
de Damville, called, by the death of his brother, Marshal de Montmo-
rency, coming thither about that time, was consulted on this affair;
and it was his opinion, as well as that of many others, that the Vis-
count de Turenne was at liberty to satisfy, his revenge by any means
whatever, without exposing his own life. (Memoirs of the Duke de
Bouillon, his Life by Marsolier; De Thou.) Brantôme, in the tenth
volume of his Memoirs, speaking of duels, seems to doubt whether this
duel was conducted in the manner it was reported, considering the re-
putation the two brothers were in for courage and honour.
* A city of Quercy, upon the confines of Auvergne.
† See all these expeditions particularly related in D’Aubigné, vol. i.
book iv.
I 2
116
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
sides by water.* Vesins, † who was governor of it, had above
two thousand men, besides a hundred horse, under his com-
mand, and he obliged the citizens also to take up arms. He
attack, for the letter was found in his cabinet, upon which he
had written in three different places, “A fig for the Hugue-
nots !” The King of Navarre, whose little army was weak-
ened by the absence of Chouppes, and who saw no means of
opening himself a passage but by petard and undermining,
did not, however, despair of taking the city. He reinforced
his troops with all the soldiers he could find in Montauban,
Négrepelisse, St. Antonin, Cajare, and Senevières ;# but the
whole did not amount to more than fifteen hundred men,
with whom he left Montauban, and arrived about midnight
within a quarter of a league of Cahors. It was in the month
of June, the weather extremely hot, with violent thunder,
but no rain. He ordered us to halt in a plantation of
walnut-trees, where a fountain of running water afforded
us some refreshment. Here he settled the order of his
march, and of the whole attack. Two petardeers belonging
to the Viscount de Gourdon, s the chief contriver of this
enterprise, followed by ten of the bravest soldiers in the
king's guards, marched before us to open a passage into the
city ; they were supported by twenty others, and thirty horse
of the king's guards likewise, under the conduct of St.
Martin,ll their captain ; forty gentlemen, commanded by
Roquelaure, and sixty soldiers of the guard, composed
another body, in which I was, and marched afterwards. The
King of Navarre, at the head of two hundred men, divi-
ded into four bands, came next; the remainder of his
little army, which made a body of about one thousand or
twelve hundred arquebusiers, in six platoons, closed the
march.
* The river Lot washes its walls.
+ The same who is mentioned in the beginning of this book. It is
thought that if he had not been slain in the attack, at the head of his
people, the King of Navarre would not have made himself master of
the place.
I Towns in Quercy.
- de Teride, Viscount de Gourdon.
Il Charles le Clerc de St. Martin. He was slain there.
Antony de Roquelaure.
1580.]
SIEGE OF CAHORS.
117
We had three gates to force; these we hastened to throw
down with the petard, after which we made use of hatchets.
The breaches were so low, that the first who entered were
obliged to creep through upon their hands and feet. At the
noise of the petard, forty men armed, and about two hundred
arquebusiers, ran almost naked to dispute our entry; mean-
time the bells rung the alarm, to warn everybody to stand to
their defence. In a moment the houses were covered with
soldiers, who threw large pieces of wood, tiles, and stones
upon us, with repeated cries of " Charge! kill them!” We
soon found that they were resolved to receive us boldly; it
was necessary, therefore, at first, to sustain an encounter,
which lasted above a quarter of an hour and was very terrible.
I was cast to the ground by a large stone that was thrown
out of a window; but by the assistance of the Sieur De la
Bertichère, and La Trape, my valet, I recovered, and resumed
my post. All this time we advanced very little, for fresh
platoons immediately succeeded those which we repulsed ;
so that before we gained the great square, we had sustained
more than twelve attacks. My cuisses being loosened, I
was wounded in the left thigh. At last we got to the square,
which we found barricaded, and with infinite labour we
demolished those works, being all the time exposed to the
continual discharge of the artillery, which the enemy had
formed into a battery.
The King of Navarre continued at the head of his troops
during all these attacks; he had two pikes broke, and his
armour was battered in several places by the fire and blows
of the enemy. We had already performed enough to have
gained a great victory; but so much remained to do, that
the contest seemed only to be just begun; the city being of
large extent, and filled with so great a number of soldiers,
that we in comparison of them were but a handful. At every
cross-way we had a new combat to sustain, and every stone
house we were obliged to storm ; in short, each inch of ground
was so well defended, that the King of Navarre had oocasion
for all his men, and we had not a moment's leisure to take
breath.
It is hardly credible that we could endure this violent
exercise for five whole days and nights; during which time
not one of us durst quit his post for a single moment, take
118
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
any nourishment but with his arms in his hands; or sleep,
except for a few moments, leaning against the shops.
Fatigue, faintness, the weight of our arms, and the excessive
heat, joined to the pain of our wounds, deprived us of the
little remainder of our strength; while our feet were so
much scorched, and so sore, that we could scarcely stand.
The citizens, who suffered none of these inconveniences,
and who became every hour more sensible of the smallness
of our numbers, far from surrendering, thought of nothing but
protracting the contest till the arrival of some succours,
which they said were very near : they sent forth great cries,
and animated each other by our obstinacy. Though their
defence was now weak, yet they did enough to oblige us to
keep upon our guard, which completed our misfortunes. In
this extremity, the principal officers went to the king, and
advised him to assemble as many men as he could about his
entreaties on the report which was spread, and which they
found to be true, that the succours expected by the enemy
were arrived at that side of the town called La Barre, and
would be in the city as soon as they could force the wall.
to subdue, turning towards them with a smiling countenance,
and an air of confidence which reanimated the most exhausted,
coolly replied, " It is Heaven which dictates what I ought to
do upon this occasion ; remember then, that my retreat out
of this city, without having made myself master of it, will be
the retreat of my soul out of my body: my honour requires
this of me; speak therefore to me of nothing but fighting,
conquest, or death!" Reanimated by these words, and the
example of so brave a leader, we began to make new efforts ;
but in all probability we should at last have been wholly
defeated, but for the arrival of Chouppes,* whom the king had
the precaution to send for before the attack: he having
understood the danger Henry was in, opened himself a
passage into the city, with five or six hundred foot and a
hundred horse, trampling over the enemy as he passed, who
gathered in crowds to obstruct his way. As soon as he joined
us, we marched together to the side of La Barre, where the
* Peter de Chouppes.
1580.]
TAKING OF CAHORS.
119
enemy's succours were endeapouring to enter. All this
quarter, which still held out, we forced, and when we had
made ourselves masters of the parapets and towers, it was
not difficult to oblige the enemy without to abandon their
enterprise, and retreat; after which, the inhabitants, finding
themselves no longer able to resist, laid down their arms, and
the city was given up to plunder. My good fortune threw a
small iron chest in my way, in which I found about four
thousand gold.crowns. In the relation of an action so hot,
so long,* and so glorious for the young prince who conducted
it, I am obliged to suppress many circumstances, and many
particular exploits, performed by the king and his officers,
which would have the appearance of being fabulous.
The King of Navarre having left Cabrières governor in
Cahors, returned to Montauban, and went afterwards to
Eause, where he defeated two or three squadrons which were
collecting to join the Marshal de Biron, who was assembling
an army for the purpose of confining the king in the places
he held, and preventing him from taking the field. The
marshal finding his parties daily cut off, resolved to quit the
open country, and shut himself up in Marmande: upon this,
the king quitted Nérac, and came to Thoneins, where
there was daily skirmishing. The king, seeing that the
Gascon nobles who were in Marmande constantly sallied out
to attack his parties whenever they approached the town,
determined to endeavour to surprise some of them ; for this
purpose, he one morning ordered Lésignan, at the head of
five-and-twenty gentlemen, well mounted, of which number
I was one, to advance even to the gates of Marmande, as if
to defy them. We were followed by a hundred foot, who lay
down on the shore of a rivulet not far from us, over which was
a stone bridge; and the king, with three hundred horse, and
two companies of his guards, concealed himself in a wood
about half a league from Marmande. Our orders were to
fire our pistols only, and to endeavour to take any of the
* Other historians agree that this attack lasted five whole days, and
that Henry IV. had a great many soldiers wounded there, and only
seventy slain. M. de Thou's relation of this affair is a little different,
but our Memoirs deserve most credit.
of Consult D’Aubigné upon these expeditions, vol. ii. book iv.
In Agenois, upon the Garonne.
120
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
soldiers whom we should find without the walls, and retire
towards the little body of foot when the enemy began to
pursue us, and to endeavour to draw them over the bridge.
Accordingly, as soon as we had fired our pistols at the gate,
and saw ourselves about to be attacked by a hundred horse,
who came out of the city, we marched off, though they
insultingly called out to us to stay. An officer of our troop,
named Quasy, hearing himself defied by name, could not
restrain his indignation, but turned his horse's bridle, and
shot his challenger dead : he lost his horse, however, but
regained his brigade on foot, which waiting for him, obliged
M. Lésignan and his party also to wait, in order that the
whole might pass the bridge together; in the mean time the
enemy made so furious a charge, that it was impossible to
avoid a general engagement, and about fifty of them passed
the bridge pell-mell with our troops: this prevented our
arquebusiers who were in ambush from firing, lest they might
wound some of us; but the enemy no sooner perceived them,
than fearing some stratagem, and supposing that the whole
army would fall upon them, retreated precipitately into the
city. During this charge, some terrified attendant, or other
person, fled and informed an officer, that the whole of the
party were put to the sword, or taken prisoners by the
enemy's army; this the officer communicated to the king,
and strenuously exhorted him to retreat; at first he refused,
saying, it would be time enough to do that when the
enemy came in sight; at last, however, he yielded : but
he was greatly enraged against his advisers when he learned
the real state of things, particularly on finding Lésignan
complain. loudly that he had been abandoned upon the occa-
sion. I lost a horse in the action, which was killed under
me: two of the enemy were killed.
Some time previous to this the Prince of Condé, not satis-
fied with having corrupted some of Henry's troops, and
openly separating from his party, had drawn several towns of
Dauphiny and Languedoc into his interest, and took them
from the king, to compose a sovereignty for himself.
Aiguesmortes and Peçais* he had engaged to the Prince
Casimir as securities for the forces this prince had promised;
* Towns in Languedoc.
1580.7 THE KING OF NAVARRE RETIRES TO NERAC.
121
and lastly, he had possessed himself of Fère* in Picardy, the
loss of which sensibly affected the King of Navarre, who
was now obliged to dismember his army, already much
inferior to that of the Catholics : he sent Turenne against
the Prince of Condé, whose projects he soon disconcerted:
as for himself, being no longer able to keep the field before
the Marshal de Biron, he shut himself up in Nérac; in which
the ladies and court of Navarre then were, and as brilliant
as ever, notwithstanding the bad condition of the king's
affairs.
This retreat gave a new face to the war; it could neither
be called a campaign nor a siege, but it was both together.
Biron, judging the siege of this place to be an enterprise for
which he had not sufficient strength, sought only to keep us
in continual alarm, by surrounding it with all his troops; and
the King of Navarre, though blocked up in the city, did not
however, fail to show himself sometimes in the field. The
gates of the city were kept shut by his orders ; his cavalry
therefore was of no use to him, and our only resource was to
assemble in small parties and sally out by the private doors,
to attack the separate detachments of the royal army, and
sometimes we would advance to the very front of the whole
army. I resumed my former condition of a private soldier,
and mixing with the officers, performed many of those raslı
actions, in which there is neither fame nor advantage to be
gained ; and which were likewise severely condemned by the
King of Navarre. When he was informed one day that I
was wounded and taken by a party of the enemy, notwith-
standing his anger, he sent Des Champs and Dominge to
rescue me if possible; and at my return calling me rash and
presumptuous, he expressly forbad me ever to leave the city
without his orders. I confess, I but too justly merited these
reproofs ; for it is great folly and extravagance to precipitate
one's-self into inevitable dangers, from whence nothing less
than a miracle can extricate one. The Marshal de Biron
made show of besieging Nérac; but all ended in a few slight
skirmishes, which the ladies witnessed from behind the ram-
* It was retaken immediately by the Marshal de Matignon. In the
Memoirs of the League there is a letter from Queen Catherine to the
Prince of Condé, in which she thanks him for having taken up arms
against the court
122
[BOOK I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
parts, against which the marshal fired five or six cannon,*
and then drew off his army.
The King of Navarre did not, however, neglect to make
himself master of Monségur. Milon, one of his captains,
enclosed five hundred weight of powder in a saucisse, which
he found means to introduce into a drain, which ran into a
ditch between the two principal gates; the end of the saucisse,
to which the fire was to be applied, was concealed amongst
the grass. When everything was ready for playing off this
machine, the king permitted us to go and see the effect, which
indeed was wonderful. One of the two gates was thrown
into the city, and the other fifty paces forwards into the field.
The vaults of the gate were all ruined, and a breach being
made in the wall, wide enough to admit three men abreast,
the city was soon taken, with little loss, the inhabitants being
in so great a panic that they made but a slight resistance.
The enemy seeming determined to recover Monségur, the
king commanded me to shut myself up in it with forty gen.
tlemen. We applied ourselves to fortify the place well with
palisades and intrenchments, in the place of those the explo-
sion had destroyed; and this we performed without interrup-
tion, notwithstanding we were all afflicted with a kind of
epidemical distemper, I and myself more than any other. At
length we put the place into such a condition, that we had
nothing to apprehend from the enemy; after which I returned
to the King of Navarre, who, by the caresses with which he
loaded me on this occasion, was desirous of teaching me to
make a just distinction between military exploits that are
authorised by duty, and those which a rash and misguided
courage suggests.
It afforded me great pleasure to see the king's favour
towards me increase daily, and to find that he gave by inclina-
tion what he had at first granted only on his mother's recom-
mendation ; who, when dying, pressed him to take care of my

* Some cannon were discharged against a gate of the city, behind
which was the Queen of Navarre. At the peace she procured the go-
vernment of Guienne to be taken from this marshal.
+ In the county of Foix.
This distemper seized them in the reins, the head, and particularly
in the neck. Bleeding and purging were mortal in it. De Thou ob-
serves also that this disease was the forerunner of a plague, which car-
ried off forty thousand people in Paris. (Book lxxiii.)
1580.]
IMPRUDENCE OF ROSNY.
123
person and fortunes. Some slight services I did him this
year, he rewarded by appointing me counsellor of Navarre,
and chamberlain in ordinary, with a pension of two thousand
livres, which at that time was thought very considerable. I
was then but nineteen years of age, and the fire of youth
drew me into an error which had nearly made me lose for ever
the favour of this prince.
I was at supper one night with Beauvais, the son of the
King of Navarre's governor, and an officer named Usseau,
who happening to quarrel, resolved to fight, and entreated me
to provide them with the means, and to keep it.secret; instead
of immediately acquainting the King of Navarre with their
design, who was very solicitous to prevent these sort of com-
bats, which a. false sense of honour made very frequent at
that time, I was imprudent enough to promise to comply ;
and after having in vain endeavoured to reconcile them, con-
ducted them myself to the place of combat, where they
fought, and were both dangerously wounded. The King of
Navarre, who loved Beauvais, was extremely offended with
me for the part I had acted in this affair. He ordered me to
be sent for, and told me in a rage, that I insulted the autho.
rity of the sovereign, eyen in his own court, and that, were
strict justice to be done on me, I should lose my head. In-
stead of repairing my error by an ingenuous confession of it,
I added another still greater: piqued at the king's threat,
I answered haughtily, that I was neither his subject nor his
vassal, and threatened him, in my turn, with quitting his
service. The king discovered no other resentment for this
insolence than a contemptuous silence: I went out of his
presence, with an intention of leaving this good prince, and
perhaps for ever, had not the princesses undertaken to make
my peace with him, who listening only to the dictates of his
friendship for me, contented himself with punishing me no
otherwise for my fault, than by treating me, during some
time, with great coolness: at length, when he was convinced
of the sincerity of my repentance, he resumed his former
sentiments. This instance of his goodness made me know in
what manner so worthy a prince ought to be served. I at-
tached myself to him more closely than before, resolving, from
that moment, never to quit his service; but I was soon after
removed from him for some time, by an imprudent promise
which I had made to the Duke of Alençon.

124
(BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
BOOK II.
[1580--1587.]
Affairs of Flanders—The United Provinces offer their crown to Mon-
sieur: he goes to the Low Countries-Rosay attends him—The taking
of Chateau-Cambresis, &c.--Monsieur surprises the citadel of Cam-
bray-Goes to England--Returns to France-Is hated by the Dutch
and the Protestants on account of the treachery attempted by him
at Antwerp-Disconcerted by the Prince of Orange-Rosuy dissa-
tisfied with Monsieur, who, finding all his schemes blasted, returns
to France-Rosny returns likewise, after having visited the city of
Bethune-Spain makes offers to the King of Navarre-Rosny sent to
the court of France by the King of Navarre-He visits Monsieur-
Death of that prince--Rosny's second journey to Paris, and negotia-
tion there-His marriage--Domestic employments-Origin, forma-
tion, and progress of the League-Henry III. joins the League against
the King of Navarre-Divisions in the Calvinist party-The views
of its chiefs-Rosny is again sent to Paris by the King of Navarre,
to observe the motions of the League--An attempt upon Angers:
fails–A dangerous journey taken by Rosny-The Prince of Condé
in extreme peril—The King of Navarre in great perplexities— Mili-
tary expeditions-Rosny negotiates an alliance between the two
kings—The taking of Talmont, Fontenay, &c.—Rosny goes to visit
and assist his wife during the plague-Fruitless interviews between
the queen-mother and the King of Navarre-A series of military
expeditions-Rosny defeats one of the enemy's squadrons--Other
successes of the Calvinists-A declared persecution against them
Madame de Rosny in great danger-Rosny's secret journey to Paris
-The Duke of Joyeuse leads an army into Poitou, and is beat
by the King of Navarre at Coutras---A particular account of that
battle.
I HAVE already mentioned* that the queen-mother, from
the jealousy which she conceived towards her youngest son,
the Duke of Alençon (afterwards Duke of Anjou, and now
styled Monsieur), used every artifice in her power to get rid
of him by marrying him to the Queen of England, and in-
ducing the people of the Low Countries (then in revolt
* See page 93.
1580.7 MONSIEUR ACCEPTS THE FLEMISH CROWN.
125
against the authority of Spain*) to elect him their governor.t
But while she was labouring to accomplish these two objects,
the Flemings, supposing it would render their revolt less
odious if they should choose a governor out of the house of
Austria, had, in 1577, called the Archduke Mathias to that
dignity; but this prince, soon after his arrival, having ap-
pointed the Prince of Orangef his lieutenant-general over all
the Provinces which had submitted to his election, it excited
so much disgust and discontent amongst the other lords, who
conceived themselves no way inferior to the Prince of Orange,
that they gradually withdrew, and submitted again to the
dominion of Spain: this circumstance, and his natural imbe-
cility and weakness, soon excited against Mathias the indig-
nation and contempt of all his new subjects, who prevailed
upon him to return to Germany. The Flemings then cast
their eyes on Monsieur, and resolved to elect him their chief:
this happened while the two courts were at Coutras, and as
soon as he heard of the determination of the Provinces, and
of the arrival of deputies to offer him the government, ho
solicited so ardently the conclusion of the negotiations then
pending that peace was soon after concluded, when he re-
* M. de Thou, treating of this subject, says (book xcvi.) that before
the crown of Poland was offered to the Duke of Anjou, Catherine, who
was resolved to make him a sovereign one way or other, had sent
Francis de Noailles to Selin, the grand seignior, to ask the kingdom
of Algiers for this prince; Sardinia was to be added to it, which had
been obtained from Spain in exchange for the kingdom of Navarre,
which they had promised him the possession of; and as an equivalent
for the claim the King of Navarre had to this kingdom, other estates
in France were to be given him.
* The revolt of the United Provinces from Spain, an account of
which will be seen in the following part of these Memoirs, began by an
insurrection, and a confederacy formed in the year 1566, the design of
which was to prevent the establishment of the Inquisition in those
countries. (Manuscripts in the King's Library, marked 9981.)
* William of Nassau, Prince of Orange.
$ The peace was concluded at Fleix, à castle upon the Dordogne, be-
tween the King of Navarre and the Duke of Anjou. The Protestants,
to whom the last war had not been very favourable, consented to it
without any difficulty. The Duke of Anjou desired it with great
ardour, in order to prosecute his designs upon the Low Countries: it
was signed in the month of November. The articles were not made
known, but were believed to be of little importance. The cities given
for security were to be kept by the Calvinists six years longer.
126
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
paired to Tours, where he began to raise an army for the
purpose of succouring his new subjects.
Previous to his departure from Coutras, Monsieur, by
flattering promises and other means, prevailed on a great
number of the most distinguished persons in the King of
Navarre’s court to promise him their own services, and those
of their friends, whenever he should require them, amongst
others, Fervaques and Rochepot.* Two kinsmen of mine had
also engaged themselves; and in order to prevail upon me
to follow their example they were authorised by Monsieur
to promise that he would put me in possession of all the
estates of the Viscount de Gand, t my uncle, who had disin-
herited me on account of my religion, adding, moreover, that
he would give me anything I might ask upon his estates
adjoining mine, to the value of twelve thousand crowns, to
assist me in equipping a company. I yielded to their solici-
tations, and gave my word to go with them. When we
received Monsieur's orders to join him, I went to take leave
of the King of Navarre, with whom I had a long conversation
respecting my departure, and the occasion of it, which I
have never reflected on since without the deepest gratitude
for that generous affection he professed for me, nor without
admiration at his penetrating judgment, and the justness of
his conjectures. When I mentioned leaving him, “It is by
this stroke," said he, “that we shall lose you; all is over,
you will become a Fleming and a Papist." I assured him
that I would become neither; but that I should have great
cause to reproach inyself if, by neglecting to cultivate the
favour of my relations, and for the sake of avoiding a little
trouble, I should suffer myself to be deprived of those large
estates which might revert to me from the houses of Bethune,
Melun, and Horn.I I added, that it was this consideration
alone which induced me to join Monsieur, and that only for
a short time, after which nothing should prevent my follow-
* William de Hauterfier de Ferraques.-Antony de Silly, Lord of
Rochepot.
† Hugh de Melun, Viscount de Gand, grandfather by the mother's
side to M. de Sully.
Anne de Melun, the author's mother, was the daughter of Hugo,
Viscount of Gand, and of Jane d'Horn.
1580.]
ROSNY TAKES LEAVE OF THE KING.
127
ing my inclinations, which were to attach myself solely to
him, and that whenever he had the smallest occasion for my
service I would leave Flanders at his first order. The king
expressed his satisfaction at this declaration, and then enter-
tained me with the predictions that had been made him, that
he should one day be King of France; and I, in my turn,
informed him that a great fortune had been foretold me.
An early prepossession in favour of these pretended pro-
phecies had made me weak enough to give credit to them;
but as for the King of Navarre, who was of opinion that re-
ligion ought to inspire a contempt for those evil prophets, as
he called them, he had within, in his own mind, a more certain
oracle, which was a perfect knowledge of the person and
character of Monsieur, and a sagacity that opened almost
fulfil the expectations that are conceived of him, or ever
favour the Protestants, whom I have heard him say he de-
tested. Besides, he has so little courage, a heart so malig-
nant and deceitful, a body so ill made, so few graces in his
conversation, such want of dexterity in every kind of exercise,
that is great, or preserve those honours which are now heaped
upon him." The King of Navarre had leisure to study this
prince thoroughly whilst they were kept prisoners together.
His memory at this instant furnished him with an infinite
number of particulars that gave him reason to believe Mon-
sieur would certainly fail in an enterprise so noble and
hazardous as that he had undertaken. Åmongst others, he
told me that he flung himself against a pillar in running at
the ring, and managed his horse with so little skill that he
was thrown to the ground, when his equerry secretly cut the
reins of his horse, and spared him the shame of so awkward a
fall, by saying they had broke; that he succeeded no better in
dancing, hunting, or any other exercise; and far from feeling
a just consciousness of those natural defects, or of repairing
them in some degree by an ingenuous modesty, he secretly
hated all who were more favoured by nature than himself,
particularly the King of Navarre, who became the object of
his jealousy and hatred on account of the preference the ladies
gave him to Monsieur, though the brother of their king, and
128
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
his having rivalled this prince in the favour of Madame
de Sauves. *
These little anecdotes, though inconsiderable in themselves,
yet ceased to appear so when the event fully justified the con-
clusions the king drew from them. He concluded by wishing
me good success in Flanders, and with telling me that he
plainly perceived Catherine had formed a design to exter-
minate the Protestant party, and that he should soon have
occasion for his faithful servants: he then embraced me; I
threw myself at his feet, and kissing his hand, protested that
I would ever be ready to shed the last drop of my blood in
his service. I then went to pay my respects to the queen-
mother, the Queen of Navarre, Madame, and some of my
friends, after which I took post for Rosny.
On my arrival at Rosny, I sent Maignan, my equerry, to
Paris to buy me some horses, and in about eight or ten days
he returned with six very fine ones, amongst which was a
Spanish horse, completely black except a white spot on his
right buttock, and one of the most gentle and tractable
animals I ever saw; there was also a very bold and intrepid
Sardinian horse, who would stand while a pistol was fired close
to his legs or his head without starting, but if any one drew
a sword or held up a stick before him, as if to strike him, he
immediately crouched his ears, rolled his eyes, and rushed
open-mouthed upon the person.
Part of the lands belonging to Monsieur extending to the
neighbourhood of Rosny, I took occasion from thence to
draw some advantage from his offer of granting me anything
I should ask, and therefore requested the remainder of a
wood to be applied to my use, which was granted; and having
*- de Beaune of Sambloncay, married to Simon de Fizes, Baron
of Sauves, councillor, and first secretary of state, who died November
the 27th, 1579. She made this name well known by her gallantries.
Her second husband was the Marquis of Noirmoûtier. “One night,"
says Matthieu the historian, “when the Duke of Alençon was with
her, the King of Navarre laid a snare for him, so that as he came out
he fell against something in his way, and hurt one of his eyes. The
next day the King of Navarre meeting him, exclaimed, Heavens!
what is the matter with your eye? what accident has happened to it?'
The duke answered rudely, “It is nothing, a small matter surprises
you.' The other continuing to pity him, the duke being offended,
advanced, and feigning to jest, whispered in his ear, "Whoever shall
say I have got it where you imagine, I will make him a liar.' Souvray
and Du Guast prevented them from fighting." (Vol. i. book vii. p. 409.)
1580.]
ROSNY PROCEEDS TO FLANDERS.
129
treated with two merchants of Meulan and Mante, they gave
me forty thousand francs for it, half to be paid at the time,
and the other half twelve months after. With this money,
in fifteen days, I fitted out my whole troop, which was com-
posed of eighty gentlemen, some of whom followed me dis-
interestedly, while others received two hundred livres at the
least. With this train I went to join Monsieur, who waited
for us at La Fère, in Tartenois, from whence, after some
time spent in deer-hunting, we marched to St. Quentin,
where all his troops were assembled.
The Prince of Parma* surrounded Cambray with his whole
army, and kept it blockaded: this afforded an occasion for
the bravest amongst us to signalise themselves, and each one
was desirous of commanding the first party that should be
sent to reconnoitre. This honour fell to me, by the disposi-
tion into which Fervaques, the quartermaster-general, had
returned without having taken one prisoner, the besiegers
keeping all close behind their lines, although I passed so close
as to be fired at several times. The Viscount Turenne se-
cretly rejoiced at my disappointment, because I had refused the
offer he made to join me, if I would wait till the next day.
He chose out one hundred gentlemen, with whom he ad-
vanced towards Cambray, flattering himself that he should
perform no inconsiderable exploit. The event did not answer
his expectations: this fine troop had the misfortune to be de-
feated by from eighty to a hundred men belonging to the
regiment of M. de Roubais, t of the house of Melun, who
served in the enemy's army: ten or twelve were made pri-
soners, amongst whom were Ventadours and the Viscount
* Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma.
† Robert de Melun, Marquis of Roubais. The Viscount Turenne's
design was to throw himself into Cambray. (See his Memoirs, p. 311
and following.) It is observed there that he chose rather to be prisoner
to the Prince de Robecque, general of the Spanish cavalry, than to the
King of Spain: which was the cause of his being detained two years
and ten months; for Spain feared that after Robecque had received the
money for the viscount's ransom, which was fifty-three thousand
crowns, he would quit its service.
I Anne de Levis, afterwards Duke of Ventadour, knight of the
king's orders, governor of Limosin, and lieutenant-general in Langue-
doc. He died in 1622.
VOL. I.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
[BOOK II.
Turenne himself. Meantime Monsieur advanced with an
intention to give battle to the enemy, or to raise the siege;
but be posted himself so advantageously that we durst not
attempt to force him, and the following night he abandoned
his works, and retired towards Valenciennes, without the loss
of a single soldier, leaving Chateau-Cambresis, and the passes
of L'Ecluse, Arleux, Bouchain, and St. Amand so securely
guarded, that he was under no apprehension of being over-
taken.
great magnificence by the governor, whose name was D’Inchy.
Chateau-Cambresis refusing to surrender was taken by as-
sault. Monsieur, willing at first to show a gentleness that
might conciliate the people's affection towards him, forbad,
upon pain of severe punishments, any violence against the
women, who are generally the miserable victims of war ; but
fearing that these orders would not be sufficient to restrain
the soldiers' brutality, any more than the plague with which
the fort was infected, he gave them the churches for asylums,
and placed guards about them. A very beautiful young girl
threw herself into my arms as I was walking in the streets,
and holding me fast, conjured me to protect her from some
soldiers, who, she said, had concealed themselves as soon as
they saw me. I endeavoured to calm her fears, and offered
to conduct her to the next church; but she told me she had
been there and asked for admittance, which they refused,
because they knew she had the plague. Alarmed at this
declaration, I thrust the girl from me, who thus exposed me
to death to save herself, while, in my opinion, she carried her
own security about her; and hurrying away as fast as I was
able, expected every moment to be seized with the plague,
but happily no bad consequences ensued.
After the capture of Cambresis, Monsieur attacked the
mish, I was so far engaged, that had not Sessaval, by making
a desperate charge, rescued me, I should certainly have been
taken, and probably lost my life; for some prisoners which we
had made, saying they belonged to the guard of the Marquis
de Roubais, who was niy relation, I sent them back without
ransom, and also my compliments to their master ; but he,
knowing I had a claim both by right and by Monsieur's
1581.)
TRACHERY TO THE CITY OF CAMBRAY.
131
promise upon the estates which the Viscount de Gand had
given him, answered, “By Heaven! these civilities are very
fine; but if he is taken he brings ransom enough along with
him."
The Prince of Parma having divided his army in the Low
Countries, Monsieur returned to Cambray, to give directions
for securing the place; but being desirous (through the per-
suasion of some bad people about him*) of placing another
governor in the town, he was guilty of a most infamous piece
of treachery towards D’Inchy, the old governor, who had
acted in the most loyal manner towards him: under pretence
of doing him an honour, he expressed a desire to dine with
D’Inchy in the citadel, and requested that none of his officers
or his body-guard might attend; to this the governor readily
acceded, but said he was afraid he should afford but a poor en-
tertainment to his highness, as the city had been only a short
time freed from a long blockade, but that he would do every-
thing in his power if he were granted two or three days to make
preparations. In the mean time he invited the greatest part of
Monsieur's attendants, to the number of sixty, and amongst
the rest myself, as the good man had a particular regard for
me, being himself, as he said, descended from the houses of
Melun and Horne. On the appointed day he came to con-
duct Monsieur to the citadel, who ordered his guards to stay
without: everything was served with the greatest magnifi-
cence, and music played during the repast. On the second
remove, an attendant came and whispered something to the
governor, who was seated at the bottom of the table, to which
he replied aloud, “ Very well, let them come in, there is no
danger;" and then turning to Monsieur, “Sire,” said he,
"your highness's guards wish to enter; it is very well, you
are master here.” Three different messages were brought him
to the same effect, as fresh bodies of troops entered, to which
he gave the same answers; but on a fourth he appeared
greatly alarmed, changed colour, his eyes sparkled with rage,
and laying both his hands upon the end of the table, ex-
* The Duke de Sully had perhaps particular reasons for not men-
tioning the names of those persons; his two kinsmen, Fervaques and
Rochepot, are accused, by some of the historians of this period, of
having advised Monsieur to adopt those violent measures which ruined
his affairs in the Low Countries.-ED.
I 2
132
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
claimed to the messenger, “How is this ? disarm my soldiers !
What is this, Monsieur! what is this? I did not expect
this of your highness, nor have my services merited such un-
worthy treatment." Monsieur smiled, and made no other
reply, than that it was nothing; he would make him reparation
before he went away; but as soon as he was certain that the
citadel was secured by his soldiers, he told D’Inchy, that in
return for Cambray, of which he was only the governor, he
would give him Chateau-Thiérry in propriety. The governor
finding he could obtain no other satisfaction, left the room,
with tears in his eyes and almost distracted, accompanied by
several of our party, who vented execrations against the
authors of so detestable an act of treachery and ingratitude,
and in violation of the terms of capitulation. D’Inchy did
not long survive his misfortune, being slain soon after in a
skirmish.
M. de Balaguy* was appointed governor of Cambray by
Monsieur, who, having provided everything necessary for its
defence, returned to France, notwithstanding the pressing
solicitations of the States to march into the interior of the
Provinces with his powerful army, in order to deliver them
entirely from the subjection of Spain,—there remaining, they
said, only five or six places of consequence in the hands of the
enemy. A few months after his return to France, he went
to England: the reception he met with from Queen Eliza-
beth, and the engagement he contracted with her, having
been mentioned by all the historians, I shall take no notice
of them here, though I attended him in this voyage.
From England Monsieur again returned to Zeeland, flat-
* John de Montluc, natural son of John de Montluc, Bishop of
Valence; he is mentioned in a subsequent page.
† It is well known that the Queen of England allowed several of the
princes of Europe to flatter themselves in this manner with hopes of
marrying her; and whether policy, or reasons purely natural, was the
cause that she never came to any conclusion, is a question not easy to
decide. Monsieur went to England in the winter of 1581, and returned
to Flanders the spring following. See an account of this voyage, and
of all the negotiations concerning this marriage, at length, in the Me-
moirs of Nevers, vol. i. pp. 474, 603. [On this subject the English
reader is referred to Digges's Complete Ambassador and Lodge's Illus-
trated Britislı History, vol. ii. Pp. 177, 258.-Ed.]
1581.] DUPLICITY OF MONSIEUR TOWARDS ROSNI.
133
tered with a thousand agreeable hopes. He landed at Lillo, *
from whence he went to Antwerp, where he was received
with great joy and magnificence, and crowned Duke of
Brabant by the Prince of Orange, assisted by the Prince
Dauphint and nobility of the Low Countries. This affec-
tion of the Dutch towards Monsieur was but of short
duration : for the Prince of Orange, the only person
who was more beloved by the people than him, having
been wounded in his chamber by a pistol-shot, I the populace,
who thought none but the French could be guilty of this
action, mutinied, and would have fallen upon them; and
Monsieur could find security nowhere but in the house of
the wounded prince, whither he fled for refuge. However,
when the true author of this intended assassination $ was dis-
covered, the burgesses made many excuses to Monsieur for
the injustice of their suspicions, and the revolt they had
occasioned. But this outrage made a deep impression on his
heart, and he from that moment resolved to make himself
master of Antwerp.
I continued in Monsieur's train till about three weeks before
his attempt upon Antwerp, for the ill-treatment I received
had disgusted me with his service. When I reminded
him of his promise, and requested him to put me in posses-
sion of the estates of the Viscount de Gand, which reverted
to me, he received my request very coldly, put me off with
delays, and at last, when I pressed him one day on the sub-
ject, he told me very cavalierly that he could not gratify two
persons at the same time, and that my cousin,|| the Prince
* A fort upon the Scheldt.
† Francis ôf Bourbon, son to the Duke of Montpensier.
| The 18th of March, 1582, by John de Jaureguy. The ball went
quite through his jaw. The assassin was taken by the soldiers of the
Prince of Orange, who rushed in at the noise just as he was drawing
his poniard to despatch him. (Chron. Piasicki.)
§ By the papers found in his pocket, he was known to be a Spaniard;
this circunstance appeased the people, who were ready to put all the
French to the sword." (Mem. D’Aubery du Maurier.) The people ran
about the streets crying, “Behold, this is the marriage of Paris; let us
kill these murderers." (Matthieu, vol. i. book vii., to the end.)
|| Robert de Melun, Prince of Epinay, son to the Marquis of Riche-
burg.
134
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
of Epinay, had obtained, without any trouble, what I had
laboured for with so much assiduity. There was something
in this answer more disobliging than the refusal itself: I was
sensibly affected with it, and a few days after had a convin-
cing proof of the little share myself and the other Protestant
officers had in his favour, when I heard him say publicly,
after he had dismissed M. d'Ayantigny, one of his privy coun-
cillors, that his mind was at rest now, when he no longer had
Huguenots in his councils. From that time I resolved to
quit this ungrateful prince; and while I waited for an oppor-
tunity to return to France, I attached myself more closely to
the Prince of Orange, in whom I found all those qualities in
which Monsieur was deficient. I remember, a few days be-
fore the treacherous attempt upon Antwerp, that I was at
this prince's palace with Sainte Aldegonde, * and a minister
named Villiers, when, speaking of Monsieur and the Catholics,
by whom he was governed, he said, “These men have designs
pernicious both for themselves and us, in which, it is my
opinion, they will not find their account; and I entreat you,
sir,” he added, turning to me, “not to go far from my
lodgings."
The 15th of Februaryt was the day which Monsieur had
secretly fixed upon for seizing Antwerp: I quitted the Prince
of Orange's. apartments about two in the afternoon, and
mounted my horse, to accompany the former, who was gone
(as he had given out) to review his army near the gate of
Quipedorp. I heard a great uproar in the town, and pre-
sently saw men, women, and children flying in all directions,
followed by cavalry and infantry, cutting and firing at all who
came in their way, and crying out, 6 The town is taken !
the town is taken! the mass for ever!” These were part of
Monsieur's army, who had entered the city by force. As
soon as the Prince of Orange heard the noise, he came at-
tended with a number of soldiers, and when he saw me and
some other French gentlemen, he called to us to retire to his
palace, as the only means of saving our lives from the fury of
the people, and not to quit it till we heard from him. As I
G
* Philip Marnix, Lord of Sainte Aldegonde.
+ The attempt upon Antwerp was made on the 17th of January,
1583. See Bentivoglio's Wars of Flanders, where a particular account
of this affair is given.-ED.
1581.]
MONSIEUR RETURNS TO FRANCE.
135
do not mean to enter into a particular detail of this affair, I
shall only observe, that nearly the whole of Monsieur's sol-
diers who had entered the town were either slain or taken;
those who escaped were obliged to throw themselves over the
walls, as the only gate by which they could retreat was
choked up with dead bodies.* The Prince of Orange soon
restored order, and even endeavoured to effect a reconciliation
between the burghers and Monsieur, who had now retired to
Rosandel and Lière, where we found him : he was endea-
vouring to gain the road to Harentals, in order to reach Vil-
lovarde ; but the people of Malines having laid all the sur-
rounding country under water, he lost from four to five
thousand horses in the swamps, and almost as many men,
half of which were soldiers, partly by hunger and partly by
the cold, having been three days and nights in this situation.
Monsieur stayed five or six months in Flanders after this
fatal enterprise; but his army had been so considerably
lessened, and the remainder so broken with fatigue, the cities
so well guarded, and, to complete his misfortunes, the Prince of
Parma returned with an army so vastly superior to his, that
he was at last obliged to go back to France, with the Duke
de Montpensier and the Marshal de Biron, leaving nothing
behind him in the Low Countries but the remembrance of a
name justly detestable.
A prince who has not prudence enough to conceal his
hatred of persons whose services become necessary to him,
must be unhappy : but this must be owned to the advantage
of virtue, that it secures, by the most infallible means, the
success of all great enterprises. Wisdom, equity, discipline,
order, courage, good fortune-qualities which succeed each
other in the order they are mentioned-form the chain of
action in truly great men. The proceedings of those who un-
justly arrogate to themselves that title offer, on the contrary,
nothing but rashness and obstinacy, the companions of blind
ambition. A vain confidence in their talents, presumptuous
dependence on their good fortune-all consequences of flat-
tery, which generally enslaves no persons so much as those
* About this time the same attempt was made by Monsieur's orders
on the principal cities of Flanders; but the plot succeeded only upon
Dunkirk, Dixmude, and Dendermonde.
136
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
false heroes who think themselves born to subject the whole
world.
solve to leave Flanders without visiting those places where
my ancestors were born; and having procured a passport from
the Count of Barlaymont,* I went to Bassée, to visit Madame
de Mastin, my aunt, who had also disinherited me on account
of my religion; she having suffered herself to be persuaded
by the monks who were about her, that the Protestants
neither believed in God nor Jesus Christ, and that they held
the Virgin Mary and the saints in abhorrence. The day after
my arrival, she carried me with her to see an abbey she had
founded; and as she was showing me some fine tombs of my
ancestors wbich she had caused to be erected there, took oc-
casion to speak to me on the subject of my faith. If I was
astonished to hear her utter the extravagant whims which
Father Silvester, her confessor, had put into her head respect-
ing the Protestants, she was no less surprised to hear me re-
peat the creed, and all those pravers which we use in common
with the Roman Catholics. With her reason, nature was
tenderness she had showu me: she embraced me with tears
in her eyes, and promised me not only the certain succession
to her estates, but also engaged to get those of the Viscount
de Gand restored to me; however, these good intentions were
never executed.
From Bassée I went to Bethune, which I had often desired
to see, it being the ancient inheritance of my ancestors, who
for a long time were in possession of very considerable estates
there. The treachery Monsieur had used towards the city of
Antwerp, rendered all the other cities of the Low Countries
suspicious; they would not suffer me to enter Bethune till
I had shown my passport, declared my name, and con-
vinced them I came from Madame de Mastin, which produced
an effect I little expected: I went to lodge at an inn whose
sign was the arms of the family of Bethune, where I had not
been long before I was somewhat alarmed on seeing a troop
of citizens, preceded by some armed men, approach the house.
They however proved to be burgesses of the city, who, full of
* Claude de Barlaymont, Lord of Hautepenne.
1583.]
SPAIN MAKES OFFERS TO HENRY.
137
respect for the blood of their ancient lords, no sooner heard
niy name than they resolved to pay me all possible honours :
they brought me a present of wine, pastry, and sweetmeats,
and conducted me to see everything remarkable in the town,
particularly the buildings and tombs of my ancestors.
Having nothing more to detain me in Flanders, I returned
to Rosny, and soon after went to Guienne, to meet the King
of Navarre. After I had related to him all my adventures,
and those of Monsieur, “ Well," said he to me, " is not this
the accomplishment of all I predicted of this prince, in my
conversation with you at Coutras, when you took leave of me
to follow him ? but the Viscount de Turenne, whom I dis-
suaded as much as possible from following him, has succeeded
much worse than you."
Monsieur's expedition into the Low Countries had en-
raged the King of Spain to such a degree, as to make him
endeavour to gain the King of Navarre's friendship, and
offer him supplies for renewing the war with the royalists of
France. This proposition he received at Hagenau, whither
ho went to visit the Countess of Guiche, * for his passion for
this lady was then at its height. The distrust Henry always
entertained of Spain, and his natural antipathy to that court,
prevented his giving any credit to it. I will not take upon
me to answer for the sincerity of the Spaniards in these
offers, which were made him at different times by Bernardin
de Mendoza, the Chevalier Moreau, and Calderon ; however,
Spain dealt faithfully with the King of Navarre.
But be
* Diana de Corisande Dandoins, Viscountess of Lovigny, &c., wife,
and afterwards widow, of Philibert, Count of Grammont. In the Ob-
scrvations upon the Amours of Alcander the Great, this lady is said to
have sent Henry IV. three or four and twenty thousand Gascons,
levied at her own expense. It is also mentioned there, that she had a
son named Antony, whom that prince offered to acknowledge for his
own; but the young man replied, that he chose rather to be considered
as a gentleman than the bastard of a king. (Journal of Henry III.'s
Reign, p. 270.)
+ That which induced him to believe this was, that to this letter of
the King of Spain, presented to the King of Navarre by the Chevalier
Moreau, or the Commander Morrée, as Davila calls him (book ii.),
was added an offer of fifty thousand crowns, made by the same che-
valier to the Viscount de Chaux, on the frontier of Béarn, to maintain
138
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
-
that as it will, the latter gave no answer to this proposition,
and made no other use of it, than to convince the king and
queen-mother of the justice of his designs; for this purpose
he sent me to Paris, to inform them of the step which Spain.
had taken.
There was no longer any access to be had to the King of
France; he had retired to Vincennes, where he saw none but
his favourites, and the ministers of his pleasures. I ex-
pected to have been introduced to him by the Queen of
Navarre; for this princess, whose temper could not agree
with that of the king her husband, had left him to return to
the Court of France :* but I learnt from Madame de Bethune,
that she was on no better terms with the queen her mother,
and the king her brother. I then had recourse to Madame
de Sauves, who procured me an audience of Catherine. The
affair seemed to her to be important; she mentioned it to the
king, and a negotiation was begun there; I even obtained
from his majesty letters of credence to the King of Navarre ;
but what reliance ought one to have on the determinations
of a court, wbich, as it would seem, never formed a good
design that was not immediately repented of? The queen-
mother thought fit to make no other use of the King of
Navarre's confidence, than to enter into a stricter union with
Spain, which came to Henry's knowledge by the reproaches
the King of Spain made him, for having betrayed his secret.
The bad reception Monsieur met with from the king his
brother at his return from Flanders, was one effect of this
reconciliation with Spain. This prince retired to Chateau-
Thiérry, oppressed with grief. After my deputation was
finished, being at home, and engaged in no employment,
curiosity led me to visit Monsieur at Chateau-Thiérry. I
imagined his bad fortune would have made him wiser; but it
had only abated his pride. He received me with a kindness
that I was far from thinking disinterested, and from which I
the King of Navarre's army, provided he would turn his arms against
Trance. (Mem. of the League, vol. v.)
* From that time they always lived separate, notwithstanding the
reproaches which Henry III. often made the King of Navarre on that
subject, and some others that are mentioned by L'Etoile. One day,
when the latter received some very sharp letters from Henry III.,
“The king,” said he, “in all his letters honours me greatly; for by
the first he calls me cuckold, and by the last the son of a w "
139
1583.] ROSNY'S MISSION TO FRANCE,
immediately concluded he had some great designs in his head.
The advantageous offers made me in his name by Aurilly,
who had procured me the honour of kissing his hand, con-
vinced me I was not mistaken; but, amidst the great pro-
jects * with which Monsieur was intoxicated, I discovered a
melancholy and secret discontent that preyed upon his heart,
and which nothing could remove; from hence proceeded that
languishing disorder, which some time after put an end to all
ambitious designs by death.
of Navarre to come to him upon some very important affairs.
He was endeavouring to disconcert, if possible, all the enter-
prises of the League; a design which this wise prince had
always in view. He had occasion for a person on whose
probity he could rely, to reside at the Court of France, and
study all its motions; and it was to charge me with this
commission, that he had commanded my attendance. He
communicated his reflections to me, gave me all the neces-
sary instructions, and when I took leave of him, embraced me
several times, saying, “My friend, remember, that the first
quality in a man of true courage and worth is to keep his
word inviolate; that which I have given to you I will never
fail in.” There was no necessity for racking my invention, to
furnish me with a pretence for this second journey to Paris.
The favour in which I had left my two younger brothers I at
that court, afforded me a very plausible one. They had
* Monsieur took the titles of son of France, by the grace of God
Anjou, Touraine, Berry, Evreux, and Chateau-Thiérry; Count of
Flanders, of Holland, Zeeland, Zutphen, Maine, Perche, Mante, Meulan,
and Beaufort; Marquis of the Holy Roman Empire; Lord of Friesland
and Mechlin; defender of the Belgic liberty. Hercules was his bap-
tismal name, but when he was confirmed it was changed to Francis."
† There is no historian who doubts that he died by poison. His
blood ran through all his pores as if every vein had been burst. (De
Thou, book lxxviii.) “This happened,” say the Memoirs of Nevers,
by his having lain with La- , who made him smell a poisoned
I Solomon and Philip de Bethune. The first, as eldest, was called
Baron of Rosny, and was Governor of Mante. The second has formed
the branch of the Counts of Selles and Charost. By attaching them-
selves to the person and party of the King of France, they both abjured
the Protestant religion, in which they had been educated.
140
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLI.
begun to create jealousy in the favourites, for the king
already made them his companions in his parties of devotion,
which was a step likely to lead them to the greatest famili-
arity; however, on my arrival, I learned that they were dis-
graced, the reason of which I did not know till a long time
after, and it is of the number of those things which
ought to be buried in oblivion. However, this accident
did not hinder me from entering upon my new employment
at Paris, and the court. I gave the King of Navarre exact
intelligence of all that passed, that he might take such
measures as were best suited to the state of his affairs.
Engaged in this new kind of life, which obliged me, by the
nature of the employment I had undertaken, to frequent the
court, to mix in the politest company of the city, to share in
their amusements, their pleasures, and even to be infected
with their idleness; and being, besides, in the prime and
strength of my age, it is not strange that I should pay the
accustomed tribute to love. I became violently enamoured
of the daughter of the President de St. Mesmin, one of the
most beautiful ladies in France. I abandoned myself so
entirely to a passion, which, in the beginning, is so delightful,
that when I would have stifled it afterwards, upon reflecting
that this alliance was not suitable to me, I found that con-
sideration too weak, when opposed to the friendship the whole
family expressed for me, the esteem of a truly respectable
father, and the charms of a mistress worthy my tenderest
affection. My own endeavours alone would not have been suffi-
cient to have broken this chain. La Fond, t to divert the course
of my thoughts, proposed to me to visit Mademoiselle de
Courtenay, I to whom he earnestly wished I would pay my
addresses, as a person who in all respects was much inore
suitable to me. I did visit her, and approved this choice;
but Mademoiselle de St. Mesmin soon destroyed all these
wise reflections. Being one day at Nogent-on-the-Seine,
attended by this La Fond, and some other persons, I went
* Those who are curious to know it need only consult the seventh
chapter of the Confessions of Sancy.
† La Fond was his valet-de-chambre. He is mentioned in another
place.
Anne de Courtenay, youngest daughter of Francis de Courtenay,
Lord of Bontin.
1583.] ROSNY'S MARRIAGE-DOMESTIC EMPLOYMENTS. 141
to lodge at an inn, whither chance had conducted both
Mademoiselle de St. Mesmin and Mademoiselle de Cour-
tenay, which I learnt the moment I entered the inn. This
was one of the most delicate conjunctures imaginable, and I
judged it would be impossible to leave the place without
breaking for ever with that lady of the two, to whom I
should neglect to pay my first visit and assiduities. In a case
of this nature, no artifice, no address can satisfy two women
at the same time.
Mademoiselle de St. Mesmin's youngest sister coming down
stairs at that moment, found me absorbed in reflection, like a
man that was labouring to reconcile his reason with his love.
She perceived it, and my confusion affording her a fine oppor-
tunity to display the vivacity of her wit, she endeavoured to
draw me to her sister's feet; when La Fond approaching me,
whispered in my ear, “Turn to the right, sir : there you will
find a large estate, a royal extraction, and equal beauty,
when it shall have attained to the age of perfection.” These
few words, so seasonably uttered, recalled my scattered
reason, and fixed my wavering purpose. I was convinced
the advice La Fond gave me was good, and that the only
difference between the beauty of Mademoiselle de Courtenay,
and her rival, was, that the one was already in possession
of charms, which a year or two more promised the other. I
sent an excuse for not attending Mademoiselle de St. Mes-
min, which drew upon me many reproaches; but I courage-
ously sustained the assault, and went immediately after to
visit Mademoiselle de Courtenay, who valued this sacrifice
at its full price. She was pleased with the preference; and
I applauded myself for it, when I considered my new mistress
with more attention, and after a few visits more had given
me a perfect knowledge of her character. My addresses were
favourably received, and a short time after this adventure we
were married. *
The tenderness and assiduity due to an amiable bride de-
tained me in Rosny this whole year, amidst rural employ-
ments, exercises, and diversions : another kind of life not less
new to me than the former. The country, to those whose
* Guy de Bethune, son of Alpin dc Bethune, great-grandfather of
M. de Rosny, liad married one Frances de Courtepay Bontin.
142
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
time has been divided between the court and the field, is
generally an occasion of double expense; but it affords many
resources to a man, who knows that good economy supplies
the place of great riches. My turn for fine horses, which I
had cultivated merely for my pleasure, did not make up a
useless part of this domestic economy. I kept jockeys in my
service, whom I sent to buy horses in foreign countries,
where they were cheap, and sold them in Gascony, at the
King of Navarre's court, whence I never failed to draw large
sums for them.
Towards the end of this year,* a letter from the King of
Navarre drew me from this life of inactivity: he informed me,
that the time in which he had foreseen that the assistance of
his faithful servants would be necessary, was now come: that
the state and our religion were threatened with the severest
misfortunes, if immediate endeavours were not used to avert
them; and that he should soon have a cruel war to sustain.
* The peace continuing in force till the following year, the Memoirs
of this and the preceding contain little concerning the King of Na-
varre. Le Grain relates the adventure which happened to him with
Captain Michau, who pretended to have quitted the service of Spain.
for that of Henry, in order to find some opportunity of murdering him
treacherously. “One day,” says he, “when the King of Navarre was
hunting in the forests of Aillas, he perceived Michau just behind him,
well mounted, with a couple of pistols cocked and primed., The king
was alone and unattended, it being customary for hunters to separate;
and seeing him approach, Captain Michau, said he to him, with a
bold and determined look, 'disinount; I have a mind to make trial of
your horse, that I may know if it be as good a one as you say it is.'
The captain obeyed, and dismounting, the king got upon his horse,
and taking the pistols, 'Do you design to shoot me with one of these?'
said he ; "I am told you intend to kill me; but in the meantime I can
kill you if I please. Saying this, he discharged the two pistols in
the air, and commanded the captain to follow him. Michau, having
made many excuses, took leave two days after, and never after ap-
peared.” (Decade of Henry the Great, book viii.) Busbeq, who at that
time resided at Paris, in the quality of ambassador from the Emperor
Rodolphus II., assures us also, in his Letters, that a deserter, whom he
does not name, administered poison to the King of Navarre; but that
either by the strength of his constitution or the weakness of the poison,
he felt no bad effects from it; and adds, that this same man having
attempted afterwards to shoot him with a pistol, and failing, was taken
and put to the torture; and that it was known by the behaviour of
Henry III, upon this occasion that he had no part in the designed
assassination. (Epist. 46.)
1585.].
ORIGIN, ETC., OF THE LEAGUE.
143
I instantly prepared to attend him, taking with me, as well
for his use as my own, forty-eight thousand francs, which I
raised by the sale of some timber which I had cut down for
that purpose.
In the year 1585 the bold enterprises of the League* broke
* The first step which discovered the designs of the League was an
association of princes, prelates, and gentlemen of Picardy, who met at
Peronne, to avoid obeying the edict of sixty-three articles published in
the year 1576, in favour of the Protestants. The manifesto there
drawn up served for a model to all the other provinces, and even to
the States of Blois, which were summoned about the end of that year,
whose resolutions obliged Henry III. to declare himself the head of
the Catholics against the Huguenots, that he might not leave this title
to be assumed by the Duke of Guise. At first they talked only of
maintaining the Catholic religion alone in the kingdom, but at length
a debate arose concerning the succession to the crown, into which
they introduced the pope and King of Spain. (See the form of these
associations in the MS. volume marked 1826, in the King's Library,
p. 160. The conspiracy of the nobility of Normandy, with the oath to
preserve the Catholic religion in France, and the crown to the house of
Valois, see in vol. 8832, p. 5.--The whole of this volume is likewise
filled with memoirs relating to the League, and the first states of Blois.
See also the treaty the League made with the King of Spain at the
castle of Joinville, signed by the respective parties, with many other
pieces on the same subject, vol. 8866. All, or part of these pieces,
with very curious circumstances relating to the same subject, may be
found in different authors, such as the Memoirs of Nevers, vol. i.; Me-
moirs of the League, vol. i.; Memoirs of State by Villeroy, vol. ii.; De
Thou, books Ixiii. and lxxxi.; D’Aubigné, vol. ii. book iii. chap. 3;
Matthieu, vol. i. books vii. and viii, ; Le Novennaire de Cayet, vol. i.,
at the beginning; and many others.) Many persons believe the origin
of the League to be much more ancient, and that it took its rise in the
council of Trent, through the endeavours of the Cardinal of Lorraine,
the uncle; during which Francis, Duke of Guise, on his side formed
the plan of it in France; but the death of the latter suspended the
effect. It is pretended also that Don John of Austria passing through
France, in his way to Flanders, concerted the scheme with the Duke
of Guise. The college of Forteret has been accounted the cradle of
the League. It is said that a lawyer named David carried the Me-
moirs to Rome, and that these Memoirs, which may be found in the
first volume of the Memoirs of the League, being intercepted by the
Huguenots, gave them the first certain intelligence of it. Some persons
have doubted whether this lawyer, who died on his journey to Rome,
or, as others say, on his return from thence, did not treat with the
pope of his own accord, and agreeably to his own opinion, which is
very improbable. As for Henry III., he certainly deserves all the re-
proaches which the Duke of Sully here casts upon him. He had un-
deniable proofs of his enemies' designs upon the royal authority; to
144
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
out: one cannot reflect without horror, that in less than four
years, ten royal armies fell upon the King of Navarre, when
the danger that equally threatened the two kings was turned
against him alone, through the weakness of Henry III., who
allowed his own enemies to give laws to him, and conducted
himself the hand that sought to overthrow his authority.
Henry III. perceiving the League would publicly raise
the standard of revolt, waked a little from the lethargy into
which he had been plunged, and thought proper to send the
Duke de Joyeuse* into Normandy, to oppose the Duke
d'Elbeuf, who kept an army there, which the League
made use of to extort the famous edict of July, I wherein all
the Huguenots were ordered, either to go to mass or to leave
the kingdom in six months. Joyeuse, who had my two
brothers in his army, passed by Rosny, and prevailed upon
whom, when he broke the edict of pacification in 1577, he said aloud
these words: “I am much afraid that, by our endeavours to suppress
Calvinism, we shall bring the mass into danger.” We are assured
that all the secrets of the League were discovered to him by a gentle-
man named La Rochette, to whom they were entrusted, and who
suffered himself to be taken on purpose that he might reveal them
without danger. In a word, it is also certain that the Duke of Guise
began to raise the standard of his party in the year 1585, when he was
still so weak, that he could not depend upon more than four thousand
foot and a thousand horse. Even Beauvais Nangis (who relates it
himself in his Memoirs) asked him one day what he intended to do if
the king should come to attack him. “I will retire immediately to
Germany,” replied the duke, “and there wait for a more favourable
opportunity."
* Anne, Duke de Joyeuse, the eldest of the seven sons of William
de Joyeuse.
† Claude of Lorraine.
This was the treaty of Nemours--the triumph of the League, and
the disgrace of Henry III. Henry IV. told the Marquis de la Force
in the presence of Matthieu, who relates it in his eighth book, that
the moment he was informed of this shameful weakness of the King of
France, his moustaches turned suddenly white on that side of his face
which he supported with his hand. Sixtus V. himself appeared ashamed
of it; and by the same bull of September 5, 1585, wherein he excom-
municated all who assisted the Huguenots, he likewise excommuni-
cated those who undertook anything against the king and kingdom.
He foresaw at that time all the miseries that would befal France.
(See these articles of Nemours, and the proceedings of the League
both in France and at Rome, in vol. i. of the Memoirs of Nevers, pp. 661
and following.)
1585.]
HENRY III. JOINS THE LEAGUE..
145
me, without much difficulty, to go with him; by attacking
the League, the friends of the King of Navarre entered into
his true interests. I gave him the best reception in my
power, but nothing charmed him so much as the beauty of
my horses. Lavardin likewise took his way through Rosny,
but went to lodge at the extremity of the town. During
their stay, Chicot,* who would always give free scope to his
humour, resolved to divert himself at Lavardin's expense,
whom he called the madman; and sending for him one day,
told him with a mysterious air that that devil of a Huguenot
(meaning me) certainly intended to keep the deaf man (a
nickname he gave to the Duke de Joyeuse) prisoner. La-
vardin, without reflecting that his attempt would be useless,
if not ridiculous, armed himself immediately, with all his
domestics, and came with them in bravado before my door,
where he was obliged to bear the railleries of the whole com-
pany, who did not spare him.
What I am now going to say will hardly appear credible.
We set out together, and had scarcely reached Verneuil,
when the Duke de Joyeuse received a packet from the court,
which informed him that the king had concluded a peace
with the League, and that it was his majesty's intention that
the army, which two days ago was to support him against
* Chicot was a Gascon, brave, rich, and a buffoon. At the siege of
Rouen he wounded Henry de Lorraine, Count de Chaligny, in the
thigh; and taking him prisoner, presented him to Henry IV., saying,
“Here, see what I give thee!” The count, enraged at being taken by
a fool, gave him a blow on the head with the hilt of his sword, which
killed him. He used to say whatever he pleased to the king without
giving him any offence. When the Duke of Parma came to France
Chicot said to the king before all the courtiers, "My friend, I see very
well that all you do will signify nothing, unless you either turn Ca-
tholic or pretend you are one. Another time he said to him, “I am
convinced that to be peaceably King of France, you would give both
Papists and Huguenots to Lucifer's clerks; so true it is, that you
kings have no religion but in appearance." "I am not surprised,"
said he another time to his majesty," that so many persons desire to
be kings; it is a good trade, and by working at it only an hour in a
day, one may make sufficient provision for the rest of the week, with-
out being obliged to one's neighbours; but for God's sake, my friend,
take care, and do not fall into the hands of the Leaguers, for you would
fall into those who would hang you up like a hog's gut, and write upon
your gibbet, “At the arms of France and Navarre are good lodgings to
be let." (Memoirs for the History of France, vol. ii. p. 72.)
VOL. I.
146
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
[BOOK II.
the League, should be led against the King of Navarre.*
Joyeuse, in relating this to me, added, “Well, Monsieur le
Baron de Rosny, this stroke will give me a cheap bargain of
your fine horses, for the war is declared against the Pro-
testants; but I persuade myself," continued be, “that you
will not be so simple as to join the King of Navarre, and by
embarking in a cause that will infallibly be ruined, lose your
fine estate of Rosny.” The duke might have spoken much
longer without interruption; for although I was sufficiently
acquainted with the court not to be surprised at anything it
did, yet I could not reflect without astonishment upon the
difficulties through which fortune seemed to take a pleasure
in leading the King of Navarre, before she conducted him to
that greatness which was destined for him ; for I was always
persuaded of this in my own mind, and the predictions of
La Brosse were continually present to me. My answer,
therefore, to Joyeuse turned wholly upon those presages;
after which I quitted him abruptly. This step might ap-
pear a little extravagant to him, and I have been informed
that he said to those about him, “ There goes a consummate
fool, who is afraid of nothing; but he will be finely deluded
by his sorcerer."
I returned to my house, from whence I set out again
immediately, after taking some new measures conformable to
the sudden change which had just happened. I went
directly to Guienne, where the King of Navarre was, to know
his intentions, and to make preparations accordingly: I stayed
with him four or five months. He carried me with him to
Montauban, where he held several conferences with the Pro-
testants on the steps necessary to be taken in this conjunc-
ture. Unhappily for them, upon this occasion, when all was
* The king was forced to it at Chalons by the Leaguers, who were
assembled there. He secretly excused himself to the King of Navarre
upon the necessity he was driven to. This prince, and the queen his
mother, suffered themselves to be unseasonably intimidated by the
threats of the League, whose forces were exaggerated, although it
would not have been difficult to have destroyed it in the beginning.
The council also missed an opportunity of uniting the Low Countries
to the crown, by sending back the deputies from those provinces with-
out an answer who came to offer the sovereignty of them to the king,
provided he would march with his troops to that quarter. Thus were
two great errors committed at one time. (De Thou, book lxxxi.)
1585:1
DIVISIONS IN THE CALVINIST PARTY.
147
at stake, they did not sufficiently understand their true
interest, at least not so as to oblige them to a perfect union
amongst themselves, and a faithful concurrence in the same
designs. From that time, some of the principal leaders
thought more of their own private advancement than the
king's, without considering that their fortunes were so closely
connected with his, that if he failed it would be impossible
for them to succeed. Each was for building a fortune for
himself, independent of the general plan.
This disunion of minds showed itself more openly in a
private conference held at St. Paul de Lamiate, where audi-
ence was given to a doctor of divinity named Butrick, sent
thither by the Elector Palatine ; here the Viscount de Tu-
renne gave the first indications of that turbulent, false, and
ambitious spirit which formed his character. He had, in
concert with this Butrick, projected a new system* of go-
vernment, into which they had drawn Messieurs De Con-
stans, D’Aubigné, De St. Germain-Beaupré, De St. Germain
de Clan, De Brezolles, and others. They wished to form
state, under the protection of the Elector Palatine, and five
or six lieutenants in his name were to be sent into the dif-
ferent provinces.
If we examine this project it will easily appear that the
King of Navarre was but little obliged to these gentlemen
since, by this plan, they blended the princes of the blood
with the officers of the Protestant party, and reduced them
all to the quality of lieutenants under a petty foreign prince.
This was not the only time that the King of Navarre found
secret enemies in his councils, amongst his dependents, and
in appearance most zealous servants, and even amongst his
own friends and relations.
From men all things may be expected; they are not to be
kept firm to their duty, integrity, and the laws of society by
* The historian who wrote the Life of the Duke de Bouillon does not
deny that these were the views of this Calvinist nobleman. He was
a very able politician, extremely ambitious, passionately desirous of the
rank of leader of the Calvinists of France, and very capable of filling
that post. This is all that can be said to soften those strong expres-
sions which Monsieur de Sully frequently makes use of when speaking
of the Duke de Bouillon.
I 2
148
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
fidelity and virtue, but by their hopes and wishes. But how
could these consummate politicians undertake to mention
unity and concord in their pretended republic ? they who
were for giving it so many beads, each independent of the
other, and all under little subjection to a protector too weak
to make himself be obeyed. Their object was soon per-
ceived; they wished to make themselves so many sovereigns
in their several districts, not foreseeing that by this means
they would only deliver up each other to the discretion of
Spain and the League, who would easily destroy them, by
attacking them separately.
Although these cabals of the principal officers in the Pro-
testant party with a foreigner were carried on privately
enough, yet happily they did not hinder the better party
from prevailing in the assembly. The Duke de Montmo-
rency* was of opinion, that in the present danger we should
be all united, and keep ourselves effectually upon the de-
fensive. I insisted in all the councils upon the necessity of
acknowledging the authority of one head only, and of not
weakening our power by dividing it. As we came out from
one of these councils the King of Navarre, drawing me aside,
said to me, “ Monsieur le Baron de Rosny, it is not enough
to speak well, we must act still better; are you not resolved
that we shall die together? It is no longer time to be frugal;
all meu of honour, and who have their religion at heart, must
venture one-half of their estates to save the other. I am
persuaded that you will be amongst the first to assist me,
and I promise you if I succeed you shall partake of my good
fortune.” “No, no, sir," I replied, “We will not die, but
we will live together, and make our enemies shorter by their
heads. I have still a wood that will produce me a hundred
thousand francs, and all shall be employed on this occasion;
you shall give me more when you are rich, which will cer-
tainly happen; I had a preceptor who was possessed by a
devil, and he foretold it me." "The King of Navarre could
not help smiling at this sally, and embracing me closely.
“Well, my friend,” said he, "return to your house, be dili-
gent, and come to me soon again, with as many of your
friends as you can bring with you, and do not forget your
* Henry, Marshal de Damville, now become Duke de Montmorency.
MISSION TO THE KING OF NAVARRI.
149
wood of timber-trees." He afterwards communicated to
me the design he had of carrying the war into the heart of
France, and of approaching Paris, or at least the Loire,
which was, he said, the only means of bringing them to
their senses. He told me also that he carried on a private
correspondence in Angers, but that he feared the Prince of
Condé would, by his precipitation, obstruct his designs there
more than the Catholics, the event will show if he judged
rightly. He promised to inform me of all that passed, and
took leave of me, with a thousand testimonies of friendship,
which I shall never forget.
I arrived at Bergerac almost in the same moment as the
Cardinal de Lenoncourt;* M. de Sillery and M. de Poigny
came thither also, being deputed by the court to the King
of Navarre, to represent to him, for the last time, the ne-
cessity he was under of submitting to the king's pleasure,
and of changing his religion. Poigny came to me the next
* Philip de Lenoncourt, Cardinal and Archbishop of Rheims ;
Nicolas Brulart, Marquis of Sillery, afterwards chancellor ; Jolin
d'Angennes, Lord of Poigny.
+ In the Memoirs of the Life of J. A. de Thou, book iii., there is a
conversation which Michael de Montagne had with this president,
which the reader may not be displeased to see here: "As they were
discoursing," says the author, “upon the causes of the present troubles,
Montagne told the president that he had been a mediator between the
King of Navarre and the Duke of Guise, when these two princes were
at the court; and that the latter, by his cares, his services, and atten-
tions, made advances to gain the King of Navarre's friendship; but
finding that he made a jest of him, and that after all his endeavours le
was still an implacable enemy, he had recourse to war as the last
resource to defend the honour of his family; that the enmity which
raged in the minds of these two persons was the cause of a war, which
was at present so far kindled that only the death of one of them could
extinguish it; that neither the duke nor any of his family would
believe themselves secure while the King of Navarre lived; and the
King of Navarre, on his side, was persuaded that he should derive no
advantage from his right of succession to the crown during the duke's
life. "As for religion, added he, which they both make such a noise
about, it is a good pretence to procure adherents, but neither of them
is much affected by it. The fear of being abandoned by the Protestants
is the sole cause that prevents the King of Navarre from embracing
the religion of his ancestors; nor would the duke recede from the Con-
fession of Augsburg, which' his uncle, Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine,
had taught him, if he could follow it without prejudice to his interests.
These,' he said, ' were the sentiments he discovered in these two
princes when he was employed in their affairs.'”
150
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
day, disclosing to me the purport of his commission, and
asked me what I thought would be the event of his journey.
I assured him that he was giving himself an useless trouble;
and that on an occasion when religion, the state, and the
royal authority were in so great danger, it would not be
words only that could prevail upon the King of Navarre.
He sighed, shrugged up his shoulders, and said to me," Ah,
sir, I fancy a mass would be a difficult conquest in this
town.” “Good heavens ! sir," I answered, “not at all; you
may have as many as you please; and I wish to God you
were not such enemies to our service, but would allow every
one to gain Paradise as he can, and not care so much about
heaven for other people as to make the king and all good
Frenchmen lose the earth.” During this conversation I led
him and the others to the chapel, where mass was performing,
and then took my leave. What I had foretold the deputies
of the event of their commission, exactly happened.
I continued my journey to Paris, where, on my arrival, I
found nothing was talked of but the design of ruining the
King of Navarre entirely, and extirpating the Huguenots.
Everything there was conducted according to the inclination
of the League, which, since the shamefui step the king had
taken, ruled despotically, and all the worthy Frenchmen
that remained were under a necessity of lamenting in private
the misfortunes which the king's weakness had drawn upon
the kingdom. It was to these that I addressed myself, and
I had some conferences with Messieurs De Rambouillet, De
Montbazon the elder, * D’Aumont, De la Rocheguion, Des
Arpentis, and some others. They all assured me, that when
once the King of Navarre should appear in the neighbour-
hood of the Loire, he would soon see a considerable number
of true Frenchmen in his train. I exhorted them as much
as I was able to adhere to their resolutions, t but different
occurrences changed these good dispositions. While I stayed
* Nicholas d'Angeunes, Marquis of Rambouillet ; Louis de Rohan,
created Duke de Montbazon in the year 1588 ; John d'Aumont,
Marshal of France; de Silly, Count of Rocheguion; Louis de
Bois, Lord of Arpentis, master of the king's wardrobe, Governor of
Touraine.
† Monsieur de Rosny's negotiation with Henry III. is mentioned by
De Thou, book lxxxii.
1585.]
THE ATTEMPT UPON ANGERS.
151
in Paris I was busied about my equipage; I bought of M.
de la Rocheguion a very beautiful Spanish horse for six hun-
dred crowns; three other horses from Messieurs Laugnac,
De Rieux, and De la Taillade; and in the horse market a
silver roan horse for forty crowns, which seemed only fit to
carry baggage, but which proved so excellent an animal, that
I sold him to M. de Chartres for six hundred crowns; I also
sold the Spanish horse to M. de Nemours la Garnache for
two hundred crowns, which he not being able to pay me, I
received in lieu of it the tapestry in the great hall at Sully,
representing the labours of Hercules.
I learnt by public report what had happened at Angers;
but, in order to give a distinct account of it, it is necessary
to take the story a little higher. Brissac,* who was governor
of the castle of this city, placed a lieutenant there in his ab-
sence, called Captain Grec, with twenty soldiers, on whose
fidelity he had an entire reliance. Two of these soldiers,
baving formerly been of the Reformed religion, suffered them-
selves to be gained by the King of Navarre and the Prince
of Condé, and waited only for a favourable opportunity to
deliver up the castle to them, which would necessarily be
followed by the surrender of the city. When it was known
at Angers that Henry III. had joined with the King of Na-
varre against the League, a third party was formed, headed
by Du Hallot,t who likewise endeavoured to gain Roche-
morte and Fresué, so were the two soldiers named. Matters
did not long continue in this state; the two soldiers, pressed
by the Prince of Condé, surprised Captain Grec, and killed
him, together with some of his men: after which they seized
upon the castle. Du Hallot, who knew not of the change
that had so lately happened at court, gave himself no trouble
about this action; on the contrary, he satisfied the people by
representing to them that the two soldiers had only acted
according to the king's orders; and he remained in this error
till, offering to enter the castle, he himself experienced the
treachery of Rochemorte and Fresné, and, through his mis-
take, suffered death upon the wheel. I
* Charles de Cossy, Count de Brissac.
† Michael Bourrouge du Hallot. Louis Bouchereau de Rochemorte.
-Leon de Fresne,
İ The king was so much afraid of the League that he publicly dis-
avowed Du Hallot's enterprise.
152
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
Hitherto everything succeeded for the King of Navarre
and the Prince of Condé's party. But they soon experienced
the instability of fortune. Rochemorte having been drawn
beyond the bridge by the Catholics, who kept the castle in-
vested, and perceiving that their design was to surprise the
place and make him their prisoner, endeavoured to get in
again. In this tumult those within the castle thought of
nothing but of drawing up the bridge immediately. Roche-
morte grasped the chains, which loosing from his hold, he fell
into the ditch, where a stag that was feeding despatched him
by tearing him in pieces. Fresné only remained, who two
days after, as he was sleeping upon a parapet on the wall,
where he thought himself in safety, was killed by a carbine,
shot from the other side of the river, at the distance of above
five hundred paces. After this the Catholics drove out the
rest of the Huguenots from the city and castle with the same
facility that they had seized it. Things would not have taken
this unfavourable turn if the King of Navarre had conducted
the enterprise alone; for he would not have suffered the two
conspirators to begin their operations till he was at the gates
to support them with his whole army.
This ill-concerted scheme produced more misfortunes; the
Prince of Condé being engaged in the siege of Brouage, when
news was brought him that his party had surprised Angers,
did not hesitate a moment to quit the siege, but went imme-
diately to the assistance of his confederates at Angers, where,
arriving too late, he failed in both his designs. This was not
all: the whole Catholic army being idle and dispersed, as-
sembled again in the neighbourhood of Angers, which took
away all possibility of regaining it, precipitated all the actions
of the campaign, and brought the Prince of Condé himself,
as we shall see presently, into a danger, from whence he es-
caped only by a singular instance of good fortune.
After this first act of hostility on the Protestant side, I
conceived it would be no longer possible to keep any measures
with the Catholics. If to continue at Rosny, therefore, was
dangerous, the country being overspread with royalists, it
was no less so to endeavour to make my way to the King of
Navarre: however, I resolved upon this last expedient, being
convinced that he never had more need of my assistance
than in the present conjuncture; and that the difficulty of
1585.]
DANGEROUS JOURNEY OF ROSNI.
153
sending despatches through the midst of an enemy's army
was the only cause of my not hearing from him as he had
promised. Messieurs de Moui, * De Feuquières, and Morin-
ville, to whiom I imparted my design, judging it to be too
hazardous, refused to accompany me; but this did not hinder
me from setting out on my journey, attended only by six
gentlemen, and my domestics, two of whom carried portman-
teaus, in each of which were six thousand crowns.
I lay the first night at Nonancourt,t and the second at
Chateau-Dun.I Hitherto no unfortunate accident befel me;
for although we everywhere met with great numbers of Ca-
tholic soldiers, yet they all supposed I was going, like them,
to join the Duke de Joyeuse's army; with whom, as a soldier
named Mothepotain informed me, everything went on very
well. I left Chateau-Dun before day, lest I should be dis-
covered, and came to Vendôme, where,.not being willing to
be known by Bénehart, $ I made Boisbreuil, one of the gen-
tlemen in my train, pass for the master of the troop, and I
mounted, like one of the domestics, upon a horse that carried
baggage. He who appeared to be the chief amongst us was
asked several questions, to which he made proper answers,
and we were suffered to pass. We traversed the whole city,
in order to lodge in the most distant part of the suburbs.
Bénehart, who believed us to be Catholics, as we had
assured him we were, very obligiugly sent to advise us to
return into the city, because the Prince of Condé's army,
which had been repulsed before Angers, was dispersed over
the country, and sometimes made excursions to the gates of
the city, which rendered our stay in the suburbs very dange-
rous. What he represented to us as a misfortune, we should
have looked upon as a very great happiness; but there was
a necessity for concealing it; therefore, the pretended master
of the equipage, seeming to approve of this advice, ordered
the baggage to be put upon the horses again, that we might
return into the city. It belonged to me, who performed the
part of a domestic, secretly to protract our stay till the night
approached. The hurry and confusion, occasioned by the
removal of all the people who lodged there, for the order as
* Isaac Vaudray, Lord of Moui. N. de Pas-Feuquières.
t In Perche.
I In the county of Chartrain.
§ James de Maillé de Bénehart, governor of Vendôme.
154
[BOOK II
MEMOIRS OF SULLY..
general, kept our artifice unsuspected: at length, we in
reality made preparations for going, as well as the rest; but
after our horses had been fed and refreshed, and the night
filed off into a by-street, which I had caused to be recon-
noitered, and got into the fields on that side, where I supposed
the Prince of Condé's army might be.
We had, however, reason to apprehend that the artifice
which had hitherto proyed so successful, would occasion our
ruin, through the impossibility of distinguishing readily
to what party those whom we might happen to meet, be-
longed: a mistake might cost us our lives; but there being
no remedy, we continued our journey, though with sufficient
uneasiness, thinking it necessary not to alter our usual
answer. In effect, the first we met with was a company of
light-armed horse, commanded by Falandre. To the ques-
tion, “Qui vive?" we replied, “Vive le roi;" and Falan-
dre examining us no further, advised us to join him, lest we
should meet the Prince of Condé's little army, which he
assured us was not far off; adding, that if we doubted him,
we might get further information from two or three com-
panies of argoulets,* who were coming after. These last
words furnished us with a pretence for evading his perplexing
civility: we feigned to have reasons for not following the
same route with him, and for waiting to take our measures
from the answer we should receive from the argoulets. In
reality, we were no less apprehensive of this other rencoun-
ter; but we prepared for it, relying still upon the good
fortune of escaping by means of our disguise; accordingly,
we did not fail to answer boldly to the question, “ Qui vive ?”
(which was asked us by the next company we met), “ Vive
le roi," being persuaded that we spoke to the argoulets of
the royal army, whom Falandre had mentioned to us. This
supposition, however, drew us into a very great dan-
ger; for these argoulets having perceived the Prince of
Condé's army at a distance, dispersed, and threw themselves
* So called from the bows with which they were at first armed,
They served on foot or on horseback, as the dragoons do at present.
When tbe arquebuses were first in use, they were called horse-
arquebusiers; and it is by this name they are generally called in these
Memoirs.
1586.] EXTREME PERIL OF THE PRINCE OF CONDÉ. 155
into the woods. Instead of them, therefore, the body which
we now encountered were four companies belonging to the
prince, as we soon comprehended by the whole troop advanc-
ing upon us, and aiming their pieces, crying out to us to
surrender. At that moment, I plainly distinguished three
officers of my acquaintance, to whom it would not have been
difficult in any other situation to have made myself known;
but I reflected, that in such sort of encounters, the first
word, the first motion, that tends to an explanation, is gene-
rally understood as a refusal to surrender, and followed by a
discharge of the piece close to the breast. Instead, therefore,
of naming myself, or those officers, I made signs that I
yielded myself a prisoner, and marched after the rest, till
coming near Messieurs de Clermont* and St. Gélais, whom
I surprised very much when I made myself known to them,
they ordered my equipage to be restored to me, and likewise
the portmanteaus which contained my money.
The Prince of Condé came up soon after these four com-
panies: he could scarcely believe what he saw, so bold did
my enterprise appear to him. We lay all night in this place,
after supping very temperately out of wooden dishes; and
when the time came which obliged us to separate, the prince,
who was so thinly accompanied, that, far from being able to
make head against a royal army, he was not in a condition
to defend himself against a strong detachment, and being
likewise in a province where he was sought for in all parts,
wished me to receive him into my company, in the quality
of a private gentleman; but he was so well known, that I
could not yield to his request, without ruining both him and
myself: I entreated him, therefore, to dispense with my com-
pliance; and making the same excuse to the Duke de la Tré-
mouille, t charged myself only with Messieurs de Fors, Du
Plessis, De Vérac, and D’Oradour. The Prince of Condé re-
mained behind, extremely perplexed; and, finding it still
more dangerous to continue with his twelve hundred horse,
than to march with a small retinue, he divided them into
parties, of which the most considerable consisted only of
twenty horse, making them take byways, and marching
* George de Clermont d'Amboise, Marquis of Galerande.
† Claude, Duke de la Trémouille.
156
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLI.
himself through the same roads, by a good fortune, of which
there are but few examples, escaped, with only twelve attend-
ants, all the pursuits of his enemies. Nor indeed was I less
fortunate myself: to the artifices I had already made use of
I added another, which succeeded wonderfully: I assumed
the name of one of my brothers; and to make myself look
more youthful, cut off my beard and moustaches. This, how-
ever, did not disguise me so well, but that through every
place I passed I could hear people about me say, that I per-
fectly resembled my brother the Huguenot. To avoid the
questions that might be asked me, I acted the part of a
zealous partisan of the League, spread the report of the
Prince of Condé's defeat,* and the rout of the Protestant
forces by the Duke de Joyeuse; by which means I arrived
safe at Chateau-Renaud. The great difficulty was how to
pass the Loire ; yet this I accomplished, through the assis-
tance of M. des Arpentis, who acted on this occasion like a
true friend. I received, likewise, some services from M. de
Montbazon, who as soon as I arrived at Montbazon, sent me
a present of wine and fruit, and treated me with so much
kindness in several other instances, that, although I was
known in this place, I complied with his entreaties, and
stayed there three days, which was no more than necessary,
as our horses began to be greatly fatigued. By the death of
M. de Montbazon,t which happened soon after, I was de-
prived of an opportunity of showing my gratitude to a man
who had the good of the state so nearly at heart.
Favoured by my new disguise, I traversed Châtelherault
and Poitiers. At Villefagnan, I meeting with a regiment of
Swiss that was going to join the Marshal de Matignon's
army, I resolved to draw some advantage from the rencoun-
ter: the Swiss were not displeased with anything I said to
them, because I always took care to provide them each
morning with a repast; and I believe I might have depended
upon them, had I even discovered my true name. I travelled
with them four days. On passing the river at St. Marsaud, $
I narrowly escaped being taken by an officer named Puiferat,
who advanced with his regiment to the bank of the river,
* In Touraine.
+ He was slain at the battle of Arques.
$ Upon the confines of Poitou and Saintonge.
§ A village in Saintonge.
1586.]
PERPLEXITY OF THE KING OF NAVARRE.
157
just as I was quitting the boat on the opposite side, which
afforded me time to gain the house of M. de Neufry.* At
Marton,t I went, as usual, into the suburbs; but, through a
strange foreboding, I fortunately returned into the city; for
I was informed the next day, that the door of the stable in
which my horses were supposed to be, had been burst open
in the night by a petard; but the reflections I made upon
this accident did not prevent me from giving orders for my
departure, when I was accosted by a stranger, who said to
me, “Sir, I do not desire to know who you are ; but if you
are a Huguenot, and leave this place, you will perish; a few
miles from hence there is an ambush of fifty horse, well
armed, which I believe are waiting for you.” I thanked the
man for his kindness, without seeming discomposed by what
he had told me, and answered coolly, that although I was not
a Huguenot, yet to fall into an ambush appeared to me to
be always dangerous. I then returned to my inn, where,
pretending that one of my finest horses had hurt his foot, I
ordered them to be all unsaddled. That I might ascertain
Whether what I had heard was true, I sent one of my people,
who could speak the dialect of Périgord, disguised like a
peasant, to reconnoitre the ambush: he soon fell in with the
fifty horsemen, and told them, in answer to the questions
they asked respecting me, that my departure was deferred
till the next day. On hearing this, they retired to a town
two leagues from thence, whither he followed them, and then
came back to me to make his report; I set out that moment,
and after some other little adventures of the same kind,
arrived at the house of M. de Longa, from whence I went
to Bergerac, where the King of Navarre then was: he held
me a long time embraced in his arms, and appeared extremely
sensible of the dangers to which, through my attachment to
him, I had exposed myself; he made me relate all the parti-
culars relating to my journey, and particularly the adventure
I had with the Prince of Condé.
It is impossible to describe the King of Navarre's per-
plexity at this time : without troops, money, or succours, he
* The youngest son, who was called Bertrand de Melet de Fayoles
of Neufvy; for Madelaine de Melet de Fayoles, Lord of Neufvy, his
elder brother, was in the party of the League.
* In Angoumois.
158
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
saw three powerful armies marching against him. Those of
the Dukes of Mayenne and Joyeuse were advancing by forced
marches; and he had the Marshal de Matignon's army
actually in front. The forty thousand francs I had brought
with me, proved a very seasonable supply for him, as he could
not have raised such a sum in his whole court. We marched
towards Castillon and Montségur,* which Matignon made a
show of besieging; but he falling suddenly upon. Castets,
we were obliged to turn to that quarter, and after a long and
extremely cold march, for it was in the month of February,
1586, we arrived time enough to raise the siege.
The army of Guienne, commanded by the Duke de Mayenne,
advanced into that province, where it spread universal terror;
the King of Navarre was at a loss how to act; for none of
his towns to which he could retire seemed sufficiently strong to
resist the great force of the enemy. Some advised him to go
into Languedoc, which he refused, as being out of his govern-
ment; while others recommended him to pass over to Eng-
land, to procure succours in money, and then return by way
of Germany, and bring with him the troops which were
raised there for his assistance. The king wishing to know
my opinion, I advised him to strengthen as much as possible
the different fortresses, and to appoint such governors as he
could depend on, but to prevent jealousies, to leave a per-
son of consequence chief of the whole; next, to watch the
Duke of Mayenne's motions, to see what his first plans were,
and then, with a body of soldiers sufliciently strong to keep
the road open, to retire to Rochelle; by this means, instead
of leaving the country, he would rather approach nearer to
Paris, and be in a situation to draw provisions and other
supplies by sea, and if necessary, to embark for England or
elsewhere : if this plan were adopted, I added, we made
head against the enemy in four different quarters : the one
under himself and the prince in Rochelle and its environs,
the second under Montmorency in Languedoc, the third
under Lesdiguières in Dauphiny, and the fourth under M.
de Turenne, in Guienne; this disposition, added to the
foreign auxiliaries, if well conducted, would be sufficient to,
keep the enemy in check. The king approved of this advice
* Cities of Gascony, in the bishopric of Aire.
1586.]
MILITARY EXPEDITIONS.
159
and declared he would follow it; "but," added he, “ the
Duke of Mayenne is not so peevish a boy, but that he will
permit me to walk up and down a little longer in Guienne."
The next day he set off for Béarn, where certain affairs ren-
dered his presence absolutely necessary.
Henry stayed but eight days in Béarn; during this in-
terval the two Catholic armies having joined, and seized all
the passages by which they thought he could return to
Poitou, he saw himself on the point of being shut up in
Nérac · in this extremity, he resolved to attempt all things,
rather than not secure himself a passage.* He left Nérac, fol-
lowed by two hụndred horse, and took the road towards Castel-
Jaloux;t when he had got half-way thither, he separated his
whole troop, and keeping only twenty of the most resolute
and best mounted of us, and a like number of his guards, ap-
pointed Sainte Foii for a place of rendezvous for all the rest;
then turning short, struck into a road amidst woods and
heaths, with which he was well acquainted, having often
hunted there, and arrived at Caumont, $ where he slept three
hours. We passed the river after sunset, and marched all
night through the enemy's quarters, and even over the moats
of Marmande; after which, taking a byway near Sauvetat,
we came, two hours before daybreak, to Sainte Foi, where all
the rest of the men arrived also by different ways, without
the least loss, not even of their baggage. The Duke of
Mayenne, exasperated at this disappointment of his hopes,
went to discharge all his rage upon Montignac le Comte, ||
where Captain Roux and Sergeant More defended themselves
so courageously against his whole army as to obtain con-
ditions.
The duke found less resistance in Sainte Bazeile. Des-
pueilles, the governor of this little town, was allied to the
family of Courtenay, and had the reputation of a very brave

* See this journey of the King of Navarre, and all the military expe.
ditions on both sides, in D’Aubigné, vol. iii.; Matthieu, vol. i. book xviii.;
Cayet, book i., and other historians.
† A city of the principality of Albret.
I A city of Guienne, upon the Dordogne,
§ Another city of Guienne.
i A city of Périgord, upon the Vezère.
A city of Bazadois, upon the Dordogne.
160
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
man, which inspired me with an inclination to shut myself
up with him, contrary to the advice of my relations and
friends, who, without doubt, knew him mucň better than I
did. The King of Navarre a long time refused me the per-
mission I asked of him ; at last, overcome by my importunity,
he gave me thirty men, with whom I threw myself into Sainte
Bazeile. I found the place in a very bad condition, without
rainparts, and the houses all built of clay, which the shot
went quite through. However, it might have held out some
time; but Despueilles being seized with fear, rejected all my
advice, and was mad enough to put himself into the enemy's
hands, who treated the city as they pleased. The King of
Navarre, on the first confused reports be heard of this affair,
was angry with us all; but when he was informed of the truth,
the whole weight of his displeasure fell upon Despueilles, which
was increased by this cowardly governor having the impru-
dence to tell him, when he presented himself before him to
excuse his conduct, that if he had been there himself he could
not have acted otherwise. He was immediately put under
arrest, from which, eight days after, he was released, partly
through our solicitations, and partly through the want the
king had of his troop.
The King did not quit the field till he was reduced to the
last extremity, and after having disputed the ground inch by
inch. When he retreated, he threw the remains of his forces
into Montségur, * Castillon, and Sainte Foi: I lent him six
thousand livres more to fortify Montflanquin, where Be-
thune commanded.* At last, fearing some fatal accident on
the side of Rochelle, he left a few troops in Guienne, under
the command of the Viscount de Turenne, and took the road
to that city, by Pons and Saint Jean d'Angély. I
There were moments in which Henry III., enraged at the
shameful part the League obliged him to act, wished ardently
to find some means of revenging himself;§ but willing to do
this without danger, he rejected always the thought which
often presented itself to his mind, of calling in the King of
† Florestan de Bethune.
§ It was in these moments that he said, as L'Etoile relates, “ De
inimicis meis vindicabo inimicos meos;" speaking of the Leaguers and the
Huguenots.
* Upon the Dordogne.
1586.7 ROSNY NEGOTIATES AN ALLIANCE WITH HIENRY III. 161
Navarre, and uniting with him. The deputies from the four
Swiss Catholic cantons coming to Paris, to treat about the
succours which some time before had been demanded of the
republic, the king, who was then in one of his temporary fits
of anger against the League, resolved to make use of these
Swiss, which, with the troops that were at his own disposal,
and those he might expect from the King of Navarre, would
form a body of men capable of bringing the League to reason.
He wrote to the King of Navarre, and acquainting him with
his new designs, desired him to send a person in whom he
could confide, to confer with him upon the whole affair, and par-
ticularly upon the use they were to make of the Swiss. A
blank passport was added to this letter, which the King of
Navarre filling up with my name, obliged me to depart
immediately.
I arrived at St. Maur, where the court then was, and
went to the house of Villeroy, with whom I dined and stayed
the rest of that day, and on the next he presented me to the
king. I shall never forget the fantastic and extravagant
dress and attitude in which I found him in his cabinet: he
had a sword at his side, a Spanish hood hung down upon his
shoulders, a little cap, such as collegians wear, upon his head,
and a basket, in which were two or three little dogs, hung to
a riband about his neck. He stood in so fixed a posture that,
in speaking to us, he neither moved his head, hands, nor feet.
He began by giving vent to his indignation against the League,
which made me conclude he had received some new affront
from it, and talked of his union with the King of Navarre as
a thing, the utility of which he was perfectly convinced of;
but some remains of fear made him always add, that he
looked upon it as impossible, while the king persisted in his
resolutions of not changing his religion. I told the king in
reply, that it would be in vain to propose such an expedient to
the King of Navarre, who, by agreeing to it, must act against
his conscience; but that, even supposing he were capable of
doing so, it would not produce what his inajesty hoped from
it; that the motive by which the League was actuated, was
neither a regard to public good nor to religion; that so pre-
cipitate an action would deprive the King of Navarre of all
the assistance he might expect from the Protestants, without
drawing one man from the League; but, on the contrary, such
VOL. I.
te
162
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
a weakness would increase the pride of their common enemies.
The king did not fail to answer my arguments; but I still
persisted in maintaining that the King of Navarre, by com-
plying with the terms proposed to him, could bring only his
own person to his aid ; whereas, by uniting with him in the
condition he was now in, without requiring the sacrifice of
his religion, he would strengthen the king's party with a
powerful body in the state. I spoke to the queen-mother in
the same terms, and I perceived that they both felt the force
of my arguments; and that it was the dread only of the
change which a union with a prince of the Reformed religion
might produce, which prevented them from yielding. I did
not, however, despair of prevailing upon them to strike this
great blow, and by the not only gracious, but free and open
manner in which their majesties acted towards me, I had
reason to flatter myself I should succeed.
I left them in these favourable dispositions, and went to
Paris, to confer with the Swiss deputies, and brought them to
ny purpose with very little difficulty. It cost me nothing
but a trifling expense in provisions, especially wine, for which
they promised, without any limitation, a body of ten thou-
sand Swiss : four thousand of which were to stay in Dau-
phiny, and the other six thousand to be employed in the
service, and at the discretion of the two kings. The King
of France again assured me, by Messieurs de Lenoncourt,
de Poigny, and Brulart, that his sentiments were not altered,
and that he passionately wished for the union, which was not
less earnestly desired by the King of Navarre, who, in the
despatches I received from him almost daily, exhorted me to
use all my endeavours to accomplish it, and even to sacrifice
for that purpose some part of his interest.
At my return to St. Maur, I asked the King of France
what use he would make of the six thousand Swiss, and to
what place he designed they should go. The king requested
that they should be brought into the neighbourhood of Paris,
and even, if there was a necessity for it, serye him against the
League. I foresaw all the inconveniences that would attend
a project of this kind, and did not accede to this proposition
but by the express command of the King of Navarre, who
thought so small a matter ought not to retard their recon-
ciliation. It will be soon seen whether this article was really
1586.]
REDUCTION OF TALMONT.
163
of as little importance as was imagined, and what was the
consequence of this imprudent compliance.
· The treaty between the two kings being concluded upon
the conditions above mentioned, I resolved to depart from
court, leaving Marsillière at Paris, under colour of continuing
the negotiations that had been begun; but he had only at-
tended me to Paris to take the first favourable opportunity
of going to Germany, to facilitate, by the assistance of Mes-
sieurs de Clairvaut* and De Guitry, the departure of a body
of German troops from thence, which the Protestants of those
countries had promised the King of Navarre. This design
Marsillière executed very happily. I went to Rosny, where
I stayed but eight days with my wife, after which I returned
to the King of Navarre, who was extremely well satisfied
with the success of my commission.
This prince could not resolve to lie idle in Rochelle, and
therefore prevailed with the inhabitants to furnish him with
twelve hundred foot, two hundred horse and three cannons:
these he gave to the Duke de la Trémouille, for the reduction
of Talmont, t which he could not endure to see in the enemy's
hands. I followed the Duke de la Trémouillé with Mignon-
ville, Fouquerolles, Bois-du-Lys, and some other officers.
The town having no fortifications, we seized it without oppo-
sition, and began immediately to attack the castle, the walls
of which were very strong, but had no works on the outside.
Maronière, who was governor of it, although he did not ex-
pect to be attacked, depended upon some speedy supplies
that Malicorneſ had engaged to bring him, which determined
us to press the place vigorously. The passage by sea from
Talmont to Rochelle is but six hours: I embarked for that
place to fetch a supply of powder, with which we were not
sufficiently provided, and to inform the King of Navarre that
we should find it very difficult to succeed with so small a
number of men. The king soon raised two thousand more,
in the neighbourhood of Rochelle, and embarked with them
on board three vessels, which for two days were in danger of
perishing: at length we arrived at Talmont, where the three
vessels anchored one after another; and the besieged learn-
trofe - o
* Claude Antony de Vienne, Lord of Clairvaut.
† A city of Lower Poitou.
| John de Sourches, Lord of Malicorne.
M 2
164
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
ing that the King of Navarre conducted the attack in person,
surrendered the place to him.
It was want of money that had preyented Malicorne from
bringing supplies to the governor of Talmont; the king,
therefore, being freed from this fear, drew off his troops in
order to attack Chizai.* Fayolle, who commanded there,
defended himself bravely. He made good use of a culverine,
which was the only piece of artillery he had in the place, nor
yielded till the last extremity. I took notice of a singular
accident that happened there: the Princess Catherine having
sent the steward of her household with a letter to the king
her brother, a bullet from this culverine went quite through
the body of his horse and came out at his breast, yet the
beast continued standing near ten minutes after. Another
shot from an arquebus was the cause of a much greater
misfortune: a gentleman charged with a verbal message to
the King of Navarre, concerning some important affairs, was
shot dead at the king's feet, having only had time to say that
he came from Heidelberg, from Messieurs de Clairvaut and
De Guitry. This officer was sent to inform the king that the
German horse, and other Protestant troops from Germany,
were ready to enter France, and to know of him through
what place he thought it most proper they should march.
Some were for their entering France by Lorraine, where the
League was very powerful; others maintained that they ought.
to take their route by the Bourbonnois, from thence by Berry
and Poitou, and the side of the Loire. Messieurs de Mont-
morency and De Châtillon were for keeping them in Lan-
guedoc, and near the Rhone. Never was so great a diversity
of opinions known, and unhappily the worst prevailed, which
was to bring them in through Beauce; doubtless, because the
King of France was willing to have them near him, that he
might make use of them against the League, or at least to
keep it in awe. It is not probable that the King of Navarre
would have consented to this, but the accident that has been
related was the cause of his being even ignorant of their
contentions.
This prince, by a continuance of the same good fortune,
* In Upper Poitou, upon the Boutonne.
1587.1
FONTENAY BESIEGED AND TAKEN.
165
took Sansay, and afterwards St. Maixant;* the noise of five
or six cannon, which till that time were seldom made use of in
sieges, produced this effect. He took advantage of his suc-
cess, and being reinforced with two hundred horse, and five
hundred foot, which were brought him by the Prince of
Condé, and the Count de la Rochefoucault,+ whom he had
just made Colonel-general of his infantry, he believed him-
self strong enough to undertake the siege of Fontenay, the
second place for strength in Poitou; although he was not
ignorant that there was a brave governor, and a strong gar-
rison in the place. The governor, whose name was La
Roussière, resolved to defend, not only the city, but the
suburb, Des Loges, also; which was larger and more magnifi-
cent than the city itself, and surrounded with a large moat,
to which were added strong barricades, which closed up the
entrance of the suburb. The King of Navarre sent La
Rochefoucault, at the head of forty gentlemen, to attack the
upper end of the suburb in a very dark night. I joined
Messieurs de Dangeau, I de Vaubrot, d'Avantigny, de Chal-
landeau, de Feuquières, de Brasseuses, Le Chêne, and two
or three others, and we posted ourselves at one side of the
barricades, with our pikes in our hands, and our pistols at
our girdles, with a design either to throw them down, or leap
over them. Vaubrot, Avantigny, and I, were repulsed three
times; but, having fallen upon a large package of wine, and
being determined on breaking it open, we brought down
upon us five or six hogsheads of dung, from which we with
difficulty disengaged ourselves. Our party having at that
instant forced the works, and the enemy seeing us masters
of the barricade, thought of nothing but retreating, after
having first set fire to it, to protract our pursuit, lest by fol-
lowing them too closely, we should, in their confusion, enter
the city along with them.
We now took up our lodgings in the finest houses in the
suburb, where we found all things in great abundance; the
only inconvenience we suffered was from the musketry of
the place, which enfiladed the whole street, from the terrace
* Other cities of Upper Poitou.
† Francis de la Rochefoucault, Prince of Marsillac, son of him who
was slain at the massacre of St. Bartholomew. He was killed in 1591.
# Louis de Courcillon de Dangeau.
166
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
upon the top of the principal gate, and made the entrance to
the king's and our own houses very dangerous; while the
batteries upon the ramparts commanding all the avenues of
the suburb, it was impossible to enter it without being ex-
posed to continual discharges. One day, as I came out of my
own house to go to the king's, which was the most beautiful
in the suburb, a ball crushed my head-piece, just as Liberge,
my valet-de-chambre, came up to tie it. I caused a rope to
be instantly fastened across the street, and by means of some
clothes that were hung over it, prevented the besieged from
seeing, at least, those that passed.
We afterwards applied ourselves assiduously to the
trenches and undermining. The King of Navarre took
inconceivable pains in this siege ; he conducted the miners
himself, after he had taken all the necessary precautions to
hinder supplies from entering without; the bridges, avenues,
and all the roads that led to the city, were strictly guarded,
as, likewise, great part of the surrounding country. One
night, when I was upon guard with twenty horse, at the ford
of a river, I heard a noise like the rattling of arms, and
trampling of horses at a distance, which made me conclude
I should be attacked. This noise ceased for some minutes,
then began again with more violence, and came so near, that
I prepared for defence. I suffered the troop to approach
within arm's length: but when we were just ready to fire, I
perceived the occasion of our alarm to be a number of horses
and mares, with fetlocks on their legs, which were suffered
to pasture in the extensive meadows around the place, and
had come to water at the river. I was one of the first to
laugh at this adventure; but in secret I was not sorry that I
had given orders to the person whom I pitched upon to go
for assistance, not to set out till after we should be engaged
with our supposed enemy.
My principal employment during this siege was the con-
duct of the artillery. The mining was at last so far advanced,
that we could hear the voices of the soldiers wbo guarded
the parapets, from within the lodgment of the miners. The
King of Navarre was the first who perceived this; he spoke,
and made himself known to the besieged, who were so as-
tonished at hearing him name himself from the bottom of
these subterraneous places, that they asked leave to capitu-

