####diº § § º - §§§ §§ # ºf f N à t º ºº:::::::Cº. Fºllº É AER's peningºtamoś - … º i • * ºv ºs. , - rºws KX SC Ǻ Sº **: . . . . . . . . . . Š-----——º-º-º-º: º * ...'...' * –------- . . . - TTTTTTTTTTTTTTTTTTTüßIIITITITITITITIII ; TA- .VN22 \\ A'). \ $332. WALTHAM. “To raising Townes and Churches new, in wildernesse they wander, First Plymouth, and then Salem next, were placed far asunder. Charles river where they nextly land, a Towne like name they built, Poore Cottages them populate, with winters wet soon split. Brave Boston such beginning had, Dorchester so began, Roxbury rose as mean as they, Cambridge forth from them ran. A.in likewise built, when Watertowne first houses up did reare, Then large-limb'd /øswich brought to eye 'mongst woods and waters cleer. Good Mews from Mew England. Lond. I648. 23 !1!!1111 × 00:1 No.1, soſi 1,0,1) laevaellºlvae WALTHAM, P A S T : A N D PR E S E N T : AND ITS INDUSTRIES. WITH AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF WATERTOWN FROM ITS SETTLEMENT IN 1630 TO THE INCORPORATION OF WALTHAM, JANUARY 15, 1738. BY p ...Acº º CHARLES AºNELSON, A. M. *A painfull work it is, I’ll aſſure you, and more than difficult, wherein what toyle hath becz, taken, as no man thinketh, ſo no man believeth, but he that hath made the trial/. ANT. A. WooD. 55 PHOTOGRAPHIC ILLUSTRATIONs. CAMBRIDGE : MOSES KING, HARVARD SQUARE. I882. W. e-º-º: GTº EDITION : 900 copies. 100 copies large paper. 7. " º 4 PRINTED BY John FoRD & SON, HARVARD SQUARE, CAMBRIDGE. \ ^_^_^_^_^_^ PHOTOGRAPHS BY THOMAS LEWIS, CAMBRIDGEPORT. PREFACE. HIS sketch of WALTHAM has reached nearly double the T number of pages originally intended, and yet many matters of interest have not even been mentioned. So rich is the supply of material that a volume four times as large could easily have been filled with the valuable historical records that have been preserved since its incorporation, while further diligent and careful research would doubtless throw much light upon its settlement and growth during the hundred years preceding. The Puritan visitors, who made their simple exchange of a bisket-cake for a bass with the native fishermen of the Mishaum on that balmy summer's morning two and a half centuries ago, little dreamed that before that period should elapse upon either bank of the same river would arise industries that should revo- lutionize the trade of the world, or they would have remained and identified themselves with a spot destined to become so famous. The chief aim in making this compilation has been to condense within the limits of a popular sketch such facts as were thought to be of the most importance in the history of the town from this early date (1630), and to present them in such form as would attract and interest the general reader, 6 Preface. If this end has been attained; if by the perusal of these pages readers are led to feel a deeper interest in the deeds and records of “the fathers,” not only of the town but of the state and nation as well ; if the “sun-pictures” of its manufactories, its churches and school-houses, its private residences, and its natural scenery attract the attention of those heretofore strangers to its marvellous beauty and to the enterprise of its people, and if an interest be aroused that shall call for a full and complete history from competent hands, this book will not have been written in vain. It remains to return sincere thanks to all who have kindly assisted the compiler, and rendered his task a pleasant one ; especially to Mr. Jonathan Brown Bright, whose researches into the early records of the town and its church history, published in the files of the Waltham Sentinel and Waltham Free Press, have been freely drawn upon, and who kindly listened to and revised many pages of MSS. ; to Mr. George Phinney, editor and publisher of the Waltham Free Press, for many courtesies and for free use of the files of the papers named ; to Mr. J. H. Colby for the use of a small volume of Mss. notes on the early history of the town ; and to John Ward Dean, A. M., Librarian of the New England Historic, Genealogical Society, for the use of the fac-simile auto- graphs scattered through the book. CHARLES ALEXANDER NELSON. Irving Street, West Somerville, 22 February, 1879. *:100 (131 haois|1×1 HO N01:1,1:ia v (1511. Naev Hilvae :SGNYºz G-0-2 =$(\ºs - §º º ZºëSY_g *2% ŽSº Fºr . * gº 6&s=º Gºś. ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE. AMERICAN WATCH CoMPANY, FROM NORTH SIDE OF CHARLES RIVER, .. 8o AMERICAN WATCH COMPANY (Front). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 BANK AND PUBLIC LIBRARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 BAPTIST CHURCH. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . II2 BEAVER Brook, NEAR CHARLES RIVER, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 BEAVER BROOK PATH. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Boston MANUFACTURING CoMPANY's BLEACHERY...................... 128 Boston MANUFACTURING CoMPANY's Cotton MILL................... 132 CENTRAL House . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 CHESTER BROOK, LYMAN ESTATE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 CHRIST CHURCH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I2O CHRISTOPHER GORE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 COMMON. (Two Views). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ioo CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . II2 Corros Mills in 1820.............................. ................ 92 Deer Park on Gore Estate........................................ 48 DEVIL's DEN, STONY BROOK. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Eois Vale in Wartham............................................ 92 FiskE HOUSE, MAIN STREET. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 Fox ISLAND. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6o THE GOVERNOR GORE MANSION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 GRAMMAR SCHOOLS. (Two Views). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ioa. HARRINGTON'S GROVE AND PULSIFER'S LANDING... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 8 I//ustrations. HERMITAGE, PROSPECT HILL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 HIGH SCHOOL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IoS THE LYMAN MANSION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 MAIN STREET. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 METHODIST CHURCH. .........:... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Iro NATHAN APPLETON. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 NEW-CHURCH CHAPEL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 NEW-CHURCH SCHOOL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I24 NEWTON BRIDGE From RIVER STREET. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 OLD GATEWAY AND BRIDGE, WALTHAM, ENGLAND..................... 68 “THE OLD (PHILLIPs) PARSoNAGE,” 1641. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 OLD “WIDOW COOLIDGE TAVERN,” WATERTOWN. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 PINION FINISHING ROOM, WATCH FACTORY... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I4O PROSPECT HILL AND POOR FARM. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6o PROSPECT House. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 RESIDENCE OF HON. N. P. BANKS... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 RIVER STREET . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 RUMFORD Ham.… 72 SEAL OF WATERTOWN. (Wood-cut). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 SoLDIERS’ MONUMENT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IOS ST. MARY'S CHURCH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 STONY BROOK. (Two Views). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 UNITARIAN CHURCH. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 UP CHARLES RIVER FROM MT. FEAKE... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 WALTHAM (ENGLAND) ABBEY CHURCH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 WALTHAM FROM BOSTON ROCK HILL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Frontispiece. WALTHAM, FROM NEAR THE FOOT OF PROSPECT HILL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 WATCH FACTORY AND ROBBINS's PARK. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 WHEEL AND PINION MAKING ROOM, WATCH FACTORY... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I4o THE * WHITE SWAN ".... • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • * * * * * * * * * 16 March 19, 1627–8. alS the shortest sketch of the life and labors of an individual | is incomplete without some mention of his origin and an- cestry; as the life of the child is intimately connected with that of the parent until the former arrives at his majority; so our account of the town of WALTHAM must be prefaced by some state- ments concerning its parent town, Watertown, – which, in the earliest days, embraced not only the territory included within the limits of the present town of that name, but also Waltham, Weston, and parts of Cambridge, Concord, and Lincoln, – with a reference also to the earlier New England settlements. The history of these settlements, for the first decade after the landing of the Pilgrims on Cape Cod on the afternoon of the 11th of November, 1620, is a history of struggles and privations unpar- alleled in severity and extent, and “indured with a wonderfull patience.” But notwithstanding the discouragements that beset the seekers for religious liberty while laying the foundations of their settlement at Plymouth, a more ambitious class were burning with zeal to found a commonwealth where political as well as religious liberty would be secured. The fishing stations previously established by the merely specu- lative Adventurers for money-making purposes had proved failures ; numbers of persons throughout the English realm were “disaffected to the rulers in church and state ; ” and the time had come to take steps to secure a domain for a colony. On March 19, 1627–8, John Endicott and five associates, the new Dorchester Company, obtained from the Council for New England “a grant of lands extending from the Atlantic to the Western Ocean, and in width from a line running three miles north of the river Merrimac to a IO Andicott at Maumkeag. [1629 line three miles south of the Charles.” The former grant of the New England coast to the Earl of Warwick and others, six years before, was by them resigned to this company. Mr. Matthew Cradock, “a prudent and wealthy citizen of London,” was the first governor chosen by the company, and “sworn in chancery” March 23, 1628–9, Mr. Thomas Goffe being chosen and sworn deputy governor at the same time. June 20th Endicott, commissioned as agent of the patentees, sailed with a small party to take charge for the new company of the old station at Naumkeag." Those on the spot disputed their claim at first, but the matter was amicably adjusted “by the prudent moderation of Mr. Conant, agent before for the Dorcheſter merchants,” and the place took the name of “Salem,” the Hebrew name for peaceful.” All told their numbers were “not much above fifty or sixty persons.” From the Charlestown records it appears that an exploring party from this small colony began a settlement at Mishawum, now Charlestown, before the winter of this year set in. The new Dorchester Company had been successful in procuring the grant of lands, but it had no corporate powers, therefore the Company was much enlarged, solicited and obtained a royal char- ter, March 4, 1628–9, creating the corporation known as the “Governor and Company of the Maſſachuſetts Bay in New Eng- land.” “But foraſmuch as the publick affairs of the intended colony were like to be but ill managed at ſo great a diſtance, as was between the Maſſachuſetts and London,” this company imme- diately organized a government for its colony, - placing their agent of the year before, Endicott, at the head as governor under the company, with seven persons to act as a council to him in connection with two additional to be chosen by the old planters, – prepared six vessels, and obtained a license from the Lord Treas- urer for the embarkation of “eighty women and maids, twenty-ſix 1. “Called by the natives Waemkecke, by our Royal King Charles, Baſtable ; but now by the planters, Salem.”— Capt. ºohn Smith, 1631. - - 2. Hubbard, 1680. 3. Palfrey. 4. Hubbard. 1629] Plantation at Charlestown.e. I I children, and three hundred men," with victuals, arms, and tools, and neceſſary apparel,” and “one hundred and forty head of cattle and forty goats.” Francis Higginson and Samuel Skelton were the two most prom- inent and influential of the “godly miniſters” provided by a com- mittee of the company for this band of colonists. Three of the vessels set sail in the early part of May, and arrived at Salem in June, the rest of the fleet soon following. Of their arrival Higginson wrote: “When we came firſt to Meihum- Áek,” we found about halfe a ſcore Houſes, and a faire Houſe newly built for the Gouernour, we found alſo abundance of Corne planted by them, verie good and well likeing. And we brought with us about two hundred Paſſengers and Planters more, which by common conſent of the old Planters were all combined together into one Body politicke, under the ſame Gouernour. There are in all of us both old and new Planters about three hundred, whereof two hundred of them are ſettled at Meihum-kek, now called Salem; and the reſt have Planted themſelves at Maſathulets* Bay, begin- ning to build a Towne there which we doe call Cherton, or Charles Towne.” We that are ſettled at Salem make what haſt we can to build Houſes, ſo that within a ſhort time we ſhall have a faire Towne.” -- On July 20th, a day set apart for fasting and prayer, Higginson and Skelton were respectively chosen teacher and pastor, and both were ordained with “ſimple ſolemnity,” and on August 6th thirty persons assented to “a Confeſſion of Faith and Church Covenant according to Scripture,” drawn up by Mr. Higginson, of which each of the thirty received a copy. Governor Bradford of Plymouth had been invited to witness the organization of the church, and he, “and ſome others with him, coming by Sea, hindred by croſs winds 1. “People profeſſing themſelves of good ranke, zeale, meanes and quality.” 