1586.] MILITARY EXPLOITS OF THE KING OF NAVABRE. 167
TF+
late; the proposals were all made by this uncommon way:
the articles were drawn up, or rather dictated, by the King
of Navarre, whose word was known by the besieged to be so
inviolable that they did not require a writing. They had no
cause to repent of this confidence; the King of Navarre,
charmed with so noble a proceeding, granted the garrison
military honours, and preserved the city from pillage. A
poor woman of the city, having killed a fat hog on the day of
the capitulation, and hearing that the garrison hadsurrendered,
devised a pleasant stratagem to deprive the rapacious soldiers
of their prey. She made her husband hide himself, and
wrapping the dead animal in a sheet, laid it, by the help of
some friends, in a coffin, and by her cries drew all her neigh-
bours about her. The mournful preparations for a funeral
gave them to understand the cause of her lamentations; the
priests were deceived as well as others. One of them con-
ducted the funeral procession across the suburbs, into a
churchyard without the city, by the King of Navarre's per-
mission. The ceremonies being over and night set in, some
persons, posted by the woman near the grave, came to take
up the dead animal and carry it into the city; but they were
perceived by some soldiers, who driving them from thence,
discovered the truth and seized the prey. One may easily
imagine the secret was not well kept: it was soon known all
over the city; a priest, to whom the woman had made her
confessions, having published the adventure everywhere.
The King of Navarre leaving the Lord of La Boulaye*
governor in Fontenay, went to seize the Abbey of Maillezais,
the situation of which he found so advantageous, that he re-
solved to make it a regular fortress, and ordered me to draw
a plan of it; Davailles, a relation of La Boulaye, was ap-
pointed to guard it. His troops took Mauleon likewise, and
afterwards the Castle of La Garnache,t from whence Mon-
sieur de GenevoisI drove his own mother. She retired to

* Charles Echalard, Lord of La Boulaye.
Other strong places in Lower Poitou.
# D'Aubigné explains this better (vol. iii. b. i. c. x.): "The lady of La
Garnache," says he, “sister to the Duke of Rohan, held the town of
La Garnache and the castle of Beauvois-on-the-sea in neutrality.
Her son, called Prince de Genevois, by his mother's marriage with the
Duke of Nemours, seized La Garnache by means of a correspondence
168
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
Beauvois, a little city upon the seaside, whither her son still
pursued her, but this time he fell into her hands, and she in
her turn made him prisoner of war.
I was not present at the three last-mentioned places; the
melancholy news I received from Rosny obliged me to go
thither. During my stay at St. Maur, I obtained a pro-
tection from the King of France for my castle and estate of
Rosny, together with the necessary passports for going thither
when I pleased. It was this liberty that made me easy
with regard to my wife, at a time when every kind of outrage
against the Protestants was allowed. I learned that the town
had lately been almost wholly depopulated by the plague.
My wife had lost the greatest part of her domestics, and fear
having obliged her to iy into the neighbouring forests, she
had there passed two days and nights in her coach, and had
afterwards taken refuge in the Castle of Huet, belonging to
Madame de Compagnac, my aunt. Her joy when she knew
I was so near her, gave way to her fears of the danger I in-
curred by coming amongst persons infected with the plague;
and thinking to force me to return, she ordered the gates to
be shut upon me. She had too much occasion for assistance
and consolation to be abandoned in that condition; I en-
tered, notwithstanding her resistance, and stayed there a
month, having only two gentlemen and as many domestics
with me, breathing the air of the country in freedom (for
the report of the plague kept all troublesome visitors from
my house), and amusing myself with drawing plans of houses,
making extracts from books, working in my garden, and
sometimes shooting birds, hares, and other game. My
wood-merchants still owed me twenty-four thousand livres,
and I sent one of my secretaries to Paris to request the pay.
ment of it; but the persecution which was declared against
the Protestants put me entirely in their power; and the
fear lest this money, together with my estate, should be con-
fiscated for the use of the League, obliged me to be contented
with ten thousand livres, which was all he could obtain.
he held with the domestics. He made the same attempt upon Beau-
vois, but he was taken prisoner by his mother. The result of all whiclı.
was, that the King of Navarre interesting himself in procuring his li-
berty, obtained it, and by the same means the place.”
1586.]
INDECISION OF THE COURT OF FRANCE.
169
As soon as the contagion ceased, I carried my wife back
to Rosny, after having taken the necessary precautions to
purify the house, but left her soon after, on hearing that the
Duke de Joyeuse, whose march had hitherto been slow and
his operations very inconsiderable, was advancing hastily to
drive the King of Navarre from Poitou. This prince had
just then been repulsed before Niort and Parthenay; and
finding it impossible to keep all his fortresses against forces
so superior to his own, he caused the greatest part of them
to be razed and dismantled, and preserved only Fontenay,
Talmont, Maillezais, and St. Maixant.* He afterwards re-
treated to Rochelle, where I found him.
The treaty of alliance between the two kings, which was
mentioned above, seeming to promise a more favourable
event, the reader is, no doubt, impatient to know the suc-
cess : it was now no longer talked of; in one moment the
whole design was overthrown. This proceeding of the court
was certainly very extraordinary, and will appear a mystery
absolutely incomprehensible to those who know not what
changes à prince who delivers himself up to irresolution,
idleness, and timidity, is capable of assuming; in affairs of
state, nothing is more dangerous than a mind thus fluctu-
ating and undetermined. În difficult situations, all things
ought not to be trusted to chance, nor ought it to be wholly
neglected; but after having, by wise and cool reflections,
fixed upon a particular design, every step that is taken
ought to be directed towards its accomplishment. A neces-
sary peace cannot be too earnestly desired, nor concluded
too soon; but in critical circumstances, nothing ought to be
more carefully avoided than keeping the people's minds in
suspense between peace and war. It was not by maxims
like these that Catherine's counsellors conducted themselves;
if they formed any resolution, it lasted but for the moment,
and was never persevered in; and so timorously was it made,
that it afforded even but a very imperfect remedy for the
present evil. The error of minds taken up in little trifling
intrigues, and in general of all those that have more vivacity
than judgment, is to represent to themselves near objects in
* All these places are in Poitou.
170
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
such a manner as to be dazzled by them, and to view those
at a distance as through a cloud; a few moments or days
make up their futurity.
To this fault of never being able to determine upon any.
thing, the king, or rather the queen-mother, added another
still greater ; * this was the use of I know not what kind of
little affected dissimulation, or rather a wretched study of
hypocrisy and deceit, without which she imagined her politics
could not subsist; the first of these errors concealing from
us the misfortune with which we are threatened, and the
last tying the hands of those who might assist us to prevent
it. What can one expect but to be ruined by it sooner or
later? And this was what happened to Henry III., from
his not resolving to make use of the remedy that was offered
him-I mean the junction of his troops with those of the
King of Navarre, by which means he might have crushed the
enemies of his authority ; but he hesitated to do this, though
he did do it in the end, till he was reduced to an extremity
which might have been as fatal to the royal name as shame-
ful to the memory of this prince.
Catherine had recourse to her usual artifices, and thought
she performed a great deal because she endured the fatigue
of a long journey: she went into Poitou, and had several
conferences with the King of Navarre at Coignac, St. Brix,
and St. Maixant.t. Sometimes she endeavoured to allure
him, at others to intimidate him with the sight of the con-
siderable forces which were about to fall upon him, and
* It has been asserted that the interests of the Roman Catholic reli-
gion had no part in the politics of this queen Witness these words,
which she was heard to say when she thought the battle of Dreux was
lost: “Well! we must pray to God then in French.”
† The queen asking him what he would have, he replied, looking at
the young ladies she had brought with her, “There is nothing there,
madame, that I would have.” (Pèrefixe's History of Henry the Great.)
Matthieu adds, that Catherine pressing him to make some overture,
“Madame," said he, “there is no overture here for me.” (Vol. i.
book viii. p. 518.) This interview was at St. Brix, on the 25th of Sep-
tember. “He was hunting one day at St. Brix, and wanting to show
that his horse was more lively than two very fine ones belonging to
Belliévre, a herd of pigs behind a hedge frighted his horse, which
threw him, and fell upon him; he lay senseless, bleeding at the nose and
mouth. He was carried as dead into the castle; however, two or three
days after he recovered.” (Mem, of Nevers, vol. ii. p. 588.)
1586.7
CONDUCT OF THE QUEEN-MOTHER.
171
whose operations, she told him, she had hitherto suspended.
In a word, she forgot nothing which she thought might in-
duce him to change his religion. This, however, is certain,
that it was not without regret she saw the League in a con-
dition to oppress the King of Navarre, because it was not
her interest that his ruin should be accomplished by that
means; but what security did she give this prince by the
rash and unseasonable measures she wished to engage him
in ? Had he not reasons to believe that the proposal she
was constantly making him to renounce his religion, was, in
reality, but an artful snare to deprive him of the assistance
of the Protestants, to make him countermand the troops
which he expected from Germany, to draw him to court, to
ruin him, and afterwards all his adherents ? I have particular
proofs which justified this idea ; for those conferences at
which I was present with the king not affording me the
means of clearing my doubts, I held private ones, by his
orders, with the Ladies D’Uzes and De Sauves, who were
better acquainted with Catherine's inclinations than any
other persons, and by whom I was loved with so much ten-
derness that they always called me their son. In order to
come to the knowledge of their real sentiments, I pretended
to be well convinced of what indeed I only suspected, and
complained that the queen-mother made use of all her en-
deavours to sacrifice the King of Navarre to the League.
These two ladies confessed to me, in confidence, that they
believed religion was only a pretence with Catherine, and
that affairs were in such a state that the King of Navarre
could no otherwise extricate himself from his difficulties but
by the force of arms. They assured me afterwards that they
saw with grief the bad dispositions of the council towards
this prince. These words I have always believed to be sin-
cere, although spoken in a court where, next to gallantry,
nothing was so much cultivated as falsehood.
Whatever were the queen-mother's * intentions, she re-
* “ After a long conversation, the queen-mother asking him if the
trouble she had been at was to produce no effect, she who loved no-
thing so much as quietness; he answered, 'Madame, I am not the cause
of it; it is not I that hinders you from sleeping in your bed, it is you
that prevent me from resting in mine; the trouble you give yourself
pleases and nourishes you; peace is the greatest enemy of your life.'”
(Pèrefix, part i.)
172
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
turned without obtaining anything, and Joyeuse with an
army took her place. The command of an army entrusted
to Joyeuse was a second mystery: Was it to mortify the
heads of the League, who had better pretensions to this com-
mand than him, or to ruin them entirely if the new general
had succeeded ? or was it, on the contrary, the discovery of
his connexions with the League, that induced the king to
give him a post wherein he was assured this ungrateful man
would perish, or at least miscarry ? or was it only to remove
a favourite whom a rival had deprived of the king's affections?
for it is often a mere trifle that produces effects which are
always attributed to the most serious causes ; but was it not
rather to enhance the lustre of his favour by so distinguished
an employment ? Such was the spirit of the court, that con-
jectures the most opposite were supported by equal proba-
bilities. What seems, however, to determine in favour of
the last supposition, is, that the army which Joyeuse com-
manded was composed of the best forces in the kingdom, was
filled with the flower of the nobility, and plentifully provided
with whatever could contribute towards rendering it vic-
torious.
The King of Navarre employed himself chiefly in putting
St. Maixant in a condition of defence; he went thither
with so much haste and precipitation, that, yielding to sleep
and fatigue, he was unable to keep his horse, and was obliged,
on his return to Rochelle, to throw himself into a waggon
drawn by oxen, which was going thither. To prevent the
provisions with which he had stored St. Maixant from
being consumed, he ordered the two regiments of Charbon-
nières* and Des Bories, which had been appointed to defend,
it, to be posted at La Motte St. Eloi, and there to wait the
enemy's arrival. But all these precautions could not prevent
the reduction of the latter place, and its castle, nor that of
St. Maixant, Maillezais, and many others, any more than
the defeat of several companies, amongst others that belong-
ing to Despueilles, which was beat almost within sight of
Rochelle. The cruel bebaviour of the conquerors made
these misfortunes still more affecting; all we could do in
* Gabriel, Prévôt of Charbonnières,
1587.] ROSNY SURPRISES A SQUADRON OF THI DUKI'S. 173
revenge, was to fall upon the waggons and the stragglers,
during the marches of this army.
One day, as the Duke de Joyeuse led his army back from
Saintes to Niort, after having taken Tonne-Charente, I
posted myself with fifty horse in the forest of Bénon, near
The great road, to wait for an opportunity of striking some
blow. A soldier whom I had directed to climb up a tree, to
observe the order and motions of the enemy's army, told us,
that he saw a detachment advancing some paces before the
first battalions. Those who accompanied me were for falling
upon this detachment, which they supposed it would not be
dificult to subdue before any assistance could come up to it.
I did not relish this proposal; I remembered a maxim of
the King of Navarre, that to attack a party when the whole
army was near, seldom succeeded; and I restrained the
ardour of my troop, who burned with an eager desire to
come to blows with them. We saw this detachment pass by,
and afterwards the whole army, the battalions of which we
could easily count. The last ranks marched so close, that I
was of opinion nothing was to be done; but as we were ready
to make our retreat, the sentinel informed us, that he saw
two small squadrons of fifty or sixty horse each, marching at
a great distance from each other. I would have suffered the
first to pass by, but it was impossible now to restrain the
impetuosity of the soldiers; we therefore fell upon them
with such fury, that we left twelve or fifteen dead upon the
place, took as many prisoners, and the rest saved themselves
by flight. But how greatly was I mortified at not having
followed my own opinion, when I found the second troop was
composed of fifty of the principal officers of the Catholic
army, with the Duke de Joyeuse himself at their head, he
having stopped at Surgères* to take some refreshments.
When I gave the King of Navarre an account of this action,
he told me, smiling, that he perceived I was willing to spare
the duke's squadron, on account of my two brothers who
were with him. Whilst Joyeuse stayed at Niort, one of my,
brothers came to Rochelle to see the king, and during his
stay, I showed him the ramparts and everything remarkable
* A town in the country of Aunis.
174
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
in the place. I went to Niort soon after, to settle the terms
of a combat that had been proposed between the Albanois of
under the command of Ouïmes ; but the Duke de Joyeuse
would not allow it to take place.
I found this general gloomy and discontented, and guessed
so truly the cause of his uneasiness, that when he told me he
should soon set out for Montrésor, I replied, without hesita-
tion, tbat he could go very easily from thence to the court.
At these words he turned towards my brother, and accused
him of having revealed what had passed. When he knew
that this was not the case, he imagined his disgrace was
certain, since the report of it had already reached Rochelle;
and it was this, I believe, that confirmed him in his resolution
to go and destroy, by his presence, the cabals of his enemies.
However, he concealed his sentiments, and coolly answered,
that I suffered myself to be deceived by my too great dis-
cernment, and endeavoured to persuade me that he had no
intention of returning to Paris; but I was so well assured of
the contrary, that I went back immediately to the King of
Navarre, to concert with him the proper measures for draw-
ing some advantage from an absence which would leave the
Catholic army without leaders; for I did not doubt but
many of the general officers would make this journey like-
wise: indeed, Joyeuse bad no sooner set out than his whole
army, already badly disciplined, lived without order and
obedience.
The King of Navarre, who had secretly assembled twelve
hundred men, which he had drawn out of his garrisons, fell
so seasonably upon the companies of Vic, Bellemanière, the
Marquis of Resnel, Ronsey, and Pienne, and even upon that
of the Duke de Joyeuse, that finding part of them in bed,
and part at the table, he cut them all in pieces. He oftener
than once alarmed the whole army, which was now under the
command of Lavardin. He followed it to La Haye in
Touraine, * and found means to keep it, as it were, besieged,
for four or five days. If, on this occasion, he had had
forces sufficient to have enabled him to keep his post longer,
it is my opinion that hunger would have delivered the whole
* Upon the confines of Poitou.
1587.7
PERSECUTIONS AGAINST THE CALVINISTS.
175
.
army into his power. The soldiers spreading themselves
over the villages, and neglecting their safety in order to get
provisions, we passed the river, and surprised them every
moment.
During this short space of time, we killed and took above
six hundred men. With six horse only, I went into a village
full of soldiers; they were so accustomed to be beaten, that
I ordered the arms of those who were at the tables and
upon the beds to be seized, and their matches to be put out, .
without their offering to repulse us, although they were forty
in number. I brought them to the King of Navarre, and
they enlisted in his service.
The Count of Soissons, * who was discontented with the
court, had long given the King of Navarre hopes that he
would come over to his party, and Henry neglected nothing
that could keep him in this favourable disposition. The
negligence of the Catholic army afforded them both the
opportunity they waited for. The Count of Soissons took
the road towards the Loire, and the King of Navarre sent all
his troops to Rosiers, to facilitate the prince's passage over
the river. They served him likewise to seize the baggage of
the Duke de Mercoeur; the body of troops which escorted it,
was attacked so suddenly, that they surrendered without
striking a blow, and the baggage, which was extremely rich,
thousand crowns in money, horses, and other articles, and
one of my secretaries gained two hundred crowns. My
brothers were no longer in this army; I had obtained a pass-
port for them to leave La Haye; this service was repaid by an-
other of the same kind; they procured me a passport to Paris,
whither a pressing occasion called me. Āt this time the
persecution against the Protestants was at its height; on
whichever side they turned, inevitable ruin awaited them :
in the villages, where every one became a soldier in order to
pillage, their houses could not secure them from the fury of
their persecutors; and in Paris, and other great cities, they
were exposed to rigorous search, which the zeal of religion
* Charles de Bourbon, fourth son of Louis I., Prince of Condé, and
brother to Henry I., Prince of Condé, of Francis, Prince of Conti, and
of the young cardinal, Charles de Bourbon, but by another mother,
Frances d'Orleans de Longueville.
176
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
inspired, and the desire of being enriched by their spoils
made but too severely executed. Princes will often see them-
selves subjected to misfortunes like these, while they know
not how far their rights and duties with regard to religion
extend. They cannot punish with too much severity, a crime
by which nature, society, or the laws, are wounded. A reli-
gion that is capable of authorising such actions, becomes
necessarily the object of all the rigour of their justice; and
then only is religion subjected to the power of crowned
heads; but their jurisdiction does not extend over con.
sciences, in that precept which regards our love of God, the
different comments of which form the difference of religions ;
the Sovereign Lord of all reserves to himself whatever relates
to speculation, and leaves to princes all that tends to destroy
the common practice of it. Ignorance, or contempt of this
maxim, was the cause of great misery to the Protestants :
those whose estates were large enough to admit of their living
in Paris, chose that as the least dangerous way, because of
the ease with which they could keep themselves unknown in
a city so full of tumult and confusion.
My wife had retired thither some time, having used the
precaution to take a feigned name; she was just delivered of
a son, to whom I gave for godfather the Lord of Ruères,
then a prisoner in the Conciergerie, and the child was
carried from the baptismal font to church, by a citizen named
Chaufaille and his wife ; for the Protestants did not cease
to meet in churches, and hold assemblies, notwithstanding
the severe informations that were made against them. At
this very time, several women were burnt for their religion ;
the dangers I myself ran were extremely great, and I avoided
them only by not being known, which was indeed an amaz-
ing instance of good fortune. At last, the number of spies
increasing in all parts of the city, the search was so diligent,
that nothing could escape. I did not think it possible to stay
any longer in Paris, without exposing myself to evident dan-
ger; I therefore left it, alone and in disguise, and fled to
Villepreux, from whence I took a by-road to Rosny.
The Duke de Joyeuse had been received in Paris with
praises and acclamations, which ought to have made him
blush in secret for not baving deserved them. They did not,
however, prevent him from being sensibly affected with the
THL KING OF NAVARRI MUSTERS HIS FORCES.
defeat of his army, of which he was soon informed. He
endeavoured by all possible means to make satisfaction for
this loss, which, in the disposition the king was in with
regard to him, was not a difficult task. His arrival had
disconcerted all the secret practices of his enemies, and his
favour* with Henry was risen to such a height, that he
could refuse him nothing. All the courtiers attached them-
selves to him, and he set out again for Guienne with the
flower of the French nobility, while several other bodies of
troops, taking separate ways, assembled at the rendezvous he
had appointed for them.
These different marches of the troops made the roads so
dangerous, that I found no other means of returning to
Rochelle, but by altering the date of my passport, the term
of which was expired. By this little artifice I got safe to
the King of Navarre, whom I found employed in taking
measures to prevent the dreadful storm he saw ready to burst
upon him. He drew together all the soldiers he could find
in Poitou, Anjou, Touraine, and Berry, and sent orders to
the Prince of Condé, the Count of Soissons, Messieurs
de Turenne, de la Trémouille, and Rochefoucault, to join
him with the whole of the forces they had: yet, with all these
supplies, his troops were greatly inferior to those of the
Duke de Joyeuse; they only served to put him in a condi-
tion of opening a way through Guienne, Languedoc, and the
Lyonnois, towards the source of the Loire, where he depended
upon meeting the German auxiliaries. He employed all bis
skill to accomplish this junction, before the troops of Joyeuse
were united; he therefore advanced with his army towards.
Montlieu, Montguyon, and La Roche-Chalais, t but always
closely followed and watched by the enemy's general, who
having penetrated into his design, thought he ought not to
wait for the arrival of the Marshal de Matignon, nor of
several other regiments that were coming to join him, lest he
*“In his embassy to Rome he was treated as the king's brother: he
had a heart worthy of his great fortune. One day, having made the
two secretaries of state wait too long in the king's ante-chamber, he
excused himself by resigning up to them a hundred thousand crowns
which the king had just given him.” (Notes upon the · Henriade.)
† Cities upon the borders of Saintonge, of Guienne, and Périgord, as
were Chalais and Aubeterre.
VOL. I.
178
[BOOK II.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
might lose an opportunity which he might never be able to
recover. His forces were already so much superior to the
King of Navarre's, that this resolution could not be called
rashness or temerity; and the king, who never hazarded a
dangerous action but when obliged to it by necessity, instead
of seeking the battle, thought of nothing but how to get the
river between them, that he might pursue his march with-
out opposition, and gain the Dordogne, upon which he had
several strong forts, which might stop the enemy's pursuit.
With these dispositions on both sides, the King of Na-
varre arrived at the pass of Chalais and Aubeterre. It was
of great importance to him to gain Coutras, * a post that
might favour this passage, and no less to Joyeuse to hinder
it. He sent Lavardin to possess himself of it; but La Tré-
mouille, being more diligent, anticipated him, and maintained
himself in it, after a very sharp skirmish. The King of
Navarre resolved to take advantage of this post to attempt
the pass, and marched thither in the night, reserving to
himself the care of conducting the troops over, and left
that of the baggage, particularly the artillery, to Clermont,
Bois-du-Lys, Mignonville, and myself. As it was necessary
to make use of all possible despatch, we set ourselves to work
immediately, having the water up to our knees. One-half
was already got to the other side of the river, when the
scouts, whom the King of Navarre had sent during the
night to make discoveries, returned with some prisoners they
had taken, and informed us that Joyeuse, having resolved
to force the King of Navarre to a battle, bad marched all
night, and would be up with him at furthest by seven or
eight o'clock in the morning. This intelligence convinced
the king that our labour was not only useless, but ex-
tremely dangerous, because if found by the enemy employed
in passing the river, that part of his troops which should
remain on this side of it must be inevitably defeated, as it
could receive no assistance from those on the other. Those,
therefore, who had already got over, were ordered to return
immediately. Our labour was now redoubled, and to add to
it, we lost Mignonville,t for whom the king had occasion.
* Coutras, a city of Guïenne, upon the borders also of Périgord; at
the confluence of the rivers Lille and Droume.
† Mignonville, who was slain soon after beföre Nonancourt, when
1587.]
THE BATTLE OF COUTRAS.
179
Although we were extremely weakened by the fatigue we
had suffered, yet that did not hinder the king from pointing
out to us an eminence, upon which he expressed a wish that
his artillery should be placed, but durst not hope that we
should have time to gain it. Indeed, we already discovered
the enemy's van. Luckily, Joyeuse, who without doubt was
not sufficiently acquainted with the ground, or suffered
himself to be too far transported by his ardour, had given
orders for placing his artillery in so low a situation, that
afterwards, finding it would be useless, he caused it to be
removed, and by that means gave us time to place our own.
It must be confessed that this general, by some means or
other, derived but little advantage from his artillery, and
that this was one of the chief causes of his losing the battle.
This shows that there is nothing more necessary for the
general of an army than an exact and piercing sight, which
shortens distances and prevents confusion. I never knew a
general that possessed this quality in an equal degree with
the King of Navarre.*
The battle f was already begun before our artillery, which
consisted only of three pieces of cannon, was stationed, and
we had soon occasion for it. The troops in Monsieur de
Turenne's quarter behaved very ill; those of La Trémouille
were forced in the first shock, which was beginning to throw
the whole army into disorder. The Catholics cried out,
Henry IV. stormed that city. He was marshal-de-camp, and an ex-
cellent officer. Henry had a great number of subaltern officers of un-
commion merit and abilities in his army; such were: Montgomery,
Bellezuns, Montausier, Vaudoré, Des Ageaux, Favas, whom the histo-
rians, in relating this battle, have mentioned with honour.
* Le Grain makes him pronounce this military harangue to his
soldiers: “My friends, behold bere à prey much more considerable
than any of your former booties; it is a bridegroom, who has still the
nuptial portion in his pocket, and all the chief courtiers with him.”
(Dec. of Henry the Great, book iv.)
'† It began the 20th of October, at nine o'clock in the morning, and
was over at ten. The victory was complete; five thousand of the enemy
were left dead upon the field, and five hundred taken prisoners. In the
King of Navarre's army there were but very few soldiers slain, and not
one prisoner of distinction. (De Thou, book lxxxvii. ; Mem, of Du
Plessis, book i.; D'Aubigné, vol. iii. book i.; Matthieu, vol. i. book vii.
p. 533.) Father Daniel, in his History of France, vol. ix. 4to., gives an
exact description of the battle of Coutras.
N
2
180
[BOOK IT.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
“ Victory!” and indeed they wanted but little of being
victorious; but at the same moment our artillery began to
play, and so terrible* was the fire, that every discharge
carried away twelve, fifteen, and sometimes five-and-twenty
men. It iminediately put a stop to the impetuosity of the
enemy, and reduced them to such an extremity, that seeking
to avoid the fire, they dispersed, and offered only a disorderly
and ill-sustained body to the efforts of the King of Navarre,
the Prince of Condé, and the Count of Soissons, who
scoured the field at the head of three squadrons. These
three princest performed prodigies of valour in this battle;
they overthrew all that opposed them, and exposed them-
selves like the meanest of the soldiers, as their battered
armour sufficiently testified. The face of things was soon
changed, and the death of the Catholic general I gave the
Protestants a complete victory. As soon as I saw the enemy
routed, I abandoned the cannon, which were now useless,
and mounting a horse which Bois-Breuil kept ready for me
at a short distance, I flew to learn tidings of my brothers,
and I had the consolation to hear that neither of them had
been in the battle. I met the King of Navarre on the other
side of the Garonne, with his sword in his hand, dripping with
blood, and following up his successes : $ as soon as he saw
me, he cried out, “Well, my friend, this blow will destroy
* « The first fire of the artillery,” says Le Grain, carried off seven
captains of the regiment of Picardy, the best and most warlike in the
duke's army." (Book iv.)
of " All I shall say to you," said the King of Navarre to them, "is
that you are of the house of Bourbon, and, please God, I will show you
that I am your eldest brother.” His valour was that day far superior
to all the others. He wore a plume of white feathers on his helmet, to
make himself conspicuous. Some of his friends throwing themselves
before him, to defend and cover his person, he cried, “Give me room, I
beseech you; you stifle me; I wish to be seen.” He forced the first
ranks of the enemy, took several prisoners with his own hand, and
collared an officer named Château-Regnard, cornet of a company of foot,
saying, “ Yield thee, Philistine!” (Pèrefixe, ibid.)
Slain in cold blood by La Mothe Saint-Henry; others say by two
captains of foot, named Bordeaux and Descentiers.
§ Some persons seeing the fugitives halt, came and told him that the
Marshal de Matignon's army was iu sight: he received these tidings as
a new subject of glory, and turning courageously to his men, “Let us
go, my friends," said he: “two battles in one day is what has never be-
fore been seen." (Pèrefixe, ibid.)
1587.] THE BATTLE OF COUTRAS-DE JOYEUSE SLAIN. 181
the notion that the Huguenots never gain a battle, for the
victory here is complete, the whole of the enemy's army
being either killed, taken, or routed; but the glory belongs
only to God, for they were double our numbers." The
bodies of Joyeuse and St. Sauveur,* his brother, were
drawn from beneath a heap of carcases, and carried to the
Castle of Coutras, in the hall of which I saw them, the day
after the battle, lying on a table, with only a coarse sheet
thrown over them."
* Claude de Joyeuse, the youngest of seven sons of William, Duke
de Joyeuse.
of The following is an anecdote, the truth of which I cannot answer
for, though the reader may not be displeased to see it here; I met with
it in the Memoirs of Amelot de la Houssaye, vol. ii. p. 443, who relates
it as taken from the History of the Lords of Enghien, by Colins:
“ The King of Navarre gained the victory, to the great satisfaction of
the King of France, who secretly corresponded with the victorious
army, through the faithful interposition of the Marquis of Rosny, of the
house of Bethune, now Duke of Sully, who remained unknown at
Paris.” This author seems to have been acquainted with the Duke
of Sully's secret negotiations with Henry III., already mentioned; but
what he is mistaken in is, that these negotiations produced no effect;
that the Duke de Joyeuse was still highly favoured by this prince, at
least if we may believe Monsieur de Sully, who ought to know better
than any other, that Sully could not be at Paris, because he was at
the battle; and that even the last journey he took there, some time
before, had no other object than the desire of seeing and assisting his
wife.
182
[BOOK III.
182
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
BOOK III.
[1587—1590.]
Errors committed by the King of Navarre and the Protestants, after
the battle of Coutras–Secret designs of the Prince of Condé, the
Count of Soissons, and the Viscount Turenne-Death of the Prince
of Condé-Insurrection of the Parisians, and its consequences-
Assassination of the Duke and Cardinal of Guise-Death of Catherine
de Medicis—The pusillanimity of Henry III. with respect to the
League-Rosny negotiates a treaty of alliance between the two
kings—Is disgusted on the occasion-Interview of the two kings~
The Duke of Mayenne sits down before Tours--Military exploits on
both sides—Battle of Fosseuse, at which Rosny is present- Death of
Madame de Rosny-Military successes of the two kings-Siege of
Paris-Death of Henry III.-Particulars of his assassination-
Henry IV. asks counsel of Rosny-Perplexing situation of this prince
-The dispositions of the several officers in the Royalist army with
respect to him-Rosny surprises Meulan-Military expeditions--A
particular account of the battle of Arques, at which Rosny was
present–Skirmishes at Pollet-Henry IV. often in danger-An
attempt upon Paris--Rencounters and sieges of different places-
Digression upon these Memoirs--Siege of Meulan-A Spanish army
in France-Rosny defends Passy-The battle of Ivry-Rosny often
in great danger-Is wounded in several places- Is carried by his own
orders to Rosny-Henry the Fourth's affectionate behaviour to-
wards him there.
That the Protestant party might have derived great ad-
vantages from the victory of Coutras, and that they did not,
is equally true. I must candidly confess that the King of
Navarre did not, upon this occasion, do all he might have
done ; with a victorious army, and master of the field, if he
had advanced to meet the foreign auxiliaries, nothing could
have prevented their junction, and after so important a blow,
his party would have at least been equal to the Catholics.
It is certain that the true value of a moment is never known,
1587.] SECRET DESIGNS OF THE PRINCE OF CONDE.
183
the wisest are deceived.* The ambitious designs and self-in-
terested views of several of the leaders in the victorious army,
snatched from the King of Navarre the fruits of his victory;
but this is a truth few people are acquainted with.
The Prince of Condé being seduced by the advice of Tré-
mouille, it thought the time was now come when he could
execute the bold scheme he had long before meditated,
which was to deprive the crown of France of Anjou, Poitou,
the counties of Aunis, Saintonge, and Angoumois, to com-
pose of them an independent sovereignty. With this view,
he hastily withdrew the troops he had brought to the general
army, and turned all his thoughts to the reduction of Saintes
and Brouage, which he flattered himself he should be master
of at the first alarm, and that afterwards nothing would be
able to oppose him. So true it is that ambition resembles
that bird in the fable, who has a strong wing and an insati-
able hunger. I
* Our best historians agree in these two things, that the King of
Navarre knew not how to take advantage of his victory, and that he
did not do all he might have done. D'Aubigné is almost the only
person who exculpates this prince's officers, and lays the blame wholly
upon himself. (Vol. iii. b. i. c. xv.)
it Claude, Duke of Trémouille.
| The Duke of Sully does not agree here with D’Aubigné, Du Plessis-
Mornay, and the author of the Life of the Duke of Bouillon; it is pro-
bable he had better information than them all, with regard to the
design he attributes to the prince and the duke on this occasion: but I
am afraid there was some prejudice and passion on his side. In my
opinion, Monsieur de Thou is better able than any other person to
decide this question. Speaking of the consequences of the battle of
Coutras, he says, that a council being assembled to deliberate upon
what measures were necessary to be taken, the Prince of Condé proposed
that they should go to meet the foreign troops along the side of the
Loire, and secure them a passage over that river, by seizing Saumur;
that this advice was not followed, for reasons which he relates, and
which are very bad ones; and it was agreed only that the Prince of
Condé should go, with what troops they could spare him, to join the
German army towards the source of the Loire, taking his way through
the heart of Angoumois and Limosin. That the King of Navarre, on
his side, seeing himself abandoned by the greatest part of the nobility
of Poitou and Saintonge, marched towards St. Foi in Agenois, from
whence he took the route to Pau, leaving the conduct of his little army
to the Viscount de Turenne, who, not willing to let the soldiers be idle,
besieged Sarlat, in Périgord, designing at least to lay it under contribu-
tion, if he could not take it. This is what De Thou says, to which
184
MEMOIRS OF SULLI.
[BOOK III.
The Viscount Turenne having the like designs upon Li-
mosin and Périgord, where he already possessed great es-
tates, pursued the same conduct with the Prince of Condé,
and obliging all his troops (which alone composed one-third
of the army) to follow him, led them to the siege of Sarlat,
flattering them with hopes that this expedition would enrich
even the meanest soldier. He fully justified the proverb
that great promisers perform the least, the check he received
from this little paltry town ought to bave convinced him at
once of the vanity of his pretensions. The viscount had no
one to accuse but himself for this misfortune, as he had
acted quite contrary to the advice of the King of Navarre.
The Count of Soissons concealed his designs with more
art; however, it is certain that his new attachment to the
King of Navarre was not sincere, and that it was interest
alone which induced him to it. He had gained the heart of
the Princess Catherine, the king's sister, and he was continu-
ally expressing to Henry the earnest desire he had of uniting
himself more closely to him by marriage; but this design
concealed another, too shameful for him to suffer it to appear:
by this marriage he thought to make himself master of all
may be added a very important circumstance, and at the same time a
very true one, since neither the Duke of Bouillon, nor his apologists,
could contradict it; which is, that it was the viscount himself who
rejected the Prince of Condé's prudent advice. From all this it follows
that the Prince of Condé was not guilty of what he is here accused of:
which is further confirmed by D’Aubigné, who adds, that it was upon
a promise the King of Navarre made him to join him soon, that he
advanced to Angoumois, where he waited a long time to no purpose.
The prince, however, is not cleared of having had likewise views of
independence, of which no historian doubts. Although the Viscount
Turenne appears to have acted upon this occasion in consequence
of the resolution of a general council, yet, in my opinion, we are not
the less authorised to think disadvantageously of him. It is bad
reasoning in Marsolier to grant on one side, that he was instigated by
his ambition to wicked designs, and, on the other, to complain that those
designs are supposed the motives of his conduct. This is to destroy the
idea he would give us of the Duke of Bouillon, as of the greatest poli-
tician of his time. These rash judgments are condemned by religion,
but are allowed by the laws of history; and political conjectures are
often reduced to this foundation alone. As for what is said in the
same place against the Count of Soissons, it is, and will be still further
supported hereafter by unanswerable proofs. (De Thou, book lxxxvii.;
Memoirs of Du Plessis, book i.; D’Aubigné, vol.iii. chap. xv.; Marso-
lier's History of Henry Duke of Bouillon, vol. i. book iii.)
1587.] SECRET DESIGNS OF THE COUNT OF SOISSONS.
185
the King of Navarre's rights, and as he saw no probability
that this prince, having the pope, Spain, and the French
Catholics for his enemies, could ever accomplish his designs,
he depended upon enriching himself with his spoils, and
upon gaining, at least, the great estates which make up the
appanage of the house of Albret on this side the Loire.
Such being his intentions, he took care neither to assist him
on the contrary, he seized that moment to press him so
earnestly to take him to Béarn to visit the princess his
sister, that the king, seeing himself in a more destitute con-
dition than if he had lost the battle, thought he was obliged,
in gratitude for the assistance the count had given him, to
grant him this favour. He yielded the more readily to the
journey from a passion which had always been the weakness
of this prince: love called him back to the Countess of
Guiche, to lay at her feet the colours he had taken from the
enemy, which he had caused to be reserved for that purpose.
They accordingly set out together for Béarn. Happily this
unseasonable journey did not produce all the evils which
might have been reasonably expected from it; it was so far
of use to the King of Navarre as to give him a more perfect
knowledge of the person on whom he was about to bestow
his sister: the Count of Soissons could not so well dissemble
his sentiments but that the king guessed at some part of
them, and a letter which he received from Paris fully re-
vealed them. By this letter he was informed that the Count
of Soissons had taken this step purely at the instigation of
the ecclesiastics, who had fallen upon this stratagem to
deprive the king of all his possessions ; that the count had
solemnly sworn to them that, as soon as he had married the
princess, he would bring her with him to Paris and abandon
for ever the cause of his benefactor, and afterwards concert
measures with them to finish the rest. The King of Navarre
received this letter at his return from hunting, when he was
just ready to fall into the snare that was laid for him, and it
gave him an aversion to the count which nothing was ever
able to remove. He broke with him, and regretted, too late,
that he had abandoned himself to his advice.
I had not the mortification of being a witness to all these
resolutions which were taken after the battle of Coutras, and
186
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
which I should in vain have opposed. Some days before
these extravagant and senseless schemes had possessed the
minds of the principal officers in our army, the King of
Navarre took me aside, in a garden, and asked my opinion
concerning the condition in which the late battle had placed
his affairs. I told him that I thought it necessary he should
march immediately with all his forces towards the source of
the Loire to receive the foreign supplies, or, what would
answer the same end, to facilitate their passage by taking
possession of all the towns on this side of the river, and
which, except Poitiers and Angoulême, which he might leave,
seemed not difficult to be won. By this means he would at
least secure to himself the finest and best provinces, from
whence he could not be driven in a short time, nor by very
inconsiderable forces. The king approved of this advice, and
appeared resolved to follow it exactly. He told me that he
had just sent Montglat* to the foreign army, and that since
he could not go to put himself at the head of it, he ardently
wished the Prince of Contit would accept of that charge; he
had just received letters from that prince, in which he offered
to assist him in person, and he added that, under pretence of
going to the royal army, the Prince of Conti might join the
auxiliaries without danger. The king employed me to pre-
vail upon the prince to take this step, and ordered me to use
all my endeavours to secure the success of it.
I set out from the army, charged only with a letter of
three lines, and sending my equipage to Pons, passed through
Maine, where I expected to have found the prince, by means
of the acquaintance I had with the governors of those places
through which he must pass. On my arrival I learned that
he had set out by himself two days before; that he had not
so well concealed his march but that his correspondence with
the foreigners was suspected, and that for this reason several
parties had been sent after him, which still filled the roads.
I was therefore obliged to take a circuit in order to endea-
vour to join him, and to pass by Rosny, from whence coming
to Neaufle, I was there informed that the Germans, entering
* Louis de Harlay, Lord of Montglat.
of Francis de Bourbon, Prince of Conti, second son to Louis I., Prince
of 'Conilé, and Eleanora de Roye. He died in 1614, leaving no children
by his two marriages.
1587.]
DEATH OF THE PRINCE OF CONDE.
187
without order and without guides into unknown provinces,
retarded in their march by large rivers, and continually
harassed by the troops of the League, had at length been
totally defeated at Auneau ;* that the Swiss, to avoid the
like misfortune, had enlisted, to the number of twelve thou-
sand, into the army of the League ; that the King of Navarre
was at Béarn, his forces inactive and dispersed on all sides.
This mournful news stopped my journey, and rendered my
commission useless. Nothing now remained for me to do
but to return to Rosny, where, while I secretly deplored the
fatal consequences of our bad conduct, I feigned, for my
security, to take part in the public rejoicings for the defeat
at Auneau. I visited my estates in Normandy, and, while I
was waiting for those remedies which time and the King of
Navarre's return might bring to our calamities, I learned
that he had left Béarn, and I went to join him at Bergeract
where the news of the taking of Castillon consoled him a
little, amidst so many causes for affliction. The siege of this
place had cost the Duke of Mayenne a million of crowns,
and the Viscount Turenne retook it I for less than two.
A little time afterwards, we were informed of two accidents
that were likely enough to change the face of affairs: one
was the death of the Prince of Condé, s a death as sudden
* See a detail of this in De Thou, book lxxxvii.; D'Aubigné, vol.
iü. book i.; Matthieu, vol. i. book viii. p. 537; Chron. Novenn. vol. i.
p. 39, and particularly the Memoirs of the League, vol. i., where it is
observed, that at the time this army was encamped near the river
Yonne, Montglat came from the King of Navarre, to desire the com-
manders of it would march towards the source of the Loire, where he
would put himself at their head; but they did not think proper to do
so. The leaders were the Baron d'Onau, or Dona, Guitry, Clervaut,
Beauvois la Nocle, &c. If they had obey ed this order, the King of
Navarre, then returning from Béarn, would have had time to join them
with all his troops, and the army would not have been defeated. Davila,
in his eighth book, relates the Duke of Guise's reply to the Duke of
Mayenne, who was sensible of the danger of attacking an enemy so much
superior in number. “Those,” said he, “ that do not care to fight, may
stay here. What I cannot resolve upon in half an hour, I should never
resolve upon my whole life.”
† Upon the Dordogne.
I By means of a ladder of cords.
S Notwithstanding the secret jealousy that subsisted between the
Prince of Condé and the King of Navarre, yet the king was extremely
afflicted for his loss, and, shutting himself up in his cabinet with the
188
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLI,
as tragical : the imprisonment of some of his chief attendants,
and the execution of one of his domestics, * who was torn to
pieces by four horses, left no room to doubt that he died by
poison. The news of the populace risingť at Paris, I and
Count of Soissons, he was heard to utter great cries, and to say, "that
he had lost his right hand.” (Pèrefixe, History of Henry the Great,
part i.) This prince was called Henry, and was son to Louis of Bourbon,
first Prince of Condé. He had no children by his first wife; after
whom he married Charlotte Catherine de la Trémouille, whom at his
death he left three months gone with child. It is a great error which
was spread among the people, that Henry of Condé, the twelfth of that
name, was born thirteen months after the death of his father. He was
born the 1st of September following.
* The name of this dorpestic was Brillant. One of his pages was
executed in effigy. The princess herself was comprehended in this
accusation. René Cumont, the Lieutenant-particulier of St. Jean,
commenced a process against her, which was suspended on account of
the birth of Henry II., Prince of Condé. After six years' imprison-
ment, the princess presented a petition to the parliament of Paris, who
brought this affair before their tribunal, and acquitted Charlotte
Catherine de la Trémouille of the crime of which she was accused. The
Prince of Condé died at St. Jean d'Angély, March the 5th, 1583, aged
thirty-five years. (De Thou, book xc.) Morisot, I know not upon what
authority, says that the death of the Prince of Condé might be occa-
sioned by a wound he received in his side, by a lance, at the battle of
Coutras. (Henry Magn. cap. xii. p. 27.) [See a Letter in the Appendix,
where some circumstances respecting the prince's death are mentioned.]
Thursday, May 12.
| I shall not give a detail of it here, as it would be too long, and
may, besides, be found in a great many other books. It is sufficient to
say, that Henry III., to prevent the dangerous designs of the League,
having ordered about six thousand troops, the most part Swiss, to enter
Paris, and, spreading them in different quarters of the city, the people
rose, being instigated by some of the chiefs of the League, barricaded
themselves in the streets, repulsed the soldiers, disarmed tlie Swiss,
defeated the king's guards, and carried the barricades within fifty paces
of the Louvre, &c. Henry III., seeing himself ready to be besieged in
the Louvre, and not willing to expose himself to the violence of an en-
raged populace, went out privately by the Tuileries, and the suburb
Montmartre, from whence he got to Chartres. The affair was after-
wards turned into a negotiation between the queen-mother and the
Duke of Guise, and the absolute decision of it remitted to the States of
Blois. I observe, after D’Aubigné, that it was very fortunate for
Henry III. that his troops seized and kept possession of the suburb
St. Honoré, and the back of the Tuileries, and that no one of the
League thought of seizing these quarters at first. Those who guarded
the gate of Nesse fired at a distance upon the king's troop, and, seeing
the ferry-boat of the Tuileries approach, in which they supposed the
king to be, cut the cable. (Chron. Noven. tom. i.) Henry III., on his
1588.7 INSURRECTION OF PARIS-ITS CONSEQUENCES. 189
barricading the streets, and of the king's departure from that
city, followed soon after, and was spread everywhere by the
part, was guilty of a still greater fault, in forbidding Crillon, colonel
of the French guards, to take possession of the square Maubert, and
the quarter of the University, and by hindering his soldiers from firing
upon the populace; who, by a more firm and seasonable conduct,
might have been retained in their duty. The Duke of Guise waited
six whole days at Soissons, not daring to come to Paris, contrary to
the king's orders, which were signified to him by Bellièvre, in twoʻlet-
ters that he sent him at different times by the post. They were to
blame, as Matthieu the historian also observes (vol. i. book viii.), for not
sending these letters by an express to the Duke of Guise; for the
duke imagined that he might elude this order by denying he had
received the letters, as he really did at the queen's palace, in the
presence of the king and Bellièvre, to whom he protested with great
oaths that they were never delivered to him. This fault was not
committed through negligence, but because they had not five-and-
twenty crowns to spare to pay the courier for his journey. Henry III.
was advised by the Duke of Epernon to suffer his guards to assas-
sinate the Duke of Guise as he came to the Louvre, and this prince,
it is said, wished to engage La Guesle and Villequier in the design,
but they dissuaded him from it. It is reported also that the same
day in which the streets were barricaded, Alphonso d'Ornano assured
him he would bring him the head of the Duke of Guise, if he would
permit him. In a word, it is thought that the king did not make use
of half the precautions he might have done, informed as he was of
all the designs of the League, having himself narrowly missed being
taken as he was going to Vincennes, and had just been convinced, by
what had happened at the imprisonment of La Morlière, a famous
Leaguer, that the people only waited for an opportunity of insulting
him. The king's council acted beyond comparison better in the affair
of La Morlière than on the day of the barricades. (Memoirs of the
League, vol. v. Satyr. Menip.) The duke's design in this enterprise has
given rise to great disputes, of which I cannot here enter into a detail ;
in this, as in all other dubious matters, much has been said on all
sides. Those who will have it, that he intended to carry, or suffer the
people to carry, things to an extremity, to seize the king's person
in a word, to put the crown upon his own head-support their asser-
tions by some writings of great consequence, to wliich I am obliged to
refer the reader. (See the first vol. of the Memoirs of the League, and the
vol. marked 8866 in the King's Library, the chief of which are a letter
written to him by the Duchess of Lorraine, after the victory of Au-
neau, in which she advises him to make use of the present opportunity
to declare himself king, &c.; a letter written by the Duke himself,
the next day after the barricades in the streets of Paris, to the go-
vernor of Orleans, wherein are these words: “I have vanquished the
Swiss, cut in pieces part of the king's guards, and hold the Louvre so
closely invested, that I shall be able to give a good account of those
who are within. This victory is so great, that it will never be forgot,”
&c. Many other letters, in which he mentions the king very disre-
190
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
[BOOK III.
courier, who was sent with an account of it to the Duke of
Epernon. To this abject condition a king saw himself re-
spectfully, and the princes of the blood with the utmost contempt; to
this they add the discontent the duke showed, and the reproaches he
made the queen-mother for having amused him with conferences
while his prey escaped bim. In short, the writings which were pub-
lished, say they, by his commands, wherein was attempted to be proved
the pretended right the house of Lorraine had to the crown, not to
mention an infinite number of other pieces, which were, indeed, but
so many satirical libels against Francis, Duke of Guise, reproaching
him with having attempted to assert his chimerical claims upon Anjou
and Provence; and the cardinal, his brother, with endeavouring to
make himself sovereign of Metz, under the protection of the emperor,
a project the execution of which the vigilance of Salcede prevented;
but he lost his head for it, and for having treated about religion with the
King of Spain, at the Council of Trent, without his master's partici-
pation. The greatest part of these writings are yet in everybody's hands.
For the duke's justification those arguments are adduced, which he
made use of himself in a letter, or a sort of manifesto, which he drew
up the same day, being the 13th of May. He there declares that the
report of the king's intention to fill the city with foreigners, and to fall
upon the citizens with them, was the true cause of the populace rising;
that, instead of supporting them, he made use of his utmost endeavours,
till two hours after midnight, to calm the tumult; that he had pre-
served the Swiss, and prevented the massacre; that he had entreated
the rebels to respect the royal authority; and that, far from attempt-
ing anything against the king's person, 6 I might," said he, “have
stopped him a thousand times, if I had been inclined to do so," &c.
Add to this, that in treating with the queen-mother, he required no-
thing but the destruction of the Protestants, and that religion should
be secured; and declared, likewise, that it was not in his own name he
treated, but in that of the Cardinal of Bourbon, whose interests he sup-
ported against those of the King of Navarre, and the other princes of
the blood. I do not find it sufficiently proved against the Duke of
Guise that his design was to place himself upon the throne, after the
death of Henry III. and the Cardinal of Bourbon; and this is very
extraordinary. What ambitious man, and in his place, could have re-
sisted the suggestions of the pope, the King of Spain, and a great part
of Europe, who all conspired for his elevation? (See the Duke of
Parma's opinion of this event, Davila, book ix.) “The Duke of Guise
made show of doing too much, and did in reality too little: he ought
to have remembered, that whoever draws his sword against his prince,
ought that instant to throw away the scabbard.” Sixtus V., when he re-
ceived the news, cried out, "Oh, that presumptuous duke, and that weak
king!” The Earl of Stafford, ambassador from England (I relate this
anecdote in the words of Le Grain, book iv.), being advised to take a
safe-conduct from the Duke of Guise, I will have no other security,'
'said he, than the law of nations, and the protection of the king to
whom I am sent, whose servants and subjects both you and the Duke
ROSNY GOES WITH DE SOISSONS TO MANTES.
duced, who neither knew how to prevent, to stifle, or to
divide factions; who amused himself with conjecturing when
he ought to have acted, who exerted neither prudence nor
fortitude, nor was even acquainted with the characters of
person. The revolutions which happen in great states are
not produced by chance, or the caprice of the people; it is a
weak and disorderly government that causes rebellions, for
the populace never rise through a desire of attacking, but an
impatience of suffering.
The just resentment that filled the heart of the King of
Navarre for so cruel an insult, offered to one of his own
blood, and which in some degree reflected a disgrace upon
all crowned heads, effaced in a moment the remembrance of
Henry III.'s injurious treatment of himself. He declared his
affliction at it in his council, who all with one voice approved
of his resolution to assist and defend the King of France;
and he sent his secretary immediately to Henry, to assure
him that his person and troops were at his service.
The Count of Soissons, whose mind was engrossed by per-
petual chimeras, looked upon this event as a stroke of for-
tune, which by ridding him of all his rivals would give him
the chief sway in the council and court of Henry III.;
changing therefore his battery in an instant; he resolved to
go and offer his service to that prince; and, to give himself
more consequence with him, he sought dependents in the
court of the King of Navarre, and from amongst his most
affectionate servants, whose fidelity he did not scruple upon
this occasion to tempt. The King of Navarre, though he
was pretty sensible of the baseness of this conduct, dis-
sembled his sentiments of it; and reflecting that it would be
of use to him to have some person with the Count of Sois-
of Guise are.' The First President, De Harlay, answered the Duke of
Guise with the same firmness, 'that, in the king's absence, he would
take his orders frora the queen-mother.'" There is one piece, upon the
different conduct of the League and Council before and after the mutiny
in Paris, that deserves to be read, and is entitled, “The Verbal Process
of Nicholas Poulain, the Mayor of Paris, upon the League, from 1585
to 1588.” This Nicholas Poulain, who secretly favoured the king's
party, often gave good advice in this affair, which was never followed.
This piece of secret history is to be found in the first volume of the
Journal of Henry the Thirds Reign," pp. 132 and following.
192
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
sons, in whom he could confide, to watch all his motions, and
study the new system he pursued at court, he commanded
me to give ear to that prince's discourse, and to affect a zeal
for him that I was very far from feeling. The Count of
Soissons suffered himself to be easily deceived; he con-
gratulated himself on having gained me, and treated me with
a distinction that did not fail to raise me some enemies, who
envied me the share I possessed in his favour. I accompanied
him in his journey, after having received instructions from
the King of Navarre, and concerted with him those measures
which his service required me to take upon this occasion.
During our whole journey, the count continually enter-
tained me with the favour, the magnificence, and the honours
that awaited him at court. The King of Navarre, he thought,
would not even attempt to rival him: amidst all the expres-
sions of vanity and insupportable pride which escaped him,
there was mingled, without his perceiving it, a kind of bitter-
ness against the King of Navarre, which sufficiently dis-
covered the hatred and antipathy he bore him. I could
neither submit to flatter his inclinations, nor to approve of
his ridiculous schemes ; and all my answer was, that I fore-
saw the disunion of the royal family, which had been already
the cause of so many misfortunes, would bring France at
last under the power of the house of Austria, after it had
made them destroy each other. A more flattering language
would have pleased him better; however, mine seemed to
bear the marks of sincere attachment to him, which could not
fail of gratifying.
We arrived at Nogent le Rotrou, and afterwards at Mantes,
where the King of France was. We found him in that rest-
less and unquiet disposition of mind, which a violent resent-
ment occasions, and filled with confusion for the affront he
had so lately suffered. Notwithstanding all this, he was so
incapable of taking the advantage of the change in his affairs,*
* It is believed that if Henry III. had acted with more prudence and
steadiness, he would have been still able to retrieve his affairs. It is
certain that the Parisians, alarmed at his leaving Paris, sent deputies
to him at Chartres, to entreat him with every kind of submission to
return to that city; and to render this deputation more affecting, they
made the Capuchins walk in procession, and enter the cathedral with
the instruments of the Passion, crying “Misericordia!” The king
1588.]
RECEPTION OF ROSNY, ETC., BY HENRY III.
193
that even at that very time he made the Duke of Epernon
admiral, and soon after gave him the government of Nor-
mandy, vacant by the death of the Marshal Joyeuse. The
Count of Soissons was received in a manner so different from
what he expected, that there needed no more to convince
him of the folly of his great projects. The king, addressing
himself to me, asked me if I had quitted the King of Na-
varre's party? I evaded this perplexing question, by telling
him, that in coming to offer my services to his majesty, I did
not think myself separated from the King of Navarre, be-
cause I was assured that that prince, whose interests were
the same with his, would in a little time do the like. I
found this answer did not displease the king; but being sur-
rounded and carefully observed by persons on whose coun-
tenances it was easy to read the uneasiness which my dis-
course gave them, he concealed his sentiments. There was
in the weakness of this prince something incomprehensible:
his real enemies could not be unknown to him, after the
audacious manner in which they had so lately taken off the
mask; but still feigning ignorance, he again delivered him-
self up to the queen-mother, * and through her, to his perse-
cutors, with whom she reconciled him. Perhaps, however,

received them with that air of majesty and authority necessary upon
the occasion. He showed great favour to the deputies from the Par-
liament, which had not been any ways concerned in the affair of the
barricades; the others he threatened, with saying he would never again
enter Paris, and that he would deprive it of its charters and sovereign
courts; at which they were so greatly alarmed, that the Duke of Guise
was obliged to exert all his art and authority to pacify them.
* In the circular letter which Henry III. sent into the provinces,
after the action of the barricades, and which began thus: “Dear and
well-beloved: you have, as we suppose, heard the reasons that induced
us to leave our city of Paris, the 13th of this monthi," &c., he speaks
more like a supplicant than a king; he defends his design of introduc-
ing a foreign garrison into Paris, and doubts of the fidelity of the
Parisians. He gives a false and bad colour to his flight, and declares
that he is ready to begin the war against the Huguenots, at the head
of the League. (MSS. of the Royal Library, Numbers 8866, 8891.)
† The author means the conferences which the queen-mother held, hy
this prince's command, with the Cardinal of Bourbon and the Duke of
Guise; to which were also admitted, as I find in vol. 8906, of the ma-
nuscripts in the Royal Library, the Lords de Lansac, Lenoncourt, Des
Chateillers, and Miron, first physician to his majesty, who had been
employed in carrying messages between the two parties on the day of
VOL. I.
194
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
this last step was in hin but a stroke of the most profound
dissimulation; for the bold* action he committed against the
the barricades. These conferences were held at Chalons, at Sarry, a
house belonging to the Bishop.of Chalons, at Nemours, &c. The League
made most extravagant demands there, such as the entire abolition of
the Reformed religion, the dismission of all the Calvinist officers, even
if they abjured; the publication of the Council of Trent, the Inquisi.
tion, &c., and at last obtained all they demanded by the Édict of July
21, which was issued in consequence of those conferences. (Memoirs of
the League, vol. i.; Memoirs of Nevers, vol. i.; Matthieu, vol. i. book
viii.; Chron. Noven., vol. i., and others.)
* The death of the two brothers, the Duke and Cardinal of Guise,
whom this prince caused to be murdered in his own apartments, by his
guards, the 23rd of December, at Blois, where he held the States. See
this murder in the same historians, with a relation of the proceedings
and intrigues of both parties in the States of Blois. The Cardinal of
Bourbon was kept prisoner, the other brothers of the Duke of Guise
fled. The Duke of Guise perished as the Admiral Coligny did; pre-
sumption hindered them both from seeing the danger with which they
were threatened. The duke heeded none of the warnings that were
given him. It is said that the Marchioness of Noirmoûtier, the same
lady who made so much noise under the name of Madame de Sauves,
came on purpose to pass the night with him; and neither by argu-
ments nor entreaties could prevent him from going the next day to the
council. Some persons took upon them to justify Henry III. for this
action; among others, the Cardinal de Joyeuse, in a long memorial
upon the subject, which he sent from Rome, where he then was. (Vil-
leroy's Memoirs of State, vol. ii. p. 175.) But the most judicious of
our historians, and even those who have carried the privilege of the
royal authority furthest, all detest it. “The shocking circumstances
of the murder of the Guises,” says Pèrefixe, “ appeared horrible, even
in the eyes of the Huguenots, who said that it too much resembled the
massacre of St. Bartholomew.” On the other hand, it cannot be denied
that Henry III. had no other way of preserving the crown in his house,
and perhaps on his own head; for there is not the least probability in
what Villeroy asserts in his Memoirs (vol. i. p. 25), that the king, with-
out taking that course, might have made himself master of the deliber-
ations of the States of Blois, and have obliged them to comply with his
will. In this alternative one cannot help lamenting the consequences
of bad conduct in a prince, which reduces him to such a sad necessity.
He was himself a fatal example of this truth, that he who strikes with
a knife shall perish by a knife. The Duke of Guise was almost adored
by the Catholics, especially the lower orders, who called him always
Our great man. He had a scar on the left cheek, below his eye, which
only served to make him more respected, because he received it fight-
ing against the Huguenots, at the battle of Château-Thiérry, by a pistol
shot from a German trooper. He was, on the contrary, so hated by
his own family, whom he treated with an insupportable insolence
and severity, that we are assured his relations, and even his own
1588.] DEATH OF THE GUISLS, AND OF CATHERINE.
195
States of Blois gives us room to believe, that his revenge was
never one moment out of his thoughts : and if any one
might form any judgment of this assembly, every individual
that composed it had, to all appearance, each a secret object
in view, to which all their designs tended, and which success
discovered in some, and disappointment concealed in others.
The death of Catherine de Medicis, which happened soon
after* the assassination of the Duke of Guise, did not afford
brothers, through fear of falling under the power of a tyrant, were the
persons who sent Henry III. the most certain intelligence of his actions
and designs; an intelligence which was suspected by this prince, as
that given to the duke by many of the courtiers concerning the king's
violent resolution against him was by him; for they both imagined
from thence that the design was to prevail upon them to quit the party,
and break with the States of Blois, in which each of them would have
found his account. Henry III. at first designed only to arrest the Duke
of Guise, but he found it would be dangerous, and still more so to
make him prisoner; therefore he determined to bave him stabbed.
Both the bodies were consumed in quick-lime, the bones burnt in a
vault of the castle, and the ashes thrown into the air. The King of
Navarre, who had no hand in this assassination, was the person who
gained the most by it: to all appearance, while the Duke of Guise
lived, he would never have obtained the crown. We are assured, also,
that there were then great designs formed between France and Spain,
not only to extirpate the Protestant party, but even to dethrone
Elizabeth, the execution of which the event of the barricades, followed
by the death of the Duke of Guise, was alone able to prevent. The
King of Navarre lamented the fate of the Duke of Guise, without
blaming Henry III. “I always,” said he, “ foresaw, and said, that
Messieurs de Guise would never undertake the enterprise they had
conceived, and bring it to an issue, without endangering their lives."
(Cayet, vol. i. fol. 114.) Several other persons were of the same opinion.
Cursed be Lorraine," said Hubert de Vins, in the Memoirs of Castel-
nau, " for his stupidity in supposing that a king whose crown he was
attempting to take away by dissimulation, would not likewise dissem-
ble with him, to take away his life.” “Since they are so near each
other,” said Madame de Fourbin, the sister of De Vins, “ we shall hear
the very first day, either one or the other has slain his companion."
The tragical events of the year 1588 have appeared to some to verify
the prediction of Regiomontanus, and other astrologers, that this year
would be the climacteric of the world. I find in it only a new con-
firmation of the folly of this ridiculous science.
* In the opinions of those who have bestowed so many praises upon
this princess, it seemed sufficient to merit the title of a politician that
she knew how to engross the management of all affairs, and to keep
herself in possession of authority; but when one reflects that these
supposed abilities, which consisted, however, in making use of un-
02
196
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
Henry III. more liberty to follow his inclinations, which led
him to unite himself with the King of Navarre. The League
was not extinct with the Duke of Guise : he had the minds
of the people to calm, the grandees to regain, the pope to
appease, Spain to keep in bounds, and the displeasure of all
the Catholics to assuage, who, after this execution, were very
well disposed to question his religion.
Henry, like all weak men, magnified those difficulties ; he
flattered himself he should reduce everything to order by
inildness; and therefore publicly asserted his privilege, ex-
plained his reasons for what he had done, and loudly justified
his conduct. He ought to have employed arms alone against
a party which had no longer any respect for the royal autho-
rity, and, instead of increasing the presumption of the popu-
lace (who in power are no less insolent than they are abject
in obedience) by a moderation which can only be ascribed to
weakness, he ought to have boldly declared himself the as-
sailant, and sought for vengeance like a king. Had he acted
in this manner, conjointly with the King of Navarre, he
might, in all probability, have prevented the loss of Orleans,
and an infinite number of other places ;* nor had he been at
worthy means and contemptible artifices, brought things at last to such
an extremity, that neither she nor any other knew any longer what
remedies to apply to them, it may be justly asserted that the quality
of a politician did not compensate for the numberless faults she com.
mitted. It is believed that the fatal consequences which she appre-
hended would attend the murder of the Guises, in which she had no
part, the Cardinal of Bourbon's reproaches, the horrors of the present
time, and perhaps the stings of her conscience, hastened her death,
which happened the 5th of January, 1589. She was forgotten soon after-
wards. (De Thou, book xciv.) Her last advice to her son was to put
an end to the persecution against the Protestants, and to establish an
entire liberty of religion in France. (Chron. Novenn. vol. i. fol. 132.)
Brantôme's prejudices against this queen render all he has said to her
disadvantage very doubtful (vol. vii. of his Memoirs, p. 31 and follow-
ing.) Varillas is not more to be believed when he says that her death
was occasioned by her grief for the murder of the duke, whom she was
very fond of. Siri praises her, like a foreigner who was not well
acquainted with the affairs of our court at that time; for he came to
France long after the death of the queen. (Memoirs of Recon di Vit-
torio Siri, vol. i. p. 26.)
* “It is a puff of wind,” said Henry III., speaking of those cities,
" which has thrown down a pack of cards."
1589.] STATE OF THE COURTS OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE. 197
last so reduced as to possess only the cities of Blois, Beau-
gency, Amboise, Tours, and Samur.
I was either a witness to all these events, or was soon in-
formed of them at Rosny, whither I had retired as to a place
froin whence I could easily observe whatever passed at court.
I left it as soon as I thought it was necessary to give the
King of Navarre an account of these transactions. He had
not been a little perplexed himself during this interval, in
unravelling and overthrowing the schemes of the Viscount
Turenne, who, putting himself in the Prince of Condé's place,
continued all his projects for himself, and acted in the same
manner towards the King of Navarre as the Duke of Guise
did towards Henry III. In an assembly of the Protestants
held at Rochelle, he boldly declared that France, in the pre-
sent conjuncture, could not possibly avoid seeing her mo-
narchy dismembered; and he gave them to understand that
in the division which would be made of it, he would not forget
himself. The King of Navarre complained of this conduct
in the same assemblies; and to draw the Protestants more
firmly to his person he joined actions to words, seized upon
Garnache, and took Niort* by storm, after a bloody and
furious battle. It was at his return from this expedition,
that he fell dangerously illt at La Mothe-Frêlon.
I took my way through Blois, in order to form my last
conjectures upon the situation in which I should find the
court. Although I made use of all possible precautions to
avoid being discovered by any person, yet the Marquis of
Rambouillet,I seeing me pass through the street, knew me,
though wrapped up in my cloak, and ordered me to be
watched to my lodgings. The marquis was a man of strict
probity, and had always the good of the state in view, with-
* In Poitou.
of He left St. Hermine, in Lower Poitou, in the month of January,
to go and assist Garnache, which was besieged by the Duke of Nevers.
Du Plessis-Mornay led his troops, and he himself marched on foot, as
if he were sporting, He over-heated himself, and was seized with a
pain in his side, attended with a fever, which obliged him to stop at
the first house he came to, which belonged to a gentleman called La
Mothe-Frêlon. Du Plessis persuaded him to be let blood, which cured
him. (Life of Du Plessis-Mornay, book i. p. 125.)
I Nicholas d'Angennes.
195
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS. OT SULLY.
out any considerations of self-interest; he conceived it his
duty to employ this meeting in making one more effort. upon
the king's mind, and prevailing, upon him at length to throw
himself into the arms of the King of Navarre. He found
him in such a disposition as he wished, and the king was in-
duced to employ me more willingly upon this occasion, as he.
remembered I had already been sent to him on the same.
business. Rambouillet coming to me by his order, we con-
certed together what was necessary to be done, after which
he presented me to his majesty, who confirmed to me him-
self his intentions. The many ineffectual engagements into.
which he had entered with the King of Navarre, made me
think it necessary to ask him for a credential letter to that
prince; but he refused this request, from an apprehension
that it might fall into the bands of the Nuncio, Morosini,* or
the Duke of Nevers, to whom, he said, notwithstanding the
esteem he had for me, he should be obliged to deliver me if
I were discovered in: Blois. I therefore gave up this point,
but afterwards demanded, for the security of the King of
Navarre, that when he should enter into the midst of a
country full of his enemies, a town: might be given him, that
would afford him a free passage over the Loire; this, for the
same reason, was also refused. I could not attribute these:
refusals to any bad intention of the king, but solely to the
fear he was in of those two men upon whom he had volun-
tarily made himself dependent. I did not, however, think
that the King of Navarre, without this last article were agreed
to, should advance with his troops as far as Blois ; but this
difficulty was removed by Brigneux, the governor of Beau-
gency, whom I visited before I went away. After telling
me that he saw with grief that this place, like the rest,
* John Francis Morosini, Bishop of Bresce. Louis de Gonzague,
Duke of Nevers. Sixtus V. had just published a bull of excommuni-
cation against Henry III., which this prince used his utmost endeavour
to get recalled.. This pope, who was said to be equally fit to govern
a great kingdom as to be the bead of the Church, secretly approved of
that justice which the King of France had executed upon the Duke of
Guise; but he could not pardon him for involving a cardinal in it. (See
in Villeroy's Memoirs of State, vol. ii. p. 175, the Cardinal de Joyeuse's
letters, already cited.) Sixtus V. foretold that the League would reduce
Henry to the necessity of applying to the King of Navarre and the
Huguenots for assistance.
1589.]
TRIATY BETWEEN THE TWO. KINGS.
TREATY BET
199
would be infallibly lost by the measures the king pursued,
he offered to resign the care of it to me, or to Rebours, or
any other officer the King of Navarre should appoint;
adding, that he chose rather to resign his post, and follow
that prince as a volunteer only, than to continue in Beau-
gency, where his advice was not regarded.
After this assurance, I returned immediately to the King
of Navarre. He listened to me attentively, but not being able
to suppress those doubts which his frequent disappointments
from the King of France had inspired him with, be often.
asked me; with an unquiet tone of voice and irresolute.
action, if I now really thought the King of France sincere.
I protested to him that I believed he was, and added the.
testimony of Rambouillet. “Well, then," replied the king;
"I will not take his towus while he continues to act faith-
fully with me" (for he had taken Châtellerault* that very
day). Return, therefore," he added, “and carry him my
letters; for I neither fear Morosini nor Nevers." . Accord-
ingly he made me go with him immediately to dinner in his
closet; after which I took post again for Blois.
The King of France, who did not doubt but the King of
Navarre's answer would be such as he desired, bad, through:
impatience, advanced as far as Montrichard, with all his train.
I found all the lodgings in this little place either occupied or
bespoke, so that, as I arrived very late, I began to think I
should be obliged to pass the night in the street; luckily
Maignan found out the Marquis of Rambouillet's. lodgings;
and he provided me with those that had been designed for
one of my brothers, who was then at Tours. At midnight I
went to the king; who waited for me in an upper chamber
of the castle; he approved of, and signed everything, even
to the passage over the Loire; and would have had me set
out again that same night. The report of a treaty between
the two kings had already reached Châtelherault when I
arrived there, and was so passionately desired by the
people, that, as soon as I appeared, they loaded me with a
thousand blessings.
The King of Navarre had already gone from thence. This
prince, who depended upon nothing but his sword, being in-
* In Poitou.
200
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
formed that the League had entered Argenton,* marched
hastily thither, and arrived so seasonably, that he dislodged
their troops before they had received the supplies necessary
to maintain them there. He left Beaupré governor in the
place, and sent me thither to survey it, and to take an account
of the stores, and see what was required.
The fatigue I had suffered from so many successive jour-
neys threw me, at my return, into a continued fever, which
confined me to my bed twelve days. Du Plessis took advan-
tage of this accident to deprive me of the honour of a treaty
which he had only the trouble of drawing up, and in which
the Marquis of Rambouillett had a greater share than
himself. This treaty was signed at Plessis les Tours, to the
great satisfaction of the two kings. Saumur was the place of
security agreed upon, and Du Plessis did not fail to procure
the government of it, as a fit reward for him to whom they
were obliged for the success of the treaty. This proceeding
appeared to me so extremely unjustifiable, that I complained
loudly of Du Plessis, and even of the King of Navarre him.
self, who had bestowed the fruit of my labour upon another.
The Count of Soissons, who never had any regard for the
general interest, nor ever took part in the public joy, made
use of this circumstance to endeavour to engage me in his
new designs; and my two brothers, on the other hand,
pressed me earnestly to attach myself wholly to the party of
the King of France, but I rejected this proposition ; nor was
my fidelity to my prince to be shaken by all the efforts which
were made to seduce me. When I reflected, also, that the
government of Saumur would have obliged me to a constant
residence there, and consequently have removed me for ever
from the King of Navarre, I found that what had appeared
an act of injustice was, in reality, a favour, for which I ought
to be thankful.
Nothing now remained for the two kings to do but to
have a conference together, in order to concert their future
enterprises. For this purpose the King of Navarre set out
* In Upper Poitou.
It is but just to observe that these facts are related very differently
in the Life of Du Plessis-Mornay, book i. p. 131; the reader must
determine to which of the writers most credit ought to be given.
| Philip Mornay, Lord of Plessis-Marly.
1589.]
INTERVIEW OF THE TWO KINGS.
201
from Plessis les Tours. Still assaulted by some remains of
distrust, * which he could with difficulty suppress, he stopped
near a mill, about two leagues from the castle, and would
know the opinion of each of the gentlemen who composed his
train, upon the step he was going to take. I was amongst
them, and the remembrance of the injustice, as I then thought
it, which he had done me, keeping me silent, “ You say no-
thing,” said he, turning to me; "what are your thoughts of
the matter ?” I answered in few words, that it was true
the step he was taking was not without danger, because the
troops of the King of France were superior to his; but that
something ought to be left to chance; and that, for the rest,
he ought to content himself with using all the precautions
which prudence could suggest. He paused for a few moments,
and then turning towards us, “ Let us go on," said he," my
resolution is fixed, I will no longer hesitate.'t
The King of France had advanced to meet the King of
Navarre, and the joy for a union which had been so ardently
desired drew together so great a concourse of people, that
the two kings continued above a quarter of an hour at the
distance of fifty paces from each other, without being able to
approach nearer; at length the crowd giving way, they em-
braced each other with equal satisfaction on both sides, I and
took the road together to Tours, where the King of Navarre
lay only one night, and then returned to his quarters at
Maillé. As for me, I stayed at Tours, being detained by a
* “His old Huguenot officers, they say, were afraid that at a time
when treachery was so necessary to Henry III. to extricate him from
the labyrinth into which the action he had committed at Blois had
thrown him (he had been excommunicated by Sixtus V.), he would not
scruple to purchase his absolution at the price of the King of Navarre's
life.” (Pèrefixe, ibid.) This prince had often himself said, as De Thou
rclates, “ that he never went to the king's closet but through the midst
of two armies, ranged on either side."
of He wrote to Du-Plessis-Mornay in these terms: “Monsieur Du-
Plessis, the ice is broken, not without many warnings that if I went I
should be a dead man: I passed the water, recommending myself to
God," &c.
At the bridge of La Motte, a quarter of a league from Tours.
“Courage, my lord,” said Henry IV. to Henry III., "two Fenrys are
worth more than one Carolus." (Matthieu, vol. i. p. 152.) The Duke of
Mayenne's name was Charles.
202
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS. OF SULLI..
great number of my friends and relations whom I found
there, and fixed: my residence in the suburb of St. Sym-
phorien.
The Duke of Mayenne, who had taken up arms to revenge
the death of the Duke of Guise, and to support the interest.
of the League, had: no design to allow us to remain there
quiet, but marched with: bis, w.bole army towards this town.
The king, who had rode as far as Marmoutier, * unarmed, and
attended only by twenty horse, narrowly escaped being taken,
and was obliged to return precipitately to Tours. The
suburbs, having no other intrenchments than some slight
barricades, hastily: constructed by six or seven regiments: of
royalists, who defended them, I quitted the suburb of St..

brought into the city. My conduct was taxed with timidity
by the officers, but it was not long before it was sufficiently
justified.
"The Duke of Mayempe attacked the suburbs: he was
stopped some' moments by means of five or six houses on the
top of the hill, where our people had: posted themselves; but
they were soon obliged to abandon them, in order to intrench
themselves behind the barricades, where, expecting soon: to.
be assaulted; they made use of this interval to snatch a hasty
refreshment.
I met the king at the gate of the city, who made: me enter,
telling me that he believed it would be in vain to endeavour
to defend the suburbs. Indeed; the barricades could not re-
sist the enemy's cannon, they were forced at the first onset;
into the city was so confused, and so much exposed to the
enemy, that I am surprised the whole were not either taken
or slain, and that the enemy did not even enter the city along
with them : two pieces of cannon would have been sufficient
for their purpose. I saw the flight of our people from the
convent of the Jacobins, which overlooked the walls of the
city, and fearing that the danger would increase, I ran with
my two brothers to the gate, to which they all pressed tumul-
tuously, and by means of some intrenchments we ordered to.
be made, rendered their retreat more secure, and with a little
* An abbey near Tours.
1589.]
SIEGE OF TOURS AND BATTLE: OF FOSSEUSE.
203
time and order they all entered; after which we closed up
the gate, and set a strong guard over it.
It being no longer doubted that the city would be besieged.
in form, I joined Châtillon and some others, and we went to
entreat the King of France to entrust to us the defence of
some important post: he gave us the Isles,* and we laboured
there without ceasing from that moment till the next morn-
ing, when the king' came to visit our work. He addressed him-
self to me, and praised our diligence greatly; but it was useless,
for at the first news of what had happened the King of Navarre
marched hastily with his troops to Tours, and appeared in three
hours before the city. The Duke of Mayenne would not wait
for him, but retreated, after plundering the suburbs, and even
the churches. A service of this importance gave great hopes.
of what an alliance between the two kings might produce, and
made the inhabitants of Tours look upon the King of Navarre
as their deliverer.f
The two kings continued together eight or ten days, after
which they separated for the enterprise that had been pro-
jected against the city of Poitiers.
While they carried on the works there, the King of Na-
varre sent me with three hundred horse, and a like number
of arquebusiers, to whom he also gave horses, to defend Char-
tres, it having been discovered that Maintenon I was secretly
endeavouring to possess himself of the place, in the name of
the League. I provided myself with rope-ladders, petards,
and other instruments, and came directly to Bonneval, with-
out taking any refreshment the whole day. Some prisoners:
which we took from a detachment of twenty-five troopers,
informed us that the enemy had a party of four hundred
horse in the field, with Brosse-Saveuse at their head; and
that Reclainville, who led the twenty-five troopers, had
* Read Isle. This quarter, which is inhabited only by watermen.
and the meanest people, is of great consequence to the defence of Tours.
† Henry IV. highly extolled the behaviour of Henry III., who showed
great courage upon this occasion. (Mem. of Nevers, vol. ii. p. 589.)
I Louis d’Angennes, Lord of Maintenon:
§ A town upon the confines of Perche.
i Charles de Tiercelin, and Anne his brother; the eldest was called
Saveuse, and the youngest De Brosse,
Louis d'Alonville, Lord of Reclainville, or l'Arclainville, who com-
manded in Chartres for the Duke of Mayenne.
204
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
taken us for a body of a hundred and twenty horse with
which Lorges* had just surprised Château-Dun. We con-
cluded, from this account, that the party of four hundred
horse was endeavouring to come up with us; and we, on our
side, having the same desire, left our arquebusiers to pursue
the road to Chartres, leisurely, and taking ours amongst the
little hills, in order to reach the enemy's squadron, we met
them on the top of a small bill, which each party had ascended
on his own side, so that we neither saw them, nor they us,
till we were within two hundred paces of each other. We
came to blows immediately, t and with so much fury, that by
the first shock forty of our men were thrown to the ground:
I was of this number, together with Messieurs de Châtillon, I
de Mouy, de Montbazon, d'Avantigny, and De Bressaigny.
Happily I had received no wound; my horse, which was only
cut in the jaw, got up again while I was still on his back.
Perhaps there never was an action of this sort more furious,
obstinate, or more bloody. Four or five times we returned
to the charge, the enemy rallying again the moment they
were put into disorder. I had two swords broken: and was
obliged to have recourse to a pair of pistols loaded with steel
balls, against which no arms were proof. Our enemies find-
ing they had lost two hundred of their men, left us at last in
possession of the field of battle.
tory, on account of extreme fatigue and the pain of our
wounds, which rendered us almost motionless. A little rest
was all we wished for, when a heavy rain fell, which, mixing
with our sweat, wet us all over in an instant, for we were
obliged to cover our arms with our clothes; and to complete
our misfortunes, we learnt that the Duke of Mayenne was at
our heels. In this distressing situation a council being held,
it was resolved, notwithstanding the condition we were in,
that we should march all night, and endeavour to get back to
Beaugency, where we arrived so much exhausted with fatigue
and thirst, that, my strength failing me, all I could do was
to sink down upon a bed, nor was it possible to awake me to
take any nourishment.
* De Montgomery de Lorges.
of May 18.
* Francis de Châtillon, the admiral's son, the leader of the troop;
Isaac Vaudré de Mouy; Louis de Rohan, Duke of Montbazon.
1589.] ILLNESS AND DEATH OF MADAME DE ROSNY.
205
The report of this engagement being spread everywhere,
the King of Navarre came to Beaugency to visit us, and ex-
pressed himself highly satisfied with our behaviour. Saveuse,
who was among the prisoners, was brought before bim; and
the king, who from the same principle of generosity caressed
the brave and compassionated the unfortunate, endeavoured
to console him by praises on his conduct, and every kind of
good treatment. But he, knowing that a great number of
his relations, and almost all his friends had perished in the
fight, his grief for their loss, the shame he felt at being van-
quished, and the dangerous wounds he had received, inspired
such extreme despair that he became delirious, and died in
the frenzy of a raging fever two hours afterwards, without
suffering his wounds to be dressed. The King of Navarre
made us set out for Chateau-Dun, whither he also went him-
self: here, eight days' rest entirely obliterated all remem-
brance of our past fatigues, and I continued to pass my time
very agreeably, when a courier brought me the news that my
wife was dangerously ill. I flew to Rosny with D’Ortho-
man,* first physician to the King of Navarre, whom he had
ordered to accompany me: I met with many difficulties, for
all this part was in the interests of the League ; and one of
my brothers, who had taken possession of my house, the
same wherein my wife lay ill, had the cruelty to draw up
the bridge and refuse me entrance. I was deeply affected
with so unnatural a treatment, and swore I would enter, or
perish in the attempt, and already began to apply ladders to
the walls, when my brother, who did not, perhaps, expect so
much resolution, ordered the gate to be opened.
The only consolation I had was to find my wife still alive,
and to receive her last embraces : all remedies were in-
effectual, and she died four days after my arrival. I must
confess the loss of a wife so dear to me, and whose life had
been exposed to such cruel vicissitudes of fortune, deprived
my heart, during a whole month, of every other passion but
grief. I heard with indifference the progress of the arms
of the two kings, which at any other time would have in-
flamed me with an ardent desire of sharing in their dangers
* Nicholas d'Orthoman, a native of Arnheim.
† This is certainly the eldest, who was called the Baron of Rosny.
206
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY,
and glory; for it was about this time that they took Gergeau,
Pluviers, Estampes, Chartres, * Poissy, Pontoise, Isle Adam,
Beaumont, and Creil. Every little inconsiderable town
boasted of having stopped her king, who found nothing but
revolt and disobedience over all his dominions. He was now
sensible of the great advantage he derived from the King of
Navarre's assistance. As for this prince, he was as prodigal
of life as if he had been weary of it; wherever there was
most danger, there he was to be seen at the head of his sol-
diers. In one of those many encounters he had to maintain,
at the very moment when, to rest himself, he was leaning
upon Charbonnière, that officer was laid dead at his feet by
a musket-shot.
I awaked as from a deep sleep at the newst of the two
kings holding Paris besieged; and leaving a place where
every object I saw renewed my affliction, I went to join the
army. It was here that I soothed that grief which still filled
my heart, by exposing myself carelessly in all the skirmishes
we had with the enemy, more frequent then than ever, par-
ticularly in the plain called the Scholars' Meadow. The King
of Navarre perceived my design, and observing that Maig-
nan, my equerry, whom he often ordered to go to me and
force me away, durst not do it, he desired him only to tell
me that he wanted to speak to me. As soon as I was told
this, I came to the king: scarce had he uttered a word,
when he was interrupted by a gentleman, who whispered
something in his ear, and left him immediately. The king,
amazed at what he had heard, called me again instantly, and
told me an assassin had dangerously wounded the King of
France with a knife ;I then mounting his horse, and attended
* Towns in the neighbourhood of Paris, in the Isle of France, La
Beauce, and l’Orleans. See an account of this in the historians.
of If we may believe Matthieu, vol. ii. p. 3, the two kings were not
very well satisfied with each other. Henry III. could not conceal his
jealousy of Henry IV., who, far from expecting to reign, resolved to
retire as soon as he had re-established the king upon his throne.
| James Clement, a Jacobin monk, born in Sorbonne, a village of
Burgundy. He was introduced by La Guesle, the solicitor-general,
into the king's chamber, as having a letter of great consequence to
deliver to him, This prince, who had a great kindness for monks, rose
from the close-stool upon which he was sitting, having already read
part of the letter, when the assassin struck him in the belly with a
1589.]
ASSASSINATION OF HENRY III.
207
only by five-and-twenty gentlemen who were about him, took
the road to St. Cloud, which was the king's quarters. On
his entering the king's apartment he found he had just re-
knife, which he left sticking in the wound; the king drew it out, and
killed by La Guesle with a stroke of his sword; his body was burnt, and
the ashes thrown into the Seine. The historians have not forgotten to
observe, as a circumstance at that time not.doubted of, that Henry III.
was murdered in the same house, and (if we believe them) in the same
chamber, the same spot, and the same month, where, seventeen years
before, that prince had assisted at the council in which the massacre
of St. Bartholomew was resolved upon. Monsieur Bayle seems to
have given credit to this anecdote, which is now proved to be false, the
house at the time of the massacre of St. Bartholoniew not being built.
Henry III. died in the night between the 2nd and 3rd of August, aged
thirty-eight years. “James Clement being at St. Cloud, some per-
sons, who suspected him, went at night into his chamber to observe
him; they found him in a profound sleep, his breviary before him,
open at the article of Judith. He fasted, confessed himself, and
received the sacrament before he set out to assassinate the king. He
was praised for this action at Rome, in the pulpit where Henry III.'s
funeral oration ought to have been pronounced. At Paris, his picture
was placed on the altars with the Eucharist. Cardinal de Retz relates
that on the anniversary day of the barricades, in the minority of
Louis XIV., he saw a gorget upon which this monk was engraved,
with these words underneath, St. James Clement.” (Notes upon the
Henriade.') “The King of Navarre,” says Victor Cayet (Chron. Noven.,
vol. i. fol. 223,)“ kneeled at his bedside, sighs and tears not permitting
him to speak a word. He took his majesty's hands between his, and
kissed them. The king, perceiving that he was silent through the
strong emotions with which he was agitated, embraced his head,
kissed him, and gave him his benediction. Had not the knife been
poisoned, the wound would not have been mortal; for it was not deep,
and had not injured the intestines." (Fol. 217.) “Bourgoin, prior of
the Jacobins, was torn to pieces by four horses. They could extort
nothing from him but these words: We have done what we could, but not
what we would have done;' which caused a belief that Henry IV. was to
have been assassinated at the same time. The Sieur de Rougemont
was arrested, as having desired to strike the blow himself.” (Fol. 228.)
The king died like a good Christian. "He forgave his enemies, aná
eren Clement himself," says Matthieu. See, in the historians, a fuller
account of his death. His character may be collected from what is
said of him in these Memoirs. He was named, at his baptism,
Edward Alexander, by Edward VI., King of England, and Antony,
King of Navarre; but Catherine made him afterwards assume the
name of his father. It is said that seventeen or eighteen persons who
had gathered up the ashes of Clement, which the wind had dispersed,
getting into a boat with them, the boat and all that were in it were
swallowed up by the Seine.
208
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
ceived an injection, which came away again without either
pain or blood. The King of Navarre approached his bed
amidst all the agitation and grief which the sincerest friend-
ship could inspire. The king comforted him by saying he
thought his wound would have no bad consequences, and
that God would prolong his life, that he might be in a con-
dition to give him new proofs of his affection. The wounded
monarch pronounced these words in such a manner as re-
moved part of the King of Navarre's apprehensions, who see-
ing likewise no appearance of any dangerous symptoms, left
him to his repose, and returned to his quarters at Meudon.
My lodgings were at the bottom of this castle, in the house
of a man named Sauvat. After I had attended the King of
Navarre to his apartment, I went home to sup, and had just
sat down to table, when I saw Ferret, his secretary, enter,
who said to me, “Sir, the King of Navarre, and perhaps
the King of France, desires you will come to him instantly."
Surprised at these words, I went with him immediately to
the castle ; and as we went along, he told me that D'Ortho-
man had informed the King of Navarre by an express, that
if he wished to see the King of France alive he had not a
moment to lose.
I went directly to the King of Navarre's apartment, where,
while our horses were saddling, he did me the honour to con-
sult me upon the present conjuncture. So many different
thoughts presented themselves to my mind that moment, that
I continued some time silent, nor was the king in less agitation.
It was not the issue of a little negotiation, the success of a battle,
or the possession of a small kingdom, such as Navarre, that
employed his thoughts, but the greatest monarchy in Europe.
But how many obstacles had lie to surmount, how many la-
bours to endure, before he could hope to obtain it! All that
he had hitherto done was nothing in comparison to what re-
mained to do. How crush a party so powerful, and in such
high credit, that it had given fears to a prince established on
the throne, and almost obliged him to descend from it! This
difficulty, already so great, appeared insurmountable, when he
reflected that the king's death would deprive him of the best
and greatest part of his forces; he could have no dependence
either on the princes of the blood or the grandees; and
1589.]
HENRY IV. REPAIRS TO ST. CLOUD.
209
although, in his present condition, he had occasion for every
one's assistance, yet he had no one in whom he could confide.
I was struck with fear when he suggested to me, that it was
probable such surprising and unexpected news might occasion
a revolution, which would expose him, with only a few of his
most faithful servants, to the mercy of his old enemies, in a
country where he was absolutely destitute of every resource.
Notwithstanding all these difficulties, every one confessed
that the King of Navarre had but one part to take, which
was to seize this opportunity, and use it with all those pre-
cautions which generally determine the event. Without
attempting to judge of the future, which depends upon too
many accidents, much less to subject it to our precipitation,
in bold and difficult enterprises we should endeavour to sub-
due one obstacle at a time, nor suffer ourselves to be de-
pressed by their greatness and their number. We ought
never to despair of what has been once accomplished. To,
how many things has the idea of impossibility been annexed,
that have become easy to those who knew how to take advan-
tage of time, opportunity, lucky moments, the faults of others,
different dispositions, and an infinite number of other cir-
cumstances !
The answer I made the king was founded on these maxims;
and we agreed that, instead of going back to the distant pro-
vinces, he should remain in the midst of the royal army to
support his claim, and set out immediately for St. Cloud, but
well armed, at all events; taking care, however, to keep our
additional arms concealed, that we might not ourselves be
the first to create terror and suspicion. When we entered
St. Cloud they told us the king was better, and obliged us to
take off our swords. I followed the King of Navarre, who
advanced towards the castle, when suddenly we heard a man
exclaim, “Ah! my God, we are lost!” The King of Na-
varre making this man approach, who continued crying,
" Alas! the king is dead !" asked him several questions,
which he answered by such a circumstantial recital of the
king's death, that we could no longer doubt the truth of it.
Henry was still more convinced when, after advancing a little
further, he saw the Scotch guard, who threw themselves at
his feet, saying, “Ah, Sire, you are now our king and mas-
VOL. I.
. P
210
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
[BOOK III.
ter!" And some moments after, Messieurs de Biron,* de
Bellegarde, d’O, de Chateauvieux, de Dampierre, and several
others, did the same.
The King of Navarre was convinced that this was one of
those critical moments, upon the good or bad use of which his
destiny depended. Without suffering himself to be dazzled
with the view of a throne, to which he was that instant called,
or oppressed by difficulties and useless grief, he calmly began
to give orders for retaining every one in their duty, and pre-
venting any disorder; then, turning to me with that familiar
air which he used to those of whose affection he was assured,
he bid me go to the Marshal d'Aumont's quarters, and
there, with all the precaution necessary for his interest,
spread among his troops the news of the king's death, and
to speak by this marshal to the French guards, to engage
their officers to come and pay their homage to him in the
afternoon, and to prevail upon the nobility to do the like.
He recommended to me to observe my own quarters care-
fully, and keep everything there in good order; after which
he applied himself to gain all the foreign powers, on whose
assistance he thought he might depend; and wrote, or sent
deputies, to Germany, England, Flanders, Switzerland, and
the republic of Venice, to inform them of this new event,
and the claim which it gave him to the crown of France.
I represented to him that it was absolutely necessary to
get possession of Meulanf immediately: a place, upon this
occasion, of the utmost importance, the governor of which
(who was called Saint-Marc) he knew to be in his heart a
zealous partisan of the League. I explained to him in few
words how easily this might be executed, and the king ap-
proving my scheme, I went to Meulan, and demanded a con-
ference with Saint-Marc upon affairs, I said, of the greatest
consequence to him. He came to me, and while I amused
him with a feigned confidence, the Marshal d'Aumont passed
over the bridge with his troops, and taking advantage of the
consternation this occasioned, proceeded to the castle, of

* Armand de Gontaut, Marshal de Biron; Roger de St. Larry de
Bellegarde, grand écuyer of France; Francis d'o, governor of Paris,
and superintendent of the finances; Joachim de Châteauvieux.
of John, Duke d'Aumont, Marshal of France.
# In the Isle of France.
1589.]
DISPOSITION OF THE ROYALISTS.
211
which he made himself master. The king offered me the
government of. Meulan, but from many considerations. I did
not choose to accept it.
Part of Henry's apprehensions were soon justified by the
event; he found it impossible to keep either the Duke of
Epernon, or many other disaffected Catholics, in his service,
especially those who owed their fortune to the deceased king.
By their desertion, his army was reduced to almost those
troops only that he had brought with him, which rendered it
impossible for him to continue the siege of Paris, or even to
remain in its neighbourhood. The foreign powers either
gave him nothing but promises, or offered him such supplies
as could be of no use in his present exigencies; he was
obliged, therefore, to retire into the heart of the kingdom ;*
he had already (though without discovering his real motive
for it) caused a report to be spread among his soldiers of an
intended journey to Tours. This retreat was equally neces-
sary for the safety of his person and the success of his affairs;
a thorisand dangers threatened him in the neighbourhood of
* The author of his Life assigns such very bad reasons for this
retreat, that it is plain nothing can excuse it. Upon this occasion it
appears that, besides the Protestant party, they might have reckoned
three others among the Catholics themselves: the first, those persons
who abandoned Henry IV. after the death of Henry IÚ.; the second,
those who, not being able to prevail upon this prince to declare that
very moment that he would embrace the Catholic religion, continued
with him, but had neither affection to his person nor a sincere attach-
ment to his interest. The number of these was very great; the chief
among them were the Dukes of Longueville and Nevers, d'O (who
had spoken to him in the name of the rest), and many others; the
third party was made up of those who declared publicly, says
D'Aubigné, that they would serve the king without any conditions,
and these were, indeed, but very few in number, among which were
the Marshals d’Aumont and Biron, Givry, &c. Henry was extremely
perplexed at the rude proposition made him by the Catholics, and
the declaration they added to it, that they would retire if he did not
give them this satisfaction. He told them resolutely that he would
never be reproached with having been constrained to take such a step,
and demanded six months to think upon it. (See the historians upon
this subject, and particularly D’Aubigné, vol. iii. book ii. chap. 23.)
Henry IV. received such important services on this occasion from the
Marshal Biron, that it was reported it was he who made him king:
and the marshal is said to have reproached Henry with his services in
those very terms. (Mem. of Brantôme, vol. iii. p. 346.)
P 2
212
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
a city where the king his predecessor, though a Catholic,
and with a powerful army under his obedience, could not
escape a violent death. It was here that the last resolution
was taken for the murder of that prince; and he had still
more reason to tremble, when he reflected that those cruel
designs were formed in the midst of his army, and the as-
sassins perhaps near his person.
In this perplexing situation it was necessary to place a
governor in Meulan, who had a regiment ready to defend it
against the League, which becoming insolent by the king's
death, in imagination already enjoyed the conquest of it: as
I had no regiment, nor sufficient time to raise one, the go-
vernment of Meulan was given to Bellengreville.*
The king, in his retreat, took Clermont, and some other
small towns ; his forces were too inconsiderable to admit of
his engaging in greater enterprises, which was the reason
likewise that Louviers I was not taken, upon which I had a
design that in all appearance would have succeeded; this I
communicated to the king, and desired he would give me
some forces for the execution of it: he could spare me no
more than a company of his light-armed horse, commanded
by Arambure, which was not sufficient; but he assured me
that I should be joined at Louviers by a regiment of twelve
hundred men, which was then at Nogent; and for this
purpose he wrote to Couronneau, the colonel of it, to act
according to my orders. With this hope I approached
Louviers, when I found that Couronneau was at Tours, and
all the men I could procure amounted to only about two or
three hundred, a force by no means sufficient for my purpose,
particularly as Messieurs d'Aumale, $ de la Londe, de Fon-
taine-Martel, de Medavy, de Contenant, and many other
officers of the League, had entered the place three days
before. I was confident of the success of my enterprise if I
had had men enough: the attack was to be made by the bed
of a large canal, which was supplied by the river Eure, and
* Read, Joachim de Berengueville.
† In Beauvoisis.
I A city of Normandy.
Ś Charles de Lorraine, Duke of Aumale; Bigars de la Londe,
mayor of Rouen; Francis de Fontaine--Martel, governor of Neufchâtel;
Charles Francis de Rouxel de Medavy; Timoleon de Bauves de Con-
tenant.
1589.]
THE ARMY OF THE LEAGUT.
213
entered the town by means of floodgates; the waters of the
river had been turned into a different direction for the pur-
pose of repairing some mills upon it which had been injured
by a late flood, so that the water in the canal was low enough
to allow the troops to march almost dry-footed up to the
floodgates, which would have been easily forced by a petard;
besides this, the town ditches, from the same cause, were
also dry, and by them we could have approached to the very
foot of the walls, and mounted without much difficulty, as
they were very low; before I quitted the place I was de-
sirous to convince those about me of the practicability of
this latter scheme, and sent two soldiers, with two of Aram-
bure's officers, for that purpose, and they entered the town
without creating the least alarm, and returned to me in
safety.
I returned by Pont de l'Arche to meet the King of Na-
varre at Ecouy, from whence he intended to go immediately
to Touraine; but he found the Normans so well inclined
towards him, that he was induced by their offers to attempt
the important siege of Rouen. While preparations were
making for this enterprise we took Gournay, * Neufchâtel,
the city of Eu, Tréport, and Darnetal; where the king re-
ceived advice that the Duke of Mayende was making every
effort to bring him to an action. I was ordered to go with
fifty horse to reconnoitre the duke's army, which I found in
the neighbourhood of Mantes, and spread all over my estate.
I posted myself in the forest, from whence I made observa-
tions, and brought the king information that the army of the
League consisted of twenty-five thousand foot and eight
thousand horse. The king, who had only a little flying
camp to oppose to so formidable an army, was not willing to
neglect any precaution which might be necessary. He had
already caused the Commander de Chastes,t governor of
Dieppe, to be sounded, to know if, in any case of necessity,
he would receive him into that place: and he had reason to
be satisfied with his answer; but, in order to be better as-
sured of this governor's intentions, he went himself to confer
with him, when he not only repeated what he had already
* In Upper Normandy.
† Aimat de Chastes, knight of St. Lazarus, and governor of Dieppe.
214
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
said, but offered, if the king had any doubts, to place who-
ever he might choose in the citadel. Finding, therefore, that
he might depend upon so secure a retreat as Dieppe,* he
the less feared to keep the field before the enemy; and re-
solving to make head against them till the last extremity, he
took up a position before Arques.
At the end of the causeway of Arques there is a long
winding hill, covered with coppice; beneath is a space of
arable land, in the midst of which is the great road that
leads to Arques, having thick hedges on each side. Lower
down, upon the left hand, there is a kind of great marsh, or
boggy ground. A village called Martinglise; bounds the hill;
about half a league from the causeway, and in this village,
and in the neighbourhood of it, the whole army of the Duke
of Mayenne was encamped. The king was sensible, that by
attempting to resist an army of above thirty thousand men,
with less than three thousand, his conduct would be accused
of rashness; but, besides that it would be very difficult to
find a place more favourable for his few forces, and that there
was danger in going back, he thought that the present weak
condition his party was in, demanded some bold blow at the
beginning. He neglected nothing that might compensate,
in some degree, for the smallness of his numbers: he ordered
deep trenches to be cut at the causeway, and above as well
as beneath the great road, on each side of which he posted
twelve hundred Swiss, and six hundred German foot to de-
fend the upper trenches; and placed a thousand or twelve
hundred others in a chapel, which stood in the midst of the
upper and lower trenches. These were all the infantry he
bad: his cavalry, which amounted only to six hundred men,
he divided into two equal squadrons; and with one posted
himself between the wood and the road, and separating
the other into troops, sent them between the road and the
morass, to fill in some sort that space. He remained upon
* Henry IV., it is said, was reduced to such an extremity under the
walls of this city, that he was upon the point of retiring into England,
which the Marshal de Biron prevented, by advising him to make good
his post at Arques. Before the battle of Arques he said, that he was a
king without a kingdom, a husband without a wife, and a warrior with-
out money.
* In the country of Caux.
Or Martin Eglise.
1589.]
BATTLE OF ARQUES FOUGHT.
215
guard the whole of the night, as he was apprehensive that
the enemy would endeavour, as soon as it was dark, to
make himself master of the end of the causeway. In the
morning they brought him some refreshments into the trench,
where he invited his principal officers to breakfast with him;
after which he thought to have taken a few moments' repose,
when he was informed by the guards that the army of the
League was marching towards him, in order of battle.
At this news, he sent the Viscounts de Chartres, Palcheux,
Brasseuse, Avantigny, and three or four others, into the
wood, who soon returned, bringing with them the Count de
Belin* prisoner, he having entered the wood, with five or six
horse, for the purpose of reconnoitering the king's position.
The king went to meet him, and embraced him smiling. The
count smiled, and assured his majesty that in two hours an
army of forty thousand men would be upon him, and that he
saw no forces there to resist it: “You see not all, M. Belin,"
said the king to him with the same gaiety, “for you reckon
not God, and my just claim, who fight for me." Accus-
tome, as I was to see this prince, I could not help admiring
the tranquillity that sat upon his countenance, on an occasion
so much the more desperate, as it gave time for reflection.
His look was so serene, and his ardour tempered with so
much prudence, that he appeared to the soldiers as something
more than human, and inspired them all with the intrepidity
of their leader.
The Duke of Mayenne ordered the upper trenches to be
attacked by a squadron of his German foot, who seemed to
refuse fighting, because they had only Germans to encounter,
and feigned to surrender; our Germans were so effectually
deceived by this artifice, that they suffered the others to ad-
vance and gain the trench, from whence they drove out ours;
and from this advantageous post they gave us a deal of trouble,
I soon lost sight of all that was done at the side of the wood;
for that part of the morass where I was, with ten of my men,
was that moment attacked by a squadron of eight or nine
hundred horse. At the approach of so large a body we drew
together about a hundred and fifty horse, and drove them
* Francis de Faudois, d'Averton de Serillac, Count of Belin, deputy
governor of Paris for the Duke of Mayenne.
216
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLI.
back as far as the valley, where meeting with four other
squadrons, they obliged us to retreat, till being joined in our
turn by the Count d'Auvergne,* who brought a hundred
and fifty horse more to our assistance, we a second time beat
back the enemy's squadrons, who being joined by three bun-
dred horse, we were forced to give ground, and regained the
chapel in disorder; where fortunately our infantry who were
posted there stopped the enemy's cavalry short, here Sa-
gonnet and some other officers were slain.
The Duke of Mayenne commanding all the rest of his
German foot to attack the chapel, we yielded at length this
post; and overpowered by numbers, abandoned the hol-
Iows in the road, and even the road itself. This might be
called the beginning of a defeat, and we should have had
reason to fear the event, had we not happily met the battalion
of Swiss, who sustained the shock, and gave us time to rally,
and renew the fight. My horse that moment falling dead of
his wounds, I mounted a fresh one. To vanquish the brave
resistance of our Swiss, the enemy ordered five hundred
horse to march along the side of the morass: they would
have taken us in the rear, and have easily overwhelmed the
Swiss, and the rest of the soldiers, but luckily approaching
* Charles de Valois, natural son of Charles IX. He is mentioned
hereafter. It is upon the relation of this count, afterwards Dukeof
Angoulême, that Father Daniel, in his History of France, vol. ix., has
given a description of this battle, to which nothing can be added, and
differs but little from that in our Memoirs. (See also Father Matthieu,
vol. ii. p. 14 and following; Cayet, vol. i. book ii. fol. 263 and following;
the Memoirs of Nevers, vol. ii. p. 597; and the physician Du Chesne';
account, &c.) This battle was fought on Wednesday, September 20s
it began at ten o'clock in the morning, and ended at eleven. The Duke
of Mayenne, five days before, made several attempts upon Dieppe, which
were called escarmouches du Pollet. “My companion," said Henry IV.
to Arreguer, colonel of the regiment of Soleure, “I come to die, or to
gain honour with you." "He drove back the treacherous Germans,"
&c. (Le Grain, book v.) “My father,” said this prince to Colonel
Galati, " keep a pike for me, for I will fight at the head of your bat-
talion.” (Matthieu, ibid. p. 14.) After the battle he wrote to Grillon
in these terms: “Hang thyself, brave Grillon, for we have fought at
Arques without thee. Adieu, brave Grillon, I love thee whether I will
or not."
† John Babou, Count of Sagonne. Louis de Rohan and Josias de
la Rochefoucault, Counts of Montbazon and De Roussy, also lost their
lives there.
1589.]
GREAT DANGER OF THE KING.
217

too near the morass, they remained entangled in the mire,
and their riders with difficulty disengaged themselves and
fled, leaving their horses and lances sticking there.
While things were in this state of uncertainty the greater
part of us without either swords or pistols to defend our-
selves, and more inclined to retreat than fight, I was re-
quested to go to the king and inform him of our condition,
and to entreat him to send us some reinforcements of cavalry ;
errand, he replied, “My friend, I have no supplies to send
you; but you must not lose courage on that account:" he,
however, called M. le Grand, * and ordered him to collect
as many fresh horsemen as he could, and to accompany
me; as soon as I had pointed out the post he was to occupy
I returned to my companions, and cheered them with the
news of the succours the king had sent: we all prepared
again for the charge, but we had scarcely done so when the
whole of the enemy's army was observed marching directly
upon us; every one now thought of retreating, and the king
with great hazard gained the intrenchments at the end of
the causeway. When everything seemed thus lost, the fog,
which had been very thick all the morning, cleared suddenly
away, and afforded the garrison in the castle of Arques a full
view of the enemy's army, against which they discharged
four pieces of artillery, with such effect as to kill great num-
bers of them; this stopped their progress, and the guns
from the castle continuing to play upon them, they were
soon thrown into disorder, and retreated to their original
position.
The king, after an action which covered him with glory,
retired to Arques; from thence he went to Dieppe, harassed
continually by the enemy, and engaged in frequent skir-
mishes; the details of which I suppress, as having nothing
very interesting in them. The king, however, in one of
these rencounters, was exposed to great danger: for, believ-
ing the enemy at a distance, he was exercising a kind of
military game in a meadow, when he was fired upon by two
hundred fusiliers, who lay in ambush on the ground between
two hedges, not more than two hundred paces from the place
* Roger de St. Sarry of Bellegarde.
218
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
Any other than Henry would have sunk under these
difficulties, before he could have been relieved by the supplies
which were preparing for him; but by his valour, * and his
skill in disputing the ground, he gave time for four thousand
English and Scotch, that Queen Elizabeth sent him, to join
him ;t and this reinforcement was soon after followed by one
more considerable, which was brought him by the Count of
Soissons, Henry of Orleans, Duke of Longueville, D'Aumont,
and Biron. It was owing to the Count of Soissons that he
was so often in danger at Dieppe, who amused himself with
disputing about the command of the forces, instead of
hastening to the king's assistance.
The Duke of Mayenne durst not wait for the junction of
all these troops; he disappeared with his army, and left the
king master of the field. Henry then changed his resolution
of remaining in Normandy, and set out again for Paris,
which he had quitted with regret. He passed through
Meulan and Poissy, I and from thence despatched me with
the Duke of Montpensier, $ to endeavour to obtain possession
of Vernon, either by means of the friends we had in the
place, or the alarm the king's approach might occasion; but
we did not succeed in either of these designs; the Duke of
Montpensier therefore went back to Normandy, and I joined
the king at Villepreux.
Henry's design was to alarm Paris, and, as he saw oppor-
* “ Sixtus V. presaged that the Béarnois would be the uppermost,
since he was not longer in bed than the Duke of Mayenne was at table.
The Duke of Mayenne was extreniely slow in all his motions. If he
does not act in another manner,' said the king, 'I shall certainly beat
him always in the field.'” (Pèrefixe, ibid. 2.) The same pope, after the
battle of Arques, applied these words to Henry IV.: Super aspidem et
basiliscum anbulabis, et conculcabis leonem et draconem : meaning by the
asp the Duke of Mayenne, the Duke of Savoy by the basilisk, the King
of Spain by the lion, and himself by the dragon.
† These forces were commanded by Lord Willoughby, Sir Thomas
Wilford, Sir John Burroughs, Sir Thomas Darcy, and Sir Thomas
Baskerville. Elizabeth sent the king also a supply of money.-ED.
I These towns are upon the Seine.
Ś Francis de Bourbon Montpensier, prince of the blood, the only son
of Francis and Renée of Anjou, at that time seven-and-twenty years
old. Henry III. took the government of Bretagne from him without
any cause, to bestow it on the Duke of Merceur. He soon had reason
to repent of it.
1589.] APPROACH AND ATTEMPT ON PARIS. 219
tunity, attempt to make himself master of it. He had taken
the precaution to send persons to break down the bridge of
St. Maixance * by which the Duke of Mayenne might be
able to succour this great city; for that general, alarmed by
the king's march, had also drawn near Paris on the opposite
side, that he might not meet the king. Henry therefore
gave the necessary orders for attacking all the suburbs on the
to Monsieur d'Aumont, de Châtillon, and myself. As soon as
the signal was given, we fell upon this suburb, where we had
an immense, though confused and terrified multitude to op-
pose; we hemmed in two large bodies near the market of St.
Germain, and there, in a less space than two hundred paces,
we left four hundred of them dead. I could hardly prevail
upon myself to kill men already half dead with fear; but
putting them out of a condition to resist us, we passed, and
advanced as far as the gate of Nesle, which had been left
open, and through which fifteen or twenty of us penetrated
into the city opposite the Pont-Neuf; but perceiving that
our 'mcn did not follow us, we turned back; an order from
the king to give over the attack was the cause of their
abandoning us. The person whom he had sent to demolish
the bridge of St. Maixancet had performed this commission
so ill, that the Duke of Mayenne appeared within sight of
Paris with his whole army, at the same moment that we
entered it. This convinced the king that his enterprise
was no longer practicable, and that if he even should make
himself master of the city, which would infallibly have
happened, at least on the side we had attacked, an army
thus dispersed in a city of such vast extent as Paris, would
have been in danger of being overpowered; having at the
same time to reduce an immense population within, and an
army to fight against without, which would either enter with
* Upon the river Oise.
+ De Thou observes that the guard of this bridge was given to
William de Montmorency, lord of Thoré ; but being indisposed at
Senlis, he could not defend it. (Book xcvii.) This attack was made
on Al Saints-day, upon advice sent by James Corbinelly, a Florentine
gentleman, to Henry IV. in these three words, “Come, come, come,"
written on a bit of paper, which the bearer enclosed in a quill, and held
in his mouth; it failed from a want of cannon to beat down the gates.
(Matthieu, vol. i. book i. p. 17; Cayet, vol. i. p. 276.)
220
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY,
us, or keep us besieged there. It was thus that this prince,
tempering so happily courage with prudence, never suffered his
ardour in battle to prevent him from following the calmer dic-
tates of wisdom. He was satisfied with throwing terror into
the very heart of that city which had dared to despise him, and
with showing it what it bad to dread from him. “Part of the
suburbs were pillaged; our soldiers left nothing in that of
St. Germain* they could conveniently carry away. I ob-
tained for my share three thousand crowns, and all my men
gained very considerable booty.
Two days after this affair, the king went to Estampes, t
from whence he sent me to Rosny to act in that quarter, and
resuming his first design of showing himself in the heart of
the kingdom, went towards Tours, and in a short time took a
great many little towns in Touraine, I Anjou, Maine, and
Lower Normandy. He left some troops with the Marshal
Biron, who through my suggestions took Evreux, without
cannon; while here, I drove the troops of the League from
before Antfreville. The king gave me all the countries about
Mantes and Rosny to guard, with a small body of troops,
with which I narrowly missed seizing the Duke d’Aumale, as
he passed through the forest of Rosny.
I cannot give a more circumstantial account than this of
actions of little importance, and must even suppress the
greatest part of them, as it is neither possible nor necessary
to relate at length facts in themselves so inconsiderable. I
forewarn the public, therefore, to expect in these Memoirs
* “The sieurs de Châtillon and La Noué," says Le Grain (book v.),
« assaulted the suburbs of St. Germain, Bussy, and Nesle, which were
rich.er and more magnificent than the others, and where they expected
to find most resistance, as well on account of the fine houses which are
in the suburb St. Germain, which makes it equal to the second city in
France, as of the Abbey St. Germain, which was fortified. Châtillon
showed that he remembered St. Bartholomew's-day, and that he was
resolved to expiate the murder, and appease the manes of the admiral,
his father.”
† In Beauce.
I Alençon, Le Mans, Chateau-Briant, Sablé, Chateau-Gontier, May-
enne, Laval, Argentan, Falaise, Lisieux, Baïeux, Ponteau de Mer,
Pont l'Evêque, Honfleur, Havre-de-Grace, Domfront, &c. (De Thou,
book xcvii.; D'Aubigné, vol. iii. book üi, chap. 4, &c. See also the
Memoirs of the League, and particular accounts of these expeditions,
printed at that time.)
1590.) THE TROOPS OF THE LEAGUE BESIEGE MEULAN. 221
a detail only of important events, such as I have been a
witness to, or what regards the king himself; and if I should
add any others, they will be those the truth of which I can
warrant from the authenticity of those memoirs which have
fallen into my hands. As for the rest, it will be sufficient
just to point them out, that the reader may from thence form
an idea of the condition and affairs of Henry the Great, in
different periods of time. It was to relieve my memory
that I at first committed such particulars as most struck me
to paper; especially those conversations I had with the king,
or he with others, either upon war or politics, which I con-
ceived might be of great use to me. This prince, who per-
ceived it by my sometimes repeating exactly what had fallen
from him on these subjects, commanded me to put my work
in some order, and to enlarge it. I found some difficulty
in obeying him, for my style was none of the best, and I
would gladly have been excused; but upon repeated com-
mands from his majesty, and his promising to correct it with
his own hand, I resumed and continued the work with more
assiduity. Such was the rise of these Memoirs. But to re-
turn to my subject.
The army of the League sitting down before Pontoise,*
took it, and afterwards laid siege to Meulan. As I looked
upon this place to be of great importance to the king, I
endeavoured by all the methods I could think of to supply
it with powder, t and to introduce some person into it on
whom I could depend, to prevail upon the besieged to hold
out till assistance, which was very near, should arrive; this
I performed by making a man swim over to it, and in the
mean time sent to inform the king of what had passed, and
to request supplies. My repeated solicitations determined
him to come to Meulan himself; but it was with great unwill.
ingness that he left other places where his presence was no
less necessary: before he set out, he wrote to me in these
words: “ Your importunity brings me to the assistance
of Meulan ; if anything unfortunate should happen, I shall
never cease to reproach you for it.” It would, indeed,
have appeared very surprising if no misfortune bad hap-
* In the Isle of France.
of The Duke of Sully is mentioned with distinction, in the relation of
this siege, by De Thou, book xcviii., and Father Matthieu, vol. ii. p. 22.
222
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY,
pened; for the king, leaving all his infantry before Honfleur,
brought with him so small a force, that it was impossible for
him to sustain the attack of a whole army which then
pressed Meulan, and would not fail to attack him as soon as
it was known how ill he was attended. This. I took the
liberty to represent to him; and, in effect, he had no sooner
left Verneuil* to proceed to Ivry,t than going out to recon-
noitre, I saw the whole army of the League, which was no
doubt informed of his march, making directly towards him,
which obliged him to turn back. to Verneuil. It was not
usual for this prince to give ground before his enemies, nor
did he now without great regret. In the first transport of
his rage, he reproached me as the cause of his suffering
this disgrace; “I see," said he; “ that for the sake of saving
your own lands, you have made no difficulty of bringing my
life in danger!” “Sire," I replied, "I did not request you
to come without your army; if you had brought it with you,
the siege would have been raised by this time. It was not
difficult for me to justify myself; and this. prince, who well
knew the importance of such a place as Meulan, gave orders
for all his army to join him.
This produced the effect which I had promised myself.
The enemy, seeing the army on its march, withdrew their
cannon which was on this side the river, and without wholly
raising the siege, abandoned the care of it, to guard against
a surprise.
I sent the king advice of this proceeding, and he thought
it necessary to hasten his march, to prevent any accident
which might occasion the loss of Meulan, and sent me the
scouts of his army, that while I waited for his arrival I might
be able to give the besiegers some trouble. He arrived soon
after, and entered the fort, where being desirous of observing
the enemy's army, he ascended with some of us into a
belfry. The besiegers at that moment directing a battery
against this belfry, demolished the staircase, which obliged
the king, and all of us that were with him, to descend by
means of a cord, and a stick passed between our legs. In
the afternoon the king ordered four pieces of cannon to be
* In Perche f Upon the river Bure, Bishopric of Evreux.
$ “ As Henry IV. was ascending the belfry of St. Nicaise, a cannon
ball passed between his legs." (Matthieu, ibid. 24.)
1590.]
ROSNY DEFENDS PASSY.
223"
raised in this place; which was contrary to my opinion, for
I foresaw that the enemy would quickly dismount them,
which really happened before we could derive the least
advantage from them; and the besiegers fired there so
furiously all day, that we were not able to remove the guns
till night. The enemy, who took care to have the river
between them and the king, made a terrible attack upon the
bridge on that side, and gained nearly half of it; but this
was their last effort. The king posting himself at Orgreux,
they were afraid of being overcome, and suddenly de-
camped.
The Marquis of Alègre * had better success, and seized
Rouen for the League. I received the news of it at Rosny.
The king, whose whole attention it had been to hinder the
reduction of this place, marched instantly to Rouen; but
upon his arrival at Gaillon, he learnt that the misfortune
was without remedy. In revenge he went to besiege Dreux,ť
after putting me in garrison in Passy. The Duke of Mayenne,
who had just been reinforced with the whole Spanish army,
passed the river, and spread his troops all round Mantes and
Rosny, with a resolution to raise the siege. The vanguard
of his army, which was conducted by one of my relations,
named Rosny, had orders from the general to possess himself
of Passy in his way. I gave the king notice of his approach,
who replied only, that I might do as I pleased. I resolved,
therefore, to defend myself; and although Monsieur de Rosny
wrote to me, representing to me that it would be rashness to
suffer myself to be stormed in a place that had not even walls,
and offered me very advantageous conditions, yet he could
gain nothing upon me. I thanked him for his false com-
plaisance ; and, in the night, caused a ditch to be dug, which
might in some degree serve the garrison for a shelter.
* Christopher d’Alègre, governor of Gisors.
f In the Bishopric of Evreux.
| Father Matthieu mentions this fact exactly in the same manner
as it is here; he even relates the Duke of Sully's reply, in the very
words he made use of: “Here is the king ready to give battle; tell the
Duke of Mayenne to think how he is to win it; and then I will con-
sider whether I ought to lose it." The only difference between them
is, that this officer of the enemy, who is here called Rosny, was, ac-
cording to Matthieu, the Baron de Rosne, one of the general officers of
the League; in this, however, he is mistaken.
224
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
Luckily, the enemy had no design to waste time in so incon-
siderable a siege, and wanted only to seize the place. As
and artillery gave me to understand that the army had pur-
sued its route, which drew me out of great perplexity. During
the night, which I spent entirely in fortifying Passy, there
were very strange appearances in the sky, where I thought
I saw distinctly two armies fighting furiously against each
other.* I know not whether this object was real or an
illusion, but it made such an impression on my mind, that
I was not surprised at receiving a letter next day from the
king, wherein he informed me that the Duke of Mayenne's
army, joined to the Spaniards, had approached with a design
to offer him battle; that he had waited for it till the evening
of that day on which he wrote to me, but that the whole day
had been passed in skirmishing, making lodgments, and
securing advantages, and that the general action was put off
till the next. His letter concluded with these words: “I
conjure you then to come, and bring with you as many of
the forces as you can, particularly your own company, and
the two companies of Badit and James's horse-arquebusiers;
for I know them, and I am resolved to make use of them
upon this occasion."
I was sensible that, without extraordinary despatch, I
should arrive too late for the battle with these companies,
which I foresaw the king would be in great need of, as he
was much inferior in numbers to the enemy. I therefore
lost not a moment, and was fortunate enough to arrive an
hour and a half before the battle began. The king ordered
me to send my company to the right wing, where his own
squadron was, to which he joined it; and ordering the two
companies of arquebusiers to dismount, designing to make
* Davila, who also takes notice of this phenomenon (book xi.), de-
scribes it in this manner: “The thunder and lightning, sometimes
mingled with horrid darkness, added to their terrors; and such a flood
of rain poured suddenly down, that the whole army was alarmed. A
prodigious apparition, which appeared in the sky as soon as it had
ceased to rain, increased the general dismay; for during the noise of
the thunder, at which the boldest amongst them trembled, two great
armies were distinctly seen in the air, that, after continuing some time
engaged in fight, disappeared, covered with a thick cloud; so that the
event of the battle was not seen."
1590.]
THE BATTLE OF IVRY.
225
use of them as the forlorn hope, he sent their horses amongst
the baggage; after this, he bid me follow him to view the
disposition of the two armies, “in order," he added, “ that
you may learn your trade.” He had no sooner placed
himself at the head of his squadron* than the trumpets
sounded the charge.
I shall not here encroach upon the historian's right; I
leave it to him to relate all the particulars of this battle, and
shall confine myself only to what I was an eye-witness of.
It is sufficient to say that upon this occasion, what gave the
victory to the weaker party was the valour of the Marshal
d'Aumont, who prevented the entire defeat of the light horse;
the great difference between the enemy's manner of using
their artillery, and ours; and, above all, the uncommon
abilities of the king (which were never so perfectly known
as in the day of battle), in the disposition of his troops,
rallying them, their discipline, and their prompt and entire
obedience.
It is certain the Duke of Mayenne and the Count of Eg-
mont, who were at the head of the Spaniards, imagined that
if the king ventured to wait for them, the victory would be
theirs; and that, if he yielded or gave ground before them,
as they expected, they depended upon nothing less than
forcing him out of whatever place he should retreat to, and
thus finish the war by a single blow. With such disposi-
tions, what must be the consequence? I say nothing of the
generals, who alone are worth many thousand men. The
stronger party never makes use of those precautions that are
necessary against an enemy of equal strength; and the
*“My companions,” said he, addressing himself to his squadron,
" if to-day you run my fortune, I also run yours. I am resolved to
die or conquer with you; keep your ranks, I beseech you, and if you
should quit them in the heat of the battle, rally immediately; this will
gain the victory: you will do it between those three trees which you
see there upon the right; and if you should lose sight of your standards
and colours, keep my white plume of feathers always in view; there
you will find the road to victcry and glory." (Pèrefixe, ibid. part ii.)
“They lost sight of him in the battle, where, accompanied only by
twelve or thirteen persons, he was surrounded by the enemy. He
killed the Count of Egmont's equerry with his own hand. We must
use our pistols,' said he to his troop; "the more men the more glory.'”
(Matthieu, vol. ii. book i. p. 26, &c.)
VOL. I.
226
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
weaker never forms a resolution to defend itself against a
more numerous army, without determining likewise to supply
by valour and address the deficiency of numbers. Danger,
which inspires a courage animated by glory and difficulties,
reduces both sides to a kind of equality.
The king's squadron, in which I was, had the attacks of
the Count of Egmont to sustain * who fell upon us with his
whole squadron, and another of a thousand, or twelve hundred
German horse. It is true, the Germans, who professed the
same religion as our soldiers, fired their pieces in the air ;
but the Count of Egmont behaved like a man who was
resolved to conquer. He charged us with such fury, that,
notwithstanding the desertion of the Germans, after a terrible
fire, and an encounter which lasted a full quarter of an hour,
in which the ground was covered with dead bodies, the left
of our squadron fled, and the right was broken and gave
ground. At the first onset, my horse was wounded by a
musket-shot, which passed through his nostrils and struck
his shoulder, and soon after a thrust of a spear carried away
a large piece of the skin of his belly, and part of the thick of
my leg ; I received another wound in my hand; a pistol-shot
* See upon this action De Thou, book xcviii.; D'Aubigné, vol. ii.
book iii. chap. 3; Le Grain, book v.; the Memoirs of the League ;
Father Matthieu, idem; the Chron. Novenn. of Cayet, vol, ii. fol. 327;
and an account printed in 1590, and others. De Thou and Cayet ob-
serve, that Henry IV.'s artillery had fired nine times before the Duke
of Mayenne's began; they also blame the duke for having disposed his
army in the form of a crescent, like Henry's, when, being superior in
number, he ought to have given it the form of a triangle. According
to Matthieu, Henry IV. was guilty of a great fault, in not beginning
the battle by falling upon the light horse commanded by Du Terrail,
and upon the Duke of Mayenne's body, who, having advanced too far,
was obliged to go half a league about in retreating. It appears that
the cavalry only fought there; and, if we believe Le Grain, twelve
hundred horse defeated an army of twenty thousand men. But here
is a little exaggeration. The king's army was composed of about two
thousand cavalry and six or seven thousand infantry; and that of the
League consisted of five thousand horse and eight thousand foot. The
Count of Egmont, who had boasted that his squadron alone was suffi-
cient to subdue the royal army, was slain in the fight. He was the
son of L'Amoral d'Egmont, who was beheaded at Brussels with the
Count of Horne. It is said, that when he came to Paris, the person
who complimented him mixed in his discourse some praises of L'Amoral,
his father: “Do not mention him," he replied; "he was a rebel, and
deserved to die."
1590.]
ROSNY WOUNDED IN SEVERAL PLACES.
227
gave me a third, more considerable, the ball entered my hip
and came out near my groin; while I was in this condition,
I was relieved by the kindness of my equerry, who brought
me another horse, upon which I mounted, though with great
difficulty. At a second charge, this horse was likewise slain,
and in the same moment I received a pistol-shot in the
thigh, and a cut with a sword on the head. I fell to the earth,
and with my senses lost all the remaining part of the action,
which from the advantage the Count of Egmont had already
gained, boded no good to us. All I know is, that a long time
after, recovering my senses, I saw neither enemies nor any
of my domestics near me, whom terror and the disorder had
dispersed—another presage which appeared to me no less
unfavourable. I retired without a head-piece, and almost
without armour, for mine had been battered to pieces. In
this condition I saw a trooper of the enemy's running towards
me, with an intention to take away my life. By good fortune
I found myself near a pear-tree, to which I crept, and with
that little motion I was still able to exert, made such good
use of the branches, which were extremely low, that I evaded
all my adversary's attempts, and kept him at a distance, till
being weary with turning round the tree, he at last quitted
me. Feuquières had not the like good fortune; he was killed
that moment before my eyes. Just then La Rocheforêt (who
has since become one of my attendants) passing by, I asked
him for a little nag which he was leading, and paid him for it
upon the spot thirty crowns; for it was always my opinion
that on such occasions it is proper to carry a little money
about one.
Thus mounted, I was going to learn news of the battle,
when I saw seven of the enemy approach, one of whom
carried the white standard belonging to the Duke of May-
enne. I thought it impossible to escape this new danger;
and upon their crying out, " Qui vive?" I told my name as
being ready to surrender myself a prisoner; but how was I
astonished when, instead of attacking me, I found four of
these persons entreating me to receive them for prisoners,
and to save their lives; and while they ranged themselves
about me, appear rejoiced at this meeting! I granted their
request; and it seemed so surprising to me, that four men,
unhurt and well armed, should surrender themselves to a
Q2
228
[BOOK III.
• MEMOIRS OF SULLI.
single man, disarmed, covered with his own blood, mounted
upon a little paltry nag, and scarce able to support himself,
that I was tempted to take all I saw for an illusion. But I
was soon convinced of the truth of it. My prisoners (since
they would be so) made themselves known to be Messieurs
de Châtaigneraie,* de Sigogne, de Chanteloup, and d’Aufre-
ville. They told me that the Duke of Mayenne had lost the
battle; that the king was that instant in pursuit of the van-
quished, which had obliged them to surrender, for fear of
falling into worse hands, their horses not being in a condi-
tion to carry them out of danger; at the same time, Sigogne,
in token of surrender, presented me with the white standard.
The three others, who were the Duke of Nemours, the
Chevalier d'Aumale, and Tremont, not seeming inclined to
surrender, I endeavoured to persuade them to do so, but in
vain. After recommending their companions to me, seeing
a body of the king's troops advance, they rode away, and
showed me that their horses were still vigorous enough to
bear them from their enemies.
I advanced with my prisoners towards a battalion of Swiss,
and meeting one of the king's chief pages, I gave him the
standard, as I was not able to carry it any longer on account
of my wounds. I now saw more plainly the marks of our
victory: the field was full of the fugitive Leaguers and
Spaniards, and the victorious army of the king pursuing I
* John de Vivonne, Lord of Châtaigneraie; Charles de Beausoncle,
Lord of Sigogne, cornet of the Duke of Mayenne's company. The
historians take notice of the prisoners Monsieur de Rosny took in this
encounter, and the wounds he received, seven in number. It was for
some time believed that Henry IV. was slain. What gave rise to this
false report was the Marquis of Nesle, who was that day dressed like
the king, being seen surrounded by the enemy, and wounded in several
places, of which he died. (Matthieu, ib.)
# Charles of Savoy, Duke of Nemours.
| “The king cried, "Spare the French, and fall upon the foreigners.'"
(Perefixe, ibid. 2nd part.) “Henry," says the author of the Henriade,'
is owed this victory to the superiority of his skill and valour. But he
confessed that Mayenne had performed all the duties of a great general;
"he had no fault,' said he, but in the cause he supported." The Duke
of Mayenne would have been taken, but for his precaution in breaking
down the bridge of Ivry as he fled. But by that means he exposed the
German horse and foot to be slaughtered there, twelve hundred of
which were killed upon the spot, a like number of French infantry,
1590.]
ANECDOTE OF ROSNY'S PRISONERS.
229
and scattering the remains of the larger bodies, which had
dispersed and were again drawing together. The Swiss sol-
diers of the two armies meeting, bullied each other, with
their pikes lowered, without striking a blow or making any
other motion.
The white standard, embroidered with black fleurs-de-
lys, was known by every one to be that of the Guises, which
they bore in memory, and through horror, of the assassin-
ation of Blois, and drew great numbers to it, as a prey
equally rich and honourable. The black velvet coats of my
prisoners, which were covered with silver crosses, glittered
from afar in the field. The first who flew to seize them were
Messieurs de Cambrai, de l'Archant, du Rollet, de Creve-
ceur, de Palcheux, and de Brasseuse, who were joined by the
Count de Torigny. I advanced towards them, and supposing
they would not know my face, disfigured by blood and dust,
I named myself. The Count de Torigny no sooner knew
La Châtaigneraie, who was his relation, than judging that, in
the condition he saw me, I should not be able to preserve my
prisoners from insult, he entreated me to give Châtaigne-
raie to his care, for whom he said he would be answerable:
I readily granted his request, yet it was with regret that I
saw him go away. What Torigny did, through a principle
of friendship, had a fatal consequence for the unhappy Châ-
taigneraie. Some moments after, he was known by three men
belonging to d’O's company, who had been guard to Henry
III., who, levelling their pieces at him, shot him dead, crying
out, “Sdeath! thou traitor to thy king, whom thou didst
murder, and triumphed in the deed!" This I learned from
the Count de Torigny himself, when I inquired of him
respecting my prisoner, whose ransom, many persons said,
he was bound to pay me, and even advised me to demand it
of him; but I did not choose to do this, as well from Châ-
taigneraie having been my particular friend, as from the afflic-
tion I knew Torigny felt at his unhappy fate.
I soon saw myself surrounded by many persons, amongst
whom there was not one that did not envy my good fortune.
and a thousand horse. Some have made the loss much greater. Of
the royalists, five hundred private men and about twenty gentlemen
were killed. This battle was fought between Dreux and Nonancourt,
at the villages of St. André and Foucrainville.
230
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
D'Andelot* came after the rest, and passing through the
crowd, perceived Sigogne and the page who carried the
standard. He was preparing to seize it, believing his good
fortune had preserved this prize for him, when a report thạt.
the enemy had rallied, obliged him to depart abruptly. I
had not time to undeceive hin, for after he had bid the page
keep the standard for him, he suddenly disappeared. The
news was found to be false, and had. no other foundation than
the arrival of two hundred soldiers from Picardy, which Mes.
sieurs de Mouyt and De la Boissière had brought to the Duke
of Mayenne.
Being now disengaged from the crowd, and finding myself
in need of help, especially for the wound in my hip, by which
I lost a great deal of blood, I advanced with my prize to the
head of Vignole's I regiment, which had behaved bravely in
the battle; here, fearing no further surprise, I asked for a sur-
geon to bind up my wound, and desired some wine, to prevent
fainting, which I found coming upon me. My strength being
a little renewed, I got to Anet, the keeper of which gave me
an apartment, where I caused the first dressing to be put on
my wounds, in the presence of the Marshal Biron, who spent
a few moments there after my arrival, and took some refresh-
ment in my chamber. He was conducting the corps-de-re-
serve, which he commanded, to the king, who, without stop-
ping after his victory, had passed the river Eure in pursuit
of the enemy, and as I was told, took the road at last to
Rosny, where he lay the same night.
* Charles de Coligny, Marquis d'Andelot, one of the Admiral de
Coligny's sons.
+ Charles d’Humières. The volume of manuscripts in the King's
Library, marked 8930, is filled with his great actions. Charles, Marquis
de Mouy, or Moy. Christopher de Lanoy de Boissière, governor of
Corbie.
I Bertrand de Vignoles.
Š “That night he supped at the castle of Rosny. Being informed
that the Marshal d’Aumont was come to give him an account of what
he had done, he rose up to meet him, and embracing him affectionately,
made him sit down at his table, with these obliging words, that it was
but just that he who had served him so well at his nuptials should
share the feast.” (Pèrefixe, ibid. 2nd part.) Monsieur de Pèrefixe, in
the same place, relates another circumstance, which does honour to
the king. “He remembered that, the evening before the battle, he
had used some harsh expressions to Colonel Theodoric Schomberg,
1590.]
ROSNY'S. JOURNEY HOME.
231
After the Marshal Biron was gone, D’Andelot arrived at
Anet, full of resentment against me for taking away his prize,
for so he thought it. He entered my chamber attended by
five or six armed men, and with an air equally. fierce and in-
sulting, demanded an explanation, or rather sought to do
himself justice; for perceiving the white standard which,
with that belonging to my company, had been placed at the
head of my bed, he would have taken possession of it by force,
without attending to what I said. I changed my tone im-
mediately, and high words passed between us: in the condi-
tion in which I was I could do no more. But he speaking
with fury, and making use of threats, the noise drew fifteen
or twenty of my troopers into the chamber, at the sight of
whom D'Andelot, restraining his rage, went out, command
ing Sigogne to follow him, which he refused, and endeayoured,
but in vain, to make him comprehend the injustice of his
pretensions.
The next morning I was carried by water to Passy, intend-
ing to go to Rosny to finish my cure. On my arrival at Passy,
I learned that part of the soldiers in my train, and my valets,
with all my baggage, had retired thither, not knowing what
was become of me, and intimidated by a report which was
spread, that the king had lost the battle. Being apprehen-
sive of the reproaches I might make them, they kept them-
selves concealed. I caused them to be sought for, but they
were so much ashamed of their cowardice that the following
who had asked him for money, and told him in a passion that it was
not acting like a man of honour to demand money when he came to
take orders for fighting. He afterwards went to him, when he was
ranging his troops in order, and said, Colonel, we are now upon the
point; perhaps I shall never go from this place; it is not just that I
should deprive a brave gentleman as you are of your honour; I come,
therefore, to declare that I know you to be an honourable man, and
incapable of committing a base action.' Saying this, he embraced him
with great affection. The colonel, sensibly moved with this behaviour,
replied, with tears in his eyes, 'Ah! Sire, in restoring to me my honour,
you take away my life; for after this I should be unworthy of your
favour, if I did not sacrifice it to-day for your service. If I had a
thousand lives I would lay them all at your feet.' In fact, he was
killed upon this occasion." (Ibid.) The Marshal Biron, who at the
head of the corps-de-reserve had greatly contributed towards this
victory, said to Henry IV., “Sire, you have performed what Biron
should, and Biron has done that which the king ought to have done."
232
[BOOK III.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
night they fled away on foot, leaving in a stable four of their
own horses, which, after all search had been made for their
owners, but in vain, I ordered to be sold, and distributed the
money amongst such of their wounded companions as were
least able to pay for medical aid.
As I was not in a condition to mount a horse, I ordered a
kind of litter, composed of the branches of trees with the
bark on, fastened together by the hoops of some casks, to be
made for me in haste, as I learned that Mantes (to the govern-
ment of which I had a claim) had capitulated, and travelled
by Beurons, to avoid the ascents and declivities of Rougevoie
and Châtillon,
Maignan, who was a youth of a lively imagination, thought
proper to give this journey the air of a little triumph: two
of the grooms of my stable were at the head of this train,
each leading one of my finest horses; they were followed by
two of my pages, one of whom rode my horse which was first
wounded in the battle, as already mentioned, and whicb, run-
ning about the field of battle, was fortunately known by
three of my arquebusiers. This page carried my cuirass and
the Duke of. Mayenne's standard ; the other bore my brace-
lets and my helmet, so bruised that it was no longer of any
use. My equerry, the contriver of this diverting scene,
marched next, with his head bound up, and his arm in a scarf;
he was followed by Moreines, my valet-de-chambre, dressed
in my coat of orange-coloured velvet, spangled with silver,
and mounted upon my English nag, holding in his hand, as a
trophy, a bundle of the shivers of my pistols, the broken
pieces of my swords, and the tattered remains of my plume
of feathers. The litter in which I lay came next, covered
only with a cloth, upon which they had hung the black velvet
coats of my prisoners, with their plumes, and pieces of their
pistols and swords at the four corners. The prisoners them-
selves followed my litter, and preceded the rest of my domes-
tics; after whom, ranged in order, came my own company of
soldiers, and the march was closed with James and Badet's
two companies of arquebusiers; they had suffered so much in
the battle, that there was not one of them who had not his
head bound up and his arm in a scarf, and some of these brave
soldiers were even obliged to be carried by their companions.
When we came near Beurons we perceived all the plain
1590.]
ESTEEM OF HENRY IV. FOR ROSNY.
233
covered with horses and dogs, and presently the king him-
self, who, after a slight repast, had returned from Rosny to
Mantes, and was hunting there in my chase. This little
ovation seemed to please him, he thought it very happily
disposed, and smiled at the vanity of Maignan, who had the
honour of being known to the king ever since his father, who
was a very brave man, had made himself remarkable at the tak-
ing of Eause. The king approached my litter, and in the sight
of his whole train, disdained not to give me such proofs of
tenderness and concern, as (if I may be allowed the expres-
sion) one friend would do to another. I could not express
my gratitude by throwing myself at his feet, but I assured
him, and with truth, that I would gladly suffer a thousand
times more for his service. He inquired, with an obliging
solicitude, whether all my wounds were of such a nature that
I might hope to be cured without mutilating any part of my
body, which he thought almost impossible, knowing that I
had been thrown down senseless, and trampled under the
horses' feet. When he was convinced that I had nothing to
fear, he cast himself on my neck, and turning to the princes
and noblemen who followed him, he said aloud, that he ho-
noured me with the title of a true and honest knight, a title
which, he said, he thought superior to that of a knight-com-
panion of his orders. Being apprehensive that I should hurt
myself by speaking too much, he put an end to this agreeable
in whatever good fortune Heaven should send him; and con-
cluded by saying, “ Farewell, my friend; take care of your-
self, and, depend upon it, you have a good master;" and,
without suffering me to reply, galloped off to pursue the
cbase about Mantes.
234
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
BOOK IV.
[1590--1592.]
A mutiny in Henry's army after the battle of Ivry-Dissipation of the
finances, and other causes of the little advantages he derived from
his victory-Cities taken--Fruitless attempts on others--The taking
of the suburbs of Paris-Siege of that city--The causes which obliged
Henry to raise it-The Prince of Parma leads an army thither--His
encampment, and other military details-An error committed by
Henry-He obliges the Prince of Parma to retire—The siege of
Chartres-An adventure wherein Rosny is in danger of being killed-
He retires to Rosny in discontent-Success of Henry IV's arms--The
taking of Corbie, Noyon, &c.—An enterprise upon Mantes-The Duke
of Montpensier's expeditions in Normandy-Preparations for the
siege of Rouen-Conduct of the siege--Mutual animosities between
the soldiers and officers of Henry's army-The Prince of Parma re-
enters France-Insolence of the Council of Sixteen-Henry advances
to meet the Prince of Parma--An enterprise badly seconded by the
Duke of Nevers—The battle of Aumale-Henry raises the siege of
Rouen-Movements of the two hostile armies in the neighbourhood
of that city-Observations upon them-A glorious exploit of the
Prince of Parma at the passage of the Seine-Henry's army refuses
to pursue him-Causes of this refusal.
THE same day that the king gained the battle of Ivry, his
party also prevailed in Auvergne,* where Randant com-
manded the troops of the League, but fortune, as it should
seem, when she gave this prince success sufficient to put him
in possession of many crowns, took pleasure, at the same
time, in producing circumstances which hindered the effect,
and left him no other fruit of his victories than the sole glory
of having conquered. After the battle of Ivry, the terror
and consternation of the whole party of the League were so
great, that it seemed hardly possible for the king, who was
* At Issoire. See an account of it in Cayet, ibid. 329 ; De
Thou, &c.
† John Louis de la Rochefoucault, Count of Randan.
1590.]
A MUTINY IN THE ROYAL ARMY.
235
now resolved to let slip none of his advantages, to have failed
of drawing most important ones from the present posture of
his affairs; but he little expected to see them ravished from
him by a general mutiny in his army, particularly of the
Swiss, who refused to advance a step further till they were
paid those sums the king owed them.
At this time, Henry had neither money, nor means in
readiness to raise any. He came to Mantes to demand some
of the superintendent of the finances: this man, who secretly
hated the king, and beheld his success with grief, took plea-
sure in adding to his perplexities, and had but one answer
to make to all his solicitations. In this period of confusion,
when the royal treasure became a prey to the first possessor,
it was very difficult to manage the finances, and the king's
revenues were scarcely sufficient to satisfy the avarice of the
receivers, who generally enrich themselves by the public
misery, Henry wanted that absolute authority which alone
was able to check them, and still more, the means of con-
victing them of peculation, for he had not then the slightest
knowledge of financial affairs. Notwithstanding this, he
entered into a detail which became necessary for him, and
obliged d'o* to deliver up certain sums, which it was not
difficult to prove he had received. These sums the king made
use of to pacify his soldiers; but this affair took up at least
five days, during which he could not leave Mantes, and con-
sequently could derive no advantage from his victory. I re-
member to have heard this prince declare, that he now, for
the first time in his whole life, saw himself in a situation to
convert his desires into designs: “I have often had desires,"
said he, “but never yet have found a fit opportunity to form
designs." He gave the same meaning to this last expression
that all wise men ought to give, a scheme, the success of
which is secured by reflection and prudence: in this sense it
is true that every one can desire what to him seems advan-
tageous, without injuring any one; but fools only rashly
engage in designs, without any appearance of succeeding in
them.
* Francis d'o, Lord d'o, de Maillebois, and de Fresne, Master of the
Wardrobe to Henry III., First Gentleman of the Chamber, Superin-
tendent of the Finances, Governor of Paris and Isle of France. He
will be mentionel hereafter.
236
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
During the king's stay at Mantes, D’Andelot went to him,
to complain of me, and he gave himself the trouble to come
to Rosny, that he might hear us both. D’Andelot was there
generally condemned; and the raillery his ridiculous claim
drew upon him from the principal officers made such an im-
pression on his mind that he went over to the party of the
League. I did not think the same justice was done me with
regard to the government of Mantes, the taking of which was
almost the only consequence of the battle of Ivry. The king,
of whom I requested this post, bestowed it on a Catholic, *
at which I could not refrain from expressing my discontent.
I confess, to my shame, that if I had seriously considered the
situation the king was then in-every moment upon the
point of being abandoned by the foreigners for want of pay-
ment, and those Catholics who were in his service ready to
seize the slightest occasion of discontent, for a pretence to
quit him-I should not have murmured that he granted to
a Catholic, who had but little affection to his person, what
he refused to a faithful servant. There was more greatness
of mind in being satisfied with the friendship of this prince,
independent of its effects, than in receiving favours, which he
was obliged to grant through policy and the necessity of the
times.
All obstacles being removed, the king advanced with his
troops, took Dreux, and marched towards Sens, which he ex-
pected would surrender, through a correspondence he held
within the city; but in this he was disappointed, and unwill-
ing to come so far in vain, and being besides informed that
the place was destitute of ammunition, he undertook the
siege of it. It was not long before he found himself, through
the malice of his secret enemies, in a general want of all
things necessary to complete this enterprise, and he was
therefore obliged to abandon it. To efface the shame of it,
he gave out that he only raised the siege in order to go and
invest Paris itself; and he took his route thither by Corbeil,
Meulan, Lagny, and St. Denis, † which he seized in his way.
I was not at any of these sieges, and my wounds were
* The government of it was given to M. de Rosny's youngest brother.
Ť Cities of the Isle of France.
1590.]
HENRY IV. LAYS SIEGE TO PARIS.
237
only half cured when I learned that the king had invested
Paris. I could not resist the desire I had to be present at
this enterprise; I therefore set out, though with my arm in
a scarf, and supported by two crutches. The king, forgetting
all my complaints respecting Mantes, received me with his
usual goodness, and ordered me to stay near his person. He
communicated to me the design he had formed upon Paris ;
all the suburbs of which he was resolved to make himself.
master of at the same time, in order to deprive the city of the
subsistence it drew from them, such as fruit, vegetables, &c.
He chose a very dark night to begin the attack, in order that
he might have a better view of the effect of the artillery.
He divided his army into ten divisions, which he ordered to
carry the suburbs of St. Antoine, St. Martin, St. Denis,
Montmartre, St. Honoré, St. Germain, St. Michael, St.
Jaques, St. Marceau, and St. Victoire, after which he with-
drew to the Abbey of Montmartre, whither he was followed
by all the aged, the wounded, and the gentlemen of the robe
and pen; he took his station at one of the windows of the
abbey, where he ordered a chair to be brought for me, and
conversed with M. du Plessis, Rusé, M. de Fresne, and, I be-
lieve, M. Alibour,* and myself. The cannonade began about
midnight, and continued for upwards of two hours, and with
such regularity and effect that the whole of the city and the
suburbs seemed to be in flames. Could it have been possible
to represent the scene which this night presented, the noise of
the combatants, the roar of the cannon and musketry, and
the flashes of fire which appeared at intervals, nothing would
have been more awful. The king's plan succeeded so well
that all the suburbs were carried nearly at the same instant,
and the gates of the town so closely blockaded that nothing
could either go out or enter, which occasioned the greatest
distress and misery amongst the wretched inhabitants ;ť but
* Du Plessis-Mornay ; Martin Rusé, Lord of Beaulieu, and Peter
Forget, Lord of Fresne, his Majesty's secretaries ; Alibour his
physician.
† Pèrefixe, Cayet, and many others, are of opinion that the king was
withheld from taking Paris by storm, and from yielding to the repeated
entreaties of his soldiers, particularly the Huguenots, by his having
perceived that on this occasion they were resolved to revenge the
238
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
I leave the recital of these melancholy events to the his-
torian, and shall only add here, that if the king had been
faithfully obeyed, and the greater part of the officers and
other persons in authority had not allowed the entry of pro-
visions, in exchange for scarfs, plumes, silk stockings, gloves,
sashes, beavers, and similar articles of dress, the city could
not possibly have held out till succoured by the Prince of
Parma,* whose arrival compelled the king to raise the siege
massacre of St. Bartholomew by putting all within Paris to the sword.
"The Duke of Nemours," says Pèrefixe, “sent all the useless mouths
out of Paris; the king's council opposed his granting them a passage;
but he being informed of the dreadful scarcity to which these miserable
wretches were reduced, ordered that they should be allowed to pass.
I am not surprised,' said he, that the Spaniards and the chiefs of the
League have no compassion upon these poor people, they are only
tyrants ; but for me, who am their father and their king, I cannot hear
the recital of their calamities without being pierced to my inmost soul,
and ardently desiring to afford them relief.'" (Pèrefixe, part ii.) The
Cardinal de Gondy, Bishop of Paris, having been sent during this siege
to make Henry propositions for peace: “I will not dissemble," said he,
"but declare my sentiments to you freely: I wish for peace, nay, I
desire it; for a battle I would lose one finger, for a general peace two.
I love my city of Paris; she is my eldest daughter, I am jealous of her,
I am desirous of doing her service, and would grant her more favours
than she demands of me; but I would grant them voluntarily, and not
be compelled to it by the King of Spain or the Duke of Mayenne.” It
must be added that Henry IV. expected the Parisians would capitulate
before the Prince of Parna's arrival. The extremity to which the city
was reduced raised at once compassion and horror: in the space of a
munth 30,000 persons died of hunger; mothers fed upon the flesh of
their children: by the Spanish Ambassador's advice, they dug up the
dead bodies, and made use of their bones pounded, to compose a kind
of dough. This detestable food cost the greatest part of those who eat
of it their lives. (See a relation of this in the historians, particularly
in the second volume of Villeroy's Memoirs of State, pp. 358, &c.) Read
also the fine verses of the “Henriade' upon this subject, canto x. The
Parisians owed their safety chiefly to the Duke of Nemours, whose
gallant defence has been highly praised by our writers. The people
seconded him with an obstinate eagerness, which had more of fury than
true courage in it. There was a regiment of priests and monks,
Capuchins, Folietanis, Carthusians, &c., grotesquely armed above their
frocks. This awkward regiment being eager to salute the Legate,
killed his secretary at his side. The monks of St. Génèvieve, St.
Victor, the Benedictins, the Celestins, and some others, would take no
part in this military masquerade. (Čayet's Ch, Novenin. ib. 360.)
* Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma and Placentia, son of Octavio
Farnese, and Margaret of Austria, natural daughter to Charles V. He
1590.7
THE DUKE OF PARMA APPROACHES PARIS.
239
in the hope, as he said, of giving him battle.* Accordingly,
in the beginning of the month of September, 1590, he with-
drew his troops in the greatest order and regularity about
two hours before daybreak, and then appointed a place of
general rendezvous, to which he repaired, intending to act
according to circumstances. Learning soon after that the
Prince of Parma had encamped in the environs of Meaux,
Henry sent his light cavalry to Claye,t with orders to recon-
noitre and take up a position, or at least to learn the dis-
position of the enemy's army: in doing this, several sharp
skirmishes took place, which I shall not particularise, as I
was not present at any of them. Our troops, however, aban-
doned their post to the enemy, and, two days after, Claye
also, though greatly against the king's will, and that of
several of his oldest officers; but the Marshal Biron pre-
vailed upon him to do it, and to encamp at Challes, I which
he represented as a much better position. The Duke of Parma
also moved, and encamped about two cannon-shot from thence,
upon a high and steep eminence, at the foot of which, and be-
tween the two armies, lay a morass, very difficult to pass, and
sufficient to prevent their coming to an action, except to the
great disadvantage of whichever should begin the attack.
Both armies continued in this position for three or four days,
during which there was continual skirmishing. The Prince
of Parma, however, seized the opportunity to besiege Lagny,
which he took by storm almost before the king's eyes.
Henry, sensible that this laid the way open to the enemy to
throw supplies into Paris, the possession of which he had
during this time in vain attempted to obtain, by means of
emissaries which he had in the city, now drew off his whole
army towards the river Oise, and fixed his quarters at the
married Mary of Portugal, by whom he had Ranucio Farnese, Duke of
Parma, and Edward Farnese, a cardinal.
* De Thou says that Henry IV. was obliged to pretend that he only
raised the siege of Paris in order to go and meet the Prince of Parma,
and to give him battle, for fear that his soldiers, whom the hopes of the
plunder of Paris only had prevailed upon to stay with him, should
abandon him. (Book xcix.)
A town between Paris and Meaux.
Another town between Paris and Meaux.
A city of Brie upon the Marne.
240
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
Castle of Creil,* where he was reduced to great straits and
perplexities, on account of this apparent success of the
enemy, and the relief of Paris. With his good or bad for-
tune, the dispositions and affections also changed of those
who could not view, without regret and envy, the superiority
of the Huguenots, the heads of which, even at the slightest
reverses, were always magnifying the most trifling errors of
the king; and this, added to a want of money, cunningly and
purposely created, gave cause of complaint even to his most
zealous adherents.
* A town upon the Oise.
+ The above account of the attack upon Paris, and Henry's retreat
to Creil, is according to the original Memoirs of Sully. I shall here
subjoin the relation of these two events, as given by the compiler of
the modern Memoirs; it will serve as a striking example of those un-
justifiable liberties which he has in too many instances taken with the
plain and simple narrations of the Duke of Sully's secretaries. See
more on this subject in the preface.-Ed. “He divided his army
into ten small bodies, to equal the number of the suburbs he had to
force, and having made choice of the night for the execution of his
scheme, he withdrew to the eminence of Montmartre, that he might
send supplies wherever there was occasion for them; he took his station
in the Abbey, where he was not only followed by the wounded, who
could have no share in the glory of that night, but also by all the aged,
and the gentlemen of the robe and pen. He made me stay with him at
a window, from whence he viewed the attack, during which he con.
versed with Du Plessis, Rusé, de Fresne, Alibour, and myself. The
attack began at midnight, with a frightful discharge of artillery, which
was answered by that of the city. Every one thought that this im-
merise city would be destroyed, either by the fire of the artillery, or the
flames kindled in the midst of it: never was there a spectacle more
darted by intervals sparks of fire, or long trains of flame, covered all
that space of earth, which, by the vicissitude of light and darkness,
seemed now plunged in thick shades of night, and now swallowed
up in a sea of fire. The thunder of the artillery, the clashing of arms,
and the cries of the combatants, added to this object all that can be
imagined terrible, which was further increased by the natural horror
of night. This scene continued two whole hours, and was closed with
the reduction of all the suburbs, not excepting that of St. Antoine,
although by its great extent we were obliged to begin the attack at a
considerable distance. They blocked up the city-gates, so that nothing
could enter without the permission of those who guarded them, and the
people immediately saw themselves reduced to an excess of misery and
famine which I cannot yet think of without horror. I must be per-
mitted to pass slightly over this part; I cannot with any pleasure
1590.]
THE SIEGE OF PARIS.
241
Notwithstanding all these embarrassments, the king,
knowing by experience the danger of suffering an army to
enlarge upon so dreadful a subject. The king, naturally compassionate,
was moved with the distress of the Parisians: be could not bear the
thoughts of seeing this city, the possession of which was destined for
him by Providence, become one vast cemetery. He secretly permitted
everything that could contribute to its relief, and affected not to observe
the supplies of provisions which the officers and soldiers suffered to enter
the city, either out of compassion to their relations and friends who were
in it, or with a design to make the citizens purchase them at a high
price. Without doubt, he imagined this conduct would gain him the
hearts of the Parisians; but he was deceived. They enjoyed his benefits
without ceasing to look upon him as the author of their miseries, and,
elated with the Prince of Parma's arrival, they insulted him, who only
raised the siege because he was too much affected with the miseries of
the besieged. To justify an action, in itself as much blamed by the
masters in the art of war as praised for its motives by hearts truly
benevolent, the king caused it to be reported that his design in raising
the siege of Paris was to go and meet the Prince of Parma, and, by a
decisive action, put an end to a war which had already continued too
long. He made use of all the precautions necessary to secure a safe
retreat from so populous a city as Paris, and commanded every one to
hold themselves in readiness for a general signal, to the end that, all
the suburbs being evacuated in a moment, no person might remain at
the mercy of the populace. This retreat required great wisdom and
address, and was happily effected on the 1st or 2nd of September, 1590,
after which the whole army arrived at the general rendezvous without
meeting with any accident. The king having learnt that the Prince
of Parma had assembled his army in the neighbourhood of Meaux,
posted himself between that city and Paris, and sent his light horse as
far as Claye, where, the two camps being so contiguous, several smart
encounters ensued. The king, upon the Marshal Biron's representation,
preferred to this post that of Chelles, and went thither, contrary to his
own opinion; for he looked upon Claye to be a more advantageous post,
and at the same time fitter to shut up the road to Paris from the
enemy's general, for he had still views upon the city, and carried on a
correspondence within it, which, if the Prince of Parma bad entered,
would have failed him, and which it did notwithstanding. The king
then took possession of a rising ground, which on one side presented
nothing to view but a deep valley and a morass, that took away all pos-
sibility of acting in that place. The Prince of Parma, perceiving this,
encamped on a hill opposite to ours. It was neither his design nor his
interest to hazard a battle, but to give us a check. His camp answered
this purpose exactly, as he was there sheltered from any attack, and
out of the reach of the cannon. The king became sensible of the error
which too much con plaisance for the opinion of another had drawn
him into, when, after remaining two or three days in this position, he
saw Lagny taken before his eyes, without having it in his power to
VOL. I.
242
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
lie idle, laid siege to Clermont,* and continued it by frequent
detachments. My company he posted in the neighbourhood
of Mantes, to keep the country of Chartrain and part of the
Isle of France in order. I obtained leave to continue near
his person, though I was not in a condition to do him any
very great services; the wound on my hip not permitting
me to sit my horse but with great uneasiness, and that in
my elbow took away the use of one of my hands.
It happened as the king had foreseen: the Prince of Parma
boasted of his advantage in being master of the field, and
that he might profit by it, laid siege to Corbeil. The king
had provided this place, as well as all the other royalist
towns, with whatever was necessary to enable them to hold
out against a long siege. The enemy's general, who did not
expect this, was greatly astonished at the firm resistance of
Rigaut, the governor of Corbeil, whom he a long time de-
spaired of subduing; but thinking his honour was engaged in
this undertaking, he continued his efforts, and succeeded at
last. It was with this single exploit, however, that the cam-
paign ended—the duke had bought it too dear to attempt
a second at the same price; and not being able to effect any-

prevent it. This event, joined to his raising the siege of Paris, mortified
him extremely, because he was sensible that it might be concluded from
thence that the enemy was superior to him in judgment, which this
prince considered as a matter of great importance in war. What gave
him still more uneasiness was, that none were more ready to believe,
or even to spread these disadvantageous reports, than the Catholics of
his own army. What reliance could he have on the assistance of
persons by whom the disobedience of his soldiers, and his want of money
were occasioned? And he was convinced that this disposition with
regard to him was an incurable malady, which his good or his bad
fortune equally increased. Such is the hatred that religion is the foun-
dation of, and in the end the king had a thousand fatal proofs of it.
He now resolved upon a very prudent measure, and, indeed, the only
one that was left him. No longer persisting in his design of taking
Paris, which so many circumstances concurred to ruin, he quitted his
post at Chelles, where he ran great hazards with an army whose in-
terests clashed with those of its leader, and, suddenly abandoning all
those quarters, retreated to the river Oise, and fixed at Creil, where,
without ceasing to harass the Prince of Parma, he suffered him slowly
to consume of himself. During this time he made no other motions
than what served to hinder his army from being enervated by sloth.
He laid siege," &c.
* In Beauvoisis.
1590.]
RITREAT OF THE PRINCE OF PARMA.
243
thing against the king's army any more than his towns, he
thought the wisest thing he could do was to return to the
Low Countries, which he did, to the extreme regret of the
League, whom his presence had greatly elated. .
The duke judged like an able general, that the king, who
had (if the expression may be allowed) closed his eyes upon
all the advances he had made, would open them upon his re-
treat, and that this would not be effected with the same ease as
the rest. He was not mistaken ; but he acted with so much
prudence that he prevented the last misfortune, which must
unayoidably have happened to any other. However, not-
withstanding all his precautions, the king, by an infinité
number of attacks and skirmishes, sometimes beat up his
quarters. The most considerable of these little actions was
at the passage of the river Aisne, where the Baron de
Biron* engaged himself so far amongst the enemy's bat-
talions, that had not the king, with some gentlemen who were
about him, made a most desperate charge, and brought him
off, he would have lost his life there, or at least bis liberty.
I was able to keep my rank with the rest during the whole
of this march, which was an excellent school for a soldier to
learn his trade in; it no less justified the conduct the king had
til then observed, than it did him honour by the manner in
which he executed it. Laying aside only the terms igno-
minious and shameful, which the courtiers, eager to please this
prince, applied (in my opinion, very unjustly) to the Prince
of Parma's retreat, it is certain that the manner in which the
king rendered an army useless, which had promised itself the
conquest of all France, his bravery in attacking a powerful
enemy, who did not retreat through weakness, and his dex-
terity in seizing all advantages, gave matter for admiration
to persons consummate in the art of war, and equally excited
the admiration of the ignorant. The king's .conduct upon
* Charles de Gontaut, son to the marshal.
of 6 Henry IV.," says Father Matthieu, “when he was in pursuit of
the Prince of Parma, stole away from Attichy, and went, for the first
time, to see the beautiful Gabrielle at Couvres. He contented himself
with eating some bread and butter at the gate, that he might not raise
any suspicion in her father. Afterwards mounting his horse, he said
he was going towards the enemy, and that the fair one should soon hear
what he had performed through his passion for her.” (Vol. ii. p. 59.)
R2
244
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
this occasion gave his partisans new courage. Several towns
submitted, and some Catholics came over to his side; among
others, the Duke of Nevers, who brought his troops along
with him, either because he began to be afraid of him, or
was disgusted with the League.
It was not such allies as these that I wished the king : I
found he dearly bought by his compliances the assistance of
a man who might have been, indeed, of some use to him, but
who, in my opinion, only increased the number of his secret
enemies in the council ;* for thus I cannot help calling all
those interested Catholics, who carried everything there with
a high hand, and thought they had a right to give laws to
Henry.
During the king's stay in the neighbourhood of Mantes, I
took Gisors, t by means of a correspondence which a gentle-
man in my company, named Fourges, carried on with his
father, who was in the place. I did not imagine the govern-
ment of this city would have been refused me; but it hap-
pened in this instance as it had done in many others; Mes-
sieurs de Nevers, d’O, and other Catholics, put in practice
all those mean artifices, which procured them favours that
ought only to have been the rewards of merit, and prevailed
upon the king to give this post to one of their own religion.
I was too sincere to dissemble my thoughts of such injustice;
I chose to explain myself upon this subject at the very time
when all these gentlemen might hear what I said, and con-
cealed nothing that lay upon my heart. The king, who was
a better politician than I was, seemed not to be moved with
my invectives against the Catholics, although he secretly
agreed that I was injured, and only answered me coolly,
“I perceive you are heated at present; we will talk of this
* By all the letters that passed between the Duke of Nevers and
Henry III., which are at the end of the first volume of the Memoirs
that bear his name, it appears that the former served this prince
effectually against the League, but without any kindness to the King
of Navarre. When he joined this prince, their reciprocal letters show
that the services he did Henry IV. were considerable indeed, but that
he exacted a very high price for them, and that it was with difficulty
Henry bore with his caprice, his jealousy, and his bad temper.
† A city of Vexin.
1591.]
THE SIEGE OF CHARTRES.
245
affair another time.” “I must confess," he added, after I re-
tired, “that he has some reason for his complaints; his tem-
per is naturally fiery : however, he will never be guilty of
anything base or wicked, for he is a good man, and loves
honour.” In the first emotions of my anger, I left my com-
pany to the care of my lieutenant, and went to make a tour
in the valley of Aillant, and to Combrailles, upon my wife's
estate, taking only six gentlemen and my domestics with
me. I did not expect to be employed in any military duties
in this journey ; but while I was at Bontin,* the Count of
Tonnerret prevailed upon me to assist him in an attempt he
made upon Joigny. His design was to force with a petard
a postern-gate, which for a long time before had not been
opened, and through that to enter the town. Tonnerre, for
this exploit, had only two hundred arquebusiers, which he
had got together in haste; they followed him about two
hundred steps into the city; but here their leader falling by
a shot from an arquebus, terror seized them, and they
hastily retreated towards the postern, carrying the wounded
count along with them. Their danger, or rather their fear,
redoubling, they had the baseness to leave him upon the
pavement, about thirty steps from the gate, where he would
have been cut to pieces by the citizens, if I had not flown to
his assistance, with only twenty men; for notwithstanding
all my endeavours, I could not prevail upon those cowardly
soldiers to face about. However, I rescued Tonnerre, who
returned to Gien, of which he was governor, while I mus-
tered up his fine troop, and resumed my way to Bontin.
The remembrance of the king's former goodness to me,
and an invincible inclination, drew me back to him. I found
him employed in the siege of Chartres,ll the taking of which
* Upon the confines of Champagne and Orléanais.
of Francis Henry, Count of Clermont and Tonnere.
| In Champagne, upon the Yonne.
§ A city of Orléanais, upon the Loire.
i “ The magistrate of this city made him a very long harangue;
and telling him that he acknowledged the city was subject to the
king by divine and human law, the king, out of patience at his pro-
lixity, interrupted him, pushing forward his horse to enter, and said,
• Ay, and add also, by the canon law.” (Father Chalons' History of
246
[BOOK IV:
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
was principally owing to the valour and address of Châtillon. *
I was prevented from being present at this siege, by an
adventure the most dangerous I was ever engaged in, in my
whole life; nor have the intentions of the authors of it, or
even their names, ever come to my knowledge.
Returning from an assault which Châtillon made upon. the
body of the place, by means of a bridge of a new and very
ingenious construction, the king; who observed that my for-
mer ardour for his service was not diminished, called me,
and commanded me to bring my company before Chartres.
I was obliged. to go and get my men together myself, and at
the same time to provide everything necessary for their
maintenance. About three leagues from Mantes, near the
town of Touvery, I saw a brigade of twenty horse in the
field, which I ordered Tilly to reconnoitre. Upon his infor-
mation that they wore white scarves, I advanced without fear
or precaution: as for them, continuing their route as if they
had not seen us, they struck into the wood, from whence,
according to the course of the road they bad taken, I could
not expect to see them come out. I rode on with Tilly,
La Poterie, and La Rue, before the rest of my troop, which
consisted only of six other gentlemen and four servants, who
followed at some distance separately. These troopers, or
robbers, I know not which to call them, were well acquainted
with the wood, and had taken their measures go well, that
they met us at the passage out of it, just where our road
crossed theirs. The two first took off their hats, when to
the words, “Qui vive ?." we answered, “Vive le roi ;” but
at the same time, taking advantage of our confidence, they
fired directly at our breasts. I saw three of the foremost
take aim particularly at me. There was no probability that
France, vol. ii. p. 227.) This siege was long and bloody. (See Matthieu,
vol. ü. p. 63; Cayet, vol. iï. p. 415, and other historians.
* Francis de Coligny, son to the admiral, and Admiral of Guienne.
He died this year, in his castle of Louve, thirty years of age, leaving,
by Margaret d'Ailly de Péquigny, three sons. The Calvinist party
sustained a great loss in him, for it is believed that, if he had lived, he
would even have excelled his father. (De Thou, book cii.) Three sons
of D'Andelot, the admiral's brother, died at one time, in the year 1586;
their names were Laval, Sailly, and Rieux. They were sons of Francis
de Coligny and Claude de Breaux, sole heiress of the house of Layal.
(Book lxxxv.)
1591.]
MURDEROUS ATTACK UPON ROSNY.
247
any of us would have escaped; but, doubtless, precipitation,
fear, and the terrors of conscience caused the lands of these
villains to tremble, so that of three shots fired at me, one
only took effect, which entered my lip, and came out at the
nape of my neck: it appeared to me that La Poterie and
Tidy received the two others in their clothes. La Rue was
the only person who fell.
The rest of my troop galloped up at the noise, and sur-
rounded me, crying out,“ Vive Rosny!” We then all. charged
our assailants, who retired, firing, to some houses surrounded
by hedges, whither we pursued them ; when we approached
the hedges, they fired upon us from within the houses with
small shot, two or three of which entered my face. By this
circumstance I concluded that our adversaries were in a part
of the country well known to them, and that this village was
full of soldiers, who only sought, perhaps, to draw us nearer;
therefore, after several times calling to these traitors to turn
and accept a challenge, I thought it was the wisest way to
in my Leck, which was the most considerable, and by which
I lost a great deal of blood. I got to Touvery, where I had
my wounds dressed in the house of Monsieur d'Auteuil,*
and from thence retired to Mantes, where I was six weeks
under the surgeon's hands. During this interval, the king's
army not only seized Chartres, but Čorbie likewise. Parabère
had the conduct of the latter siege, in the absence of the
king, who was kept at St. Quentint by his new passion for
* M. de Combault d'Auteuil.
Ť It is to this year, and while Henry IV. stayed at St. Quentin, that
we must bring back this prince's letter to M. de Rosny, which is with-
out date, and may be seen amongst the MSS. of the King's Library,
the contents of which perfectly agree with the text of our Memoirs,
and is as follows: “ All the news I have from Mantes are, that you have
been fatigued, and are much entaciated. If you have any desire to
refresh yourself and grow fat, it is my opinion that you ought to come
hither; meantime your brother will send us news from thence of our
siege at Chartres," &c. From several places in these Memoirs; where
the share Henry IV. gave to M. de Rosny in all his resolutions is men-
tioned, particularly that relating to his conversion, which we shall
come to presently, we may infer that this prince had always an entire
confidence in him. I have transcribed the foregoing letter to show by
another testimony that this opinion is not ill founded, and that the
Duke of Sully has not through vanity imposed upon his readers. The
248
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
Mademoiselle d'Estrées.* The siege of Noyon followed
that of Corbie. There is none which I could have more
wished to have given a circumstantial relation of than this,
if I had been a witness of it. A thousand brave actions
were performed by the besieged. The Duke of Mayenne,
who knew this place was of great importance to the League,
sent orders to the Duke d’Aumale, fi the lieutenant-general,
who was then at Ham with some of the forces of the party,
not to neglect giving it all possible assistance till he, ap-
proached. The Duke d'Aumale endeavoured twice to throw
succours into it, but La Chantalerie and Tremblecourt,
who led them, were completely routed, one after the other.
The Viscount de Tavannes,& the major-general, thinking
he might be more successful, approached with four hun-
dred arquebusiers : they met with a party of fifty or sixty
horse belonging to us, who, after the « Qui vive ?'
charged them boldly, and put them to flight: the prin-
cipal officers, who made resistance, were all wounded and
taken prisoners, with Tavannes, their commander. D’Au-
male flattered himself that he should, in his turn, take two
troops of light horse in their quarters, which he had ordered
Bellanglise to reconnoitre; but he found them mounted, and
going to meet the king; and having attacked them, these
historians have not mentioned this minister till he began to appear
publicly at the head of affairs. It is more than probable, that a long
time before that, he had been the soul of all the actions and councils of
Henry the Great. It is easy to trace this time back to his most early
youth, though, indeed, all the actions of the Duke of Sully compose a
life wherein no period of it seems to have been that of youth. This
advantage must be allowed to minds born, as it were, grave and serious,
over those more lively and full of fire.
* She is often mentioned in the course of this work. Her name was
Gabrielle; she was daughter of John Antony d'Estrées and Frances
Babou de la Bourdaisière. She bore successively the names of the Fair
Gabrielle, Madame de Liancourt, the Marchioness of Monceaux, and
Duchess of Beaufort.
† Charles de Lorraine, Duke d’Aumale, son of Claude, slain before
Rochelle, in the year 1573. He was the third of Claude de Lorraine's
sons, from whence issued all the branches of the house of Lorraine in
France: that of D’Aumale was extinct soon after.
John de Saulx, Viscount of Tavannes, one of the marshals of the
League. See a relation of the sieges of Noyon, Pierrefonds, and of all
these expeditions, in the above-named historians.
1591.]
THE ATTEMPT UPON MANTES.
249
light horse, notwithstanding the great superiority of the
enemy, defended themselves so long and so bravely, that
the Baron de Biron, Messieurs de la Hargerie, * and De.la
Boissière had time to come up to their assistance; after
which, these two troops joining, they defeated D’Aumale's
whole detachment, which consisted of five hundred horsemen
and as many horse-arquebusiers; very few reached Hamt
without wounds, and a great number of them were made
prisoners.
The Duke of Mayenne arriving at Ham at the very moment
that these shattered remains retreated thither, was a witness
of his loss, and protested publicly, that he would efface this
shame, either by raising the siege of Noyon, or by a battle.
He drew together all his forces, ordered the Baron de Rosne I
to bring up the Spanish troops, which the Prince of Ascoli
commanded in Champagne; and finding himself at the head
of nine hundred foot and two hundred horse, he advanced
towards Noyon. He forgot his oath, when he saw that he had
to do with men who seemed not even to heed his arrival. It
was in vain that the commander of Noyon had represented
to him, by a gentleman whom the king bad permitted to pass
through his army, that he had engaged to surrender the place
in six days, if no succours were sent to him, as the Duke of
Mayenne, the Prince of Ascoli, and the Duke d’Aumale
suffered Noyon to be taken before their eyes. The governor
certainly deserved to have been better seconded: his name
was Rieux; and from a private soldier had become governor
of Pierrefonds, by his skill and bravery. Upon the report
of Noyon being attacked, he found means to throw himself
into it, with fifty horse, and as many arquebusiers, to animate
the inhabitants of the city, where all were in consternation
and dismay, and with an intention to hold out till the last ex-
tremity.
The Duke of Mayenne seeing that his army was now use-
less, sent it into quarters, and marched slowly towards Paris.
He had long carried on a correspondence in Mantes, and he
now thought it time to execute his design upon that place
He privately drew out the garrisons of Paris, Dreux, and
* Louis d'Ognies de la Hargerie, Count of Chaune.
of Another city, upon the Somme.
Christian de Savigny, Baron of Rosne, in the Duchy of Bar.
fofofo *
250
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
Pontoise, and suddenly presented himself within musket-shot
of Mantes, before day. My brother* was governor of it, and
I was then there myself, my wound not permitting me to
keep the field. As soon as I was informed of the enemy's
arrival, I ran upon the ramparts with my head bound up;
and causing some discharges to be fired at the assailants,
forced them to abandon their design.
The Duke of Mayenne succeeded no better before Hou-
dan, t which he alarmed as he passed by. My other brother,
who was there with his regiment, and some companies, gave
him such a reception, that he retreated with disgrace.
What had happened at Mantes, joined to the information
my brother had received, convinced us that the enemy had
a correspondence in the city. After consulting together
upon what was necessary to be done on this occasion, I fixed
upon the following expedient: I had still in my pay six of
those brave soldiers who served as a forlorn hope in the
battle of Ivry, and to whom, besides their pay, I gave eight
liýres a month. They were then in my brother's garrison, to
whom I could not refuse them, and their fidelity I was abso-
lutely assured of. As it had been concerted with us two,
they pretended to be discontented with the governor of
Mantes, and offering themselves to the garrison of Pontoise,
were received with open arms. They immediately proposed
to D'Alincourti to make him master of Mantes by the con-
nexion which, they told him, they still had in that place : to
convince the governor of this, they requested four soldiers,
whom, by my connivance, they conveyed into Mantes, and
directed to get acquainted with such citizens as were well
disposed to engage in all sorts of factions, and by this means
they soon knew all those persons in the town who favoured
the League. In a little time everything was agreed upon,
and the day fixed for delivering up Mantes to the enemy.
* Solomon de Bethune, called Baron de Rosny, the author's youngest
brother, and the third of those four brothers le mentioned at the be-
ginning of these Memoirs.
† On the borders of France and Normandy.
Charles de Neufville, Marquis d'Alincourt, son to Nicholas de
Neufville de Villeroi, secretary of state. He will be mentioned after-
wards.
1591.]
TIE ATTEMPT U]
251
These four soldiers found so little difficulty in the prosecution
of their design, that D’Alincourt, believing the success of it
infallible, would have all the honour of it to himself. My
soldiers gave me exact information of everything that was
contriving in Pontoise, and of the joy which so well-concerted
an enterprise occasioned there, where the general council of
the League, headed by the Cardinal of Bourbon,* resided.
Meantime I took my measures very cautiously, that no
affectation might appear in my conduct. I caused trains
of gunpowder to be laid upon the ramparts which they
intended to scale, without any one perceiving it, and shut
up all the houses that stood near that side; after which I
introduced into the place, by small divisions at different
times, the best soldiers of the garrisons of Nogent, Vernon,
and Meulan. This done, I thought myself obliged to send
and inform the king, who was at Compeigne, of all that
passed, which ruined our project. This prince could not re-
sist the desire he had to receive the Duke of Mayenne him-
self in Mantes, and imagined he took sufficient precaution
against injuring our scheme, by not entering Mantes till the
night on which it was to be executed, and by carrying in with
him only fifty horse, and the same number of foot. For my-
self, when I saw him arrive, I was so well persuaded that all
our measures were frustrated, that I could not help reproach-
ing him with some warmth for coming thus to undo our plan,
and exposing perhaps the lives of the four soldiers who con-
ducted it, by means of the evidences that might appear against
them. The king assuring me that nothing of what I feareď
* This is not the old cardinal, Charles of Bourbon, son of Charles
of Bourbon, Duke of Vendôme, and brother to Antony, King of
Navarre, whom the League had proclaimed king. He died of the stone
the year before, at Fontenay, in Poitou (whither Henry IV. had caused
him to be removed from Chinon), aged sixty-seven years; a prince who
had reason to complain that they obliged him to ascend a throne which
had no allurements for him. He could not conceal his joy for the
victory that Henry IV. gained at Coutras, and only accepted the crown,
says Cayet, to preserve it for that prince, whom he loved, (Chron.
Novenn. vol. i. book ii. p. 357.) The person mentioned here is the car-
dinal, his nephew, named Charles after him, son of Louis I., Prince of
Condé, slain at Jarnac, and brother to the prince of Condé who died
at St. Jean d'Angély, to the Prince of Conti, and the Count of Soissons.
He is mentioned in another place.
252
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
would happen, went to sup at the governor's, where, being
fatigued with his long journey, he threw himself upon a bed,
with his clothes and large boots on.
Day came, without any appearance of the enemy: I watched
for them all night upon the ramparts with one of my brothers;
the other stayed with the king. Just as I had retired to rest,
Bellengreville, whom I had ordered to observe the enemy's
motions without, came to me, and informed me that the Duke
of Mayenne having received advice that some troops, led by
the king in person, bad entered Mantes in the night, supposed
his design was discovered, and had retreated, after having
advanced as far as Bourgenville. I carried him to the king,
to whom he made the same report, and as a proof of the
truth of what he said, produced two carts, laden with rope-
ladders, and such other instruments, which the Leaguers,
imagining they already saw the king at their heels, had left
in the field, that they might not obstruct their retreat. The
affair became public and irretrievable ; for the soldiers who
escaped on both sides could not be silent.
The king succeeded better at Louviers.* This town kept
a priestt in its pay, who from the top of a belfry, which he
never left, played the part of a spy with great exactness. If
he saw but a single person in the field, he rang a certain bell,
and hung out at the same side a great flag. We did not
despair of being able to corrupt his fidelity, which two hun-
dred crowns, and a promise of a benefice worth three thousand
livres a year, effected. There remained only to gain some of
the garrison ; the Sieur du Rollet took this upon himself,
and succeeded. He addressed himself to a corporal and two
soldiers, who easily prevailed upon the rest of the garrison
to trust the guard of one of the gates to them only. Every-
thing being thus arranged, the king presented himself before
Louviers at twelve o'clock in the night. No one rung the
bell, nor was there the least motion in the garrison. Du
Rollet entered, and opened the gate, through which the king
passed, without the smallest resistance, into the centre of
the town. Fontaine-Martel made some ineffectual efforts
to draw the garrison together; as for the citizens, they were
* In Upper Normandy.
^ This priest was called John de la Tour.
June 5.
1591.]
PREPARATIONS FOR THE SIEGE OF ROUEN.
FR
employed in concealing their wives and daughters. The
town, whose chief riches consisted in its magazines of linen
and leather, was wholly pillaged. I had a gentleman with
me, called Beaugrard, a native of Louviers, who was of great
use to us in discovering where these sort of goods were con-
cealed, and a prodigious quantity of them was amassed toge-
ther. The produce of my share amounted to three thousand
livres. The king consigned to Du Rollet the government of
Louviers.
The same good fortune attended the Duke of Montpensier
in all his enterprises in Normandy.* This success was no
more than necessary to console the king for the news he re-
ceived, that the Duke of Guise, t whom he considered as his
principal enemy, had escaped from the castle of Tours,
where he had been confined ever since the assassination at
Blois.
Henry, through the persuasions and offers of the Normans,
and the hopes of assistance from the Queen of England, the
Dutch and the Germans, which they had severally promised
* In Lower Normandy, Talaise, Bayeux, Argentan, Lisieux, &c.,
were in the interest of the League; Caen, Alençon, Séez, Ecouché, &c.,
in the king's. The most considerable action happened in April, 1589,
in the field of Argentan, near Pierrefitte, Villars, and Commeaux,
where the Duke of Montpensier cut off the Leaguers of those cantons,
whom they called Gautiers, to the number of five or six thousand.
They were commanded by the Count of Brissac, Pierrecourt, Louchan,
the Baron d'Echaufour, and others. Three thousand were left dead
upon the spot, and a thousand taken prisoners; the rest escaped to
Argentan. Commeaux, which is at present scarce a village, was taken
with great difficulty. At length the Duke of Montpensier extirpated
this whole party, and reduced several of the rebellious cities. He was
assisted by the Count of Torigny, MM. d'Emery, de Loncaunai, de
Beuvron, de Viques, de Bacqueville, l'Archant, and others. (See these
expeditions in the third volume of the Memoirs of the League.)
† Charles of Lorraine, son of Henry, Duke of Guise, who was slain
at Blois, and of Catherine of Cleves; he was born in the year 1571.
“The flight of the Duke of Guise will ruin the League," said Henry
IV., as it is related by Le Grain. The duke's valet-de-chambre having
found means to amuse Rouvrai and his guards, either by play or drink-
ing, let him down from the highest window in the castle at mid-day,
with a rope, which he afterwards made use of to descend himself,
The duke got into a small boat, which carried him to the other side
of the river, where two horses waited for them, &c. Matthieu,
vol. ii. p. 81; Cayet, vol. ii, book iii. p. 465, &c.)
254
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
him whenever he should undertake any important enterprise,
now determined upon the siege of Rouen: he therefore
quitted Mantes, where for some time past he had fixed his
abode, and made it a little capital for the residence of his
court and council, and caused his troops to file off towards
Rouen ; and, while preparations were making for this import-
ant siege, he took a private journey to Compeigne, of which
love was the true cause, though he gave out that it was for
the purpose of sending the Viscount Turenne to Germany
for a supply of horse; this the viscount undertook through
gratitude for the king's having effected his marriage with
Mademoiselle de Sedan,* daughter and sole heiress of the
deceased Duke of Bouillon, and honoured his nuptials with
his presence, which were celebrated this year. I remained at
Mantes, where I first saw Madame de Chateaupers, of whom
I became so enamoured that in a few days I resolved upon
marrying her. During my stay here, I had a humorous
adventure, which I shall relate.
The king had expressly forbidden all commerce, and ex-
portation of merchandise and every kind of provision into
Paris or Rouen, as being cities in open rebellion : but in this
he was very ill obeyed; the governors of the towns, especially
on the banks of the Seine, gaining by the immense sums
which they procured them, almost publicly granted the ne-
cessary passports for merchants and masters of boats. De
Fourges, whom I have formerly mentioned, came one day
and informed me that a large boat laden with fish, whose cargo
was reputed worth fifty thousand crowns, had gone up the
river to Paris, where, after a few days' stay, a less one would
* Charlotte de la Mark, daughter of Robert de la Mark, sovereign
Prince of Sedan, and of Frances of Bourbon-Montpensier; by the
death of her brother, William Robert de la Mark, Duke of Bouillon,
which happened at Geneva, in the year 1588, she became heiress of
this principality. The duke, in his last will, forbade his sister to marry
a Roman Catholic. This circumstance, the king's friendship for the
Viscount Turenne, his desire of taking the lady from the Dukes of
Lorraine, Montpensier, and Nevers, each of whom demanded her for
his son, policy, which advised him to give an ambitious neighbour to
the Duke of Lorraine, and perhaps the belief that this marriage would
induce the viscount to lay aside his design of making himself head of
the Calvinists in France: these were the motives which determined
Henry IV. to marry the heiress of Sedan to the Viscount Turenne.
1591.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE SIEGE OF ROUEN.
255
bring back the produce in silver to Rouen, which he was well
assured of, because his father had charge of the boat. I
caused it to be so well watched, that in its return it fell into
my hands, and I saw with astonishment that the passport was
signed by Berengueville, and my brother, the one governor of
Meulan, and the other of Mantes; but they did not care to
mention this to me, nor did I take any notice of it to them,
but caused the boat and its master to be brought to Mantes.
I opened two large packets, where I expected to find the fifty
thousand crowns in specie; but seeing only some pieces of
gold and silver thread, and a piece of Spanish silk, I
threatened to put the master of the boat in prison if he did
not tell me the truth. The elder Fourges, alarmed at this
threat, presented me with letters of exchange for six-and-
thirty thousand crowns, which he would have persuaded me
was the whole produce of the sale ; but he using much violent
action as he spoke, the weight of the gold he had about him
broke his pockets, and so great a quantity fell from them
that the floor was in an instant covered with crowns of the
sun.* He probably intended to apply this sum to his own
use, or thought it could be in no place so secure as about
himself. It is impossible to express the confusion he was in
at this accident. After diverting myself some time in
obliging him to take several turns about the room, I ordered
him to strip, and found seven thousand crowns in gold sewed
up in his clothes. I was then in some necessity for money,
and waiting for the sale of my corn, wood, and hay at Rosny:
the king made me a present of the whole of this sum, and
was extremely amused with the recital of poor Fourges' ad-
venture; as for Berengueville and my brother, they were
very angry with me. But to return to the preparations for
the siege of Rouen. The people of Caen, and other towns
of Normandy in the king's interest, supplied money, pro-
visions, and ammunition: the Queen of England sent over
four thousand men under the command of a general named
Roger Williams, t and during the siege, her favourite, the
* A gold coin current at that time. It was first struck in the reign of
Louis XI., and so called because there was the figure of a sun above
the crown. The value of these crowns at this time is sixty-foursols.
7 Sully is wrong here: Sir Roger Williams had only about six hun-
dred men under his command, with which he landed at Dieppe; the
256
MEMOIRS OF SULLY. .
[BOOK IV.
Earl of Essex, with a body of infantry, and a large train of
English nobility.* The United Provinces, besides the two
regiments in the service of the king, sent a fleet of fifty sail
well equipped, on board of which were two thousand five
hundred soldiers, under the command of Count Philip of
Nassau, to the coast of Normandy. The Duke of Bouillon
(for the Viscount Turenne took this title after his marriago)
succeeded so well in his negotiation in Germany, that he
brought back five or six thousand horse, and some companies
of foot, with the Prince of Anhalt at their head. These
foreign auxiliaries, and six thousand Swiss, which the king
had in his pay, added to different reinforcements that came
from several places, particularly Normandy, and to those
troops, whether Protestants or Catholics, which were at his
own disposal, composed, in all, an army of forty thousand
men. The Marquis of Villars, † well known for his courage
and capacity, shut himself up in Rouen, with the son of the
Duke of Mayenne, resolved to bury themselves under its
ruins: indeed, from the day that we sat down before this
city, till the Prince of Parma's arrival, which obliged us to
raise the siege, there passed almost six months; and what
was worse, six winter months; for it was invested the 1st
of October, and abandoned the 20th of March following,
after attempts on the part of the besiegers, and a resistance
on that of the besieged, some circumstances of which I shall
relate.
The troops of the besiegers were placed in different quar-
ters; the king's were at Darnetal, where I took a private
lodging for myself, as I foresaw that the siege would not be
the work of a few days; my company was stationed at
Tresne l'Esplen, whither I seldom went, as I was generally
whole of the forces, indeed, sent over by Elizabeth at this time
amounted to about three thousand; but the greater part of them landed
in Brittany under Sir John Norris.-ED.
* The Earl of Essex did not land with his forces during the siege,
but some time previous to its commencement, and while Henry was at
Noyon. The earl had four thousand men under his command, besides
a great number of volunteers. (See many interesting particulars re-
specting his expedition in Sir Robert Carey's Memoirs, p.51.-ED.)
† André de Brancas-Villars, of the ancient family of Brancacio,
originally Neapolitan. It must not be confounded with that of the
Marquis of Villars, who is descended from Honoré, Bastard of Savoy
1591.]
TIL SIEGE OF ROUEN.
257
with the king or the Marshal de Biron, being desirous of
witnessing whatever was done in the trenches, the erection
of the batteries, and the different attacks, at all of which I
endeavoured to be present. At first, there appeared such an
emulation amongst the officers to be employed, that, to avoid
all disputes, the king regulated the time and duration of each
of their services; and declared that every fourth day he
would himself work in the trenches with the gentlemen who
were about his person, who were to the number of two or
three hundred, and of which he named me one.
The Baron de Biron, marshal-de-camp, was posted upon
the high ground near Fort St. Catherine, against which it
was determined (according to the advice, or rather will, of
his father, who could not brook contradiction,) to make the
most vigorous attack :* this design I condemned, for I was
always of opinion that the city itself should be attacked at
once, as it was very weak in many places, and consequently
might be easily carried, and that we should not put off our
* Perhaps they also depended upon blowing up the fort of St. Cathe-
rine with the mine; but the design was discovered by the besieged.
(Memoirs of the League, vol. v.) Those writers who have defended the
Marshal Biron's advice against that given by the Duke of Sully, with
regard to the place at which they should begin the attack, say that it
was very difficult, and at the same time very dangerous, for the army
of Henry IV. to leave behind them the fort of St. Catherine, the hill
especially being so near the city. (See upon the operations of this
siege, F. Matthieu, vol. ii. pp. 96 and following; Cayet, Chron. Novenn.
vol. ii. book iv., who is for the Duke of Sully's opinion against that of
the Marshal Biron; and other historians.)
† The Duke of Sully and the Earl of Essex seem to have been of the
same opinion with respect to the conduct of this siege. “We lay long
there," says Sir Robert Carey, " and to little purpose; for though the
town walls were weak, and of no force to endure a battery, which my
lord [Essex] would fain have been at, and offered the king that he and
his troops should be the first that should enter, if he would make a
breach (which four cannons would soon have done), it would not be
hearkened unto; old Biron thinking it better, by continuing the siege,
for want of victuals to make theni come to composition, than to hazard
the wealth of the town to the spoil of the soldiers, if it should be won
by assault.” Again: “ All our attempts were against the fort [St.
Catherine], my lord [Essex] still urging the king to batter some part
of the town, but it would never be yielded to.” (Carey's Memoirs, pp.
46, 50, where the reader will find many other particulars respecting this
siege.)- ED.
VOL. I.
258
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
time by directing our operations against a given point of so
small extent, that M. de Villars (who with wonderful courage
and diligence showed himself everywhere) could defend it
with double the number of men we could bring to oppose
him: in fact, instead of our advancing towards the fort, the
besieged carried out new works towards us; this circum-
stance gave rise to a report that the old Marshal Biron,
through envy and discontent, did everything in his power to
prevent the reduction of the place, because the king had re-
fused him the government of the city, which he had already
promised to Du Hallot, * at the request of the Duke de
Montpensier.
The king wished to give me charge of one of the batteries,
but the marshal, M. de la Guiche, de Bort, la Fayolles,
and others, would not consent to it, although I offered to
serve under them, so great was my desire to learn the man-
agement of artillery ; however, it was probably a fortu-
nate circumstance that they did refuse me, as the battery to
which the king destined me was soon after taken by the be-
sieged. The reason why the marshal objected to my appoint-
ment was my having told him one day, when at dinner with
him, that if he would but reduce the town first, he would
soon be master of the castle.
The siege being formed, the first sorties of the besieged
were against the quarters of the German auxiliaries, who
were posted towards the river; as they found themselves
hard pressed, they very willingly resigned their lodgments to
the Dutch, who solicited them, being more accustomed to
sieges than the former, and they soon intrenched themselves
in such a way as to prevent, in a great degree, the enemy
from sallying from the town on that side. It was not long
before the king perceived that he had engaged in a very diffi-
cult attempt; but nothing, he imagined, was impossible to
continued labour, Villars was not contented with defending
himself within; he sallied out of the castle, and caused a
deep trench to be cut upon the declivity of the hill, over
* Francis de Montmorency du Hallot, Lieutenant-general for the
king in Normandy. He was wounded at the siege of Rouen, and after-
wards slain by the Marquis d'Alégre.
f Philibert de La Guiche; John du Durfort de Boner; Bertrand de
Melet de Fayolles.
1591.]
THE SIEGE OF ROUEN.
259
against the fort, with which the end of it communicated, and
placed there in the night a guard of six or seven hundred
men. As this new work was extended a considerable dis-
tance from the town, and not only incommoded the besiegers
in their attacks upon the castle, but also exposed them to be
fallen upon in the rear, while at the same time they had the
garrison from within in front, the king resolved to seize it,
and render it useless to the enemy. For this purpose he
made choice of the same night when it was his turn to watch
at the trench with his three hundred gentlemen, whom he
commanded to be completely armed, and to have, besides
their usual arms, halberds in their hands and pistols at their
girdles, and to this troop he added four hundred musketeers.
It was at midnight, and amidst the extreme cold of Decem-
ber, that we attacked this trench in different places. The
action, which was very obstinate, continued half an hour
with equal animosity on both sides ; we used our utmost
endeavours to gain the brink, and the besieged repulsed us
several times. I was twice thrown to the ground, my hal-
berd broke, and my armour loosened or broke in pieces; but
Maignan, whom I had obtained permission to keep near me,
raised me, put my armour again in order, and gave me his
halberd. The trench was at last carried by main force, and
we cleared it of more than fifty dead or dying enemies, whom
we threw from the top of the hill. This trench was open to
the cannon of the fort, but the king had the precaution to
order some gabions, hogsheads, and pieces of wood to be
brought there, which covered the English, to whom he com-
mitted the guard of it.
Villars did not expect to have seen his outworks carried
in so short a time; when he was told it, and that it was the
king himself who had conducted the enterprise, “ By
Heavens !" said he,“ this prince deserves a thousand crowns
for his valour. I am sorry that, by a better religion, he does
not inspire us with as strong an inclination to gain him new
ones as to detain from him his own ; but it shall never be
said that I have failed to attempt in my own person what a
great king has performed in his.” In effect, he put himself
at the head of four hundred men, armed as he had been told
the king's were, and taking also eight hundred musketeers
selected out of his whole number, he attacked the English
s 2
260
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
[BOOK IV.
with such fury and obstinacy, that after a contest of two
hours, during which it is said the English performed won-
ders, the latter were driven out, with the loss of fifty men
killed or taken. The king, piqued with the vanity of Villars,
determined to attempt the recovery of this post the next
time he should mount guard. The English general hearing
this, and being desirous of doing away the reproaches which
the enemies of the Reformed religion cast upon his troops for
baving lost the post which was committed to their charge,
entreated the king to take a hundred of the English nobility,
and instead of French infantry, such of the English as he
should select, assuring his majesty that they would either
regain their lodgments, or perish in the attempt; to this the
king consented, and when his turn came he repaired accord-
ing to custom to the trenches, with the whole of the force
destined for the attack. At the hour appointed, the English
nobility, who had insisted upon being foremost, mounted,
being ably seconded by the king's party, who were again
most valiantly supported by the English infantry. The
enemy, astonished at so impetuous an assault, retreated
towards the fort after a very slight resistance for about half
an hour; as soon as the trenches were carried, the English
fixed themselves so firmly in them and kept so well upon
their guard, that the enemy could never after dislodge them,
nor even prevent them from sometimes advancing almost to
the counterscarps of their ravelins.
The day following the above affair, the king having learnt
that we blamed him for exposing his person too much, that
M. de Villars and I were very intimate, and that the former
had a steward who was once in my service, and who was still
much attached to me, he took me aside into the embrasure of
one of the windows of his apartment, and spoke to me in the
following words, “ Well, what is your opinion of the two
late.encounters, in which we have been so successful ? are
they not worthy of being remembered ?” In reply, I said,
that, considering the part his majesty had taken in them,
and the manner in which he had exposed his person to every
danger, I did not think they were surpassed by anything
cither in ancient or modern story; that if there was anything
to blame, it was our allowing him to be present in such
hazardous enterprises, because if he should happen to lose
1591.]
CONDUCT OF THE SIEGE.
261
his life, no person would be left capable of saving France..
“I cannot do otherwise, my friend,” he replied, “ for since it
is for my glory and my crown that I fight, my life and every-
thing else ought to be of no consideration with me; this is
my fixed resolution, as you will see whenever occasion shall
offer during this important siege, which I am much afraid
we shall, in the end, be compelled to relinquish, as well as
that of Paris; for I learn that the Prince of Parma is about
to march for the express purpose of succouring the place,
though he will not approach it till he hear it is reduced to
the last extremity; and we have to do with a man who is
wonderfully resolute and determined, I mean M. de Villars,
whom it will not be easy to terrify, and who will never think
of capitulating while he has the least hope of relief. The reason
why I tell you this," continued the king, "is because I am
informed there is great intimacy between you and him, and
that he has a steward, named La Fond, who was formerly in
your service, and who governs Villars in all things; now, if
by La Fond's means you could bring over Villars to my
party, there is no favour which I would not grant them both;
for by this plan I should quietly make myself master of the
whole of Normandy." This was a subject to which my at-
tention had been already directed, and I had even endea-
voured through La Fond to procure an interview with
Villars; but he would never listen to it, saying he should
thereby excite suspicion among his own troops, and dis-
was not yet in such a condition as to need a mediator, and
if that should ever happen, he would have no other but me:
this was all the answer I could obtain. I now related this
circunstance to the king, and added, that he must determine
whether it would be better to meet the Prince of Parma as
soon as he should approach Neufchâtel, and give him battle,
or make him repass the Somme with loss and shame; or, in-
stead of wasting his time in attacking Fort St. Catherine, to
attack the city at once: “for your majesty has an army,” I
added, “ capable of doing either, nor do I think you can ever
collect such another; besides, there are many reasons for
suspecting that those who are so obstinate in advising the
attack of this fort, are little desirous of the reduction of the
city, or that you should succeed in your designs, while you
262
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
[BOOK IV.
continue of the Reformed religion ; nay, there are some who
make no secret of this, and who have even had the boldness
to tell me so.” “I believe all you tell me," said the king,
“ and what is worse, I see that the greater part of the most
zealous Catholics are tired of this war, and will not, in the
end, scruple to desert me, and either form a party of them-
selves, or join the Leaguers, with whom they do not hesitate
to say they would agree better than with the Huguenots; this
will be the ruin of the State, and of the house of Bourbon,
because, if I am once rejected, they will never choose another
out of it, whatever my relations may think ; for all these rea-
sons, therefore, I endure a thousand things which give me
much trouble, and I thus daily endanger my life to maintain
my reputation, resigning myself and my affairs to God, since
it is much better that I should die with arms in my hands,
than.live to see my kingdom ruined, and myself forced to seek
assistance in a foreign country. My determination is, to
march against the enemy as soon as I shall hear they have
joined the French rebels, but not with the whole of my
army, as that would be raising the siege too soon, and we
have to do with an old and experienced general, who would
not fail, were he to accomplish his object while at such a :dis-
tance, to make a boast of it, and then return without hazard-
ing an engagement; but I will show him that there are as
good generals in the world as he is. As the city of Rouen
is very well situated for my purpose, I conceive it will be
sufficient to take six thousand horse, and one thousand horse-
arquebusiers (which are of no use in the siege, but rather an
incumbrance), and advance towards the frontiers, and en-
deavour to bring some of their troops to action (which would
be no difficult task if the Duke of Mayenne, or Parma, think
fit to oppose me with their cavalry), or prevent them from
crossing the Somme : in short, I will endeavour to penetrate
their designs, and reconnoitre their forces. Here the king
concluded with saying he would detain me no longer, as the
Catholics became jealous whenever he spoke in secret to a
Huguenot, and desired me to repair to the quarters of my
company, to select about fifteen or twenty of those best
armed and mounted, and to bring them with me, as he wished
I should accompany him in his march. By this time Mes--
sieurs Nevers, de Longueville, de la Guiche, d’O, and
1592.]
INSOLENCE OF THE COUNCIL OF SIXTEEN.
263
Chateauvieux were whispering with each other in a corner of
the room ; the king, therefore, with a view to remove their
suspicions, told them that we had been conversing about the
reply that M. de Villars had made to may overtures, and on
what was to be done further in that business. I quitted the
room immediately, and repaired to my company's quarters,
where I remained two days, in the course of which I secretly
ordered about fifteen or twenty of the best of my men to hold
themselves in readiness to march at the first notice.
I returned in the course of two days from Fresne l'Esplen;
and on my arrival at Darnetal I learnt that Villars had
made a sally at the head of a hundred horse, with whom he
overthrew the guard, and would have been the cause of much
greater confusion, if the king, armed only with a cuirass,
had not hastened thither, followed by the Baron de Biron,
an English officer (whose name I have forgotten), Grillon,* and
some others, who were about him; these three gentlemen
especially gained immortal glory there. Grillon's arm was
broken by a shot from an arquebus. As for the king, having
precipitated himself into a danger somewhat like that which is
related of Alexander the Great in the city of the Oxydraceæ,
he extricated himself out of it with equal presence of mind
and equal intrepidity: excepting; indeed, that Alexander's ex-
ploit has all the appearance of a fable, while Henry's had two.
armies to be witnesses of it.
The Prince of Parma, with his whole army, possessed the
banks of the Somme; and satisfied with recovering this
river made no other movement; for the governor of Rouen
had sent to inform him that, as he intended to strike some
important blow, he might let it be a good while before he
came to his assistance, and he likewise waited for the
arrival of Sfondrato, who was to bring him the troops of his
uncle, Pope Gregory XIV., and those of the Duke of
Mayenne, who, however, came not immediately. He had
been obliged to go with his best troops to Paris, to punish
the insolence of the Council of Sixteen, who, abusing the
power he had trusted them with, had dared to hang the Pre-
* Louis Berton de Crillon, or Grillon.
| Sixtus V. died in the month of August, 1590. Henry IV., when
he was informed of his death, said, “ Here is a trick of Spanish policy!
I have lost a pope who was entirely devoted to me.”
264
MEMOIRS OF SULLY. [BOOK IV.
sident Brisson and some other counsellors* as venerable for
their virtue as their age; and who might possibly have
carried their outrages further, if the Duke of Mayenne, fear-
ing, perhaps, some sudden caprice of these rebelst against
himself, had not doomed them to the like punishment, but as
in executing this act of justice he had certain measures to
keep, he did not join the Prince of Parma so soon as had
been expected.
The king, when he was informed of this disposition,
thought it necessary to hasten his march. He left to the
Marshal Biron the care of carrying on the siege, and took
with him about seven or eight thousand horse, consisting of
from three to four thousand French troopers, as many Ger-
man horse, and a thousand horse-arquebusiers, at the head
of which he left Darnetal, and took the road to the Somme.
He passed the first day by Boissière and Neufchâtel; the
second by Blangy, Londinière, Longueville, Senerpont, and
Gamache; and the third advanced to Folleville, with one
detachment only, leaving the body of his cavalry behind him,
under the conduct of the Duke of Nevers.
We met a considerable party, led by Messieurs De Rosne, I
* Barnaby Brisson, Claude Larcher, and John Tardif, Lord du Ru,
counsellors of the parliament. "A catastrophe very unworthy of so
learned and excellent a man,” says Mezeray, speaking of the President
Brisson, “ but usual with those who think to keep in with two parties;"
for the parliament being transferred by the king to Tours, Brisson was
the only one of the six presidents who remained at Paris. The League
obliged him to perform the duties of first president, and it was he that
helped to degrade King Henry III. According to the Duke of Nevers'
observation, his death was looked upon to be a just punishment of his
ingratitude, Henry III, having freely bestowed upon him the post of
president. However, he was one of the greatest men of the robe. The
Duke of Mayenne revenged his death by causing Louchard, Ameline,
Aimonet, and Anroux, four of the Council of Sixteen, to be hanged in
a parlour of the Louvre. (See the historians.)
† One of the sixteen, named Normand, said one day in the Duke of
Mayenne's chamber, “ Those who made him, are able to unmake him."
Hamilton, the curate of St. Cöme, a furious Leaguer, came himself,
attended by priests instead of soldiers, to seize the Counsellor Tardif
in his house.
| Christian, or Chrêtan de Savigny, Baron of Rosne; John de
Montluc de Balagny; Louis de l'Hôpital, Lord de Vitry; Claude de
la Châtre; Antony de St. Pol; Valentine de Pardieu, lord de la
Mothe, Governor of Valenciennes. This last was a Frenchman, of the
1592.] HENRY IV. MEETS THE PRINCE OF PARMA. 265
de Balagny, de Vitry, the Baron de la Châtre, St. Pol, la
Mothe, and others, who had doubtless advanced with the
same design as we, to discover the situation and forces of
the enemy. The king commanded the Baron de Biron,
Messieurs de Lavardin, de Givry, * de St. Geran, de Ma-
rivaut, de Chanlivaut, La Curée, d'Arambure,t and some
others to attack them; but they were repulsed, and handled
very roughly, and part fell, among which was Lavardin.
Henry advanced with three hundred horse to disengage
them, and believing this encounter might be followed by a
more general action, at least between the cavalry of the two
armies, which was what he ardently wished for, he sent“
orders to Nevers to hasten and join him ; but the Prince of
Parma had a contrary design, and restrained his squadrons,
who had retreated of themselves when they perceived ours
advancing; and the king, seeing no appearance of effecting
anything in the midst of so many battalions, contented him-
self with observing this army closely, and checking its
motions, as he went to his quarters at Bréteuil, I where his
cavalıy, to prevent a surprise, were obliged to keep them-
selves extremely close, and part of them even lay without all
night, though the ground was covered with snow.
The ardour with which the king went to meet an enemy
so greatly superior to him in numbers awakened all our
fears for the dangers to which he exposed his person, and
obliged us to represent the consequences to him in very
country of Beauvoisis; but he had all his life served in the Spanish
army, and was slain in the year 1595, at the siege of Dourlans, at the
lead of the Spanish artillery, very much regretted by the Spaniards.
The King of Spain had just created him Count of Ekelbeke. (See his
death and panegyric in De Thou, book cxii.)
* Anne d'Anglure, Baron of Givry: tbis officer was equally cele-
brated for his abilities in war, and his taste for polite literature;
Claude de l'Ile Marivaut; René-Viau, Lord of Chanlivaut; Filhet de
La Curée: he was one of those persons in whom the king confided,
and was called by him nothing but Curée. He performed wonders at
the battle of Ivry, and on many other occasions. The volume of ma-
nuscripts marked 8929 of the Royal Library is filled with relations of
his intrepidity. We shall perhaps have occasion to mention him here-
after. He was killed in an encounter at the siege of Montauban.
John, Lord d'Arambure.
This town, and some of those places above mentioned, are in
Picardy; the others are in the country of Caux.
266
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
strong terms. But this prince, who had no conception of
that caution we proposed to him, when glory was in question,
did not alter his conduct, but satisfied himself with naming
thirty of us to continue near his person, and not to leave him
upon any occasion whatever; an employment highly honour-
able, indeed, but the danger of which, in some degree, made
it less desirable. With this precaution, which was no more
than necessary, he only resigned himself still more to his
eager thirst of glory.
Being informed that the Duke of Guise, who commanded
the Prince of Parma's vanguard, had put himself at the head
of his troop to facilitate the lodgment of his infantry in a
large town called Bures,* he resolved to cut off this troop,
which he executed with the utmost bravery, at the head of
twelve hundred horse and a thousand horse-arquebusiers. A
great number of the enemy were left dead upon the spot,
and the rest betook themselves to flight; the Duke of
Guise's green standard was taken, and all the baggage plun-
dered. Henry, who was not willing that any of these
troopers should escape, especially their colonel, sent imme-
diate orders to the Duke of Neverst to advance to Bully,
that he might possess himself of the road through which he
supposed the Duke of Guise and the fugitives would retreat
to the rest of the army, and to take them prisoners. I was
ordered to support the Duke of Nevers with sixty horse,
which I obeyed with reluctance, not doubting but in such
hands the affair would have an end very unworthy the be-
ginning.
The Duke of Nevers, who was the slowest of all men,
began by sending to make choice of the most favourable
roads, and having fixed upon that which lay through Bully,
he set out at a slow pace in his coach, with his hands in a
muff, with which he covered his nose and mouth. This once
he had no occasion to boast of his extreme caution: it was
so long before he arrived that he gave time to the Prince of
Parma, who was more diligent than he, to despatch a regi-
ment of five or six hundred men to Bully, who made such
baste that they reached the town in the beginning of the
* In Beauvoisis.
+ Louis de Gonzague de Mantua, Duke of Nevers by his marriage
with Henrietta of Cleves, Duchess of Nevers.
1592.) ABORTIVE MARCH OF THE DUKE OF NEVERS.
267
night. As for the Duke of Nevers, the sun was risen the
next day when he had just ascended the mountain at the
bottom of which Bully is situated, preceded by his couriers,
whom he had that day doubled through an excess of caution
against a flying enemy: the first, to the number of fifty,
marched two or three miles before him; and the second,
which amounted to a hundred, went some few paces before
his coach. But unfortunately, with all his foresight, he
forgot to make sure of this passage, and had not sent a single
soldier to keep guard there. He began to descend the
mountain with great tranquillity, and the more so, as he was
ignorant of the troops that were in Bully. His first cou-
riers reached the town without creating the least alarm till
they had got within it, when they saw near the gate a body
of soldiers having the appearance of enemies, well armed,
and sitting round a large fire: the one party was not less
surprised than the other, but those at the fire no sooner
perceived the white scarves of the others than they flew to
arms, and shut the gates. Our men finding they could not
retreat the way they entered, galloped through the town
with their pistols in their hands, and escaped out at a gate
on the opposite side, before the troops of the enemy had time
to stop them. Whilst this was going forward, the Duke of
Nevers was descending the mountain, not doubting but his
advanced guard had proceeded onward without meeting with
any opposition, and his coach was sunk into the deepest part
of a declivity, equally steep, rugged, and winding. It was in
this place that the duke heard the noise of some fusiliers who
were firing after his first couriers, and the second coming to
inake their report, full of consternation, he was frozen with
terror, and resolving now to lose no time, threw away his
muff and his furs, not without several times exclaiming,
“ The devil!" and quarrelling with his servants for not
coming soon enough to help him out. All their endeavours
could not turn the coach, which they were forced to drag
back to the top of the mountain, where the duke again made
use of it to return with more speed to the place where he
had lain the preceding night. It was thus that we seconded
the king upon this occasion, a truly ridiculous exploit, where
the danger was far less than the fear, since not a single man
was lost.
268
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
The king finding that the Prince of Parma, to avoid being
forced to an action without his infantry, durst not, for the
future, suffer his vanguard to be separated from the army;
and perceiving that the king almost never lost sight of him, re-
doubled his vigilance and caution, which was, without doubt,
the cause that he did not take all the advantage he might
have done of the encounter at Aumale, an action uncommonly
bold on the king's side, and well deserving of a particular re-
lation here.
Some days after the defeat of the Duke of Guise, the king,
following the Prince of Parma at a great distance, had ad-
vanced with six thousand horse as far as Aumale. Givry,
whom he had sent at the head of some troopers to get intel-
ligence, returned, and informed him that the enemy's army
was advancing directly towards him in the plain, in good order,
apparently with a design to force him back, and to cut him
off in his retreat. The king called a council, and finding, as
he said, that he had too many and too few soldiers, he
resolved to send all his cavalry back to Ophy, Blaugy, and
Neufchâtel, and to keep with him only four hundred troopers
and five hundred horse-arquebusiers, and with this body of
men to advance into the plain, to discover exactly the condi-
tion and number of the enemy, and, hovering about them, to
take or cut off some squadrons.
He ascended the hill of Aumale* with his nine hundred
horse, and marched two leagues without perceiving anything,
till the sky, which had been extremely cloudy and dark, be-
coming very clear, he a second time saw Givry return, who
came to satisfy him in every particular relating to this army,
which was so near that they heard distinctly the sound of
the trumpets and drums. The king, however, willing to ob-
serve it himself, reconnoitered it very closely, and found that
it consisted of seventeen or eighteen thousand infantry, with
seven or eight thousand cavalry, all marching very close, the
cavalry in the midst of the battalions, and the whole flanked
with chariots and baggage, that rendered all approach im-
possible. From this situation of the enemy he found he had
still too many men; and retaining only a hundred troopers,
ordered the eight hundred others to repass the dyke and
* In Normandy, upon the borders of Picardy.
1592.]
INTREPIDITY OF HENRY IV.
269
ITT IS
town of Aumale, and three hundred horse of his squadron to
stop upon the declivity of the hill, to be ready to assist him,
if there should be occasion. Five hundred arquebusiers he
gave to the conduct of Lavardin, with orders to post them in
the ditches and hedges that were at the entrance of the
town, from whence they might harass the enemy if they ap-
proached too. near. As for himself, he not only waited for
the enemy with his hundred horse, but even marched to meet
them.
We now gazed upon each other with the utmost astonish-
ment at the rashness of a design which seemed to expose the
king to inevitable death. No one durst venture to expostu-
late with him, yet knew not how to be silent. At length I
was chosen and deputed by the rest to represent to the king,
in the name of us all, the danger to which he exposed him-
self, and to entreat him to change his resolution. This com-
mission I performed with all imaginable caution. “It is
fear,” replied the king, “that occasions this request: from
you, of all others, I never expected to hear such a proposi-
tion.” I conjured him not to think so unjustly of any of us;
and told him that all we required was that he would give us
what orders he pleased, provided he would himself retire.
Henry confessed to me afterwards that he was sensibly
affected with these words; and repenting of what he had said
to me, replied that no expressions of our fidelity could equal
the idea he conceived of it. “But,” added he, coolly, and
with an air that convinced me how vain it would be to speak
to him any more upon this subject, " be you also assured
that I am not so rash as you imagine; that I am as careful
of myself as any other, and that I will retreat so seasonably
that no misfortune sball happen.”
The Prince of Parma looked upon this bold attempt as a
snare that was laid for him, to draw his cavalry into an open
field where he should meet with the king's, which he supposed
to be concealed, and much superior to his; he even suspected
a long time that the king's wbole army was not far off ;
and having no design to engage him, he did not quit his post,
which was in the centre of the army, where he was seated in
an uncovered chariot, without arms or boots, and employed
in giving orders to restrain the ardour of the soldiers, who
suffered with impatience a hundred men to insult thirty
270
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
thousand. However, when he was assured, by the report of
his light horse and his carbineers, that at present he had but
a hundred horse in front, and that if tbere were any cavalry it
must be on the other side of the valley, he thought he should
risk nothing by attacking us, which he did with such fury,
and on so many points, that we were broke through and
driven back as far as the valley. Here it was that our arque-
busiers had posted themselves; and on our arrival, the king
cried to them to charge, after having first warned us not to
stir, in order that the enemy might suspect an ambuscade in
this place, and stop. In effect, they did stop short; but
finding that this cry was followed only with fifty or sixty
shots wbich we fired upon them, they came on again more
furiously.
Our arquebusiers seized with fear, or perhaps willing
to choose a more advantageous ground, had retired much
lower than the place that had been assigned them, and they
were the principal cause of the misfortune that happened.
The enemy's squadrons, encouraged by the little resistance
they found, forced our ranks, and we could not hinder them
from mixing amongst us. We saw ourselves reduced to the
necessity of fighting with this vast multitude with pistols and
swords, in a danger that may be easily imagined; and indeed,
in my opinion, there could not be a greater, for our hundred
troopers were already reduced to forty. Henry, seeing that
none came to his assistance in this extremity, resolved to
make his retreat, which on this occasion was almost as dan-
gerous as a defence, because we had a bridge to pass, and
that bridge at a great distance. This prince, with a compo-
sure truly admirable, placed himself in the rear of his troop,
and made it file off towards the bridge of Aumale, which, by
the order he caused to be observed, it passed over without
confusion. He was the last to pass, and held firm against
the enemy till every one of us was on the other side; that
moment he was shot in the reins, which fortunately was the
only wound he received, and which did not hinder him from
continuing to fight on the other side of the bridge, while he
was endeavouring to gain the hill, where the four hundred
horse he had sent thither made so good an appearance, that
the Prince of Parma, being more than ever persuaded that
1592.]
271
the king only sought to draw him to a battle, forbad his
troops to advance, and ordered them all to return to Aumale.
The king reached Neufchâtel, where his wound obliged
him to go to bed. The surgeons removed our fears and con-
sternation by assuring us that it was a very inconsiderable
one. He obliged us to come near his bed, and conversed
with us familiarly on the dangers of that day; upon which I
observed as something very extraordinary, that amongst all
of us who were in the room, there were not two who agreed*
in the recital of the most particular circumstances of the
action.t However, there are perhaps few kings whose lives
will afford so splendid an instance of valour and good con-
duct. But Henry was always too prodigal of his own blood,
and too careful of that of his soldiers.
The Prince of Parma’s extreme prudence failed him upon
this occasion; it hindered him from cutting off our whole
squadron, and finishing the war that day by the death or
capture of the king, for one or other was inevitable. But
he was determined to undertake nothing till he was joined
by the Duke of Mayenne, not being willing to bear alone
all the inconveniences of a war of which he was not to have
the sole advantage.
The prince could not comprehend the cause of this delay
in the chief of the League; the suspicions he entertained of
it made him suddenly change the march of his army, and
take the road back again to the Somme, an action very par-
donable in a foreigner, who saw himself in the midst of a
* There is scarce any skirmish or battle of which as much may not
be said. Although there are a great number of writers, and even con-
temporaries, who have treated of the military exploits contained in
these Memoirs, I cannot meet with two who agree exactly in these
descriptions, D’Aubigné, in that of the encounter at Aumale, does
not even mention the king's wound, which was the only one he ever
received in his life. (Matthieu, ibid. p. 100, and our best historians,
differ but little from our Memoirs.)
† Henry having sent to the Prince of Parma to ask his opinion of
this retreat, he replied, that “indeed it was a very fine one; but that,
for his part, he never engaged in any place from whence he was
obliged to retire." (Pèref. ibid. part ii.) It was on this occasion that Du
Plessis-Mornay wrote this excellent letter to the king: “Sire, you have
been long enough an Alexander; it is time you should now be an
Augustus; it is our glory and duty to die for you and yours: I dare
tell you, sire, to live for France," &c. (Notes upon the . Henriade.')
272
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
strange country, where he alone was to sustain the war.
Henry, who without considering what was glorious for him-
self in this last battle, called it only the error of Aumale, and
being solicitous to repair this heroic error, could not resolve
to suffer the Spanish general quietly to retreat: putting off,
therefore, the cure of his wound to another time, he again
mounted his horse, and harassed the prince continually, only
regretting that he could not do more. But he had a most
wary general to deal with, who notwithstanding all his en-
deavours presented him always with an infantry in front,
which he could not break through, and observed so prudent
a conduct that it was not possible, even at the passage of the
river, to have an encounter with him. The king at length.
quitting him at Pontdormy, returned to Neufchâtel to have
his wound cured, at the house of Monsieur de Claire, where
I was received as a friend and relation. I kept only a valet-
de-chambre, a page, and a footman with me, and sent all the
rest of my equipage to my quarters before Rouen.
The success of the siege became more uncertain every day;
at last the king was informed by a courier, that Villars, at
the head of two hundred musketeers and three or four hun-
dred soldiers, had in the night made a furious sally on the
side of Darnetal; that he had penetrated even into the king's
quarters, where he had cut all the German foot to pieces,
and carried off six pieces of cannon and all the powder; that
afterwards pursuing his advantage, he had fallen upon the
trench, which he attacked from behind; had killed there
three or four hundred men, and put the rest to flight,-in a
word, that he did not retire till he had destroyed almost all
the works of the besiegers.
This news gave great displeasure to the king, because he
knew these disasters had happened through the negligence
of the Marshal Biron, though he would not accuse him, for
fear of giving him offence,* and of creating any misunder-
UI
* There cannot be a stronger proof of the respect and deference
which Henry IV. thought himself obliged to show the Marshal Biron,
than what this prince said one day to Châtillon on a certain occasion,
when that young man offered some very reasonable advice, but con.
trary to that given by the marshal: “ The goslings,” said he, “would
lead the geese to pasture. When your beard is white, perhaps you
· will have acquired some knowledge, but at present I do not approve of
1592.] HENRY RAISES THE SIEGE OF ROUEN. 273
standing with the most ill-disposed of the Catholics (who on
the least disaster attributed everything to the king's reli-
gion), lest they should abandon him at this important con-
juncture; therefore, not to displease the ill-natured, nor to
discourage the good, he affected to make light of the matter,
and said aloud that it was nothing, and that he would in a
few days repair all these little reverses (inseparable from war-
fare) by gaining a second, or rather a third, battle. But this
language could not regain the affections of the most ill-
tempered of the Catholics, nor prevent their betraying, by
their looks and gestures, and their predictions of bad fortune
as long as ever the king continued a Huguenot, how unwill-
ingly they endured the power of a sovereign of that religion,
and their hatred against the professors of it; indeed, they
were so far impelled by this hatred as to recommend one of
the most cruel an, shameful actions imaginable: this was to
dig up the bodies of the Huguenots who had fallen in the
late sortie, and who had been interred promiscuously with
the Catholics in the neighbouring churchyards, and to cast
them to the wolves and crows; but the difficulty of distin-
guishing the one from the other, and the threats of retalia-
tion by the army (two-thirds of which were Huguenots),
deterred the authors of such outrages from their design.
The king was more afflicted by these dissensions than either
by his wound or his other misfortunes ; but his resolution,
his constancy and invincible courage, soon changed the face
of things.
A few days after the above events, Henry received certain
intelligence that the Duke of Mayenne, after having restored
order in Paris, had joined the Prince of Parma, with all the
troops he could collect, and also those under the Duke de
Sfondrato, and that they were advancing with the intention of
giving him battle. The king, immediately, forgetting all his
late reverses, testified so much joy at this intelligence, and
appeared so confident of a victory, should he bring the enemy
to an engagement, that he completely regained those who had
become indifferent to his cause and the fate of France.
That he might gain time to abandon his lines without con-
your speaking so freely; that belongs only to my father here," point-
ing to Biron, who had threatened to retire. “We must,” pursued he,
embracing him, "go all to his school." (Matthieu, vol. ii. p. 16.)
VOL. I.
T
274
[BOOK IV.
fusion, and regulate the order of his march, the king sent
Givry to throw himself into Neufchâtel,* which the enemy
would be obliged to take before they could come to Rouen.
This, although a very strong place, did not hold out near so
long as was expected, the cause of which is difficult to be
assigned; but the whole blame was cast upon Palcheux, who
was much weaker, and worse sustained than Givry.t Although
an old officer, and distinguished by his actions and his wounds,
he sustained all the violence of the storm, and was put under
arrest at Dieppe. The relations and friends whom the gar-
rison of Neufchâtel had in the party of the League, seemed
to me to be the true cause why the place made so slight a
resistance. It surrendered in the middle of March, 1592.
The king, by his care and diligence, repaired this misfortune,
and brought off his troops from Rouen without receiving
the least check ;; and putting himself at their head, advanced
without loss of time to that side on which the Prince of
Parma was approaching the city.
On his arrival at a plain where the enemy's army must
pass, he waited for it, and as soon as it appeared sent and
offered the Prince of Parma battle. The prince accepted it
with a joy that was far from being sincere : he was afraid of
engaging with a general such as he knew Henry to be, and
of exposing to the event of a battle the reputation of the
greatest warrior in Europe, which a long series of great ac-
tions bad acquired him amongst his partisans. Finding him-
self now in a situation where he might be forced to fight, he
had recourse to one of the most artful stratagenis imagin-
advance, and composed of them a front of battle, behind
which he drew up, as without design, all his cavalry. Under
* A city in the country of Caux.
ř "Neufchâtel might have been taken in an hour's time," says Mat-
thieu; who nevertheless, as well as the Duke of Sully, blamed Givry
for surrendering without making greater resistance. (Vol. ii. p. 102.)
time that he lost three thousand men, and the besieged only a hundred
and twenty. The Earl of Essex challenged Admiral de Villars to
single combat, who replied that his quality of governor would not
allow him to accept his challenge. (See the Chron, Novenn. and
Mezeray.)
1592.]
MOVIMENTS OF THE PRINCE OF PARMA.
-275
favour of this front of infantry, in such order as was usual
for an action, and seeming to wait only for the signal, all his
cavalry, the remainder of his foot, and the whole baggage,
entered into the defiles which served for an outlet to the
enemy's camp; and, covered by hills and bushes, which the
Prince of Parma knew well how to take advantage of, they
saw themselves immediately out of reach of the king's army,
who were ignorant of all that passed behind the camp. This
front of infantry, which had no depth, taking the same route
after the others, in four-and-twenty hours all disappeared ;
nor was it possible, on account of the ground being full of
narrow straits and necks of mountains, to disorder the enemy's
retreat, or to engage with his rear-guard.
The Prince of Parma was extremely rejoiced that, without
the least loss, he had reached almost the gates of Rouen. He
knew no person would be rash enough to attempt to attack him
under the walls of that city; his design, therefore, was to stay
there six weeks, which was a sufficient time to refresh his army,
and afterwards to march back to the Somme by Neufchâtel,
Aumale, St. Valery,* and Pontdormy, confining all the ex-
peditions of this campaign to the advantage of putting this
capital, and the rest of the cities that kept firm to the League,
in such a condition as to apprehend nothing from the king's
army. Henry penetrated into this general's views, and lay-
ing aside his design of making head against an army so ad-
vantageously posted, suffered the Prince of Parma to enjoy
his triumph, and laid another snare for him. He disbanded
his whole army, as if it were now become useless to him, or
that he were constrained to it by necessity. Part was dis-
persed in Arques, Dieppe, Gournai, Andelys, Gisors, Magny,
and other distant places; and part had Mantes, Meulan, and
the adjoining places for its quarters; the rest he spread about
Pont de l'Arche,t Evreux, Poissy, Vernon, Conches, and
Bréteuil, and fixed his head-quarters at Louviers. This con-
duct was sufficiently justified by appearances : it would not
have been long possible to have subsisted a numerous army
had he kept them together; but by the disposition of his
quarters, particularly the last, where he had distributed all
* St. Valery in Picardy. .