2. Naumkeag. 3. The name Massachusetts Bay was at first only applied to the waters of Boston Bay or Harbor, lying between Nahant and Point Allerton, and Massachusetts included only the country lying around this inner bay. 4. “On the neck of land called Miſhawum, between Miſtick and Charles Rivers, full of Indians, named Aberginians.” – Prince's Annals, Sept. 13, 1628. I 2 Airst Church in Massachusetts. [1629 that they could not be there at the beginning of the day, came into the Aſſembly afterward, and gave them the right hand of fellowſhip, wiſhing all proſperity and a bleſſed ſucceſs unto ſuch good begin- nings.” Thus was organized the first church in the colony of Massachusetts Bay. The next important action taken by the Massachusetts Company was to provide for transferring the charter and government of the company to New England, and this was determined upon August 29, 1629. The old officers resigned ; and, on October 20th, John Winthrop was chosen Governor, with John Humphrey for Deputy- Governor, and eighteen others for Assistants. Humphrey’s depart- ure was delayed, and, March 23, 1629–30, at a Court kept aboard the Arbella, at South-Hampton, on the eve of embarkation, his place was supplied by Thomas Dudley, and several Assistants were chosen, in place of those who were not yet ready to sail to the new colony. Active measures were taken at once to transport to the colony large accessions of men, women, children and supplies. Seventeen vessels in all, bearing about a thousand passengers, some from the West of England, but the larger part from the vicinity of London, came over before the winter of 1630. The expense of this equip- ment and transportation was £21,200.” John Winthrop, writing to his wife “From aboard the Arbella,” riding at the Cowes, March 28, 1630,” says: “We have only four ſhips ready, and ſome two or three Hollanders go along with us. 1. Morton’s Memorial. 2. So stated in Şosselyn's Chronological Observations. But in his Two Voyages [1663] he has the following: “The Twelfth of jºuły, Anno Dome. 1630, 9'ohn Wen- thorº, Eſq.; and the aſſiſtants, arrived with the Patent for the Maſſachuſets. The paſſage of the people that came along with him in ten Veſſels came to 95000 pound; the Swine, Goats, Sheep, Neat and Horſes coſt to tranſport 12ooo pound beſides the price they coſt them; getting food for the people till they could clear the ground of wood amounted to 450oo pound; Nails, Glaſs, and other Iron work for their meeting and dwelling houſes 13000 pound; Arms, Powder, Bullet, and Match together with their Artillery 220oo pound, the whole ſum amounts unto one hundred ninety-two thouſand pounds. They ſet down firſt upon Noddles Iſland, afterwards they began to build upon the main.” As he gives the date of arrival wrong, and as his “whole ſum ” is greater than the sum of his items, perhaps the accurateness of his figures may be questioned. Even as estimates they are curious and worth noticing. 3. A ship of 350 tons, manned with 52 seamen, and fur- nished with 28 pieces of ordnance; the admiral of the little fleet. [1630 Winthrop's Fleet Arrives. I 3 The reſt of the fleet (being ſeven ſhips) will not be ready this ſennight. . . . We are, in all our eleven ſhips, about ſeven hundred perſons, paſſengers, and two hundred and forty cows, and about ſixty horſes. The ſhip which went from Plimouth' carried about one hundred and forty perſons.” On the 12th of June the Arbella arrived at Salem, the 9ewell on the 13th, and several other vessels during the first week in July. On the 8th of July Winthrop records in his journal: “We kept a day of thankſgiving in all the plantations,” “all the whole fleet being ſafely come to their port.” The Mary & 9ohn, of 400 tons, Capt. Squeb, master, sailed from Plymouth March 20, 1629–30, bearing the assistants Edward Rossiter and Roger Ludlow, and about 14o others, “godly families and people from Devonſhire, Dorſetſhire, and Somerſetſhire,” ac- companied by two ministers, Revs. John Warham and John Maver- ick. On the 30th of May, “when we came to Manta/ket,” says Capt. Roger Clap,” one of her passengers, in his memoirs, “Capt. Squeb would not bring us into Charles River,” as he was bound to do, but put us aſhore and our goods on Manta/ket AEoint, and left us to ſhift for ourſelves in a forlorn place in this wilderneſs,” “like a mercileſs man.” Nine or ten of these unfortunates were the men who first visited the place afterwards called Watertown, which visit Mr. Clap proceeds to relate as follows: “But as it pleaſed God, we got a boat of ſome old planters, and loaded her with goods ; and ſome able men, well armed, went in 1. Ludlow's the Mary and john. 2. Now Hull. 3. A young man of twenty-one years, who came out of Plymouth, in Devon. 4. Wood’s N. E. Prospect, 1634, gives “Miſhaum, Miſhaumut — Charlestowne,” and the names of “Rivers of note ” in the following order: “Saugus, Miſtick, Miſhaum, Naponſet, &c.” where the Mishaum is the only one corresponding in position to the Charles. Capt. John Smith, in his Description of New England, 1616, says he gave the name Massachusetts River to the stretch of water making up through the islands from the Bay, which name was “changed by the Prince his Highneſſe to Charles River.” The name Quino- beguin first appears in Morse’s Gazetteer, 1797. The original Indian name of the Charles River would, therefore, appear to be Mishaum. See note 4, page 11, John Endicott, in a letter dated 27th 8: 1651, mentions “one Pummakummin, Sachem of Qunnubbágge, dwelling amongſt or neer to the Narraganſets,” who desired that some English be sent “to plant his River.”—Adams’ I, iſe of Eliot, p. 87. The river may, therefore, have had another name, in the middle or upper part of its course. 5. He “was afterwards obliged to pay damages for this conduct.”—Trumbull. I4. First Landing at Watertown. [1630 her unto Charleſtown, where we found ſome wigwarms and one houſe, and in the houſe there was a man which had a boiled baſs, but no bread that we ſee: but we did eat of his baſs, and then went up Charles A'iver, until the river grew narrow and ſhallow, and there we landed our goods with much labour and toil, the bank being ſteep. And night coming on, we were informed that there were hard by us three hundred Indians. One Engliſhman' that could ſpeak the Indian language (an old Planter) went to them and adviſed them not to come near us in the night; and they hearkened to his counſel, and came not. I myſelf was one of the centinels that firſt night. Our captain was a low country ſoldier, one Mr. Southcot, a brave ſoldier. In the morning ſome of the Indians came and ſtood at a diſtance off, looking at us, but came not near us; but when they had been a while in view, ſome of them came and held out a great baſs towards us ; ſo we ſent a man with a biſket, and changed the cake for the baſs. Afterwards they ſup- plied us with baſs, exchanging a baſs for a biſket-cake, and were very friendly unto us.” . . . “I think we were not above ten in number.” “We had not been there many days, (although by our diligence we had got up a kind of ſhelter to ſave our goods in), but we had orders to come away from that place, (which was about Watertown), unto a place called Mattapan (now Dorcheſter”), be- cauſe there was a neck of land fit to keep our cattle on.” Tradition says that the steep bank where they landed was near the place where the U. S. arsenal now stands. The name of Dorchester was transferred to the land which they occupied during their brief stay, and a writer as late as 1827 says a pasture in the vicinity was called Dorchester fields. A fortnight later, less than a week after his arrival, Winthrop, with a small party, “went to Mattachuſetts to find out a place for our ſitting down,” “for Salem, where wee landed, pleaſed vs not. And to that purpoſe ſome were ſent to the Bay to ſearch vpp the 1. Probably Thomas Walford, blacksmith, who was the first settler at Miſhaum, at whose house they “did eat of his baſs.” 2. So named “because several of the settlers came from a town of that name in England, and also in honour of the minister of that place, the Rev. Mr. White.” 3. Claš's Memoirs, p. 21. 1630] Dispersion of the Settlers. I5 riuers for a conuenient place, who vppon their returne reported to haue found a good place vppon Miſłick; but ſome other of vs ſec- onding theis to approue or diſlike of their judgement; wee found a place liked vs better' three leagues vpp Charles riuer.” “And there vppon unſhipped our goods into other veſſels and with much coſt and labour brought them in July to Charles Zowne; but there receiving advertiſements by ſome of the late arrived ſhipps from London and Amſterdam of ſome French preparations againſt vs (many of our people brought with vs beeing ſick of feaver and the ſcurvy and wee thereby unable to carry vpp our ordnance and baggage foe farr) wee were forced to change our counſaile and for our preſent ſhelter to plant diſperſedly, ſome at Charles Towne which ſtandeth on the North Side of mouth of Charles Aciuer; ſome on the South Side, which place wee named Boſton (as wee intended to have done the place wee firſt reſolved on) ſome of vs vppon Miſſick, which place wee named Meadford; ſome of vs weſtwards on Charles A’iuer, four miles from Charles Zowne, which place wee named Waterioune, others of vs two miles from Boſton in a place wee named Æock/bury, others vppon the riuer of Sawgus between Salem and Charleſłowne. And the weſterne men four miles South from Boſton at a place wee named Dorcheſter. This diſperſion troubled ſome of vs, but helpe it wee could not, wanting abillity to remoue to any place fit to build a Towne vppon, and the time was too ſhort to deliberate any longer leaſt the winter ſhould ſurpriſe vs before wee had builded our houſes. The beſt counſel wee could find out was to build a fort to retire to, in ſome convenient place, if any enemy preſſed thereunto, after we ſhould have fortifyed ourſelves againſt the injuries of wett and cold. So ceaſing to conſult further for that time they which had health to labour fell to building, wherein many were interrupted with ſickness and many dyed weeke- ly, yea almost dayley.” 1. “The people that arrived at the Massachusetts in the fleet, Anno Domini 1630, were not much unlike the family of Noah, at their first issuing out of the ark; and had, as it were, a new world to people ; being uncertain where to make their beginning.” – Hubbard’s M. E., p. 134. 2. “This,” says Palfrey, “would correspond to what is now Waltham or Weston, and I think it very likely to have been near the mouth of Stony Brook, which divides those two towns.” I6 Plantation at Watertown. [1630 The ſhips being about to return to England and Ireland, upwards of Ioo returned in them, “and glad were wee ſo to be ridd of them.” Others joined a settlement at Piscataway, “whereby though our numbers were leſſened yet wee accounted ourſelves nothing weakened by their removeall.” Rev. Mr. Higginson of Salem, “a zealous and profitable preacher,” Mr. Johnson and “the lady Arbella " his wife, and Mr. Rossiter, one of the assistants, were among those who died. “So that there were now left of the 5 vndertakers,” says Dudley, “but the Gouernour, Sir Richard Saltonſtall and myſelfe and ſeven other of the Aſſistants — And of the people who came over with vs from the time of their ſetting ſail from England in Aprill, 1630, untill December followinge there dyed by eſtimacon about 200 at leaſt.” Lt. Governor Dudley thus sums up what transpired in the colony during the first eight and a half months after their arrival, in his “Letter to the Countess of Lincoln,” written March 28, 1631. At the time of the dispersion of which Dudley speaks, when they were unable by reason of sickness to carry their “ordnance and baggage foe farr” as “three leagues vpp Charles riuer,” Sir Richard Saltonstall," Rev. George Phillips, and a goodly number of the planters, went up Charles River about four miles “to a place zye// watered” and settled a plantation, just below where Mt. Auburn is now located, “at first sometimes called Sir Richard Saltonstall's plantation,” but named Waterton” by the Court of 1. Sir Richard Saltonstall was son of Samuel, the son of Gilbert Saltonstall, Esq., of Halifax, Yorkshire. He was the first Associate ey” Y_ * to the six original patentees mentioned ~Yn-os cº-3 4}=-4-3- in King Charles’s charter to the Mas- sachusetts, of March 4, 1628–9. A % cy.& worthy Puritan, one of the five under- takers, the first founder of the town and first member of the Congregational Church of Watertown. His uncle Richard was Lord Mayor of London in 1597. 2. “It is ordered that Trimpountaine shall be called Boſton ; Mattapan, Dorchester; and the towne upon Charles Ryuer, Waterton. [Margin] Water Toume.”— Mass. Rec., 1.75. The Indian name of Watertown was Pequusset, retained for a long time in the names Pequusset Common and Pequusset Meadow. It was sometimes corruptly written Pigsgresset and even Pigs go suck. HE --white SWAN.” HARRINGTON'S GROve AND PULSIFER'S LANDING. 1630] A'esolve to Build at Mew Towne. 17 Assistants, on the 7th of September, the second meeting held after their arrival in the colony, which is considered the date of the in- corporation of the Town. The name was doubtless given from the fact, stated by many of the early writers, that it was “well watered.” Johnson" calls it “a fruitful plot of large extent, watered with many pleaſant ſprings, and rivulets, running like rivers throughout her body.” Josselyn in his Zwo Voyages, 1663, and Dunton in his Jetters from AVew England, 1686, use identical words, and describe Water-Town as “built upon one of the branches of Charles River, very fruitful and of large extent; watered with many pleaſant Springs, and ſmall Rivulets.” “We beganne againe in December,” says Dudley, “to conſult about a fitt place to build a Toune vppon, leaveinge all thoughts of a fort, becauſe vppon any invaſion wee were neceſſarily to looſe our howſes when we ſhould retire thereinto ; ſoe after diverſe meetings at Boſton, Rockſbury, and Waterton,” on the 28th of December wee grew to this reſolucon to bind all the Affistants (Mr. Endicott & Mr. Sharpe excepted, which laſt purpoſeth to returne by the next ſhipps into England) to build howſes at a place, a mile eaſt from Waterton neere Charles river, the next Springe, and to winter there the next yeare, that ſoe by our examples and by removeinge the ordinance and munition thether, all who were able, might be drawne thether, and ſuch as ſhall come to vs hereafter to their ad- vantage bee compelled foe to doe; and foe, if God would, a fortifyed Toune might there grow vpp, the place fitting reasonably well thereto.” The “place a mile eaſt from Waterton ’’ was called Mew Zbwne, the present Old Cambridge. During the fall and winter several settlers at Watertown lost their wigwams and houses by fire, and “Mr. Phillips, the miniſter of Watertown, and others, had their hay burnt.” Dudley closes his letter to the Countess of Lincoln 1. Wond. Work. Prov., 1653, chap. 28. 