Normandy.
T 2
276
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
his best troops, and the promise he had exacted from his
officers to repair to Pont de l'Arche at the first order, it was
easy for him to reassemble his army in a short time. This
separation he did not doubt would make the Spanish general
perfectly secure, and furnish him with some means of sur-
prising him, at least in his retreat.
Indeed, the Prince of Parma, fearing that Rouen, sur-
rounded by so large an army, would be in want of provisions,
and being told that there would be no danger in spreading
his army over the country, he sent part of his troops to Pon-
teau de Mer: D'Hacqueville* delivered up this city to him
cowardly enough; and the king not only seemed to be indif-
ferent about it, but also feigned ignorance of the enemy's
design upon Caudebec,† which greatly annoyed the city of
Rouen, and, neglecting to send supplies to La Garde, who
was governor of it, suffered this place to be taken likewise.
He observed with extreme satisfaction that the enemy,
after these two conquests, drawn by the conveniency of
lodgings and provisions, extended themselves along the
Seine, below Rouen, as far as they could. The Spanish
general, however, was not without suspicion of some design
in this inactivity, so unusual with Henry; and probably,
bad he been the sole commander of this army, he would
not have hazarded so much; but his colleague, the Duke
of Mayenne, who was detained in Rouen by indisposition,
assured him there was no danger; and he believed it, upon
à supposition that he was better acquainted with the state
of the country.
The king, finding the enemy contributed of themselves to
serve his designs, resolved to hasten the execution of them.
In less than eight days he assembled twenty thousand foot,
and eight thousand horse, with which he speedily advanced
to Varicarville and Fontaine le Bourg. He shut up all the
passages between Rouen and Caudebec, and began with re-
venging himself completely for the taking of this place and
Ponteau de Mer, by cutting off from the troops which were
there all communication with the main body of the army,
which put them wholly into his power. He afterwards went
* De Vieuxpont, Lord d'Hacqueville. He was gained, it is said, by
a sum of money.
† Upon the Seine, above Rouen.
1592.]
HENRY'S EXPLOITS AT YVETOT.
277
in person with ten thousand foot and three thousand
troopers to attack the enemy's vanguard, commanded by
the Duke of Guise. The surprise into which his sudden
arrival threw this troop, gave him an easy conquest of them.
The duke's squadrons were broken through at the first onset,
and he was obliged to fly with precipitation towards the body
of the battalions, leaving, with a great number of the slain,
all the baggage, which was very considerable, in the power of
the victor.
The Prince of Parma, struck as with a thunderbolt at this
news, applied himself wholly to securing his other quarters,
by placing the Duke of Guise at Yvetot, and in fortifying
the camp, in which he lodged his dispersed troops, on all
sides. He was desirous of quartering all the army there;
but as this camp was too small to contain it, he commanded
the rest not to remove far from it, to guard their posts with
great care, and to keep themselves very close. After this
precaution, which he did not think sufficient, to support all
the lodgments spread around his camp, he posted three thou-
sand men in a wood which bounded them, fortified this wood
all round with intrenchments, and united it by a line of
communication with his camp. The last step the king bad
taken made him extremely formidable to the Prince of
Parma; but that prince thought to escape him by his great
foresight and diligence in going wherever his presence was
necessary: however, he was again mistaken. The next day
the king ordered the Baron de Biron to attack the wood with
a body of eight thousand infantry, composed of an equal
number of English, Dutch, and Germans, in order that they
might be animated by emulation to excel each other, and
caused them to be supported by six bundred troopers com-
pletely armed. The attack lasted three hours, at the end of
which the wood was carried; those who defended it, seeing
themselves broken through, fled in disorder to the fortified
camp, after having lost eight hundred of their men. Their
flight exposed the greatest part of the lodgments, particularly
that of Yvetot, where the Prince of Parma thought he had in-
closed, as in a safe asylum, the Duke of Guise, with the same
vanguard that had been so badly handled before. Henry,
as though he had a personal hatred to the Duke of Guise,
hastened to reconnoitre the quarter of Yvetot, and judging
278
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
by the alarm, and the confused cries he heard there, that
their consternation was not yet over, fell upon this quar-
ter with four hundred musketeers and a thousand foot,
armed with pistols and halberds, and attacked it in several
places at the same time. The Prince of Parma, wbo bad not
expected such rapid exploits, saw his whole vanguard upon
the point of being put to the sword; and taking counsel only
of necessity, hastened thither himself, and vigorously repulsed
our efforts, till the troops of this whole quarter had gained
the fortified camp. He lost there seven" or eight hundred
men, almost all private soldiers. The greatest misfortune
was, that in this action, wherein he behaved like a man who
knew as well how to fight as to command, he received a very
dangerous wound in the arm.*
Night approached before this battle was ended. The king,
instead of taking any rest after a day of such extraordinary
fatigue, employed the night wholly in preparing himself for
* The little reliance one can have on the exactness of those military
details which the historians give us, is shown particularly in this, in
which I have observed a great many contradictions amongst them, with
regard to the encampments, and the number and date of the encounters.
The author of these Memoirs relates all these expeditions in such a
manner, that he seems to allow but three or four days for actions
which could not, and were not, performed in less than three weeks.
He can no otherwise be justified, than by supposing that he intended to
give a slight notion only of this campaign. D'Aubigné, either because
he was ignorant of the facts, or had no design to relate them minutely,
gives rooin for the same mistake as our Memoirs. (Vol. iii. b. iii. c. 15.)
It is in De Thou, Davila, Matthieu, Cayet, and the Memoirs of the
League for the year 1592, that we must look for them; although, as I
have just said, their relations differ in many circumstances. Accord-
ing to the Memoirs of the League, which, in my opinion, merit most to
be credited, the king defeated the Duke of Guise on the 28th of April,
and another body of troops on the 1st of May: on the 5th he attacked
the fortifications before the camp; and on the 10th, at five o'clock in
the morning, began the great attack, in which the Prince of Parma re-
ceived his dangerous wound. (Vol. v.) De Thou will have it that it was
at the taking of Caudebec that the Prince of Parma was wounded,
and that he did not pass the Seine till the 22nd of May. (B. ciii.) Cayet
is of the same opinion. (Vol. ii. b. iv. p. 82 and following.) Matthieu
blames Henry Iỹ. for not taking the Duke of Mayenne prisoner at
the skirmish of Yvetot, and with as little reason for avoiding a
decisive battle. (P. 109.) The king is by some others accused of a still
greater error, in being ignorant of the Prince of Parma's preparations
to pass the river, and with not knowing how to prevent him.
1592.] THE PRINCE OF PARMA PASSES THE SEINE.
279.
greater advantages. Judging, therefore, that the enemy's
army, numerous indeed, and covered with intrenchments, yet
dismayed, and half vanquished, would keep close within the
camp, where their numbers would do them more harm than
good, he hesitated not a moment in resolving to storm it.
That readiness and despatch which governed all the actions of
this prince, was in him not only the effect of nature, but the
fruit of reading, in particular the Lives of Cæsar and Scipio,
whom he studied in preference to all the conquerors of anti-
quity. He drew out in the night six pieces of cannon, which
he directed against the fortification of the camp, that he
might make use of them at the dawn of day. He visited his
whole army, and kept it in such a disposition that it might
at the same time and place be drawn out in order of battle.
His commands were executed with the greatest exactness :
his former successes gave an authority to all his words, that
made the most mutinous obedient.
Here it is impossible to forbear praising the Prince of
Parma for a conduct, which, in my opinion, can never be
sufficiently admired. His camp lay between Rouen and
Caudebec, at some distance from the Seine, over which, in all
that space, there was not any bridge; yet the next morning
the whole camp was deserted; all the troops, who indeed lay.
there, it may be said, in heaps one upon another, those that
were in Caudebec, and, in general, all that were spread about
the neighbourhood of it, had transported themselves to the
other side of the river. Scarce could the king and his army
trust the evidence of their own eyes.
The Prince of Parma had foreseen the king's resolution to
attack him in his camp the next day; and he did not doubt,
after what had passed, but it would be stormed, and his whole
army delivered up to the mercy of the victors; a useless
foresight, and only productive of despair to any other, whose
prudence had not beforehand provided a resource; for not-
withstanding all the Duke of Mayenne's representations, he
had not delivered himself up so entirely to that security he
would have inspired him with, as to neglect any means that
might extricate him from danger, if it should happen that he
should be cne day obliged to engage with the enemy in a
country where there were so few resources as on the borders
of the Seine below Rouen.
280
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
These measures had been to provide himself secretly with
all the boats he could find, which he caused to be brought
near Caudebec, and it was to this precaution, which few
generals would have been capable of, that the Prince of
Parma owed the safety of his troops, and the preservation of
his glory, reputation, and perhaps his life. He caused these
boats to be laid over the river in the night; and notwith-
standing the disorder of his camp, and the inconvenience
arising from his wound, he gave such good orders, that a
bridge was built that very night, over which his whole army
and baggage passed securely. This we received particular
information of the next day at Caudebec, which surrendered
as soon as we approached. He only deserves the reputation
of a consummate warrior, who, before a battle, is as cautious
as if he were persuaded he should be conquered, and in it
behaves as if he were sure of conquering.
On the king's side, but one moment was lost in astonish-
ment: all the others were employed in taking speedy mea-
sures to deprive the Spanish general of part of the fruits
of his dexterity. Henry, after having well considered
his attempt, and removed all doubts of success from his own
mind, held a council of war, and there proposed to pass his
army over Pont de l'Arche, or at Vernon, and pursue the
enemir immediately. Some of us, though indeed a very small
number, supported this proposition as it deserved : if it hac
been followed, this campaign had perhaps put an end to the
war; but, as it should seem, the Prince of Parma, having
performed actions that raised him above humanity, obliged
fortune now to come over to his side ; for, upon the proposal
of marching the army to Pont de l'Arche, a cry was raised
in the council, and a kind of general mutiny, as if the king
had made the most unreasonable proposition imaginable.
The Catholics, the Protestants, and the foreigners, seemed
to outvie each other in searching for difficulties to oppose
it: they exclaimed that the Prince of Parma's army, being
in a level country, might reach the gates of Paris* in four
or five days; whereas it would be as long before we could
* It is acknowledged by De Thou that the king might have stopped
this army by sending his cavalry to shut up the passage to Pont de
l'Arche. Id is with great injustice, as we find here, that he charges
Henry IV. with this error.
1592.7
DISAFFICTION IN THE KING'S ARMY.
281
gain Pont de l'Arche. They represented to the king, that
the way through which they must pass being full of forests,
mountains, and defiles, the army could reach the rendezvous
only in small divisions; and that, although it should even
have time to come up with that of the League, the fatigue
of so troublesome à march would make it impossible for
them to attack it. In a word, they all treated this proposal
as a design equally ridiculous and chimerical.
The king, more enraged at the secret intentions of those
who talked to him in this manner than the purport of their
discourse, could not refrain from replying with some bitter-
ness, that all these difficulties were only insurmountable to
those to whom fear, and a dislike of fatigue, made them ap-
pear so. He plainly showed them that they might reach
Pont de l'Arche in two days, and Vernon in four, from
whence they could always send detachments of four or five
hundred horse to retard the Prince of Parma's march, to
which also the many obstacles he would meet with would
contribute, such as the passage over the river Eure; Lou-
viers, Poissy, Maintenon, Nogent le Roi, and Chartres, all
being sufficient to oblige him to go greatly out of his way:
that the enemy had no bridges open to them, but those of
Aquigny, Cocherel, Serisi, and two or three others, which
lay out of their road; and that it would not be impossible to
break down or burn part of these bridges before the enemy
could arrive.
These arguments sufficiently proved the king's scheme to
be not only possible but practicable; and it may be said that
the general officers, by refusing to yield to them, resisted the
strongest conviction. And this naturally occasions two re-
flections: first, how it happened that a prince, who in all his
expeditions made use of mercenaries, picked up whenever he
could find them, of different countries, manners, religions,
and interests, often a very small number, and always ready
to mutiny, was able to perform what is related of him ? The
second is, what this prince would have done, if, instead of
such troops, he had had a considerable number of well-
disciplined soldiers under his command, all united, obedient
to his will, constantly attached to his person, and willing to
sacrifice their lives for him ; in a word, such troops as those
conquerors had, whose actions have been so highly extolled
282
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
by posterity? If these reflections are not made every time:
they offer, it is because that must be done in every page;
and besides, no one can be ignorant that we should judge
very ill of merit and abilities by success, if we did not at the
same time judge of the success by the obstacles.
It is scarce possible to assign a reason for that invincible
obstinacy which the general officers in the king's army dis-,
covered upon this occasion, in opposing so prudent a propo-
sal, unless it was owing to that disposition of mind which I
have just now mentioned. If a small number of French
Protestants be excepted, whose fidelity was unquestionable,
and most of the English troops, who seemed to act sincerely
with us, all the rest of the king's army, Protestants, Catho-
lics, and foreigners, served him without affection, often un-
willingly, and perhaps wished, more than they feared, that
he might suffer some considerable loss. However, notwith-
standing this bad disposition towards their leader, on some
occasions they all performed their duty, and seconded him
bravely : such were the attack of the Duke of Guise, the
encounter at the wood, and the battle that followed it. Such
would have been the attack of the Prince of Parma's camp,
if he had waited for us ; for at that time all the king's opera-
tions, which he knew well how to make dependent upon each
other, were executed with such rapidity, that he did not suffer
their courage, when once heated, to have time to cool, nor
their minds to return to their usual habits of thinking: the
behaviour, likewise, of a small number of brave men is alone
sufficient to raise emulation in a whole army, and force it to
follow their example, when they are once engaged; but this
fierceness and this ardour abated, their former ideas return
with greater violence, and are so much the inore capable of
embittering their minds, as they then become sensible that
they have done the very contrary of what they intended.
Unhappily, the leaders of the royal army were in this
unfavourable disposition, when the king made a motion to
pursue the Prince of Parma. The Catholics, who had a little
time before publicly declared that they were resolved to
withdraw their assistance if the king did not abjure Calvin-
ism within a certain term which they prescribed to him, and
reunite themselves with the rest of France in order to elect
a king of their own religion, these Catholics could not relish
1592.] CONFLICTING INTERESTS IN HENRY'S CAMP.
283
a project which, by making the king master of his enemies,
would consequently put him in a condition to give them law,
instead of receiving it from them.
The Huguenots, who feared this change of religion as much
as the Catholics, endeavoured to enhance the necessity of it,
took umbrage at everything, and always thought they were
upon the point of being sacrificed, while the king only sacri-
ficed himself to that necessity which obliged him to endea-
vour to gain the Catholics. Through an apprehension that,
by extirpating the League, they should only labour for the
Catholics against their own interests, they the easier recon-
ciled themselves to circumstances which would at least make
the balance even, and render them necessary; and in case
the king should one day forsake their religion, they were
resolved to take such measures beforehand as might make
them be feared, both by the Catholics and by him whom they
should give them for a master.
These precautions were, to procure a number of towns to
be yielded to them, to obtain such favourable edicts, and so
many other securities, that the king, although a Catholic,
should find it his interest to keep on good terms with them.
It was towards this end that the Duke of Bouillon, who
governed absolutely the resolutions of the party, directed
all his views, and to which he made the five or six hundred
German horse under his command subservient. On the
slightest occasion of discontent, or rather on the first caprice,
they broke into murmurs, and threatened, as they did then,
that they would return immediately to Germany. The
king, being obliged to bebave in such a manner as to satisfy
equally parties so opposite, was greatly perplexed by his
endeavours to stifle these seeds of division: he was desirous of
avoiding an open rupture, or at least of protracting it, till he
should be out of danger. It was this perplexity that reduced
him to compliances very prejudicial to his affairs.
No labyrinth was ever more intricate than that complica-
tion of interests which divided the different parties composing
the king's army. I have yet but touched upon the smallest
part. The Catholics, besides their common object, had each
of them his own private one in view, which was to make
Henry purchase their personal services at a very high price;
and he was convinced that without this satisfaction he could
284
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
not bring affairs to a general conclusion. The interests of
the French Calvinists were not entirely the same with those
of the foreign Protestants. . There were certain times when
the English, who alone were united, murmured amongst them-
selves, that, in all the dangers they were exposed to, they
were actuated by a principle of generosity, which, whatever
turn affairs might take, would bring them no advantage; and
while this reflection employed their minds, they would look
upon themselves as madmen, who sacrificed their lives purely
to gratify the passions of foreigners, and demand leave to re-
tire, as they did upon this occasion, when they absolutely re-
por resource for them in a country at such a distance from
the sea. To exasperate them still more, and to strengthen
their suspicions, the Catholics seized those moments of dis-
content to persuade them that the king's abjuration was
become absolutely necessary..
With regard to the other foreigners, who only acted as
they were paid for their services, d’O and these same Catho-
lics had a secret equally short and infallible, and they made
use of it frequently: this was to keep the king in want of
money. Therefore, when the Swiss and German horse were
asked if they would pursue the Prince of Parma, they re-
plied only by demanding their pay; swearing that if it was
not instantly given them, they would return to their homes,
or engage in the service of the League.
Even the Spaniards, the king's declared enemies, had also
their intrigues, and took part in this prince's affairs. At this
very time they made a proposal to him, not only to withdraw
their troops, but even to lend them to him, to serve him
against the League ; in a word, to put the crown upon his
head, provided he would yield Burgundy and Brittany to
them for ever; and, in order to remove those scruples which
so liberal an offer might raise in the king's mind, they re-
called to his remembrance the example of Francis I., who,
they said, in a situation less pressing, had given up to them the
sovereignty* of Flanders and Artois; and that of Henry II.,
* By the treaty which was made during the imprisonment of that
prince at Madrid, the 25th of February, 1526, Francis I. resigned his
1592.]
PROPOSALS OF THE LEAGUE TO HENRY IV.
285
who had given Spain more towns than were contained in both
those provinces.* The king had sufficient reason to believe
that so unseasonable a proposition was a piece of Spanish
artifice, similar to that attempted at Hagenau, which tended
only to create more confusion, and render him suspected both
by the Protestants and Catholics; but had this proposition
been really sincere, he had an infinitely stronger motive for
rejecting it, which was the implacable hatred he bore to Spain
and the house of Austria.
At last, even the League, for some view or other, entered
into the resolutions that were taken in the king's council.
Villeroy, Jeannin, Zamet, and others, offered, in the name of
the League, to place him on the throne under certain con-
ditions. It is very difficult to guess the true cause of this
step : whether disgust at the pride and insolence of the
Spaniards, an artifice to procure new supplies, or a design to
alienate the Protestants from the king. The only evidence
of the sincerity of this proposition was the very hard condi-
tions that were annexed to it. I shall soon have occasion to
enlarge upon this subject.
One of the least of the consequences of this chaos of views
and interests was the spreading over every affair an impene-
trable obscurity, and creating in every mind jealousy and dis-
trust. It is indeed surprising, that after this the Protestants
and Catholics could live together in the same camp, without
exposing the king to the grief of seeing them come to blows,
and cutting each other's throats. Those who seek in a
prince what is termed policy, will here find sufficient cause
to praise the prudence of a king who kept so many jarring
interests united, and to admire his discernment in distin-
guishing those who acted with fidelity towards him : nor
claim there likewise to the duchies of Burgundy and Milan, to the
kingdom of Naples, &c.; but this treaty was declared void by the States
of the kingdom assembled at Cognac.
* By the treaty of Chateau-Cambresis, in January, 1559, after the
battle of St. Quentin, for three cities only, Ham, Câtelet, and St.
Quentin, France yielded to Spain and her allies more than a hundred
and fifty fortified places. The Constable Montmorency's jealousy of
the Duke of Guise, and his eagerness to be freed from his confinement,
made him conclude this treaty, at which the whole kingdom murmured.
286
[BOOK IV.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
ought it to pass unobserved, that while so many various
designs were secretly agitated, in outward appearance all was
tranquillity and order : falsehood assumed the semblance of
truth, and enmity concealed itself under the disguise of
friendship. Those who pretended the greatest affection to
the king, either betrayed him, or laboured only to advance
their own interest.
It would be useless to dissemble that the Marshal de Birou
often played this part, either through malice at being refused
the government of Rouen, a desire of protracting the war,*
or a disposition that took pleasure in creating discord and
confusion. He was never known to agree with the general
opinion, or to yield to the king's inclinations: he always con-
tradicted, either for the sole pleasure of contradicting, or
because he would oblige every one to embrace his opinion,
In the council, when the question that has occasioned this
digression was debated, he was neither for pursuing the
enemy nor for staying in Normandy: he thought it was
necessary to get before and wait for the Prince of Parma on
the frontiers of Picardy, through which he would be obliged
to pass in his return to Flanders; a project uncommonly
chimerical, but which was immediately applauded by the
Protestants, who were devoted to the will of the marshal.
The king saw plainly that all endeavours to retain such
discontented troops in his service would be in vain. The
campaign was drawing towards an end, and a siege so long and
fatiguing as that of Rouen made the soldiers extremely desi-
rous of rest. The king was resolved to grant it to them: he
followed that maxim, that a prince should always have the
appearance of doing voluntarily even what he is constrained
to do. He told the foreigners that he was willing they should
return home, and gave them permission to do so. He dis-
tributed all the money he had amongst them, leaving himself
without any to supply his necessary expenses; and though
they were not wholly satisfied in this respect, yet they had
reason to be pleased with the noble manner in which he
“What then, rascal! Wouldst thou send us to plant cabbages at
Biron?" said the marshal to his son, who proposed to him an expedient
to finish the war at one blow. (Pèrefixe, part ii. ibid.)
1592.]
HENRY RESOLVES TO VISIT PICARDY.
287
praised and thanked them for their services. As he had left
Normandy in peace, and (except Rouen and a few other
cities) entirely reduced under his obedience; and as there
was no reason to apprehend that the army of the League
would come thither soon, he permitted all the officers of his
army, as well Catholics as Protestants, to retire to their
homes : and, to lay the Marshal de Biron under a necessity
of not abandoning him with his Protestants, which, after
this permission, he foresaw he would do, he declared that he
would follow his advice, and in a few days would set forward
to Picardy; not that he really entered into the marshal's
views, but as he had not yet shown himself in that province,
nor in Champagne, he thought it necessary to make himself
known there, and to endeavour to conciliate the affections of
the people towards him. A secret and more powerful motive*
contributed to favour and confirm this resolution; and Biron,
who knew and flattered the king's weakness, drew from
thence his best reason.
* His passion for Mademoiselle d'Estrées. He sometimes stole away
from his army to go and see her. He once disguised himself like a
countryman, passed through the midst of the enemy's guards, and
came to her house, not without hazarding the danger of being taken.
(Notes upon the · Henriade.')
288
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
BOOK V.
[1592—1593.]
A succinct account of the state of affairs in the provinces of France
during the years 1591 and 1592-Intrigues carried on by the Count
of Soissons-His character-An abridgment of the Duke of Epernon's
history-His disobedience--His character-Several parties formed in
the southern provinces of France-A short account of what passed
there—The sieges of Villemur and Epernay, where Marshal Biron is
slain-His eulogium-Death of the Prince of Parma-Rosny marries
again, and retires in discontent-The cause of it-He intercepts the
memoirs of the negotiations between Spain and the League-A detail
and examen of those papers--A third party formed in France-The
persons who composed it, and their views-Henry follows Rosny's
advice—The wise and cautious conduct observed by them both-
Conversations betwixt then, wherein Rosny advises him to change
his religion-Henry sounds the Protestants upon this subject-
Rosny's conference with Bellozanne, the two Durets, and Du Perron
-Conditions offered by the League to Henry-With what design-
Rejected—The meeting of the States of Paris—A project of the
Prince of Parma's badly executed-Disunion of the Catholic chiefs in
these states—Their intrigues and artifices to supplant each other
The parliament of Paris publishes an arrêt-The zeal of its members
ability of Henry in profiting by the dissensions among the chiefs of
the League-Conduct of Villeroy and Jeannin-Rosny gives the king
very prudent advice—The siege of Dreux-Taken by Rosny's means
- Henry removes all obstacles to his conversion-Particulars re-
lating to his abjuration.
WHILE the king, with a few Protestants, pursued the road
to Picardy, the Prince of Parma hastened to Paris, from
whence, without any difficulty, he returned to Flanders, but
little satisfied with his campaign, discontented to the last
degree with the League and its chiefs, and much troubled at
a wound which he knew was incurable.
It is in general and particular histories that a relation of
all that was performed this year and the preceding, in dif-
ferent parts of the kingdom, must be sought for. The attack
INTRIGUES OF THE COUNT OF SOISSONS.
289
of St. Denis,* where the Chevalier d'Aumale lost his life ;
the taking of Stenay and Dun, in Lorraine; the defeat of the
Sieur d'Amblise, with the Duke of Bouilion'st other ex-
ploits, either before or after his marriage; the loss of the
battle of Craon, the defeat of the Sieur de la Guerche, and
the blockade of Poitiers, are the principal actions, to which an
infinite number of others in Provence, Dauphiny, and Poitou
may be added. From the departure of the Prince of Parma to
the negotiations which preceded the king's coronation many
things happened worthy of notice, and may likewise be
found there. I have, in another place, excused my silence
on these heads, and the liberty I allow myself of relating
only the most important facts; among which are those that
regard the Count of Soissons and the Duke of Epernon; and
upon those the above narrations did not permit me to en-
large.
The Count of Soissons,ß after having abandoned the king's
party, and been at open variance with him at Béarn, still re-
tained hopes of marrying the princess his sister, of whose
affections he always remained master. By the death of
* Claude de Lorraine, knight of the order of St. John of Jerusalem,
having surprised this city at the head of a body of troops in the service
of the League, De Vic repaired thither and beat them back. The Che-
valier d'Aumale was killed in this encounter.
The Duke of Bouillon took Stenay the same day that his nuptials
were celebrated. Africanus d'Anglure d'Amblise, general of the troops
of Lorraine, coming to attack Beaumont, in Argonne, a city three leagues
from Sedan, which the Duke of Bouillon had taken from the Duke of
Lorraine, Bouillon defeated his troops under the walls of the place, and
D'Amblise was slain.
This battle was fought before the city of Craon, in Anjou, which
the royalist troops had come to besiege; they were composed of French,
English, and Germans, to the number of seven or eight thousand men,
commanded by the Duke of Montpensier, the Prince of Conti, the Duke
of Damville, &c., and were defeated by the Duke of Mercour at the
head of the Spanish troops and those of the League. About the same
time, George de Villequier, Viscount de la Guerche, attempting to pass
the Vienne, a river in Poitou, was defeated at the head of a small body
of troops of the League, and himself drowned in the river. (See a re-
lation of the blockade of Poitiers, and the several skirmishes before it,
in D'Aubigné, vol. iii. book iii. chap. ll. For all these expeditions
consult likewise the historians above cited.)
$ Charles of Bourbon, son of Louis the First, Prince of Condé (slain
at Jarnac), and of Frances d'Orleans-Longueville. He died in 1612.
VOL. I.
290
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
Henry III., to whom he had last attached himself, he was
left in the king's army, whom he served without affection,
and only till he had resolved upon some new project, or till
some opportunity favourable to his passion presented itself.
He thought he found one in the siege of Rouen, an enter-
prise, in his opinion, of too much importance to afford the
king leisure to employ himself in other affairs. He pre-
tended to take a journey to Nogent, and, stealing away from
the camp, went secretly, and with the utmost expedition, to
Béarn, in order to accomplish his marriage there, unknown
to Henry; but he was one of those persons whose most in-
considerable actions were strictly observed by the king.
This prince, penetrating into the count's designs, sent such
orders there, that the count, upon his arrival at Béarn,
found the Princess Catherine, indeed, in the most favourable
dispositions towards him, and some say that she had herself
pressed him to come thither : but it was quite otherwise
with the council, to which the king, in his absence, had com-
mitted the care of the province. The Sieur de Pangeas,*
who was at the head of this council, boldly opposed him,
showed him the orders he had received from the king, raised
the country against him, and obliged him at last to return to
France, with the disgrace of having failed in his attempt, for
which the count could take no other vengeance on Pangeas
than by throwing him down a staircase one day, when he met
him in the king's apartments at Pontoise.
By these traits the Count of Soissons' character may be
easily understood: to finish the picture, let it be added, that
there never was a more blind or more boundless ambition.
To him every new event appeared to lead him a step forwards
to the attainment of his ends, and engaged him in new mea-
sures, which only threw him at so much the greater distance
from them as he imagined he approached nearer. He him-
self kuew not the object his wishes aimed at; restless, un-
easy, and jealous, his ambition was fed by everything and
drew advantage from nothing. Nature had given him quali-
ties quite contrary to those of the king; he resembled him
neither in temper nor manners. The king was open, frank,
and generous; the Count of Soissons, to a mind naturally
* De Pardaillan de Pangeas, or Pangeac.
1592.]
CHARACTER OF THE DUKE OF EPERNON.
291
reserved and incapable of a wise foresight, added an affected
moderation and despicable cunning. He endeavoured to
impose upon the world an assumed seriousness for an air of
grandeur ; laboured to appear impenetrable, and mistook the
frozen countenance which false gravity Wears for respect.
Pomp and the ostentation of grandeur were his taste: in a
word, ambition had taken absolute possession of his heart,
and his whole behaviour was made up of ceremony and for-
mality. The near affinity his character bore to that of the
Spaniards in general was, perbaps, the source of that anti-
pathy the king conceived for him, and which he could never
surmount.
As for the Duke of Epernon,* ambition was not his predo-
minant passion; he was likewise actuated by an unconquer-
able pride, an insolence, or rather a natural ferocity, which
showed itself in every word and action. Ambition, it is
said, makes use of various methods to accomplish its designs :
Epernon, regarded in this light, could not be an ambitious
* John Louis de Nogaret de la Valette, Duke of Epernon, colonel-
general of France, governor of Guienne, Metz, and the county of
Messin. He died in 1642, aged eighty-eight years; and, as the author
of his Life observes, he was the oldest duke and peer of France, the
oldest officer of the crown, general of an army, governor of a province,
knight of the order, and councillor of state, and almost the oldest man of
rank in his time. They called him the king's wardrobe, because of
the great number of posts which he possessed in this prince's household.
There is recorded an excellent answer of his to Henry IV., who one
day in anger reproached him with not loving him. The Duke of
Epernon, says his historian, without being surprised at the king's
rage, answered coolly, but with great gravity, “Sire, your majesty has
not a more faithful servant than myself in the kingdom; I would
rather die than fail in the least part of my duty to you; but, sire, as
for friendship, your majesty well knows that is only to be acquired
by friendship.” The king, who equally knew how to admire great
actions and speeches of this kind, turned all his indignation into
esteem, &c. (Life of the Duke of Epernon, p. 225.) The character
which is here given of him by the Duke of Sully is rather too strong;
however, it would not be easy to refute what he says: all the historians
agree with him in charging the Duke of Epernon with a boundless
ambition, and his correspondence with Spain is proved by several letters
of the Cardinal d'Ossat. As for his extraction, “Patrem," says Busbeq,
“habuit bello egregium, avum tabellionem sive notarium." (Epist. 17.)
On the contrary, according to Father Vaissette, he was descended
from William de Nogaret, famous for his quarrels with the pope in the
reign of Philip le Bel. Consult likewise our genealogists.
U 2
292
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
man, for he used only one, which was that haughtiness by
which he expected to carry all before him. In a word, am-
bition was, in him, but a natural love of independence, in-
spired by a harsh disposition, misanthropy, and a presump-
tion that made him consider himself superior to friendship and
rewards. He hated the king, because he hated the whole
world; and, without doubt, there were moments when he
was not well satisfied with himself. A constant disobedience
to his superiors, an insolent behaviour to his equals, and a
cruel and insupportable conduct towards his inferiors, make
up the rest of his character.
Epernon, finding that his enterprises had not the success
his pride had flattered him with, was obliged to alter his be-
haviour, and sometimes, though but seldom, behaved cour-
teously to those whom he might have occasion for; but even
his kindnesses, if that phrase may be allowed when speaking
of him, had a sort of spleen and contempt in them: so that if
he hated the world, he was equally hated by it; no one served
him from any other motive than fear, which was the cause
that, with great dispositions for war, and in a situation which
might have made them useful, he ruined his affairs. Provence
and Dauphiny held for him and for Valette, * his brother.
These provinces, whose governor, before him, had been the
grand prior,† the natural brother of their last three kings,
despised him for his extraction, and hated him for his
cruelty. They were rejoiced when Epernon (who, when
Henry III. was living, would not remove far from the court)
sent them La Valette in his stead, who made bimself beloved
in Provence, and served the king with fidelity. Henry III.
becoming acquainted with the true character of his favourite,
began himself to be apprehensive of him; he disgraced
Epernon, and had thoughts even of putting him under an
arrest at Angoulême. La Valette, on this occasion, lost his
government, but all was restored to them after the murder
of the Duke of Guise, which laid Henry III. under the ne-
cessity of strengthening himself with every one whom he
could engage in his party, at any price whatever. After the
death of this prince, Epernon, whose vanity would not suffer
* Bernard de Nogaret, Admiral of France.
# Henry, Count d'Angoulême, son of Henry II., and of Living-
ston, a Scotch lady.
1592.] STATE OF PARTIES IN THE SOUTH OF TRANCE.
293
him to obey the King of Navarre, quitted him at Pontoise,
notwithstanding all the solicitations he made him by Mes-
sieurs de Bellegarde and Roquelaure to return, to which he
condescended himself to entreat him. To oppose a king was
a circumstance highly flattering to his pride, and in his
government of Provence he forgot nothing that might contri-
bute to it: he was the first among the nobility to sign the
King of Navarre's exclusion from the crown. It will not be
rash to judge, by Epernon, of the sincerity of this plea of re-
ligion, with which it was then usual to cover a revolt against
the lawful authority.
The remainder of the Duke of Epernon's history will give
a superficial knowledge of the affairs of the provinces in the
south of France. He there experienced great reverses of
fortune: the two brothers, assisting each other mutually,
were often worsted, and could not prevent three or four con-
siderable parties from being formed in Dauphiny and Pro-
vence, which opposed them there, without reckoning one in
each of the great towns, who endeavoured to make them-
selves independent. The Duke of Savoy* and the Duke of
Nemours, his brother, carried on intrigues there, and their
party became very powerful after the King of Spain had
permitted the Duke of Savoy, who was his son-in-law, and
whom he vigorously supported, to be acknowledged Count of
Provence, and to hold this fief of his crown. In the midst
of their successes these two princes met with a formidable
rival, who stopped their career, and reduced their party to
ineffectual menaces. This was Lesdiguières, f remarkable for
his valour and good fortune against the Duke of Savoy; he
always continued faithful to the king, and could never be
reproached with having appropriated to himself the fruits of
his actions, nor of having coveted the sovereignty of Dau-
phiny. Perhaps he only wished that the king might long
have occasion for his assistance, and never come into that
province. Messieurs de Montmorency and d’Ornanoſ gave
great strength to this party. The others were formed by
the Duke de Joyeuse,ş the Countess of Sault, and the Count
* Charles Emanuel, Duke of Savoy. He died in 1630.
† Francis de Bonne, Duke of Lesdiguières, constable of France.
I Alphonso d'Ornano, colonel of the Corsicans.
ſ Antony Scipio, knight of Malta, who took the title of Duke de
294
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
of Carces, with the Sieur de Vins. Louis d'Aix and Cajoux,
Ligny, Martinengue, and many others, raised tumults there,
and filled these countries with divisions and slaughter ; but
their faction did not yet extend itself beyond the bounds of
one city. La Valette was hardly able to support himself
longer in Dauphiny, when he was slain at the siege of a
little inconsiderable town.* The Duke of Epernon imme-
diately invaded this government: for form's sake he de-
manded letters patent for it from the king, who durst not
refuse him them; but, instead of quelling all these different
parties, he went thither only to make a new one, upon which
the king had as little reason to depend as any of the others.
One may judge of this by what passed at the siege of Vil-
lemur,t the only action which I shall give a particular rela-
tion of from memoirs the authenticity of which I can an-
swer for.
The Duke de Joyeuse, a zealous partisan of the League in
Languedoc, having drawn together five or six thousand foot
and eight or nine hundred horse in the neighbourhood of
Toulouse, advanced with them on the 15th of June, 1592,
towards Montauban, pillaged the little villages and the flat
countries, and, after exercising all the cruelties usual in those
miserable times, came and laid siege to Villemur.
The Sieur d'Ariat, after whom I relate these circum-
stances, and the citizens of Villemur, had recourse to Thé-
mines, t who commanded for the king in that province, and
entreated him to come immediately with powerful supplies
to their assistance. Thémines, knowing he was not strong
enough, addressed himself to the Duke of Epernon, and
while he waited for the reinforcement the duke promised to
give him, sent a detachment of small bodies of cavalry and
foot, which got into Villemur with great difficulty, the
troopers on foot, because their horses could be of no use to
them, the city being so closely environed. Joyeuse was
severely punished for the error he was guilty of there, as we
Joyeuse after the death of his brothers; Christiana d’Aguerre, Countess
of Sault, Baroness of Viennes; Gaspard de Pontevez, Čount of Carces;
Hubert de la Garde, Lord of Vins; Charles de Casaux, &c.
* Roquebrunne, in Provence.
† A city of Languedoc.
| Pons de Laufière de Gardaillac, afterwards marshal of France.
1592.]
THE SIEGE OF VILLEMUR.
295
Tall,
shall see presently. This error was attacking the town
itself, instead of beginning with the castle, which, although
much stronger in appearance, was in reality the weakest.
Without doubt he was not sufficiently acquainted with the
place, or had a design to make use of the magazines of corn
and other ammunition, of which he knew it was full.
Epernon sent, indeed, a considerable body of troops; but
as he had given them orders to act cautiously, and particu-
larly to avoid hazarding a battle, these troops, although great
expectations were raised by them, minded nothing but re-
creation, abandoned their posts, and, by their bad example,
did more harm than good to the other royalist soldiers.
Joyeuse, who did not want courage, especially when he was
to act in person, finding the occasion favourable; and per-
haps doubtful of the Duke of Epernon's designs, fell upon
his soldiers, surprised them, and would have made a great
slaughter, if Thémines had not bastened thither time enough
to save the remainder; he could not, however, prevent seven
or eight hundred from being slain. There needed no more
to make Epernon recal them entirely.* Thémines after-
wards strongly solicited both him and the Marshal de Ma-
tignon for assistance, but in vain ; and all he could do was to
throw himself into Villemur, with D'Ariat, two hundred and
fifty arquebusiers, and about a hundred or a hundred and
twenty troopers, to support the besieged, whom Joyeuse
pressed more vigorously than before; he obliged Reiner,
who was lord of it, but who was grown too infirm to perform
the duties of a governor upon this occasion, to quit the
place, and resolved to defend himself there till the last ex-
tremity, being assured that the king; whom he acquainted
with his situation, would not suffer him to perish. Indeed,
this prince wrote instantly to the Dukes de Montmorency
and D'Epernon to send him supplies. The latter, accus-
tomed to disobey, paid no attention to this order; but
* All this is so positive that it may balance the authority of De
Thou, who mentions this fact very favourably for the Duke of Epernon,
and that of the author of this duke's Life, who maintains that the sol-
diers drove those belonging to the League from Villemur, and put that
place into a state of defence, (P. 134.) The Chronologie Novenn. agrees
here with our Memoirs (book iv. p. 63), as likewise the Memoirs of
the League. (Vol. v.)
296
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
Montmorency sent him Lecques* and Chambaut, with some
brave Protestant troops. These were still too few in number
to oppose the army of Joyeuse, lately reinforced by the in-
habitants of Toulouse: Lecques and Chambaut, therefore,
had recourse to Messillac,t lieutenant for the king in Au-
vergne, and to the Viscount de Gourdon, as remarkable for
his courage and fidelity as for his deformity. These two officers
marcbed immediately to the relief of Villemur, with eight
hundred arquebusiers and two hundred and eighty horse.
Joyeuse sent to offer them battle, which they refused, warned
by the misfortune which had happened to Epernon's troops,
and solicitous only to accomplish their object. After this re-
fusal the cavalry of the besiegers, who found themselves too
much straitened in their lines, demanded permission of Joyeuse
to remove into the neighbouring villages, which this general
granted with some difficulty, and contrary to the opinions of
the Sieurs d'Onous and Montberaut. He obliged the officers
to give their word that, upon the first signal which should
be made them, they would return to the camp.
Messillac, Lecques, and Chambaut, perceiving that this
removal of the cavalry had extremely weakened the army of
the besiegers, divided the whole of their infantry into four
bands, to each of which they added fifty dismounted troopers.
A regiment of eight hundred men was drawn up in battalions
within view of the intrenchments, with orders to charge on
a certain signal. Four hundred men attacked the first in-
trenchment, and were supported by the four troops. The
guard there usually consisted of no more than two hundred
foot; but Joyeuse, who had spies amongst us, being informed
of the designed attack a few moments beforehand, sent
thither four hundred men more, and at the same time ordered
three cannons to be discharged, which was the signal agreed
upon with his cavalry. It happened, that, either through tardi-
ness in obeying on their side, or eagerness on that of the Pro-
testants, the cavalry did not come up till after the action was
begun. Our men advanced before sunrise, and falling upon
the first intrenchment, laid a hundred of those who defended
it dead upon the ground: the rest fled towards the second
* Antony Du Pleix, Lord of Lecques,
† Raimont de Messillac de Restignac.
1592.]
THE SIEGE OF EPERNAY.
297
intrenchment, and carrying thither only their fears, this,
though much better than the first, was likewise stormed with
considerable loss.
Thémines seeing all this from within the walls, seconded
the assailants, and made so seasonable a sally, that he com-
pleted the rout of the besiegers. At this moment their
cavalry showed themselves at the head of the camp; but, in-
stead of putting a stop to this confusion, they no sooner per-
ceived the eight hundred men, which composed the body of
reserve, with three hundred horse, advancing against them,
than they followed the example of the rest of the army, and
sought for safety in flight. Their terror increasing every
moment, it soon became a general rout, which it was not in
the power of Joyeuse to prevent. Dragged along himself
with the fugitives, he gained a bridge of planks and ropes,
which he had ordered to be thrown over the Tarn. The
number of those who hastened thither, on this side, over-
charging the bridge, it sunk under Joyeuse, and he, and all
that were with him, were swallowed up in the river. Fear
had so blinded the rest of the troops, that, still imagining
they saw a bridge where none now was, they plunged into
the river where it had stood. More than three thousand foot
and four hundred horse perished on this occasion, either by
the sword or the waves, a prodigious loss for so small an
army, while the royalists lost only thirty men. The citizens
of Villemur beheld this sad spectacle from the top of their
walls, with a joy mingled with wonder and horror, which made
them compare an effect of fear, that had the appearance of a
miracle, with that which the sacred history relates of the
Egyptians at the passage of the Red Sea. But to return to
the king.
Henry went into Picardy, and in order to give employment
to his troops, sent the Marshal de Biron to besiege Epernay.*
The siege was long and obstinate, and Biron was there slain
by a cannon-ball;t and if the king, who was at that time
* In Champagne.
† The ball took off his head. He was almost as famous for his
learning as his abilities in war. De Thou greatly regrets the loss
France has sustained of his Commentaries. He commanded in chief in
seven battles, and in these every wound he received made a scar. He
was godfather to Cardinal de Richelieu, who was named after him. The
298
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MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
staying at Compiègne, had not resolved to show himself
before the city, they would have found great difficulty in
taking it. He defeated some powerful succours which were
endeavouring to throw themselves into the place, and obliged
it at last to surrender.
His funds failing him entirely, the king was obliged, after
this expedition, to disband the remainder of the foreign
troops. He continued some time longer in his quarters,
upon the report that was spread of the Prince of Parma's
having returned into France to execute the great projects he
had formed against him. The death of this brave general*
happened very fortunately for Henry, who saw himself not
in a condition to oppose such an enemy. The Spanish army,
having lost its leader, dispersed; and the time that was taken
up in appointing his successor gave the king leisure to breathe
again ; he drew near Paris, and thought of nothing but
of taking advantage of the absence of the Spaniards.
I did not attend the king in his journey to Picardy; I
went to Mantes, where finding Madame de Châteaupers in a
disposition favourable to my affection, I married her, and our
Luptials were celebrated the same day that the Prince of
Parma, t'with his army, passed through Houdan.
city of Gontaut, in Agenois, gave its name to this family. (See the
panegyric of the marshal in Brantôme, vol. ii.)
* At Arras, in the abbey St. Vaast. The Spaniards were accused
of having poisoned him through jealousy, but the wound he received
in Normandy the year before, joined to the bad conformation of his
body, was the sole cause of his death, as was acknowledged when he
was opened. (Cayet, ibid. 90; see in De Thou, book civ., a panegyric
on his great qualities.) His body was carried through Lorraine to Italy,
attended by 160 horsé; caparisoned in black. He was only forty-eight
years of age. He complained of being twice poisoned by the Spaniards,
if we may believe D'Aubigné, who assures us that the Italians were so
fully persuaded of it, that from that time they could neyer endure the
Spaniards. (Vol. iii. book iii. chap. 28.) And this also is the opinion of
Bongars. (Book xlix.)
+ This could not be till the 23rd or 24th of May, as the Prince of
Parma did not pass the Seine till the night of the 21st or 22nd of that
month. Here, then, is a mistake either in the New Journal of Henry
III., printed in 1720 (where, in the 271st page, the Duke of Sully's
marriage is observed to be celebrated on the 18th), or in the Memoirs
of Sully. The Baron de Rosny's second wife was called Rachel de
Cochefilet, daughter of James, Lord of Vaucelas, and of Mary d'Arba-
1592.7
MARRIAGE AND RETIREMENT OF ROSNY.
299
To confess the truth, the king's politics were not to my
taste. I saw with pain that the exigency of his affairs laid
him under the necessity of complying with every desire of
the Catholics, while the Protestants were neglected; and
after the departure of the foreign troops, which gave their
rivals many advantages over them, their assistance was of no
consideration. I had, in particular, often experienced the
effects of their hatred or jealousy, from whence I concluded
that I should never be able to advance my fortune. I was
likewise disgusted with the king's behaviour towards me; his
coldness, though I knew it to be feigned, had such an appear-
ance of a total estrangement, that I determined to quit war,
and retire to my estate, there to live far from business and
the tumult of life.
The event justified the king's prudence, and I was in the
end the first to come over to his opinion, and to give him
advice very opposite to my former sentiments; but then I
viewed things in a different light. The reflection on all that
the Protestants and myself had endured ; the little considera-
tion I appeared to be then of, and somewhat of that general
disposition of mind which always dictated the interest of
religion, formed all my resolutions, and were the foundation
of that sỹstem I built for the king, and which at that time
seemed to me to be the only reasonable one. I would have
had this prince, doing justice to those who had served
him with zeal and affection, to have refused all other assist-
ance, and cast himself entirely into their arms. I was per-
suaded that after such an open declaration of his dependence
upon the Protestants, England, Holland, and all the Protest-
ant powers in Europe, would exert themselves so effectually
in his favour, that they would soon, without any assistance
from the Catholics, seat him upon the throne. In this, as in
everything else, the king's understanding was superior to
mine: he knew, from the first moment, that a kingdom like
France was not to be gained by foreign lands; and although
it had appeared even possible, yet it was the hearts of the
French, rather than their crown, that this good prince sought
laste. She was first married to Francis Huraut, Lord of Châteaupers
and Marais, who died in 1590. She survived the Duke of Sully, and
died in the year 1659, aged ninety-three years.
300
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
to conquer; and he would have thought the rewards which
on that occasion he should be obliged to bestow upon the
authors of his elevation, to their prejudice, to have been an
encroachment upon their lawful rights.
My last motive for retiring was, that, a little after I arrived
at Mantes, the wounds in my mouth and neck which I had
received in the unfortunate rencounter at Chartres opened
again, and obliged me to go to Rosny to be radically cured,
to prevent the fatal consequences which generally attend
wounds of that nature. I continued there some time. After
a life so tumultuous as that which, till this moment, I had
led, I tasted, with higher relish, the sweets which retirement
offers to a heart detached from ambition. I amused myself
there with writing the events, varied by good and bad for-
tune, to which I had been exposed for the space of twenty
years.
Buhy,* the king's lieutenant in the Vexin, came one day
to visit me, and informed me that the king had written to all
the governors to draw together what troops they were able,
and to come immediately to his assistance; for it was about
this time that they were in expectation of the Prince of
Parma's return into France; and Buhy, therefore, asked me,
if I would not, upon this occasion, do as others did. This
question recalled the remembrance of the many governments
which I had requested, and which had been denied to me;
and, lastly, the post of one of the king's lieutenants, which
the Duke of Nevers and the Catholics had hindered me from
obtaining, in a very haughty and insulting manner. I an-
swered this officer with some emotion, that if the king had
had any occasion for my services, he would have done me the
honour to write to me. Buhy found something of anger in
my reply, and like a good courtier exaggerated it when he
repeated it to the king, and gave him to understand that he
ought no longer to have any dependence on me, for I had
resolved to spend the rest of my days in the country. This
circumstance was added by himself; for I did not esteem
Buhy so much as to make him my confidant. “His disposi-
tion then is greatly altered,” replied the king immediately,
“for he never failed to be present on such occasions as are
* Peter de Mornay de Buhy, brother of Du Plessis-Mornay.
1592.] ROSNY INTERCEPTS THE LEAGUE'S SERVANTS.
301
now approaching. Although he excuses himself on account
of his wounds, I know well what detains him; he is offended
with me, and not without reason. He would play the phi-
losopher for the future; but when I see him, I shall be able
to make all up again, for I know him thoroughly."
This conversation passed in the presence of the President
Seguier,* who dined with me some time after, and related it
to me. Having freely disclosed my most secret thoughts to
this great magistrate, whom I knew to be equally a sincere
friend, an honest man and an excellent politician, he answered
me in these words, which I shall never forget, because they
first opened my eyes, and removed my prejudices : “Sir, you
appear to me to be touched with resentment. We live in a
time when tranquillity is very difficult to procure. The
wisest amongst us are silent, and patient, in hopes of more
favourable days; and the king is so prudent, and so virtuous,
that God will assist him, and will make him our saviour.”
Finding now no other inconvenience from my wound than a
little difficulty in speaking, I began again to ride on horseback,
and, followed by fifty borse, made excursions upon the high-
road of Verneuil and Dreux to Paris, in order to resume my
former occupation, which I perceived was again likely wholly
to engross me. In the second of these journeys, when I was one
day riding towards Dreux, between the villages of Marolles
and Goussainville, I met ten or twelve men on foot, who, the
moment they saw us, struck into the woods with which that
country abounds. I followed them immediately, and seized
two of them, who had not quitted the high-road; these were
peasants who were returning from Paris, whither they had
been to sell their poultry: I asked them some questions, and
they answered me very ingenuously; they told me that it
was their custom to travel in the night, to avoid the incon-
veniences they were exposed to in those roads in the day, but
that they had taken courage this once, having nine or ten
domestics belonging to Messieurs de Mercour, de Médavy,
and De Vieux-Pont.
There needed no more to make me pursue these three
men, whose mysterious journey excited my curiosity. It
* John Seguier.
302
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY2
.
was impossible to overtake them; my people could only
seize two others of those that belonged to Verneuil, from
whom finding I could draw nothing by threats, I made use
of another inethod : I gave them four crowns, and promised
them more if they would tell me all they knew concerning
the three domestics. They now desired me to follow them,
and led me directly to a large hollow oak, surrounded with
thickets, where they told me the three men had stopped and
put some papers into the trunk of this tree; in fact, I there
found two tin boxes and a ticking-sack, which seemed to me
to be full. This acquisition consoled me for the messengers'
escape; and after rewarding the two men I returned to
Rosny, very impatient to open my packets.
They appeared to be such as I wished: in the first I found
commissions from the Duke of Mayenne to levy soldiers,
several letters written in cipher, in that general's own band,
to the Duke of Mercour. But papers more important en-
gaged all my attention; they related to the third party, which
was then beginning to be talked of, and amongst which I
found two memorials that seemed to be of the utmost con-
sequence. The first was a memorial of the demands which
the President Jeannin* made upon Spain in the name of
the Duke of Mayenne; and the second contained the answer
given to these demands by the Archduke Ernest, for the
King of Spain. All the reflections imaginable could not
throw so much light upon the Duke of Mayenne's designs,
the spirit of the League, and the politics of Spain, as the con-
tents of these two papers, of which the following is an
extract.
The Duke of Mayenne placed the League under the au-
thority of the pope and the protection of the King of Spain,
upon the following conditions, which regarded the party in
general, as well as himself in particular. First, that the
King of Spain should furnish and maintain in the service of
the League, an army of sixteen thousand foot and three thou-
sand horse; in which army there should be two thousand
foot and five hundred troopers, all French, of whom the
Duke of Mayenne was to have the sole disposal, besides

* René Jeannin, Baron de Montjeu, President of the Parliament of
Dijon.
1592.7
CONTENTS OF THE INTERCEPTED PAPERS.
303
four thousand foot more, and five hundred horse, French
likewise, who were to continue near his person only, and to
be maintained by Spain: that the number of these troops
should be augmented as occasion required : that the Duke
of Mayenne should have the chief command of these troops,
and those of the party, with the title of Lieutenant-general
of the crown, till a King of France was elected: that this
election should be made in a general conference, by which
they certainly meant the states of the kingdom: that till
this election was made and confirmed, the pension which
Spain already paid to the general should be augmented to as
much more, that is, from thirty thousand livres a month to
sixty, besides a hundred thousand crowns which he should
receive immediately, and a hundred thousand livres after the
ratification of the treaty, and in the mean time they should
begin by putting him in actual possession of Burgundy:
that after the nomination of the future king the Duke of
Mayenne should be continued in the government of the
state with the title of Lieutenant-general, and that then, and
not before, he should yield up the city of Soissons to the
Spaniards, because it was at present the only place of secu-
rity he had for himself in France: that, if he found insur-
inountable obstacles, either in the election of a future king,
probably from the King of Navarre, or in the invasion and
keeping of Burgundy for the Duke of Mayenne, the King of
Spain should make the duke amends, by an annual pension
of three hundred thousand livres, for the possessions he
might lose in France, which pension should never be lessened
or taken away, whatever agreement might be made between
the King of Spain and the acknowledged King of France,
but be continued to his heirs for ever: that Spain should
cancel all the Duke of Mayenne's debts, or those of the king
elected with the consent of that crown, if he was a native of
France: that they should give suitable rewards to the other
principal officers of the League; these were not named, either
because the Duke of Mayenne was less solicitous about the
interests of others than his own, or that he thought this ar-
ticle would be easily settled, because, if money were wanting,
the lords might be satisfied with pensions, dignities, or
governments.
Such were the demands of the chief of the League, in
304
(BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
which, as we have seen, he did not forget himself. For all
this, be offered the King of Spain (besides the crown, which
although he was not mentioned, could only be designed for
a prince of the house of Austria, since the Duke of Mayenne
seemed to exclude himself)-he offered, I say, a certain num-
ber of towns, for whose names, as well as that of the future
king, blanks were left; those that Spain might take being
to be restored to the French Catholics, under the protection
of the King of Spain and the Duke of Mayenne. All was
calculated for the security and indemnification of Spain, till
the election of a king, without any further explanation ;
which proves also that they thought this election would
cure an immediate and effectual assistance from it. What
gave rise to this suspicion was, their care in insisting upon
and often resuming the following clause: That till all these
articles were agreed to at Madrid, for which they allotted
the space of a month, Spain should first begin by sending a
powerful supply into Burgundy, which, they said, was in
great danger. The more to hasten the resolutions of this
court, the Duke of Mayenne, who throughout the whole
treaty showed himself to be a faithful servant (although a
little interested) of the house of Austria, coolly protested
that, if these conditions were not thought advantageous
enough for Spain, she might turn to whatever side she
pleased, for he was weary with bearing the burden, and
wished for nothing more than to be eased of it.
But this dissimulation was useless; he had to do with a
council who would not so easily change, and who understood
their interest still better. To this memorial the archduke
answered, in the name of the King of Spain, that his ma-
jesty was well pleased with the title of Defender of the
League, and would consider himself as chief of the party :
that they should find him always ready to grant them what-
ever supplies they demanded against the King of Navarre,
and even more than they demanded; for he agreed to send
into Picardy alone the nineteen thousand men formerly men-
tioned, -it is easy to see with what design, this province
bounding the Low Countries; besides those which he offered
to send into different parts of the kingdom. He did not
1592.]
DESIGNS OF THE DUKE OF MAYENNE.
305
seem to be so much alarmed on account of Burgundy as the
Duke of Mayenne, probably because the council of Spain
discovered that this general, who had demanded the pos-
session of the province, would be glad that the troops should
be all employed there. Upon this article, he only granted
wherewitħal to raise a thousand German foot, and to main-
tain three hundred horse. It was added, however, that if
the whole force of the war were turned against this province,
his Catholic majesty would not refuse to send a considerable
number of troops there; and, without doubt, in this he meant
to keep his word.
As to what regarded Mayenne in particular, his Catholic
majesty appeared much less liberal. Of all the articles this
was the most reduced : he would make no addition to the
pension of thirty thousand livres a month, and would grant
him but two thousand foot and five hundred troopers, and
these only while he continued in person in the army. Upon
the other articles he was silent. With regard to those places
which might be seized, Spain consented that the Duke of
Mayenne should keep what he should take, provided she was
allowed to do the same; she would not relinquish ber de-
mand of Soissons, and was absolutely resolved to have this
city as a security for those advances she made in this war ;
she promised only to resign it after the election of the king;
this nomination appeared still uncertain to Spain, who gave
thein to understand that if she was satisfied with it, every-
thing might be expected from her gratitude, but beforehand
she would risk nothing. For this purpose, all the other ar-
ticles were left unanswered, and a new one was added, which
was, that the Duke of Mayenne should remove certain per-
sons from about him, who, doubtless, did not support the
interests of Spain with the French general; their names
were not written, but it was said that they had been signi-
fied by word of mouth to the agent for the treaty. Such
were his Catholic majesty's dispositions; who, by attending
only to his own interests, and resolving to sell his assistance
very dear, followed exactly the Duke of Mayenne's example.
The perusal of these papers left no longer any room for
resentment in my mind, and thinking them of great import-
ance to the king, I hastened immediately to Compiègne. I
found time and absence had not altered his sentiments with
VOL. I.
X
306
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
regard to myself. I had half an hour's private conversation
with him, and related briefly the occasion of my journey. The
examination of the papers was deferred till the evening of
that day, when, all the courtiers being retired, I was intro-
duced into the king's apartment, and remained there shut up
with him. After his majesty had sent for Beringhen and
Choirin, to decipher the greatest part of the papers, we
learned from them of whom the third party was composed,
which as yet had been only mentioned in whispers: it had
been formed even in the court, and was supported and di-
rected by the Abbé* de Bellozanne, the two Durets, and, I
believe, the Abbé du Perron,-all of them dependents of the
Count of Soissons and the Cardinal of Bourbon, and particu-
larly attached to the latter. In all appearance these persons
were the authors, and at first the sole promoters of this fac-
tion, which was afterwards joined by Messieurs de Nevers,
de Longueville, de Villeroy, d'o, and the rest of those
Catholics who were in the court, and who valued themselves
upon being too good Frenchmen to suffer the Spanish do-
minion, and too zealous for the Roman Catholic religion to
consent to have a Protestant king. The Count of Soissons
some time after joined these gentlemen, and it was reported
that, inconstant to his former inistress, he was several times
upon the point of marrying Mademoiselle de Longueville.
They had assumed the name of Politicians, to distinguish
themselves from the Royalists and Leaguers, and to show
that they regarded the good of the state and the preserva-
tion of the rights of the crown beyond every other considera-
tion. Their principal view was alike to exclude every foreign
prince, the Duke of Mayenne, and the King of Navarre, from
the throne. The bulk of the party knew no more ; but the
leaders, who were masters of The secret, thought of nothing
but of getting rid of the two last by the sword or poison ;
after which they might, without any difficulty, make the
1
* John Touchard, Abbot of Bellozanne; Louis Duret, Lord of Chevry,
physician, and Charles Duret, councillor of state, intendant and comp-
troller-general of the finances, and president of the chamber of accounts.
+ This accusation is to be met with in no other writer, and is of the
number of those which the author ought not to assert without giving
likewise a proof. SHe doubtless found sufficient proofs of it in the
papers he had seized.]
1592.]
HENRY ADOPTS MEANS OF DEFENCE.
307
Cardinal of Bourbon king, * and, not to disoblige Spain en-
tirely, procure a dispensation for him to marry the Infanta.
When this project is compared with that of Jeannin, it is
matter of surprise that papers which contained such opposite
schemes should be found in the same packet. Without seek-
ing for the reason of it in the secrets of Providence, which,
by presenting the king at one and the same time with all the
plots that were formed against his person, seemed to suggest ,
to him such measures as were necessary to prevent them, it
is my opinion that it may be found in the different interests
of all those persons who, corresponding together, and some
from a great distance, such as the Duke of Mercourt with-
out any other motive than that common hatred they bore to
the king, gave birth to a thousand chimerical designs, and
delivered themselves up to all those suggestions which darted
into their minds, without any other fixed and determined
object than that of excluding the King of Navarre. In such
a confusion of sentiments, it is not surprising that such oppo-
site schemes to attain the same ends should be met with.
I continued three days at Compiègne, in which time I had
several conferences with the king, who appeared to be sensi-
bly affected with the designed attempts against his person,
because he had flattered himself that his conduct would have
suppressed such thoughts. Perceiving that the wound in
my mouth still prevented me from speaking with facility, he
sent me to Mantes; at parting, he desired me to observe care-
fully every motion of his enemies, and to prepare myself to
give him good advice on his arrival at Mantes, being resolved,
he said, to regulate his behaviour in so difficult a conjuncture
wholly by my directions. He stayed no longer in Picardy
than was necessary to make some proper dispositions there,
and set out for Mantes. This city he preferred to any other,
because by its situation it was best fitted to discover and
overthrow the different cabals of his enemies, at a time when
the intrigues of the cabinet were likely to succeed to the
operations of war. His council was already there, and he
caused the princess, his sister, to be conducted thither also.
* His name was Charles; he was the third son of Louis I., Prince of
Condé, and Eleanora de Roy. His brothers were Henry, Prince of
Condé, Francis, Prince of Conti, and Charles, Count of Soissons.
+ Philip Emanuel of Lorraine.
X 2
308
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
After the discovery this prince had just made of the plots
that were laid against his life, it would have been the greatest
imprudence imaginable to have neglected any precautions ne-
cessary for his security. He doubled his guards ; placed in
Limay, which is the suburb of Mantes, a body of English
troops, whose affection to him was unquestionable, and re-
solved to suspect everybody, since he was convinced that
those persons whom he had admitted to his councils, his
table, and his pleasures, were capable of forming the most
violent resolutions against him.
If, of all the favours that a prince (as estimable for the
qualities of his mind as for the greatness of his actions) could
grant, esteem and tenderness are those which have most
effect upon a man of honour, how much am I obliged to this
prince, who honoured me in particular with his confidence at
a time when infidelity, treachery, and all that interest could
suggest to subjects who had exalted that idol in the place of
love to their king, had left him no other part to take than
that of a general reserve and distrust. Nor can I forbear to
add (for why should I omit a circumstance which of all others
seems most likely to procure me the esteem of truly virtuous
persons ?) that in a conjuncture so delicate, this prince was
resolved to resign himself wholly to my direction, and to
confide to me his destiny and crown,* for without me he
* If we may believe De Thou, Gaspard Schomberg, Count of Nan-
teuil, Louis de Revol, secretary of state, and himself, contributed to fix
Henry IV. in his resolution of changing his religion. There is not an
historian who ascribes it to any one particular person: they do not even
seem to have thought of Sully in this affair, which, however, does not
invalidate the truth of what is asserted in this part of his Memoirs,
that it is chiefly, and even in some manner wholly to him, the honour
of it is due Tacitus tells us that Augustus, after having deprived one
of his chief ministers entirely of his favour, permitted him still to have
the appearance of enjoying it. With regard to the Duke of Sully, it
was quite the contrary, for he already was in absolute possession of his
master's favour, while no one suspected it. And that which is most
remarkable in their history is, that a long time after this minister's
favour with the king was known, by his being in possession of the first
employments in the kingdom, even until his master's death, in public
the king behaved to him with the utmost circumspection; while in
private, never were familiarity and confidence carried further between
a king and his subject. Hence it is, that in some histories of Henry
the Great, the authors of which, without penetrating into the secrets
1592.7
REF. ECTIONS UPON THE KING'S POSITION.
309
undertook not the smallest affair, persuaded that the advice
of a man actuated by a sincere attachment to him and (if I
may use the expression) a true friendship, ought to be pre-
ferred to penetration and ability, when they are united with
a dubious fidelity. Nothing ever gave me so pure and noble
a delight as the honour of such a distinction; but after having
resigned myself up to it some moments, I perceived the
weight of the burden I was loaded with, and trembled amidst
my joy, lest my weakness and incapacity should engage me
in some false step that might prejudice not me, for on these
occasions self, I believe, is least in one's thoughts, but the
prince who had laid it upon me.
From this moment, all those precautions the king made
use of for the safety of his person, I also observed in the
advice I was going to give him. I prepared myself for it by
the most serious reflections on the state of the neighbouring
kingdoms in general; and on that of France, of the parties
into which it was divided, and of the king in particular. I
considered that if in such employments as mine one cannot
even be guilty of unintentional faults without deserving some
reproaches, we draw those reproaches upon ourselves when
we act according to the dictates of passion. This reflection
led me to study carefully my own disposition, and the bent
of my inclinations, and convinced me of the necessity of be-
ginning with obliging my own heart to subdue and forget
itself. A serious review of my past conduct showed me the
injustice of those complaints which I suffered frequently to
escape me against the king's behaviour to myself and the rest
of the cabinet, contented themselves with representing only the public
face of affairs, the name of Rosny is never mentioned, and that of
Sully, so well known to writers better informed, very seldom, consider-
ing the part he played during the last ten or twelve years of Henry's
life. Incomprehensible as this reserved and mysterious conduct ap-
pears, those who reflect upon the situation of affairs in those times,
together with the religion of the Duke of. Sully, will comprehend, with-
out any difficulty, the necessity the king and his minister were under
to observe this conduct, and never to depart from it. Nor is this one
of the least instances of the prudence and abilities of these two great
men. I thought it necessary to make this observation once for all.
“Rosny,” says Matthieu the historian (vol. ii. p. 278), “had a long
time a share in the king's most important affairs, and from the time of
Henry III, was one of his most intimate confidants,” &c.
310
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
of the Protestants. I searched into the grounds of it, and I
soon found it in that common prejudice, that to be worthy
of the religion one professes, cruelty, perjury, and deceit
ought to pass for nothing, provided one can secure the suc-
cess of it. I suppressed these sentiments, equally injurious
to the Author of religion, as dangerous to him who makes use
of such unworthy means; and when I declare that there was
nothing I more distrusted than those snares which the zeal
of religion might lay for me, I shall be easily believed, if the
advice I gave the king be attended to.
When I was thus certain of myself, I the less feared to
carry my views into that impenetrable chaos of different in-
terests and into future events, which offered on every side
nothing but frightful precipices. Must the miseries of
France be perpetuated by giving arms, perhaps for more than
an age, to two parties in religion, then almost equal ? Must
a prince who so well deserved to be happy, wear away his
whole life amidst the horrors of a war, which till then
had not given him time to breathe; and, if I determined
upon this, prepare for him labours infinitely greater than
all he had yet endured? On the other hand, ought I
to expose the whole body of Protestants in France (who
sought only justice and peace) to become victims of human
policy, and deliver them up to the snares of their most cruel
enemies ? And while uncertain of the event of the war, and at
a time when the king might be suddenly taken off, ought I to
bring things to such an extremity, that France might, per-
haps, become a prey to Spain, and to all her neighbours, or,
dismembered by a thousand tyrants, lose in one moment the
glory of her name, the lustre of her monarchy, and the suc-
cession of her kings? What miseries to be expected by a
war! What snares to be dreaded in a peace! How many
dangers to be apprehended on all sides! Was it possible
to take any resolution, when alarmed by so many almost in-
evitable evils ?
But the greatest danger was the not fixing upon any reso-
lution at all. At last, when all was thoroughly examined, it
seemed necessary to prefer that which would put an end to
the civil war, restore tranquillity to France, submit it to a
good king, and put it in a condition to take vengeance on its
foreign enemies : I mean that resolution which might the
1592.]
THE KING SEEKS ROSNY'S ADVICE.
311
most effectually remove the present inconveniences, and pro-
cure time to bring a remedy for those which were to be ap-
prehended. In one word, I resolved to prevail upon the
king to embrace the Roman Catholic religion, and to per-
suade him to it by degrees. I was sensible that by this
means I should give disgust to two classes of persons, the
Protestant neighbours of France, and the French Calvinists.
But as to the first, France, when united in herself, had no
occasion for any foreign assistance; and it was easy to give
the second such advantages as would make them behold this
change without murmuring. With regard to both, I de-
pended upon the gratitude which a prince like Henry could
not fail of cherishing for persons to whom he owed such
powerful obligations.
These reflections wholly employed my mind from the moment
I left Compiègne, and I was still absorbed in them when the
me to come to him with the usual precautions. Jacquinot
introduced me into his chamber before day, and we imme-
diately entered upon our subject.. Henry, who on his side
had made a thousand reflections on the perplexing situation
he was in, beyan by drawing a very natural representation of
it; irreconcilable interest in the princes and nobility of the
kingdom; hatred amongst themselves and rage against him;
mutiny and disobedience in all minds; inactivity in the fo-
reign allies; intrigues and animosity on the part of his ene-
mies; treachery within, violence without; rocks and pre-
cipices on all sides. The end of this pathetic discourse was
to demand what remedy I was able to apply to these evils.
I replied that, without taking upon me to give his majesty
advice, I saw only three things for him to do, and he might
determine upon which he pleased. The first was to satisfy
every one's demands at his own expense, or rather at the
expense of the state; the second was, not to make conces-
sions to any, but endeavour to wrestle vigorously with
them all; the third, which held a medium between these two,
was to take away all obstacles that opposed his advancement
to the crown by turning Roman Catholic. The king then
told me, that what I had said to him was my opinion only,
and commanded me to tell him plainly what I would do in
his place. I endeavoured to make him comprehend the full
312
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
extent of the three different methods I had proposed to him,
by examining them one after another. I pointed out to him
that by following the first he would reduce himself to no-
thing; and that if there was a necessity to gratify wholly the
rapaciousness of Spain and the French Leaguers, he would
scarce out of so great a kingdom keep a few provinces for
himself. As to the second, I represented to him, that as
soon as he should give room to believe that he depended only
upon the claim his birth gave him to the crown, the desertion
of all the Catholics, and the unbridled fury of a whole nation
of enemies, both within and without the kingdom, would
draw upon him a terrible storm. The inconstancy of fortune,
and the usual reverses of war, although this prince had not
yet experienced them, found their place in this reflection,
As to the third, I was silent, only telling the king that being
a Protestant myself, I could say nothing upon this subject.
While I was speaking, I perceived the perplexity into
which the present conjuncture had thrown the king, to in-
crease every moment. I did not doubt but the review of all
these difficulties would bring him to the point I desired. I
was sure that he would not pause one moment upon the first
of my proposals: I knew him too well to believe him capable
of agreeing to an accommodation which would leave him only
the semblance of king, a subject or dependent upon Spain,
or reduced at last to a small part of France. It was the two
others only that embarrassed him. On one side, he said, by
continuing in his religion he saw united against him all the
princes of his blood, the nobility of the kingdom, and those
who were at the head of all affairs and the finances, such as
Messieurs d'Epernon, de Nevers, de Longueville, de Biron,
d'O, de Rieux, * de Villeroy, de Manou, de Châteauvieux,
de Vitry, d'Entragues, and De Sourdis, it would be too
tedious to mention them all. He saw them ready to resolve
upon forming against him a body independent of the League ;
or, what was most probable, and likewise most dange-
rous, to unite themselves with the League, and deprive
him of the possibility of ascending the throne. On the other,