2. Nov. 21, 1630. We met again at Watertown, and there, upon view of a place a mile beneath the town [the central point, or residence of the chief persons], all agreed it a fit place for a fortified town, and we took time to consider further about it. —Winthrop's journal. I8 The Lost Calf Alarm. [1631 with the following account of the first general night alarm : “Vppon the 25 of this March, one” of Waterton haueing loſt a calfe, and about 1o of the clock at night heareinge the howlinge of ſome wolues not farr off, raiſed many of his neighbours out of their bedds, that by diſcharginge their muſkeets neere about the place, where hee heard the wolues, hee might ſoe putt the wolues to flight, and ſaue his calfe : the wind ſerveing fitt to cary the report of the muſkeets to Æockſbury, 3 miles of at ſuch a time, the inhabitants there tooke an alarme beate vpp their drume, armed themſelves and ſent in poſt to vs to Boſton to raiſe vs allſoe. Soe in the morninge the calfe beenge found ſafe, the wolues affrighted, and our danger paſt, wee went merrily to breakefaſt.” Though this proved to be a false alarm, at the meeting of the Court held April 12th following, “patrols of four men were appointed to be kept every night at Dor- chester and at Watertown, the southern and western outposts; and military companies were to be trained every Saturday. The amount of ammunition to be kept by each soldier was prescribed ; and the firing of a gun after the night watches were set was made punishable by whipping, and a second offence by measures more severe.”” - - “1630. A very ſharp winter in New England.” This brief record in Josselyn's Chronological Observations might be expanded into a long account of the privations and sufferings that came upon the settlers so illy provided with shelter and provisions. Roger Clap writes in his Memoirs : —“Now coming into this country, I found it a vacant wilderneſs, in reſpect of Engliſh. There were indeed ſome Engli/% at Plymouth and Salem, and ſome few at Charleſtown, who were very deſtitute when we came aſhore ; and planting-time being paſt, ſhortly after proviſion was not to be had for money. . . . And when I could have meal and water and ſalt boiled together, it was ſo good, who could wiſh better?” Again: “In our beginning many were in great ſtraits, for want of proviſion for themſelves and their little ones. Oh, the hunger that many ſuf- 1. “Sir Richard Saltonstall,” Winthrop says. 2. Palfrey. 1635] Zimits of Watertown. I9 fered, and ſaw no hope in an eye of reaſon to be ſupplied, only by clams, and muſcles, and fiſh We did quickly build boats, and ſome went a fiſhing. But bread was with many a very ſcarce thing; and fleſh of all kinds as ſcarce. . . . Yet this can I ſay to the praiſe of God’s glory, that he ſent not only poor ravenous Indians, who came with their baſkets of corn on their backs, to trade with us, which was a good ſupply unto many; but alſo ſent ſhips from Aolland and from Zreland with proviſions, and Indian Corn from Virginia, to ſupply the wants of his dear ſervants in this wilderneſs, both for food and raiment. And when people's wants were great, not only in one town but in divers towns; ſuch was the godly wiſdom, care and prudence (not ſelfiſhness but ſelf-denial) of our Governor Winthrop and his aſſiſtants, that when a ſhip came laden with proviſions, they did order that the whole cargo ſhould be bought for a general ſtock: And ſo accordingly it was, and diſtri- bution was made to every town, and to every perſon in each town, as every man had need.” The limits of Watertown were for a long time quite undefined, and remained indefinite between it and Boston, on the one side, and Charlestown, on the other. The settlement of New Town and its rapid growth, however, soon raised questions as to the bounds of these two Towns, and on March 4, 1634–5, the Court appointed a Committee to determine “the difference concerning all bounds of land between them.” Bond makes the New Town [Cambridge] line run very near the homestall of Sir Richard Saltonstall, only one small lot intervening. The Committee agreed “that the bounds between Watertown and Newtown shall stand as they are already from Charles River to the great Fresh Pond; and from the tree marked by Watertown and Newtown on the southeast side of the pond, over the pond to a white poplar tree on the northwest side of the pond, and from that tree up into the country north-west- by-west, upon a straight line by a meridian compass; and further, that Watertown shall have one hundred rods in length above the weare, and one hundred rods beneath the weare in length, and threescore rods in breadth from the river on the south side thereof, 2O Curtailment of Territory. [16 38 and all the rest of the ground on that side the river to lye to Newtown ; ” westerly the Town extended “eight miles into the country from their meeting-house.” Later, after the settlement of Concord and Dedham, September 3, 1635, upon the north-west and south-west of Watertown, another conflict of bounds ensued, and the Court, on the 8th of June, 1638, ordered “for the final end of all difference” between the three towns “that Watertown eight miles shall be extended upon the line between them [W.] and Cam- bridge, so far as Concord bounds give leave,” and by the river eight miles into the country, “and so to take in all the land of that [north] side of the river, which will not fall into the square five miles granted to Dedham; ” a neck of land on the north side of the river was given to Dedham to make up her five square miles “accounted by quantity and not by situation.” On the northeast “six myles of land square" were granted to Concord, and so located in the survey as to overlap the land already granted to Watertown ; and thus the curtailment of the original territory of Watertown began, which has been continued until it is now one of the smallest towns in the Commonwealth. In November, 1637, a grant of fifteen hundred acres of meadow was made to Watertown “if it be there convenient, at the new plantation [Sudbury], upon the river Concord is upon,” and again in May, 1651, the Court ordered “that Watertown shall have two thousand acres, of land laid out near Assabet River . . . provided it be not prejudicial to any for- mer grants.” But neither of these grants was located at the time, and, though the town several times appointed committees to secure from the General Court the location and survey of the latter grant, which seems to have been made in lieu of, instead of in addition to, the former one, it was not until after a delay of over a century that the grant of two thousand acres of land was located “at Wachusett Hill,” in compensation for that taken by Concord, and this was divided between Watertown, Weston, and Waltham. In 1756 Waltham and Weston sold their shares, each for £267 6s. 8d. = £2005, O. T. The “weare” spoken of above was about three miles above the 1632] Watertown Fishery. 2 I “town,” just below the fall; it was constructed' in the spring” of 1632 by permission of Governor Winthrop, granted, the Court not being in session, because if they had waited for a meeting of the Court before constructing it, the fishing season would have passed by. The Court sanctioned the grant at its next meeting, May 9, 1632. Josselyn” says: “A mile and a half from the Town is a fall* of freſh waters which conveigh themſelves into the Ocean through Charles River; a little below the fall of which they have a weir to catch fiſh, wherein they take ſtore of Baſſe, Shades, Alwives, Froſt fish and Smelts; in two tides they have gotten one hundred thou- ſand of theſe fiſh.” - At a town meeting held January 3, 1634–5, it was agreed [by the freemen] “that there ſhall be foure rods in breadth on each ſide of the River, and in length as far as need ſhall require laied to the uſe of the Ware, ſo that it may not be preiudicial to the water-mill. Alſo one Hundred and fifty Acres of Ground granted to the Ware upon the other ſide of the River, to be laied out in a convenient place.” - - This wear was at first public property, but seems to have become private property in a few years, held in shares. In town meeting, June 2, 1641, it was “agreed, that Mr. Mahew ſhall enjoy the 150 acres of land on the ſouth ſide of Charles River, by Watertown wear.” Thirty years later, as the wears were in danger of being purchased by Indians, the Town voted to purchase them, and they were then annually rented at the highest price that could be ob- tained. They were the subject of many altercations and law suits. 1. Winthrop states the reason for building the wear to have been, because the people of Water- town, having fallen very short of corn the year before, for want of fish for manure, (which use of them they had learned from the Indians), wished to build a wear to take fish for that purpose. Granting permission to build this wear was one of the charges brought against Winthrop by Lt. Gov. Dudley, a little later. 2. April 16th. 3. Whose distances are not to be depended upon. 4. “Which disadvantage attends most of the great rivers of New England, throughout the whole country: on the banks of whose streames are many veynes of very rich and fertile land, that would receive abundance more inhabitants, who might live as well as in most places of the world, were itt not for the intolerable burden of transportation of theire goods by land, for want of navigable chan- nells, in those rivers. Charles River . . . runnes up twenty or thirty miles into the country, yet not navigable above foure or five, which makes it less serviceable to the inhabitants seated up higher on the bankes thereof.”— Hubbard, p. 17. 22. A Church Organized. [1630. Of late, says Bond (in 1860), the profits of the Fishery have been divided between the towns of Watertown and Brighton, seven-tenths to the former and three-tenths to the latter. Owing to the impuri- ties discharged into the river from the gas works, dye houses, and other factories, the fish finally stopped coming up the river, and the last three amounts reported by the Town Treasurer of Water- town as income received from the Fishery are:—for 1856, $161 ; for 1858, $74.25, and for 1860, $35. Since which time the wears. do not appear to have been used. On account of the “much fickneſs” and mortality that prevailed at Charlestown upon the arrival of Winthrop and his people, owing to the bad water there, and their “being deſtitute of houſing and ſhelter, and lying up and down in Booths,” the 30th of July, 1630, by recommendation of Governor Winthrop, “was ſet apart for ſolemn faſting and prayer,” by the people of Charlestown and Watertown. The first settlers of the latter town had “reſolved,” says Mather, “that they would combine into church fellowſhip as their firſt work;” accordingly after the religious exercises of the day were over, under the guidance of the Rev. George Phillips, “who was a worthy ſervant of Christ and Diſpenſer of his Word,” “about forty men, whereof the firſt was that excellent knight, Sir Richard Sal- tonſtall, then ſubſcribed , this inſtrument," in order unto their coaleſcence into a church eſtate.” There has been much argument over the point, whether this signing of a covenant constituted the organization of a church ; the weight of authority is in the affirmative, and Mr. Bond suc- cinctly states the correct conclusion “that Watertown was the first church in New England that distinctly adopted the Congrega- tional order; that it may justly claim priority over the first church of Boston, and, since the migration from Dorchester to Windsor, is entitled to rank as the second church of Massachusetts Bay.” At the first Court of Assistants, held August 23, 1630, at Charles- town,” it was “ordered that houſes be built for ” the ministers, Mr. 1. A covenant. 2. On board the Arbella. – 9 ohnson, 1630] Assessment for the Ministers. 23 Phillips of Watertown and Mr. Wilson of Boston, “with conven- ient ſpeed at the public charge ;” Sir Richard Saltonstall under- took to provide for Mr. Phillips at his plantation, and Governor Winthrop at Boston for Mr. Wilson." On Nov. 30th, an order was passed to collect £60 for the support of these two ministers, £30 being allotted to each; the amount was assessed: Boston 420, Watertown £20, Charlestown 4, Io, Aeoxbury 46, Medford 43, Winnese met 4 I. At this Court Sir Richard Saltonstall was “fyned V4 for whip- ping 2 ſeverall perſons without the preſence of another Aſſiſtant, contrary to an Act of Court formerly made :” but this fine he appears never to have paid ; he returned to England March 29, 1631,” and this fine was remitted by order of the Court Sept. 6, 1638. At the second Court, Sept. 7, 1630, it was enacted to be A to fine for any that should permit an Indian the use of a gun, the first offence; the second offence they were to be imprisoned and fined at discretion. - - The spirit of liberty and independence in thought and action, — the natural outgrowth or development of the fundamental idea of Puritanism, “to see God’s own Law made good in this world; . . . that God’s Will be done on Earth as it is in Heaven; ””— this spirit, that “was properly the beginning of America,” that led the Pil- grims to determine on settling in the black, untamed forests and amid the wild savage creatures of the New World, that founded the early churches in the Colonies, manifesting itself in individuals, early began to give trouble. One Richard Browne, “a man of good underſtanding, and well verſed in the diſcipline of ſeparation, having been a ruler in one of their churches in Zondon,” “ had 1. Previous to the organization of these churches, - ..