* René de Rieux, Lord of Sourdeac; John d'O, Lord of Manou, bro-
ther to the superintendent; Louis de l'Hôpital, Lord de Vitry; Francis
de Balzac, Lord of Entragues; Francis d'Escoubleau, Marquis of
Sourdis; Joachim de Châteauvieux.
1593.]
ROSNY'S VIEW OF THE KING'S POSITION.
313
he objected the complaints of the Dukes of Bouillon and La
Trémouille, and the outcries of the Protestants whom he was
about to abandon, those who were so dear to him, and from
whom he had so long drawn his only assistance. He repre-
sented them as passing from discontent to a resolution which
despair at being sacrificed by an ungrateful prince would in-
spire, which was to elect another leader, canton themselves
out in France, and oblige him to turn his arms against them.
He concluded with these words, “I can never use them ill,
nor declare war against them, for I shall always love them."
This sentiment, which discovered a sensibility so seldom to
be found in the hearts of princes, moved me extremely: I
thanked him, in the name of all the Protestants, by bending
upon one knee and kissing his hand. The reasons with
which this prince opposed his change of religion, and the
manner in which he delivered them, were what alone dissi-
pated my apprehensions, and confirmed me likewise in the
opinion that no other remedy could be applied to the present
evils. I told him that Messieurs de Bouillon and De la
Trémouille, and all those of merit and distinction in the Cala
vinist party, would not be so unreasonable as to take up
arms against him for a resolution which necessity only had
forced him to embrace, when he continued to treat them with
that esteem and respect which was due to their persons and
services. I explained all my thoughts on this subject to the
king, and added, that the foundation of all religions which
believe in Jesus Christ being essentially the same, that is,
faith in the same mysteries, and the same notions of the
Divinity, it seemed to me, that one who from a Catholic
became a Protestant, or from a Protestant became a Catholic,
did not change bis religion, but followed, for the interest of
religion itself, what policy suggested as the most proper
means to compose all differences; but although my opinion
should be erroneous, yet this must be allowed to be an incon-
testable truth, that the embracing the Catholic religion did
not include the necessity of persecuting all others; on the
contrary, that God, perhaps, disposed the king to this change,
to give a new spectacle to Europe, and one more worthy of
religion itself. That the difference of religions had already
too long produced the most tragical effects in France, and
was a perpetual source of disorders and calamities, by the
314
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
aversion with which it inspired the people against those of a
contrary faith from their own; which was equally the case
with the Protestants and the Catholics. I told the king that
he might remedy this dangerous evil, by uniting those who
professed these different religions in the bonds of Christian
charity and love; or if this were impossible, by prescribing to
them rules so just, as might make both parties contented with
what was granted them. I sensibly affected the king by the
idea alone of rendering his memory immortal by restoring
peace and plenty, and security to a kingdom wasted with in-
testine divisions, and of meriting, by the use of those abilities
he had received from Heaven, the glory of giving happiness
to France, after she had begun to despair of it and to look
upon her wounds as incurable. I am certain that this mo-
tive interested him more than that of his own quiet, which,
however, I did not forget; and I obliged Henry tacitly to
confess that bis spirits, after being exhausted, if I may use
that term, with war, demanded a situation less turbulent, and
more tranquil.
The strongest proof of the reasonableness and justice of
the arguments I used upon this occasion was, that the king,
who possessed that happy sagacity of distinguishing im-
mediately the truth or falsehood of any position, confessed
to me that my discourse had touched him to his heart's
core, which, he added, still resisted strangely, but that he
believed he should follow no other advice. In effect, at the
end of three days, he had taken his resolution, and he now
only endeavoured to remove the difficulties which remained.
Some of these regarded his own opinion; for sincerity and
rectitude were fixed in his heart, and regulated all his words
and actions. I am persuaded that there is not anything
which could have prevailed upon him to embrace a religion
which he inwardly despised, or even doubted of. A prince
who had never deceived mankind, could have no intention to
deceive his God.
The other difficulties related to the leaders of the Pro-
testant party, whom the bare proposition of changing his
religion would not fail to make revolt, as well through fear
as a point of honour. He assembled them, and addressing
himself to the most distinguished amongst them, which were
Messieurs de Bouillon, de Sancy, du Plessis, de Salignac,
1593.]
HENRY CONFERS WITH HIS ADHERINTS.
315
de Morlas, de Constans; and Salettes ;* I also being pre-
sent. He told them with an intention to sound their in-
clinations) that he had brought them together to know their
opinions upon what he had to communicate to them. He
said he had received certain advices that Bellozanne and the
two Durets, agents for the third party, had had an interview
with Villeroy and Jeannin, and that it was agreed upon to
unite all the forces of the League and the other Catholics
against him ; that the time which the Catholics had so often
threatened him with was now come, for they were going to
abandon him entirely,—their common design being to place
the Cardinal of Bourbon upon the throne, to marry him to
the Infanta of Spain, and to endeavour, by all possible me-
thods, to rid themselves of his person. That the cardinal,
indeed, had expressed great reluctance to comply with this
last proposition; but, from all appearances, they would soon
gain his consent, when they convinced him that the crown
could by no other means be secured to him. He conjured
them to tell him sincerely what they thought he ought to do
upon this occasion, especially upon the desertion of the Ca-
tholics, which would reduce his party to the last extremity,
By the noise and confusion this declaration raised in the
assembly, it would seem that all those who composed it, hay-
ing never made any reflections upon what might happen,
incapable of conducting their designs prudently, of keeping
one determined object in view, or of preserving any sincere
attachment to the king, had till then thought only of living
from day to day; of gaining time, and profiting by their
master's abilities for war. They could never agree, nor form
any resolution fit to be approved of. They did not know
whether to wish for peace or continue the war. One said
that there was nothing to be done but to resume their arms
and risk all at one cast. Another was of opinion, that by ar-
resting eight or ten of the principal Catholics, who were not
* Salettes was president of the Parliament of Pau, and councillor
of state at Navarre. Morlas, his natural son, was member of the privy
council, councillor of state, and superintendent of the magazines of
France. They were both converted. Henry IV., when he was in-
formed of the death of Morlas, who was a man of great merit, said, “I
have lost one of the wisest men in my kingdom.” (Chron, Novenn.
book vii. p, 545.)
316
[BOOK T.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
yet upon their guard, particularly the contrivers of the plot,
they might prevent the execution of it. Others, more mo-
derate, or perhaps more doubtful, contented themselves with
saying that it would be necessary to accommodate matters by
negotiation, without advising how. I took this hint, and by
annexing to it some reasonable expedients, carried all the
votes for a negotiation. They were not ignorant that I had
some influence over the Count of Soissons, and that I had
free access to the Cardinal of Bourbon. This cardinal often
said in public that, although I was a Huguenot, there was no
person in the world for whom he had so strong an inclination
as for myself. I offered to use my mediation with these two
princes, to prevail upon them not to listen to the persuasions
of the king's enemies; and the better to ensure success, I
promised I would endeavour to gain their dependents and
counsellors, especially the Abbé de Bellozanne, the Durets,
confidants of the Count of Soissons, and a lady called Madame
des Rosières, an intimate of the cardinal.
No person opposed this advice, doubtless because the Pro-
testants who had heard the declaration, sensible that they
were too weak actually to renew hostilities, thought that at
present there was nothing better to be done. The king, on
his side, was not sorry at its being unanimously voted by the
Protestants that he should address himself to the princes of
the blood, and hold a correspondence with the Catholics of
the League. According to my plan, I began with the Abbé
de Bellozanne. I knew that jealousy had made him the
secret enemy of the Durets; and I thought that by taking
him on this side, confirming him in his hatred, and flattering
him with having shortly the chief part in all affairs, I should
bring him to my purpose. I introduced myself with telling
him that I was come to thank him, in the name of the king,
for having so generously opposed in his favour the attempt
of the Durets, which could only proceed from the rectitude
of his heart, and his good-will towards the king, which his
majesty, although he had but a slight acquaintance with him,
esteemed as he ought, so that he might expect the most con-
vincing proofs of his affection, which would certainly procure
him a cardinal's hat, or at least one of the richest benefices
in the kingdom, when those rewards were in his power, by
1593.7
ROSNY'S EFFORTS AT CONCILIATION.
317
his change of religion, which was likely to happen very
shortly.
This introduction, which flattered his vanity extremely,
gave me occasion to enter, as if undesignedly, into the secret
proceedings of the Durets, which I pretended to be well in-
formed of, in order to learn them from him, and to engage
him to oppose them more resolutely. In effect, I bad scarce
dropped a few words on this subject, when the abbé, giving
way to his inclinations, fell severely upon the Durets, and
spoke so much to their disadvantage that I fell into the other
extreme, and believed that he was induced by his hatred of
them to accuse them falsely. The hint of the cardinal's hat
and the bishopric producing its effect, Bellozanne pretended
to feel that zeal for the king's service which I affected to at-
tribute to him. He endeavoured to persuade me that he
would oppose the violent resolutions of the Catholics, whose
intrigues and views he informed me of. I flattered myself
for some time that I had brought him over to the king ; but
knaves soon resume their natural character. Immediately
after he had made this protestation to me, he made one quite
contrary to the Cardinal of Bourbon, and afterwards to Vil-
leroy and Jeannin, to whom he repeated all the conversation
he had just held with me. If he drew advantage from his
treachery, by the increase of favour it procured him, I, on
my side, perhaps, made better use of it for the king than if
he had kept the secret; besides, finding means from thence to
inform these gentlemen of the king's disposition to embrace
their religion, which drew them secretly towards this prince,
Bellozanne's imprudence produced likewise another good con-
sequence, which was the inspiring them with a desire of sup-
planting each other in their endeavours to acquire his favour.
I, therefore, willingly pardoned Bellozanne's duplicity, and
even drew a third good consequence from it, with regard to
the Durets.
These gentlemen, perceiving the honour Bellozanne had
gained by the new secrets he had disclosed to his patrons,
and the increase of favour they had procured him, were the
more ready to hear the propositions I went afterwards to
make them. I told them that the king, offended at Bello-
zanne's knavery (which in reality it was, because he had
carried it so far as to give umbrage to the Protestants),
318
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
would have no correspondence for the future with a man so
little to be depended on, and was disposed to make use of
them in the measures he would shortly take. I confided
some papers to their care, the perusal of which I was certain
would have a wonderful effect. This was the scheme for an
agreement between the League and Spain, and the answer
in consequence of it, which they had no knowledge of, and
which I Then showed to them. This was a mortifying stroke
for them; they thought themselves despised, and the project
so reasonable, as to fear it might be executed, and affairs
brought to a conclusion without their participation; which
to these sort of men seems the greatest of all misfortunes.
They hesitated not a moment in offering me earnestly their
services for the king. The change of religion, which I had
also insinuated to them, seemed to remove all the opposition
that could be made to this prince; they were charmed at
being employed in a scheme, the intention of which appeared
to them more happy than that which the Duke of Mayenne
had proposed to Spain; or rather, there remained no other
part for them to take, after the advantage Bellozanne bad
just gained over them. In effect, they kept the secret better,
and laboured in it to more purpose.
I applied myself afterwards to the Abbé du Perron,* who,
by his character, his fame, and his eloquence, had more power
with the Cardinal of Bourbon, when he aimed at making him
either adopt or change a resolution, than all the artifices of
Bellozanne and the Durets. We had been acquainted a long
time, and he had received some favours from me. I con-
certed my discourse beforehand, as having to do with a man
for whom eloquence, great sentiments, and deep reasoning
had powerful charms; and I introduced into it as much, or
more, of politics and worldly views as of religion. My
brother, the governor of Mantes, was present at this con-
versation, when, after having insensibly introduced into my
discourse some mention of the king's future abjuration, I
undertook to prove to Du Perron that, except Spain and
* James Davy du Perron, afterwards Bishop of Evreux, and then
cardinal. He will be mentioned hereafter.
† The Duke of Sully's character of the Cardinal du Perron seems
more conformable to truth, than that given him by Joseph Scaliger,
who treats him only as a babbler, locutuleius, or locutu levis.
1593.] ROSNY SEEKS TO GAIN OVER DU PERRON, ETC.
319
some turbulent persons in France, it was for the interest
and advantage not only of France, but of all Europe, that
the King of Navarre should ascend the throne, and possess
the kingdom to the same extent, and with the same power,
which had been enjoyed by the kings his predecessors.
I began with the pope. I told Du Perron that he who
had so perfect a knowledge of the court of Rome, knew better
than any other person that Clement VIII., now in possession
of the holy see, was neither so violent as Sixtus V. nor so
mutable as Gregory XIV. That the pope considered the
present affairs of Europe and Christianity in a clear and im-
partial view. That it was not his intention, by breaking
the necessary balance between the houses of Austria and
Bourbon, to subject France to Spain, because he was not
ignorant of any of the views of this last power for universal
monarchy. That the pope would in this find not only his
interest as common father of the Catholics, but also his tem-
poral interests in particular, because Italy and the patrimony
of St. Peter would soon follow the destiny of France and the
other kingdoms; and the pope would be in danger of seeing
himself one day reduced to the quality of chaplain to the
kings of Spain. That besides, his holiness had too much
judgment not to open his arms to a king, as soon as he
should express his desire to be received there, without
troubling himself about that mighty phrase, a relapse, with
which fools only were affected.
There was still less difficulty to be apprehended, with regard
to my proposition, from the other crowned beads of Europe ;
I therefore did not dwell long upon them, that I might be
at liberty to resume the conversation upon Spain. I asked
the Abbé du Perron if he did not agree with me in opinion,
that those deep politicians who gave rise to all the disorders
in France began to despair of the success of the great pro-
ject they had formed to conquer France, and this upon the
knowledge they had, as well of the king and the Protestants
in his interest as of the French Catholics? Could the King
of Spain ever seriously intend to make a Spanish province of
France, and flatter himself that his domination would be en-
dured by a people who had always emulated and hated Spain ?
Of all this there was already more than bare suspicion.
By the King of Spainš conduct it was plain that he
320
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
imagined the Dukes of Mayenne, Guise, and Mercoeur
sought only to make him their dupe; nor had he a more
favourable opinion of the Dukes of Savoy and Lorraine,
whom he saw make use of bis troops and money without
showing any greater respect for him. One convincing proof
that these were the real sentiments of Philip was the pro-
positions he had made, and often renewed, to the King of
Navarre by D. Bernardin de Mendoza, Moreau, and the
Count de Taxis ; for in reality that prince, seeing that all he
could expect from the troubles in France was at the most
the possession of two or three of its provinces, it was of
little consequence to him whether he obtained them from
with the chiefs of the League he gained hopes of one day
getting it all to himself, by separately attacking those petty
kings; but in effect he then purchased these hopes at a very
high price, by that scarcity of troops and money into which
the greediness of the League had thrown him. And although
the king should be able to maintain the war but for a short
time, Philip perceived that he might perhaps be obliged to
recal the supplies he lent to France, having but sufficient for
himself in Flanders, where the war raged more fiercely every
day.
Observing that Du Perron listened to me attentively, and
seemed to be.convinced of the reasonableness of all I said, I
did not so soon quit the subject of Spain. I told him it was
not probable that so many brave men, fond of their liberty,
their laws, and customs, would ever be easy under a foreign
yoke, and resolve to bear away no other reward for their
gallant actions than the honour of being dependents upon
the grandees of Spain, or at best pensioners of a king, who,
although he had greater obligations to the Prince of Parma
than to any other person, yet never gave him any reward for
his services ; that the whole view of the French lords, by
seeming to join the King of Spain, was only to procure the
grant of greater rewards from Henry while he continued in
the profession of the Protestant religion; after which they
would abandon, without any difficulty, that hacknied re-
proach of a relapse, as well as the design of choosing a king
from amongst themselves, the marriage of the Infanta, and
all the rest of their idle projects. As a proof of the truth of

1593.]
ROSNY SEEKS TO GAIN DU PERRON.
321:
what I said, I produced the treaty which the League had
L-
after the raising of the siege of Rouen (which I was not able
to give a full account of in its place, but which I shall pre-
sently lay before the reader). After this, turning suddenly
towards Du Perron, I asked him if it was not the interest of
all good Frenchmen, and his as much as any other, to pre-
vent the accomplishment of such designs ? if the good of the
state required that, by destroying in a moment an edifice
which had cost the kings of France such labour to raise, and
which some of them had cemented with their blood, France
should be again filled with those little, ambitious, and cruel
tyrants, who claimed a right of giving law to their prince,
and who were always liable to be crushed by the first enemy
that attacked them ? and lastly, if he must not confess that
a monarchical government, by which all the members are
united, and under the direction of one head, were not the
most glorious and most advantageous of any, and particularly
so for the French nation ?
I cut short my discourse upon this third party of politicians,
by observing to Du Perron that one of these two things must
necessarily happen, either that they would unite themselves
to the League, and so deprive it of all assistance from Spain,
or take measures separately from it, which would produce
the necessity of destroying, or being destroyed by it. In
any of these cases nothing could happen that would not be
for the king's advantage. To conclude with what related to
the king himself, I found no difficulty in making the abbé
confess that this prince was absolutely fitted to reign over
the French. I represented to him that his reputation was
so well established everywhere, that the League had great
reason to fear, and the third party (whose interest and credit
were but very small) still more, that the provinces, the inha-
bitants of which did not deliver themselves up so blindly to
the caprice of the League as those of Paris, would put them-
selves entirely under the protection of this prince, after the
ferment in men's minds should have subsided, and given
place to that love of rest so natural to those who have suf-
fered calamities; that the provinces began already to show
their discontent openly; but without all that, could not the
king, brave and experienced as he was, and assisted only by .
VOL. I.
322
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
the Protestants and foreigners, yet maintain the war a long
time, and guard against domestic attempts upon his person?
They had seen him when he had not ten cities in his party,
and with only a handful of men, make a stand against all
the forces of the kingdom. I concluded with saying that,
instead of giving the enemies of France the pleasure of seeing
her waste and destroy herself, it was the general interest to
favour and support à prince who appeared capable of re-
storing her to her former tranquillity, and of raising her to a
new degree of splendour.
The Abbé du Perron had no reply to make to these argu-
ments ; he was convinced of their force; and, as I had ex-
pected, knew well how to bring over the Cardinal of Bourbon
to his opinion, by adding to them all those which his own
penetration suggested to him, and which he did not fail to
adorn with all the persuasive charms of eloquence. The re-
mainder of the year 1592, and the beginning of 1593, were
employed by the abbé and myself in going backwards and
forwards, and in conferences of this kind. As soon as a
negotiation was begun, we had more negotiators than we
wished.
It is certain that Villeroy and Jeannin had a long time
before presented the king with the scheme of a treaty in the
name of the League, by which they offered, upon certain
conditions, to acknowledge him king. This piece is sufficiently
curious to deserve an abstract should be given of it: the true
spirit of the League discovered itself there plainly. The
king's abjuration was at the head, as the first and principal
condition. They required that in the space of three months
he should make a public profession of the Catholic religion ;
that he should restore it in all those places from whence the
superiority of the Reformed had banished it; that he should
break off all alliance with the Huguenots; that they should
have no share in the dignities, embassies, and employments
of state of any kind whatever : in a word, that if their
.continuance in France were tolerated, it should be by an
edict subject to revocation whenever it might be thought
necessary. Many other articles seemed to be inserted only
to persuade the people that the chiefs of the League, by
treating with Henry, had nothing but the service of religion
and the state in view. Such was the clause of naming to
1593.]
CONDITIONS OFTERED BY THE LDAGUE.
323
benefices conformable to the canons, that of holding the
States from six to six years, and many others.
These were all specious conditions, but they added (which
was the most essential point for the authors of the project)
that the king should acknowledge, authorise, and support the
League with all his power: that he should leave a certain
number of towns in their hands, without even putting a gar-
rison into them; the meaning of which was, that he should
reign under them : that he should distribute all the govern-
ments of France amongst such of his principal officers as
they should name to him; that he should keep a sufficient
number of troops to maintain the Roman Catholic religion
there: that he should not dispose of the taxes, imposts, and
other revenues of the crown; but they should be all
applied to this use, according to a division proportioned to
the quality and occasions of those governments : that all
the garrisons which should be put in the fortresses of the
Jingdom should be paid in the same manner. The distribu-
tion of these governments was as follows: Provence was to
be given to the Duke of Nemours, Languedoc to the Duke
of Joyeuse, Bourbonnais and Marche to the Duke of Elbouf,
Brittany to the Duke of Mercoeur; the two Vexins, with the
title of governor, to D’Alincourt; part of Normandy to Vil-
lars, the Isle of France to the Baron of Rosne, Orléanois and
Berry to La Châtre, Picardy to the Duke of Aumale, Cham-
pagne to the Duke of Guise, with the post of high steward,
and all the dignities and benefices which his family had
enjoyed.
The Duke of Mayenne had, with reason, the largest share.
To the government of Burgundy, which was allotted him,
were added those of the Lyonnais, Forêt, and Beaujolais ;
and in all these provinces they gave him a power that
hardly left the king the shadow of any authority: the right
of disposing as he pleased of governments, lord-lieutenancies,
and other employments, not only in the army, but also in the
finances and courts of judicature; and what was still more,
the nomination to ecclesiastical dignities and benefices: and
to all these extraordinary advantages they added the post of
constable, or lieutenant-general of the crown. It was this
only that seemed worthy of the Duke of Mayenne's accept-
Y 2
324
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
ance. They likewise kept in reserve four marshals' bâtons,
and the League, at their own leisure, were to name the per-
sons on whom they were to be bestowed, * besides very con-
siderable pensions to the most distinguished amongst them.
They carried their violence so far as to lay the king under an
obligation of clearing the debts of some considerable persons
of their party whom they should name, to the number of
twenty. “And to tie up his hands completely, they added,
that he should allow the League to choose certain foreign
princes that were to accede to the treaty, and be guarantees
for its execution; the pope's name only was expressed;
doubtless, the blanks were to be filled up with the King of
Spain amongst the rest. By this the views of the Spaniards
were too plainly acknowledged. Charles V. required nothing
else than such a scheme when he said, that he had been falsely
accused of hating a king of France, since, instead of one, he
wished there had been twenty.
No person believed that the League, by treating with the
king on conditions so injurious to him, could persuade them.
selves that he would submit to them. It was more than pro-
bable, therefore, that they did it in order to make his refusal
give disgust to the lower orders of the people. The king, like-
wise, far from treating these proposals as a serious matter, or an-
swering them privately, as he would have done had he thought
it possible to have come to any accommodation, sacrificed
them immediately to the Protestants, who gave the paper all
the epithets it deserved; it even disgusted the Catholics in
the king's suit, for they, finding that everything there was
badly arranged, that it was full of articles which, not being
definite, would prove an inexhaustible source of difficulties,
while there were others which it would be impossible to
execute,took no notice of what made the strongest im-
pression upon them, which was, that by the distribution of
favours and rewards nothing remained for them.
The king, making no other use of these proposals than to
attach those who served him more closely to his interests,
1
* These four marshals’ bâtons were given the following year to Rosne,
La Châtre, Bois-Dauphin, and Saint-Pol, each of whom will be men-
tioned hereafter. On this occasion there is a bon-mot related of Chan-
valon. “Sir," said he one day to the Duke of Mayenne, “you have
made bastards, which will be legitimated at your expense."
REJEOTION OF THL LEAG
DEMANDS.
325
gave a very short and cool answer to the president Jeannin:
his letter was dated from the camp before Caudebec.
Civil wars, especially those wherein religion has a share, give
a freedom and boldness which on any other occasion would be
very surprising. Jeannin, offended at the ridicule with which
his project had been treated, answered in writing, which he
addressed to the king himself, that he was greatly astonished
at the tone used towards him; that if his project were well
considered, it would be found that he had not yet stipulated
for sufficient advantages for the League; that the only fear
he had when he drew it up was that it would be disavowed,
especially by the Duke of Nemours, who, instead of a govern.
ment, had already formed a principality for himself in the
Lyonnais, with the approbation of the King of Spain : and he
had still more reason to believe the Duke of Mayenne would
be displeased at it, whose interests had been there too much
neglected (certainly this moderation of Jeannin was truly ad-
mirable) : that, in his opinion, he had shown the king his rea-
diness to serve him, by not mentioning his giving the League
any towns as a security for the performance of his word (as
if those which were to be bestowed upon the governors did
not answer the same purpose): that, to please the king, he
had evaded the question of making those governments here-
ditary. This indeed was true, but after the privileges he had
invested them with, would it be difficult for them to seize this
also ?
Jeannin afterwards observed to the king, with great free-
dom, or rather an excess of insolence, that the Catholics hav-
ing with justice taken arms against him, he ought not to make
use of the words crime, and abolition, when speaking of them;
for they were entitled to treat with him upon the footing of
an equal, because they did not look upon themselves as ene-
mies subdued, nor him as king, while the Cardinal of Bourbon,
the only acknowledged king in France, was alive ; nor even
after his death could he claim that title, on account of his
religion; therefore it was the body of the monarchy which
treated with a foreign prince; that, for the same reason, the
king's acceptation could not be called an edict of pacification,
granted by a king to his subjects, but an amicable contract
with a people, who freely chose a king after the reasons for
refusing him were removed. All the other impertinences
326
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
with which this letter was filled do not deserve to be repeated.
Jeannin concluded by absolutely rejecting all assistance from
Messieurs De Bouillon, Du Plessis, and the other Protestants
whom the king bad mentioned in his letter, and declared he
would have no intercourse with them.
While the king deliberated upon what resolution he should
take, the States were held in Paris.* The hint of assembling
them came from the Prince of Parma; and it must be con-
fessed that by the methods he pursued there in order to
accomplish his designs, a resolution more dangerous for the
king's cause could not have been taken. This general
intended to have summoned them at Rheims, and, reuniting
all his endeavours to make himself master of the delibera-
tions within, while with a superior army without he retained
the people in his party, and the nobility in their duty, he
persuaded himself that he should obtain an election en-
tirely agreeable to the King of Spain, and cause the elected
monarch to be crowned immediately. This whole plan was
the effect of deep policy :f quick despatch, great liberality,
a well-chosen opportunity, and above all, an army capable of
inspiring awe, these were indeed the true means of bringing
affairs to an issue, and of excluding the king for ever from
the throne; but the Prince of Parma dying just as he was
upon the point of executing these projects, they all expired
with him, or were afterwards conducted neither with order,
diligence, nor the other necessary means. It is true that the
Count of Mansfield, who succeeded him, came at last with an
army as far as Noyon ; but at that time the same submission
was not made to Spain as had been, before hopes were enter-
tained of seeing the king abjure Calvinism; and the Count:
of Mansfield returned without having done anything ; besides,
there was now an alteration in a point, which to the Prince
* The States were ordered to meet the 25th of January, but they
were not opened till the next day, in the Louvre, which was prepared
for that purpose. All the speeches, acts, and ceremonies of this assem-
bly may be found in many of the historians. (See particularly De
Thou, book cv.; Davila, book xiii.; Memoirs of the League, vol. V.;
Villeroy, Mem. of State, vol. iv.; Mem. of Nevers, vol. ii.; Matthieu,
vol. ii.; Chron. Novenn. for the year 1593, book v.; Satyre Menipée,
&c.)
Ť See the Duke of Parma's letter to the King of Spain on this sub-
iect, Chron. Novenn. book iv. fol. 5,
1593.]
MEETING OF THE STATES OF PARIS.
327
of Parma had always appeared of great consequence; this was,
that, instead of getting the States assembled at Rheims, the
Duke of Mayenne had prevailed upon the pope and the Spanish
plenipotentiaries, Don Diego d'Ibarra, the Duke of Feria, *
Inigo de Mendoza, and Count John Baptist de Taxis, to con-
sent that they should be assembled at Paris. Each of these
persons hoped, that in a city which was entirely in their
interests they might, by their alliances, their intrigues, and
their presents, practise a thousand artifices to engage all the
suffrages for themselves : but when this great disorderly body
was assembled, they found themselves crossed by so many
and such different interests, that the Spaniards having only
their own voices, like the rest, and destitute besides of the
means of making them heard by force, found that they should
meet with more obstacles than they had foreseen; and from
that time they feared they should draw no other advantage
from all their intrigues and secret practices, than the em-
broiling affairs some time longer, till this complication of so
many different views, and the impossibility of ever reconcil-
ing them, would at length produce of themselves the effect
of obliging them to obey the dictates of reason.
How, indeed, could they bring the pope into their mea-
sures, or rather his legates, who had each his particular de-
sign,—the King of Spain, the Dukes of Savoy and Lorraine,
the Dukes of Mayenne, Nemours, Mercoeur, and Guise; in
short, the princes of the blood, who had also their different
views, t of which they were no less tenacious ? All these fac-
tions, as soon as the States were opened, reflecting that this
was the last effort of the party, had recourse to a thousand
stratagems, which destroyed each other; and, according to
the notion of what is called deep policy, involving and con-
cealing themselves under false measures to bring others to
the purpose they desired, they added to the great number of
counsels, already so perplexing, a flux and reflux of opinions,
which formed a labyrinth where no person knew any longer
where he was. No one declared his sentiments plainly at
first, but seemed to speak only to hide his emulation, and to
leave his real designs to be guessed at.
* Laurent Saures de Figueroa y Cordua, Duke of Feria.
f “The League was of this advantage to France," says Le Grain,
66 that every one was willing to command in it, and none to obey."
328
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
The Spaniards at this juncture regulated their conduct by
their usual maxim, and the particular cast of their nation ;
or, perhaps, their design was to sound the inclinations of the
French, to discover if they would bear willingly a foreign
prince to reign over them. When they perceived that by
this delay they were in danger of losing what they had been
so long aiming at, they at last made the most reasonable pro-
position in their power, which was the marriage of the In-
fanta with the Cardinal of Bourbon.* All the French nobles,
with the Guises at their head, waited only for this step of the
Spaniards, and concurred in one common design, which was,
to make use of this proposal to kindle between the king and
cardinal all the hatred that could animate two declared rivals,
and, consequently, between the king and the leaders of the
contrary party, the Count of Soissons, the Duke of Nevers,
Longueville, and others. They suffered this proposition to
be carried so far, as to have the articles drawn up and sent
by Bellozanne to the cardinal; but the nobles afterwards
uniting, knew how to put a stop to it, which they did, with a
design that may be easily penetrated into,-in order that
what these lords took away from the cardinal and the princes
of the blood might fall into their own power, as the princes
of the blood, by seeming to resign their hopes in favour of
.the cardinal, had an oblique view towards themselves, which
* Clara Eugenia of Austria, second daughter of Philip II. of Spain.
Catherine, the eldest, was married to the Duke of Savoy, but not till
after the Cardinal of Placentia, Legate, and Cardinal de Pellevé had
endeavoured, in vain, to bring France under subjection to Spain, by
the marriage of this Infanta with Prince Ernest of Austria, the eldest
of the emperor's brothers. Villeroy's Memoirs of Spain impute to the
court of Madrid, as an error, by which Spain lost the crown of France,
their not suffering this Infanta, the future queen, to come to France,
unless the prince whom they destined for her husband was declared and
acknowledged; but I doubt whether the arrival of this princess at laris
would have removed all obstacles. According to De Thou, the Duke
of Guise's party was so powerful, by the union of Spain and the clergy
of France, that, had not his own uncle, the Duke of Mayenne, secretly
opposed him, and the King of Navarre declared very seasonably his
resolution to embrace the Catholic religion, in all probability this prince
would have been declared king. "The Duke of Guise," says Father
de Châlons, after Matthieu (History of France, vol. iii. p. 257), “was
praised for the moderation he showed on this occasion. He gave no
indications of his having flattered himself with such agreeable hopes,
nor showed any solicitude for so great a fortune.”
1.593.]
DISUNION OF THE CATHOLIC CHIEFS.
329
showed them that after him the crown would more easily
revert to them, than if a foreigner had first possessed it. The
Spaniards comprehended the meaning of all the intrigues of
the princes of Lorraine, and, one may easily imagine, never
forgave them.
This common interest of the nobles, which united them
against Spain, and the princes of the blood, became after-
wards divided into as many branches as there were persons ;
each one thought himself worthy of the diadem; malice and
jealousy next appeared amongst them, and they at last dis-
puted the crown for the sole pleasure of snatching it from
each other : this was the consolation of those who saw them-
selves excluded. One of the party was for one person only,
and consoled himself for his own disappointment by endea-
vouring to render useless the intrigues of the others; of this
class was the clergy, which, without being able to name any
person for the throne, used only their utmost efforts to hinder
the King of Navarre from being elected; another endeavoured
to supplant two, three, or more of the competitors; and,
from all these causes, none were found capable of forming a
party sufficiently superior to the others, as to bear down all
opposition. The people, although generally the slaves of
prejudice to one particular candidate, were here, by the
number of them, prevented from determining; and upon
this occasion it bappened, as has been often experienced,
that, adopting the style of that sort of indifferent and neu-
tral persons who are always to be found in public assemblies,
an affair of this importance was turned into a mere show,
and caused only laughter at the unbappy candidates who
were rejected.
But these intrigues, this play of deception, could not last
long; in such sort of debates, the first resolutions and the
first motions are suggested by the passions. . If by a concur-
rence of causes they are prevented from succeeding, reason,
though it slowly appears in tumultuous assemblies, yet forces
itself at last to be listened to, and, after long opposition, is
followed through necessity. The first thing that was done
on this occasion was by means of the Parliament, which,
weighing deliberately the different proposals that were brought
upon the carpet, either for a Spanish king or one of Lorraine,
found that it would be an everlasting reproach to them, to
330
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
-
suffer a law so fundamental as the hereditary right of succes.
sion to be infringed, and began, without knowing what would
be the consequence, with issuing an edict* which forbad the
alienation of the crown from the royal family. This was far
from being a new thought; there was not one whose mind
had not suggested it to him, and who was not conscious of
the injustice of acting contrary to it.
The claims of the royal family began to appear sacred to a
thousand persons who had never reflected on them for a mo-
ment before. Spain, whose attempt was frustrated by this edict,
might still ward off the blow by uniting with the Lorraines,
whom it equally struck at; but the more she thought she
was entitled to depend upon their suffrages, the more irre-
concilable was her enmity towards them, when she found
they had betrayed her. They were never after reconciled to
each other, and their constant misunderstanding insensibly
paved the way for the victory of their common adversary.
To accomplish this, there remained but one step to be taken,
which was prevented by the strong opposition of the clergy;t
* The edict was passed the 28th of June. “This action,” says Vil-
leroy (vol. ii. p. 58), “ was the more applauded by all good men, as the
danger that attended it was the greater; it was certainly of much use,
and I must say that the kingdom owed its safety to the courts." John
Le Maître, although made President of the Parliament of the League
by the Duke of Mayenne, the president Edward Molé, the counsellors
William du Vair, afterwards keeper of the seals, Stephen Fleury, Peter
d'Amours, Lazarus Coqueley, &c., were the chief promoters of this
edict. In consequence of it, the president Le Maître, with the coun-
sellors De Fleury and d'Amours, were deputed that same day to make
remonstrances to the Duke of Mayenne, as lieutenant-general of the
crown. The duke complained bitterly of this affront from the parlia-
ment, and the Archbishop of Lyons, who was with him, having re-
peated the word affront in a passion, and treated the deputies with bad
language, the president Le Maître silenced him with great authority
and dignity. (See vol. ix. of the Memoirs of the League; Memoirs
of Nevers, vol. ii. p. 635,).
of All the memoirs of these times confirm the violent proceedings
and outrageous behaviour of the Cardinal of Placentia, legate, and of
almost all the bishops of France, and curates of Paris and the Sorbonne.
“ Débourbonnez-nous, Seigneur," was the interpretation a preacher gave
of these words of Scripture, Eripe me, Domine, de luto fæcis. There is an
infinite number of such circumstances, the malignity of which cannot
surely be excused by zeal for religion. De Thou observes, that the
clergy was the only one of the three estates which persisted in voting
for the war.
1593.]
INTRIGUES OF THE KING'S ENEMIES.
331
a stop, therefore, was put to the affair for some time: they
resumed, as if for amusement, some of their former worn-out
projects. Different hopes were again raised, to be soon and
effectually extinguished; for there was not one person who
did not tacitly confess, that if the king abjured Calvinism,
all contest would be at an end.* Every one voted for en-
gaging him to comply with this demand, and they applied
themselves to it, not slightly, as before, but from a more clear
and distinct view of the true interest of the state : à view
which from this moment became that of the Parliament and
the whole people, and which met with no other opposition
than what some of the nobles, for their personal interest,
were pleased to give it.
The Dukes of Mayenne, Nemours, and Mercœur were the
most difficult to be drawn into these measures, as was most
natural, considering that they, of all others, had flattered
themselves with hopes of the greatest advantages; but bad
as their intentions were, they could not hinder a conference
with the king from being proposed and carried by a majority
of voices in the States. It was, however, in their power to
destroy or suspend the effect, and they did not fail to do so;
for this purpose they used their utmost endeavours: they set
their emissaries to work, and taking advantage of the king's
ill success before Selles, t caused Mansfield to advance, who
took Noyon; they gave all the force they were able to the
pope's refusing to allow the Cardinal de Gondy,I and the
Marquis de Pisany, whom the king had sent to him, to
enter Rome, or any of his holiness's territories. Could they
flatter themselves that the irregularity of these proceedings
would not be commented upon, after having so often pro-
tested that in all their actions they had only the interest of
religion in view, and that they were ready to submit to
* It is clear at this time that Henry IV. was not only the lawful
heir to the crown, which was never disputed, but also that in his person
the three races of our kings were united. (See a proof in a new work
entitled, Genealogical Histories of all the Sovereign Families, in the
twenty-second Genealogical Table.)
+ The journey which Henry IV. took towards Tours, and the neces-
sity to which he found himself reduced of raising the siege of the city
of Selles, in Berry, were then thouglit very considerable errors.
* Peter de Gondy, Bishop of Paris; John do Vivonne, Marquis of
Pisany.
332
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
[BOOK V.
Henry as soon as he should quit what were called his erro-
neous opinions ? No person was deceived; and although
they prevented all the consequences which the conference
held at Surêne, in the month of April,* might have pro-
duced, it was considered as the last effort of an expiring
power. It appeared plainly that, if the king, after having
consented that no Protestant deputy should appear at that
conference, had not yet entirely complied, it was because the
Leaguers raised more difficulties about temporal than the
king did about spiritual matters. The people, especially,
were disposed to do him justice, and the sweets of a truce,
which was the only benefit resulting from this conference,
drew them entirely into his interests. I shall now return
more particularly to this prince.
Henry made Mantes the place of his constant residence,
where all his prudence was scarcely sufficient to keep together
a party composed of persons so opposite in their sentiments.
He had been alarmed, at first, with the convention of the
States, and with so much the more reason as the first thought
which suggested itself to his mind on that occasion was, that
an assembly, in appearance so august and respectable, would
soon find a remedy for the disorders of the state. Under
this apprehension, the king began to flatter the Catholics
more than usual, and, as we have just seen, made some efforts
to gain the pope, to the end that he might not extinguish in
both parties the only hope that could prevent them from
coming to an open rupture with him. It may be easily
imagined that this could not be done without awakening the
discontent of the Huguenots; but the king by his wisdom
was beforehand with them, and it appeared that nothing was
done but in consequence of that general council of the Pro-
testants, of which we have already seen that the result had
* In the latter end of April, and during part of the month of May.
(See the records, vol. 8889 of MSS. in the Royal Library; Villeroy's.
Mem, of State, vol. iv.; Matthieu, and Cayet, ibid. &c.) The Arch-
bishop of Bourges, who pleaded the king's cause, maintained that obe-
dience is due to pagan princes, and supported this assertion by the
authority of St. Paul, the privileges of the Gallic Church, and by many
other unanswerable proofs. Weak as the arguments alleged by the
Archbishop of Lyons to the contrary were, they carried their point in
this conference.
1593.]
THE CHIEFS OF THE LEAGUE.
333

been to turn everything into art and negotiation. When
their complaints grew too loud, and the king found reason
to fear that they would carry things to extremity against
him, he knew how to appease them by some new military ex-
pedition, which he likewise engaged in to convince the people
still more that a prince who, by his kind and gracious beha-
viour, appeared so deserving of their love, was by his valour
and abilities in war no less worthy of their obedience.
As soon as he was informed of the little union that reigned
in the States, the confusion and opposition which every word
gave rise to, he looked upon this assembly as the happy
means by which his designs would be accomplished, and all
his perplexity now was how to regulate his conduct with the
great number of mediators who meddled in his affairs, as
soon as it was proposed in the States to treat with him.
This prince would at that time have met with no obstacle to
retard his gaining possession of the crown, if he had appeared
willing to satisfy the excessive demands which the nobles
and other members of the League began to make upon him;
but he was resolved that posterity should never reproach him
with having owed the royal dignity to his meanness in sub-
mitting to the rapaciousness and caprice of his subjects.
That he was thus able to resist his natural inclination and
ardour to ascend the throne, was a convincing proof of his
being worthy of it.
I ought here to do justice to some of them (the number
indeed is not very great). I am well assured that Messieurs
de Bellièvre, * de Belin, and Zamet had no view to their
own interests in those applications which they made to the
king. Some others there might be who behaved in the same
manner, but of them I cannot speak with any certainty. As
to the rest, I shall content myself with naming the principal
agents deputed to the king, as well by the League and the
States, as by the clergy and French nobility ; I shall not re-
peat names already mentioned, but add to them only the
Cardinal de Gondy, the Marshals d’Aumont and De
Bouillon, the Admiral de Biron, Messieurs d'O, de Vitry,
de Lux, du Plessis, La Verrière, de Fleury, and the Abbé
* Pomponne de Bellièvre, Francis de Foudoas d'Averton, Sebastian
Zamet.
334
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
de Chesy. A great many others remained undistinguished
in this crowd, although there was not one amongst them who
was not persuaded in his own mind that he should be one
day mentioned in history as the person who had brought
affairs to a conclusion. I once repeated to the king the
names of above a hundred of these persons. For the rest,
it would make a very fine figure here, if one could for a mo-
ment lay open and display the hearts of these ardent coun-
sellors: vanity, the desire of favour, self-interest, vile arti-
fice, jealousy, knavery, and treachery, would all be seen
there.
There were some who till the last moment did not quit
their disguise, by which they abused the privilege of confer-
ring with the king, in order to betray him more securely,
and to spread snares for him, which any other could not
have escaped. It is with regret that I name Villeroy * and
* In the first volume of Villeroy's Memoirs of State, which consists only
of a justification of this secretary's conduct, he candidly confesses that he
would never have been prevailed upon to engage in the party of Henry
IV., if he had not beforehand taken all the necessary measures for the
security of the Catholic religion. He confesses, also, with the same
sincerity, his connexions with the League and Spain, and the political
principle which he had espoused, that in making peace, it was most
advantageous for the king to separate him from the interest of England,
and unite him with Spain. With regard to other accusations, he
defends himself with great force. He protests that he never received
any money from Spain, and whatever arguments he offered, either in
the States or any other councils, were sincerely meant for the king's
advantage, and to forward the peace. (See the note upon this subject
some pages above, and what is said in the preface to this work.) As to
the oath taken by the League, which the Duke of Sully here men-
tions, and which is the heaviest article against Villeroy, he is fully
justified in Matthieu (vol. i. p. 153 and following; Chron. Novenn.
book v. fol. 229, and some other historians), so that it must be confessed
this is an error in our Memoirs. According to these historians, Villeroy
had not only no part in this oath, but was also absolutely ignorant of
it, till Henry IV. showed him the instrument at Fontainebleau, and
charged him to remonstrate with the Duke of Mayenne on the base-
ness of such a proceeding; Villeroy was eren at that time, by the
king's command, honestly endeavouring to detach the duke from the
League. But it is still more certain that Villeroy, reproaching the
Duke of Mayenne with this criminal design, the latter answered him
in these words: “I would neither tell you nor the president Jeannin of
this oath, because I promised the Spaniards and the League to the
contrary, and was not ignorant that you would never be brought to
approve of such a remedy." (Matthieu, p. 155.)
1593.]
CONDUOT OF VILLEROY AND JEANNIN.
335
Jeannin here; but the fact is too well known, and the confu-
sion they were afterwards in,when the king publicly reproached
them with it at Fontainebleau, is a full conviction of it, as
well as of the interested conduct Villeroy afterwards ob-
served. Two days only before the king's abjuration, these
two gentlemen procured a secret assembly to be held, com-
posed of the pope's and the King of Spain's ministers and
the chief partisans of the League, either in person or by
proxy, for the Dukes of Nemours and Mercour, then absent.
În this assembly, the legate made them all swear upon the
cross, the evangelists, and even the host, to maintain the
League, till they saw upon the throne of France a king
agreeable to Spain; and, above all, never to acknowledge the
King of Navarre for such, though he should add to the claim
his birth gave him, that of a sincere abjuration. This very
pious and charitable oath, signed by the whole assembly, was
enclosed in a packet and sent to Rome. It was from a let-
ter written by tbe Cardinal of Placentia to some members of
the Parliament, the bearer of which was taken up at Lyons
by the king's soldiers, that we came to the knowledge of it.
In this manner did they sport with fidelity, virtue, and reli-
gion. This circumstance, though anticipated, seems to me
not improperly mentioned here.
Amongst the crowd of negotiators and counsellors there
were many who imagined they could deceive the king, while,
in reality, they deceived only themselves. The king suffered
them to remain in this opinion, not to persuade these schemers,
but the people, that he might be easily brought to the point
they wished: this I had from the king himself. I remember,
one night, which was, I believe, on the 15th of February,
1593, when all the courtiers had quitted his apartment, he
sent Ferêt, his secretary; to bring me to him, who introduced
me into his chamber, where I found him in bed. He owned
to me that he was under a necessity of using this precau-
tion whenever he had an inclination to converse with ine,
that he might not give disgust to the Catholics, and the Pro-
testants likewise, who hated me still more, perhaps, through
After complaining of this restraint, in very flattering terms
for me, he talked to me of those affairs which were at present
under consideration, and of the intrigues of the courtiers to
336
(BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
.
obtain each separately the honour of the decision. I had
said before, and it had been repeated to the king, that I was
afraid his easy disposition would make him give up more than
he ought to do; but the manner in which this prince repre-
sented to me the state of affairs, and portrayed the different
characters of all the pretenders to his favour, convinced me
I had been deceived. If I was surprised at that justness
of penetration with which he immediately discerned truth
amidst the shades that obscured it, I was not less charmed
when, submitting his ideas to mine, he insisted upon my pre-
scribing to him the manner in which he should finish an affair
which, to confess the truth, was not without danger till the
last moment. It was in vain that I endeavoured to excuse
myself from accepting this honour; all I could obtain was a
delay of three days to take my resolution. It was during
this conversation that the king first mentioned to me his de-
sign of intrusting his finances to my care.
After three days of deep reflection, I waited upon the king
with the same secrecy as before. I did not approve of any
of those schemes which had been recommended to him, and
which differed only in the proportion of the rewards which
were to be granted to the members of the League, and other
interested persons. My opinion was that matters were not
yet ripe for a conclusion, which I supported with the follow-
ing reasons: that the king was freed from the only fear.
which could induce him to put a precipitate end to the pre-
sent negotiations, by which I meant the fear that all those
competitors for royalty might unite resolutely in favour of
one particular person, because the misunderstanding which
had already arisen amongst the princes, the nobles, and the
Spanish ministers, gaining strength every day, we might ex-
pect to see them soon destroy each other's pretensions; from
whence it must necessarily happen, that those who were dis-
interested, and whose intentions were upright, would bind
themselves more closely to the king's party, an effect already
indisputable, with regard to those cities of France which were
at too great a distance from the League and the cabal, to be
influenced by the eagerness and warmth which actuated them.
That the heads of the League themselves, through hatred,
jealousy, or even a consideration of their own interest, would,
one after the other, throw themselves into the king's party
1593.]
ROSNY'S ADVICE TO THE KING.
. 337
that the bare hopes alone, which this prince would suffer
them to entertain, would give him, beforehand, most of those
advantages he could gain from the accomplishment of them,
without hazarding anything. That the dangers of a too pre-
cipitate accomplishment were, first, an open desertion of the
Protestants (who were not yet sufficiently prepared for this
change), which might produce the most fatal consequences,
since the king, not being yet perfectly secure of all the Catho-
lics to oppose them, would remain at the mercy of both
parties; and, secondly, the necessity he laid himself under,
by throwing himself into the arms of the Catholics, of grant-
ing all their demands, however exorbitant they might be,
which, both for the present and the future, was of dangerous
consequence. That it was necessary to allow these schemers,
and all the chiefs of the League, time to give a distinct form
to their demands; by which they would perceive that they
were encroaching upon each other, and they would be obliged
voluntarily to reduce their extravagant pretensions, and to
agree that by setting too high a value upon slight services
they would put it out of the king's power to satisfy them, and
at length be content to seek their own interest in the general
interest of the state. I told the king that he would find the
first who took this step would be those who, having only
been influenced by the foreign powers to demand rewards
which they were perhaps desirous of sharing with them,
would begin to be sensible of the injustice of their proceed-
ings in proportion as their hatred of those foreigners in-
creased; and that those very foreigners, finding the king so
ready to comply with the demands that were made upon him,
would prevail upon others to ask for what they did not be-
lieve they could obtain for themselves.
I showed the king that whatever change might happen in
his affairs, it could not be so sudden but he would have it in
his power to prevent it, since a few words would be sufficient
for that purpose, while, by temporising, he would discover all
their designs; and secretly breaking those connexions be-
tween them, all that remained to put an absolute end to the
treaty would be, to bestow rewards upon those who had a
right to demand them. To bring affairs happily to this end,
I saw nothing better to be done than for the king to persist
in that conduct he had hitherto observed ; to receive every
VOL. I.