º ſº ºr º both ministers had preached in Charlestown and Bos- 9ſŽty Le #0/*Ás. ton, “their meeting-place,” says Roger Clap, “being J % 4. abroad under a tree, where I have heard Mr. Wilſon and Mr. Phillips preach many a good ſermon.” Mr. Phillips had been minister of Bocksted near Groton in Suffolk Co., England, and Mr. Wilson had formerly been a minister of one of the par- ishes of Sudbury, in the same county. 2. Taking with him Grace, Rosamond, and one of his youngest sons, probably Samuel. His sons Richard, Robert, and Henry remained. 3. Carlyle. 4. Winthrop, I. 58. 24. Independence of Elder Browne. [1631 been chosen elder by the congregation at Watertown, but he had the boldness to express and maintain the opinion that “the churches of Rome were true churches.” This caused a division in the church, and attracted so much attention that Governor Win- throp, Deputy-Governor Dudley, and Mr. Nowell (elder at Boston), and others went to Watertown, July 21st, 1631, to confer with Mr. Phillips and Mr. Browne on this matter. The opinion “was debated before many of both congregations, and by the approbation of all the aſſembly except three, was concluded an errour.” But this overwhelming vote changed not the elder's views; and being, accord- ing to Winthrop, “a man of violent ſpirit, impetuous in his feelings, and impatient of rebuke,” he was not silenced. Nov. 23d, 1631, the Court took up the matter and sent a letter to the church advis- ing them “to take into conſideration, whether Mr. Browne were fit to be continued their elder or not,” to which an unsatisfactory reply was given. Dec. 8th, on complaint of members of the con- gregation, the Governor and others again met in assembly with them at Watertown; the complaints were heard, and, after much debate, a reconciliation was effected, “each party promiſing to reform what hath been amiſs.” But the excitement continued, and in Nov. 1632, Winthrop records “The congregation of Watertown diſcharged their elder, Richard Browne, of his office, for his unfit- neſs in regard of his paſſion and diſtemper in ſpeech, having been oft admoniſhed and declared his repentance for it.” ". He was a person of consequence” in the town, and was in later years fre- quently chosen one of the selectmen and representative to the Court of Deputies. It is doubtful if we are to believe him so violent and passionate a man as his opponents would have him appear to be. He had the confidence of his very worthy pastor, Rev. George Phillips, and gave to him his zealous support and cooperation in establishing and maintaining the church discipline, 1. Winthrop, I. 67, 95. 2. He was a grantee of 13 lots in the town, and of 200 acres “next the village granted to Dedham.” He received 9 acres in Waltham Plain, next to the river, 150 acres in the “Farm Lands” (Weston), and 50 acres in “the second Great Dividend,” in Waltham. BEAVER BROOK PATH. BEAVER BROOK, NEAR charlºs River. 1634] Mr. Browne a Representative. 25 since owned by the Congregational churches. Being older than Mr. Phillips he was more outspoken, and brought upon himself the displeasure of the magistrates by his “unflinching confronting” of them in their “much opposition to Mr. Phillips.” In causing his removal from his office as elder, they but opened the way for him to accept positions of even more importance, which the people of Watertown were not slow to confer upon him, for they held him in the highest esteem as a Christian and a citizen, and from the Col- onial Records he appears not less respected and confided in by the Court, to which he was Representative most of the time from the first (1634) till 1657. After the return of Sir Richard Salton- stall to England, there was no magistrate in Watertown, and in Sept. 1638, Mr. Browne was appointed by the Court one of the commissioners of that town, “to end ſmall cauſes.” Nov. 4, 1646, he was empowered to officiate at marriages in the town ; previous to this date, after the departure of Sir Richard Saltonstall, when couples wished to be married they had to leave the town and have the ceremony performed by a magistrate of some other town. Nov. 5, 1633, he was allowed by the Court “to keep a ferry over Charles River againſt his houſe” [near Mt. Auburn], and to have 2d for one person, and Id each for two or more. May 22, 1639, he was fined £5 for going to Connecticut without leave of the Court, he then being a deputy; but in Sept. 44 I.5s of the fine was remitted and the freemen of Watertown were fined £3, “for ſend- ing Mr. Browne away.” In 1657 he removed to Charlestown where he died at the age of 84 or 85 years. Nov. 5, 1634, Mr. Browne took a leading part in bringing before the Court of Assistants complaint against John Endicott of Salem, for mutilating the ensign, by cutting out with his sword the red cross. It was feared that this would “be taken as an act of rebell- ion, or of like high nature, in defacing the King's colors.” But Endicott's motive was one of “conſcience,” “thinking that the red croſs was given to the King of England by the Pope, as an enſign of victory, and ſo a ſuperſtitious thing, and a relique of Antichrist.” The settlement of this matter caused a deal of trouble and anx- 4. 26 Governor Winthrop's Visit. [1631 iety. They were doubtful of the lawful use of the cross in an ensign, but satisfied that his act was very unlawful, so that finally Mr. Endicott was censured, and disabled for one year from hold- ing any public office. On the 27th Jan., 1631–2, “the Governour and ſome company with him went” up by Charles A'izer about eight miles above Water- town,” and left an indelible record of their visit in the names which they gave to prominent features of the landscape, and which are still retained. Winthrop's Journal says they “named the firſt brook, on the north ſide of the river, (being a fair ſtream and com- ing from a pond a mile from the river), Beaver Brook, becauſe the beavers had ſhorn down divers great trees there, and made divers dams acroſs the brook. Thence they went to a great rock, upon which ſtood a high ſtone, cleft in ſunder, that four men might go through, which they called Adam's Chair, becauſe the youngeſt of their company was Adam Winthrop. Thence they came to another brook, greater than the former, which they called Masters' Brook, becauſe the eldeſt of their company was one John Maſters.” Thence they came to another high pointed rock, having a fair aſpect on the weſt ſide, which they called Mount Feake, from one Robert Feake, who had married the Governour’s daughter-in-law. On the weſt ſide of Mount Feake, they went up a very high rock, from whence they might ſee all over Meipnett,” and a very high hill due weſt, about forty miles off, and to the N.W. the high hills by Merrimack, above ſixty miles off.” Some explanations are needed to make this pleasant description clear at the present time. Aeaver Brook is a large and valuable stream, and empties into Charles River at the lower end of Waltham Plain, crossing the “Great road' in its course. It has two branches, eastern and western, which unite about half a mile from the river. The former and larger branch, always called Beaver Brook in the early deeds 1. “No doubt a-foot,” says Prince. “For the purpose of laying out a public road.” Hist. Coll. W. 3, 2d Serp. 265. 