338
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
one kindly, promise little, seem desirous of bringing matters
to a conclusion, ascribe always the fault of delays to obstacles,
and earnestly endeavour to remove them. This, in my
opinion, is the manner in which one generally ought to act
in political affairs which are a little perplexed. It is well
known that the difference between precipitation and dili.
gence is, that this last, as much a foe to inaction and sloth as
the other, engages in nothing without having first consulted
judgment upon it; yet, in practice, they are almost always
confounded.
In these arguments which I made use of to the king, his
supposed conversion was always the foundation I built upon;
and his majesty, by contradicting none of them, gave me to
understand that he would not be stopped by that formality.
I added only one thing more, which was that he should not
suffer this negotiation to degenerate into mere debates, as his
adversaries did, but join some military expedition to it. Hav-
ing many other reasons to add, I offered to deliver them to him
in writing, but his majesty replied that there was no occasion
for it; that he believed he comprehended all I could have to
say to him; and that when he had more leisure, he would
discourse with me upon a system by which it seemed to him
that, after having united himself to the Catholics, it would
not be impossible to reconcile even them to the Protestants.
That this resolution might be fully executed, the king, on
his return to Mantes, after the breaking off the conference at
Surêne, caused others, wholly upon the subject of religion,*
to be held between the Catholic priests and the Protestant
clergy, at which he was generally present; and, on the other
hand, made preparations for opening the campaign in the
month of April by some important enterprise, rather indeed
to keep up his reputation with the people than with a design
to continue the war in earnest, the necessary funds for which
he was completely in want of. This intended enterprise was
the siege of Dreux, for which the king borrowed a large sum
of money from the inhabitants of Mantes; and, leaving that
city about the beginning of April, passed the Eure at Serissy,
while I assembled and brought up the artillery.
* At La Villette, at Pontoise, at Mantes, and elsewhere.
1593.]
THE SIEGE OF DREUX.
339
The king ordered the Admiral de Biron * to invest the
place, and he soon made himself master of the suburbs, and
reduced the town to such extremity that it was taken after
a very slight resistance; there was, however, a large tower,
called La Grise, which still held out; and the king despairing
of reducing it by means of his cannon, resolved to under-
mine it, on the assurances which I and four English and
Scotch miners gave him of succeeding: having, therefore,
made a lodgment at the foot of this tower, by means of a
shed formed, of large timbers, which sheltered the workmen 1
from the immense stones that were thrown from the walls
above, and the miners being furnished with all the necessary
tools, and assisted by about thirty pioneers, who worked by
turns, four at a time, they applied themselves with so much
assiduity that the first day they had made an excavation in
the tower five feet in height, three in breadth, and four in
depth. The Duke de Montpensier, being desirous to see the
work, was wounded in the face and neck by a musket-shot.
The following days their progress was not so great, from the
confined space in which they had to work; however, at the
end of six days they had advanced about eight or nine feet
in a direct line under the tower. I now ordered them to
inake two chambers, one to the right and the other to the
left, six feet deep, and a little wider at the bottom than the
top, in each of which I placed from three to four hundred
weight of the finest gunpowder I could procure; into the
midst of these I laid two tubes made of dried hide, filled
with powder well beaten together, uniting their ends on the
outside of the excavation, which I next ordered to be closed
up with stones and plaster; all this being done, a long train
of powder was laid, communicating with the united ends of
the two tubes, and after every person was withdrawn this
was fired, and it soon communicated to the interior: for
about ten minutes no effect was produced except a great
smoke and a hollow sound : this gave occasion to my secret
enemies to exult; they all cried out, “There's Rosny's
mine! there's Rosny's mine!" Nor could the king refrain
* Charles de Gontaut, son to the marshal, to whom the king gave
the title of admiral..
z 2
340
[BOOK V.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
from saying, "His intentions are good; but he is so foolish
that he would have everything yield to his imaginations."
If I was enraged at all this, I soon had my revenge, for just
as they were turning away, a thick cloud of smoke arose
from the tower, which was immediately after burst asunder
from the base to the summit, and one-half tumbled down,
bringing with it men, women, and children, who were crushed
to pieces in the ruins. The other half remained standing;
in the different stories of which, and in the embrasures of
the windows, were seen men, women, and children, shrieking
and stretching forth their hands to implore our pity: unfor-
tunately the tumult and noise were so great at the moment
that nothing could be heard, and the soldiers began to fire
upon these miserable victims, of which they shot.six or seven,
and the rest would have shared the same fate had not the
king ordered them to desist; he then sent a party of his
.guards to assist them to descend, and when they were brought
wherever they chose. There was some dispute about the
governorship of the town, which I did not think would be re-
promoters of the siege, and the reduction of the tower, but
also from its adjoining my estates; but the zealous Catholics,
according to custom, opposed this, and M. d'O gained it, to
the great regret of the king, who afterwards apologised to
me in the following terms: “My friend, I was extremely
sorry that I could not grant you the government of
Dreux, for you deserved it more than any other person, on
account of your great services during the siege ; but you see
how these people thwart me in all my actions, and even will
not allow of my soliciting anything from them. They do not
hesitate to tell me, nay even to threaten, that they will aban-
don me, and join the enemies of the state and myself, if I do
not change my religion. You know the propositions made
by Villeroy on the part of the Duke of Mayenne, by which
they agree to acknowledge me king; but I would die rather
than accept them, from the injury the state and all my old
and faithful servants would thereby suffer. If I be obliged
to grant any favour, in order to give peace to France and
free myself from the tyranny of these people who thus tor-
ment me, believe me, no one shall suffer by it but myself;
1593.] CONFERENCES WITH ROSNY RESUMED. 341
and rest assured, also, that should I once be king and abso-
lute master, I will reward and honour those who, like you,
have served me well and usefully. Be patient, therefore, as
I am, and continue to act as you have hitherto done."
The king stopped only to perform a few more such little
expeditions, and returned immediately to Mantes, to resume
his conferences. This alternate succession of war and debates
lasted all the time that the States continued to be held, and
even till the day. that the king abjured the Protestant religion.
His intention of changing his religion now became daily more
certain : many causes urged him to adopt this resolution, the
principal of which (not to mention his conscience, of which
he alone could be the true judge) were his grief for the
miseries to which the people would still be exposed ; his
dread of the Catholics about his person; the powerful and
subtle theological arguments of M. du Perron, added to his
sweet and agreeable conversation; the artful connivance of
some of the ministers and Huguenots in the cabinet, who
were willing to profit by the times at any rate; the faithless
ambition of many of the most powerful and distinguished
amongst the Protestants, at the mercy of whom be dreaded
falling, should the Catholics resolve to abandon him; the
contempt which he had conceived against some of the zealous
Catholics (and particularly M. d'O), on account of the in-
solent language they had used towards him; his desire of
getting rid of them, and of one day making them suffer for
their temerity ; his dread lest the States, still sitting in Paris,
might elect the Cardinal of Bourbon king, and marry him to
the Infanta of Spain.; finally, the fatigue and troubles he had
endured from his youth, the hope of enjoying a life of ease
and tranquillity for the future, added to the persuasions of
some of his most faithful servants, among whom may be also
reckoned his mistress,* the one by tears and supplications,
the other by remonstrances; all these circumstances, I say,
fixed him in his resolution of embracing the Catholic religion.*
* The Marchioness de Monceaux, who, D’Aubigné says, acted this
part in the hope of becoming queen herself, if Henry should be de-
clared king. (Vol. iii. book iii. chap. 22.)
† The above passage is given according to the original Memoirs, for
whenever religion is the subject, the modern compiler never fails to
pervert the original, and introduce his own opinions rather than the
342
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MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
While these things were under consideration, a great
number of the larger towns, and Paris in particular, which
were in the party of the League, being no longer able to
endure the inconveniences and privations which the con-
fusion of the times bad occasioned (all commerce, internal as
well as external, being at a stand, on account of the prohi-
bitions against trading with the places in the king's interest),
disturbances broke out amongst the people, who at last com-
pelled their leaders to send a deputation to the king to re-
quest liberty to trade: M. de Belin was accordingly ap.
pointed for this purpose, and came to the king when he was
either at Mantes or Vernon; but, notwithstanding all his
arguments, the whole council opposed his request. There
was not a Protestant there who appeared willing that he
should grant it; and what is still more surprising, it met
witb. equal opposition from the Catholics, without their
being able to assign a lawful, or even a plausible reason, for
such a conduct. All these persons were perplexed in their
debates, and perceived plainly that their opinion would
signify nothing, yet could not prevail upon themselves to
alter it. The king looking at me that moment, “ Monsieur
de Rosny," said he, “what makes you so thoughtful? Will
not you speak your mind absolutely any more than the
others ?" I then began, and was not afraid to declare my-
Duke of Sully's. It is evident, from what is said in the text, that
Sully was by no means convinced that the king abjured the Protestant
religion from conscientious motives; yet, as the passage has hitherto
stood, the very reverse is the case: there the duke is made to say, “I
should betray the cause of truth if I suffered it to be even suspected
that policy, the threats of the Catholics, the fatigue of labour, the
desire of rest, and of freeing myself from the tyranny of foreigners, or
even the good of the people, though highly laudable in itself, had
entirely influenced the king's last resolution. As far as I am able to
judge of the heart of this prince, which I believe I know better than
any other person, it was indeed these considerations which first hinted
to him the necessity of his conversion; and I confess that I myself
suggested no others to him,fully persuaded, as I have always been,
although a Calvinist, from what I have gathered from the most learned
of the Protestant clergy, that God is no less honoured in the Catholic,
than in the Protestant Church. But at length the king was fully con-
vinced that the Catholic faith was the securest. That native candour
and sincerity which I always observed in this prince persuade me that
he would not have been able, during all the remainder of his life, to
carry on such a fallacy."-ED.
1593.]
HENRY RESOLVES UPON ABJURATION.
343
self against all those who had voted, by maintaining that it
was necessary not to hesitate a moment, but to endeavour
to gain the affections of the people by kind treatment, as ex-
perience had proved that harsh measures were productive of
no good consequences whatever. I therefore advised the
king to grant them not only the liberty of trade, which they
requested, but also a general truce, if, as the Count de Belin
seemed to hint, they should desire it. To these I added
many other reasons; but they only excited against me the
hatred or contempt of most of the council, to whose decision
the king was obliged to yield, and the Count de Belin re-
turned without being able to gain anything.
Henry, reflecting upon this refusal, and judging that
there wanted but little more of the same nature to alienate
the people's affections from him without a possibility of re-
gaining them, and to induce them to go over to the party of
his enemies, he resolved to defer his abjuration no longer.
He was now convinced that there was no probability of his
subduing the reluctance of several of the Protestants, or of
ever obtaining their free consent to this proceeding;* but
that it was necessary to act independently of them, and
hazard some murmurs, which would end in nothing. As for
the Catholics of his party, the king endeavoured only to re-
move their fears that, looking upon them as persons of whom
he was already secure, he would apply himself wholly to
gaining the rest by bestowing all rewards upon them. He
therefore at last declared publicly that on the 20th of July
he would perform his abjuration, and named the church of
St. Denis for this ceremony.
This declaration threw the League into confusion, and
filled the hearts of the people and the Catholics of the royal
party with joy. The Protestants, although they had expected
it, discovered their discontent by signs and low murmurs, and
did, for form's sake, all that such a juncture required of them,
but they did not go beyond the bounds of obedience. All
* Henry IV. was always sensible that his abjuration would expose
him to great dangers, which made him write in this manner to Made-
moiselle d'Estrées: “On Sunday I shall take a dangerous leap. While
I am writing to you, I have a hundred troublesome people about me,
which makes me detest St. Denis as much as you do Mantes," &c. (See
the new edition of Henry the Great's Letters.)
344
[BOOK V.
BIEMOIRS OF SULLY.
the ecclesiastics, with Du Perron, intoxicated with his
triumph, at their head, flocked together; every one was de-
sirous of a share in this work. Du Perron, for whom I had
obtained the bishopric of Evreux, thought he could not show
his gratitude for it in a better manner than by exercising his
functions of converter upon me. He accosted me with the
air of a conqueror, and proposed to me to be present at a
ceremony where he flattered himself he should shine with
such powers of reasoning as would dissipate the profoundest
darkness. “Sir," I replied, “all I have to do by being pre-
sent at your disputes, is to examine which side produces the
strongest and most effectual arguments. The state of affairs,
your number and your riches, require that yours should pre-
vail.” In effect they did. There was a numerous court at
St. Denis, and all was conducted with great pomp and splen-
dour. I may be excused from dwelling upon the description
of this ceremony here, since the Catholic historians* have
been so prolix upon the subject.
I did not imagine I could be of any use at this time, there-
fore kept myself retired, as one who had no interest in the
show that was preparing, when I was visited by Du Perron,
whom the Cardinal of Bourbon had sent to me, to decide a
dispute that had arisen on occasion of the terms in which the
king's profession of faith should be conceived. The Catholic
priests and doctors loaded it with all the trifles their heads
were filled with, and were going to make it a ridiculous, in-
stead of a grave and solemn composition. The Protestant
ministers, and the king himself, disapproved of the puerilities
and trifles with which they had stuffed this instrument; and
it occasioned debates which had like to have thrown every-
thing again into confusion. I went immediately with Du
Perron to the Cardinal of Bourbon, with whom it was agreed
that none of those articles of faith which were controverted
* See, besides the above-mentioned historians, Mezeray, and the
volume of MSS. marked 8935 in the King's Library, where may be
found likewise the letter written to his holiness by the king, the com-
mission given to M. du Perron, when he went to Rome to make a tender
of obedience to the pope, and the king's declaration of the motives on
which he was converted, &c.
† “ There is no necessity to mention a requiem," said Henry IV., “I
am not dead yet.”
1593.] PARTICULARS AS TO THE KING'S ABJURATION.
345
by the two churches should be admitted, but that all the
rest should be suppressed as useless. The parties approved
of this regulation, and the instrument* was drawn up in
such a manner that the king there acknowledged all the
Roman tenets upon the Holy Scripture: the Church, the num-
ber and ceremonies of the sacraments, the sacrifice of the
mass, transubstantiation, the doctrine of justification, the in-
vocation of saints, the worship of relics and images, pur-
gatory, indulgences, and the supremacy and power of the
pope, t after which the satisfaction was general.
* See the original of it in the old Memoirs. Du Plessis-Mornay, and
Mezeray after him, reproached the king and the Catholics, apparently
without any cause, that this first profession which they suppressed was
nevertheless the same that was sent to the pope," as if the king had
composed, written, and signed it with his own hand, but in reality
counterfeited by Monsieur Lomenie." These are his own words. (Book
i. p. 198; book'ii. p. 207.)
† Another act of equal validity, by which Henry IV. acknowledged
the pope's authority, is the declaration which he made after his con-
version, that it was necessity and the confusion of affairs which obliged
him to receive absolution from the prelates of France, rather than from
those of the Holy Father. This declaration is recorded in the third
volume of Villeroy's Memoirs of State, (P. 61.)
. It was Renauld, or Beaune de Samblançai, Archbishop of Bourges,
who received the king's abjuration; the Cardinal of Bourbon, who was
IV. entering the chapel of St. Denis, the archbishop said to him,
“ Who are you?” Henry replied, “I am the king." 5 What is your
request?” said the archbishop. “To be received,” said the king, " into
the pale of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Church." "Do you
desire it?" added the prelate. “Yes, I do desire it,” replied the king.
Then, kneeling, he said, “I protest and swear in the presence of
Almighty God, to live and die in the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman
religion; to protect and defend it against all its enemies, at the hazard
of my blood and life, renouncing all heresies contrary to this Catholic,
Apostolic, and Roman Church.” He afterwards put this same confes-
sion in writing into the hands of the archbishop, who presented him his
ring to kiss, giving him absolution with a loud voice, during which Te
Deum was sung, &c. (See a particular account of the ceremony in the
historians, Cayet, book v. p. 222 and following; Matthieu, &c.)
346
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
BOOK VI.
[1593—1594.]
Conduct of Henry with regard to the pope, Spain, the League, and the
Huguenots, after his abjuration—Another truce-Artifices of Spain
-Attempts of the Jesuits upon the life of Henry-Rosny begins a.
negotiation with Admiral Villars, to disengage him from the party
of the League-Fécamp surprised by a very extraordinary method
-A dispute raised about this fort-Several cities surrender to Henry
-Rosný's journey to Rouen-A detail of his negotiations with
Villars-The character of that governor-Rosny is employed by
Henry to effect a reconciliation betwixt the Duke of Montpensier
and the Count of Soissons, and to break off the marriage of the
latter with the Princess Catherine-He visits the Duchess of Aumale
at Anet--A further account of his negotiations with Villars, Médavy,
and others—The treaty with Villars, after many obstacles, concluded
-Henry is received into Paris-Several instances of his generosity and
clemency-An accommodation with Villeroy-Rosny's third journey
to Rouen-Villars sends away the deputies of Spain and the League
-The ceremony with which Rouen was surrendered to the king-
The conditions upon which Rosny consents to receive any gratuities
-Villars comes to court-An instance of Henry's generosity-Lyons
submits to the king, notwithstanding the endeavours of the Duke of
Nemours to the contrary-Poitiers, Cambrai, and other cities do the
same-The taking of La Chapelle by the Spaniards—The siege of
Laon-Rosny is obliged to return to Paris-His conversation with
the Cardinal of Bourbon-Disputes between the University of Paris
and the Jesuits—He returns to the siege of Laon-A further account
of the siege-Henry's indefatigable labours there- A great convoy of
the Spaniards seized by Biron-Rosny is present at this rencounter
--The king displeased with Biron-The Spaniards endeavour in vain
to throw supplies into Laon.
The ceremony of the king's abjuration was followed by a
deputation of the Duke of Nevers to Rome, who, together
with the Cardinal de Gondy, and the Marquis de Pisany,
were to offer the pope the submissions usual in such cases. *
* Clement VIII. refused to acknowledge and receive the Duke of
Nevers as ambassador, and would oblige the French bishops to go and
present themselves to the grand inquisitor, pretending that they had
no power to absolve the king. M. de Thou blames, with as much
reason, the pope's inflexibility upon this occasion, as he extols the
1593.]
DEPUTATION TO ROME..
347
Although this change was a mortal blow for the League, yet
the Spaniards and the Duke of Mayenne still held out; they
endeavoured to persuade their partisans that there still re-
spoke at that time contrary to their own opinion, and this
feigned confidence was only designed to obtain greater ad-
vantages from the king before he was securely fixed on the
throne.
This is not a mere conjecture, at least with regard to the
King of Spain, since it is certain that he ordered Taxis and
Stuniga to offer the king forces sufficient to reduce all the
chiefs of the League and the Protestant party, without an-
nexing any other condition to this offer than a strict alliance
between the two crowns, and an agreement that the king
should give no assistance to the rebels in the Low Countries.
conversion only as the principle of a new political system,
which made it necessary for him to break through his former
engageinents. It may not, perhaps, be useless to mention
here an observation I have made on the conduct of Spain,
which is, that although before and after the death of Cathe-
rine de Medicis she had put a thousand different springs in
motion, changed parties and interests as she thought most
expedient to draw advantages from the divisions that shook
this kingdom, yet the Protestant party was the only one to
which she never made any application: she had often pub-
licly protested that she never had the least intention to gain
or suffer their alliance. It is by an effect of this very anti-
pathy that the Spaniards have constantly refused the Re-
courage, prudence, and the whole conduct of the Duke of Nevers.
(See tom. ii. Mem. de Nevers; MSS. de la Bibliot. du Roi, and in
the historians mentioned above, the particulars of the embassies of
Nevers and Luxembourg, and the negotiations of Father Seraphin
Olivari, de la Chielle, of the abbots Du Perron and d’Ossat with the
holy father.) The pope still deferred a long time an absolution which
he had a great desire to grant, and received very ill La Chielle, who
presented to him the letters of Henry IV. Father Seraphin, who was
present, and plainly perceived that the pope's anger was only feigned,
said to him merrily, “Holy Father, if the devil himself were to come,
and ask an audience of you, and you had any hopes of converting him,
you could not in conscience deny him it." This speech drew a smile
from his holiness,
348.
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
.
formed religion admission into their states,---an antipathy
which cannot be attributed to anything but the repub-
lican principles the Protestants are accused of having im-
bibed. The king being fully convinced, that to stifle the
seeds of schism in his kingdom, it was necessary to give none
of the different factions occasion to boast that his power was
at their disposal, and that to reduce all parties he must be
partial to none, he therefore steadily rejected these offers
from Spain, and those which the Duke of Mayenne made him
to the same purpose, but at that very time appeared willing
to treat with any of the chiefs or cities of the League which
would surrender, and to reward them in proportion to their
readiness and services; and it was this prudent medium that
he was resolved to persist in. Although he now professed
the same religion as the League, yet his aversion to the spirit
which actuated that party, and to the maxims by which they
were governed, was not lessened; the very name only of the
League was sufficient to kindle his anger. The Catholic
Leaguers, supposing that his abjuration authorised them to
abolish, in those cities which depended upon them, the edicts
that were favourable to the Huguenots, the king caused them
to be restored: and though in some places the Leaguers had
obtained the consent even of the Huguenots themselves
(determined to purchase peace at any price) for this purpose,
yet the Protestant party murmuring at it, Henry cancelled
all that had been done to that effect,* and showed that it was
his design to keep the balance even.
The Duke of Mayenne, finding that in this last scheme,
which he had believed infallible, he was disappointed as well
as in the rest, placed all his future dependance upon his old
friends the Parisians, and neglected no method by which he
might awaken their mutinous disposition; but so far was he
from succeeding in this attempt, that he could not hinder
them from discovering their joy at what had just passed at
* The king, on the 12th of December, this year held an assembly of
the Protestants at Mantes, in which he publicly declared that his chang-
ing his religion should make no alteration in the affairs of the Pro-
testants. Mem. of the League, vol. v.) And the Calvinists having asked
many things of him, he told them he could not comply with their
requests, but that he would tolerate them. (Matthieu, tom. ii. liv. i.
p. 164.)
1593.] THE KING GRANTS A TRUCE TO THE PARISIANS. 349
St. Denis. They talked publicly of peace, and even in his
presence; and he had the mortification to hear a proposal to
send deputies to the king to demand a truce for six months,
and they obliged him to give his consent to it. The truce for
three months, which had been granted them at Surêne,* had
only inspired them with an inclination for a longer one.
The king gave audience to the deputies in full council.
The greatest number of those who composed it, listening to
nothing but their jealousy of the Duke of Mayenne, whom they
feared as a man that had the means in his power of purchas-
ing favour and rewards, were of opinion that no attention
ought to be paid to this demand of the deputies, because the
person who sent them persisted in his revolt against the king,
even after his abjuration. Notwithstanding the justice of
not confounding the Duke of Mayenne with the Parisians, I
saw this advice was likely to be followed, and it certainly
might bave produced some very bad consequence. Į there-
fore insisted so strongly upon the advantage of letting the
people, already recovered from their first terrors, taste the
sweets of a peace which would interest them still more in
the king's favour, that this prince declared he would grant
the truce they demanded of him, but for the months of Au-
gust, September, and October only.
The next day a prodigious concourse of the populace of
Paris assembled at St. Denis. The king showed himself to
the people, and assisted publicly at mass; wherever he turned
his steps the crowd was so great, that it was sometimes im-
possible to pierce through it,t while every moment, a million
of voices cried, Long live the king! Every one returned,
charmed with the gracefulness of his person, his condescen-
sion, and that engaging manner which was natural to him:
“ God bless him!said they, with tears in their eyes, “and
* Or at La Villette, situated between Paris and St. Denis, as it is ob-
served in the Memoirs of the League. It is dated the 31st of July,
and was published the next day at Paris.
† “ They are wild,” said Henry, " to see a king.” (Etoile, ib.) In
a letter which he wrote to Mademoiselle d'Estrées upon this or some
other such occasion, he says, “ A pleasant adventure happened to me
at church; an old woman, eighty years of age, seized me by the head
and kissed me; I was not the first who laughed at it; to-morrow you
shall sweeten my mouth.” (Récueil des Lettres d'Henry le Grand.)
350
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
grant that he may soon do the same in our church of Notre
Dame in Paris." I observed to the king this disposition of
the people with regard to him; tender and sensible as he
was, he could not behold this spectacle without strong emo-
tions.
The Spaniards now had recourse to their usual artifices.
D'Entragues came to me one morning, and told me that a
Spaniard had just arrived at St. Denis, charged with des-
patches of great importance, from Mendoza, who had ordered
him to make his applications directly to me, being the only
person who had any knowledge of the proposals which he had
à long time ago made to the king at Béarn, by Moreau and
the Viscount de Chaux.* This Spaniard, whose name was
Ordognes, or Nugnes, had been a domestic of D'Entragues,
whose service he had quitted for that of Mendoza; and
D'Entragues corresponded, by his means, with the Spanish
ambassador to the League: this is what I learned of this man
by the recital, whether true or false, that D’Entragues made
me. I did not confide much in the Spanish emissary, and
less in D'Entragues, whose turbulent disposition. I was well
acquainted with; I received him therefore coldly enough, for
I did not doubt but this was all a Spanish stratagem: but
D'Entragues seemed so much offended that I should suspect
his sincerity, and added so many assurances of the veracity
of this Nugnes, that I permitted him to bring him to me
that evening. The king, whom I informed of D’Entragues'
visit, had the same opinion of it that I had; however, he
commanded me to hear what the envoy had to say.
D'Entragues did not fail to return at the time appointed,
accompanied by the Spaniard, who after much vague conver-
sation about the joy there was in the court of Spain for the
king's abjuration, and a great many protestations of kindness
which I had no reason to believe very sincere, at length told
me he was commissioned to propose a marriage between the
king and the Infanta of Spain, with some other articles,
which he declared he had been ordered to explain only to the
king; to whom he entreated me to present him. "Henry
having consented to hear him, I told Nugnes, without any
* See before, p. 137.
5. Clara Eugenia, of Austria, second daughter of Philip II.
1593.]
ARTIFICES OF SPAIN.
351
ceremony, that since he came from so suspected a place, he
must purchase the honour of an audience from his majesty,
by submitting to a few precautions against his person that
would perhaps be a little mortifying. He thought nothing
too hard : I therefore began to search him myself, and after-
wards caused two of my valets-de-chambre to make a more
rigid scrutiny about his person and clothes; one of them
having been a tailor, acquitted himself of this task with great
exactness. When he came into the king's apartment I made
him kneel, and held both his hands betwixt mine. He added
nothing to the proposals he had already made me, but talked
of the alliance between the two crowns in terms so specious
and lofty, that the king, who at first would hardly listen to
him, could not refrain from approving of the Spaniard's pro-
posal to send some person on whom he could rely, to inquire
of Don Bernardin de Mendoza himself if what he had just
said could be depended on.
This deputation, which would have the appearance of a
mystery, I could not approve of, and still less of the choice
his majesty made of La Varenne for this occasion, a man re-
markably vain.* The king, to whom I discovered all my
* We shall mention him again in the sequel of these Memoirs; his
name is William Fouquet, and he derives the title of La Varenne from
the Marquisate of La Varenne, in Anjou, which he bought. His first
employment was that of cook to the Princess Catherine, and his chief
excellence was in larding meat. If it be true that this princess met
him one day after his preferment, and said to him, “ La Varenne, thou
hast gained more by carrying my brother's poulets2 than by larding of
mine," one may conclude that the means by which he gained the king's
favour were not very honourable. He was first made cloak-bearer to
this prince, afterwards councillor of state, and comptroller-general of
the post-office, and always lived in great familiarity with Henry IV.,
who ennobled him. La Varenne appointed a gentleman to attend his
son: “What !” said this prince to him, “if thou hadst given thy son to
a gentleman, I should have understood what you would be at; but to
give a gentleman to him, is what I cannot comprehend." They say,
likewise, that La Varenne having obtained some favour of the king
which the Chancellor de Bellièvre made some difficulty to grant him,
La Varenne, said to him, "Sir, don't have such a high opinion of your-
self: I would have you to know, that if my master were twenty-five
jest lies in the ambiguity of the word poulet, which signifies either a
pullet or a girl.
352
[BOOK VI.
•
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
apprehensions, thought he should avoid any appearance of an
engagement or negotiation with Spain by not giving La
Varenne any commissions in writing, and making the regu-
lation of some boundaries upon the frontiers of Spain the
pretence of his journey. La Varenne had no sooner received
orders to depart, than he boasted of his commission, assumed
the ambassador, and represented himself as such to Mendoza,
who, on his part, paid him greater honours than he had re-
quired. This produced the effect which the Spaniards
designed it should : it was for some time believed in England
and Germany that Henry sought to gain the King of
Spain's friendship, and to break off his alliance with the
Protestant powers, which might have produced an open rup-
ture, if the king had not taken measures immediately to con-
vince them of the contrary.
A short time after the above occurrences, the king went to
Châlons-sur-Marne, to visit the fort of Gournay; and from
thence to Brie-Comte-Robert and Meulan; during his stay
at the latter place, he received intelligence that the Jesuits,
the Capuchins, and some other enthusiastic monks, were
plotting with certain persons to take away his life ;* and in.
fact, three days after, a gentlemant arrived from Lyons to in-
form his majesty that it was certain a man had left that place
with intention to assassinate him, as he had derived his
information from a priest to whom the wretch had confessed
himself; the figure, the countenance, and the dress of this
assassin were so exactly described, that he was two days after
seized, and being convicted of the crime, suffered the punish-
years younger, I would not change places with you." (See D'Aubigné,
Geneal. de Saint-Marthe, Mem. de M. le Duc d'Angoulême; Mem. de
Du Plessis, &c.; Menagiana. Cayet, ibid. tom. V. p. 276, speaks of the
embassy of La Varenne into Spain in a manner quite different from
our Memoirs.)
* Cayet, Chron. Novenn. lib. 5, p. 280, speaks more positively of
these conspiracies against the life of Henry ĪV. Marisot says that a
Flamand, called Avenius, came to St. Denis with a design to 'stab the
king, but observing with what devotion he behaved at mass, he threw
himself at his feet, and implored his pardon; but afterwards resuming
his first intention, he was broke upon the wheel in the year 1593.
(Chap. 33.)
. f He was nanied Brancaleon. The plot was discovered to him by
one Father Seraphin Banchi.- ED.
1593.]
ATTEMPTS UPON THE KING'S LIFE.
353
ment it merited.* This attempt gave great uneasiness to the
king, and a short time after, he spoke of it to me in the fol-
lowing terms: “My friend, is it not strange to see persons
professing religion, so malignant as to be daily making at.
tempts upon my life? I was always told that by embracing
the Roman Catholic religion all these evil intentions would
be destroyed, and that M. de Mayenne and his partisans
would acknowledge me so soon as I should take that step;
but I begin to see that there is more of ambition and avarice
in their hearts, than religion and justice.”
The king's troubles were still further increased by the be-
haviour of the Catholics in his court, in whom his abjuration
had wrought as little change as it had done in those of the
League. They bore with impatience his not breaking off all
connexion with his old Protestant servants, and openly mur.
mured if he but conversed with any of them, especially with
me. The apprehension of my bringing him back to his
former religion affected them much less than their suspicions
that, in those conversations I had with the king, I should
prevail upon him to rectify the abuses in the government,
especially the confusion of the finances. Henry, who was not
yet in a condition to assert bis authority, so far complied
with their caprices as to avoid all private conversation with
the Huguenots, resumed his conferences upon religion with
the Catholics only, and continued them at Andrésy and
Milly.t.
* The Jesuits were the principal instigators of this attempt against
the life of Henry. The intended assassin was a boatman of Orleans,
named Barrière. When he reached the neighbourhood of Paris, he
learned the king's abjuration, which completely disarmed him; but
Varade, the rector of the Jesuit College at Paris, and M. Aubray,
curate of St. André des Arcs, encouraged him to execute his design, by
persuading him he should perform a meritorious action. Varade even
heard his confession, gave him absolution, and commanded one of his
order to administer to him the sacrament. Barrière disclosed his
accomplices when he was broke upon the wheel. (See Davila, book iv.;
De Thou, book cvii. p. 13; Matthieu, vol. ii. p. 150; Daniel, vol. vii. p.
199.) On this subject the modern compiler of these Memoirs, wishing
to exculpate the Jesuits, had foisted in his own opinions, which I have
struck out, and restored the words of the original Memoirs.-Ed.
of And likewise at Pontoise and Fleury, a castle in Gatinois, belong-
ing to Henry Clause, chief-justice in eyre. The Roman Catholics who
were there, were, according to M. de Thou, MM. de Schomberg, de
VOL. I.
2A
354
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
I took this opportunity to ask the king's permission to go
to Bontin, where I had grain to sell to the value of five or
six thousand crowns. He granted it, and told me, that at my
return he might perhaps be able to form a more exact judg-
ment of the state of his affairs, and that he would then talk
further with me. When I arrived at Bontin, whither my
wife accompanied me, grain bore a very high price: all the
great cities, taking advantage of the truce, hastened to fill
their magazines, whatever might happen, and paid for what
they bought with the money which the Spaniards had scat-
tered throughout the kingdom. Spanish pistoles were then
so common, that commerce was generally carried on in that
money.
I had scarcely sold half my grain, when a letter the king
wrote to me from Fontainebleau obliged me to return. He
had, in my absence, opened three letters directed to me, from
which he could draw no intelligence, because two of them
(one of which came from Madame de Simiers,* sister to
Vitry, and a great friend of Admiral Villars, and the other
from La Fond,) were written in cipher, and all that the
third contained, which came from a man named Desportes, of
Verneuil, was, that he had something to communicate to me
relating to the proposal I made him in my abbey of St. Taurin
d'Evreux. The king, rigidly watched by the Catholics, could
only give me these letters, the contents of which I afterwards
acquainted him with, Desportes was the agent employed by
the Baron de Médavyt to treat of an accommodation with him,
and for the surrender of Verneuil. The letter from Madame
de Simiers, and that from La Fond, related to certain favour-
able circunstances which now presented themselves to
engage Villars in the king's interest. But affairs soon took
another turn with regard to him; he was so affected by the
Villeroy, de Belin, de Revol, Jeannin, and De Thou himself, who gives
us also to understand that their discourses turned more upon politics
than religion.
* Louisa de l'Hôpital-Vitry, wife to James Simiers, chief groom of
the stole to the Duke of Alençon.
† Peter Rouxel, Baron of Médavy, Count of Grancy, lieutenant-
general in Normandy, and councillor of state, died in 1617. He was
remarkable for an uncommon strength of body,
1593.]
RELATION OF THE SURPRISE OF FÉCAMP.
355
loss of Fécamp,* that for this time he broke off all measures
towards an accommodation. I was informed of this by letters
from Madame de Simiers and La Fond, in answer to mine, at
the very moment when, by the king's command, I was pre-
paring to go and confirm Villars in his good resolutions.
The manner in which Fécamp was surprised is so remark-
able that it well deserves a particular recital here. When
this fort was taken by Biron from the League, there was in
the garrison that was turned out of it a gentleman called
Bois-Rosé,t a man of sense and courage, who making an
exact observation of the place he left, and having concerted
his scheme, contrived to get two soldiers, whom he had bound
to his interest, to be received into the new garrison which
was put into Fécamp by the royalists. That side of the fort
next the sea is a perpendicular rock, about six hundred feet
high, the bottom of which, for about the height of twelve
feet, is continually washed by the sea, except four or five
days in the year, during the utmost recess of the sea, when,
for the space of three or four hours, it leaves fifteen or twenty
fathoms of dry sand at the foot of the rock. Bois-Rosé, who
found it impossible by any other way to surprise a garrison
who guarded with great care a place lately taken, did not
doubt of accomplishing his design, if he could enter by that
side which was thought inaccessible: this he endeavoured to
perform by the following contrivance.
He had agreed upon a signal with the two soldiers whom
he had gained over, and one of them waited for it continually
upon the top of the rock, where he posted himself during
the whole time that it was low water. Bois-Rosé, taking
the opportunity of a very dark night, came with fifty resolute
men, chosen from amongst the sailors, in two large boats, to
the foot of the rock. He had provided himself with a thick
cable, equal in length to the height of the rock, and tying
knots at equal distances, ran short sticks through, to serve
to support the men as they climbed. The soldier whom he
had gained having waited six months for the signal, no sooner
perceived it than he let down a cord from the top of the pre-
cipice, to which those below fastened the cable, by which
* A port and fortress in the country of Caux.
† De Goustiminil, or Gousminil, Lord of the manor of Bois-Rosé.
(See Chron. Novenn. book v. p. 94.)
2 A 2
356
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
means it was drawn up to the top, and secured in an opening
in the battlement with a strong iron crow run through a
staple made for that purpose. Bois-Rosé giving the lead to
two sergeants, whose courage he was well convinced of,
ordered the fifty men to mount the ladder in the same man-
ner, one after the other, with their weapons tied round their
bodies, himself bringing up the rear, to take away all hope
of returning; which indeed soon became impossible, for
before they had ascended half-way, the sea rising more than
six feet carried off their boats, and set their cable floating.
The necessity of withdrawing from a difficult enterprise is
not always a security against fear, when the danger appears
almost inevitable. If the mind represents to itself these fifty
men, suspended between heaven and earth, in the midst of
darkness, trusting their safety to a machine so insecure that
the least want of caution, the treachery of a mercenary sol-
dier, or the slightest fear, might precipitate them into the
abyss of the sea or dash them against the rocks; add to this,
the noise of the waves, the height of the rock, their weariness
and exhausted spirits, it will not appear surprising that the
boldest amongst them trembled, as in effect he who was fore-
most did. This sergeant telling the next man that he could
mount no higher, and that his heart failed him, Bois-Rosé, to
whom this discourse passed from mouth to mouth, and who
perceived the truth of it by their advancing no higher, crept
over the bodies of those that were before him, advising each
to keep firm, and got up to the foremost, whose spirits he at
first endeavoured to animate; but finding that gentleness
would not prevail, he obliged him to mount by pricking him
in the back with his poniard; and, doubtless, if he had not
obeyed him, he would have precipitated him into the sea.
At length, with incredible labour and fatigue the whole troop
got to the top of the rock a little before the break of day,
and were introduced by the two soldiers into the castle,
where they began to slaughter without mercy the sentinels
and the guard. Sleep delivered up nearly the whole garrison
an easy prey to the enemy, who killed all that resisted, and
thus possessed themselves of the fort.
Bois-Rosé immediately sent notice of this amazing success to
Admiral de Villars, and thought the government of the citadel
he had so dearly bought was the least reward he might expect.
1594.] SURRENDIR OF SEVERAL CITIES TO HENRY.
357
However, he heard that Villars, or rather the Commander
de Grillon,* had a design to drive him out of it. Amidst the
first transports of his rage at this injustice, he delivered the
Castle of Fécamp to the king, whose conversion he had just
been informed of. Villars, at this news, broke off the bego-
tiation which he had permitted Madame de Simiers and La
Fond to carry on in his name, and sent forces to invest Fé-
camp. Bois-Rosé, finding himself too weak to make a long
resistance, called the king to his aid, who instantly set for-
ward for Dieppe, and came to St. Valery in Caux. When
this hostility broke out, the three months' truce was expired;
but the king had been prevailed upon to prolong it for two
or three months longer, upon the Duke of Mayenne's repre-
sentation that it was necessary he should have more time to
settle an affair of such importance as his treaty and that of
the League, with the king. He failed not to exclaim against
this violation of the truce, and sent the Count of Belin,
governor of Paris, to the king, to complain of it. Belin
came to St. Valery, acquitted himself of his commission, and
demanded a further prolongation of the truce for three
months, which he said was no more than necessary for the
Duke of Mayenne to make known his last intentions at Rome
and Madrid, whither he had sent Cardinal de Joyeuset and
Montpezat for that purpose. The king, who perceived the
duke only wanted to amuse him, rejected the Count of Belin's
proposals; and, without listening to any more complaints of
the action, which his enemies had been the first cause of,
marched directly to Fécamp, forced the troops of Villars to
retire, and provided the fortress with everything necessary
for its security.
The king, on his return to Mantes, was informed that the
Marquis de Vitry I was inclined to receive him into Meaux :
to second the good intentions of this governor, he came to
Lagny, where all things were so ordered that he made his
public entry into Meauxg on the first day of the year 1594.
* Thomas Berton, governor of Honfleur, and brother to Grillon.
of Francis, the second of the seven sons of William de Joyeuse,
Henry Desprès, Lord of Montpezat.
I Louis de l'Hôpital, Marquis of Vitry.
$ The Duke of Mayenne upbraiding Vitry for having betrayed him
in delivering the city of Meaux into the king's hands, Vitry said to his
358
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
La Châtre* immediately followed this example with the cities
of Orleans and Bourges.
The truce being at an end, the king laid siege to Ferté.
Milon.f I wished to have taken this opportunity to finish
the business that had carried me to Bontin, but his majesty
commanded me to review some battalions of Swiss at Monte-
reau.I I sent to Madame de Rosny to meet me at that place,
from whence I intended to carry her to Mantes. She waited
for me there to no purpose ; for two days before that on which
I was to review the Swiss, I received new despatches from
Madame de Simiers and La Fond, which informed me that
the man (meaning Villars) was appeased, and that nothing
hindered me from resuming the scheme that had been laid
aside. This affair the king thought of such importance as
not to admit of a moment's delay. The Count de Chalignys
just then coming to the army with a passport for Paris,
entreated the king to send a person whom he could depend
upon, to conduct him to that city; and the king was willing
offered me both the means of procuring a more certain know-
ledge of the designs of the Duke of Mayenne and the League,
and of getting to Rouen secretly.
Accordingly, I accompanied the Count de Chaligny to
Paris, from whence, after having an interview with the Duke
of Mayenne, I went to Louviers, to the house of the Sieur
de Saint-Bonnet, about two leagues from Rouen : from this
place I sent notice of my arrival to the persons who managed
our interview: they came to fetch me the next evening, and
introduced me into Fort St. Catherine, where Captain Boni-
face received and treated me very magnificently while we
waited for Villars, who came at night, attended only by one
messenger, “You press me too much; you will at last make me speak
as becomes a soldier. Suppose a thief had stolen a purse, and confided
it to my care; if afterwards, coming to the knowledge of the right
owner, I should restore it to him, and refuse to give it back to the thief
who had intrusted me with it, do you think I should commit a wicked
and treasonable action? I did nothing else when I delivered up the
city of Meaux.” (Memoirs for the History of France, vol. i.)
* Claude de la Châtre.
† Between Meaux and Soissons.
| Montereau-Faut-Yonne, in Champagne.
§ Henry de Lorraine, Count de Chaligny, of the family of Mouy..
1594.]
ROSNY'S NEGOTIATIONS WITH VILLARS.
359.
servant, I likewise having none but my valet-de-chambre
with me. We did not part till after a conversation that
lasted two hours, which left me entirely satisfied with
Villars' intentions. Our interview was conducted with the
royalist cities in the neighbourhood of Rouen would not have
failed, either through jealousy or self-interest, to cross the
negotiation, and perhaps have done something worse, as in
effect they did as soon as they had any suspicion of the
affair, there was in this province a great number of forces,
as well foreigners as those belonging to the League, over
whom Villars had no authority, and which might in a little
time be joined by such considerable supplies, as to make him
repent of the measures he had engaged in.
I stayed five days in Fort St. Catherine with the same pri-
vacy; during which time I had several conferences with
Villars, and entered upon the principal conditions for an
accommodation. Interest was not here the greatest difficulty
to get over; he was less solicitous to gratify mercenary views
than to be convinced that the king, by treating with him,
sought not only to gain the capital of a province, but to bind
to his interests a man whom he knew to be equally willing
and able to serve him. It has been already observed, what
idea Villars had conceived of the king: as soon as my dis-
course had confirmed him in it, I considered the treaty to be
in great forwardness; but I could not then go any further,
not having in writing the necessary powers for concluding
the business.
To give a more perfect knowledge of the character of M.
Villars, his whole conduct was influenced by one or the other
of two qualities that predominated in him, or was produced
by their concurrence: these two qualities were, courage and
integrity; the first inspired that elevated generosity, that
inborn, noble pride,* which in great souls is only a percep-
tion of their own worth, without the least mixture of mean
vanity, or the intoxication of self-love; the second produces
sincerity and truth, makes its owner incapable of artifice and
surprise, and always ready to yield to reason and justice: he
* M. de Thou, speaking of Admiral de Villars, says that he was of
a harsh and insolent disposition. (Book ciii.)
300
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
1
who unites these two qualities has seldom any other fault
than being too quickly moved to sudden bursts of anger.
Such was Villars; and what I have yet to say concerning him
will justify the truth of this character: there was too great
a conformity between his disposition and the king's, to suffer
him to continue long in a state of enmity with him. The
only difference between them was, that Henry, by often re-
flecting on the fatal effects of anger, by a habit acquired in
a long course of misfortunes, by the necessity he was under
of gaining friends, and lastly, by the native tenderness of his
heart, * converted his first violent sallies of rage into such
einotions as were wholly under the government of his reason,
* Here is a piece of private history, extracted out of the Memoirs of
the Life of the President de Thou, which proves what the author says
here concerning the character of Henry IV., and which has also some
relation to what has been said before upon the siege of Rouen. “ One
day when Grillon came into the king's closet, to excuse himself upon
his being reproached that his going backwards and forwards to treat
with the admiral had afforded him an opportunity and the means of
making that furious sally which has been mentioned, he passed from
excuses to disputes, then fell into a passion and uttered blasphemies.
The king, being exasperated at this behaviour, commanded him to go
out; but as Grillon was coming back every moment from the door,
and they perceiving that the king grew pale with anger and impatience,
they were afraid he would seize upon somebody's sword and run the
impudent fellow through. At last, being come to himself, after Grillon
went out, and turning towards the lords who attended him, and who,
with De Thou, had admired the patience with which he bore this in-
solence, he said to them, Nature has formed me passionate, but since
I have been sensible of this fault, I have always endeavoured to guard
against the dictates of so dangerous a passion; I know by experience
that it is a bad adviser, and am glad to have such good witnesses of my
moderation. It is certain that his constitution, the fatigues he had
endured, and the many vicissitudes of fortune to which he had been
subjected, had given him a firmness of soul that was proof against.the
that while Grillon was thus contesting with him, Marshal Biron, who
was then in the king's room, sitting upon a trunk, pretended to be
asleep, and as the dispute grew warmer, his sleep became more sound;
though Grillon came near him in order to abuse him, and cried aloud
in his ears that he was a mangy, snarling dog. The company were
persuaded that the marshal only affected this deep sleep that he might
not expose himself to the brutality of such a fiery, hot-brained man,
which would infallibly have happened if he had seemed to hear him. It
was also believed that he was willing to leave the king all the fatigue
of the conversation."
1594.7 THE SUITORS OF THE PRINCESS CATHERINE.
361
and seldom appeared in his countenance or gesture, and still
seldomer in his words.
The king was just come to Chartres, * which place he had
chosen for the ceremony of his coronation, † when I joined
him, to give him an account of my journey, and to procure
full powers for concluding the treaty with Villars. I had
expected to depart again immediately, and did not imagine
he would detain me with him ten or twelve days, which was
really the case. He was then endeavouring to reconcile the
Count of Soissons and the Duke of Montpensier, whose en-
mity was first occasioned by some disputes relating to the
prerogatives of their rank as princes of the blood, and after-
wards strengthened and confirmed by their competition for
the same posts, the same governments, and above all, for the
same mistress, who was the princess Catherine, sister to the
king. The Duke of Montpensier had certainly the advantage
in the king's favour, as well as in fortune, for he had immense
estates; he appeared at the coronation with a train of four
or five hundred gentlemen, while his rival could with diffi-
culty maintain a dozen; but poor as the count was, without
places, without governments, and disliked by the king ever
since his escape from Rouen, he had this advantage over the
Duke, to possess entirely the heart of the princess. The
Countess of Guiche I was their confidante; she was acquainted
with all their secrets, managed their correspondence when
they could not see each other, and so confirmed their mutual
affection that she made them both sign a contract of marriage,
which the confusion only of the times prevented them from
solemnizing.
His majesty was so passionately desirous of reconciling
these two princes to each other, that the treaty with Villars
was suffered to stand still whilst he applied himself wholly
* Feb. 17, 1594.
† Against a frivolous decree of the States of Blois, which annuls this
ceremony unless it be performed in the city of Rheims. It was decided
that his majesty should be crowned by Nicholas de Thou, bishop of
this city, and not by the Archbishop of Bourges, who claimed that
honour as lord almoner, and that no use should be made of the sainte
ampoule, or holy bottle. (See this ceremony described in the historians.)
# The same who had been mistress to Henry IV., but she was now
grown very fat, coarse, and red-faced. (Journ. of the Reign of Henry
III., tom. i. p. 270.)
362
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
to this affair. He had no regard to my remonštrance, nor to
the danger there was in delaying it; he insisted upon my un-
dertaking the difficult task of making them friends, conjointly
with the Bishop of Evreux, whom he had pitched upon at
first, but found he was not able to succeed alone in so de-
licate an affair. It is certain I still preserved a great share of
the count's esteem, but I was well acquainted with his haughty
and insolent disposition; and that the fear only of seeming
to yield to a rival who was his superior, would not only con-
firm him in his pretensions, but perhaps induce him to form
new ones. I will not tire the reader with a detail of the dis-
putes, refusals, and sallies of ill-humour which we were
obliged to endure; we were more than once upon the point
of giving up our task, as hopeless of ever accomplishing it:
however, by the force of arguments, founded upon the king's
command, after much patience and many importunities, we
prevailed upon the two princes to see each other, and to em-
brace. I was not to answer for the sincerity of this recon-
ciliation: the circumstances of their passion for the princess,
and her marriage (which I carefully avoided mentioning) con-
tinuing still undetermined, left the seeds of division in their
hearts; but this I looked upon as an insurmountable ob-
stacle. I was extremely well satisfied at having succeeded
so far without touching upon this subject, and I now saw no-
thing to delay my journey to Rouen; but I was deceived.
The king's extreme solicitude to reconcile these princes was
with a view of attaining another end, which he still more
ardently desired ; and this was the very same that I thought
I had so prudently laid aside, the marriage of the princess
his sister. Unfortunately, I was the person his majesty fixed
upon to accomplish this design. I was, therefore, commis-
sioned to get the contract of marriage which I have just men-
tioned out of the hands of the parties concerned, that this
obstacle being removed, the king, who was resolved to refuse
the Duke of Montpensier nothing he demanded, might be
able to make use of his authority to prevail upon the princess
to receive him for a husband, and by that means deliver him-
self from the apprehension of seeing a marriage concluded
which, though clandestinely, would be no less dangerous,
since the Count of Soissons would become his heir, whether
he consented to it or not, and make use of his own riches
1594.] ROSNY'S MISSION TO CONTRACT AN ALLIANCE.
363
against him; and if this marriage produced any children, as
there was no doubt but it would, that would give his majesty,
who had none, another cause for uneasiness.
I trembled when I received the king's order for this pur-
pose. I represented to him that Villars would certainly en-
gage himself in the enemy's party for ever, as would also
Médavy, and several other governors in Normandy, unless I
went immediately to those places. The affair was resolved
upon; the king would not hear me, and only granted me
what I asked to ensure the success of his scheme, which was
to give no suspicion of my being employed in it, and to leave
me the choice of what measures I thought necessary to take.
When I was alone, and had reflected upon the nature of
the commission which I had received, I confess I was thrown
into the utmost perplexity. From the knowledge I had of the
Princess Catherine's disposition, from whom it was necessary
to get this contract, I was convinced it was not in the power
of human eloquence to make her approve of the king's de-
signs with regard to her. How difficult a task to persuade a
woman, and she a princess, to renounce the man she loved,
and bestow herself upon one whom she hated! There was no
probability of succeeding but by artifice. I endeavoured to
vanquish my scruples by reflecting that, in deceiving the lady,
though I did not consult her inclination, yet I was attentive
to her real interests; and that it was to free the king and
kingdom from the bad consequences that might attend her
irregular conduct, which induced me to act in this manner.
I flattered myself that the princess would one day think her-
self obliged to me should I, by an innocent stratagem, prevent
the ruin of her fortune, together with the loss of the king
her brother's friendship. Specious as these reasons were, I
cannot help confessing that I did betray her, and this gave
me pain. The impossibility of succeeding by any other means,
and the hope that even she would one day pardon the deceit,
and confess that I had done her a real service by it, was what
at last determined me. As for the count, having no occasion
to make any application to him, and being likewise but little at-
tached to him, the respect that was due to his person ought
to be laid aside when it opposed the public utility, and what
the service of the king my master required of me. However,
this affair, in the end, was the cause of great uneasiness to
364
[BOOK VI.
.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
me, which my scruples, and the reluctance I had to engage
in it, ought to bave preserved me from.
There was still another difficulty to be removed. I saw
the princess very seldom, on account of the multiplicity of
business in which I was engaged; and I knew her discern-
ment too well to doubt that, whatever measures I made use
of to obtain the contract in question, my unusual assiduity
would, in a mind naturally distrustful, create suspicions which
would put her upon her guard against all I could say, or in-
duce others to say to her ; I therefore endeavoured to act in
such a manner that she should anticipate me berself. For this
purpose I made use of the two Du Perrons, who I knew (es-
pecially the youngest) were of a disposition to make their
court to the great at the expense of betraying a secret. I
was intimate only with the Bishop of Evreux, the eldest; but
one risks nothing in depending upon the good opinion all
men have of their own merit: on this head they are always
their own dupes first. I went, therefore, to visit the younger
favour by feigning to impart secrets to him. He began to
think himself a man of vast importance, and, through vanity,
believed every word I said to him. When I perceived him
intoxicated with self-admiration, I told him (with every ap-
pearance of the utmost sincerity, exacting at the same time
an oath of secrecy from him, which I should have been very
sorry had he kept) that the king had imparted to me, in con-
fidence, his intentions with regard to the princess; that he
was resolved to marry her to the Count of Soissons, and that
some little difficulties, which still remained to be got over,
prevented his majesty from publicly declaring his design. I
was confident two days only would be sufficient for Du Per-
ron to get rid of this weighty secret in such a manner that it
would reach the Princess Catherine. Accordingly, a moment
afterwards he told it, with injunctions of secrecy, to Monsieur
de Courtenay, * and two other of the Count of Soissons' most
intimate confidants; they ran to inform the count of it, and
he the princess and the Countess of Guiche.
I did not doubt but the princess, flattered with such an
agreeable hope, would make me the first advances, and I was
* Gaspard de Courtenay.
1591.7
ROSNY'S DIPLOMACY WITE THE PRINCESS.
365
not deceived. Going to take leave of her, as one just ready
to undertake a long journey, I had a complete proof of Du
Perron's fidelity. The princess received me with more than
usual respect; and the Countess of Guiche, not willing to
lose so favourable an opportunity, after some conversation
upon indifferent matters, hastened to introduce the affair of
the princess's marriage with the count, who was present;
and embracing me in a transport of friendship, “See," said
she to the lovers, “a man who is able to serve you in your
designs.” The princess then addressed herself to me, and
told me that I knew the count and her bad always esteemed
me greatly; and that she, in particular, would be extremely
obliged to me, if I would assist her in endeavouring to regain
the favour of the king her brother. She spoke only these
few words, and left the care of saying more to that insinuating
and graceful air, which she knew better than any other wo-
man in the world how to assume when she pleased. I seemed
to be absolutely gained; and, after thanking the princess for
the hunour she did me, I added, that if I might depend upon
the secrecy of all who were then present, I would inform them
of some circumstances which would not be indifferent to them.
Women make no scruples to promise secrecy, though they
have been always accused of performing that promise very
ill. The princess and her confidant added an oath to the as-
surances they gave me; but it was not my design to explain
myself further at that time. I asked them for three days'
delay: they assisted me in finding an excuse for deferring my
journey to Rouen, and I took leave of the company, who im-
patiently expected the time I had prescribed.
I was punctual to my appointment, and waited upon the
princess at the expiration of the three days. I suffered myself
to be pressed a long time before I would disclose my secret;
at last, seeming to yield to the importunity of the two ladies,
I told them that having several times sounded the king upon
the marriage in question, he at first showed some reluctance to
it, without caring to explain himself further; but my earnest
entreaties had at length prevailed upon him to open his
heart to me upon the subject; and he confessed, that, far from
feeling any repugnance to conclude this marriage, he thought
it a very proper one; and that, since he had no issue of his
own, he should be overjoyed to see the offspring of his sister
366
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
and a prince of his blood, whom he would look upon as his
own children; that the gentle and complying disposition of
the Count of Soissons and the princess was highly agreeable
to him, but that he should find it very difficult to forget that
the count had endeavoured to deceive him, and to obtain his
sister without his consent. This speech, every word of wbich
I had concerted before, produced the effect I designed it
should: the two lovers and their confidant began to confess
they had acted indiscreetly, and to condemn themselves for
conducting the affair with such a spirit of independence.
This was what I waited for: I seized this opportunity to con-
vince them that I believed the offence might be soon repaired;
that the king was naturally kind, and easily forgot past in-
juries; that all that was now necessary to be done was to be-
have in a quite contrary manner, to solicit his favour, seem
absolutely dependent upon him, leave him master of their
persons,-in fine (and this was the most difficult point of
all), sacrifice to him the contract they had both signed, as
being what he was most offended with; and not to fear giving
him even a declaration in writing, in which they should
both bind themselves not to marry without his consent.
After this condescension, I told them, on their side, I be-
lieved I might assure them that in less than three months
the king would himself anticipate their desires, and unite them
for ever.
I found no difficulty in gaining credit to these assurances,
and that very instant they promised to resign the contract of
marriage, possibly because they thought it would be of no
use to them if the king, when he became absolute master in
his dominions, should not agree to it. The Countess of
Guiche said she had left it at Béarn, but would send for it
immediately. They did not so easily yield to the declaration
I next demanded, and without which their resigning the con-
tract signified nothing, since the parties might, whenever
they pleased, renew it. This was the very argument I made
use of to enforce the necessity of giving it, and I convinced
then that without this the king could neither depend upon
their sincerity, nor be assured of their obedience. This
article was strongly contested; and when at last, by the
force of remonstrances, I obtained a writing by which the
1594.]
ROSNY SUCCEEDS IN IIS COMMISSION.
367
princess and the count cancelled all promises that had passed
between them, released each other from any engagement, and
submitted themselves absolutely to the king's disposal,- the
consequences of this writing alarmed them, and they had re-
course to a medium, without which, it is probable, the affair
had rested as it was: this medium was that I only should be
intrusted with it, and should not suffer it to go out of my
hands, not even though the king should require it. Luckily,
they did not add that it should be returned to the princess if
matters took an unfavourable turn. I promised them, upon my
word and honour, that I would not part with it, which satis-
fied them entirely; and the writing was delivered to me in
form, signed by the princess and the count, and sealed with
their arms. It was in the following terms: “We, Catherine,
only sister of the king, and we, Charles de Bourbon, Count
of Soissons, of our own free will, without any entreaty, force,
or constraint, have declared, and do declare by these presents,
all and every of the promises of marriage which may be, or
have already been made between us, to be null, and of no
effect or force, in any form, or in any place whatever. We
have consented and agreed, and do consent and agree, that
all the said promises be respectively cancelled, everything re-
maining as if they had never been made; and we renounce
everything that we could have claimed in virtue of them, and
without any attention had to them, each of us is at liberty
and disengaged, and may contract marriage with whomsoever
either of us may think proper. In testimony of which, and
as a proof of our will and intention, we have signed with our
hands, and sealed with our arms, the present declaration; and
to render it of more effect, have chosen to swear to it, in the
presence of ********, whose names are hereunder
signed,” &c., &c.
The king's joy at my success, which he durst hardly flatter
himself with the hopes of, was considerably diminished when
he found this instrument was to remain in my hands. He
often entreated me earnestly to give it him; but finding,
by my persisting in refusing him, that the obedience I owed
him could not influence me to a breach of my promise, he no
longer solicited it. The two lovers, seeing the agreeable
hopes I had given them still unaccomplished, could not, as
368
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
may be well imagined, pardon me for having deceived them :
the succeeding part of these Memoirs will show how they
resented it.
After the conclusion of this affair, which I cannot remem-
ber without pain, I was wholly employed in preparing for my
journey to Rouen. I was apprehensive, and not without
reason, that so long a delay bad absolutely broken all my first
measures with Admiral Villars : however, I obtained full
powers* from the king to conclude a treaty, not only with
this governor, but also with all the other governors and
officers of the province. Just as I was going to set out,
Desportes arrived, and stopped me once more; he was sent
by the Baron de Médavy to the Bishop of Evreux, to desire
that he would lend him his house of Condé for a little time;
and also prevail upon me to come thither, that he might confer
with me upon the conditions of his treaty, and that of Ver-
neuil. I left Chartres, and came in the evening to Anet,
Madame d'Aumale having long earnestly solicited me to visit
her there. This lady, who had more understanding and pru-
dence than her husband, conjured him incessantly to break
with the League, and resign himself wholly to the king. She
was sensible that not only his duty and safety, but his interest
likewise, required that he should take this step; for the Duke
of Aumale'st domestic affairs were in such disorder, that
there was no other way to avoid approaching ruin, but by
being amongst the first who returned to their duty and
obedience on this occasion, and who were on that account
distinguished with very considerable rewards. I alighted at
an inn in Anet, and while my supper was preparing, went to
wait upon Madame d'Aumale, attended only by one page.
Joy animated the countenance of this lady the moment she
perceived me. She gave me a most kind and friendly recen-
* The present Duke of Sully has the original of this full power in
his possession, as likewise many of the originals of Maximilian de
Bethune's letters upon this subject. [The king's letter of credence is
in the original Memoirs; it differs in nothing from the general tenor of
all state papers of this kind. It is dated “ from Mantes, the 1st day
of February, 1594, in the fifth year of our reign.”—ED.]
† Charles de Lorraine, Duke of Aumale, who died in 1631, in his
retirement at Brussels: his wife was Mary de Lorraine, daughter of
René, Duke of Elbeuf.
1594.7 ROSNY'S RECEPTION BY MADAME D'AUMALL, ETC. 369
tion; and that she might not waste moments so precious,
took me by the hand and led me through those fine galleries
and beautiful gardens which make Anet a most enchanting
place; here she expressed to me her earnest desire to see her
husband return to the obedience he owed his sovereign, and
named the conditions upon which he might be induced to
consent to it. I omit all the propositions, either approved
or rejected, that passed between us. Hitherto I had seen
nothing but what did honour to the master of a truly royal
house, and I should have been ignorant of the deplorable
extremity to which the duke was reduced, if the duchess bad
not entreated, and even forced me to sup with her, and to
stay there all night. After a repast, which we waited for a
long time, and when it came was as bad as the attendance
we had at it, I was conducted into a very large room, shining
with marble, but destitute of furniture, almost all the win-
dows broken, and so cold (for it was in the latter part of
February), that I could neither get heat nor sleep in a bed
where the short narrow silk curtains, one thin coverlid, and
damp sheets, were sufficient to benumb one even in the
midst of summer: not able to continue in bed, I rose, and
thought to secure myself against the inconveniences of my
cold lodging by making a fire, but I could find no other wood
to burn than green haulin and juniper, in lighting which I
burnt nearly the whole of my bed-straw: I was obliged,
therefore, to wear my gown the whole night, by which means
I was very early awake, and joyfully quitting so disagreeable
a lodging, I went to join my attendants, the meanest of whom
had fared better, and passed the night more comfortably than
their master.
I made myself amends for this fatigue at Condé, where I
found every convenience that could contribute towards an
agreeable reception: as soon as I arrived I got into a good
bed, Médavy not being expected till noon. At first, Médavy
regulated his behaviour according to the notion, that in such
a conjuncture as the present the most considerable nobleman
has a right to set ten times a greater value upon himself than
he is worth ; he performed his part perfectly well, by an air
of false distrust, and an affected superiority which he ima-
gined would procure him some advantage. I contrasted his
vanity with a frankness that showed it to himself, and told
VOL. I.
2 B
370
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
accommodation, his sacrifice, as he had only Verneuil to offer,
would immediately lose half its value; and that afterwards,
perhaps, his proposals would not be listened to, and no re-
ward granted him. My sincerity forced him to be candid
likewise; be appeared more reasonable, and we soon agreed:
he only entreated me not to make the affair public till the
end of March, because he had engaged to Villars to do
nothing without his participation. He sent Desportes with
me to Rouen, to pay this compliment to the governor, and
to observe at the same time whether I concluded the treaty
with Villars, whose accommodation drew his along with it,
and in some measure necessarily.
I came to Louviers the next day, from whence making
known my arrival to Admiral Villars, he sent the captain of
his guards to receive me at the gate of the city. I did not
enter secretly, as before, but publicly, and with a kind of
pomp. The streets were filled with the people ; and the
hopes of a peace, by which tranquillity and commerce would be
restored to their city, drew loud acclamations of joy from
them as I passed. Villars had caused the finest house in
Rouen to be prepared for the reception of me and my train,
which consisted of twelve or fifteen gentlemen; and had
given all the necessary orders for treating us magnificently.
La Fond, who had the care of my reception, waited to con-
duct me thither: he outdid his master, and at night enter-
tained me with music and the diversion of dancers and jug-
glers, whom I could not prevail upon to receive either money
or presents. I sent Du Perat to make my compliments to
the admiral, Madame de Simiers, and the Abbé de Tiron,*
who all had a great share in the management of this affair :
they returned me the same civility a few moments after by
the Sieur de Perdriel, and desired him to tell me that I must
rest this day, and we should enter upon business the next.
This, however, did not hinder the abbot from visiting me in
the evening, without ceremony; indeed, his whole conduct
upon this occasion discovered a degree of rectitude and sin-
cerity rarely to be found in such negotiations.
I found by his discourse that the king had been within a
* Philip Desportes, Abbot of Josaphat, Tiron, and Bonporti
1594.]
NEGOTIATIONS WITH VILLARS.
371
very little of losing Villars irretrievably. A deputy from
Spain, named Don Simon Antonio, and another from the
Duke of Mayenne, called Chapelle-Marteau,* came to Rouen
some days before my arrival, and had made very advantageous
proposals to the governor; he had likewise daily received
letters from the Catholics, even those in the king's party,
which tended to raise unfavourable suspicions of his majesty's
designs, and to prejudice him against a negotiation entrusted
to a Protestant agent: this argument had great weight with
Villars, always zealous for his religion, and would have infal-
libly thrown him into the arms of the king's enemies, if in
this perplexity his mind had not been balanced by other let-
ters from the Cardinal of Bourbon, the Bishop of Evreux,
and the Marquis de Vitry, who all assured him he might
depend upon the king's word, and my sincerity. Tiron
showed me part of each of these letters, and thought it
necessary to warn me, that the admiral, having been perpe-
tually beset by deputies from the League, and offended like-
wise at the delays that had been used with him, I must not
expect to vanquish his irresolution without suffering some of
those sallies of rage so natural to him, but which, with a little
patience, it was easy to allay.
I went to wait on Villars,† well prepared to sustain all
these little assaults, and at first perceived plainly that the
sight of me awakened some remains of distrust and anger in
his mind. My behaviour soon dissipated this cloud, and he
with great calmness and serenity proposed his conditions,
which were comprised under the following heads : That he
should continue still in his post of admiral, which had been
bestowed on him by the League; and in his government of
Rouen possess a power independent of the Duke of Mont-
pensier, governor of that province, at least during three
years; and that this power should extend over the bailiwick
of Rouen and Caux : that the exercise of the Protestant
· * Michael Marteau, Lord de la Chapelle.
† M. de Villars, in the Memoirs of those times, is represented to be
of a haughty disposition, and subject to frequent transports of anger.
It is there observed that the Baron de Rosny was the only one that
could succeed in these negotiations. (Memoirs for the History of
France, vol. ii.) These negotiations of the Baron de Rosny are also com-
mended by M. de Thou, book cix.
2 B 2
372
· MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
[BOOK VI.
religion should not be allowed in Rouen, nor six leagues
about it: that all the officers placed by the League in the
cities belonging to his government should be continued there,
with fifteen hundred foot and three hundred horse, to be
maintained by the king for the security of those cities : that
his majesty should give him the sum of a hundred and twenty
thousand livres to pay his debts, and a yearly pension of sixty
thousand : that Fécamp should be delivered to him: and lastly,
that he should have the disposal of the abbeys of Jumiéges,
Tiron, Bonport, La Valase, St. Taurin, and that of Monte-
viliers, which he designed for a sister of Madame de Simiers.
If all these articles had as much depended upon me as
that relating to the Abbey of St. Taurin, which was my own,
and which I immediately yielded to Villars, the treaty had
been concluded without any further delay. I said the same
thing of those wherein the king was absolute master; but
however full and extensive the powers I had received from
his majesty were, I could do nothing in those articles which
regarded either the Duke of Montpensier or Biron,--the for-
mer being invested with the post of admiral, and the latter
in possession of Fécamp, which he had got from Bois-Rosé
on a promise of indemnification that had not yet been ful-
filled, and I did not think I had a right to settle this affair
without informing the king of it. As I did not hesitate
upon any of those conditions which depended immediately
upon the king to grant, I expected that Villars would have
been satisfied with my conduct; but he going out with the
deputies from the League at the very moment when I was
endeavouring to make him comprehend my reasons, he inter-
rupted me hastily with these few words, pronounced with
great fury: “ That I might spare myself the trouble of talk-
ing to him any more, since he was determined either to finish
the treaty upon the spot, or break it off entirely."
Although I was a little disconcerted with this unforeseen
blow, I answered Villars calmly, that I was persuaded the king
would grant him the three articles in question, as well as all
the others (that of Fécamp making two, because Bois-Rosé
was concerned in it): that this needed not to hinder us from
drawing up the treaty, and even signing it that moment, as
if everything were agreed to, inserting only this note in the
margin opposite the three articles, To be determined by the
king. And to convince him that I sought not to gain time,
1594.]
NEGOTIATIONS WITI VILLARS.
373
in order to betray him afterwards, I offered to remain in his
power as a hostage till his majesty returned an answer.
Villars still started new difficulties, but he could not resist
Madame de Simiers, the Abbé de Tiron, and La Fond, who all
supported my arguments. I had the treaty drawn up in
haste; we signed it, and I sent a copy of it immediately to the
king, with a long letter, in which I gave him an account of
all that had passed. But before the answer could be brought
to Rouen, an incident happened, which we once imagined
would bave rendered it useless.
Most of the governors of the small forts in the neighbour-
hood of Rouen, far from returning to the duty and obedience
they owed their king, persisted in their revolt, because in
the present confused state of affairs they acquired gains
which they foresaw would cease with the war. The most
artful amongst them made themselves equally necessary to
each of the contending parties, and exacted bribes from both.
Du Rollet, governor of Pont de l'Arche, was one of those
who acted on these principles with the greatest subtlety: he
had for more than a year flattered the king with hopes that
he would fall upon means to deliver the city of Rouen and
its governor into his hands, provided he would grant the
government of the place to him, which his majesty at all
events gave him a written promise of. Du Rollet failing in
an enterprise which exceeded his abilities, took it into his
head to blast my negotiation, which he attempted in this
manner :
He commanded an officer named Dupré to mingle with my
train as I passed through Pont de l'Arche, and to enter
Rouen with me. I had been informed that Du Rollet was
disaffected, but I had no reason to suspect this officer of hava
ing any bad designs, nor could I hinder him from following
me. I was likewise absolutely ignorant of this Dupré being
the very same person who had been employed by Du Rollet
before to cabal against Villars in Rouen. He was no sooner
entered, than, renewing his former acquaintance, he put him-
self at the head of a party of rash, inconsiderate persons, with
whom he laid a plot to seize the old palace, and secure the
* During the siege of Rouen, Du Rollet, endeavouring to throw him.
self into that city, was taken and shut up in the old castle, where,
however, it is probable he still continued to carry on intrigues for the
king's interest. (Cayet, book iv. p. 14.)
374
[BOOK VI,
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
governor's person; however, some of those to whom he had
imparted his scheme betrayed him, and Villars was informed
of the whole plot. As soon as he heard it, and that it had
been laid by a man who had entered Rouen in my train, he
immediately concluded that I was the real author of it, and
breaking into a violent passion, notwithstanding all that M.
Tiron could say, who happened to be in the room at the time,
he would not examine the matter any further, but sent
D'Isencourt to me that instant, to desire I would come
to him. I had dined that day with La Pile, attorney-general
of the chamber of accounts, and had just received letters
which pleased me exceedingly. The king granted Villars the
three articles which had been referred to him, and engaged
to procure the consent of the parties concerned. Opposite
to these articles I had written upon the margin of the original
treaty which I had carried with me, To be agreed to by his
majesty's command. I promised myself great pleasure in
thus surprising Villars, who could not expect such quick
despatch; and went out of La Pile's house with the treaty
in one hand, and a white scarf, which I had put into my
pocket, in the other, intending to throw it about Villars'
neck, and after embracing him, to salute him admiral, and
governor of the districts of Rouen and Caux. The contra-
riety of reflections that employed our minds as we advanced
towards each other, had, I believe, something in it very un-
common. My gaiety was soon overcast, for Villars perceiv-
ing me at a distance, came towards me with hasty strides,
his brows wrinkled, his countenance inflamed, his eyes spark-
ling, and all his looks and gestures expressive of the most
violent transports of fury. He began by snatching the paper
out of my hand, and not giving me time to speak, with a voice
80 altered by this inward agitation that it was scarcely arti-
culate, he stammered out these words, too remarkable not to
be related exactly:
“So, sir, where, in the devil's name, are you going so
airy, and so full of mirth? By Heavens! you have not
attained your purpose; and before the game is ended you
may perhaps have no cause to smile, at least if I treat you as
you deserve. You are out in your reckoning, you, and your
King of Navarre also, for, by my soul! he has got a in
the basket, and if he can find no other footman than Villars, I
1594.]
NEGOTIATIONS WITH VILLARS.
375
fancy he will be but badly served.” Saying this, he tore the
treaty in a thousand pieces, and threw them into the fire.
Having given the reins to his fury, he added an infinite num-
ber of invectives in the same tone, and equally extravagant,
intermingling them with oaths, the rage he was in furnishing
him with an inexhaustible source of them,
That I suffered him to go on thus without interruption
was at first owing to my astonishment, or rather indeed to
the necessity I was under of hearing him, and afterwards to
the reflection that these sort of dispositions cannot bear
contradiction: at length, stopping of himself, he began to
traverse his chamber, which was very long and wide, like a
man out of his senses. “Well, sir," said I, when I found he
was silent, “have you yet done talking at random? You
have reason to be satisfied at having thus behaved like a mad-
man, without being contradicted in your extravagances.”
Perceiving that the calm manner in which I spoke to him
obliged him in spite of himself to listen to me, I proceeded
to tell him, that what he had just said and done in my
presence appeared to be nothing but an artifice he had con-
ceived to retract the word he had so solemnly given ; but
that this turn would always dishonour him, and greatly lessen
my opinion of his wisdom and integrity. “'Sdeath!" cried
he, stopping short, “I never did, nor ever will deserve or
suffer such a reproach. I am a man of too much honour; such
evasions are only fit for those who betray their friends, and
endeavour to get them assassinated.” Hitherto he had said
nothing so plain as this last word, by which, though I could
not comprehend the whole extent of his meaning, yet I was
able to guess from whence so furious a behaviour proceeded.
I demanded an explanation, and protested to him, with
that air of sincerity and confidence with which even the most
prejudiced cannot help being affected, that I was absolutely
ignorant of his meaning; and that if I could be convicted of
any unfair proceedings with regard to him, I was ready to
deliver myself into liis hands, without desiring either pardon
or favour. Thus obliging him to be more explicit, he
reproached me with having employed Dupré to assassinate
him, and to seize upon the old palace. The violence of his
agitation not permitting him to speak otherwise than in
broken and interrupted sentences, the affair appeared to me
376
[BOOK VI,
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
utterly improbable, and I could not hinder myself from en-
tertaining some suspicions of his sincerity, nor from telling
him that he had been seduced by Spanish pistoles to contrive
such a slight pretence for breaking with me. “Who ?-I?"
cried he, relapsing again into a rage, “ 'Sdeath! must I confess
that I have acted treacherously with you, and broke my oath?
I would rather die than be guilty of such baseness.” “By
Heaven! sir," answered I, * for you teach me to swear, it is
only by your fulfilling or breaking off the treaty, that I can
know whether to believe you an honest or a perjured man.”
We continued thus expostulating a long time, which in.
creased rather than lessened our mutual dissatisfaction ; so
that at last we both became equally enraged. Here the
Abbé de Tiron interposed, and reduced us both to reason,
“Depend upon it, sir,” said he to Villars, “the Baron de
Rosny is not guilty of the plot that has been laid against you;
he is a man of too much honour; and, in such a case, too
prudent to throw himself into your power.”
These few words explained everything. I turned calmly
towards Villars, telling him that I was convinced anger alone
had been the cause of all the injurious things he had said;
and that I expected, as soon as it was allayed, he would re-
pair his fault by performing his first promise. “Well, sir,"
said he, already half pacified, “I will keep my word; but
take care also not to fail of yours, with regard to the three
articles yet undetermined.” I answered that if it had not
been for his fury, which made him throw the treaty into the
fire, he would have seen that the king had consented to grant
him them all.
We were upon these terms when Madame de Simiers was
introduced: “Don't be angry with me, madame," said
Villars, as he went to receive her; “all is over, we are good
friends again; but, by Heaven! the traitor who made all this
mischief shall die before I eat or drink.” He kept his word,
for causing Dupré to be brought before him, he questioned
him as to his connexion with me, and finding by his answers
that he did not know me even by sight, he ordered him to be
immediately hung up at a window.
Villars entreating me afterwards to show him the king's
letter, I did not scruple to tell him that his majesty's secrets
ought only to be communicated to his open and declared ser-
1594.]
ROSNY CONCLUDES A TREATY WITH VILLARS. 377
vants. To make Villars of this number, nothing more was
necessary but to draw up the treaty again, which we signed,
and each of us kept a duplicate of it: I then showed him the
king's letter. It was agreed between us that the treaty
should remain a secret for some time, on account of the
League and the Spaniards, against whom Villars took new
measures, by reinforcing the troops he had in Rouen. The
next day I wrote to the king to inform him of the conclusion
of the treaty, but that we had deferred the publication of it
till the place should be strengthened with fresh troops, and
till I should be informed whether his majesty would please to
be present on so pleasing an occasion. Before I sent it off,
I showed this letter to Villars, Madame Simiers, and the
Abbé de Tiron, who all approved of it. The courier made
such good haste, that he returned in four days with the king's
answer written with his own hand.
His majesty thanked me more like a friend, than a sove-
reign for the service I had just done him, and concluded his
letter with these words, “ Come to me at Senlis, on the 20th
of March, or at St. Denis on the 21st, that you may help to
cry, Long live the king! in Paris, and afterwards we will do
the same at Rouen. Show this letter," he added, “to the
new friend you have acquired me, that he may see I do not
forget him, and be convinced that I love him, and know how
to prize and reward such brave men as he is.” I went
immediately, and showed this letter to Villars, who was so
pleased with it that he exclaimed, “By Heaven! this prince
is too gracious and obliging to remember me, and speak of
me in such advantageous terms." From that moment he
continued firm in bis obedience and affection to the king;
nor had his majesty amongst his oldest servants one more ab.
solutely devoted to his interests than be was. He desired me
to be satisfied with his word for the faithful execution of all
the articles comprehended in the treaty, and I accepted it as
the best security he could give me.
The remainder of the time that I stayed in Rouen was em-
ployed in regulating some affairs of the same nature. I
usually spent the day with the admiral, and at night retired
to my apartment, to give audience to all the officers as well
of the city and parliament as of the army, who were scato
tered throughout this province, and who came to me privately
378
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
to concert measures for separating the people from the
interests of the League. Médavy was of this number, and
I concluded the treaty with him. Verneuil not being a city
of such importance as to make it necessary to use the same
precautions with it as with Rouen, the king ordered Médavy
to publish his treaty, as an example to the other governors.
As I was solicitous not to neglect meeting his majesty at
the place he had appointed me, I made haste to relieve
Rouen, after receiving from the governor every instance of
gratitude and respect. I took leave equally affectionately of
the Abbé de Tiron and Madame de Simiers, promised them
to return soon, and assured the latter I would bring her
brother, the Marquis de Vitry, along with me, with a body of
troops sufficient to put Villars in a condition to explain him-
self without danger. The obligations I owed to them were
great enough to demand this service of me, although his
inajesty's interest had not been an additional motive to it.
It was upon some correspondence the king carried on in
Paris that he founded his hopes of being soon admitted there,
and he was on his way thither from St. Denis when I joined
him. His party in that city was so firmly united, and so
many persons of equal courage and fidelity had joined it, that
it was almost impossible but that it should succeed. Ever
since the battle of Arques, when the Count of Belin was
taken prisoner by the king's forces, and had an opportunity
of discovering the great qualities of Henry contrasted with
the weakness of his enemies, the Duke of Mayenne per-
ceived the inclinations of the count to lean secretly towards
the king. Full of this suspicion, he did not hesitate a
moment about depriving him of the government* of so
considerable a city as Paris, and seeking for a man whose
fidelity to himself and the League could be depended upon,
to whom he might entrust the care of this great city at a
time when the necessity of his affairs obliged him to repair to
the frontier of Picardy, he fixed upon Brissac,† and made
him governor.
* The parliament upon this occasion made a decree highly honour-
able to the Count of Belin. The citizens are there exhorted to oppose
his expulsion, and rather to quit Paris with him than suffer it. (Me-
moirs for the History of France, vol. ii.; Memoirs of the League,
vol. vi.)
f Charles de Cossé, Count of Brissac, Marshal of France.
1594.]
BRISSAO MADE GOVERNOR OF PARIS.
379
Brissac, at first, answered his purpose perfectly well. The
study of Roman history had inspired this officer (who valued
himself greatly upon his penetration and judgment) with
a very singular project, which was, to form France into a
republic upon the model of ancient Rome, and make Paris
the capital of this new state. Had Brissac descended ever
so little from these lofty ideas to an attention to particular
applications, which in the greatest designs it is necessary to
have some regard to, he would have perceived that there are
circumstances under which a scheme, bowever happily ima-
gined, may, by the nature of the obstacles which oppose it,
by the difference of the genius and character of the people,
by the force of those laws they have adopted, and by long
custom, which, as it were, stamps a seal upon them, become
alike chimerical and impracticable. Time only and long ex-
perience can bring remedies to defects in the customs of
à state whose form is already determined ; and this ought
always to be attempted with a view to the plan of its ori-
ginal constitution ;* this is so certain, that whenever we see
a state conducted by measures contrary to those made use of
in its foundation, we may be assured a great revolution is at
hand; nor does the application of the best remedies operate
upon diseases that resist their force.
Brissac did not go so far; he could not for a long time
comprehend from whence the general opposition his designs
met with proceeded, for he bad explained himself freely to
the nobles and all the chief partisans of the League ; at last,
he began to be apprehensive for his own safety, lest, while
without any assistance he was labouring to bring his project
to perfection, the king should destroy it entirely, by seizing
his capital. Possessed with this fear, the Roman ideas
quickly gave place to the French spirit of those times, which
was to be solicitous only for his own advantage. When self-
interested motives are strengthened by the apprehension of
* The sense in which the Duke of Sully understands this maxim,
and the true one in which it ought to be taken, is, that the ancient form
and fundamental principles of government are to be changed as little
as possible; he does not mean that we are to admit the abuses which
ignorance or necessity has introduced into the different institutions
relating to the finances, politics, &c. He will treat this subject more
largely in the sequel of these Memoirs.
380
[BOOK VI..
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
any danger, there are few persons who will not be induced
by them to betray even their best friend. Thus Brissac
acted :* he entered into the Count of Belin's resolutions,
though from a motive far less noble and generous, and
thought of nothing but of making the king purchase at the
highest price the treachery he meditated against the Duke
of Mayenne in his absence. St. Luct his brother-in-law,
undertook to negotiate with the king in his name, and having
procured very advantageous conditions, Brissac agreed to
admit Henry with his army into Paris in spite of the
Spaniards. The troops of the League were absolutely at his
disposal, and there was no reason to apprehend any opposi-
tion from the people.
D'O lost no time in making application for the govern-
ment of Paris and the Isle of France, I and obtained his re-
quest; but now a conflict between his interest and ambition
so perplexed this superintendent, that, notwithstanding his
new dignity, the reduction of Paris was amongst the number
of those things he most feared should happen; he would have
had it believed that the true motive of this fear was, lest the
finances should becoine a prey to the men of the sword and
gown, by whom, he said, the king, as soon as he was pos-
sessed of Paris, would be oppressed, for the payment of pen-
sions, appointments, and rewards. But this discourse de-
ceived none but those who were ignorant of the advantage
he found in keeping the affairs of the finances in their pre-
sent state of confusion, and with what success he had hitherto
laboured for that purpose.
The king, upon this occasion, put all the friends of the
Count of Belin in motion, on whom he had no less depend-
ence than upon Brissac, and at nine o'clock in the moruings
presented himself, at the head of eight thousand men, before
* The Duke of Mayenne, as De Thou observes, was informed of
Brissac's treachery by the Duchess of Guise, his mother; but he would
not believe her. (See the reduction of the city of Paris, Matt. vol. ii.
book i. p. 174; Chron. Novenn. book vi. p. 334, and other historians.)
† Francis d'Epinay, Lord of St. Luc, Master-general of the ordnance.
Our Memoirs make no mention of Monsieur d'O's being deprived
by the League of this government, which Henry III. had bestowed
upon him. (Pèref. part ii.)
§ March 22.
1594.]
HENRY RECEIVED INTO PARIS.
381
the Porte Neuve, where the Mayor of Paris * and the other
magistrates received him in form. He went immediately
and took possession of the Louvre, the Palace, the Great and
Little Cbâtelet, and finding no opposition anywhere, he pro-
ceeded even to the church of Notre Dame, which he entered
to return thanks to God for his success. His soldiers, on
their part, fulfilled with such exactness the orders and in-
tentions of their master, that no one throughout this great
city complained of having received any outrage from them.
They took possession of all the squares and cross-ways in
the streets, where they drew up in order of battle. Every-
thing was quiet, and from that day the shops were opened
with all the security which a long-continued peace could
have given.
The Spaniards had now only the Bastile, the Temple, and
the quarters of St. Anthony and St. Martin in their pos-
session; and there they fortified themselves, being about
four thousand in number, with the Duke de Feria and Don
Diego d'Evora at their head, all greatly astonished at such
unexpecüed news,I and firmly resolved to defend themselves
* This mayor of Paris was John l'Huillier, who, when Brissac said to
him, “ We must render to Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's,” replied,
“We must render them, indeed, but not sell them to him." F. l'Etoile's
Journal ascribes the repartee to Henry IV. L'Huillier was rewarded
with the post of president of the chamber of accounts, and councillor
of state; and Martin Langlois, an alderman, was made mayor of Paris
in his room. (Le Grain, book vi.) It is observed, in the volume of
MSS. marked 9033 in the King's Library, that Henry IV., entering
Paris by the new gate, which has been since called the Gate of Conference,
he went out again, and returned several times, fearing, notwithstanding
the repeated assurances of the mayor and aldermen, that by permitting
his troops to enter Paris, their design was to cut them in pieces, and
seize his person.
† The king, perceiving a soldier take a loaf from a baker by force,
ran to him, and would have killed him. (L'Etoile's Journal.) Père-
fixe says that La Nouë, being arrested for debts which his father con-
tracted in this prince's service, complained to him of the insult. The
king, in public, said to him, “ La Nouë, you must pay your debts, I pay
mine;" but afterwards, taking him aside, he gave him his jewels to
pawn to the creditors, instead of his baggage which they had seized.
Pèref. part ii.)
L'Étoile observes that this news being brought to the Spaniards
while Langlois was amusing them with relating circumstances out of
the Roman History, the Duke of Feria cried out two or three times,
“ He is a great king." (L'Etoile's Journal.)
382
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
to the last extremity, if any attempts were made to force
them from those advantageous posts. The king relieved
them from their perplexity, by sending to tell them that
they might leave Paris, and retreat in full security. He
treated the Cardinals of Placentia and Pellevé with the same
gentleness, notwithstanding the resentment he still retained
for their conduct with regard to him. Soissons was the
place whither these enemies of the king retired,* protected
by a strong escort. His majesty then published a general
pardont for all the French who had bore arms against him.
When this sacrifice is not extorted by necessity, but, on the
contrary, made at a time when vengeance has full liberty to
satiate itself, it is not one of the least marks of a truly royal
disposition. Madame de Montpensier I being introduced to
the king, he received her as politely, and conversed as fa-
miliarly with her, as if he had some very important reason
for sparing her the confusion which any other person in his
situation would have been fond of throwing her into:
* The king had a mind to see them march out, and viewed them
from a window over St. Denis's gate. They all saluted him with their
hats off, bowing profoundly low. The king, with great politeness, re-
turned the salute to the principal officers, adding these words, “Re-
member me to your master; go, I permit you, but return no more."
(Pèref. part ii.) This anecdote agrees with that in the Memoirs for
the History of France, but is contradicted by the Journal written
by the same author.
† All the Memoirs of those times are filled with instances of Henry's
clemency, and his sprightly and agreeable repartees. (See the Memoirs
above cited.) A Leaguer coming to him one day when he was playing
at primero, “You are welcome," said the king to him, "for if we win
you will be ours." (Le Grain, book x.)
I Catherine-Maria, of Lorraine, widow of Louis of Bourbon, Duke
of Montpensier.
§ Pèrefixe observes that he played at cards with her that very
evening. L'Etoile adds, that he returned both her own and Madame de
Nemours' visit, and relates a very extraordinary conversation that
passed between the king and the latter, at the end of which Madame
de Montpensier, whose hatred to Henry was publicly known, taking
notice of his entering Paris, she wished that it had been her brother,
the Duke of Mayenne, who had let down the bridge for his majesty.
.6 Ad-zokers!" replied the king, “he might possibly have made me wait
a long time, and I should not have entered so early. This lady," con-
tinues he, “ hearing the populace cry Long live the king! said, laughing,
that Brissac had done more than his wife, who in fifteen years had made
1594.]
THE KING INDEMNIFIES VILLARS, ETC.
383
The king had not yet found an opportunity to converse
with me upon the negotiations at Rouen; therefore that
evening, when the crowd of courtiers had quitted his apart-
ment, he took me aside to a window in the Louvre, and
made me give him a circumstantial relation of all that had
passed, even to the minutest incidents, to which he listened
with the utmost attention. He accused himself of being the
cause of Du Rollet's unseasonable attempt, by not acquaint-
ing me with the proposals he had made him, which would
have put me on my guard against all that could have hap-
pened from that quarter.
The king had not yet mentioned to the Duke of Mont-
pensier or the Baron de Biron the conditions which, at
their expense, he had granted to Admiral Villars, and this
was now all that perplexed him ; for he conducted himself
by quite different maxims from those princes who, in such
cases, instead of submitting to make use of prudent measures
to pacify the murmurings they may expect, begin by silencing
all complaint, and exact an unwilling obedience by the force
of authority only. He ordered me to make him in the pre-
sence of these two noblemen the same relation I had just
now done, as if it were for the first time ; and to give them
to understand, that the conclusion of the treaty with Villars
depended upon their sacrificing to him their rights. This I
performed exactly as we had concerted, after which, the
king, turning towards them, said with some emotion, that he
would rather lose both Villars and Rouen, than gain them
by doing any injustice to two persons whom he greatly es-
teemed. Montpensier and Biron were so affected with this
manner of treating them, that they declared they would
willingly resign their pretensions. Henry thanked them,
and as an equivalent gave the first the governments of
Perche and Maine, to be joined to that of Normandy as
soon as it should be entirely reduced (but Villars' generosity
changed this disposition); and to Biron he gave a marshal's
bâton, with four hundred and twenty thousand livres in
money, to indemnify him for his loss.
but one cuckow [cocu, i.e. cuckold] sing; whereas he, in eight days,
had made more than twenty thousand parrots sing in Paris." (L'Etoile,
ann. 1594.)
384
[BOOK VI,
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
The reduction of Paris engaged the king in new affairs,
which obliged him to delay still longer his journey to Rouen.
He was employed in receiving the homage of all the different
courts, * of the University and other corporations of the city
of Paris, whose early submission be thought he could not
better reward than by applying his cares to the restoring to
them that barmony and regularity which the civil wars had
interrupted. He had likewise answers to give to several go-
vernors of towns and fortresses, particularly to the Isle of
France, who, after the example of the capital, came to make
their submissions to him.
Villeroy was not amongst the first; it was necessity alone
that either fixed his irresolution or forced his inclinations.
his son, with which, by means of Du Plessis, his friend, and
Sancy,I whose daughter was just married to his son, he made
very advantageous conditions for himself, after obtaining bv
repeated importunities two truces, the one for two months'
space, the other for three months, which he procured to be
ratified by the Duke of Mayenne; after having a long time
affected a neutrality, and set a thousand springs in motion to
protract, till the last extremity, his separation from his old
friends, he at last concluded å treaty, ſ almost after all the
* The parliament of Paris was recalled from Tours, where it had
been removed by letters patent from the king, dated the 28th of March,
1594.
† Pontoise, &c.
I Jaqueline de Harlay-Sancy.
Ś This circumstance in our Memoirs is positively contradicted by
De Thou, who says (book cviii.), that Villeroy's treaty with the king
was concluded long before, but that his majesty would not suffer it to
be made public, because he was desirous that Villeroy should make use
of his influence over the Duke of Mayenne, to prevail upon him to
join his party. Matthieu, in the places already quoted, is of the same
opinion; and Cayet, who likewise supports it elsewhere, does not con-
tradict it by Villeroy's letter to the Duke of Mayenne, dated the 2nd of
January in the same year; although, in relating the purport of this
letter, he casts a kind of reproach upon this minister. In this letter,
which was intercepted by the royalists, Villeroy, whose design was to
inform the Duke of Mayenne beforehand of his treaty with Henry,
which was going to be publislied, and to endeavour once more to pre-
vail upon him to follow his example, advises Mayenne to consider in
earnest of a peace for the party in general, and himself in particular,
“Because," says he, “ their cause is desperate;" and adds, “We have
lost all confidence in each other," &c. (Cayet, book yi. p. 293.) With
1594.)
ROSNY'S THIRD JOURNEY TO ROUEN.
385
rest, and obtained the post of secretary to the king, in recom-
pense for that he bad given up.
The day after the king's entry into Paris, he thought
proper to make me set out for Rouen, since he could not go
thither himself. I arrived at that city on the 25th of March,
bringing with me Vitry, at the head of three hundred men.
La Fond received me at the gate of the city, and conducted
me, with all my train, to the house that was prepared for my
reception, which belonged to the Sieur de Martinbault, the
finest in the whole town, and, by Villars' orders, furnished
maguificently for me. Simon Antoine and La Chapelle did
not approve of so marked a distinction; they were yet igno-
rant of the treaty, but had taken so much umbrage at my
first journey, that they made use of all their credit with the
governor, to prevail upon him to forbid my entrance into the
city.
La Fond, who acquainted me with all their intrigues, ap-
prised me, also, that they were that very night appointed to
sup with the governor, as were likewise the Abbé de Tiron,
the President Boquemare, Médavy, and D’Hacqueville, two
the key that De Thou and other historians have given us to Villeroy's
secret transactions with the chiefs of the League, and to the part he
played by the king's order, the meaning of those words which they
would impute to him as a crime is easily comprehended; and it is even
plain that in speaking to the Duke of Mayenne he could not have ex-
pressed himself otherwise. Indeed, if on this occasion Villeroy could
be charged with any fault, it was in not discovering a little more
generosity when he had so good an opportunity for it; for besides those
rewards mentioned in our Memoirs, he procured the government of
Lyons for Charles de Neufville, Marquis of Alincourt, his son. But
what French nobleman in those times, or even what man, however
little distressed in his circumstances, could boast of being exempted
from this reproach? Father de l'Etoile does not conceal the covetous
and selfish disposition of Villeroy. “Henry IV.," says he in his Journal,
“going one day, with twelve or fifteen of his courtiers, to partake of a
slight collation with Villeroy, he said to them, when they were seated
at table, "My friends, we are at an ordinary; let us fare well for our
money, for we have an host that will make us pay dear for our enter-
tainment.” I think it is unnecessary for the future to answer all
those invectives which the Duke of Sully, in the sequel of these
Memoirs, throws upon a man who was highly serviceable to France,
till his death in the year 1617, having possessed the posts of minister
and secretary of state under four successive kings, Charles IX., Henry
III., Henry IV., and Louis XIII.
VOL. I.
20
386
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
councillors of the Parliament, and some others. I was re-
solved to take this opportunity to declare myself; and La
Fond having assured me that the admiral would not be dis-
pleased with anything I did, I was willing to enjoy the con-
fusion of the two deputies from Spain and the League, by
telling them what had just happened at Paris.
I went immediately to St. Õuen, where Villars was, with
all his guests; he was talking to the deputies at one end
of the gallery when I entered. I did not scruple to interrupt
their conversation by running to embrace him, and told him
I was come to invite myself to sup with him, having some
news to acquaint him with. Villars, after returning my em-
brace, pointing to the two deputies, as if he knew my intended
scheme and acted in concert with me, told me coolly that
having so many people to sup with him that night, he was
afraid I should not find the party well assorted. I replied
that I could accommodate myself to the company of every
one; and that I was persuaded (the animosity of party aside)
those two gentlemen would receive the news I had to tell
them with pleasure. The governor glancing a look at Simon
Antoine, that deputy replied, with an easy air, that he would
be very glad to hear how the king bad treated the Spaniards
and the two cardinals; adding encomiums on this prince, and
compliments to me with great art and politeness.“ By what
I observe, you will oblige me to treat you all,” said Villars,
adding an apology for the meanness of his entertainment.
The rest of the company approaching, the President Boque-
mare pressed me to declare my news, but I would say nothing
till we were seated. “I am," said the admiral (placing him-
self first at the middle of the table), - a very bad master of
the ceremonies.” I was resolved not to use any with Don
Simon, who I knew did not want ambition, which was like-
wise supported by his rank; lest, therefore, he should accept
on a bare compliment of the chief place, which on an occa-
sion when I represented the king's person might have had
some consequence, I seated myself without any cereinony at
the head of the table, telling the Spanish deputy that if our
own persons only were concerned, I would willingly pay him
what I thought due to a stranger of his merit, to which he
answered with great politeness. La Chapelle observing to
him that the place I held at table was a type of that the king
1594:]
YILLARS DISMISSES. THE SPANIARDS.
387
possessed now at Paris, and that things only followed their
natural course, “I perceive it," said the Spaniard, “and I am
afraid this precedence is but a bad augury for us; however,
it shall not hinder us from being merry, and drinking to the
health of our masters, who are not enemies, since there is no
war declared between them.” This answer was equally wise
and politic; and during the whole repast the Spaniard sup-
ported his part of the conversation with great spirit and un-
derstanding, seemed charmed with the king's fine qualities,
and praised him particularly for the clemency with which he
acted towards his enemies, whether foreigners or French.
I took notice that Tiron, and a priest named Dadré, * were
silent while this subject was discussed.
The whole company either were, or seemed to be, highly
pleased with the entertainment of the evening. When we
broke up, Villars, as he attended me out, entreated me not
to visit him next day, which he would employ in getting rid,
some way or other, of his deputies. He knew not yet how
these two men intended to take their leave of him, but told
me that i I wanted to be informed of it, I needed only spend
the afternoon with Madame de Simiers: there I learned that
Villars had been closeted three whole hours with the two
agents, that they bad made use of reproaches and very harsh
language to him. But he was not a man to be easily intimi-
dated or induced to alter his resolution; he told them plainly
that he had concluded a treaty with the king, therefore it
was necessary they should retire without delay, either to
Soissons or to the Duke of Mayenne, wbither he would grant
them a safe-conduct, the only favour be had now in his power
to bestow. There was a necessity for coming to this extre-
mity with them; and Villars took care to guard against the
effect of their resentment by giving orders for the newly ar-
rived troops to enter Rouen, with which he took possession
of the palace, the fort, and the castle. This done, he sent La
Fond to me, to tell me that the next day, at my first request,
he would declare limself for the king, in the presence of all
the inhabitants of the city (whom he caused to be assembled
for that purpose), with all the form and ceremony that might
make this action more solemn.
* John Dadré, penitentiary of the Church of Rouen.
2 0 2
388
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
I never experienced a more perfect satisfaction than what
arose from the reflection of having done the king and king-
dom so considerable a service, nor enjoyed a more tranquil
sleep than that which the succeeding night afforded me. The
next morning early I hastened to Villars, at St. Ouen, where
I found him walking in the great square, whither he had
come an hour before, and which, as well as all the principal
streets, was filled with such a prodigious concourse of people,
drawn thither by the report of the deputies' departure, and
the new ceremony, that Perdriel, D'Isencourt, La Fond, and
the soldiers whom the governor had sent to attend me, could
with difficulty open me a passage: the joy was general, and
diffused itself on every face.
I went up to the admiral, with whom I found the Baron
de Médavy and the President Boquemare: after the accus-
tomed salutations were over, I told him that the king being
now a good Catholic it was time he should give him some
testimonies of his duty and zeal. Villars replied that in his
heart he was already faithfully devoted to his majesty's ser-
vice; and that if, to make an open profession of it, nothing
more was necessary than to put on the white scarf, he was
ready to receive it at my hand. I took one out of my pocket,
and Villars had no sooner put it on than, without further
thought, " Come on!” he cried, with a transport that marked
his character, “the League is to cry, Long live the king !"
The profound silence that had been held during our con-
ference was now interrupted at this word, by a universal
acclamation of “ Long live the Icing!” At the same instant,
by the ringing of the great bell, with all the others in the city,
the discharge of all the artillery from the fort and other
places, added to this general shout; a noise was raised ca-
pable of inspiring terror, if the joy which dilated every heart
had permitted them to perceive that there was not a house in
the city that was not shook by it. 6 The sound of these
bells,” said I to the governor, "suggests to us to go and give
thanks to God in the church of Notre Dame." Accordingly,
Te Deum was sung there with great solemnity, and followed
by the celebration of the mass, at the beginning of which I
retired. As soon as it was over, Villars took me up in his
coach and carried me to a magnificent entertainment, to
which the sovereign courts, all the officers of the army, and
SS
1594.)
ROUEN IS SURRENDERED TO THE KING.
389
magistrates of the city were invited. Orders were sent to
Verneuil, Pontau de Mer, Havre, where the Chevalier d'Oise*
commanded, and to all those places that acknowledged the
admiral's authority, to follow the example of the capital.
It was my first care, as soon as I was at leisure, to inform
the king of what had just happened, and to entreat him to
send some of his councillors to re-establish the parliament.
The next day the citizens came in a body to thank me for
my services, and to bring me their present, which consisted
of a sideboard of plate, gilt and finely wrought, of upwards of
three thousand crowns value, which I was obliged to accept,
notwithstanding all my endeavours to the contrary. It was
not long before my courier returned with despatches from his
majesty: he brought a letter for Admiral Villars, in which
the king styled him his cousin, admiral, governor in chief of
Rouen, Havre, &c., and invited him to come to court in terms
which promised him a most gracious reception : that which
was for me contained an order to return as soon as possible.
The admiral, who would not appear there till he had an
equipage suitable to his rank and dignities, took time to pre-
pare himself. As for myself, I set out before, and lay the first
night at Louviers, where I had the following humorous ad-
venture with Bois-Rosé, whom I did not know.
This gentleman having learnt by public report that the
king had given Villars the Fort of Fécamp, and bearing no
mention made of any recompense that was to be bestowed
upon him, resolved to complain of this hardship to the king;
and having occasion for the protection and countenance of
some governor who was known to his majesty, came to Lou-
viers a few moments after my arrival, to get a letter of re-
commendation from Du Rollet. He alighted at the same inn
which I had chosen, and was told that a gentleman was just
come, who, by his train, and the discourse of his domestics,

not inention, and Bois-Rosé, believing me to be still at Rouen,
did not think of asking it; he did not hesitate a moment in
preferring the protection of this lord to that of Du Rollet: he
entered my chamber, and after making himself known, told
me that he had great reason to complain of a nobleman of the
* George de Brancas-Villars, Chevalier d'Oise, the admiral's brother.
390
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
court, called the Baron de Rosny, who, abusing his master's
favour, had sacrificed hiin, as well as the Duke of Montpen-
sier and Marshal Biron, to Admiral Villars, his old friend.
He afterwards explained his demands, but with so much
emotion, so many oaths and menaces against this Baron de
Rosny, that I was never so well diverted in my life as at the
figure I made on this occasion.
When he had vented all his rage, I told him that I was
well enough acquainted with the affair he mentioned to
me, to assure him that the Baron de Rosny durst not have
done anything in it but by the king's express command; and
that his majesty would not fail to repair his loss of Fécamp,
by a recompense with which he would have reason to be con-
tented. I did not think it necessary to carry my civility so
far as to promise to serve his resentment against this baron
of whom he complained so bitterly ; on the contrary, I told
him that if he knew the Baron de Rosny, he would confess.
that a man who for the good of the state had voluntarily
resigned his Abbey of St. Taurin d'Evreux, which the late
king had given him, could only be influenced by necessity to
do what he attributed to injustice. I took leave of him by
saying that I should be glad to see him when I arrived at
court, where I promised to speak to the king concerning him,
and to obtain the equivalent he demanded for the loss of
Fécamp. He went away as much pleased with me as dis-
satisfied with the Baron de Rosny; but, having inquired who
I was of one of my pages, whom he met at the bottom of the
staircase, he was thunderstruck to hear the name of a man
whom he had mentioned in such harsh terms when speaking
to himself; so that, being apprehensive of the resentment he
supposed I entertained against him, he mounted his horse
again instantly, went to another inn, and set out with all
possible expedition for Paris, that he might get thither before
me, and secure himself by some powerful protector against
the bad offices he expected from me.
The adventure did not end here. While Bois-Rosé took
precautions against me as an irreconcilable enemy, I, with
more tranquillity, pursued my route by Mantes, from whence
I carried my wife to Paris. The first thing I did after my
arrival was to wait on the king and give him an account of
my journey. He, according to his usual custom, obliged me
1594.)
ROSNY'S PRINCIPLE OF REFUSING GIFTS.
391
to inform him of the minutest particulars. After having ex-
hausted everything that was serious, I was willing to divert.
him with the scene between Bois-Rosé and myself at Lou-
viers; for Bois-Rosé had taken no notice of that, and had
only conjured his majesty not to be prejudiced by what I
might say against him, on account of an old quarrel between
us. The king laughed heartily at the adventure. I sent for
Bois-Rosé, and he, finding I was the person to whom he was
referred, believed his affairs desperate ; I enjoyed his uneasi-
ness and perplexity for some time, and then drew him out of
them in a manner that surprised him greatly. I solicited
warmly in his favour, and obtained for him a pension of
twelve thousand livres a year, the rank of captain, with addi-
tional pay, and two thousand crowns in hand. He had not
hoped for so much ; but, his blustering apart, I looked upon
him as an officer of great courage and resolution, and after-
wards retained him in my suite, and thought him worthy of
the post of lieutenant-general of the ordnance in Normandy,
after the king had made me master-generál.
I concealed nothing from the king of all that had happened
to me at Rouen, except the present of the sideboard of gilt.
plate. He was astonished one morning to see it brought
into his chamber. I told him, that, baving in vain endea-
voured to prevent the city of Rouen from making me this
present, I came to bring it to his majesty, as a thing which
belonged to him, since I had bound in yself by a soleman Vow,
never on such occasions to accept of any gift from his subjects
while I continued in bis service.
And here it seems not improper to declare my reasons for
this conduct, which, I am persuaded, will not be thought a
well-concerted stratagem to gain greater riches; for although
the rewards I received from the king were very considerable,
and even surpassed my expectations, yet it will be readily
allowed that a man, who for so long a time had almost the
sole management of the finances and the army, was able to
enrich himself by a much shorter method. It is not neces-
sary that I should name it, the past age has afforded but
yours to introduce a contrary custom, the future, I doubt,
will supply many more.
Interest, therefore, being out of the question, my resolu-
392
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY. .
tion to avoid receiving any obligations will be placed to the
score of vanity. Against this imputation I can offer only a sim-
ple assurance, but a very sincere one, that I acted thus from no
other motive than the desire of teaching those who might suc-
ceed me in the conduct of affairs, that in this respect there is
no difference between them and such as are set over the
administration of justice; for if a judge, who appears willing
to receive presents, even without any intention of being in-
fluenced by them, is looked upon with abhorrence, a minister,
or any man invested with a public employment, renders
himself equally guilty who willingly receives gifts, for which
those who bestow them have always in view the indemnify-
ing themselves some time or other, either at the king's or
the people's expense. If we cannot depend on the rectitude
of intention of those who make us presents (it is to my
successors that I now address myself), let us still less depend
on ourselves who receive; and let us accustom ourselves to
regard as two things which can never be reconciled our
master's profit and our own, unless, as I have observed
before, it should be himself who bestows gifts on us; and his
liberality will always go so far as to leave us no cause to com-
plain of him upon this account, after we have been able to
convince him that our expectations are confined to him alone.
But, unfortunately, being accustomed to calculate, and to see
immense sums pass through our hands, we are led insensibly
to consider as a small matter what suffices to raise a fortune
for a private individual. .
The king did not scruple to own that he was not used to
this sort of reasoning; and that if this system, simple as it
was, could be once established in the finances, it would be a
sure method of enriching both the crown and the state; a
method that before and since has been ardently sought for
in vain. He would not have accepted the service of plate,
had it not been to accommodate himself to my way of think-
ing, by obliging me to receive it from his hands. This present
became publicly known, because he granted me a writing, * in
* Rosny's disposition agreed perfectly well with the king's. When
he entrusted the finances to his care, lie desired him to receive no
present whatever without his knowledge; and when Rosny informed
him of any that were offered to him, the king immediately permitted
him to accept of them, being so desirous that he should find his ad-
1594.7
RECEPTION OF DEPUTIES BY THE KING.
393
which it was specified, that this sideboard was a present made
by the city of Rouen to his majesty, who had bestowed it
upon me; and the next day this prince sent me, by M.
Beringhen, three thousand crowns, in his own casket, to
make me sensible that such an action in a minister should
not go unrewarded. I enter into his views by informing the
public of this double donation.
Admiral Villars appeared soon after at court, with a train
of more than a hundred gentlemen, some of whom were of
the greatest families in France; but people soon drew off
their attention from the magnificence of his horses and the
grandeur of his equipages, to fix it upon his generosity and
modesty, in which, indeed, true riches consist, although they
are seldom possessed by the same person. He approached
the king with an air perfectly noble, yet full of the deepest
respect, and threw himself at his feet. “ Admiral,” said the
king, in pain at this posture, and raising him hastily, “such
submission is due only to God;" and, resolving to elevate
him as much as he had humbled bimself, he began to expatiate
to the courtiers upon the great actions which Villars had per-
formed, and with a discernment so just as gave them new
merit. The admiral, by protestations of respect and devotion
to his service, endeavoured to stop the course of those praises;
and afterwards perceiving the Duke of Montpensier, he went
up to him, and, kissing his hand, acknowledged him his supe-
rior, resigning to him his government of Rouen with so good
a grace, that the duke, who had at first received him coolly,
being charmed with his generosity, embraced him several
times, and from that moment received him into the number of
his most valued friends.
The months of April and May were employed in the same
manner by the king and his council, in receiving deputies
from the different cities, and governors, who came to treat
vantage in serving him faithfully, that he often added gifts of his own
to those perquisites, to encourage him to persevere in his integrity.
But Rosny never received them till they were duly registered in the
chamber of accounts, that every one might know the bounty of this
prince towards him, and that there might be no opportunity to reproach
him with having employed his favours to empty his coffers. (Peref.
p. 227.) This writer, as well as the rest of the world, was, through the
Duke of Sully's modesty at that time, ignorant that he himself was the
contriver of this judicious scheme.
394
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
upon conditions for surrendering. Those of Lyons and
Poitiers were the most considerable: a strange fall for the
Duke of Nemours !* This ambitious man suffered the chi-
merical project of making himself King of France by marry-
ing the Infanta of Spain to employ his mind, which the public
hatred and the opposition of his own brother, the Duke of
Mayenne, obliging him to renounce, he soon consoled him-
self for this disappointment, by erecting in idea a princi-
pality composed of the provinces of Lyonnais, Beaujolais,
Forêt, Maçonnais, and Dombes, which he was to hold of
Spain. He began by endeavouring to make sure of the
brother, savoyanese
subtle than he, took care to secure the person of their pre-
tended sovereignt who treated them already like a tyrant;
and considering him in that light, kept him confined, without
any intention however of breaking with the party. The
League was offended at the affront offered to one of their
leaders, and Saint-Sorlin, I the Duke of Nemours' youngest
brother, interesting Spain in his cause, obtained from the
Duke of Savoy, and the Duke of Terra Nova, governor of
Milan, a powerful supply of forces, with which he fell upon
the Lyonnais. This violence determined them to separate
openly from the League ; and calling in Colonel d'Ornano
to their assistance, they declared publicly for the king, pulled
down and dragged the arms and colours of Spain, Savoy, and
Nemours through the dirt, burnt with insulting railery in
the public square the effigies of a woman in the habit of a
sorceress, with “ the League” inscribed on her forehead, and
* Charles Emanuel of Savoy, Duke of Nemours, son of James, and
Anne d'Est, widow of Francis of Lorraine, Duke of Guise.
t Pèrefixe supposes the Duke of Mayenne himself to be the author
of the revolt of Lyons, it being his design to snatch this city out of
the hands of his half-brother. What the Duke of Sully says here of
the Duke of Nemours, ought not to hinder us from doing him justice
in other respects. He is allowed by all the historians to have possessed
very great and amiable qualities, both of mind and person, and to have
been one of the most deserving noblemen in all France. (See his pane-
gyric, and that of the Marquis de Saint-Sorlin, his brother, in the third
volume of the Memoirs of Brantôme, under the article of Monsieur de
Nemours, pp. 23 and following; and the account of the affairs of Lyons,
in Cayet, book vi. fol. 299, and other historians.)
Henry de Savoy-Nemours, Marquis of Saint-Sorlin.
1594.]
THE SPANIARDS TAKE LA CHAPELLE,
395
allowed only three months' time to all the little towns depen-
dent: upon Lyons to return to their duty,
The Duke of Nemours remained in great perplexity during
this tumult, and apprehending something worse than confine-
ment from his pretended subjects, put on, to effect his escape,
the habit of his valet-de-chambre, whom he resembled in his
stature, and going out of his apartment with his close-stool
pan in his hand, passed through the ante-chamber where the
guards were without being known, having turned his face
aside, as if to avoid the bad smell; from thence he stole into
the street, and gained the fields, happy, after so much ima-
ginary grandeur, to abandon, like a fugitive, a city which he
had destined for the seat of his glory; and convinced by sad
experience of a truth to which we are always blind, that there
is nothing so difficult as to make effects answer our desires.
Ambition made also another madman : Balagny* seeing
himself governor of Cambrai, a place by its situation of great
importance for the king, had the boldness to demand that his
title of governor should be changed into that of sovereign
Hence he flattered himself that he should see his name in-
crease the catalogue of crowned heads, and forgot that he
wanted means to maintain himself in that elevated rank.
He supported it, or thought he did so, by exhausting his
purse to appear with magnificence at court, and to send to
the siege of Laon two thousand arquebusiers and three hun-
dred horse. But the glory of this new potentate was of
short duration ; he, as well as Nemours, split upon the com-
mon rock so fatal to ambitious men, who can never be per-
suaded to believe that the best-concerted schemes are those
which afford only moderate advantages, but subjected to no
changes, and secured from all hazards.
The Spaniards, seeing that in the centre of the kingdom
everything slipped through their hands, resolved to stop the
torrent by some important blow, and laid siege to La Chapelle.
The king did not hesitate a moment upon the necessity of
leaving all his domestic affairs to go and prevent the reduc-
tion of this place. His soldiers however were not in the
same disposition ; weary of war, they sought only to lose the
* John de Montluc, bastard of John de Montluc, Bishop of Valence.
396
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
remembrance of it in retirement and ease : so much time
therefore was wasted before the king could draw his army
together, that, although he marched before with a small body
of troops, yet he came too late ; he found the siege so far
advanced, and the Count of Mansfield, who commanded it, so
advantageously posted, that he could not venture, weak as
he was, to force him. But the place being of great strength,
he flattered himself that the governor would hold out long
enough to give time to the rest of the troops to join him, and
then he would be in a condition either to throw succours into
the town, or force the besiegers to a battle. But this go-
vernor, following the maxim of those times, attentive only to
his own profit in everything, had been so sparing of pro-
visions, ammunition, and soldiers to man his garrison, that
he was obliged to surrender much sooner than with a con-
trary conduct he needed to have done, and thus saw himself
ruined by his avarice.
The king, by way of reprisal, invested Laon ;* he was not
ignorant that the League had put this place, already strong
by its situation and fortifications, into a condition to make
whoever attacked it repent of his attempt. Du Bourgt was
governor of it, one of the best and most experienced officers
the Duke of Mayenne had in his army: the duke's second
son, the Count of Sommerive, I with a great number of the
- nobility, were shut up there. The king, therefore, consider-
ing that on this occasion he had his military reputation to
sustain, to which he owed all his success, neglected no care
or attention to accomplish this enterprise.
I attended him joyfully to this siege, and was charged, ac-
cording to my taste, with the direction of a battery of six
pieces of cannon, conjointly with the elder De Born, ß who in
quality of lieutenant-general of the ordnance had the con-
duct of it in the absence of the Count de la Guiche,|| the
* In Picardy.
of He chose rather to go out of the Bastille, of which he was governor,
publicly with the black scarf, than to receive a bribe to put it into the
king's hands. (F. de l'Etoile; Cayet, vol. ii. p. 691.) He was called
Antony du Maine, surnamed Du Bourg, or l’Espinasse.
† Charles Emanuel of Lorraine, Count of Sommerive.
§ John de Durefort, Lord de Born.
| Philibert de la Guiche, Governor of Lyons, was made grand
1594.] ROSNY QUITS LAON, AND RETURNS TO PARIS.
397
master-general, and consented to take me for his colleague.
I had scarce taken possession of my new employment, when
I was obliged to abandon it: the king was informed by
letters from Paris that the Count d'Auvergne,* with D’En-
tragues, his father-in-law, had begun those secret practices
against him, which afterwards had like to have brought the
count to a scaffold; and that many disaffected and seditious
persons daily resorted to Paris. Å violent dispute had like-
wise just commenced between the University and curates of
Paris on one side, and the Jesuits on the other, which in
a government yet hardly established might be attended with
dangerous consequences.
This news convinced his majesty that there was a necessity
for having a vigilant and faithful agent in that great city;
yet he delayed mentioning the affair to me, because he knew
well that I should not be pleased with an employment which
would oblige me to leave the siege. However, a letter which
I received from the Cardinal of Bourbon, and which I could
not avoid showing him, determined him to propose it to me.
The cardiual, without giving a particular account of what had
happened at Paris, only expressed himself ardently desirous
of seeing me upon affairs of great importance, which, he
said, I only could succeed in. Though all this had only the
air of a compliment, yet his majesty thought he ought not to
neglect the information; and had these affairs related to the
cardinal alone, the king had so many motives for being soli.
citous about him, that when he had read this letter, he com-
manded me to prepare for returning to Paris, which I obeyed,
but with great regret at quitting the siege. There was a
necessity to fill up the employment I left vacant with a man
whose fidelity could be depended upon. I named to his
master of the ordnance in the year 1578, in the room of the Marshal
de Biron.
* He will be mentioned in the sequel. Charles of Valois, Duke of
Angoulême, grand prior of France, son of Charles IX. and of Mary
Touchet, Lady of Belleville, danghter of the lieutenant-particulier of
Orleans. She died in the year 1638, aged eighty-nine years, and the
Duke of Angoulême in 1639. He was son-in-law to Francis de Balzac,
Lord of Entragues, who by his marriage with Mary Touchet had
Henrietta de Balzac, Marchioness of Verneuil, mistress of Henry IV.,
and half-sister to the Count of Auvergne.
398
[BOOK VÍ.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
majesty Vignoles, Parabere,* and Trigny, and he chose Para-
bere. I flattered myself that when the affairs which called
me to Paris were terminated, I should return to Laon, and I
was resolved to use all possible expedition with them; but to
these, others succeeded so quickly, that from the end of May
to the beginning of August, the period this siege lasted, all
I could see of it was in those little excursions I sometimes
made thither from Paris ; therefore my account of it will be
equally interrupted
Having received the king's last instructions for my jour-
ney, I set out, and reached Crêpy, where I lay the first
night, and the next day arrived at Paris. I waited upon the
cardinal immediately, and found him very ill, f and as much
weakened in mind as body: he embraced me tenderly, and
discovered great joy at seeing me; then ordering every other
person to leave the room, made me sit down by his bedside,
that I might hear the many important things he had to say
to me. That which he began with gave me no great opinion
of the rest; but it was what was nearest his heart, although
it consisted only of domestic disquietudes and female quar-
rels, with which I am almost ashamed to trouble the public.
A certain lady, named Madame des Rosières, was the cause of
them. The cardinal, either through jealousy or a disturbed
imagination, had taken it into bis head that she hastened his
death by magic, to be revenged on him for sowing dissension
between her and the Abbé de Bellozanne, her favourite ; his
only consolation was, that if he did not die, his tormentor
would; for my wife had informed him that this Madame des
Rosières was dangerously ill, and probably it was upon this
information that he had formed his whole dream of magic
and death.
He imparted all these secrets to me with such apparent
dejection, that I have no doubt but the full possession which
these extravagant notions had taken of his mind contributed
in great measure to hasten his death. I endeavoured to
bring him back to reason, and he at last was able to speak
to me of his other affairs, which he had nearly forgotten. His
* John de Baudeau de Parabere.
† According to De Thou (book cix.) the moment he perceived him-
self ill, he departed from Gaillon, and came to St. Génèvieve, and after-
wards to his fine house of the abbey of St. Germain.
1594.]
ROSNY'S INTERVIEW WITH THE CARDINAL.
399
next subject of complaint was, that the king had not received
very favourably a request which he had made him for per-
mission to dispose of his benefices. He however expressed
great friendship and attachment towards his majesty, highly
extolled his virtue and great actions, and ardently desired to
share his entire confidence; he next entreated me to use all
my endeavours to prevail upon him to keep up a close cor-
respondence with the pope, and to obtain the holy father's
benediction, that he might afterwards procure from him the
dissolution of his marriage with Queen Margaret of Valois,
and be at liberty to marry another princess, by whom he
might have children who would secure the crown to the
house of Bourbon, and peace and tranquillity to France.
The conclusion of this discourse was much more judicious
than I had reason to expect: nor was the pope's panegyric
improperly introduced in it; for it must be confessed that
Clement VIII. was not only possessed of great wisdom and
justice, but was also so good a politician, that the court of
Madrid could never boast of having deceived him by its
artifices.
The Jesuits were the next subject the cardinal introduced:
he said schemes were forming both secretly and openly, to
banish the whole society out of France, in every part of
which, it was well known, they were in great credit, par-
ticularly with the most zealous of the Catholics who had
lately joined the king; he expressed great regret for such
proceedings, because the friendship of the Jesuits might be
of the most essential service in preserving the tranquillity
of the state, while, by exciting their ill-will, very dangerous
consequences were to be apprehended. Their enemies, in
the present instance, had, he said, revived some old com-
plaints formerly made by the Sorbonne, the University, and
the clergy of Paris, respecting the diminution of certain
profits which they had been accustomed to derive from the
instruction of youth, and now engaged these three bodies to
enter an action against the Jesuits. After the cardinal had
thus explained the causes of the controversy, he observed,
that if it were with the king's secret approbation that these
things were done, he had nothing to say against them, but
would content himself with remonstrating through me with
his majesty, as, in his opinion, neither the times nor the state
400
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
of affairs were such as to warrant the agitation of these ques-
tions : he recommended, therefore, that they should be de-
ferred at least till the king's Catholicism was of a little older
date (the expression generally used at this time), till he was
thoroughly reconciled with his holiness, and had received
the apostolic benediction; or at any rate, till he was in
peaceable possession of the kingdom, lest the language of the
advocates of the two parties in their public pleadings might
give rise to animosities and to opinions dangerous to the
state, particularly so if his majesty were not yet firmly fixed
in his belief in the Catholic Church, and his conversion had
only been the effect of policy and dissimulation, an opinion,
he added, which Messieurs de Longueville, * de Nevers, the
Marshal Biron, and many other persons of consequence, did
not hesitate to express to him through M. d'Humiers,
d'Entragues, Sourdis, and others; for all these reasons he
begged me seriously to consider, whether it would not be
better, before matters of such importance were brought to
extremities, to wait, and see how the society of Jesuits,
after the king should be reconciled to the Church and the
holy see, would conduct themselves, as well in what regarded
the grandeur of the kingdom as the glory and honour of the
king's person; or, at all events, to wait till some of the
society (as would certainly happen if there were ill-disposed
persons in it) gave cause for proceeding openly against them,
in which case he assured me that he would be the first to
vote for their expulsion, well knowing that those who at
present appeared the most scrupulous would follow his
example.
A fourth affair which he recommended to me was to sup-
port against the superintendent d'o the old Archbishop of
Glasgow, whom he loved and honoured as if he had been a
near relation. This archbishop bore the name of Bethune.t
† James de Bethune, Archbishop of Glasgow, came to Paris in
quality of ambassador in ordinary from the Queen of Scotland, and died
there in the year 1603, aged eighty-six years; having, during fifty-seven
years, suffered great vicissitudes of fortune, after the murder of Cardi-
nal de Bethune, Archbishop of St. Andrew's, his uncle, which hap-
pened in the year 1546. His epitaph may be still seen in the church of
St. John of Lateran. Amelot de la Houssaye, in his Memoirs, men-
1594.]
ROSNY'S INTERVIEW WITH THE CARDINAL.
401
The Queen of Scotland, his benefactress, being dead, all he
now desired was to spend the short remnant of his life in
peace, far from his native country: but in the superintendent
he found an enemy, to whose persecutions he was perpetually
exposed, and who seemed resolved to drive him, if possible,
out of Paris and the Isle of France, notwithstanding all the
cardinal's solicitations, which, indeed, he seemed to think
had only served in this, as in many other instances, to make
him act with more violence towards the archbishop: the
reason which the cardinal assigned for this opinion was the
supposed fear and jealousy of d’O, lest he should disclose to
the king, now he was entirely reconciled to him, the names
of those who had been most zealous in the attempts to forin
the third party. He concluded this subject by entreating me
to prevail upon the king to take the archbishop under his
protection; and to gain me entirely over to his interests he
told me that the old man had so great an affection for me
that he often wept at my unhappiness in being educated in
the Protestant religion !
tions the process that Nicholas Denetz, Bishop of Orleans, had with Max-
imilian Francis, Duke of Sully, in which it appears that they unjustly
disputed the right this family had to the name of Bethune. “How-
ever this may be," said he, speaking of this archbishop," the family of
Betun in Scotland, from whence were descended the Cardinal
Archbishop of St. Andrew's, and the Archbishop of Glasgow, ambassa-
dour from Queen Mary Stuart in France, where he died in 1600, or
1601 (here is an error in the date) is acknowledged by Messieurs de
Sully and De Charost for a branch of their house." (Vol. ii. p. 68.)
Therefore, according to our Memoirs, both the Archbishop of Glasgow
and the Archbishop of St. Andrew's true name was Bethune, and not
Betun. [There seems to be very little foundation for what is asserted
in this note respecting the identity of the families of Beaton and
Bethune. Spotswood says positively that the archbishop was "descended
of the house of Balfour, in Fife.” Sir George Carew says, “the Duke
of Sully is by many held to be of Scottish extraction, of the family of
the Betons, though he himself will not acknowledge it.” (State of
France under Henry IV.) Archbishop Beaton quitted Scotland on
account of the Reformation, and carried away all the writings of his
see, together with the vessels and ornaments of the cathedral, many of
which were of great value. When Mary returned to Scotland she left
him her ambassador in France. By his will he bequeathed a sum of
money for the education of poor scholars, being " Scotish meu born,"
and the writings, vessels, and ornaments he consigned to the Carthu-
sians at Paris, to be restored whenever Glasgow should become Catholic.
(See Spotswood, p. 477.)-ED.]
VOL. I.
2 D
402
TBOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
The cardinal next resumed the subject of his benefices,
with which he concluded his discourse : and earnestly e12-
treated me to obtain him his majesty's permission to resign
them, confessing that the possession of them had given
dreadful uneasiness to the deceased cardinal, his uncle, from
whom he had them, as well as to himself, some of them
having been forcibly taken from families who were their
lawful proprietors ; and his eminence thought he should
make a suficient atonement, both for himself and his uncle,
and pacify his conscience, by restoring them to the injured
persons after his death. He had finished all he had to say
to me, when Duret, * his physician, entered the room; having
recommended silence to his patient, he took upon himself
the care of acquainting me with all the secrets of the car-
dinal, whose confidence he possessed; and he acquitted him.
self of this task like a man who had a great opinion of his.
own eloquence, for he wearied me sufficiently. "I made no
other answer to his tedious harangue. than reiterated pro-
mises of serving his eminence.
I stayed three days in Paris, during which I learnt that
many persons in the parliament favoured the cause of the
Jesuits, and that there were even two parties openly formed
in that assembly, the strongest of which leaned to their side,
and did everything in their power to prevent the advocates
(who were MM. Arnauld and Dollé, for the University, and
Duret and Vesoris for the Jesuitst) entering into vexatious
accusations, or using abusive language, but above all, that
they might not plead before a public audience. I was also
sufficiently convinced during my stay of the dangerous cor-
respondences carried on by the Count d'Auvergne, d'En-
tragues, and his wife. Their house was the rendezvous for
all the king's enemies, either in the League or the Spanish
* Louis Duret, Lord of Chevry.
† The Cardinal of Bourbon, the Superintendent d'o, Anthony Se-
guire, king's advocate, and a great many others, publicly solicited for
the Jesuits,
I Those readers who are curious to know the charges brought
against the Jesuits in this celebrated cause, will find them in a small
4to. black-letter tract, printed at the time, entitled “The Arrainement
of the whole Societie of Jesuites in France, holden in the Honourable
Court of Parliament in Paris, the 12 and 13 of July, 1594. London,
159.AED
EEN
A.BOURS AT THE SIEGE OF LAON.
party, where they held every night secret councils, against
the king's interest and service. I spoke of these things to
the chancelilor,* de Belliévre, de Pontcarri, and De Maisses,
and requested them to use every precaution with regard to
the intrigues of D'Auvergne and the affair of the Jesuits,
till they should know his majesty's pleasure, after I had in-
formed him of all that had taken place: on the latter subject
I recommended them to act with caution and moderation, an
advice which they all the more approved of as coming from
me, knowing that my religion gave them no cause to sus-
pect me.
The respect I owed to the Cardinal of Bourbon made me
resolve to speak to the superintendent in favour of the
Archbishop of Glasgow before I left Paris, though I knew
well what I had to expect from a man so little solicitous to
conceal the hatred he bore to my whole family, and which a
late quarrel with my youngest brother bad augmented. I
hoped to find more justice from the king, and I hastened to
join him at Laon, after taking leave of the cardinal, who still
continued extremely ill.
At Bruyères, where I had left my field equipage, I learned
that the Duke of Mayenne, being in constant expectation of
a great army which Count Charles of Mansfield was to bring
him, had advanced with some troops. as far as La Fere, and
twice attempted to throw a supply of one hundred horse and
two hundred arquebusiers into Laon; that the first was
defeated by Givry, and the second by the Count of Soissons,
whose turn it was that day to guard the trench: that the
king gave always a glorious example to the princes and offi-
cers, and mounted guard in the trenches in his turn.
His majesty was in bed when I arrived at his quarters,
although it was only three o'clock in the afternoon: be
asked me if I was not surprised to find him in that situation
at such an hour; this bed, however, was only two mattrasses
laid on the ground. All night and the preceding day this
prince had been standing at the trench, where he was em-
ployed in directing works to be made in the hill, upon
* Philip Hurault de Chiverny, or Cheverny, Lord Chancellor of
France;. Čamus de Pontcarré, Master of Requests; Pomponne de Bel-
liévre; Andrew Aurault, Sieur de Maisse: in the following year he
was made ambassador to Venice.
-
2 D 2
404
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
the declivity of which Laon is situated, either to change the
position of some batteries, or to shelter the workmen by
parapets. He was so greatly fatigued with standing upon
the ground, which was extremely rugged, that several blisters
rose in his feet, which did not, bowever, hinder him from
staying to see the work carried on, till, all these bursting,
each of his feet became one continued sore, which obliged
him to go to bed, and have some dressings applied to them;
these he ordered to be changed in my presence, “ that you
may be convinced,” said he, “I do not act the sick man un-
seasonably.” I was very far, indeed, from entertaining such a
thought, and if I accused him of anything it was of the con-
trary excess. I believe he perceived it; for seeking, as it
were, to justify himself, he told me that he was under a
necessity of undertaking and superintending this work,
which would give him two days' advance upon the besieged
city; and that I should not condemn him after I had seen it,
or, at least, heard an account of it from the connoisseurs
whom he had sent to visit it, and whose return he expected
at five o'clock.
I took advantage of this opportunity of being alone with
the king to give him an account of my journey, which I did
kneeling on a cushion he made me bring to his bedside.
After I had concluded, his majesty approved of all I had
done, and the hopes which I had given the Cardinal of
Bourbon; and in consequence of my entreaties he ordered
Beaulieu-Rusé to write three letters instantly: the first,
which was addressed to the chancellor, regarded the Jesuits.
After mentioning that he had learnt from me everything
that had taken place on this subject, he told the chancellor
that it was always his desire to leave the court of justice
open to all his subjects of whatever description; neither did
he wish to prevent the two parties whose cause was now
under consideration, from exhibiting their respective com-
plaints against each other; but at the same time he could
wish that this should be done with as little bitterness and
invective as possible, and that the pleaders (if the cause came
to a hearing) should act with all that moderation and gravity
which became their profession, and use no expressions which
could inflame men's minds, or give birth to disputes amongst
the people, and that the judges should not give their deci-
1594.7 HENRY APPLIES HIMSELF TO AFFAIRS OF STATE. 405
sion till he was informed of their sentiments, or had
returned himself to Paris. The second letter was addressed
to d'O, the substance of which was that his majesty could
not approve of the harsh treatment of the old Archbishop
of Glasgow, in wishing to compel him to quit Paris ; for,
although in the time of his mistress, the Queen of Scots, he
had been a zealous partisan of Spain and the house of Guise,
yet he deserved rather to be praised than blamed for it,
since he well knew there were no other means or persons
likely to save the life and liberty of that princess (on the
manner of whose death enough might here be said); but be
that as it might, there was no likelihood, now she was dead,
that this old man, who durst not return to Scotland, and had
only two abbeys* in France for his support, would again
engage in the service of any foreign prince, or carry on any
practices against the state in which he had determined to
end his days; added to this, his majesty said he had received
such assurances from several of his most faithful servants in
favour of the archbishop, that he had no doubt whatever of
his upright intentions, and he therefore desired he might be
treated honourably, and that d'O would do everything for
him which depended upon his office.
The third letter was to the Cardinal of Bourbon, and written
by Leoménie, secretary of state, as from the king himself.
His majesty informed his eminence that he would approve of
the disposition he should make of his benefices, and was ready
to ratify it by signing himself the form he should send him,
provided he found in it nothing contrary to the canons, the
liberties and customs of the kingdom. He concluded this
letter with an assurance of his protection and friendship, and ·
as a proof of his confidence, sent the two others under cover
to him, that he might transmit them himself to the persons
they were directed to, and had the complaisance to acquaint
him with their contents. I desired Du Peirat, whom the
king sent with these three letters to Paris, to deliver one
from me to the cardinal, in which I exhorted him by every-
thing tbat I thought could make any impression upon his
mind, to free himself from all his domestic disquietudes.
* Notre-Dame de l’Absie, in Poitou, and the priory of St. Peter, of
Pontoise.
406
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
These affairs were but just over before the arrival of Messieurs
de Biron, Givry, Saint-Luc, Marivault, Parabere, Vignoles,
Fouqueroles, and others, whom the king bad sent to examine
his works of the preceding day, particularly two mines which
he had caused to be opened. Every one gave his opinion of
them, to show his own skill; they could not agree, and a dis-
pute insensibly arose among them: Marshal Biron, vain of
his great talents for war, by an assuming air and a superiority
of accent, which made him always master of the conversation,
could with difficulty bear to hear any one declare himself of
an opinion contrary to his.
The king perceiving that words grew high amongst them,
in order to oblige them to silence, told them he had received
notice from three spies, who came one after the other from
different places, that the Duke of Mayenne and the Count
of Mansfield having united their forces, had resolved to at-
tempt, at all hazards, to throw a very considerable convoy of
ammunition and provisions into Laon, in order to avoid a
battle; and that this conyoy was to set out instantly upon its
march, supported by a very powerful escort, with a design to
surprise the guard, force themselves a passage, and enter the
besieged city. This afforded a new subject for controversy,
which ended at last in Biron’s favour, who obtained the com-
mand of a strong detachment, with which he intended to post
himself in the forest between Laon and La Fere, and to
attack both the escort and the convoy. He composed the
detachment himself, which consisted of twelve hundred
French infantry, all chosen men, eight hundred Swiss, three
hundred light horse, two hundred troopers, and one hundred
gentlemen of the king's household. I asked the king's per-
mission to go along with this detachment, which he refused
me several times, alleging that there were many things which
he wished me to inform him of; but upon my repeated im
portunities, he allowed me to go.
We began our march at six o'clock in the afternoon, and
reached the forest at one in the morning, when we advanced
cautiously to the extremaity of it near La Fere: here we lay
in ambuscade. Marshal Biron detained all the passengers
we met on the high-road, who, he thought, might carry in-
telligence of his design into La Fere; and placed sentinels
on horseback at the end of the forest, to bring him exact in-
1594.7 A SPANISH CONVOY INTERCEPTED AND TAKIN. 407
formation of whatever came out of the city. We waited with
great impatience till four o'clock in the afternoon before we
heard any news, and then the sentinels came to informa us
that the great road from La Fere to Laon was covered with
so long a file of soldiers and such a vast quantity of baggage
of every kind, that they could imagine nothing else but that
the whole army of the enemy was advancing. That instant
I perceived several of the most resolute amongst us look
pale, and whisper to each other that it was necessary to make
our retreat. This many of us opposed; and the commander
declaring himself for this last opinion, it was agreed upon by
a majority of voices, that some one of the troop should be
sent to reconnoitre, and bring back an exact account of what
he saw. Fouqueroles, whose valour and prudence were well
known, was chosen, with two others, for this employment;
and returning a little time afterwards, informed us that this
seemingly formidable line was composed of three hundred
waggons, laden with ammunition, escorted by four squadrons
of one hundred horse each, who marched before the convoy,
followed by eight or nine hundred musketeers, and an equal
number of Spanish infantry brought up the rear.
This number not being equal to ours, it was agreed upon
with one voice that we should attack them, and we only dif-
fered upon the manner of doing it ; I, with many others,
was of opinion that it would be better to let the convoy
enter the forest, and then fall upon its rear. Givry,* Mon-
tigny, and Marivault, who were at the head of the cavalry,
were for the negative, and maintained so positively that there
was less danger in attacking them in the open field, that
they drew Marshal Biron into their opinion. At first this
method succeeded; the cavalry of the enemy gave way as
soon as they were attacked, though at the beginning they
showed great resolution, and retired to the sides of the wag-
gons; but we soon found whom we had to deal with; the
enemy's infantry which were in front waited firmly for our
troopers, whom Biron sent to attack them, and fired upon
them with such excellent order as obliged them to give
* Anne d'Anglure, Baron of Givry: he was killed at Laon a few
days after this encounter, and greatly lamented by Henry IV.; Francis
de la Grange, Lord de Montigny: he is mentioned again; Claude de
l'Isle, Lord of Marivault.
408
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
ground. Biron commanded them to return to the charge
by the left flank, while he attacked the right, which was evi-
dently the least dangerous. The onset was so terrible that
the enemy's foot were forced to retire, and like the other
squadrons, take shelter in the midst of the waggons, from
whence they still continued to defend themselves: in the
mean time, the Spanish battalion advanced from the rear to
the front, and formed itself in such a manner, that it was
supported on all sides by the cavalry and the waggons, with-
out losing the assistance of the first battalion: they made so
vigorous a defence, that all Biron's entreaties and menaces
could not prevent our six hundred horse from quitting the
fight, extremely weakened. The Swiss and French infantry
who took their place found equal resistance. The battle
lasted a long time. Biron, apprehending that an action
which passed so near La Fere would give time for a con-
siderable supply to be sent to the convoy if it were not very
speedily ended, he, as a last resource, commanded the hundred
gentlemen to dismount, to add to their other arms, which
consisted of a sword and pistol, a pike, of which we had
brought a great quantity along with us, and to bring up to
the charge all our foot, both French and Swiss, which had
not yet encountered the Spaniards. Messieurs de Guitry,*
de Montigny, de Marivault, de Trigny, d'Arambure, de
la Curée, de Lopes, d'Heures, and others, advanced in this
manner at the head of three hundred foot, and Biron with
an equal number followed them. I was in the second bat-
talion. The charge was so furious, that the pike and fusee
became useless; we fought hand to hand, and even wrestled
with each other. The Spaniards at length gave ground, and
after throwing away their arms,t fled for shelter to the forest
and waggons. This last refuge was of no service to them;
** This is not John de Chaumont de Guitry, who has been so often
mentioned in history, and in these Memoirs; he died in the year 1592.
(See his panegyric in M. de Thou, book ciii.) The person inentioned
here was, according to Cayet, so called because he married the heiress
of this family. (Chron. Novenn. b. iv. p. 23.) But Cayet is mistaken;
John de Chaumont left several sons, who bore arms in the king's
service.
† La Curée, who was a good judge in these matters, attributes the
defeat of the Spaniards to their custom of using too long swords, and
too short waist-belts. (Vol. 8929, MSS. de la Bibliot. du Roi.)
1594.]
ARROGANT CONDUCT OF MARSHAL BIRON.
409
we pursued them tbither, and made a horrible carnage among
them ; no less than twelve hundred were left dead upon the
place. We took but few prisoners. Those persons who
were of any distinction in the cavalry had time to get back
to La Fere; we neither pursued them, nor the others who
had taken shelter in the forest, lest we should be surprised
and thrown into disorder by new troops sent from La Fere
to their assistance: on the contrary, we only thought of
rallying and keeping upon our guard during the time that was
necessary to rest and refresh ourselves with some of the pro-
visions we found in great abundance in the convoy, which,
notwithstanding all Biron's orders, was so plundered by the
soldiers, and there being upwards of four hundred of the
carriage horses killed or wounded, that we carried off but a
small part of it, with which we marched back to the camp in
the night.
Biron, with the same confident air which he had assumed to
procure the command of the expedition, presented himself to
his majesty at his return, to receive the praises due to his
success. Having a subject so copious to discuss, one may
easily imagine what a man who knew not that on such occa-
sions silence is merit, would say to enhance the greatness of
his victory. Indeed, his discourse seemed to insinuate that
he had that moment fixed the crown upon the king's head.
Experience has shown that this haughtiness, which borders a
little upon boasting of itself, sufficiently in the French taste,
commonly succeeds with a general who has Frenchmen to
lead; with them to seem sure of a victory, goes a great way
towards gaining it. The king was not ignorant of this dis-
position, and he had seen very happy consequences arise from
it on those hazardous occasions, when the soldiers sought
only in the countenance and words of their leader the idea
they ought to have of the present danger. Hence a seeming
confidence of success became habitual to him, which was
imitated by all the general officers; and, as often happens,
many of them, but particularly Marshal Biron, carried this
confidence so far as to become insupportable to all the others,
and even to the king himself, who was not on this occasion
the less indulgent.
The obliging reception which his majesty gave to Biron, and
those that had followed him, created great jealousy in the
410
: [BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
courtiers, who were not of the party, and completely turned
Biron's head. However, he could not obtain the government
of Laon, which was what he aimed at by exalting his last
action, and arrogating all the glory of it to himself alone, as
if the others had no part in it. The king discovered his
thoughts on it freely to me, and seemed on many accounts
greatly discontented with the marshal. His majesty told me
that, after so many causes of complaint which Biron bad given
him, after his having dared even lately to threaten him with
going over to his enemies, and the discoveries he had just
made of the correspondence he carried on with Messieurs
d'Epernon and D'Auvergne, he could not resolve to trust him
with the care of a place so near the Low Countries as Laon,
which ought only to be given to a man* whose fidelity had been
tried; but he feared, he said, that Biron would keep no mea-
sures after this refusal, and would openly join the party
against him, or, what was still more dangerous, continue
near his person, while he secretly sided with his enemies.
Henry, who from this moment was persuaded that he would
one day have all this to fear from Biron, added, that he per-
ceived the marshal had sought my friendship for some time,
doubtless with an intention to procure my concurrence to a
marriage between his brother and Mademoiselle de Saint-
Geniès, t my niece, who was one of the greatest fortunes in
France; and he ordered me to take advantage of this new
friendship, to penetrate into his designs.
The great convoy being defeated, the king, without any
obstacle, continued the siege of Laon, till he received notice
that the Duke of Mayenne and the Count of Mansfield, far
from being disheartened by this bad success, talked of nothing
less than coming to force the lines of the besiegers, as soon
as they had received some troops they were in expectation of.
Biron treated this news with contempt; but his imajesty,
who aeglected nothing, was not easy about it till Givry,
whom he had sent to reconnoitre, escorted by three hundred
horse, with strict orders not to return till he bad gained per-
fect knowledge of the situation and forces of the enemy,
* This government was given to Marivault.
· † Danghter of Elias de Gontault, Lord de Badefou, and Saint-
Geniès, Governor of Béarn, Viceroy of Navarre, and of Jacqueline de
Bethune, Monsieur de Rosny's sister.
1594. THE KING ESCAPES FROM A CRITICAL POSITION. 411
brought him, at the end of three days, certain intelligence
that there was not a single company of them on this side the
Oise, and that the Spaniards were more inclined to return
to Flanders than to Laon. The king, relying upon the just-
ness of this report, that very evening made a party to go
and dine the next day at St. Lambert, a house dependent
upon the domaira of Navarre, and situated in the midst of the
forest, where he remembered to have often gone to eat fruit,
milk, and new cheese, whilst in his youth he had resided in
the castle of Marle; and he still promised himself great plea-
sure in seeing it again.
About thirty of us attended him to St. Lambert, where, as
he had passed part of the preceding night in visiting, as
usual, the trenches, batteries, and mines, he fell asleep as
soon as he had dined: his good constitution, joined to a habit
of fatigue, had accustomed him to sleep in any place, and
when he pleased, and to wake at any hour. The weather
being then extremely hot, eight or ten of us went into the
thickest part of the forest, * not far from the great road lead-
ing from La Fere to Laon. We had not gone further than
twelve or fifteen hundred paces, when a noise which came
from that side near La Fere drew all our attention : it seemed
to be a confused mixture of human voices, smacking of whips,
weighing of horses, and a noise like the distant sound of
trumpets and drums. That we might hear more plainly, we
came forwards to the road, from whence we saw distinctly,
about eight hundred paces before us, a column of infantry,
which appeared to us to be foreigners, marching in good
order, and without any noise; that which we had heard had
proceeded from the seryants and suttlers of the army who fol-
lowed, and from those who conducted a considerable convoy
of artillery Extending our view as far as it was possible,
so great a number of troops seemed to us to file off after the
waggons, that we did not doubt but it was the whole of the
enemy's army.
We returned immediately, and found the king awake,
shaking a plum-tree, of whose fruit he seemed very fond.
“Faith, Sire," said we, “some people we have just seen
passing are preparing other plums for you not quite so
* The forest of Folambray.
412
[BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
easy of digestion.” We explained ourselves in few words;
and the king the more readily believed us, having, as he told
us, heard some noise about a quarter of an hour before, but
which (not being able to imagine that Givry could have
acquitted himself so ill of his commission) he thought had
proceeded from his own camp. His majesty ordered twelve
of us, who were ready at hand, to go instantly to the different
quarters of the cavalry (a list of which he always carried in
his pocket), to spread the alarm there, and to order them all
to repair with the utmost expedition to the king's quarters,
while at the same time others were sent to the infantry, to
form them into battalions, and post them between those
quarters and the trenches. He gave these orders as he was
mounting his horse, and although he rode with great swift-
ness, he continued giving them to all he met, with the same
justness and extent of thought as if he had been long before
prepared for a battle. Such was this prince's quickness of
apprehension and admirable presence of mind that nothing
escaped him, whereas any other in the same situation,
instead of forming a well-regulated plan, would have been
hardly able to have fixed upon a tolerable expedient. The
enemy upon their arrival found every one prepared for them,
to which circumstance, perhaps, the whole army owed its
preservation ; for it must be confessed that, if the enemy's
cavalry, which at the same instant appeared in the front of the
camp, where they formed themselves into squadrons with
great expedition, had only been able to have thrown the
soldiers into a panic, which, the king and part of the officers
being absent, must infallibly have happened by an effect
of the first surprise, it would have been easy for them, amidst
this sudden confusion, to have defeated great part of the
army, and probably fear might have delivered up the rest
into their power.
This example is alone sufficient to prove of what utility it
is for a general of an army not only to possess that quality of
the mind which embraces all possible contingencies, but to be
well acquainted with the names, abilities, and good or bad
qualities of all the officers, as well as of the different bodies
which compose his army, and in his turn to be known by
them as the only one of all the general officers whose advice
(the quality of leader apart) his soldiers would choose in any
1594.] ESCAPE OF THE DUKE'S ARMY FROM LAON.
413
difficult conjuncture to follow as the wisest and best, to
give that advice with firmness, but without that ostentation
which arises from the certainty of having found out the best;
to inspire them with a fondness for their occupation; to
render their discipline pleasing, by never oppressing them
with orders, but at the same time to accustom them never to
expect that those already established will on any occasion
whatever be dispensed with or diminished; in a word, to
possess the art of making himself be at all times readily
obeyed by them, without inspiring that timidity which keeps
them silent, when by a seasonable hint they might assist the
thoughts of their leader, an inconvenience which has often
been the ruin of many armies and their commanders.
Notwithstanding the expedition the king had used on this
occasion, if the enemy's general had taken advantage of the
opportunity which chance had given him, it is probable we
might have suffered a considerable check; but knowing the
prince he had to deal with, he durst not suffer the van of his
army to appear till the whole was come out of the forest,
that one part might not be deprived of the assistance of the
other, in case the king should be informed of his march, and
meet him with his entire army. It happened also that the
march of the army was retarded by the carriage of one of
their culverines breaking in the middle of the road, which it
blocked up for some time, and this embarrassment was still
further increased by the shattered fragments of the wag-
gons that were destroyed in the late rout of the convoy,
which lay scattered along the whole of the road, together with
the bodies of both men and horses: added to all this, the
person whom the Duke of Mayenne had sent to reconnoitre
a place proper for pitching his camp, did not return so
speedily as he might have done
The king took advantage of all these delays: he drew out
from the trenches as many men as were sufficient to cover
them, without leaving too few within, and ranged the rest of
his army in order of battle in front, when the enemy, who
no longer hoped to surprise him, gave him time. That day was
employed on both sides in choosing the most advantageous
posts for a battle. It was not, however, the intention of the
two generals of the enemy to engage: they dreaded the
king's superiority, and our cavalry, which was almost all
414
BOOK VI.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
composed of gentlemen. Their whole design by this move-
ment was to induce the king to raise the siege of Laon, by
coming to meet them, and afterwards to evade a battle, or
at least, in the confusion their arrival was likely to cause, to
throw three thousand foot and three hundred troopers into.
the place; but as we did not know their intention till after-
wards, when we were informed of it by some prisoners whom
we took, it was not doubted but that there would be a gene-
ral action the next day, the two camps being so near that we
heard distinctly, the sound of their trumpets and the shouts
of their soldiers.
In the midst of the ground that separated us from the
enemy, there was only one hill, which was almost round, and
which appeared to me to be of great importance with regard
to the besieged city, should the enemy make himself master
of it. The king; who had sent me to reconnoitre it, gave
me two pieces of cannon, to support a regiment that was
by his order to post and fortify itself there. I caused a
hut to be erected for myself, and when the king came to
visit this post he found everything in good. order. The next
day the enemy, making a show of greater resolution than,
the evening before, began a skirmish with all their musketry,
and endeavoured to make themselves masters of a little wood
which lay between the two camps. Above fifty thousand
small arms were fired, but withi so little effect that Parabere,
who came to my but to sup with me, assured me that there
were not twenty men slain, nor more than twice that number
wounded.
Night coming on during this tumult, the two gene-
rals of the enemy's army, who thought of nothing less than
engaging further, took advantage of it to retreat in silence to
La Fere. The king suffered them to fly, contenting himself
with the disgrace they had drawn upon themselves by this
ridiculous attempt.
1594.]
HENRY DISSATISFIED WITH BOUILLON.
415.
BOOK VII;
[1594—1596.]
Henry dissatisfied with the Duke of Bouillon, and why—The motives
for Rosny's journey to Sedan–His conversation with Bouillon, in
which he penetrates into his designs, and discovers his real character
-Taking of Laon-Military expeditions in different parts of the
kingdom between the king's party and that of the League--Designs
of the Duke of Mayenne upon Burgundy_Death of the Cardinal of
Bourbon-Death of the Superintendent d'O–His character-Cha-
racter of the Duchess of Guise–The Duke of Guise makes a treaty
with the king-Rosny's. apology for this treaty-Services performed
by the Duke of Guise for his majesty~Character of Sancy-The
story of Alibour-Changes made in the council of the finances
Maxims and reflections relating to the finances-Henry declares war
against Spain, contrary to Rosny's opinion-He is wounded by Jolin
Châtel-Particulars of this horrid' attempt, and the banishment of
the Jesuits--The motives which determine Henry to march into Bur-
gundy-Rosny quarrels with the council of the finances-Desertion
of the Count of Soissons—Rosny insulted by the count's officers--A
campaign in Picardy-The French defeated at Dourlens-Death of
Admiral de Villars-Campaign in Burgundy glorious for Henry IV,
Battle of Fontaine-Française-Conditions upon which the pope gives
absolution to Henry-The conduct of Cardinal d’Ossat examined-
Henry goes to Picardy-Losses sustained there by Trance-The
Duke of Montpensier reveals to the king the plots of the chief
noblemen of the kingdom-Bouillon is sent to London-Jealousy:
and hatred of the council of the finances against Rosny..

I QUITTED the camp before Laon immediately after the
skirmish which is related in the conclusion of the preceding
book; some difficulties which arose in the treaties, particu-
larly that with the Baron de Médavy, obliging me, in obedi-
ence to his majesty's orders, to take a journey to Rouen,
which was followed by a second to Paris, and another, of
more importance than either, to Sedan.
The Duke of Bouillon gave daily new occasions of dis-
content to the king: when through his influence he married
the heiress of Sedan, he promised to bring his majesty a cer-
416
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
tain number of troops; but he not only neglected to perform
this promise, but also retained, without asking the king's
permission, the troops which be had lent him to guard his
frontier till he should be in peaceable possession of his new
principality; nor did he make any excuse whatever for not
sending them back, or give the king any account of the
situation of his affairs. His new rank had inspired him with
the vanity of causing himself to be regarded in Europe as
a formidable potentate. This, which he could not hope from
80 weak and confined a state as his was, he sought to obtain
by every kind of artifice and intrigue in the neighbouring
courts. All the malcontents in Europe were sure of finding
a protector in him, and he was the mainspring that gave
motion to the cabals of D'Auvergne and D'Entragues.
One day, when the king sent for me so early in the morn-
ing that I found him in bed, having only Ozeray and Ar-
magnac in his apartment, and when we were all consulting
upon measures to prevent the dangerous designs of so many
secret enemies, his majesty dwelt in particular upon the
Duke of Bouillon, and seemed greatly affected with his in-
gratitude, after having conferred an obligation on him which
ought to have bound him for ever to his interests. Indeed,
the king, by marrying him to Mademoiselle de Bouillon, had
given him a proof of friendship so much the stronger, since
in doing so he had acted against his own judgment, and the
advice of all those to whom he had mentioned it. The next
day after this conversation, Beringhen presented a gentle-
man to the king in his chamber, who brought him a letter
from Bouillon, in which the duke informed his majesty of
the death of his wife, and excused his delay by the grief and
perplexity into which her death had thrown him. This let-
ter likewise gave the king to understand that the Duchess
de Bouillon had left a will, in which she bequeathed the
principality of Sedan and all her property to her husband,
and put them under the protection of the King of France,
because it was expected that her relations would give the
Duke of Bouillon great trouble about this donation. “That
is to say," said the king, when he had finished reading the
letter, " the Duke of Bouillon has great occasion for my
assistance: is not this a very honourable way of proceeding?"
To humble and punish the duke, his majesty was strongly
1594.]
MOTIVES TOR ROSNY'S VISIT TO BOUILLON.
417
inclined to leave him to struggle alone against these diffi-
culties; but the native sweetness of his disposition, and the
remembrance of the duke's former services, still influenced
the king in his favour. He answered the duke by a compli-
ment of condolence upon the death of the Duchess of
Bouillon, and assured him of his willingness to assist him.
If the king had thought that this last mark of his friendship
would have recalled and fixed the Duke of Bouillon for ever
in his duty, the commission of him whom he sent with this
letter would have ended in barely delivering it to the duke,
and any inconsiderable person might have sufficed for that
purpose ; but Henry, accustomed to confer benefits only on
the ungrateful, would make this deputation answer several
purposes. He turned towards me, and told me that in his
opinion I was the properest person to carry this letter, be-
cause if it was not sufficient to make Bouillon adhere con-
stantly to his duty, the arguments of a man who had a right
to represent it to him strongly, might perhaps accomplish it;
and thus, if neither produced the desired effect, it was neces-
sary to penetrate into the duke's secret designs, and to ex-
amine carefully the will and the supposed donation of the
Duchess of Bouillon.
This embassy seemed too like that which had drawn the
hatred of the princess and the Count of Soissons upon me,
and my first emotions upon receiving it were caused by my
grief that the king's service generally engaged me in such
affairs. Henry, who guessed part of my thoughts, forgot
nothing which he imagined capable of lessening what was
disagreeable in this commission; he told me that the suc-
cess which fortune seemed to annex to all affairs wherein I
was employed, as a reward due to my fidelity, induced him
to choose me in preference to any other to transact this
business, that none of my services were lost upon him, and
that he took extremely kind the attention I always showed
to avoid or break off any connexions which were capable of
diminishing my zeal for him. Speaking these words, he em-
braced me tenderly, adding, with a kinduess that went to
my heart, that he earnestly entreated me to be careful of my
own security, since I should be obliged to pass through
places subject to the Guises, and to preserve myself for a
VOL. I.
2 E
418
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
prince who loved me. Princes who behave in this manner,
cannot be too faithfully served.
It happened very fortunately that I was at this time well
provided with money, having sent for remittances from
Rosny and Moret, where my wife was; I therefore saw my-
self in a condition to satisfy, without delay, the king's impa-
tience for my departure. Three hours after I had received
this order I went to Bruyères, where my equipage lay, and
followed by five-and-twenty troopers well armed, in four
days I arrived, without meeting with any accident, within
view of Sedan. The duke being informed of my journey,
came to meet me as far as the village of Torcy, which sepa-
rates his little state from France; there he alighted, and
assumed a melancholy air to receive my compliments, and to
read the king's letter. He loaded me with personal civili-
ties, seemed charmed with the choice his majesty had made,
and persisted (notwithstanding my repeated solicitations) in
treating me as an ambassador. I was conducted to very mag-
nificent lodgings, and all the expenses of my retinue defrayed.
The duke showed me, with great complaisance, the fortifica-
tions he had raised about his Castle of Sedan, by which, he
assured me, it would be impregnable. I was not of the
same opinion; all the expense he was at to strengthen this
place could not supply the defect of its situation.
The siege of Laon, of which the duke inquired some news,
afforded us matter for entering into a more particular conver-
sation. After reiterated assurances of his attachment to the
king, he asked me if the many subjects of complaint which
his majesty had received from the Spanish Low Countries had
not determined him to carry the war thither; and spoke to
me of this project as an affair he ardently wished to see exe-
cuted. He dwelt much upon the advantage of this war;
upon the manner in which the provinces of Luxembourg,
Liège, and Namur might be attacked; upon the correspon-
dences which, with this view, he carried on in the principal
cities of Flanders; and upon the powerful assistance he
offered to lead thither. It was not difficult to believe that
he had used his utmost endeavours. to promote a war, of
which all the advantage would be bis : but it was far from
being so with the king; his interest was not concerned in it;
and with regard to him, this fine project was a mere chimera.
. 1594.7
ROSNY'S INTERVIEW WITH BOUILLON.
419
Indeed, the duke, fearing that it would be treated with con-
tempt at court, omitted nothing which he thought might
bring me to approve of it, by painting it in the finest colours,
and with an aïr of disinterestedness capable of imposing
upon me. After having thus discoursed upon Flanders, he
entered into politics, and displayed all the powers of his
eloquence in proving to me, that, it being the king's chief in-
terest to depress the house of Austria, he could never attain
this end but by keeping up a strict union with the Pro-
testants. The king's late abjuration, he supposed, was but a
necessary ceremony, which had only changed him in appear-
ance; and which he thought to prove sufficiently by two or
three strokes of raillery upon some superstitious practices of
the devout Catholics, upon the mendicant inonks, and the
equivocations of the Jesuits. Here the duke stopped, like
one who was afraid to explain bimself too freely, and looked
at me earnestly with a feigned inquietude, Hitherto I had
listened to him without interruption, and discovered, without
his perceiving it, all the ideas which rose in his ambitious
mind. But many things still remained to be known, for
which it was only necessary to let him speak a while longer,
for it is not possible that a man, who is at once extremely
vain and loquacious, should not in the end betray all his
secrets; I therefore forced a smile into my countenance, and
assumed the air of one filled with admiration at bis judgment,
his policy, and bis eloquence. The duke's self-love thus
agreeably flattered, he did not wait for much entreaty, but
resuming his discourse, he went on to make me sensible of
the true interest of the Protestants, in the situation affairs
were at present in France. Here it became necessary for
me to supply, by my own surmises, what he left unsaid,
because the Duke of Bouillon's expressions suffered a little
from the constraint be laid himself under, either through fear
of falling into some indiscretion,* or that he thought the
* The true character of the Duke of Bouillon is thus given us:
“On set purpose he used to express himself,” says the writer of his Life,
“in so dark and perplexed a manner, that he could give to what he
spoke any sense that lie pleased. He pretended that there were some
nice conjunctures, in which a man must either be silent, or follow his
manner of speaking.” Another maxim of the Duke of Bouillon, ac-
cording to the same writer, was, “that a man ought to be very cautious
2 E 2
420
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
affectation of a mysterious air did more honour to himself
and the party, or, indeed, that his discourse was built on a
system so sublime, and ideas so abstracted, that he was lost
in them as well as myself.
I recalled the duke from this too elevated flight; and he
told me in plainer terms that the Protestants were so much
disgusted at the king's conversion, that he could allay their
apprehensions no otherwise than by declaring war against
Spain conjointly with them; that unless this were done, it
would be impossible to persuade them that they were not
made a sacrifice, and for the future would be always exposed
to the violences of the French Catholics acting in concert
with the pope and the Spaniards. This piece of intelligence,
from the proof he brought of it, it is probable the duke him-
self thought as false as it really was. He said that Villeroy
was commissioned by the Dukes of Lorraine, Mayenne, and
Merceur, to propose to the king, who was then at Fontaine-
bleau, this union between France and Spain ; and that the
pope would not have refused the king his apostolic benedic-
tion, with a bull acknowledging him king of France, but
because he would have this pretended union the preliminary.
To this proof Bouillon added others equally groundless, by
which he thought to make it appear that the Catholics had
wholly estranged the king from the Protestants, and had
prevailed upon him to use them with great injustice. The
grievances of the Protestants thus established, the duke was
willing to inform me of the remedy they had thought proper
to apply to them. They were preparing, he said, to fortify
immediately all their strong towns, to choose a leader out of
the kingdom, and to establish within it (but the place he did
not name) a general council for the affairs of religion, to
which all the different churches were to address themselves,
and which was to determine, in the last resort, all the affairs
of the ten other provincial councils, into which the Calvinist
part of France was to be divided; and that the power of this
of giving anything under his hand. A man interprets what he has
spoken as he pleases, and he agrees only to so much of it as he thinks
proper, retrenching more or less. He approves or disapproves as he
thinks convenient. But the case is not the same with regard to what
is written,” &c. M. de Sully was of a quite contrary opinion. We
may find some politicians who will not condemn the Duke of Bouillon,
but none who does not commend the Duke of Sully.
1594.]
DESIGNS OF THE DUKE OF BOUILLON.
421
sovereign council might be absolute and uncontested, a pro-
tector, or foreign prince, was to be put at its head, capable of
making it respected.
Whilst he was talking of these subjects, the Duke of
Bouillon, according to the occasion he had, to dazzle, convince,
or deceive me, assumed successively the character of a friend
and ally of the king, a good Protestant, or a mere relater of
facts, but always that of a man consummate in the politi-
cian's art, and the depository of all the secret affairs of the
Protestants. He could not, however, involve himself so well
in mystery, but that I comprehended plainly enough that all
these schemes of high and low councils, these regulations so
particularised, might very probably have their rise in the
duke's own brain, and not in the synods of St. Maixant and
St. Foi, as he would bave had me believe. This foreign-
prince protector, especially, seemed to me to be entirely his
own invention, and in reality himself, who gave his own views
for determined schemes, and whose sole end (for what springs
will not ambition put in motion ?) was perhaps merely this,
that by communicating these designs to the court, as if the
Calvinists had really formed them, and were ready to put
them in execution, I should raise the king's indignation
against them; and by this artifice he would oblige the Hugue-
nots to take such a resolution as he wished, but with which
he durst not openly inspire them; this was, to choose him for
a leader whom the hatred and complaints of the Catholics
pointed out to them as a defender. All that happened in
the sequel has but the more confirmed me in this belief.
After having thus, as he imagined, made me subservient
to bis designs, the duke reflected that he sbould lose more
than he gained, if the king, of whose assistance he stood in
need, should entertain any suspicions disadvantageous to
him; he therefore reserved a most refined stroke of policy
for the last. This was, to assure me that these proposals
had indeed been made him, but that, far from approving
them, or offering his assistance, he had done everything in
hiş power to prevent such designs taking place, in which he
had not had the good fortune to succeed. Can anything be
imagined more treacherous and crafty ? Certainly, if the
Duke of Bouillon was able to flatter himself that these
arts would leave me în absolute ignorance of the affairs of the
422
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
[BOOK V11.
Protestants, and the dispositions of the seditious, he could
not hinder me from perceiving at least some of his owni
particular sentiments with regard to the prince whom he
betrayed.
I could no otherwise answer a discourse so full of artifice,
than by confining myself to plain and simple truths, which is
the most effectual way to disconcert these so curiously-dis-
guised politicians. I assured him, in few words, that the
king was not, nor ever would be, changed with regard to
the Protestants; that he was willing to grant them all the
advantages they could reasonably demand, but that the pre-
sent situation of his affairs would oblige him to defer some
time longer those bestimonies of his friendship; that his
majesty had not forgotten any of the causes of hatred which
Spain had given him; and that he would always preserve &
lively resentment of them, even if he were not to enter inton
the commoủ córicern of Europe, to put a stop to the design
of the house of Austria for universal monarchy; but that, ini
order to secure success, it was necessary that all should be:
quiet within his kingdom, since it might be expected tbat
Spain would defend herself in a different inańñer, when she
saw herself directly attacked; than she had done in a war
wherein she had only engaged as an auxiliary.
I told the Duke of Bouillon that I readily believed all he
bad said to me with regard to himself, since he must be sen-
sible that the principles of honour, justice, and gratitude
pointed out to him too plainly the conduct he ought to
observe with the king, to leave him a possibility of mistaking
it. He, however, refused me the troops I demanded for
Henry, nor would be permit me even to peruse Madame de
Bouillon's last will, saying that she had sealed it in a casket,
and exacted a promise from him that he would not open it
but with the usual forms of law, if any one should question
the validity of it; and that she had afterwards obliged him
to confirm this promise with an oath. It was not difficult
for me to comprehend that any remonstrances would be
useless: my commission being therefore now completed, I
resolved to return immediately to Laon.
I was greatly surprised on my arrival at the camp to meet
the king, who was going to hunt, passing so near the walls
of Laon that he was within musket-shot of them; but I was
1594.]
DESIGNS OF THE DUKE OF BOUILLON.
423
soon informed that both sides had laid down their arms, the
besieged baving capitulated upon condition to surrender in
ten days, if within that time they were not assisted by an
army, or, at least, if a reinforcement of eight or nine hundred
men were not thrown into the place. Henry made me keep
close beside him during the chase, that he night hear all the
particulars of my journey. When I told him that the Duke
of Bouillon refused to show me the will of the deceased
duchess, he replied that he knew from thence what he ought
to think of the bequest.* He entertained the same opinion
of the Duke of Bouillon that I did: “He offers," said he,
“to be a mediator in disturbances which he himself has been
the author of." Nor was he less displeased at his refusing
to send the troops he demanded; but, in the present con-
juncture, it was necessary that his majesty should disseinble
all these occasions of discontent with the duke; and therefore,
* In order to destroy the suspicions which the whole of this account
might raise as to the reality of the bequest of the Duchess of Bouillon,
I will give you what the Duke of Bouillon's biographer says on this
head. “By her last will,” says he, "she appointed the Duke of Bouil-
lon, her husband, her sole heir. It was currently reported that, not-
withstanding this last will of the duchess, the succession would be
contested with her husband. The truth is, Charles de la Mark, the
Count de Maulevrier, uncle to Charlotte de la Mark, alleged that this
succession belonged to him, and that she could not dispose of it, in
favour of her husband, to his prejudice. The Duke de Montpensier
pretended likewise that the sovereignties of Bouillon, Sedan, Jamets,
and Raucourt, could not be contested with him, as he had been substi-
tuted therein by Robert de la Mark, the last Duke of Bouillon. The
Duke de Bouillon thought it more eligible to accommodate matters
with these two claimants than to engage in a lawsuit, which would
divert him from the execution of his grand designs. The accommoda-
tion was concluded, and the sovereign jurisdiction of Bouillon, Sedan,
and Raucourt remained in property to him.” (Hist. de Henry Duc de
Bouillon, par Marsollier, tom. ii. liv. iv.) The historian likewise speaks
of the Duke of Sully's journey to Sedan, and of the protection which
Henry IV. offered the Duke of Bouillon on this occasion. But here
we cannot but observe that it would have been much better not to
quote, on this subject, Sully's Memoirs, than to disguise their sense,
and conceal, as he has done, the objection that arises from the text of
these Memoirs; and this so much the rather (it would be to no purpose
to dissemble it, after all that has been said of it, and very lately, by
Amelot de la Houssaye, in his Memoirs, in the article Bouillon la Mark),
so much the rather, I say, as Henry IV. and the Duke of Sully are
not the only persons who seem to doubt the reality of such bequest.
424
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
in public, he seemed to be very well satisfied with his conduct,
and determined to maintain him in Sedan. With respect to
the war with Spain, which I was commissioned to propose to
him, he deferred deliberating on it till another time, when he
intended to do it in full council.
The Count of Sommerive, Du Bourg, and Jeannin, finding
it impossible to prevent the insurrection of the citizens and
the garrison of Laon, who were incensed against them as
tyrants who had rendered their domination insupportable,
thought proper to yield before the time prescribed for de-
livering the city to the king. They had no longer any hopes
of assistance after the misfortune which happened to a rein-
forcement the Duke of Mayenne endeavoured to throw into
the place. This reinforcement coming too late near Laon to
have any hopes of surprising the besiegers, thought it best to
wait for night in the wood, where they kept themselves con-
cealed all day. The king hunting in that part of the forest
at the same time, his dogs discovered the ambuscade. The
enemy, although eight or nine hundred in number, instead of
showing themselves, or attacking the king, who had only
three hundred horse with him, thought they should be able
to avoid an absolute discovery by separating, the better to
conceal themselves; but the dogs still continued to pursue
them, and the king's troop arriving in the mean time, they
were surprised in so great a disorder that our footmen and
servants only, without any assistance from the three hundred
horsemen, made themselves masters of them, and plundered
them entirely.
After the surrender of Laon, the king judged it necessary
to take a journey to the frontiers of Flanders ; his chief in-
ducement to it being the hopes that many of the cities in
that part would surrender to him at his approach. The event
did not answer his expectations, and his majesty drew no
other advantage from his journey than confirming in their al-
legiance Amiens, Abbeville, Montreuil, Peronne, and several
other cities, into each of which he made a solemn entry. I
can say no more here of these transactions, the king's service
calling me at that time to Paris, upon affairs of less import-
ance than the former, and which, for that reason, I shall not
enter into a particular detail of, any more than of what passed
in the different provinces of the kingdom. The reduction of
1594.1
DESIGNS OF THE DUKE OF MAYENNE.
425
Morlaix and Quimper by Marshal d'Aumont,* with the assist-
ance of the English forces ;t the building of Fort du Croisic,
by the Duke of Merccur at the head of his Spaniards, to be a
check upon Brest, were the most considerable exploits of the
two parties in Brittany. Savoy, Piedmont, Provence, and
Dauphiny, continued to be the theatre of a war always fa-
vourable to Lesdiguières, against the Duke of Savoy, notwith-
standing the defeat and taking of Créquy. I
The Duke of Mayenne, seeing Laon taken, almost all Pi-
cardy in the king's party, the chief officers of the League,
and the Duke of Guise himself, disposed to treat soon for an
accommodation with his majesty, yielded at last to the advice
of the President Jeannin,ſ who had long pressed him to fix
himself in one particular province, and there make powerful
efforts, in time, to render himself independent; so that, after
fortune had subjected all to the king, which he doubted not
Fould soon happen, he might at least have a secure retreat
to shelter him in his reverses.
Burgundy was the province fixed upon by the Duke of
Mayenne,ll' and he marched thither with his forces, after
placing good garrisons in Dourlens, La Fere, and Soissons.
Besides his being already in possession of great part of this
province, its contiguity to Savoy, Franche-Comté, Lorraine,
Switzerland, and Germany, from whence he hoped to draw
* He was killed the following year, when besieging Quimper, by a
cannon-ball, which broke his arm to shatters, b
years of age. He said no more when he found himself wounded than
these words, “I have got it.” He was generally esteemed, and gene-
rally regretted. (See his eulogy in M. de Thou, b. cxiii.)
The English forces were commanded by Sir Thomas Baskerville,
in the absence of Sir John Norris, who had come over to England,
to inform Elizabeth of the state of affairs in Brittany. (See Camden.
-ED.)
Charles de Créquy, son-in-law to Lesdiguières, coming to the relief
of Aiguebelle, besieged by the Duke of Savoy, was defeated and taken
prisoner. This did not happen till 1598.
$ I know not if the author does not here a little too lightly tax this
president; at least, it has been said that more than two years before,
at his return from Spain, he had been the first to advise the Duke of
Mayenne to come to an agreement with the king; as being disgusted
at the haughtiness and excessive vanity with which the King of Spain,
in treating with him, had said, “ My town of Paris, my town of Or-
leans," as if France had actually been his own.
|| The Duke of Mayenne was governor of this province.
426
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLYUUU
.
great supplies, was a further inducement for him to establish
himself there. The pope and the emperor seemed to enter
into his views: he might strengthen his right of conquest by
a resignation in form, which Spain would grant him so much
the more willingly, as by that ineans she would revive a claim
upon Burgundy, long since suppressed, but never wholly re-
nounced. All these probable advantages made it be believed
by many persous, that the ancient kingdom of Burgundy was
upon the point of being restored. The Duke of Mayenne's
conduct in those parts the remaining part of this year, and
till the month of April in the following, supported this
opinion ; and I had less reason than any other to doubt of
his intention in this respect, after the letters I saw at Paris;
in the hands of the Cardinal of Bourbon.
But; unfortunately for the Duke of Mayenne, the Bur-
gundians were not disposed to make choice of a subject for
their master : they never before gave such convincing proofs
of their fidelity to their sovereign. The Duke of Guise bé-
ginning with endeavours to secure Beaune, bý throwing a
strong garrison into it, the burghers rose against them, de-
feated them, and forced them to shut themselves up in the
castle; and as they might still suffer great inconveniences
from them, they fortified themselves with barricades against
the castle, and invited Marshal Biron to come to their assist-
ance, permitting him to lodge his little army six weeks with-
in their walls. They afterwards attacked the castle in form
with a battery of twelve pieces of cannon, and carried on their
works so vigorously that they at last drove out the garrison
of the League. I shall give an account hereafter of the ex-
peditions in Burgundy; at present, I must leave them, to re-
turn to the affairs of the capital.
I perceived the cardinal's illness to increase so much every
day, that, not doubting but his end was very near, I stayed
át Paris to give the king immediate notice of it. He died
without making that disposal of his benefices * which he
seemed to have so ardently desired. His majesty was afflicted
* Hé wás Archbishop of Rouen, Abbé of St. Denis, of St. Germain-
des-Prés, of St. Ouen and St. Catherine of Rouen, of Orcainp, &c.
De Thou represents him as a prince who loved the sciences; he was
eloquent, mild, and of an agreeable disposition, but extremely weak.
He died on the 28th of July.
1594.]
CIARACTER OF THE SUPERINTENDENT D'O.
427
at his death, having lost a good kinsman and an affectionate
subject. He wrote to me that he was tired with the importu-
nity of several persons who coveted the cardinal's spoils; and
that, to get rid of them, his general answer was that they
were already disposed of. His designs, with regard to these
benefices, were as follow : in the agreement with the Abbé
de Tiron, certain abbeys belonging to the chancellor and the
governor of Pont de l'Arche were yielded to him, for which
those two gentlemen demanded large indemnifications out of
the benefices of the deceased cardinal. The king was de-
sirous that the Abbé de Tiron should release these abbeys to
the proprietors, and receive in exchange for them the Arch-
bishopric of Rouen, valued at thirty thousand livres a year, but
charged by the king with the payment of a pension of four thou-
sand crowns, which he had promised, to the Chevalier d'Oise,*
retaining for himself Gailloni House, which he designed to pur-
chase from the abbé, and ordered me to prevail upon him to
accept of this equivalent. As for the Abbey of St. Ouen, one
of the finest benefices the deceased cardinal had possessed,
the king as yet had not bestowed it on any one; and he had
the goodness to tell me that he would not do it without
charging it with a pension of ten thousand livres payable
to me.
The greatest difficulty I met with in managing the king's
affairs at Paris was to communicate his prudent economy to
the directors of his finances, the superintendent especially.
The abuse of suffering the finances to become a prey to fa-
vourites (an evil, the source of which may be traced back to
the reign of Charles VIII.) had, in this last reign, increased
to such a degree, that had a man of the greatest industry,
prudence, and integrity imaginable been at the head of the
finances, he perhaps would not have been able to preveut the
bad consequences of so prodigious a dissipation; and, unhap-
pily, d’Of possessed none of these qualities. His disposition,
* George de Brancas-Villars, brother to Admiral de Villars.
† Francis d'O, Lord of Fresnes, Maillebois, &c., first gentleman of
the beợchamber, governor of Paris and the Isle of France, superin-
tendent of the finances, &c. “He surpassed kings and princes in ex-
travagance and prodigality; for, even to his suppers, he had pies made
of musk and amber served up that amounted to twenty-five crowns.”
(Journal de l'Etoile, ann. 1594, p. 37.)
428
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
naturally leaning towards profusion, indolence, and volup-
tuousness, had been wholly ruined by all those vices for
which the court of Henry III. was famous,—deep play, un-
bounded debauchery, expensive follies, domestic disorders,
and extravagances of every kind. D’O was on a footing with
Bellegarde, * Souvrai, Villequier, Quélus, Saint-Luc, Mau-
giron, Saint-Mégrin, Livarrot, Joyeuse, Epernon, La Valette,
Du Bouchage, Thermes, and many other less declared fa-
vourites ; and the title of minion was all the recommendation
he had for a post which the most careless princes think fit,
for their own interest, to except from those with which they
reward such sort of servants.
Such was the man by whom the finances were conducted,
at a time when, minions and mistresses being excluded from
the council, one would have expected they should have been
put under other management; and, what is still more sur-
prising, the king, in his most urgent occasions, had not even
the privilege of dividing his own revenues with the superin-
tendent. D'O did not scruple to let him lose a city or a
governor for the want of a very inconsiderable sum of money,
while at the same time he denied none to bis owu pleasures.
Lieramont,† governor of Catelet, applied to me to solicit from
d'O the payment of his garrison : I thought the affair of such
importance that I subdued my reluctance to ask a favour of
him, and acquitted myself of my commission, but with little
success. The superintendent, after I left him, said to Mes...
sieurs d'Edouvillet and De Moussy, that he had rather see
this place in the hands of Spaniards than Protestants (Liera-
* Roger de St. Larry de Bellegarde ; Gilles de Souvrai; René de
Villequier; Jaques Levis de Caylus, or Quélus; Francis d'Epinai de
St. Luc; Francis de Maugiron, Paul Stuart de Caussade, Lord of St.
Megrim ; Jean d'Acres de Livarrot; Anne de Joyeuse; John Louis
and Bernard de Nogaret; Henry de Joyeuse, Count de Bouchage, after-
wards a Capuchin; John de St. Larry de Thermes, or Augustus, Baron
of Thermes. Tho. Souvrai had been one of Henry III.'s favourites: he
should not be ranked in the number of this prince's minions: he was a
man of acknowledged merit and probity. Henry III. said, that if he
avere neither king nor prince, he would gladly be Souvrai. He refused
the commission with which Henry III. would have charged him to
assassinate the Marshal de Montmorency when in prison. (De Thou,
book lxi.)
† Francis de Dampierre, Lord of Lieramont, or Liermont.
... Lord of Edouville, .... Boutillier, Lord of Moussy,
1594.]
HENRY MAKES A TREATY WITH GUISE.
'429
mont was of that religion). Moussy, who was my kinsman,
repeating this discourse to me, I declared to the superinten-
dent that he should be answerable for the place if it were
lost for want of this payment, but this menace bad little effect
on him. A short time after this, M. d'O was seized with a
retention of urine, of which he died in a few days; and it is
worthy of observation that this man, who was possessed of
more than four millions, or rather of all the money in the
kingdom, which he disposed of almost absolutely, more splen-
did in his equipages, his furniture, and his table, than the
king himself, was not yet given up by his physicians, when
his relations, who had always seemed to bear him great affec-
tion, his domestics,* and some others, under the title of cre-
ditors, pillaged him with such eagerness, and so completely,
that a long time before he expired there was nothing left but
bare walls in the chamber where he lay, as if fortune thought
fit to finish with him at least by an act of justice.
The king returned to Paris to treat of a truce which the
Duke of Lorraine earnestly requested, and of an accommo-
dation with the Duke of Guise, who solicited it through the
Duchess I of Guise his mother, the kiog's cousin-german, and
* He had no children by Charlotte Catherine de Villequier, his wife.
“ Henry IV. playing at tennis with M. d'O, made him observe that the
marker stole their balls, and afterwards called to him with a loud voice,
D'O), you see that all the world cheats us.'” (Le Grain, book vii.)
† 6 If," says M. de Grillon, “ each must give in his accounts above,
I believe tliat poor d’O will find himself much at a loss to find good
documents for his. It was said that he died very much in debt, more
than he was worth; and that there were five-and-twenty or thirty
officers in his house when he expired. The treasurers regretted him
extremely, and called him their father: it was even said that three of
them gave each fifty crowns to Collot to encourage him to dress him
properly. M. le Grand, his good friend, was almost distracted for his
loss, for he allowed him every year one hundred thousand francs to
spend. Madame was not at all sorry for it, because he almost starved
lier; the Protestants regretted him as little, for he wished them no
good. Madame de Liancourt mourned for him, because she could do
with him as she pleased, and he kept her in favour with the king.
M. Seguier, the dean, who assisted bim to the last, as likewise did his
brothers, repeated to him, as he was dying, “Have mercy on me, O God!'
Some of the last words he spoke were, 'Remember me to his majesty;
he will know better, after my death, wherein I have been of service to
him, than he did while I lived.'” (L'Etoile, ibid.)
Catherine of Cleves, wife to the Duke of Guise, who was assas-
sinated at Blois; Charles of Lorraine, Duke of Guise.'
430
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
Mademoiselle de Guise bis sister. It must be confessed,
that of all those persons who had been in arms against the
king, the Duke of Guise deserved most indulgence. To
the common motives of religion and independence, which
seemed to authorise all things, be joined that of a father as-
sassinated by the command of the present king's predecessor.
It was Madame de Guise, his mother, whose persuasions chiefly
induced him to take this step; she was continually repre-
senting to her son that the revolt of the princes and nobility
of the kingdom, which in the beginning was justified by re-
ligion, became criminal after Henry had removed the only
obstacie that could hinder him from enjoying his right of in-
heritance to the crown.
In any other age, which had not, like this, lost every dis-
tinction between virtue and vice, this woman, from the quali-
ties of her heart and miud, would have been the ornament of
her sex. Her whole conduct was regulated by a natural
rectitude of soul which showed that she had not even the
idea of evil, either to follow or to advise it; and she was at
the same time of so sweet a disposition that she never was sub-
ject to the smallest emotion of hatred, malignity, envy, or
even ill-humour. No woman ever possessed so many graces
of conversation, or added to a wit so subtle and refined a sim-
plicity so artless and agreeable. Her repartees were full of
acuteness and sprightliness, and the pleasing as well as
greater qualities were so happily blended in her composition,
that she was at once tender and lively, tranquil and gay. It
was not long before the king became perfectly well acquainted
with the character of this lady; and from that moment he
not only forgot all his resentment, but also behaved towards
her with all the familiarity and frankness of a sincere friend.
He consented to give the necessary passports to the Sieurs
de la Rochette, Pericard, and Bigot, whom the Duke of Guise
sent to propose his demands; and wholly subdued by the en-
treaties of the two ladies, he named, on his side, three agents
to treat with the duke: these were the Chancellor de Chi-
verny, the Duke de Retz, and Beaulieu-Rusé, secretary of
state.
These three persons, to show their great skill in negotiating,
began at first by using all those tricks and artifices which policy
has unseasonably introduced in the place of that frank and
1594.]
CHARACTER OF MADAME DE GUISE.
431
open conduct which, without deceiving any one, would pro-
duce the same effect. Their conferences lasted ten successive
days, yet at the end of this time the smallest preliminary was
not settled. Madame de Guise, who was tortured by these
affected delays, came one day into the king's apartment,
when his majesty did me the honour to converse with me:
holding me by the hand, and turning the conversation upon
the treaty with her son, she complained to the king, with her
usual gracefulness, but mingled with a little impatience, that
he had employed three men, “who go," said she, “three
different roads to reach no end: the first, by never saying
more than these words, 'We must consider; we must advise ;
let us do better; —the second, by not understanding himself,
although he speaks continually; and the third, by never
ceasing to find fault.” This was, in reality, the true character
of the three negotiators. This worthy woman, suffering herself
to be wholly transported by her zeal for the king and tender-
ness for her son, seizing his majesty's hand, which she kissed,
notwithstanding Henry's endeavours to the contrary, she con-
jured him to receive the returning allegiance of the Duke of
Guise, and give her the consolation of seeing her family re-
stored again to the favour of their king. She spoke with an-
effusion of heart so strong and lively that the king, affected
by it even to tears, could not help answering, “ Well, cousin,
what is it you desire me to do? I will refuse you nothing."
« All I desire," replied she, “is that you will name the per-
son whose hand your majesty holds to treat with my son."
“What!" returned the king, this wicked Huguenot ?" Truly,
I grant it you very willingly, although I know that he is
your kinsman, and that he has a very great friendship for
you.” That very moment he took away the cognizance of
this affair from the three commissioners, and caused a com-
mission, under the great seal, to be given to me; not only
for settling the treaty with the Duke of Guise, * but also for
the affairs of the whole province of Champagne. It may be
easily imagined that after this the chancellor bore me no good-
will; but it is the part of an old and artful courtier to appear
so much the more obliging and respectful to those who are
* See M. de Thou, book cxi., who gives himself some share in this
accommodation with the Duke of Guise.
432
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
in favour, as the resentment he harbours against them in his
heart is great and lasting. Chiverny, * indeed, knew better
than any other person how to act the courtier.
The Duke of Guise had begun with very extravagant pro-
positions, which, if he had insisted upon, would have rendered
a treaty with him impossible. Doubtless, he was induced to
make them, through his knowledge of the persons to whoni
he was referred; he thought that, to obtain something, he
must demand a great deal. He claimed no less than the post
of high steward of the king's household, which must have
been taken from the Count of Soissons, who had been in pos-
session of it ever since the assassination of the Duke of Guise;
to possess the government of Champagne, which had likewise
been given to the Duke of Nevers ; to enjoy also the benefices
of his uncle, the Cardinal of Guise, particularly the arch-
bishopric of Rheims, then possessed by M. du Bec, a rela-
tion of Madame de Liancourt, the king's mistress. There
were also several other articles; but these three gave rise to
the greatest difficulties. The Duke of Guise, being informed
of the change of the commissioners, resolved immediately to
lessen the extravagance of his demands, and wrote to the
duchess, his mother, and to his agents, to conclude a treaty
with me upon reasonable conditions, and even at any price
whatever. He had about this time a new. inducement to
finish the treaty as soon as possible, which I was quite igno-
rant of: he had discovered that the city of Rheims (the most
considerable present he lad to offer the king), designing to
make a merit of returning voluntarily to its obedience, had
solicited the rest of the province to do the like, and had
already drawn great part of it into its views. The Duke of
Guise, to prevent this inconvenience, having attempted to
place a garrison there, the inhabitants declared that they
would guard the city themselves; and this refusal causing a
debate, they answered the duke's menaces by others no less
haughty.
After the second conference I had with the duke's agents,
there was no mention either of the post of high steward of
the household, of the government of Champagne, or of the
* Philip Hurault de Chiverny, Chancellor of France, died in 1599,
aged seventy-two.
1594.]
DEPUTATION FROM RHEIMS.
433
benefices; and those three obstacles being removed, I saw
very little difficulty remaining. I had proposed to the king
the idea which I had conceived of drawing the Duke of Guise
from Champagne, and settling him in Provence, by giving
him that government as a recompense, in order that his own
interest there uniting him with Lesdiguières and Ornano,
who supported the king's party in that province against the
Duke of Epernon, they might at once join to reduce the
power of that formidable subject. The king consented to
this so much the more willingly, as by the manner in which
the family of Guise acted with him, he judged he might
depend upon their fidelity, and he ordered me to conclude
with him upon this plan. I made the proposal to the duke's
agents, and, in consequence of reiterated commands from his
majesty, I used so much diligence in settling all the other
matters, that the next evening the treaty with the Duke of
Guise was concluded and signed by me in the name of the
king, and by Madame de Guise and the duke's three commis-
sioners for him.
The next day, six deputies from the city of Rheims arrived
at Paris : on being referred to me, they told me that the king
need not bestow any great rewards upon the Duke of Guise,
not only because Rheims was no longer in his power, but be-
cause the inhabitants were ready to deliver him up to the
king. They did not require to be introduced to his majesty,
but said that they would be satisfied with his approbation in
writing, or mine only, submitting it to the king to grant them
afterwards what recompense he should think fit; and con-
cluded with offering me, according to custom, a present of
ten thousand crowns, which I neither could nor would accept
of. I thanked them in the king's name for their goodwill,
and assured them that he would with great pleasure receive
this testimony of it. I deferred giving them an answer till I
had conferred with his majesty, to whom I went immediately
to relate all that had passed. I found the king in his closet,
from whence he made every one but Beringhen depart, and
listened to me, as he walked backward and forward, often
shaking his head, and smiling, through a reflection on the
natural levity and inconstancy of the people. He afterwards
took me aside to the window, and desired me to tell him what
terms I was upon with the Duke of Guise. As soon as I had
VOL. I.
2 F
434
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
informed him that the treaty was concluded, he did not hesi-
tate a moment whether or not he should observe it; but he
would not, however, appear insensible to the affection of the
city of Rheims. I introduced the deputies to him, whom he
thanked as became a king, bestowing upon them a very con-
siderable reward, with so gracious an air that they returned
full of joy and admiration.
The treaty with the Duke of Guise being with the usual
form signed by Gêvres* for the king, the Duchess and
Mademoiselle de Guise requested his majesty's permission
for the duke to come himself, and assure him of his obedience.
I wrote to him to seek for no other security than that per-
mission, and be made no scruple to comply with my in-
junctions. He assembled as many of his friends as he could,
and came and threw himself at the king's feet, with so many
marks of a sincere repentance, that the king, who penetrated
into his inmost soul, instead of reproaches, or a silence, which
on such occasions is even more terrible, made use of all his
endeavours to encourage him: he embraced him three several
times, honoured him with the name of nephew, treated him
with the greatest tenderness and freedom, and, without
affecting either to avoid or recal what had passed, mentioned
the deceased Duke of Guise with honour. He said that
they had been friends in their youth, although often rivals
for the same ladies; and that the duke's good qualities, and a
conformity of disposition, had united them in a fixed aversion
to the Duke of Alençon. One friend, endeavouring to re-
concile himself to another after a slight quarrel, could not
have behaved otherwise; and all those who were witnesses of
this reception could never sufficiently admire a king, who,
with so many qualities to inspire fear, employed only those
The Duke of Guise, absolutely gained by this discourse,
replied that he would neglect nothing to render himself
worthy of the honour his majesty did the memory of his
father, and the sentiments he was pleased to entertain of
himself; and from that time he took such care to convince
him that his respect and fidelity to him would continue in-
* Louis Potier de Gêvres, Secretary of state. From him is descended
the branch of the Gêvres, and from Nicolas Potier de Blancmenil, his
elder brother, that of Novion.
1594.7
TREATY MADE WITH THE DUKE OF GUISE.
435
violable, that the king, forgetting all that any other in his
situation could have apprehended from a branch of a family
which had made kings tremble, lived with him familiarly,
and admitted him with the other courtiers into all his parties
of pleasure: for such was the character of Henry, that that
exterior gravity which the royal dignity makes it necessary
to assume never hindered him from resigning himself up
freely to pleasures which an equality of conditions spreads
over society. The truly great man knows how to be by
turns, and as occasions require, whatever he ought to be,
master or equal, king or citizen; it is no diminution of his
greatness to unbend himself in private, provided he show
himself, in his public character, capable of performing all the
duties of bis high station: the courtier will never forget that
he is with his master.
Madame de Guise entering the king's apartment some
days after, when the Duke of Guise presented the napkin to
his majesty for a slight repast which he made in the after-
noon, she again took occasion to express her gratitude to
him for his goodness to her son, and told him, with a lively
emotion, that if ever the Duke of Guise were deficient in his
duty and obedience she would disinherit him and disown him
for her son. The king, running to embrace her, assured her
that he, on his side, would ever preserve for the duke and his
whole family the tenderness of a father.
The treaty I had just concluded with the Duke of Guise
did not fail to be loudly exclaimed against. His own parti-
cular enemies, and that class of people which swarm about a
court, who have no other business than to decry the conduct
of persons in place, united themselves against me, and being
secretly supported by those from whom the cognizance of
this affair was taken, proclaimed everywhere that I under-
took this commission only to gratify Madame de Guise.
The Duke of Epernon was not silent on this occasion; and
whenever the Duke of Guise and he were mentioned toge-
ther, he constantly said that I had offended the one without
courses were so often repeated to the king, that he was at
last made to believe I had acted with rather too much pre-
cipitation: however, he was not displeased with me on that
account.
2 F 2
436
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
It was not difficult for me to justify myself; which I did
by an apology in writing, and presented it to the king. I
there defended my conduct by the following arguments :
That the king could not possibly grant the three articles
before mentioned, without giving disgust to a great many
other persons; notwithstanding which, he would have been
obliged to grant them if he had not had a government to
bestow upon the duke, which was the least recompense he
could expect, after resigning Champagne and yielding up so
many other claims: that with regard to the government
which was given him, no other could be chosen from whence
fewer bad consequences might be feared than from Pro-
vence ;* for upon a supposition that the Duke of Guise
might hereafter become capable of forgetting the new oath
of allegiance he had taken, there was little danger to be ap-
prehended from him in a province which had no communica-
tion with Lorraine, the Low Countries, nor Burgundy espe-
cially: moreover, by not granting any of the duke's demands,
except the continuing him in the government of Champagne,
the danger of perpetuating the war in those countries was
incurred: that it was the king's interest to reserve to him-
self the power of bestowing the government of Champagne
upon a man who should be not only sincerely attached to
his service, but whose integrity likewise should be so well
known that the rebels in Burgundy might despair of ever
bringing him to favour their views. With regard to the
conveniency of fixing upon Provence for the Duke of Guise,
I added that argument relating to the Duke of Epernon
which I have already touched upon. I recalled to the king's
remembrance, in a few words, the many occasions of com-
plaint this man had given him, his repeated revolts, his
intrigues to disengage all the Catholics from his majesty's
party, his insolent boast that he would never acknowledge
any superior in his government, his last proceedings at the
siege of Villemur, and many other circumstances which cer-
tainly would do no honour to the history of this proud subject.
It was opposing one leader of the League to another, whom a
thousand motives, besides that of his own interest, which
* The government was afterwards taken from him by Cardinal
Richelieu, who likewise took that of Picardy from the Duke of Elbeuf,
and that of Burgundy from the Duke of Bellegarde.
1594.] ROSNY'S APOLOGY. FOR THE TREATY WITH GUISE. 437
ought always to be regarded as the most powerful, threw into
a system quite contrary to his former views.
Without dwelling upon the orders his majesty had given
me with regard to the Duke of Guise, nor the danger of a
longer delay, although the treaty with him did not appear so
advantageous as it was easy to prove it was, I represented to
the king that he could not act rigorously towards a man who
had so steadily refused all the offers and most flattering pro-
mises of Spain, the Dukes of Savoy and Lorraine, and the
other enemies of the state, * to prevail upon him to continue
a war, which, however short a time it had lasted, would have
been a greater inconvenience to him than all he had granted
to the Duke of Guise. Nor ought it to be thought a matter
of little consequence (whatever his and my enemies could
say) to gain over a man whose name and birth would always
procure him a powerful party. I agree with them, if they
please, that this nobleman made, after all, but an incon-
siderable sacrifice of unjust claims and uncertain expecta-
tions; nay, I will reduce it lower, and ascribe it all to the
king's generosity; yet, if by that means he bound to his in-
terest, not a single man only, but a family respectable for
their alliances, their riches and influence, it cannot be called
a useless act of generosity.
The king was struck with these reasons, and seemed
greatly surprised at my exact knowledge of Epernon. He
did not think it proper to permit this writing to be made
public, because of the truths it contained, which it was not
yet time to reveal. I submitted without any difficulty, for
I never gave myself much trouble about the efforts of envy,
having always looked upon that passion as an incurable
disease. The whole of the Duke of Guise's future conduct
made a still better apology for me: he began his government
by so clear and absolute a declaration of his sentiments that
the seditious were deprived of all hopes of ever being able to
seduce him; and on all occasions wherein the king's service
or the good of the state required his assistance, he behaved
with equal firmness and prudence. The reduction of Mar-
* The Duke of Guise was hated by the League, especially since the
time he had killed with his own hand, in a tumult, the Sieur de
St. Paul, his field-lieutenant, who was much beloved by them.
438
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
seilles,* which was with reason thought one of the best
strokes of that kind, was his work; and with the help of
Lesdiguières and the Countess of Sault he so well humbled
the haughty Epernon, that he at last obliged him to restrain
his rebellious disposition; and this proud subject was seen to
submit to the king's mercy, and become one of his most assi-
duous courtiers.
I am ready to do justice to the Duke of Epernon, and I do
it most willingly. I shall always be among the first to
enhance the value either of his personal services, or those of
his soldiers, at Limoges, Saint Germain, Villebois,t Chartres,
Boulogne, Montauron, Antibes, and even at Villemur, if it
be required. I am sorry that the subject I treat on neces-
sarily engages me in a discussion which may lessen the
advantageous opinions that have been conceived of him ; but
since this is a place where nothing should be concealed or.
disguised, what can, what ought to be thought of his conduct
in Provence ? Certainly, to ascribe it all to a bigotry in bis
religion is showing the utmost favour to his reputation.
His panegyrists, who so loudly extol his most inconsiderable
* This town was upon the point of being delivered up to the King
of Spain by two of its burgesses, named Charles Casault and Louis
d'Aix; when the Duke of Guise found means to make himself master
of it by intelligence held with Peter and Bartholomew Libertat, two
brothers, who were also burgesses of the same town. They slew
Casault, beat the troops of the Spanish party, and let in through the
Porte. Reale the Duke of Guise, who performed this enterprise with a
great deal of conduct. (See De Thou, book cxvi.; D’Aubigné, tom. ii.
liv. iv. chap. 12.) Henry IV., upon receiving the news of the reduction
of Marseilles, said, “It is now that I am king.” In the following cam-
paign, the Duke of Guise showed a great deal of valour in pursuing
the Spaniards as far as Gray, and killed with his own hand à trooper
belonging to the enemy, who had challenged him. Henry IV. em-
bracing him, spoke these words: “ Those who find old examples of
virtue before them must imitate and renew them for such as come
after.” (P. Matthieu, tom. ii. liv. i. p. 192.) [Marseilles was not re-
duced till the beginning of 1596. See note at the end of this book.]
+ See on each of these actions L'Hist. de la Vie du Duc d'Epernon,
printed at Paris, ann. 1655. Villebois is a town of Angoumois, which
at this day is called La Valette. You may likewise consult the same
history as to the reproaches which our Memoirs give this duke; but
he canno
not be justified in every particular, and even his own historian
looks upon it as impossible. All that can be said is, that M. de Sully
took pleasure to aggravate errors, which the last years of the duke's
life have almost entirely effaced.
439
1594.]
CHARACTER OF SANCY.
actions, ought to be a little more moderate when they reflect
on his frequent revolts and acts of disobedience; or begin by
establishing it for a truth that a subject may be irreproach.
able, yet fail in his duty to his king and his country, intro-
duce discord and confusion to gratify his ambition, and give
to violence the name of right. If any panegyrics are to be
bestowed here, doubtless it is the king who merits them, who,
after all these offences, received Epernon with open arms,
and never excluded him from favours, which in every respect,
considering his behaviour, were indeed mere favours to him.
After the death of d’O there appeared among the candi-
dates a man who, it was immediately thought, would have
the post of superintendent: this was Nicolas de Sancy, * who
wanted neither capacity nor experience for that station.
Sancy might be very properly called a man of wit, using this
term in the sense that is generally given it, to denote
vivacity, subtilty, and quickness of apprehension. But, as it
is very seldom found that an excellent judgment is joined to
these qualities, Sancy spoiled them all by a degree of vanity,
caprice, and impetuosity which sometimes rendered him
insupportable. It is my opinion of these strong and lively
imaginations in general, that, although they are commonly
subject to two great faults, which are too much subtilty and
too little clearness in their ideas, and confusion and unstea-
diness in their schemes, yet they ought not to be thought
wholly incapable of business; because it often happens that
they hit upon expedients which would have escaped more
cautious and phlegmatic minds; but there is almost always
occasion to watch over them and to correct their errors.
Sancy had long and usefully served Henry the Third, and
the reigning king, both in Germany and Switzerland. He
had insinuated himself into Henry's favour by great com-
plaisance, a subtle behaviour, a refined art in heightening
his pleasures, and by becoming necessary in his affairs of gal-
lantry. Hence it was that he lived with this prince upon
terms of the greatest familiarity. That he might neglect
nothing by which he thought he should make his court suc-
cessfully, he inveighed without ceasing against the dissipa-
tion of the finances; and as a flatterer generally goes beyond
* Nicolas de Harlay de Sancy.
440
MEMOIRS OF SULLY. [BOOK VII.
his mark, in railing at the superintendent he could not help
decrying likewise the superintendency as an employment
ruinous to the state, by which he gave good reason to call
his judgment in question. But he himself opposed his ad-
vancement to this post by an obstacle still greater: he not
only neglected to please Madame de Liancourt,* then mis-
tress to the king, but also by an intemperance of tongue to
which persons like him are very subject, he had offended this
lady on a very delicate occasion.
I know not whether the story I am going to relate was
ever in reality more than a mere story; if not, Sancy was the
more blamable for spreading it; however, be this as it may,
thus it ran in Paris : his majesty having sent Alibour, his
first physician, to visit Madame de Liancourt, who was indis-
posed (this was in the beginning of his addresses to that
lady), at his return he told the king that she was indeed a
little disordered, but that he need not be uneasy, for the con-
sequence would be very good. “But will you not bleed and
purge her?” said the king to him. “I shall be very careful
how I do that,” replied the old man, with the same sim-
plicity, “ before she has gone half her time.” “How!"' in-
terrupted the king, astonished and agitated to the last degree;
"what is it you say, friend ? Surely you are dreaming, and
are not in your right senses !" Alibour supported his asser-
tion with good proofs, which the king thought he should
destroy, by telling him upon what terms he was with the
lady. “I know not what you have done, or what you
have not done,” replied the old physician, with great com-
posure: and for a complete proof referred him to six or seven
months from that time. The king quitted Alibour in great
rage, and went immediately to reproach the sick fair one, who,
man had ignorantly said; for it was not perceived that any mis-
understanding arose between the king and his mistress. It
is certain, however, that the event was exactly conformable
to Alibour's prediction : but it was thought that Henry, after
a more strict examination, was brought to believe that he
* This was the fair Gabrielle, who was wife to Nicholas d'Amerval,
Lord of Liancourt. She was forced by her father, they say, to this
marriage, which was not at all to her liking: but Henry IV. knew
very well how to hinder its consummation.
1594.]
CHANGES IN THE COUNCIL OF FINANCES.
441
had been mistaken in his reckoning, since, instead of dis-
owning the child which Madame de Liancourt lay in of at
Coucy during the siege of Laon, he acknowledged it openly,
and had it baptised by the name of Cæsar.
Sancy gave free scope to his wit in relating this story, and
did not forget the circumstance of La Regnardière,* who,
having one day, as he said, taken the liberty to inform his
majesty of some things that did not please him, was soon
after banished the court, under pretence of his having quar-
relled with the admiral.† Sancy found something to say
even upon the death of the good man Alibour, and would
have thought it more natural if it had not happened before
the accomplishment of his prediction. If he commented thus
upon the birth of the son, he did no less upon the whole con-
duct of the mother. Sancy experienced to his cost what the
malice of a woman, especially a king's mistress, is capable of
doing : Henry loved him, and wished to raise him ; and al-
though he was inclined to suppress the post of superintendent
of the finarces, yet he would have preserved it merely to
have bestowed it upon him, but Madame de Liancourt well
knew how to prevent it.
Instead of a superintendent of the finances, his majesty
composed a council consisting of eight persons: these were
the Chancellor de Chiverny, the Duke of Retz, Messieurs
de Bellièvre (who was succeeded by Matignon), de Schom-
berg, de Maisse, de Fresne (a protégé of Madame de Lian-
court), de la Grange-le-Roi, and De Sancy, who thought him-
self very happy to be one of the members I of this body. The

* "La Regnardière was a kind of buffoon, half soldier, half lawyer,
and lialf gentleman, who said whatever came uppermost.” It is in
this manner he is spoken of in the Adventures of the Baron de Foneste,
liv. iv. chap. 7, where we find many more stories related of him.
† The Journal de l'Etoile, and the “ Confessions de Sancy,” confirm
all this pleasantry, as also the suspicion of its ending tragically for old
M. Alibour, the king's first physician, who was poisoned, they say, by
order of the king's mistress: but all this is alleged without any proof.
You may also read, on this head, what Sauval has said, on the faith of
public report and satirical libels, touching the intrigues between the
fair Gabrielle and the Duke de Bellegarde.
$ M. de Thou and Pèrefixe say that M. de Sancy was for some time
superintendent before M. de Rosny: which ought not to be understood,
in my opinion, but only of the authority which he assumed of himself
442
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
king judged it necessary to give this council for form's sake
only, and without any distinction, an honorary head, which
was the Duke of Nevers. This form of government of the
finances lasted some time, although with a few inconsiderable
alterations, which I shall mention in their place; for the
reader may expect in these Memoirs to see whatever relates
to the finances treated with all that clearness and extent
which a man who has so long made them his study and em-
ployment is capable of giving them.
The king was convinced in the sequel that this new change
in the council* was far from affording that remedy the dis-
ease required; small as my experience was in these affairs, I
easily comprehended it. It is not the government of one
man only by which the finances are thrown into confusion,
since it is an incontestable truth that, as they must pass
through some hands, the fewer that are employed, the less
will be embezzled. The abuse lies in the choice of this man
and in the nature of the finances; and, therefore, to bave this
office discharged by many different persons, is to perpetuate
the evil. If it be difficult to find in the whole kingdom one
man fit for such an employment, how can it be expected that
a greater number will be met with? Nor is the mistake less
palpable in imagining that all these persons, by each bringing
one distinguishing good quality into their employments, the
same effect will be produced as by one man who unites them
all in himself; since this is to suppose that this single good
quality cannot possibly be rendered useless by the opposition
of several bad ones, either in the person himself or in his
associates. In general, the predominant principle of all those
who enter on public employments, is to raise and enrich
themselves and their relations. If this eager desire of riches
be not felt by them at first, it is inspired, increased, and sti-
mulated by the great sums of money which pass through
their hands; ainidst that dependance on, and mutual fear of
among his fellow-councillors, as M. de Sully tells us afterwards. The
writers of that time agree that nothing of certainty can be said as to
the state of the council of the finances, till the time in which M. de
Rosny was at last declared the chief. We run no risk in believing all
he says with regard to the finances.
* Pèrefixe speaks of this new form of the council of the finances as
M. de Rosny does, Ann. 1598, p. 224.
1594.]
REFLECTIONS UPON THE FINANOES.
443
each other, every one represents to himself integrity as a
quality not only useless, but hurtful to him, the honour of
which is shared by his colleagues, while the inconvenience is
wholly his own. The king was far from being fortunate in his
choice of the members of this new body; several of those who
composed it, besides being of a malignant disposition, were
in a situation that exposed them to corruption; they had
debts to pay, and domestic wants to supply. His majesty
had also destined me a place in it, and had for a long time
in his conversations with me expressed his desire that I
would make myself thoroughly acquainted with whatever re-
garded the finances; but I could not possibly submit to the
imperious behaviour of the Duke of Nevers, who, from his
rank of prince, was continually assuming to himself great con-
sequence in a place where that rank signified very little.
One day when his insolence had exhausted all my patience, I
took the liberty to entreat he would remember that the
family of Bethune was in possession of the earldom of Nevers
before the family of Gonzague. A man swollen with the
pride of ancestry could not possibly receive a more severe
mortification. He often repeated to those who would hear
him, that my whole family were Huguenots; and to answer
my anecdote with another, said, that he had seen my grand-
father make a very mean figure at Nevers. I suffered him
to have his revenge, which could extend no further than
keeping me out of a council where I had very little inclina-
tion to be with him; and he had this satisfaction. The
king, who had many measures to keep, told me in a very
obliging manner, that he was under the necessity of deferring
some time longer the proof he intended to give me of his
friendship; and I waited for it without murmuring, satisfied
with the post of secretary of state, with a salary of two thou-
sand livres a year, and a pension of three thousand six hundred
more, which the king bestowed upon me.
Persons of the least discernment being convinced of the
necessity of introducing a reformation of the finances, the
new council were at first desirous of this honour, and a scheme
for that purpose was proposed by those amongst them who
most valued themselves for their penetration and method;
these were Fresne and La Grange-le-Roi; but after they had
produced a very large volume upon this subject, it happened
444
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
with it, as with most part of the systems which have been or
may be invented, nothing more easy in speculation, in prac-
tice nothing more difficult : and the king, whom they had
flattered with mighty hopes, at the end of the year which he
had passed at Paris, expecting daily the effect of their pro-
mises, found everything in the same condition as before.
He was retained there to more purpose by the treaty with
Lorraine, which, at last, entirely forsaking Spain, concluded
a league offensive and defensive with France. Sancy's ser-
vices were of great use in this treaty, and he obtained almost
all the honour of it. The king was no longer at a loss for
employment after the Duke of Bouillon arrived at Paris;
he came in person to press the execution of those schemes
he had entertained me with at Sedan, particularly a declara-
tion of war against Spain, which he made the basis of his
advancement in the Low Countries. He used such plausible
arguments for it, that, after having partly gained the king,
and brought the greater part of the courtiers over to his
opinions, he did not scruple to propose it in full council.*
There were two different parties who did not approve of this
war: those who still retained some attachment to Spain and
the League (and they were not few in number), and those
who thought a war, in the present weak and exhausted state
of the kingdom, was very unseasonable. The party of these
last was weak, but their arguments were very strong, if any
one would have listened to them.
I would not incur the reproach of silence upon this occa-
sion: I used every argument my reason could suggest, to
* M. de Thou makes no doubt but the Duke of Bouillon was the
principal author of this war: and his historian entirely agrees, that in
giving this advice he far less consulted the advantage of the state and
the glory of the king than his own personal interest, and that of the
Calvinist party, who necessarily wished for a war, in order to obtain
the favourable terms which were granted them by the edict of Nantz.
Notwithstanding the reasons for declaring war against Spain, of which
a minute detail may be seen in MSS. in the King's Library, vol. marked
8955, and in the king's declaration, given in the sixth volume of the
« Memoirs of the League;" all good writers and judicious persons are
unanimously of one voice in favour of the Duke of Sully's opinion as
to the precipitation and imprudence with which Henry IV. conducted
himself in this affair, the consequences of which might have been a
good deal more fatal than they were.
HENRY DECLARES WAR AGAINST SFAIN.
dissuade the king from this war; but this prince, whom a
natural propensity drew always a little to that side, thought
he had now found the opportunity he sought for, to revenge
himself upon a neighbour who had made it his endeavour to
cherish the flame which consumed the heart of his kingdom.
He was sure of troops from Lorraine; England and Holland,
by their ambassadors, gave hopes of a powerful diversion ;
and, according to the Duke of Bouillon, a single word from
him was sufficient to make all Luxembourg surrender: Sancy
made great promises on the part of the Thirteen Cantons,
who were to occupy and ravage the whole of Franche-Comté.
The king was determined by all these flattering appearances;
and war was formally declared against Spain in January of
the following year.
Spain seemed to give herself very little trouble about this
proceeding, and answered only by showing great contempt
for Henry's council, and for Henry himself, to whom she
gave no other title than that of Prince of Béarn. A few
days previcus to this declaration, on the 26th of December,
the king, whilst he gave audience to Messieurs Montigny*
and Ragny, of in his apartments in the Louvre, I received a
wound in the mouth, by the stroke of a knife, as he stooped
forward to embrace one of these gentlemen :8 as soon as this
* Francis de la Grange de Montigny.
† Francis de la Madelaine de Ragny.
| According to others, in the chamber of the Marchioness de Mon-
ceaux, at the Hotel de Schomberg, behind the Louvre: but, in fact, it
was neither at the Louvre nor at the Hotel de Schomberg that this
affair happened. A register belonging to the town-house at Paris,
quoted by Piganiole, tom. ii. de la Description de Paris, says that the
fair Gabrielle resided in 1595 at the Hotel d'Estrées, and that it was
at this place Henry IV. was wounded. This hotel was afterwards
called l’Hotel du Bouchage, and was purchased in 1616 by M. de
Burelle, in order to lodge and accommodate the Fathers of the Oratory,
who still continue there. [Sir Thomas Edmondes, the English ambas-
sador in France at this time, says, in a letter which he wrote on the
same day to the lord treasurer, that the king was wounded “in Madame
de Liancourt's lodgings, stooping to salute M. de Montigny, governor
of Blois, by a scholar of the Jesuits, of nineteen years of age, who con-
fessed that he had signified to his father long before that he designed
it, in order to deliver his sect of Jesuits of so great an enemy;'” and
he adds, that “by the circumstances it appeared he was thereunto
suborned by them.” (See Birch's Negotiations, p. 17.)-ED.]
$ “The king, who found himself wounded, looking immediately
446
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
was known there was a violent commotion in the room.
(which was very full of people), as it was not known at first
who had given the blow. When I saw his majesty covered
with blood, I was greatly terrified, supposing that the
wound was mortal; but be removed all our apprehensions
by saying it was nothing: his lip only was slightly hurt, and
a part of one of his teeth broken by the point of the knife,
which was found lying on the floor. The wretched regicide
was presently seized among the crowd, and proved to be a
youth named John Châtel, a pupil of the Jesuits. When
the king was informed of this, he said nothing further
against that body, than that he had heard from the mouths
of many persons that the society never loved him, and he
was now convinced of it by his own.* Châtel was delivered
up to justice ;t and the prosecutions against the Jesuits,
which had been suspended, were now resumed more vigor-
ously than before, and terminated by the banishment of the
round him, and seeing Mathurine, his fool, said, "The deuce take the
fool; she has wounded me. But she, denying it, ran directly to shut
the door, whereby she was the occasion of preventing this assassin
from making his escape; who, upon being seized and afterwards
searched, dropped his knife, whick was covered with blood.” Thus
l'Etoile speaks of it. The MSS. in the King's Library say quite other-
wise in vol. 9033, namely, “that the king, finding himself wounded,
spoke thus to one of those two gentlemen, 'Ah, cousin! you have
wounded me:' and that he thereupon, throwing himself at his majesty's
feet, replied, “God forbid, Sire, that I should entertain even a thought
of hurting or wounding your majesty; I have no weapon about me
but the sword by my side.' M. de Thou says that the Count of Soissons,
seizing the assassin, said aloud, that it was one of them two who had
given the blow, and that the poniard was perceived to lie at his feet
glittering by the light of the candles." (Lib. iii.)
* Sir Thomas Edmondes, in the letter above quoted, says, that “the
king, upon receiving the blow, uttered divers times, and particularly
to the Marshal de Retz when he came in (to whom it was well ad-
dressed), that he did owe that obligation to those that bad been main-
tainers and intercessors for the Jesuits against the proceedings of the
honest party."-ED.
† “ After liaving been put to the ordinary and extraordinary trial
upon the rack, which he endured without making any confession, and
having made the amende honorable, his hand was cut off, holding in it
the murderous knife with which he intended to kill the king; his flesh
was then torn off with red-hot pincers, and he was drawn between four
horses in the Place de Grève, his body and members cast into the fire
and burnt to ashes, and the ashes thrown into the air. The Sieur
1594.
HENRY WOUNDED-TEL JESUITS BANISHED.
447
whole order from the kingdom.* Father John Guignardt
was hanged for his pernicious doctrines against the authority
and life of kings: John Gueret, I Peter Varade, Alexander
Mayus, Francis Jacob, and John le Bel, other members of
the society, suspected of being his accomplices, were obliged
to make the amende honorable, and condemned to perpetual
banishment.
As soon as the treaty between France and Lorraine was
concluded, the latter immediately, and without solicitation,
dispersed her troops over Burgundy, under the conduct of
Tremblecourts and St. George, and carried terror into every
part of that province. On the other side, the garrison of
Soissons, a place absolutely devoted to the League, com-
Châtel, the father of the regicide, was banished France for nine years,
and for ever from the precincts and jurisdiction of Paris, condemned
to pay a fine of four thousand crowns, his house razed, and instead
thereof a pyramid erected, containing the whole story of the fact.”
(L'Etoile, ibid.) It is thought that the little square that lies before
the Barnabites is the spot on which Châtel's house stood. [" This
assassin, Jolin Chastel," says Mr. Birch, quoting Davila, lib. xiv., "is
an astonishing instance of the dreadful excesses of which popish bigotry
and enthusiasm, under the direction of a false and jesuitical casuistry,
are capable. Úpon his examination by the parliament of Paris, he
confessed he had often heard it discoursed and disputed in the schools
of the Jesuits, in which he had been educated, that it was not only
lawful, but even meritorious, to kill Henry Bourbon, a relapsed heretic,
and persecutor of the holy church, who falsely assumed to himself the
title of King of France," &c. &c. (See Negotiations, p. 17.)-Ed.]
* “The Jesuits, in obedience to the arrêt against them, quitted Paris,
conducted by a serjeant of the court; they were thirty-seven in number,
part of whom were put into three carts, and the rest travelled on foot;
their procurator being mounted on a little nag," &c. (L'Etoile, ibid.)
† He would not make the amende honorable to the king, alleging that
he had not offended him. (Cayet, ibid.)
I Here the author is mistaken. John Gueret was, by an express
arrêt, condemned to perpetual banishment; but there is no express
mention made of Peter Varade, Alexander Mayus, &c., who were com-
prised with all the rest, and without being particularly named in the
arrêt, which proscribed in general the whole society. It is a glaring
calumny in Maurisot to have advanced (chap. 33) that Francis Jacob,
to whom they had told that Henry IV. was assassinated by Châtel,
boasted that he would have despatched this prince, if he had not been
prevented by Châtel. I know of no historian who has said any such
thing.
§ D'Aussonville, Lord of St. George, and Louis de Beauvau, Lord of
Tremblecourt, both gentlemen of Lorraine.
448
[BOOK VII,
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
manded by Conan and Bellefond,* was almost wholly cut off
by Moussy,t d'Edouville, de Bays, and Gadancourt, the
lieutenant of my company. The Duke of Montmorency, I to
prove himself worthy of the dignity of constable, which ho
had lately been invested with, fell upon Dauphiny, the Lyon-
nais, and Bresse, with a body of four thousand foot, and
four hundred well-disciplined horse ; drove out from those
places the remainder of the troops belonging to the Dukes
of Savoy and Nemours, took Vienne by composition from
Disimieux, who was governor of it for the Duke of Nemours,
and afterwards Montluel. Marshal Biron, after the expedi-
tion at Beaune, made himself master of Nuys, Autun, and
Dijon. The Duke of Bouillon, as soon as war was pro-
claimed, entered Luxembourg, where, with the assistance of
Count Philip of Nassau, he defeated eight or ten parties of
horse, under the command of Mansfield.
Henry .drew a favourable augury of his future success
from the advantages he gained in the first acts of hostility,
and did not doubt but that, by uniting all these separate
bodies into one army, he should make whatever province he
conducted it into tremble. It is certain that if he did this,
he could not make a stand everywhere as before; but the ex-
pectations his majesty formed from his first project, made
him resolve to prefer it. Having the choice of entering
Picardy, Champagne, or Burgundy, he determined upon the
latter, where Messieurs de Montmorency, Biron, and Sancy
gave him hopes of great success. Their secret motives for
calling him thither were these :
The constable Montmorency had been alarmed by the
great preparations he saw made by Spain in Lombardy, where
the constable of Castille had orders to quit the Milanese,
however necessary his presence might be in tbat country; to
enter France, and make some bold attempt there, after he
* Bernardine Gigault de Bellefonde.
Ť On the 25th of February, in the plains of Villers Coterets in
Vallois. The Baron de Conan is called Conas, or Conac, in M. de
Thou: and instead of Bays, we must read Beyne.
# Henry, the second son of the constable Anne de Montmorency,
who was made constable in the year 1593.
See all these different expeditions into Burgundy in De Thou and
D’Aubigné, ann. 1595.
1595.] HENRY RESOLVES UPON ENTERING BURGUNDY. 449
should be joined by the Count de Fuentes, general of the
Spanish troops in the Netherlands. Montmorency there-
fore apprehended that all these troops would fall upon him.
Marshal Biron, who was in the same quarters, where, after
seizing the city of Dijon, he had attacked its castle, and that
of Talan, both of great strength, was afraid, likewise, that he
should be obliged to raise the siege if he was not assisted.
As to Sancy, his views were to advance his own reputation
by the conquest of Franche-Comté, to which he was inces.
santly endeavouring to persuade the king. Convinced by
his own experience of Madame de Liancourt's power, he
sought to make her approve this project : but the terms he
was upon with this lady not permitting him to propose it to
her himself, he concealed his own interest in the affair, and
made use of the interposition of others. He caused it to be
hinted to the Chanceīlor de Chiverny, and, by his means, to
a lady who could not fail of making her court by it to
Madame de Liancourt, that the king might easily provide a
noble inheritance for her son Cæsar, by driving the Spaniards
out of Franche-Comté, and giving him the possession of it
under the sovereignty of the Thirteen Cantons, who would
be induced by their own interest to favour the attempt.
Madame de Liancourt, I am persuaded, could not flatter
herself with the hope of gaining the king's consent to so
ridiculous a scheme; and durst not even communicate it to
him, though this prince's passion* for her was so great, that
he suffered no one to be ignorant of it: but there needed no
more to make him resolve upon a journey to Burgundy, than
this lady's joining herself to those who advised him to it.
Such is a court, and thus are kings imposed upon : let them
learn from hence, that, whatever ideas they may have con-
ceived of the wisdom and abilities of their ministers, to study
carefully the secret inclinations, interest, and dispositions of
those who are nearest to their persons, is the surest way to
judge truly of every transaction.
To remedy, in some measure, the inconveniences which
* "He went through Paris having this lady by his side; he took her
with him to hunt, and caressed her before everybody." (Journ. de
l'Etoile, ibid.) And we may judge of the attachment of Henry IV. to.
this lady, from the letters he wrote to her: which see in the collection
newly printed.
VOL. I.
2 G
450
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
might arise from leaving the frontiers of Picardy exposed to
the inroads of the Spanish troops which were in Flanders,
the king, who was not, like others, imposed upon by the
great promises England and Holland made him, left "Mes-
sieurs de Nevers, de Bouillon, de Villars, and De Saint-Paul*
upon this frontier, each with a detachment under his com-
inand; enjoining them to assist each other upon occasion,
and, above all, recommending a good understanding amongst
themselves. In case of a reunion, the Duke of Nevers was
appointed to command in chief. Henry provided with the
same wisdom and foresight for the affairs at home by esta-
blishing a council, which, besides the finances, was to take
cognisance of all the treaties that were made with the pro-
vinces, cities, and governors; of all affairs relating to war;
and of the administration of justice throughout the kingdom.
As soon as his majesty had publicly explained himself with
regard to the forming this council, the Count of Soissons
wished to be made president of it, and began to hint some-
thing to that purpose in the king's presence. That I might
remove his resentment against me for traversing his mar-
riage, I solicited this title for him, which was more honour-
able than effective, and in all appearance would be of short
duration, but the king, whose aversion for the count in-
creased daily, had already fixed upon the Prince of Conti,
and declared his intention at dinner, before the whole court;
then turning to the Count of Soissons, he told him, that
knowing his disposition to be turned wholly towards war, hé
would keep him about his person this campaign, and ordered
him to get his company of gendarmes in readiness to attend
him. The Prince of Conti answered only by a profound
bow, because he expressed himself with difficulty; and the
Count of Soissons did the same, because anger prevented
him from speaking, all his majesty said to him being accom-
panied with praises of his valour, and an air of distinction
which forced him to appear satisfied.
The members of the new council were almost all the same
that had composed the former; to which were added three
intendants, Heudicourt, Marcel, and Guibert; the number
was afterwards augmented to eight, by joining to those three
* Francis d'Orleans, Count de St. Paul, governor of Provence.
1595.]
ROSNY'S RUPTURI WITH THE COUNCIL.
451
Incarville, Des Barreaux, Atichy, Santeny, and Vienne, and
a secretary named Meillant. Although the Duke of Nevers
was not now in the council, the king found no less difficulty
in procuring me a place in this than in the former. He was
afraid to propose it at first, on account of the Catholics, who
could not suffer a Protestant in power; but he broke through
this obstacle three days afterwards, and the reason he gave
for it to the other councillors was, that the confidence which
the Prince of Conti had in me, rendered my association ne-
cessary even to themselves.
The road his majesty was to take being through Moret, I
attended him so far, not so much to receive him there, since
Madame de Rosny could have done that without me, as to
have an opportunity of conferring privately with him, and to
receive his last instructions concerning affairs that might in
his absence be brought before the council, the members
whereof did not long continue in a state of friendship. My
colleagues, perceiving by the private despatches I received
from the king, that I was in possession of his confidence,
entered, through jealousy, into a combination against me,
looking upon me as one who would carry away all the honour
of every meritorious act that was performed by the council.
They sought to disgust me, or to force me to silence, by
uniting in a constant opposition to all I said; but finding
that, notwithstanding this behaviour, I still persisted in taking
my own measures, they had recourse to another stratagem,
and in our assemblies every affair was discussed but those
relating to the finances, which were referred to private meet-
ings, either at the chancellor's or at Sancy's, and there all
was regulated without my participation. I did not dissemble
iny thoughts of this collusion, but declared to them that I
had no desire to mix in their debates, and instead of signing
their decrees, protested against them, and retired to Moret.
The members of the council, who could not even invent any
pretence for the disgust they gave me, being afraid of his
majesty's reproaches, prevailed upon the Prince of Conti
himself to entreat me to return. Being always naturally in-
capable of flattery, or of disguising my sentiments, I replied,
that since they did not rectify the abuses which had been in-
troduced into the finances, although they were sufficiently
acquainted with them, I would at least avoid the reproach of
2 & 2
452
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
following their conduct, and would stay at Moret, rather
than be a witness of errors which I saw committed with im.
punity.
The king, whom I informed of what had happened to me,
found so much similarity between his situation and mine,
that he thought he could not console me more effectually
than by complaining to me in his turn. He had indeed most
ungovernable spirits to deal with. The Count of Soissons,
who had followed him with reluctance, revenged himself by
repeated instances of his caprice and ill-humour. But all
his endeavours could not induce the king, however greatly
he was offended, to order him to retire, which was the point
he wished to bring him to; and he was at last obliged to go
of his own accord, upon a pretence so very trifting that it
had scarcely the appearance of one. A report being spread
that the Constable of Castille was approaching, the king
ordered the Constable de Montmorency and Marshal Biron
to bring up the two bodies of troops which they commanded:
the Count of Soissons alleged that, by his post of high stew-
ard of the king's household, he had a right to the chief com-
mand of these troops in his majesty's absence, and asserted
his claim to it in his presence. The king did not think
proper even to request a favour of this nature from the con-
stable and the marshal, and used his utmost endeavours to
banish so ridiculous a notion from the count's mind. He
solicited, he entreated him, as he would have done his
son or brother (these were his majesty's own words), but in
vain; the count, who did not err through ignorance, quitted
him with a dissembled discontent, and prevailed upon part
of the soldiers under his command to do the like. Îhe king
immediately despatched letters to his council, to take proper
measures upon the count's flight; the same messenger also
left one for me as he passed by Moret. Henry did not yet
know that I had retired thither; but we had agreed upon
this expedient, to conceal from my enemies the correspond-
ence I had with his majesty.
Three or four days after the receipt of this letter, my ser-
vauts informed me that some soldiers were just arrived, who
insisted upon quartering at St. Mamert, a village upon the
confluence of the Seine and the Oise, dependent upon Moret;
and distant from it about a quarter of a league. I sent
1595.] DESERTION OF THE COUNT OF BOISSONS. 453
Camord to bring me intelligence who they were and what
was their design. They not only neglected to send me, by
this gentleman, the usual compliments upon such occasions,
but likewise answered him insolently, that they had a right
to quarter in any place where their horses began to be fa-
tigued, and all that could be required of them was to do no
mischief. They refused to name their captains, and only
said that they belonged to the Count of Soissons. That I
might leave these officers no excuse for their rudeness, I
wrote to them a second time, telling them that since they
belonged to the Count of Soissons, who honoured me with
his friendship, they were welcome to quarter at Moret; that
I would provide them lodgings in the inns and houses of the
townspeople, where they would have greater conveniency,
and just hinted to them that I was sensible of the manner
in which they had received my deputy. Camord, whom I
would have sent with this second message, told me, that it
would have no other effect than to increase the insolence of
the officers, who came with a premeditated design to affront
me, which he confirmed by several other circumstances of
his reception, which he had hitherto concealed from me to
avoid a greater misfortune. Madame de Rosny, who was
present at this relation, began to give way to female
fears, and accusing Camord with imprudence, said she had
rather that the whole village of St. Mamert were laid in
ruins, than see me, for so slight an occasion, at variance with
the count, and exposed to a contest with his officers.
I obliged my wife to be silent; and after arresting five or
six of the troopers, who came to get their equipages mended
at Moret and to purchase provisions, I again sent Camord to
these insolent officers. They received him still worse than
before, and hardly forbore laying hands on him, mingling
great threats with their complaints for the detention of their
soldiers. It was no longer possible to dissemble, and all
that now remained to be done was to assert my authority,
yet with all imaginable moderation. I ordered twelve other
troopers, who had just entered Moret, to be arrested; and
in two hours' time assembled a hundred and fifty arque-
busiers, thirty horse, and thirty foot soldiers, with whom I
set out for St. Mamert, by the road that leads to it by land,
and which has a thick shade of trees on each side, while the
454
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY. .
rest of my troop pursued the same route upon the river in a
flat boat covered with planks, and arrived at the same time
with me under the houses of the village situated near the
river. The Count of Soissons' party, seeing this double
escort, detached some of their men to ask me what I meant
by it? “Nothing," replied I, calmly; “but this village be-
longing to me, I come to quarter my soldiers here." The
officers by these words understood that I was not disposed
to yield to them, and sent again to make excuses for what
had happened, telling me that they had no design to quarter,
without my permission, in any place that belonged to me, as
the Count of Soissons would never pardon them for it. In
effect, they paid for what provisions they had bought, and
remounted their horses, without even demanding the pri-
soners, whom I sent after them as soon as they had reached
Dormeilles. They thanked me, and offered me their service,
which entirely removed my anger. I sent the officers a
dozen bottles of wine and two pies; after which I mounted
my horse, to go, in obedience to his majesty's order, to con-
sult with the Prince of Conti upon the measures necessary
to be taken with regard to the Count of Soissons' desertion.
This misfortune was very inconsiderable, compared to that
which happened in Picardy. The jealousy of command
created a misunderstanding between the Duke of Nevers
and the Duke of Bouillon. The Counts of Fuentes and
Rosne, who commanded the Spanish troops, and were doubt-
less informed of it, took advantage of their division, and laid
siege to Catelet and Capelle. The first of these two places was
in want of provisions and ammunition, and the second had a
dishonourable governor; but the loss of them was chiefly
occasioned by the two French generals,* who, through hatred
of each other, neglected to give them any assistance.
Things were in this state when the governor of Ham, a
place belonging to the Spaniards, being discontented with
his garrison, resolved to deliver up the castle to the king,
which would necessarily include the surrender of the city.
He addressed himself to the Duke of Longueville, and
* Brantôme justifies the Duke of Nevers concerning the defeat the
French met with at Dourlens; and observes that he advanced by
forced marches, and that he ordered them to wait for him; but the
other commanders did not think proper to do so. (Tom. üi. p. 268.)
1595.]
SIEGE OF HAM, DOURLÉNS, ETC.
455
entreated him to send him a powerful assistance, having a
very numerous garrison to oppose. The Duke of Longue-
ville acquainted his general officers, and the Duke of Bouillon
in particular, with the affair, who promised him a speedy
supply. Upon this assurance the Duke of Longueville, that
he might not by delay lose so favourable an opportunity,
hastened immediately to Ham with D’Humières, * followed
by some Picardine troops, and threw part of them into the
castle, and part into the adjacent places, endeavouring to
reduce the city by scaling and petarding. The enemy's
garrison defended themselves like lions, and repulsed them
several times; and probably a fiercer action of this kind never
happened. At length, the French, animated by the bravery
of their leaders, who found that it was in vain to expect any
assistance from the Duke of Bouillon, attacked the intrench.
ments of the castle, carried them, and entered the city.
The Spanish garrison received them there with great intre-
pidity: being forced to give ground, they rallied again several
times, and many little actions were fought in the squares,
cross-ways, and even in the houses, till the enemy, to the
number of a thousand, or twelve hundred men, were all cut
in pieces. But the French bought this advantage very dear;
they lost thirty of their best officers, among whom were
Du Cluseau and La Croix, and D’Humièrest himself, the
best and bravest officer in all Picardy.
Messieurs de Saint-Paul, de Bouillon, and Villars, having
in the mean time united their forces, thought they could not
better employ them than by relieving Dourlens, to which
Fuentes and Rosne had laid siege after taking Catelet and
Capelle. The Duke of Bouillon brought four hundred horse,
Villars as many, and Saint-Paul five hundred; and their
infantry consisted, in all, of two thousand men, which they
deterinined to throw into the city, if they failed of driving
the besiegers from before it.
About half a league from Dourlens, Bouillon, having sent
* Charles, Lord of Humières.
† N. Blanchard du Cluseau.
1 Nothing can be added to the eulogium which M. de Thou gives
this gentleman; he says (book cxii.) that the king and the whole
kingdom lamented him: his life and illustrious actions fill the 8930th
volume of the MSS. in the King's Library.
456
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
fifty of his troop five hundred paces before him, to gain the
summit of a mountain, from whence they might have a full
view of the city and the camp of the besiegers, four of their
horsemen, who preceded the others, perceived a body of the
enemy coming directly towards them, between the camp and
the hill. This was, in fact, their whole army, in order of
battle, which had got intelligence of our design. But these
four troopers, being hindered by their fear from making a
perfect discovery, made a false report to the Duke of Bouil-
Ion, who supposing it to be only a detachment, hastened his
march with his squadron. Arriving at the top of the hill,
he plainly saw his mistake : one party of one hundred horse
preceded two squadrons of six hundred each, which followed
at the distance of about a thousand paces, and were sup-
ported by three other squadrons, consisting of an equal
number, and a body of seven or eight thousand foot. The
hundred horse perceiving Bouillon, galloped towards him, fol-
lowed at a quick pace by the two first squadrons, all armed
cap-a-pie, with lances by their sides, which left him no room
to doubt but that the French were discovered, and that they
would be obliged to engage, notwithstanding the inequality
of their numbers, the Spaniards being stronger by two-thirds
than they, unless he could conceal from them his little party.
Bouillon, sending a gentleman to the admiral to desire he
would come immediately to his assistance, as soon as Villars
received this message he lifted up his hands and exclaimed,
“Now, my companions, here is the opportunity we have so
ardently wished for to show our affection and loyalty to our
king and to France, and our valour to our enemies; follow
me, therefore, and resolve to do as I do !" then ordering his
men to arm, he set off, and soon reached the right of Bouil-
lon's troop, who on seeing Villars so well prepared, told him,
that to prevent the enemy from discovering their rear, it was
necessary to charge them with as much fury as possible.
The admiral did not stay to be desired a second time; but,
supposing that he should be vigorously assisted by Bouillon,
advanced, through emulation, before his troop, and galloping
intrepidly towards the enemy, suddenly attacked the left
wing, threw himself, with his pistol in bis hand, amidst the
forest of lances of the first six hundred horse, and would
have probably broken through them, and perhaps have
1595.]
THE FRENCH DEFEATED AT DOURLENS.
457
gained still greater advantages, if he had been seconded with
equal bravery: but Bouillon, on his side, made only a false
attack, after which he wheeled about and retreated, and has
since constantly maintained, that it was this only which had
been agreed upon between the admiral and him,* although
all those who accompanied the latter have unanimously
asserted that he meant a real attack.
This mistake, if it was one, had a consequence as fatal
as could have been expected ; the enemy's squadron, which
Bouillon had attacked and afterwards shunned, was the first
to fall upon Villars, who was then conqueror of his own; and
being that instant joined by fresh troops, which came pouring
on him in great numbers, his squadron being quite over-
whelmed, could find their safety only in flight. Villars, in-
capable of fear, and disdaining to turn his back upon the
enemy, performed wonders with a few brave men who would
not abandon him; but at last, being attacked on all sides,
and surrounded by the enemy, they were all thrown to the
ground, and expired, pierced with a thousand wounds, or
massacred in cold blood.+
Bouillon gained nothing by this sacrifice of his colleague :
the victorious enemy attacked his squadron, that commanded
by Saint-Paul, and the whole body of infantry. Their leader
had not inspired them, by his example, with a resolution to
* If we will not give credit to his biographer, let us believe M. de
Thou, who entirely clears the Duke of Bouillon; he says, moreover,
that Admiral de Villars was advised by the Count de Saint-Paul to
retire, but that he did not take this advice for any other than a kind of
order of the Duke de Bouillon, to which he refused to pay any regard,
through a piece of vanity and bravery which cannot be excused from
the imputation of temerity. (Liv. cxii.) D’Aubigné speaks in the same
manner as De Thou. (Tom. iii. liv. iv. chap. 9; Les Mém. de la Ligue,
tom. vi.; and Matthieu, tom. ii. liv. i.) The opinion of Cayet is, that
Admiral de Villars would willingly have taken advantage of the advice
which the Duke of Bouillon caused to be given him to retire, but that
he was then too far engaged. (Chron. Novenn. liv. vii. p. 504.)
† Admiral de Villars was among these last: after having been made
prisoner by some Neapolitans, a Spanish captain, named Contrera,
purposely entered into a dispute with them about having him, and he
made a handle of their refusal, to kill him. L'Etoile says, that the
hatred which the Spaniards bore him, from the time he quitted the
party of the League for that of the king, was the true cause of his
death. He gives him the same encomiums as M, de Rosny. (Journ.
de P. de l'Etoile, ann. 1595.)
458
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
defend themselves. Bouillon and Saint-Paul fled with their
cavalry, leaving the infantry without any means of safety:
in short, they were all cut off. After this the besieged city
in vain asked permission to capitulate ; the enemy, intoxicated
with their good fortune, would listen to no propositions, but
stormed the place while they were parleying, and inhumanly
butchered all they found in it.* I had the whole of this
relation from La Fond, who, after the loss of his master, re-
turned to my service; and the reader may be assured that it
is perfectly true, since this man deserves all the credit that
is due to a man of honour and an eye-witness of what he
relates. He told me that more than three thousand French
were lost upon this occasion ; and, what is truly deplorable, a
greater number of valiant men perished than in the three great
battles the king had fought at Coutras, Arques, and Ivry :
in Villars alone, France sustained an irreparable loss : to the
general grief of the kingdom, I joined mine in particular, for
the loss of a sincere and incomparable friend.
Another letter, equally worthy of credit, from the Sieur
Baltazar, whom I had expressly charged not to omit the
smallest circumstance relating to the actions of the king's
army, puts it in my power to inform the reader of all that
passed. In this recital he will, with great pleasure, behold a
king whom the sweets of royalty had not power to change;
his successes were such, in all their circumstances, as could
be attributed to nothing but his own valour and good con-
duct, and the glory of them was heightened by the contrast
of those misfortunes which happened in all places where he
was not in person. Indeed, this campaign of Henry in
Franche-Comté, in the opinion of the best judges, exceeded
all he had hitherto made.
I have before observed that Marshal Biron was employed
in assisting the citizens of Dijon, who held the enemy's gar-
rison besieged in their castle. He arrived there very fortu-
nately: the Viscount of Tavannest having brought a conside-
rable reinforcement to this garrison, the besieged became
besiegers in their turn. The citizens, pressed on all sides,
and reduced to the last extremity, could only defend them-
* Dourlens was taken about the end of July, 1595.-ED.
† John de Saulx, made a Marshal of France by the League, and
Lieutenant of Burgundy for the Duke of Mayenne.
1595.7
HENRY'S CAMPAIGN IN BURGUNDY.
459
selves at the ends of a few streets to which they had retired,
and they had but one of the city gates in their possession,
when Biron came to their assistance, and reanimated their
courage; they once more drove out the Viscount Tavannes,
and surrounded the castles of Dijon and Talan.* In the
midst of these transactions Biron was informed that the Duke
of Mayenne, full of grief for the success of the king's arms
in Burgundy, had so earnestly solicited the Constable of Cas-
tille for assistance, that the latter was upon the point of
passing the Alps with his army, to enter Burgundy. Biron,
concealing this intelligence from the king, contented himself
with only sending to entreat he would come as soon as pos-
sible to assist him to reduce the castle of Dijon. The king
had reached Troyes when he received the marshal's des-
patches, and barely guessing at a circumstance which the
marshal had an absolute certainty of, namely, that the Con-
stable of Castille, who, he supposed, would soon pass into
Flanders, would take Dijon on his way, to settle there the
affairs of the League with the Duke of Mayenne, he marched
hastily thither, and put everything in motion, that they
might find nothing more to do on their arrival.
It is not to be doubted but that these two generals might
still have been able to prevent the king, and preserve the
castle of Dijon, had they not stopped unseasonably in their
way to take Vesou, and some other little places in Franche-
Comté, which had been seized by the troops of Lorraine. To
this yoluntary delay, necessity afterwards added another at
Gray, by the overflowing of the river Saone, which made it
impossible for them to pass it. To remove this obstacle, the
Constable of Castille caused a bridge to be built over the
river below the town; but he carried on this work so slowly
that it seemed as if he were afraid of engaging himself in the
heart of France, with so many rivers behind him. The truth
was this general already knew that he had the king before
him.
When the king left Troyes he sent the Count of Torigny
forward, t with eight or nine hundred horse, with which Mar-
* About half a league from Dijon, where an Italian named Fran-
cisque commanded.
| Odet de Matignon, Count of Torigny, eldest son to the marshal.
460
(BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
himself arrived at Dijon, and, without dismounting, went im-
mediately to reconnoitre the outworks, and all the neighbour-
ing places, especially on that side where the enemy might be
expected. He caused deep intrenchments to be made, and by
that means cut off all communication between the two castles.
This done the king, perceiving that notwithstanding all the
efforts he could make, the castles might still hold out a long
time, went, according to his usual custom, with a small de-
tachment to meet the enemy, that he might retard their
march, and give time to the rest of his troops to finish their
enterprise. Having so inconsiderable a number with him,
he thought if he could find his enemies employed in their
passage over the Saone, it would afford him a favourable
opportunity: he therefore appointed Lux and Fontaine-Fran-
çoise* for a rendezvous for the rest of his troops, and marched
before with only three hundred horse, half of whom were
arquebusiers, and with this little escort advanced to the Vi.
genne, near St. Seine ; from thence he detached the Marquis
of Mirebeau,t with fifty or sixty horse, to obtain intelligence,
and in the meantime passed the Vigenne, with a hundred or
a hundred and twenty horse, designing only to reconnoitre
the ground, and the face of a country where he might pos-
sibly be obliged to come to an action,
He had not marched more than a league when he saw
Mirebeau return in great disorder, who told him that he had
been charged by three or four hundred horse, which had pre-
vented him from completely reconnoitering the enemy; but he
added that he believed these four hundred horse had been
sent to seize the post of St. Seine, and that they were closely
followed by the whole army. Biron, who arrived that
instant, offered to go and obtain more certain intelligence.
At the distance of a thousand paces he met, upon a little hill,
an advanced guard, consisting of sixty horse, which he at-
tacked, and taking their place, saw plainly the whole Spanish
army marching in order of battle, and, in particular, a body
of four hundred horse, which, advancing before the rest of
* Upon the frontiers of Burgundy and Franche-Comté: this expe-
dition happened in the beginning of June, 1595.
† James Cabot, Marquis of Mirebeau, and Count de Charni, coun-
cillor of state and lieutenant in Burgundy for the king, died in 1670,
1595.]
SUCCESSES OF HENRY IN BURGUNDY.
461
the army, pursued a party of one hundred and fifty French.
This was the party commanded by D'Aussonville, * whom his
majesty had sent to make discoveries on the other side.
D'Aussonville, by flying, turned the arms of the pursuers on
Biron. The enemy's detachment, dividing into two bands,
attacked him on the right and left, doubtless with the same
intention as Biron, to discover what forces were in the rear.
The difference between them was that the enemy, being sup-
ported by near six hundred horse, were two-thirds superior
in number to the two squadrons commanded by Biron and
Mirebeau, which made up only three hundred.
Notwithstanding this inequality, Biron continued to make
a stand. He separated his three hundred horse into three
equal divisions, placing Mirebeau with the first on the right,
the Baron of Luxt with the second on the left, and posted
himself with the third in the centre. The enemy attacked
each side at once, with a hundred and fifty men. Lux suffered
greatly, and was even thrown to the ground with many others;
Biron, having the advantage by his situation, flew to his as-
sistance, and reanimated his troops; but he was himself
charged with such impetuosity by all the enemy's squadrons
united together, towards whom he saw others from the main
body of the army still advancing, that he was obliged to re-
treat. This retreat, as soon as the enemy's horse drew
nearer, was changed into a real flight, in which condition he
came within view of the king, who immediately sent a hun-
dred horse to support him. Nothing is more difficult than
to stop the flight of a squadron when the enemy is at their
heels: the last hundred men caught the panic of the others,
and returned flying with those they went to assist.
The king now finding that all depended upon himself, ad-
vanced towards the fugitives, without taking time to put on
his helmet, exposed himself to the fury of the victorious
squadrons, which consisted of more than eight hundred men,
called his principal officers by their names, and throwing him-
* Baron d'Aussonville de St. George, a gentleman of Lorraine.
† Edme. de Malain, Baron de Lux, or de Luz: he was a councillor
of state, captain of fifty gens d'armes, and the king's lieutenant in
Burgundy. We shall speak of him when we come to mention Marshal
Biron's conspiracy, in which he was an accomplice.
462
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
self everywhere, without any regard to his own person, at
last obliged some of the fugitives to stop... He formed the
whole into two divisions, and putting himself at the head of
a hundred and fifty horse, returned to the charge on one
side, while La Trémouille, * with a like number, did the same,
by his order, on the other: had it not been for such an exer-
tion of courage, it is probable that not one of those three
hundred men, thus engaged on the further side of the river,
with a victorious body of cavalry in front, would have escaped.
The king, t setting his soldiers an example, threw himself
bareheaded amidst six of the enemy's squadrons, broke
through them, and forced them to give ground. Biron, taking
advantage of this opportunity, rallied about a hundred and
twenty horse, and returned to support the king, and altoge-
* Claude de la Trémouille, Duke of Thouars.
* The king said, that upon other occasions and emergencies into
which he had happened to fall, he fought for victory, but here he con-
tended for his life. Perèfixe, Matthieu, Cayet, Le Grain, and D'Al-
bigné relate the actions of this day in the same manner; but M. de.
Thou, and vol. 8929 of the Royal MSS., with some little difference.
D'Aubigné says that the king did not show himself entirely satisfied;
that only the Dukes de la Trémouille and D’Elbeuf joined together
with a good grace, "to brush off,” says he, “the dew before his
majesty." (Tom. iii. liv. iv. ch. 8.) But according to De Thou, he
commended much before the parliament Mirebeau, La Curée, and many
others. “I have no need of counsel, but of assistance," replied Henry
IV. to those who advised him to make his escape on a good Turkish
horse that was got ready for him; “there is more hazard in the flight
than the chase.” (Matthieu, tom. ii. liv. i. p. 187.) “Mainville,"
adds this historian, “who stood near him, and had his pistol ready
charged for the first of the enemy that came near, fired at.one so à-
propos, that he shot him quite through the head, and the ball came
whistling so about the king's ears, that he never spoke of a pistol but
he remembered this report, saying that it was the loudest he had ever
heard, having been charged with two steel balls.” According to the
account of the same historian, the Duke of Mayenne demanded only
four hundred horse of the Spanish general to attack the king's troops,
which the Spaniards refused him, being persuaded that Henry only
wanted to draw him into an ambuscade. This distrust of the enemy
was the occasion of his escape at Fontaine-Françoise, as it had been
before at Aumale. And, what is more surprising, this prince only lost
six men in so hot an action; while on the enemy's side one hundred
and twenty were killed, besides two hundred wounded, and sixty taken
prisoners. (Chron. Novenn. liv. vii. p. 497.).
1595.]
BRAVERY OF HENRI IN BATTLE.
463
ther drove the enemy's borse back to the main body of the
Duke of Mayenne's army.
Henry would not have suffered his ardour to transport him
so far, but that he did not immediately perceive that a wood
on each side of him was crowded with fusiliers, to whose dis-
charge he had like to have been exposed, and would have
been surrounded by them if, in the heat of the fight, he had
attacked the Spanish army; he therefore stopped his career,
and kept himself upon his guard. At that moment he per-
ceived two other bodies of horse, who came out of one of
these woods to strengthen the advanced guard, which he had
vanquished. This was one of those critical moments when
the least want of precaution brings on inevitable ruin. The
king, who with one glance perceived the design of these
troops, ordered his to halt, and form in close order, that they
might be in a condition to receive them : this was all that
was then necessary, for in the heat of his victory he soon
overturned all that opposed him, and found himself at large
before all those battalions, who were astonished at the mi-
racles they saw him perform. Henry knew this surprise
would not last long, and that he would have the fury of
a whole army to sustain, animated by the sight of a handful
of foes, to repair the shame of such an astonishing defeat;
be therefore took advantage of the enemy's inaction, to re-
gain, at least, his first post without being pursued, and to
disengage himself from the midst of the enemy's army; which
he effected with so much order and superiority, that they
could make themselves no amends for their loss; and this
prince, in one day, and almost in one moment, acquired the
honour of the most glorious victory and finest retreat that
ever any history has afforded an example of.
When the king reached his first position, he found the
Count de Chiverny,* the Chevalier d'Oise, Messieurs de
* Henry Hurault, Count de Chiverny; George de Brancas-Villars.
Louis de l'Hôpital-Vitry; George de Clermont d'Amboise; de Créqui
de Rissy; Jean d'Arambure; and Gilbert Filhet de La Curée, who
also was in the engagement, where he fought without armour, and
badly mounted.. A voice, which he thought to be the king's, called to
him, “Take care, Curée;" when, lo, he found it was one of the enemy,
who was just ready to run hip through with his lance: but he killed
him. (Vol. 8929 MSS. in the King's Library.)
464
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
[BOOK VII.
Vitry, de Clermont, de Rissy, d’Arambure, de la Curée,
d'Heures, de Saint-Geran, and De la Boulaye, each with his
company, which, being joined to those troops the king before
had, composed a body of eight hundred horse. After this
reinforcement, the enemy durst not attack them: being
persuaded that Henry's whole army was not far off, and not
yet recovered from their consternation at the defeat of their
men by a body scarce the sixth part of their number, they
turned back, placing the infantry in the rear to cover their
cavalry. The king did not fail to pursue them closely, and
harassed them continually, till they had repassed the Saone
upon the bridge they had built below Gray. Not daring to
attempt the passage again, Burgundy, by this exploit, re-
mained wholly at the king's discretion. He reduced it all,
except Seure, * in a few days, and seized several little towns
in Franche-Comté, which he released, at the entreaty of the
Swiss. These advantages were all owing to the action at
Fontaine-Françoise.
Henry, when he learnt the defeat of his forces in Picardy,
confessed that these advantages, great as they were, did not
equal that loss. He quitted Burgundy and the Lyonnais
immediately, and marched hastily towards Paris. Passing by
Moret, I acquainted him with my motives for leaving the
council; he approved of them, and was of opinion that the
confidence which the other members of it perceived he reposed
in me, and the desire I had to make myself still more worthy
of that distinction, had drawn their enmity upon me. He
had the goodness to console me for it, by assuring me that
my sufferings upon this occasion would only increase his
friendship for me. I agreed with his majesty that, at a time
when the check his forces received at Dourlens might occa-
sion a revolution, there was a necessity to dissemble his dis-
gust, and to avoid accusing any one. It was to me only
that the king complained of the authors of that fatal accident,
and deplored the dangerous effects of enmity between leaders,
which is almost the sole cause of the greatest disasters in war.
He appeared sensibly affected with the loss of Admiral Vil-
lars, and never mentioned him but with the highest praises ;
* Seure, a town upon the river Saone: it has changed its name, and
1595.] HENRY'S DEPARTURE FROM PARIS.
465
nor could he be so far deceived by anything which the inte-
rested parties advanced, as to place all that had happened to
the account of the deceased.
Henry was now convinced, and acknowledged to me, that
he had yielded unseasonably to proposals for a war, the
success of which he had been persuaded was infallible: he
was even candid enough to treat it as an error which might
plunge France once more into greater miseries than those
she had just been delivered from. By speaking thus, the
king only reflected on the greatness of a loss such as Catelet,
Capelle, Ardres,* Dourlens, Cambray (from which Balagny
had been just driven), and Calais especially, which, though not
yet taken, was looked upon as already lost. As for myself, I
found that France had risked still more on those occasions
where the king, by an astonishing instance of valour and good
fortune alone, had preserved Burgundy and his own life.
From this time, Henry used to say that a declaration of war
was one of those affairs that required the greatest delibera-
tion, and could never be sufficiently attended to. From this
example princes may still draw another lesson no less useful,
which is, that they ought never to entertain a personal
hatred towards their neighbours; and that prudence, on cer-
tain occasions, requires them to seem disposed for a recon-
ciliation, notwithstanding the inost violent, and even the most
just resentment.
The king was careful to avoid discovering his thoughts in
public; on the contrary, he endeavoured to revive the cou-
rage of those who seemed most depressed. To the Parisians,
who made him compliments of condolence upon his loss, he
replied that it might be easily repaired, provided they would
join actions to words. They made him great offers, but his
majesty, who had had frequent proofs of the little dependance
he could have on them, took his own measures, and without
waiting for the accomplishment of their promises, left Paris
the next day, with the satisfaction of hearing before he de-
* Ardres was surrendered to the enemy by the Count of Belin,
almost without making any defence; for which he was disgraced, turned
out of his places, and sent home to his estate, &c. (Bongars, Epist. 75
ad Camer; Morisot, ch. 33.) [Ardres was not taken till the following
year, after the reduction of Calais. See note at the end of this book.
-Ed.]
VOL. I.
2
466
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
parted, by a courier from Rome, that the pope had been at
last prevailed upon to grant him the absolution* he had so
long solicited. In the present conjuncture, this news was of
the utmost importance.
To this absolution the holy father annexed the following
conditions ; _“That the king should exclude the Protestants
* 6 What made the pope,” says M. de Pèrefixe, “ delay, giving abso-
lution so long, was, he said, because that he alone had the power of
restoring penitents; and he was very much displeased that the prelates
of France had taken upon them to absolve him, though they had only
done it provisionally, ad cautelam.”
+ Besides these conditions, the original of which may be seen in vol.
8778 of the MSS. de la Bibliot. du Roi, where the act of absolution of
Henry IV. is set down at length, in Italian, the holy father imposes
therein for penance upon this prince, to hear on every Sunday and
festival a conventual mass in the chapel-royal, and private mass every
week-day, to say the rosary every Sunday, the chapelet every Satur-
day, and the litanies every Wednesday, to fast every Friday, to confess
and communicate publicly at least four times a year. I observe in
this act that the pope, after having given this prince absolution, then
entitles him only the King of France and Navarre. At each verse of
the Miserere the holy father gave a light touch of the penitentiary
crook on the shoulders of M. du Perron and M. d'Ossat, who are
therein called Procuratori di Navarra. This is but an ordinary formality
in this sort of ceremony, upon which the Protestant writers have not
failed to comment with great malignity, by saying that Henry IV. had
submitted to receive lashes of the whip from the procurator, and other
such like calumnies: but these malicious pleasantries have not been
able to impose upon any, since M. de Thou and all the sensible writers
have shown that they were altogether unjust and without foundation.
M. de Sully, as far as appears, had got over this popular error, but I
know not if he observes the same equity with regard to M, d'Ossat.
What he says here, and in many other places of these Memoirs, excited
in me a curiosity to read carefully the collection of this cardinal's
letters, who is reputed to have been as good a Frenchman as an able
statesman. I will speak my mind freely as to each grievance which
furnishes the Duke of Sully with occasion of attacking him, according
as they fall in my way. And to begin with that of Henry IV.'s abso-
lution, it appears to me, after examining all he says on this head, pp. 45.
48, 105, 107, 115, 129, 208, &c., of the old edition in folio, that we cannot
but acknowledge on one hand that he met with great scruples in the
pope's breast, and real difficulties on the part of the Sacred College;
that he applied himself with great assiduity and with equal success to
surmount them, and that any but he would have had much to do to have
conquered them; as is evident from what happened to the Duke of
Nevers, the Cardinal de Retz, the Marquis of Pisany, and others; that
for his own part he is very far from approving the many subterfuges
to which the court of Rome had often recourse in their formalities;
1595.]
MEMORIAL FROM ROME.
467
from all employments and dignities, and use his utmost en-
deavours to suppress them entirely: that he should restore
the celebration of mass in Béarn, and oblige the Huguenots
to make restitution to the Catholics of all the effects which
had been taken from the ecclesiastics: that he should prevail
upon the Prince of Condé to embrace the Roman Catholic
religion: that he should publish, and cause to be received,
the Council of Trent: and, lastly, that the Jesuits should be
again established in France." Those conditions which re-
garded the Protestants and the Council of Trent were not
complied with; the rest were.
Those persons who thought the king received laws from
the pope upon this occasion, ought to lay the blame upon
Du Perron, and still more upon Arnaud d'Ossat, then agent
for this affair at Rome. These two ecclesiastics were so far
from rejecting the above conditions, that they would have
been grieved if they had not been insisted upon; if any
credit may be given to a memorial which was many years
afterwards sent me from Rome, and which I shall speak of
fully in its place: it affords a complete proof of what I have
just advanced, at least with regard to D’Ossat. .
This memorial states two things relating to the king's
absolution, which proves one of the principal articles : that
the pope and the whole Sacred College were so ardently
and even that all this chicane made him often uneasy, as also the un-
fair dealing which he complains they used in the bull of absolution.
However, in opposition to all this, a man may perceive on the other
hand in these very places, and still more in all those passages that in
any measure relate to the Protestants, the Jesuits, or the Council of
Trent, &c., that his eminence was not at all disturbed that the affair
of the king's absolution had passed under the restrictions of which
M. de Sully complains so bitterly; whether it was that: M. d'Ossat
did not perceive therein the pretended lesion of the honour of the
crown, and the prejudice done to the liberties of the Gallican Church,
which I leave to the learned to determine, or whether he believed
that all these precautions became necessary for the interest of re-
ligion, or lastly, whether he were not biassed in favour of the maxims
of the League. And yet all this does not hinder me from subscribing
to the encomiums which our best historians have given this cardinal;
and in the last place, Amelot de la Houssaye, in the life he gives us of
him, prefixed to the edition of his Letters, to which I refer the reader.
The Abbé du Perron and M. de Villeroy had likewise done considerable
service to Henry IV. in the affair of his absolution. (Matthieu, tom.
ii. liv. ii. p. 210 et seq.)
2 2
468
BOOK VII.
· MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
desirous of the king's applying to Rome for this ceremony,
that they could not conceal their fears, when they were some-
times informed that Henry would be brought to despise it,
or look upon it as useless; and this the author proves from
their own letters; secondly, that D'Ossat, instead of inform-
ing the king of this disposition in the court of Rome, which
he would have done had his honour and dignity been of the
smallest consequence to him, on the contrary, gave this prince
to understand that he could not obtain a reconciliation with
his holiness but by offering an encroachment upon the liber-
ties of the Gallican Church, and purchasing it by those con-
ditions already mentioned. Henry, however, rewarded his
two agents with the highest dignities in the prelacy. ..
In three days his majesty arrived at Péronne, where he
was immediately saluted by Balagny. This man, who by an
excess of ridiculous vanity had just lost his government,*
his fortune, his wife, and his honour, instead of blushing for
his folly, and concealing himself from reproach, affected to
show himself, talked big, and in this state, which was indeed
* [See ante, p. 395.] M. de Pèrefixe says that Cambrai was taken by
famine: others, as Matthieu, blame the misunderstanding that sub-
sisted between the Duke of Nevers and De Bouillon for it: and others
again the negligence of Balagny. The Memoirs of the League (tom.
vi.) remark that three companies of Swiss, not having had their pay
given them, compelled him to deliver up the place. All the historians
have extolled the courage of Renée de Clermont, the wife of Balagny,
and sister to the brave Bussy d'Amboise, who, after having to no pur-
pose done all she could to inspire resolution in the garrison and her
· husband, did not choose to survive the loss of her principality, and died
either of famine or grief. “And here in one article is an abstract of the
greatest disgrace that France has suffered from foreigners in the memory
of man." So speaks D’Aubigné in concluding the 9th chapter, liv. iv.
tom. iii. of his history, in which he has collected the taking of Catelet,
La Capelle, Ardres, Cambrai, Calais, and the defeat at Dourlens.
Balagny tells a Spanish officer, who seemed surprised at seeing him
take his mistress along with him, and in the same boat, that love
softened all the cross accidents of fortune: “Right," replied the
Spaniard, “and especially at present, as you will have less to do than
you have had before.” (P. Matthieu, tom. ii. liv. ii. p. 219.) [See a
full account of the siege of Cambrai in Bentivoglio's Wars of Flanders,
pt. iii. b. ii. According to this author, Balagny appears to have acted
like a brave man, and not to have yielded till an insurrection of the
citizens, aided by a body of Swiss, rendered longer opposition impossi-
ble.-Ed.]
1596.]
SURRENDER OF CALAIS.
the fittest for him, expected all that regard which is generally
paid to unfortunate sovereigns.
The king resolving to attempt all things to relieve Calais,
came to Boulogne: he found that his troops were not suffi-
cient to storm the camp of the besiegers, and therefore took
the only course that now remained, which was to endeavour
to throw himself into the place, at the head of a considerable
reinforcement. Twice he embarked with this design, but
contrary winds forced him back again to land: While he
despaired of accomplishing his enterprise, Matelet, governor
of Foix, came to him, and offered to make a third attempt to
enter Calais, promising that if he would give him four or five
hundred gentlemen, he would so manage, either by sea or
land, that he would open himself a passage. The king
praising his resolution, gave him the escort he demanded,
with which Matelet succeeded in his design, and entered
Calais, after having surmounted a thousand obstacles : * but
the glory of this brave action was soon obliterated, when it
appeared that he had only joined the garrison to be infected
with their fears, and to consent to a capitulation: and the
king had the mortification to march to Calais, only to see it
surrendered before his face.
If it be asked where, during this time, were all those French
noblemen and officers who were so forward in advising the
war, and why they allowed the king to bear the whole
burthen of it, and suffer repeated losses, it must be owned,
* Historians do not agree as to this action. Some, as De Thou and
D'Aubigné, by saying nothing at all of it, seem to call it into question;
others ascribe it to the Sieur de Campagnole the younger, Davila and
our Memoirs to Matelet, governor of Foix. [Bentivoglio ascribes this
action to Campagnole, who was governor of Boulogne, and gives a very
particular description of the whole affair. (See Wars of Flanders, pt.
jii. b. iii.)-Ed.] Queen Elizabeth offered to defend Calais against the
Spaniards upon condition that the place were put into the hands of
the English. Sancy, who was then ambassador at London, made an-
swer to the queen that the king his master would rather have it in the
hands of the Spaniards than in those of the English: and Henry IV.
said himself, “ If he were to be bit, he had rather it was by a lion than
a lioness.” And this was the reason that Queen Elizabeth afterwards
refused to besiege that town, while Henry IV. lay before that of Amiens,
though they offered then to put it into her hands by way of security
(Matthieu, ibid. p. 223.)
+ It was taken on the 24th of April, 1596.-Ed.
470
[BOOK TII
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
to the dishonour of the French name, that they expected to
draw advantages to themselves by the misfortunes their im-
prudence occasioned and their negligence augmented, and
formed, in the mean time, projects more fatal to the king's
authority than the bloodiest foreign war. These projects I
shall mention presently.
The king, equally superior to good and bad fortune, instead
of appearing dispirited by the loss of Calais, or indulging in
complaints, exclaimed to those about him, with a countenance
full of serenity,“ Courage, my friends; it cannot be helped :
Calais is taken, and even under some very unfortunate
circumstances; but our courage must not be daunted on
this account, since the brave are best trained in the school of
adversity; it is the fate of war sometimes to win and soine-
times to lose; the enemy have had their turn, and with the
assistance of God (who never abandoned me when I implored
that assistance fervently) we will have ours. One thing at
least consoles me, that there has been no fault on my part, as
I think I left nothing untried which was in my power to
succour my friends and adherents: and I would even believe
that all those who have been employed in this business have
acquitted themselves worthily and loyally : let us not there-
fore complain or grieve any longer, nor blame or reproach
any one : on the contrary, let us make honourable mention
of the dead, and bestow those praises which are due to the
noble defence made by the living; and above all, let us
endeavour to find out means whereby we may take vengeance,
with interest, upon our enemies, and act in such a way that
this place shall not remain as many days in the hands of the
Spaniards, as our predecessors suffered it to be years in
After having consoled those who had been driven out of
Calais, and furnished them with many things they were in
want of, the king provided for the security of Boulogne,
Abbeville, Montreuil, Monthulin,* and other towns and
castles, and marched towards St. Quentin, fearing lest the
enemy, who were not far from those quarters, should surprise
some of the nobles and general officers who came thither
IL
* Cities and forts in Artois and Picardy.
1596.]
THE KING'S REPLY TO MONTPENSIER.
471
separately. They chose this opportunity for the execution
of a design which they had formed before they left Paris.
The Duke of Montpensier was the person whom they charged
with this commission, not because he was more disaffected
than the rest, but because his temper was most easy, and his
understanding the weakest. He accosted the king at St.
Quentin; and, in the name of the principal French nobility,
proposed to him, as the only means of subduing his enemies
to resign to the governors of provinces the property of their
governments, with an hereditary right to them, requiring
nothing of them but their allegiance.
It is not easy to comprehend how a proposal, which had so
manifest a tendency to throw France into that state of
anarchy which, in former ages, had filled it with blood and
horror, could proceed from the mouth of a. Frenchman, a
prince, and what is more, a prince of the royal blood. Henry,
struck with astonishment at the prodigious insolence of this
affront offered to the royal dignity, could not for some mo-
ments utter a word, while the Duke of Montpensier con-
tinuing a speech which had been studied long before,
endeavoured to prove to his majesty, that while those go-
vernors, or rather those little princes, obliged themselves to
maintain troops always ready for his service, he would never
be again reduced to such a situation as he was in at present,
to appear before his enemies without soldiers to oppose them.
The king, though agitated with various passions, discovered
none towards the duke but pity for the unworthy part he
played. He stopped him from proceeding further, by telling
him, without the least resentment, that he had already heard
too much ; and that he was convinced those French nobles
had taken advantage of the easiness of his temper, to make
him the bearer of a proposal the whole meanness of which
he was not sensible of, he who was a prince of the blood, and
nearer the crown than himself had formerly been. The
king added much more to the same purpose, with equal
calmness, and was so far from being apprehensive that he
should be reduced to yield to such a proposition, and so de-
termined to suffer a thousand deaths, if possible, rather
than bring such a load of infamy upon the royal dignity,
that he had not even the thought of entering into any dis-
4172
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
cussion of this project, or of uttering a single word in answer
to it.*
The Duke of Montpensier became sensible of his error by
the air and tone with which his majesty spoke to him; he
blushed and asked pardon for it, and entreated the king never
to remember that he had been capable of thus degrading him-
self from bis rank. The king, after having shown the duke
the whole extent of his error, directed him how in some
measure to repair it with those who had prevailed upon
him to commit it; and assured him that he, for his own part,
would forget it entirely, and still regard him as a kinsman.
The Duke of Montpensier agreed to take the first oppor-
tunity that offered, when the authors of this insolent pro-
posal brought it again on the carpet, to declare that he had
reflected well upon the commission they had given him; that
they might send their proposal by any other person, since he
absolutely disapproved of it; and that if he were ever to men-
tion it to bis majesty, it should be with a design to dissuade him
from it; and that they might depend upon his using his ut-
most endeavours to hinder its taking effect. He performed
this task so exactly, and with an air so natural, that he wholly
disconcerted all those noblemen, and left them no inclination
to make any attempts on his fidelity for the future.
It was, therefore, to reduce the king to the necessity of
making them his equals, that the princes and governors of
provinces in France so ill performed their promise of assist-
ing him with troops. The Duke of Bouillon was one of those
who sold his services the dearest. His majesty, not doubting
but he had a part in the plot, was willing to have a proof
of it from the duke's perplexity, without letting him know
that he was informed of it by other means. Bouillon did
not want art and eloquence enough to conceal whatever he
designed should not be known; but besides that, Henry pos-
sessed in no less degree the art of penetrating into the
thoughts of those with whom he conversed, the presence of a
sovereign is alone capable of abashing a man conscious of
any secret guilt towards him. The king began by convincing
*“We are all gentlemen,” said Henry IV., sometimes before the
princes of the blood.
1596.]
BOUILLON'S EMBASSY TO ENGLAND.
473
himself that the Duke of Montpensier had not betrayed their
late discourse to the Duke of Bouillon; after which he in-
troduced the defeat of Dourlens, by asking him plainly, and
with a kind of confidence, how it happened that he had been
disappointed in those certain correspondences which, as he
said, he carried on in Liége, Namur, and many other places
in Luxembourg and Hainault, upon which he was sensible
the war had been undertaken?
Bouillon, embarrassed by the question, and that air of sim-
plicity with which it was proposed, instead of giving a direct
answer concerning his pretended correspondences, fell into
long speeches without meaning or end, which betrayed him
more effectually than the most sincere confession could have
done. He accused every one; the Duke of Nevers, who, he
said, had corrupted his officers and obstructed his levies; the
English, for not making the promised diversion; the Dutch,
for taking advantage of this conjuncture to increase their
power on the side of Over-Yssel and Friesland. Upon which
the duke, vho sought only to turn the conversation still more
from the first subject, told the king, that the true cause of the
misfortune which had lately happened was, that his majesty
had no person of consequence and on whom he could have an
absolute dependance at the court of London, to hasten the
supplies that had been promised there; and at the same time
offered himself for this embassy, and even solicited it ear-
nestly. The king being of opinion that it would answer no
purpose to press the duke any further upon his fault, ceased
to mention it; and reflecting that he should not lose much
by his absence, consented at last to the embassy to England.
Accordingly his commission was made out, and the Duke of
Bouillon a few days after departed for that kingdom.*
It was from his majesty himself that I had an account of
this conversation with the Duke of Bouillon, as likewise that
with the Duke of Montpensier before mentioned.
The king had no sooner quitted Bouillon, than reflecting
that the duke, instead of having any design to serve him use-
* This conversation between the king and Bouillon must have taken
place before the reduction of Calais, since the latter was in London
when that event happened. (See note at the end of this book.)-ED..
474
[BOOK VII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
fully at the court of London, had possibly only solicited that
employment to give bad impressions there of his conduct, or
at least to labour only for his own interest, he sent Jaquinot for
me early in the morning, to communicate this fear to me. I
kneeled on a cushion at bis bedside, and his majesty asked
me immediately what was said, and what I in particular
thought of the long conversation he had just had with the
Duke of Bouillon. I replied, that every one guessed his own
way; and that probably the affair of Ham and Dourlens, and
the proposal made by the Duke of Montpensier, made up the
greatest part of it. The king told me that I was mistaken;
that he was too well acquainted with the Duke of Bouillon's
disposition to doubt that any reproaches upon those occa-
sions, instead of correcting, would only serve to throw him
into an open revolt. His majesty afterwards, repeating
exactly all that has been related concerning the embassy to
England, proposed to me to accompany the Duke of Bouillon
thither, that I might carefully observe his conduct.
In courts everything is brought about by artifice. The
king, after his conversation with the Duke of Bouillon, telling
his council for the finances that he had sent the duke to
England, these gentlemen, after conferring together, found
nothing so fit to satisfy their hatred of me, as to persuade
the king to join me with the Duke of Bouillon. My abilities
for negotiation were praised, an honour which they were
resolved to deprive me of when they had once succeeded in
removing me from the king, who not penetrating into their
views, approved of the proposal. But I did not so easily
fall into the snare: I showed his majesty the true motive of
these gentlemen's feigned generosity with regard to me.
From the moment that the Duke of Bouillon had discovered
that I watched his conduct and disconcerted his projects, he
would not have failed to break with me; and such a genius
as he possessed when animated with malice, would have sug-
gested to him the means of throwing upon me the blame of
all the faults he might commit, and all the good he might
neglect to do. My enemies knew this as well as I. His
majesty was convinced by my reasons, and pressed me no
further.
The gentlemen of the council did not stop here; when
they came again to the king, they were the first to confess that
1596.]
ROSNY TRIUMPHS OVER HIS ENEMIES.
475
it was with reluctance they joined me to the Duke of Bouillon;
but since the duke was to stay but a short time at London, *
they had pitched upon me to take his place with the same
title and equal honours. All was alike to them, provided
they could get rid of me. The king was agail influenced by
their opinions, and some days after declared his intention to
me, ordering me to make preparations immediately for this
voyage, to provide myself with money, and to dispose my
wife to follow me if I chose to have her with me, which, how-
ever, he did not think necessary, since I should not, he said,
be absent above seven or eight months at most. The king
perceiving my reluctance, accompanied this order with the
most kind and obliging expressions his imagination could
suggest; he told me that the present perplexed situation of
his affairs hindering him from giving me the sole direction of
the finances, he should reproach himself for exposing to the
dangers of a long and furious siege the only man in the king-
dom whom he thought worthy to fill that important post. His
majesty had just then declared himself publicly concerning
the siege of La Fère.
While the king was speaking, I was struck with astonish-
ment at the obstinate persecution of my enemies, and the
depth of their malice. Under the appearance of a title of
honour vain in itself, and fatal in its consequences, they took
away, and perhaps for ever, all opportunities of advancing
myself; for who in my absence would be solicitous for my in-
terest? Who would hinder them from prolonging my stay
out of the kingdom till affairs having taken a fixed and
durable state in France, there would be nothing left for a
man who, by so long an absence, would be regarded as a
stranger ? These reflections kept me firm in my resolution
not to go. I entreated the king not to force me to a journey
to which I felt an invincible repugnance, and I had the good
fortune to find that Henry was of himself disposed to believe
that I should be of more use to him in Paris than at London
during the siege he was going to undertake; he, therefore,
sent me thither to facilitate his supplies of money, to furnish
him with whatever was necessary towards carrying on the
* He stayed from April till September. (See Lodge's Illustrations,
vol. ii. p. 76,--Ed.)
476
[BOOK TII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY..
siege, to receive his orders there, make one in his council, and
direct its resolutions. Had the choice of my revenge been
in my own power, I could not have fixed upon any more
effectual.*
* The whole of the Memoirs, from the account of the retreat of the
Constable of Castille (ante, p. 411) till the conclusion of the next book,
is so very confused, and, in many instances, even incorrect, that it may
not be thought improper to give a brief relation here, according to some
of the best historians, of the regular succession of events from the
above period to the beginning of the year 1597, when Henry IV. laid
siege to Amiens. While the king, as we have seen, was victorious in
Franche-Comté, the Count de Fuentes, general of the Spanish forces,
laid siege to Cambrai in September, 1595, of which he made himself
master in the following month. This unpleasant piece of intelligence
reached the king about the time he received notice that the pope, after
much hesitation and obstinacy, had granted him his absolution; and it
was probably through the entreaties of Philip of Spain that he now
did it, for Henry sent his secretary Lomenie to England in the begin-
ning of October to acquaint Elizabeth of the circumstance, and to in-
form hier that four cardinals were appointed to give him absolution
with all proper solemnity, but that their chief business was to draw him
into a peace with Spain. By this, and some other expressions which it
is not necessary to mention here, Henry probably thought to alarm the
queen, and thereby obtain further supplies from England; but the
event did not answer his expectations. He, however, derived many
important advantages in the interior of his kingdom from this act of
the pope. The Duke of Mayenne, having no longer any pretext for
his conduct, yielded, after obtaining very advantageous terms, and
afterwards performed his obeisance at Monceaux, where he was gra-
ciously received. The Marquis of Saint-Sorlin, his half-brother, also
followed his example; and not long after the Duke of Joyeuse, the chief
of the League in Languedoc, and who still held the city of Toulouse
and the parts adjoining, likewise made his peace through the interces-
sion of his brother the cardinal. The Duke of Guise about this time
gained Marseilles for the king. The Duke of Merceur only remained
had previously obtained. The king having quitted Franche-Comté, in
November, 1595, laid siege to La Fère, in Picardy, which he carried on
very slowly all the remainder of this year and the beginning of the
next, when the Archduke Albert, who had succeeded his brother Ernest
in the government of the Low Countries, and assumed the command of
the Spanish army, resolved, with a view to oblige the king to raise the
siege of La Fère, to besiege Calais, where he suddenly appeared in the
middle of April, 1596, with a large force, and completely invested the
place. As soon as Henry learnt this, he quitted La Fère, and marched
directly to Boulogne, to endeavour to relieve Calais, having first de-
spatched Sancy to London to entreat Elizabeth to send him immediate
succours, and presently after the Duke of Bouillon. These two envoys
1596.7
TREATY BETWEEN ELIZABETH AND HENRY.
477
succeeded in inducing the queen to order a force of eight thousand men
to be immediately collected, under the command of the Earl of Essex,
but before the troops could be embarked news was received that Calais
had surrendered, after a resistance of about twelve days. The king
having thus failed in his object returned to La Fère, after placing gar-
risons in Boulogne, Montreuil, and Ardres; but this latter was soon
after besieged by the Spaniards, and the Count of Belin, the governor,
making a very feeble resistance, it was yielded by capitulation about
the same time that the king made himself master of La Fère. With
these two actions the campaign in this quarter terminated, the arch-
duke entered Artois, and cantoned his army about St. Omer, where be
fixed his head-quarters; and the king, on learning this, dismissed the
nobility and gentry who accompanied him, and, leaving Marshal Biron
with about four thousand men to secure some places in Picardy, re-
turned to Paris. The succours which Elizabeth had intended for the
relief of Calais were disbanded, but the queen lent Henry a sum of
money, for which his two ambassadors were security. She afterwards
concluded a new treaty, offensive and defensive, which was negotiated
by Sancy and the Duke of Bouillon, the principal articles of which
were, that the queen should furnish four thousand men for the defence
of Picardy and Normandy; that Henry should find the like number if
England were invaded, and that neither should conclude a peace with-
out the consent of the other. The queen swore to this treaty in August,
1596, and in the September following the Earl of Shrewsbury was sent
over to see the king swear to it, which he did at Rouen on October the
19th. The earl also invested the king with the Order of the Garter.
Not long after Sir Thomas Baskerville carried over two thousand men
into Picardy. While the king was engaged at Paris or Rouen, in
which latter city he had assembled the States of the kingdom, the
Spaniards made some overtures for a peace, and secret negotiations
actually took place; but they were suddenly interrupted by the seizure
of Amiens, which Portocarrero, governor of Dourlens, surprised in the
beginning of March, 1597. This event gave great uneasiness to the
king, who a few days after attempted to surprise it in his turn; but in
this he failed, and was therefore obliged to besiege it in form, and gave
the command of the arnıy to Marshal Biron, who during the siege
made an attempt to surprise Arras, but without success. The garrison
of Amiens made a resolute defence, and did not yield till the latter
part of September following, after many fruitless attempts of the
Archduke Albert to relieve it. (See Camden; Birch's Negotiations;
Bentivoglio's Wars of Flanders, and Pèrefixe's Life of Kenry IV.
--Ed.)
478
[BOOK VIII.
MEMOIRS OT SULLY.
BOOK VIII.
[1596–1597.]
Siege of La Fère--The king taken ill-Military enterprises-Some
executed.-Others fail-Death of the Duke of Nemours and of the
Duke of Nevers—Embezzlement of the finances-Rosny goes to
Henry at Amiens-His adventure with an astrologer-Madanie de
Liancourt in great danger-Rosny's journey to Rouen-He is de-
puted to the princess to prevail upon her to espouse the Duke of
Montpensier-The treatment he receives from her-In danger of
being disgraced upon this occasion--Recovers the favour of the
princess--Success of the king's arms in different provinces—Opposi-
tion made by the financiers to Rosny's being appointed one of the
council of finances--Henry's irresolution upon this head, who at last
places him in the council.
The motive which had determined the king to undertake
so difficult a siege as that of La Fère, was, that, his enemies
having, after their successes, separated their troops, he would
not suffer his own, who had at last reassembled, to remain
idle, there being a necessity to secure Picardy, already shaken
by so many repeated losses. Had I had the liberty of dis-
posing of myself as I pleased, I should have chosen to have
continued, during this siege, with the king, whose too great
solicitude for my safety I could by no means approve: but I
did not dare to refuse the commission which would detain
me in Paris; and his majesty, to render this order less dis-
pleasing, assured me that he would not for a long time
attempt anything considerable against La Fère, and that
some time or other he would permit me to make a journey
thither. In reality I did so several times, but I had no
sooner arrived, than the necessity of providing for the sub-
sistence of his troops obliged me to return again immedi-
ately. I comforted myself, however, with the thought, that
through my diligence the army being supplied with every-
1596.7
FRUITLESS ATTEMPT TO SUMERGE LA TERE.
479
thing it had occasion for, I might flatter myself with having,
in some measure, contributed to the success of this siege,
which lasted six months, and was the longest that Henry
was ever engaged in. This place, besides its advantageous
fortifications, had a very numerous garrison, composed of
chosen soldiers, and commanded by two excellent officers,
the one a Frenchman,* high steward of Montelimart, and
the other a Spaniard, named Osorio.
Beringhen, t at the persuasions of an engineer, who was
his friend and kinsman, and had come expressly for that pur-
pose from Flanders, where he lived, took it into his head
that it was possible to lay all La Fère under water; and,
upon the assurances of his friend, was so confident of suc-
cess, that the king, though contrary to his own judgment,
suffered him to make the attempt. It would indeed have
shortened the siege; but it is to be observed, that almost all
projects of this kind are liable to fail; the slightest mistake
is sufficient to ruin them, and it seldom happens but some
mistake is made. The project of turning the course of the
Tesin formerly cost Francis I. the loss of a battle, together
with his liberty. I In one of these journeys I made to the
camp I found this proposal upon the carpet. I looked upon
the execution of it to be impossible, and I combated it with
all my force; but the engineer wanted not plausible reasons
to oppose to ours. According to him, it was an attempt
that would cost but little time and trouble; all they had to
do was to raise a causeway. This they performed, and the
water destroying their work two or three times, they re-
newed it as often; at last it became proof against the water,
but the river did not rise to the heigħat they expected: it is
true, indeed, that it wanted only six feet, but that was suffi-
cient to force them to abandon the work, after having con-
sumed in it a great deal of time and money.
* His name was Colas: the Spaniards had promised to make him
Count of La Fère.
† Peter de Beringhen was himself a Fleming, and born at Brussels.
I Wlien besieging Pavia. (See Guicciardini, book xv.).
§ D’Aubigné does not speak of it so contemptibly (ch. 12, ibid.):
“The causeway," says he,“ having made the river Oise flow back
within La Fère, it spoiled all the magazines they had in the lower parts
480
[BOOK VIII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
The king falling sick at Traversy, where his head-quarters
were, the siege of La Fère suffered a still longer delay. As
soon as the news was brought me I flew to him, and never
left him till his health was perfectly re-established. His
sickness was considerable enough to make me apprehend for
France the greatest loss it could possibly sustain. The go-
vernor of La Fère, finding himself in want of everything that
could enable him to hold out a longer time, surrendered the
place to the king, who caused it to be repaired; and at the
entreaty of Madame de Liancourt, he appointed her son Cæsar
to be governor of it, Manicamp, a kinsman* of this lady, per-
forming all the functions of that office, in quality of his
lieutenant.
His majesty marching afterwards to the frontiers of Artois,
took the Castle of Imbercourt by assault, and thought to
have done the same, by petard, with the city of Arras. Mar-
shal Biron t was the cause of the ill success of this last en-
terprise, by not providing himself with a sufficient quantity
of petards: the three first they applied played tolerably well,
but the fourth being thrown, without effect, into the ditch,
with the person that directed it, several of our men were
killed and wounded by it. It was, indeed, a mortifying
thought, that a conquest of such importance, which would
have secured Amiens from the misfortune which soon after
happened to it, should be lost for want of a petard or two
more. Biron, to avoid the reproaches he had reason to ex-
pect, went to discharge his rage upon the country about
Bapaume, where he made horrible devastation.
The ill success of the attempt upon Arras was sufficiently
compensated by many favourable events that happened at
the end of the preceding year and beginning of this, which I
shall pass over slightly, as usual: these were, the reduction
of Toulouse, I the prosperity of the king's arms in Provence,
and cellars of the town. It was a large machine, above a quarter of a
league in length. Such an undertaking shows that neither the king
nor the kingdom was dispirited under their pressures and disadvantages."
* Philippe de Longueval, Lord of Manicamp.
† Biron, in his turn, loudly exclaimed against the king's avarice.
I As to these facts, consult the histories before mentioned for the
years 1595 and 1596.
. 1596.]
: EVENTS FAVOURABLE TO HENRY IV.
481
and the reunion of the chiefs of the League in the king's
party. Joyeuse,* who had quitted the habit of a monk to
resume that of a soldier, and paid himself with usury for the
mortifications of a cloister, made a treaty with the king about
that time. The Duke of Nemours followed his example ;t
but just as it was upon the point of being concluded, he died
with vexation, I as some believe, for the bad success of so
many great projects. Saint-Sorlin, his brother, continued
the treaty for himself. The death of the Duke of Nevers &
delivered the king likewise from a troublesome, useless ser-
vant. Lastly, the Duke of Mayenne, now absolutely dis-
gusted with the treachery of the Spaniards, began to think
seriously upon means to restore himself to the favour of the
king.
* Henry de Joyeuse. He again entered himself among the Capu-
chins, and died there, under the pame of Father Ange.
+ Henry de Savoie-Nemours.
I c He voided, by his mouth and pores, every drop of blood in his
body.” (Pèrefixe, ibid.) Cayet gives a very moving description of it.
(Ibid. p. 519.)
. $ Louis de Gonzague died of a dysentery at Nesse, in 1595, aged fifty-
six, of chagrin; others say, because that when he talked with Henry
IV., advising him with regard to Calais, this prince made answer,
“How can you advise me on this head, you, who have never been
nigher that town than seven leagues?” Though M. de Thou (liv. cxiii.),
and Brantôme (tom. iii. p. 259), very much extol him, the charge
which the Duke of Sully brings against him, of having been always a
very expensive servant to his master, may be easily made out, even
from this general's own letters to Henry IV., of which we have a col-
lection in De Nevers' Memoirs, tom. ii. pp. 207, 376. “If your ma-
jesty," says he to him in one of his letters, “cannot or will not come
this length, I shall remove so far that there will be no grounds to ex-
pect any succours from me. In truth, Sire, you do not make me returns
suitable to the manner in which I serve you; and it appears to all the
world that you do not value me much. I never was treated in the
manner you treat me by the kings your predecessors: from them I re-
ceived many favours, whereby I was obliged to serve them implicitly;
and I ain yet to receive the first favour from your majesty. If fatal
and ruinous commissions be not the favours I receive from you, I will
be so free as to tell you that I have received no other since you were
pleased to order me into these parts,” &c. (P. 348..) And there are a
great many more letters in the same strain. It is from these the Duke
of Sully, to whom Henry IV. communicated all his cabinet secrets,
formed a judgment as to the dispositions of the Duke of Nevers, and
not from those he wrote to several other persons, which show great
attachment and zeal for the king's person.
VOL. I.
2 I
482
[BOOK VIII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
The king thought it of such importance to make himself
master of Arras, that he resolved to besiege it in form. I
was the only person to whom he communicated this design;
secrecy was of such consequence on this great occasion that he
durst not trust any one with the care of making observations
upon the place, and therefore undertook that task himself.
I had continued the whole winter at Paris, employed in his
majesty's service, and sometimes made little excursions to
Moret, in which I took great delight. One day, when I was
busy in superintending my workmen, who were levelling the
high grounds about two thousand paces from my house, to
bring thither two rivulets which form those two sheets of
water which are at present near the great alley, a courier
from Madame de Liancourt arrived, who brought me a letter
from this lady, and another from his majesty, * in which he
informed me of his designs upon Arras, and the methods by
which he hoped to succeed. By this letter the king appeared
to be very much enraged against the “impositions and
rogueries (these were his words) of eight gluttons," whom
he had employed ; “ those rascals,” added be, “with that
prodigious number of intendants, who have brought in all
their male and female gossips, feast together, and have con-
sumed above a hundred thousand crowns, a sum large enough
to drive all the Spaniards out of France. This was, indeed,
exactly true, which I shall make sufficiently clear when I
enter into an account of the finances ; at present, I shall
only relate two or three circumstances.
The council of the finances, supposing they would be
ordered to discharge the accounts for the supplies which had
been furnished during the siege of La Fère (in which, how-
ever, they were mistaken, as the king ordered me to do this),
had engaged Descures, La Corbinière, and some other per-
sons to procure those supplies, without admitting them to
have more than very small shares; and the council afterwards
treated, under these borrowed names, with tradesmen and
purveyors, who commonly served them at the lowest prices,
while they contrived to charge to the king thrice the real
* This letter, which is given at length in the original Memoirs, is
dated from Amiens, the 15th of April, 1596. The king must have
been then advancing from La Fère to attempt the relief of Calais.
(See note, ante, p. 476.)–Ed.
1596.] EMBEZZLEMENT BY THE COUNCIL OF FINANCES. 483

expense. The following fact I had from the king himself :
very considerable arrears were due from the royal treasury
to the Swiss soldiers, German horse, and other foreigners in
the French pay: the council suborned a man named Otoplote,
who gave the receivers deputed by these foreigners to under-
stand that they must never expect to be paid, unless they
consented to reduce their demands to such a moderate sum
as could be given them without draining the exchequer. The
reduction was agreed to; but the gentlemen of the council
charged the full sum to the king's account, and by this means
robbed his majesty, or rather the lawful creditors, of the
overplus: to these many other frauds of the same kid may
be added. These gentlemen revelled in luxury, while the
king and his household were in want of necessaries. A few
days after that on which his majesty wrote to me, he sent to
inform them that he had occasion for eight hundred thousand
crowns, for an enterprise of great importance (the siege of
Arras); he entreated, he conjured them to let him have this
sum, but in vain; all the answer he could obtain was, that
so far from being able to furnish him with what he demanded,
they knew not how to supply the expenses of bis household.
It is, indeed, curious to see how this household was sup-
ported: “I am,” says this amiable and worthy prince in a
letter to me, " very near my enemies, with hardly a horse to
carry me into the battle, nor a complete suit of armour to
put on; my shirts are all ragged, my doublets out at elbow,*
my kettle is seldom on the fire, and these two last days I
have been obliged to dine where I could, for my purveyors
have informed me that they have not wherewithal to furnish
my table.” Those belonging to the gentlemen of the council
were better provided. Henry in his letter deplored these
monstrous abuses less on Inis own account than on his
people's, whom, he said, he looked upon as his children, since
Heaven had given him no others, and hinted his design of
assembling the States of the kingdom to consider of a remedy
for all these misdemeanors.
I obeyed the order the king gave me to burn his letter,
* "I have seen upon him," says Le Grain (liv. vii.), “a coat of plain
white cloth, that was very much soiled by his breastplate, and torn in
the sleeves; as also hose that were much worn and holed through on
the sword-side." ;
2 1 2
484
[BOOK VIII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
but not till I had taken a copy of it; and the reasons for
keeping it secret no longer subsisting, I think it my duty to
publish the contents, as a proof of the wisdom and goodness
of this prince: his majesty concluded his letter with order-
ing me to come to him in Picardy, and to conduct his mis-
tress thither. We were the only persons to whom he could
disclose his thoughts with freedom. The letter from Madame
de Liancourt was very short; in it she informed me, that she
would set out the Tuesday following, in order to reach Mau-
buisson on the Wednesday, where she had a sister,* who was
abbess, and that she would wait for me there.
I arrived at Corbeil on Saturday evening, intending to
pass part of Sunday and all Monday at Paris, having some
purchases to make for the palace. Just as I entered the
Rue de la Coutellerie, I met a messenger from Madame de
Liancourt, who acquainted me that that lady having received
fresh letters from the king, and also an account that her
sister, the Abbess of Maubuisson, was ill, she had determined
to set out before the day appointed, and that I might join
her at Pontoise. I suspected this lady had an intention to
make her court to the king at the expense of my delay; I
therefore altered my resolution, and told my people that I
would go that same night to Maubuisson, without stopping
longer in Paris than while I refreshed myself and baited my
horses, which I did at the first inn I came to, whose sign was
the Three Pigeons. The mention of this inn recals to my
remembrance a comical adventure which happened to me
there.
Entering without any attendants into a very large room,
I found a man walking about it very fast, and so absorbed
in thought, that he neither saluted me, nor, as I imagined,
perceived my entrance. Looking at him with more atten-
tion, everything in his person, his manner, countenance, and
dress appeared to me very uncommon; his body was long
and slender, his face thin and withered, his beard white and
forked; he had a large hat on his head which covered his
face, a long black coat buttoned up to the collar, boots of an
enormous size, a sword that trailed on the ground, and in his
hand a large double bag, like those which are tied to saddle-
* Angelica d'Estrées,
1596.]
ROSNY'S ADVENTURE WITH AN ASTROLOGER.
485
bows. I asked him in an elevated tone of voice, if he lodged
in that room, and why he seemed in such profound contem-
plation ? My man, affronted at the question, without salut.
ing or even deigning to look at me, answered me rudely,
that he was in his own chamber, and that he was thinking of
his affairs, as I might do of mine. Although I was a little
surprised at his impertinence, I nevertheless desired him
very civilly to permit me to dine in that room; a proposal
which he received grumbling, and answered by a refusal still
less polite. That moment three of my gentlemen, my pages,
and some footmen, entering the room, my brutal companion
thought fit to soften his looks and words, pulled off his hat,
and offered me everything in his power: then suddenly eye-
ing me with a wild and fixed regard, asked me where I was
going? I told him, to meet the king: “What, sir," he re-
plied, “has the king sent, for you? Pray tell me on what
day and hour you received his letters, and also at what hour
you set out ?"
It was not difficult to discover an astrologer by these
questions, which he asked me with an invincible gravity. I
was further obliged to tell him my age, and to allow him to
look into my hands.
After all these ceremonies were over, “Sir," said he with
a look of surprise and respect, “I will resign my chamber to
you very willingly; and there are many more persons who,
before long, will yield their places to you with more regret
than I do mine." The more I pretended to be astonished at
his great abilities, the more he endeavoured to give me proofs
of them; he promised me riches, honours, and power (astro-
logers are seldom niggards), and added, that if I would in-
form him of the hour of my birth, he would tell me all that
had or ever would happen to me; but without desiring to
know my name, or telling me his, he thought proper, after
these words, to leave me precipitately, excusing himself for
not staying longer with me upon the necessity he was under
of carrying some papers immediately to his advocate and
procurator. I made no efforts to detain him : but it was not
the same with my people, whom I perceived to be seized
with fear and respect at every word this madman uttered.
I diverted my wife with an account of this little adventure
in the first letter I wrote to her.
486
[BOOK VIII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
In the evening I arrived at Maubuisson, which is a sort of
suburb to Pontoise : there I met Madame de Liancourt, with
whom I took the road next day to Clermont. I rode about
seven or eight hundred paces before the litter in which this
lady was, and which was followed at some distance by a great
unwieldy coach that carried her women; before and behind
this coach marched several mules loaded with baggage.
About a league from Clermont, where the road was very
narrow, a steep hill on one side, and a hanging valley on the
other, leaving only room enough for two carriages to go a-
breast, the coachman alighting upon some occasion or other,
one of the mules passing near the side of the coach after it
stopped, by its neighing and the sound of its bells so terri-
fied the horses, which unfortunately happened to be young
and skittish, that, taking the bit between their teeth, they
drew the coach along with such rapidity, that meeting with
two other mules they overturned them in their course. The
women within seeing a thousand dangers before their eyes
sent forth most lamentable cries. The coachman and mule-
teers endeavoured in vain to stop the horses: they were
already within fifty paces of the litter, when Madame de Lian-
court, alarmed by the noise, looked out, and screamed aloud;
I also turned back, and trembling at the danger in which I
saw this lady and her attendants, without being able to assist
them on account of the distance I was at, “ Ah, friend !" said
I to La Fond, “the women will be dashed in pieces; what
will become of us ? and what will the king say?" While I
was thus speaking, I pushed my borse forward with all my
strength; but this was useless, and I should have arrived too
late.
By one of those lucky chances, and which almost amount
to a miracle, when the danger was greatest, the axle-tree of
the fore-wheels coming out of the nave by a violent shock
which broke the pegs, the two wheels fell on each side, and
the coach to the ground, and there stopped; one of the hind-
most horses was thrown down by the shock, and kept in the
other; the fore horses broke their traces, and passed so close
to the litter, which was already at the extremity of the pre-
cipice, that it is plain if they had drawn the coach along with
them, it would have been thrown over it. I stopped them
and gave them to my domestics to hold, after which I flew
1596.]
ROSNY RECEIVES A MISSION TO ROUEN.
487
to relieve Madame de Liancourt, who was half dead with
fear. I went next to the coach, and assisted the women to
get out of it; they were for having the coachman hanged,
and I was complaisant enough to give him two or three
strokes with my cane. At length their terrors being entirely
dissipated and the carriage refitted, we resumed our journey;
and till we arrived at Clermont I continued to ride close to
Madame de Liancourt's litter.
The king had set out for this place to meet his mistress,
and arrived there a quarter of an hour after us. I did
not fail to inform him immediately of what had happened;
and while I was relating this adventure, I observed him at-
tentively, and saw him turn pale and tremble. By these
emotions, which I never perceived in him in the greatest
dangers, it was easy to guess the violence of his passion for
this lady.
The first moments were given to tenderness; after which
the king consulted with me concerning the state of his affairs.
That which was of most consequence at present, was the ad-
vice he had just received by a letter from Rouen, that the Duke
of Montpensier, engaged more strictly than ever with the
factious courtiers, had formed a very dangerous design against
his royal person (this design was not explained), and that he
was endeavouring by all sorts of methods to gain himself de-
pendents. The king was so much the more afflicted at this
news, as he really loved the Duke of Montpensier; and since
policy hindered him from marrying his sister to the Count of
Soissons, or any of the princes of Lorraine, he was accus-
tomed to look upon this prince as his future brother-in-law.
He insisted that all other business should be postponed for
this, and that I should go immediately to Rouen, and there
either prevail upon the Duke of Montpensier to return to
his duty, or disconcert all his projects.
I stayed six days at Rouen, and during that time I had
sufficient reason to be convinced that the imputations against
this prince were absolutely false, and an artifice of those who
sought to throw the government into confusion. The Duke
of Montpensier, whose sentiments were very different from
those he was accused of, suffered nothing to appear either in
his actions or discourse but what proved his strict attach-
ment to the king. Those persons with whom he had had the
488
[BOOK VIII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
closest connexions durst not in his presence avow any prin-
ciple contrary to his, and had no hope of ever gaining him.
One day, when he did me the honour to invite me to dine
with him, he talked to me of his resolutions with a candour
and freedom which those who know him are sensible he could
not have been capable of, had he been conscious of any secret
guilt; and although he did not seek to justify himself, yet
innocence carries along with it certain silent proofs which
cannot be resisted. He embraced me several times as a man
who was dear to him by being faithfully devoted to the king;
and on that account promised me his friendship, of which I
have since had many instances. I mentioned to him his
marriage with the Princess Catherine, as an affair in which
the king was as solicitous for his success as he himself could
be. He confessed to me that he had never desired anything
with so much ardour as the possession of this princess, but
that he durst not flatter himself with a hope of obtaining her,
since he bad not qualities, he said, capable of gaining her
heart, or of subduing the ascendancy the Count of Soissons
had over him. I remained entirely satisfied with the Duke
of Montpensier's sentiments, and resolved to give a good
account of them to the king. The remainder of the time I
stayed at Rouen I employed in renewing my former friend-
ships with several persons, among whom were the first presi-
dent De Boquemare, Messieurs de Lanquetot, de Grémon-
ville, de Bourgtheroulde, de Bernière, all members of the par-
liament; the Abbés de Tiron and Martinbault; the Lords
O
Palace; de la Haulle, de Menencourt, du Mesnil-Basil, and
others by whom I was entertained, and whom I entertained in
my turn. I lodged with La Pile, one of my particular friends.
I found the king still at Amiens,* where, a few days after,
arrived deputies from the principal cities of Provence and
Languedoc, whose compliments and harangues his majesty
received with his accustomed goodness. The deputy from
Marseilles was heard with most pleasure, as he spoke for a
city so ancient, and at all times so faithful to its sovereigns.
* The deputies of the town of Amiens speaking to him, in their ad-
dresses, of Henry III.'s goodness, “ Yes," says he to them," he was a
good prince, but he was afraid of you; and for my part, I neither fear
nor love you." (Le Grain, Decade d'Henry le Grand, liv. x.)
1596.]
ROSNY'S SECOND MISSION TO THE PRINCESS.
489
The king being not only undeceived by my report of the
Duke of Montpensier, but also more than ever convinced of
his affection, resolved to make one more effort in his favour;
and, unfortunately, I was the person whom he fixed upon to
discharge this new commission. Having sent for me one
night to his bedside, he told me that, under a pretence of
visiting the princess Catherine, I must go and endeavour to
prevail upon her to entertain for the Duke of Montpensier
Those sentiments which, notwithstanding the sacrifice of the
marriage contract, she still preserved for the Count of Sois-
sons.* After what had happened to me at Chartres upon
this occasion, I thought it rashness to embark in an affair in
which it was impossible to succeed. I conjured the king not
to expose me, by this new attempt, to the eternal hatred of
this princess and the count. My entreaties, pressing as they
were, had no effect: he answered me only with the proverb,
“a good master, a bold seryant;" and I had nothing for it
but obedience.
My last resource was to request my commission in writing,
that it might secure me against the fate of many courtiers,
who have been disgraced for acting with a blind obedience
to their master, against persons of the princess's rank; and
besides a letter of compliment to the princess, I required a
second, in which he should state the motives of my journey,
the nature of his orders, and the manner and arguments by
which he desired I should enforce them. When I made this
proposal, the king, always tenacious of what concerned his
honour, replied that his greatest enemies never demanded
more security than his word. I answered by assuring
him that I would never make use of it but in the last
extremity; and that if the princess should appear disposed
to comply with his desires, provided I could convince her
that I acted solely by his authority, this writing would
not then be necessary. The king yielded to this last argu-
ment; and being furnished with this authentic document,
I took the road to Fontainebleau, where the princess then
was, extremely perplexed with the part I had taken.
I stayed only a day at Paris, from whence I went to the
* She used to say to those who spoke to her on the king's part,
“ Above all things I wish to see the count.” (Matthieu, tom. ii. liv. ii.
p. 628.)
490
[BOOK VIII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
princess, who Faited for me with some impatience, the king
having informed her some days before by Lomenie of my in-
tended journey, without explaining the occasion of it. She
had flattered herself (for love, if it fears all, hopes all like-
wise) that I might possibly be coming to make the Count of
Soissons happy; and this thought made me happy also as
long as it lasted, which was the two first days, which I
thought necessary to devote to civility and compliments.
She altered her behaviour on the third, when she found that
I only introduced the subject of her love to declare to her
that the Count of Soissons had, by his imprudent conduct,
incensed the king to such a degree that she ought no longer
to think of making him her husband; for I judged it proper
to begin by removing one, before I endeavoured to introduce
the other.
Although in speaking of the Count of Soissons I made use
of the gentlest terms my imagination could furnish me with,
he had in the princess so ardent a defender, that in her an-
swer she intermingled the harshest epithets, and menaces of
depriving me of the king's favour. Astonished at so sudden
and violent a rage, I thought of nothing but appeasing her,
otherwise my commission would have that moment been at
an end. I therefore entreated her to hear me, and beginning
a speech of which I knew not what the end was likely to be,
I first introduced a long and eloquent protestation of my
respect, attachment, and earnest desire to serve her; during
which I racked my imagination in vain to furnish me with
the means of appeasing her; for what it was most necessary
she should hear, namely, the Count of Soissons' insolent be-
haviour to the king, was precisely that which would enrage
her the most. I ventured however to break through this
difficulty, and conjured her to reflect seriously whether this
prince had, by his whole conduct, deserved that the king
should be solicitous to raise his fortune. It was the hope
only, that a discourse whose beginning was so disagreeable,
would end in a manner more favourable to her passion, that
induced the princess to pay any attention to me; which I
judged by those emotions of anger and disdain which over-
spread her face alternately with blushes and paleness.
I continued to lay before her, with all the moderation
imaginable, the many causes of discontent which the count
1596.7
ROSNY'S INTERVIEW WITH TIE PRINCESS.
491
had given the king, particularly his behaviour in Burgundy,
certainly inexcusable even in the eyes of a mistress. I used,
however, the precaution to repeat frequently, that, for my
own part, I believed the count to be very far from enter-
taining those sentiments which his conduct gave room to
attribute to him. I dwelt upon the consequences it must
naturally produce at a time when a process was actually
commenced against the Princess of Condé, by which the
prince her son, still a Huguenot, lived uncertain of his con-
dition, and in a kind of banishment at Rochelle. This affair
being of the number of those in which just right alone is not
sufficient, the friends of the young prince would have suc-
ceeded with difficulty in destroying those accusations against
the mother, and securing to the son his rank of first prince
of the blood and presumptive heir to the crown, if the king,
by suppressing the instruments of the process, as he did at
last, had not interested himself in the justification of the
one, and the defence of the other.* I made the princess
sensible tbat the count was master of his own fate, but that
he made so bad a use of the king's favourable dispositions
towards him, that he would infallibly oblige him to engage
in the interests of his rival. In short, I said enough to
have made any other think he was greatly to be blamed.
The princess, who, during this discourse had fallen into a
reverie, occasioned more by vexation than prudent reflec-
tions, here interrupted me, to hasten to that favourable con-
clusion of which I had given her a hint, and which seemed
further off in proportion as I lengthened my speech. But
having once begun, she was not sufficiently mistress of her-
self to stop where she intended; and giving way to the rage
that filled her breast, she fell a second time upon me, who,
she said, only sought to deceive her, and upon the king, her
brother, “ who loves me so much," said she, ironically, “ that
he cannot resolve to part with me;" and as a proof, entered
into a long enumeration of the suitors she had had, amongst
whom it would have been easy to prove that she had missed
of an establishment through her own fault, as when she re-
* The Princess of Condé was accused of being accessory to the
death of her husband. (See an account of the whole affair, ante,
P 188,) ---ED.
492
[BOOK VIII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
fused the King of Scotland.* In the course of her com-
plaints, she neither spared the queen, her mother, nor King
Henry III., who, she said, had all conspired to keep her
single. Her stock of rancour being almost exhausted by
so inany invectives, the softer passion took its place, and na-
turally turned her thoughts on the Count of Soissons, a sub-
ject which she treated not less amply, but in a manner very
different from the former.
At length, recollecting that her design by interrupting
me, was to hear that advice by which, I told her, all past
errors might be repaired, she asked me positively what that
advice was, but with the same tone of malignant raillery ; by
which I was still better convinced that her mind was irri-
tated beyond the power of human eloquence to cure : how-
ever, pressed by the question, I replied, “By the Count of
Soissons doing the very contrary of what he has hitherto
done.” The observations I made while I pronounced these
few words were sufficient to convince me that it would be
to no purpose to propose the Duke of Montpensier to her ;
I therefore considered my commission to be at an end, or
rather absolutely useless, and all I aimed at now was to
draw myself out of this embarrassment by expressions so
vague and general that the princess could not take any ad-
vantage of them against me, nor afterwards assert that I had
failed in my promises to her. Nothing is more easy than
this kind of discourse. I entered at first upon the necessary
duties of crowned heads, and expatiated a long time upon
this subject,---from whence, however, I drew no other infer-
ence but that the king could not be reproached with any de-
reliction of his. This introduced another set discourse,
divided into several heads, wherein Henry's gentleness of
disposition was not slightly discussed; and to conclude by
something still clearer, since the princess, contrary to my
expectations, had patience enough to listen to so long an
* This marriage was proposed about 1588 or 1589, and from a letter
of Henry to his mistress, Corisande d'Andouin, seems to have been
ardently desired by the King of Scotland: “There is a man here," says
the king, "who is the bearer of letters from the King of Scotland to
my sister; he presses me more than ever about the marriage: he offers
to send me a supply of six thousand men, and to come himself to serve
me," &c. (See more on this subject in the Appendix.)-ED.
1596.]
TEL INTERVIEW RENEWED.
493
harangue, I assured her, in a few words, that Herry's tem-
per was such that I was confident he would be easily pre-
vailed upon to consent to everything that was reasonable.
The princess, surprised at so precipitate a conclusion,
asked me, with some appearance indeed of reason, if I had
nothing more to say to her, for it must be confessed that I
had gone a great way about to little purpose: I replied, that
I had still a great many things to add. This long conversa-
tion having lasted till night, I depended upon having wearied
the princess so much, that she would take an absolute leave
of me: but I was mistaken; she said she would see me the
next day, and dismissed me with a sullen and malignant
look, accompanied with a glance, and some interjections
which I heard as I went out, upon the part I had played at
Chartres ; from whence I drew a very unfavourable presage.
I should have been the most presumptuous of all men, if,
after this, I could have flattered myself with being able to
bring her to the point we desired. Indeed, I was so far
from entertaining such a thought, that I should have been
rejoiced if the princess, in quitting me, had commanded me
never to appear before her again. I went however the next
day, to wait upon her at the appointed hour, which was after
she had dined. She had retired to her cabinet earlier than
usual, and continued shut up there with the Ladies de Ro-
han, de la Guiche, de la Barre, and De Neufvy, from none
of whom I had the least reason to expect any good offices.
I waited in her chamber, talking to the Ladies de Gratains
and Pangeas, and two other young ladies, who were as much
inclined to favour me as the others to do the contrary. I
told them that I should not have been sorry if they had been
in the princess's cabinet instead of those ladies that were
then with her, who, I was persuaded, were that very moment
giving her very bad advice: they told me I ought not to
imagine so, but in a tone that confirmed me in my opinion.
It was an hour, at least, before the princess came out;
she had been all this time preparing herself, and perceiving
.me, told me that she was going to give me her answer, the
purport of which it was not difficult to guess, by the cold
yet contemptuous air with which she pronounced these
words. I followed her, in great uneasiness; but she spared
me the pain of speaking first, by telling me that she ac-
494
[BOOK VIII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
quitted me of all I had promised to inform her of, and that
now I had nothing to do but to hear her in my turn; then
assuming an air still more haughty and contemptuous, she
treated me in the presence of all those witnesses (I am
obliged to confess it) like the basest of men, who, she said,
took upon myself the character of a person of importance,
and an able politician, while, in reality, I was a vile and in-
famous parasite, who had endeavoured to extort from her
own mouth a confession of faults which neither she nor the
count had ever been guilty of, in order to make my court to
the king, who was himself ashamed of the part I had acted.
The princess could not here avoid falling into the female
fault of betraying, by an exuberance of words, the reserve
she had resolved to maintain. Something which I had said
the evening before, relating to her conduct and that of the
Count of Soissons in Béarn, occurring to her memory, she
entered into an unseasonable justification of it. Pangeas*
was called a great loggerhead, who had not yet received his
deserts; my comment upon the duties of kings was con-
sidered highly unbecoming: then recalling herself from this
rambling strain, she told me that, to conclude all with a few
words, and to hinder me from boasting of my commission,
she gave me to understand that I was rash and imprudent to
the last degree, to concern myself with the affairs of a per-
son so far above me; I, who was only a private gentleman,
whose highest honour it had been to be brought up in her
family, and who, as well as all my relations, had subsisted
only upon the bounty of the princes of Navarre ; that the
fate of all those who, like me, forgot themselves, and dared
presume to interfere in matters which did not conceru them,
was to be sacrificed sooner or later, without having the
honour of the action. From a woman these expressions
might be endured, but, as the princess was well assured that
no man whatever, not even the Count of Soissons, although
a prince of the blood, durst treat me in the same manner,
she added, as the highest affront she could think of, that all
she had said was in the count's name as well as her own.
The conclusion of this speech was of a piece with all the
* Ante, p. 290.
1596.7
ROSNY EXPOSTULATES WITH THE PRINCESS.
495
rest; she threatened, with an excess of rage, to ruin me for
ever with the king by a single word, and forbade me for the
future to appear in any place where she was.
I do not believe any distinction of rank or sex can autho-
rise the use of terms so outrageous : certainly it cannot be
vanity in me to repeat them ; but as the princess added en-
deavours to words, and obliged me to take measures for my
own defence, in which, for the first time, I waived that sub-
mission I owed to a princess, the sister of my king, I cannot
better prove the necessity I was under to take such steps,
than by faithfully relating those conversations, and even the
very words that were made use of. Although my pride suf-
fered greatly by this shameful treatment, I had discretion
and even policy enough not to suffer it to appear; I say
policy, for had my countenance expressed the least emotion,
or my reply the least bitterness, thie princess, without hear-
ing me, would have left me in a triumph which it was neces-
sary I should lessen before those persons who either took
part in, or were witnesses of it.
I began, therefore, with the false timidity of a man who is
solicitous to disculpate himself; and that I might engage the
princess to hear all I had to say, I told her that I was very
much grieved to find that the prejudices she had conceived
made her discover a meaning in my words that I had no in-
tention to give them, and bad drawn upon me a treatment I
could not possibly deserve; that it was easy for me to con-
vince her how little I merited those reproaches she had cast
upon me; and to begin with the Count of Soissons, she
knew that in all I had said relating to him I had added that,
for my own part, I was absolutely convinced of the rectitude
of his intentions. By this introduction I stopped the prin-
cess, who supposed she should soon have the pleasure to see
me imploring pardon at her feet.
I went on with the same composure to tell her that to re-
move the displeasure she seemed to entertain that a private
gentleman, and one unworthy to approach her, should be
sent to treat with her, I begged leave to remind her that,
although by the prodigality of my ancestors I was possessed
neither of the estate nor dignities to which I had a claim,
yet more than a hundred thousand crowns had been carried
496
[BOOK VIII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
by the daughters of my family into the houses of Bourbon
and Austria ;* and that, far from being a charge to the king
since I had been in his service, his majesty had sometimes
given me the pleasure to see himn have recourse to me in his
necessities. I acknowledged, however, that nothing could
have justified my having exceeded his orders, if I had really
been.capable of doing so. Here, drawing the king's second
paper out of my pocket, addressed to the princess in form of
a letter, I took advantage of the astonishment into which I
had cast her to tell her that, to finish my message before I
quitted her for ever, I declared to her as his servant, that his
majesty holding the place of her father, and being likewise
her master and her king, she had no other part to take than
submission to his will; that, without listening to anything
the Count of Soissons could suggest, she must resolve either
to accept of a husband from the hand of the king her brother,
or incur the loss of his favour; that in this last case it would
be a very sensible mortification to her, after having held the
rank of a queen, to see herself reduced to a very inconsi-
derable fortune, since she was not ignorant that, besides the
presents the king had bestowed, in the resignation he made
her of those estates she at present enjoyed, he had consulted
rather the dictates of his own heart than the laws and cus-
toms of Navarre, which would have assigned a very small
provision for her.
These last words drew the princess, in spite of herself, out
of that scornful insensibility she had affected to show, to
enter into the greatest transport of rage that any woman
could be capable of. After giving vent to all that anger
could inspire, she went furiously into her cabinet, and I
withdrew with great composure towards the staircase, whither
Madame de Neufvy came running after me, to tell me that
the princess had sent her to demand the letter I had shown
her. This was a new stratagem of those four ladies, who had
persuaded the princess that she would ruin me more effec-
tually with the king if she could make it appear that I had
sacrificed his majesty's letter. I perceived the snare that
was laid for me, and I replied to Madame de Neufvy that I
* I refer the reader to the explanation I have given in the beginning
of these Memoirs about the alliances of the house of Bethune.
1596.1
DISPLEASURE OF THE PRINCESS WITA ROSNY. 497
was surprised the princess, after having refused to hear the
contents of the letter, should send immediately to demand
it. I added, that I could communicate it only to the
princess, and that by simply reading it to her, baving occa-
sion for it myself. This was not what the messenger wanted,
and she returned without making me any answer.
I went that evening to Moret, where my wife then was,
and staying with her only one day, set out the next for
Paris, to meet my courier, whom I had sent from Fontaine-
bleau with despatches to the king. But I was greatly sur-
prised when, instead of him, I saw young Boësse, the
princess's steward of the household, arrive with a letter, and
still more so when I found it was from the king. I knew
that Boësse was the person whom the princess sent with her
despatches to his majesty. I found that this letter had been
sent open to the princess, and had not been transmitted to
me till it had passed through her hands, and that she had
sealed it with her own seal: all these circumstances left me
no room to doubt of my misfortune, which, by a sad fore-
boding in my mind, was still more confirmed, and I opened
the letter trembling. My fears were but too just; the letter
was in the following terms:
“MONSIEUR DE ROSNY, I am much concerned and greatly
astonished at not having received any letters from you since
your departure, to inform me of what you have done in the
business with which I charged you respecting my sister, and
more particularly so from having received letters from her,
in which she complains bitterly against you, by whom, she
says, she has beer so much offended, and in so many respects,
that she can never forgive you, and therefore entreats me to
obtain her satisfaction from you; though I must confess that
she specifies nothing particularly in her letter, which makes
me think there is not, perhaps, so much to complain about as
she would have me believe: however, she says generally that
you have made use of more insolent expressions than I could
have done: you are sensible such conduct is not consistent
with your duty, my wishes, or the instructions I delivered to
you on your departure, with regard to the manner in which
you were to act towards my sister, whom you were to
address in the same manner as you would myself, to assurs
VOL. I.
2 K
498
[BOOK VIII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
her duty in certain things, the obligations she owes me, the
favours I wish to confer upon her if she will act according to
my desires, and what my intentions are in all these respects:
think, therefore, on what you have said and done, and if
there be the least circumstance that can have justly given
her displeasure, return to her, apologise candidly, nay even
entreat her forgiveness, if the thing require it, which she will
immediately grant you; you will not be ill received, for I
have taken care of that: but however this may be, make her
satisfaction, for considering how nearly she is allied to me, I
will not suffer any one of my subjects to offend her with impu-
nity, if he refuse to make those submissions which are due to
her. I pray God, Monsieur de Rosny, to preserve you.
From Amiens, this 15th of May, 1596",
I was overwhelmed, I confess, with this unexpected blow,
and so much the more as, having no reason to imagine that
the king bad not received my letter, I saw that it was after
he had read it that I was thus treated. What reflections did
I not then make upon the misfortune of being employed in
settling the differences of persons of such rank, and the
danger of serving kings! I had nothing to reproach myself
with in regard to Henry; I had served him four-and-twenty
years with an unwearied assiduity and a zeal that nothing
could allay; it was with reluctance that I accepted this last
disagreeable commission: the writing which I had obtained
of the king contained many things much more severe than
any I had said to the princess; and I had suppressed them
at a time when it would, perhaps, bave been excusable to
have aggravated them. My guilt was, at most, a too faithful
obedience; yet his majesty sacrificed me cruelly, without
any regard to my reasons or his own express commands. I
was sensibly affected by this injustice, and all my thoughts
ran upon forming strong resolutions to quit the court for
ever.
But scarce had I taken these resolutions when a thousand
motives concurred to make me change them. Henry, as I
had already often proved, had acquired such an empire over
my will that after repeated oaths on my side to quit him, a
single word from him has drawn me to him, as it were by en-
1596.]
THE KING'S. LETTERS TO ROSNY.
499
chantment. To this was added the consideration of my own
interest: by listening to my resentment I was exposing
myself to lose the rewards of my long services when I was
just upon the point of obtaining them, and at a time when,
being disinherited by the Viscount de Gand, I lost an estate
of fifty thousand livres. a year; exhausted by a long and
painful service, having a house to establish, and menaced
with a numerous family by the fertility of my wife, these ex-
pected rewards were all my resource, and the only founda-
tion I had to build upon. But, on the other side, how could
I endure to suffer, like a criminal, the haughty and con-
temptuous behaviour of a princess with whom I had just be-
fore maintained a character so different, and who would make
this cup as bitter for me as she was able? The agitation and
grief of my mind may be easily imagined.
I at length took the most prudent part I could, but it was
far from suspending the uneasiness that preyed upon my
spirits; I feigned sickness, and the deep melancholy with
which I was seized was in reality capable of communicating
to my body part of the disorder of my mind. I discovered
to no person whatever the cause of my grief, but sent for a
physician, who, making me tremble for the consequences of
a disease entirely of my own framing, promised, however, to
restore me to health by the force of bleeding and purges.
At four o'clock in the afternoon another physician arrived,
for whom the cure of my distemper was reserved; this was
Picaut, my courier, whom I had waited for impatiently, in
order to form, upon the accounts he should bring me, my
last resolutions. After informing me that he had had the
inisfortune. to sprain his ankle, which was the cause that the
princess's courier came to the king before him, he presented
me with a letter, in this prince's own handwriting, which re-
moved all my complaints. It was as follows:
1
“ MY FRIEND, This letter will, I doubt not, find you in
anger at the style of iny preceding one, which Boësse will have
delivered to you, and which I only wrote through his impor-
tunities, to get rid of those of my sister, and to appease in
some degree the first effusions of her rage: you know as well
as I that we are both easily moved to anger, but we are soon.
appeased; pay no attention, therefore, to my first letter, and
500
[BOOK VIII.
DIEMOIRS OF SULLY.
read only this, by which I again confirm the assurances I
gave you at your departure. I well know you would do
nothing contrary to my intentions, and I also am convinced
you would not depart from the tenour of that letter which
serves you as a warrant, and which I suspected you required
for that purpose when you set out. Be, therefore, under no
apprehension that I will disavow what you have done, or
suffer you to meet with any affront. Serve me always as
you know I wish to be served, love me as I wish to love
you. Come to me as speedily as you can, and inform me
more circumstantially of all that has taken place during your
mission, and be assured you will be as well received by me as
ever you were (though I should be obliged to use the old
motto of the house of Bourbon, “Let who will crumble at iť).
Adieu, my friend. From Amiens, this 16th of May, 1596."
In this kind familiarity I again knew my old master. I
set out for Amiens very early in the morning, and arrived
there the next day. I neither suppressed nor palliated any
part of what had been said or done at Fontainebleau between
the princess and myself; and his majesty, by repeated ex-
pressions of friendship and esteem for me, showed that he
approved of my whole conduct.
That I may not too often interrupt the course of my his-
tory by a recital which is equally proper everywhere, I shall
finish, in a few words, all that relates to this affair. La Va-
renne, who was employed by the princess to take care of her
interests at the court, did not fail to inform her of the good
reception the king gave me, and the report that was every-
where spread that the finances would be wholly confided to
my care. The princess comprehended by this news, that it
was now necessary not only to renounce her vengeance, but
also to be upon good terms for the future with a man from
whose hands henceforward all the appointments for the sup-
port of her household would proceed. Whether she was
convinced that she herself was wrong, or still imputed the
blame to me, she had the generosity to pardon me; and I
must confess to the honour of the princess, that in this she
showed a greatness of soul of which few persons could have
been capable. If in those qualities which marked the charac-
1596.]
THE PRINCESS IS RECONCILED TO ROSNY.
501
ter of Catherine we except an excess of vivacity, which it was
not in her power to restrain, and to which in the affair above
mentioned was added the force of the most impetuous of all
passions, her disposition will be found naturally good and
easy, capable even of the refinements of friendship, and the
warmth of gratitude.
She communicated this alteration of her sentiments with
regard to me to Madame de Pangeas, one of my friends, and
even made the first advances to Madame de Rosny, whom I had
left in childbed at Moret. When her health was perfectly
re-established, she went one day to chapel at Fontainebleau,
and returned without waiting upon the princess, under pre-
tence of a slight indisposition which confined the latter to
her bed. Madame de Pangeas making her some reproaches,
as if from herself, but in reality by the princess's orders, my
wife found herself obliged to tell her that the terms I was
upon with the princess made it impossible for her to do her-
self that honour. On a second journey which Madame de
Rosny made to Fontainebleau, the princess sent to inform
her that the reasons she had given Madame de Pangeas
ought not to prevent her from coming to see her. Accord-
ingly, my wife waited upon her, and was most graciously
received. She candidly.confessed that she was not yet en-
tirely satisfied with my conduct, as she thought she had
reason to expect a very different one, considering those in-
stances of friendship which I had received from her in my
youth: she then mentioned several parties of pleasure at Pau,
or at M. de Miossens’,* in which she had done me the honour
to take me with her, and in particular a running at the ring,
where, having gained the prize, which was a ring of trifling
value, and when about to receive it from her hand, she
changed it, and gave me one in its stead worth two thousand
crowns. She did not forget to mention that my father had
often carried the queen her mother in his arms. After all
this, the princess very obligingly told my wife that her re-
sentment against me had never extended to her, whose
character and disposition she loved. She said a thousand
obliging things of M. de Saint-Martin, my wife's uncle, who
* Henry d'Albret, Baron de Miossens.
502
[BOOK VIII.
MEMOIRS OF GULLY.
had been first gentleman of the bedchamber to the king, and
of Madame de Saint-Martin, the sister of M. de Miossens, and
consequently a near relation of the princess.
Madame de Rosny left her extremely well satisfied, and
fully determined to use her utmost endeavours to restore me
to her favour. She made no attempts this first visit, but
afterwards, observing to the princess the attention I showed
in settling the assignments for the payment of the officers of
her household, and representing to her that it was only by
repeated orders from his majesty that I subdued the reluc-
tance I had to accept of the commission which had so much
offended her, Madame de la Force, who was then at the
princess's toilet, joined my wife; and what surprised me
greatly, being supported by the Ladies de Rohan and De la
Barre, they prevailed upon her to send for me that moment.
From this time, when the princess was convinced of my inno-
cence, she had so great a degree of friendship for me as to
confide all her secrets to me alone. She proposed, and pro-
moted with all her interest, the marriage of my eldest
daughter with the Duke of Rohan, her nearest relation* on
the side of the deceased queen her mother, and the heir of
her estate in Navarre: a match which the king did not then.
approve of, though he did afterwards. And lastly, when this
princess set out for Lorraine, sufficiently discontented, as is
well known, with the court of France, she declared publicly
that there were only three persons in it whom she esteemed,
and that I was one of them.
Hostilities between the king's party and that of the League
continued, during the years 1595 and 1596, in the same parts of
the kingdom as in the preceding years: in Brittany, between
Messieurs d’Aumont and De Saint-Luc, and the Duke of
Mercoeur; and in the provinces in the south of France, where
several little skirmishes happened between Messieurs de
Ventadour, de la Rochefoucault, de Châteauneuf, de Saint-
Angel, de Lostange, de Chambaret, and other officers on the
* Henry II. of that name, Duke de Rohan, &c., who married Mar-
garet de Béthune, as will be seen in the sequel of these Memoirs, was
grandson to René I. of that name, Viscount de Rohan, and Isabella
d'Albret, daughter to John, King of Navarre. (See in all the genea-
logists the other alliances of this illustrious house with that of France.)
. 1596.] DEFEAT OF THE DUKE OF SAVOY IN PROVENCE. 503
king's side ;* and Messieurs de Pompadour, de Rastignac, de
Saint-Chamant, de Montpezat, de la Chapelle-Biron, and other
Leaguers. The defeat of the Crocans, the siege of Blaye,
the sacking of Agen, and the death of the Duke of Rochefou-
cauit, are the most remarkable events t that happened in the
Limosin and the adjacent places. Lesdiguières continued
the war with equal success in Dauphiny, Provence, and Pied-
mont; sometimes against the Duke of Savoy, and sometimes
against the Duke of Epernon. The conclusion of all these
expeditions was the entire defeat of the Duke of Savoy, who,
thinking to derive some advantages from the disunion of the
Dukes of Guise and Epernon, bad marched as far as Pro-
vence, from whence he was shamefully driven back; and
likewise that of the Duke of Epernon, who, yielding to his
rival, the Duke of Guise, assisted by the same Lesdiguières,
* Anne de Levis, Duke of Ventadour, governor. of Limosin, and
lieutenant-general for the king in Languedoc: he died in 1622; Francis
de la Rochefoucault, Prince of Marsillac; René de Sainte-Marthe, Lord
of Châteauneuf; Charles de Rochefort de Saint-Angel; Louis Francis
de Lostange, or Loustange; N. de Chamberet, otherwise called Chain-
bert, governor of Limosin ; Louis, Viscount Pompadour; De Ras-
tignac; John de Saint-Chamant,, or Antony, his brother (they were
all afterwards of the king's party); Henry Desprès de Montpezat; De
Charbonnière, Lord of Chapelle-Biron.
† Most of the events which the author mentions here happened
before the year 1595. The Count of Rochefoucault had been dead
since the year 1591, having been killed, as was said before, at the
battle of Saint-Yrieix la Perche. The Viscount de Pompadour was
likewise dead in 1591. Agen was also taken in the same year, 1591,
by the Count de la Roche, son to Marshal de Matignon Blaye
was besieged in the year 1593 by the same marshal, who, notwith-
standing the defeat of a Spanish squadron, was obliged to raise the
siege. The Crocans, so called from Croc, a village in the Limosin,
where they began to assemble, were also defeated about the same
time by Chambert, or Chanbaret, the governor of that province:
and afterwards the Marshal de Matignon completed their final dis-
persion and overthrow in Languedoc, more by stratagem than by
open force. (Consult, as to all these events, the historians above quoted;
as also see, in the private history of the Constable de Lesdiguières, the
expeditions of this hero, famous for the victories at Epernon, Pont-
charra, Vinon, &c., and for the taking of the Fort d’Exiles of Cahors,
and of a great number of other places; whereby he became master of
all Savoy, and a part of Piedmont.) Besides a war, France was sorely
afflicted this year, 1596, with a plague and famine, which were occa-
sioned by the utter inversion of the seasons: for L'Etoile says that
there was a summer in April, an autumn in May, and a winter in June.
504
[BOOK VIII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
d'Ornano, and the Countess of Sault's party, was left with-
out any resource, and reduced to the necessity of imploring
the king's clemency, by letters conceived in terms of the ut-
most suhmission, which his majesty received at Gaillon. His
letters were very soon after followed by himself: he came
and threw himself at the king's feet, which was a kind of
triumph for Henry; this duke's humiliation, with that of
Bouillon and De la Trémouille, being amongst the number
of those things he most earnestly desired.
During his stay at Amiens, the king took several new
measures to facilitate my being joined in the council of the
finances. This prince, who by an effect of the native recti-
tude of his own mind could not believe it possible for men to
be as corrupt as they really were, and by the sweetness of
his disposition incapable of proceeding to extremities till he
had tried all other methods, had for a long time imagined
that he should at length bring this body to manage the
revenues of the state with wisdom and economy, and that
this important reformation was not so difficult, but that it
might be produced by the advice of one man of industry and
integrity, whom he would associate with those that com-
posed it. With this view he spoke both in public and pri-
vate to the members of the council, to receive me amongst
them: however great their reluctance was, they durst not
openly reject a proposition which being made in this manner,
resembled rather an entreaty than a command.
I confess, sincerely, that I was not so easily brought to
yield to this medium. His majesty, in a private conversation,
told me it was his desire that I should endeavour to gain the
good will of the council, and, by some instances of complai-
sance, remove the suspicions they had entertained, that if I
joined their society it would be only to do them ill offices, so
that I might engage them by my behaviour to make it their
own request that I should be associated with them. I did
not hesitate a moment in replying, that it appeared to me to
be the worst way imaginable of being introduced into the
council of the finances, to owe it as an obligation to those who
governed them; and that knowing, as I did, the dispositions
of this body, I could not serve them and the state at the
same time. The king, who did not like to be contradicted,
and who likewise remembered my disputes with the Duke of

1596.] EFFORTS TO ASSOCIATE ROSNY WITH THE FINANCES. 505
Nevers, supposed I had still some remains of resentment
against those gentlemen, and thought he perceived a kind of
haughtiness in my answer, and a tenaciousness of my own
opinion. He told me, with some quickness, that he had no
desire to irritate every one upon my account; therefore, with-
out making any more attempts to bring me into the finances,
he would seek for some other employment for me, since he
knew I could not continue in a state of inactivity,
He had still some remains of displeasure in his countenance
when he quitted me to visit Madame de Liancourt, who, in-
quiring the cause, represented to him that he would never be
served with fidelity till he found a man who, from a regard
only to the public good, would not fear to draw upon himself
the hatred of the financiers. As for myself, I looked upon
my engaging in the finances as further off than ever; and re-
flecting that my employment would in future be reduced to
treaties and negotiations, an office which seldom fails to bring
certain ruin upon any man who would maintain his rank in
it with dignity and his reputation with honour, I resolved to
explain myself to his majesty, and prevail upon him to ap-
prove of a scheme that would at least secure to me the reim-
bursement of all my expenses. But Henry did not give me
time to make this proposal to him : as soon as I approached, he
told me that, upon the representation Madame de Liancourt
had made him, he was now brought over to my opinion; and
that, without any longer delay, he was going to declare his
intentions publicly, after having, for form's sake, imparted
them first to the constable and Villeroy, to whom it belonged
to despatch my patents. These two gentlemen came very
seasonably into the king's apartment, and received this order,
the constable by a low bow, and Villeroy by saying he would
give me the patent as soon as he could meet with a precedent
of the proper form.
In the afternoon, when the king was gone to hunt, I went
to make my acknowledgments to the Marchioness de Mon-
ceaux (for this was the title that Madame de Liancourt bad
lately taken); after which I thought I was obliged in civility
to visit Monsieur de Villeroy, of whom, instead of the pa-
tents, I asked for a warrant, which would have answered the
same purpose. Villeroy made an evasive reply; and during
three or four days that I pressed him, he always deferred the
VOL. I.
2 L
506
[BOOK VIII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
affair on various pretences till the next day. At last the
king left Amiens to go to Monceaux, and passed by Lian-
court, where Liancourt, his first equerry, received and enter-
tained him very splendidly. It was in this place that the
council had determined to use their utmost efforts against
me.
Liancourt, at Villeroy's solicitation, invited the chancellor,
who was his intimate friend, and the other members of the
council, who came to that place by the king's order, to stay
at his house during the king's residence there. They took
advantage of this opportunity of being always near the king,
to labour effectually for my exclusion from the council. The
method they made use of was not to attack me directly, but
to hint to the king that I was not fit for this employment, in
which, they said, for want of that experience which only a
long habitude can give, it would not be possible to avoid
committing a thousand faults, the least of which was capable
of ruining for ever the credit, and consequently bringing on
the destruction, of the state. These discourses were so often
repeated in the king's presence (for they designedly turned
the conversation upon that subject), and with so great an
appearance of sincerity, that he was at last shaken by them;
and when, at the same time, he found these gentlemen could
with such facility form the greatest projects, discourse with
such clearness upon the strength and interests of the state,
calculate the revenues of it with the utmost exactness, in a
word, were possessed, in appearance, of the whole science of
commerce in its full extent, and of every other method by
which a state is rendered flourishing; and especially, that
they conversed with each other in a language hardly intelli-
gible to any but themselves; and influenced still more by
the long preparation which they represented as absolutely
necessary before any one could be received into the council,
the king fell again into his former irresolution, and thought
that the present evil was not the greatest misfortune with
which the finances might be threatened. His majesty, like-
wise, looking upon all this as a proof of their repentance, and,
from the apprehensions he had just given them, expecting to
see a very great alteration in their conduct, no longer enter-
tained a desigu of introducing me amongst them.
Villeroy, who during this time continued at Amiens,
1596.] HENRY AND THE COUNCIL OF FINANCES. 507
though he was not the less informed of all the measures
taken by a body whom he directed as he pleased, seized this
opportunity to send my patents to the king, which he could
not dispense with himself from despatching, after the express
orders he had received from his majesty. When they were
transmitted to the king, he had left Liancourt, having stayed
there only a day, and was then at Monceaux, where, still
under the influence of those suggestions he had just heard,
he gave them to Beringhen, telling him to keep them with-
out saying anything to me, till he had orders to the contrary.
Beringhen, who was one of my friends, discovered the secret
to me, which I kept faithfully. Fifteen days passed in this
manner. The king did not speak to Beringhen about my
patents, and the council, blinded by their success, instead of
that sincere repentance which his majesty expected from
them, gave him new proofs of their artifice and insincerity,
and such gross ones that they forced him to crush them
with the blow which they might, without much difficulty,
have avoided.
The king discovered that the council had just farmed out
the subsidies of Normandy for thirty thousand crowns, and
to defraud the treasury of this sum, so much less than the
true value of the revenues, they had applied it all to the dis-
charging the old demands upon it. With a little attention
he convinced himself of other faults in their conduct: that
the five large farms did not produce the fourth part of their
value, because Zamet, Gondy, and other farmers of the king's
revenues, who were employed in them, being connived at by
the gentlemen of the council, divided with them the immense
profits that accrued from those farms. The avarice of these
people was not yet sated, and, under pretence of the losses at
Calais, Cambray, Ardres, &c., they allowed such drawbacks
upon all the other parts of the king's revenues, that, instead
of increasing, they grew perceptibly less. The king, amidst
that just indignation which this knowledge inspired, sent for
me, and commanded me to go to Paris, to inquire from
whence so great a dissipation of the money proceeded, which
could only take its rise from the council. I replied, that his
majesty having, without doubt, revoked the order he had
given to Villeroy, to despatch my patents, since I had not
received them, I had no right to mix with the council, or to

508
[BOOK VIII.
MEMOIRS OF SULLY.
meddle with the affairs transacted by it. “How!" said
Henry, concealing his consciousness of this reproach, “ did
not Beringhen, fifteen days ago, deliver you your patents,
and a letter from Villeroy You will find this heavy German
has forgot them.” While, by the king's orders, I went to make
preparations for my journey, that I might reach Claye that
evening, his majesty spoke to Beringhen, who consented to
take all the blame upon himself. During this interval, an
idea came into my head, which I communicated to the king
when I returned to receive his last orders. I told him that
I thought it would be necessary for me to go, before the day
appointed for the opening of the States, to some of the prin-
cipal districts of the kingdom, to procure there a more certain
account of the present state of his majesty's revenues, the
diminution they had suffered, and the augmentation they
would admit of, to the end that his majesty might regulate
his demands upon the States according to this scheme,
which, however imperfect, might still, in proportion, throw
some light upon the strength of the more distant districts,
and, consequently, upon the whole kingdom : that, besides
this advantage, I did not despair of procuring for him, in
those districts only which I should visit, the three or four
hundred thousand crowns which he had demanded in vain of
the council. I thought it would be useless, and even impru-
dent, to take upon myself to make this examination, without
such an instrument as appeared to me to be the most effectual
means to prevent my being deceived, which was a full power
from the king to suspend the contumacious receivers and
overseers from the exercise of their office, or even to discard
them entirely, and to reward the integrity of those who had
been zealous for his majesty's service.
Henry approved of the essential part of this scheme, but
altered something of the manner in which it was to be pro-
posed to the council. He was of opinion that I should take
such measures in offering this advice to them, that those who
most valued themselves upon the strength of their genius,
such as Sancy, Schomberg, Fresne, and La Grange-le-Roi,
might seize the hint first themselves, and so pass, at least in
part, for the authors of it; and, likewise, that each one in
the company might flatter himself that this commission
would be given to him, or, through his means, to the in-
1596.]
ROSNY PLACED IN THE COUNCIL.
509
tendants and masters of request, who were wholly at his de-
votion. Nothing could be more prudent than this medium,
which gratified alike the vanity of some, and the avarice of
all. Accordingly I took my place in the council, where, by a
miracle to be found only in courts, my colleagues, who in-
wardly pined with vexation, suffered nothing but joy to
appear in their countenances, words, and behaviour. I was
almost deceived myself by the profusion of praises with which
the chancellor loaded me, and the manner in which he told
me I had been expected by them with the utmost impatience :
such is the art of courtiers ; they settle it amongst themselves,
that however grossly they play the counterfeit, they shall
not appear laughable to each other.
END OF VOL. I.
VOL. I.
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14

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