2. John Masters was one of the earliest settlers of Watertown ; he was admitted freeman May 18, 1631 ; moved to Cambridge before July, 1635, and died there 21st December, 1639; his wife died five days after, 3. Whiffcutt, the margin reads. 1633] A'eazer Brook and its Aramches. 27 and surveys, rises in East Lexington, passes through a corner of Aelmont, and divides it from Waltham nearly to the Watertown line, then flows south-west until it is joined by the western branch. The latter coming out of Sherman's' Pond, more than two miles from the river, is the ancient Chester Brook; at Pond End, near the present New Church School, it provides power for a small machine-shop;” about half a mile west of the site of the old Wal- tham Meeting house, it flows through a pond* and extensive bog, called Beaver Meadow, probably the locality of the pond observed by Winthrop, caused by the beaver dams long since destroyed; it afterwards passes through and adds greatly to the beauty of the Lyman place, formerly known as the Zivermore Farm, where, by a Small dam, it is expanded in front of the mansion into a beautiful stream. A little south of Beaver Meadoze, is Zily Pond, a small sheet of water having its outlet through the meadow into Chester Brook. The name Chester was probably given very soon after Governor Winthrop's visit, as Mr. Leonard Chester arrived in 1633 and left Watertown in 1636. “Some modern improvers,” says Bond, “have given the name Clematis” to the middle portion of the ancient Beazer Brook,” and a Railroad station has now that name. ' Masters' Brook, which Winthrop states was “greater than the for- mer,” is described by a writer in 1815, as known by that name to the oldest inhabitants then consulted by him. “It is one mile and a half west of Beaver Brook, and nearly a mile this side of Stony Arook.” “At present,” he says, “this brook can hardly be recog- nized by this description, on account of its smallness. . . . If the summer be dry there is scarcely any water in the usual course of the brook, which, as it approaches the river, has every appear- ance of having once been quite deep and broad.” It forms the western boundary of Waltham Plain. The knowledge of 1. In early records known as the “Great Pond in the Woods,” afterwards as Sherman's, Fiske's, and Mead's Pond. Its area is supposed to be about 1oo acres. Bond. 2. For- merly a grist mill. 3. Described in 1815 as nearly one mile in circumference, and abounding in fish. 4. Doubtless with the same desire for improvement, and with about as much authority as attended the change of the name of the brook, this word is mispronounced; the accent is put upon the second syllable, instead of on the first. 28 Levy for Palisade at Mewtown. [1631 the location of Adam's Chair has been completely lost. Mount Areake was marked upon a plan of the town made in 1640, only eight years after the name was given, which plan was unfortunately destroyed by fire in Boston in 1825; it has retained its name, and a beautiful cemetery has been laid out upon its western slope. The “very high rock” west of Mount Feake is now called Boston Rock Hill, and from its eastern side a fine view of Waltham is had. John Eliot, the apostle to the Indians, describes in a letter a singular event that occurred at Sherman's Pond in June, 1676. Some of the Indians, who still had wigwams on the western shore, observed the fish to come up on the shore. When some of the farmers drove their cows thither to water they not only noticed that the sand was strewn with all kinds of fish from the pond, but that the cows refused to drink the water. This continued three days. A large eel, which was wriggling about on the shore, was thrown back into the water, but immediately returned out of the water and remained until dead. Both Indians and whites ate freely of the fish without hurt. During these three days many cartloads of fish came ashore ; but after that time the water be- came harmless again.” “It was conceived,” says Hubbard, “to be the effect of ſome mineral vapour that at that time had made an irruption into the water.” In February 1631–2, a political altercation took its rise at Water- town, which has been so far-reaching and important in its results, as to merit full notice. On the 3d of that month the Court of Assistants ordered that £60 be levied out of the several planta- tions “towards the making of a paliſade” about the Newtown,” to carry out the “reſolucon' to which they “grew’’ December 28, 1630, that “a fortifyed Toune might there grow vpp.” The pro- portion of the levy allotted to Watertown was £8; upon receipt of the warrant for which “the paſtor [Mr. Phillips] and elder [Mr. Richard Browne], &c., aſſembled the people and delivered their 1. J. W. Colby's Wotes. 2. Palisades were constructed of cleft wood stakes eight feet long driven into the ground. NEWTON BRIDGE, FROM RIVER STREET. 1631] Watertown Resists the Levy; Result. 29 opinions, that it was not ſafe to pay moneys after that ſort, for fear of bringing themſelves and poſterity into bondage.” This resist- ance to the order of the Court resulted in their being summoned, “the paſtor and elder by letter, and the others by warrant,” before the Governor and Assistants on the 17th of the same month. “After much debate,” says Winthrop, “they acknowledged their fault, confeſſing freely, that they were in an errour, and made a retraction and ſubmiſſion under their hands, and were enjoined to read it in the aſſembly the next Lord's day.” Whether they fully retracted from their publicly expressed opinions may be questioned, as Bond well says, from their “much debate,” the well-known char- acter of the men, and the proceedings at the next Court held less than three months later. These men, thus independent, may well be considered good specimens of what Thomas Carlyle has said the Seventeenth-Cen- tury Puritans were: – Men “who had thought about this world very seriously indeed, and with very considerable thinking faculty indeed,” and who were “not quite so far behindhand in their con- clusions respecting it.” With them “Cant was not fashionable at all ;” for them “that stupendous invention of “Speech for the pur- pose of concealing Thought' was not yet made.” No one of them could have been deemed “a man wagging the tongue of him, as if it were the clapper of a bell to be rung for economic purposes, and not so much as attempting to convey any inner thought, if thought he had, of the matter talked of.” “These Puritans do mean what they say,” and with the same spirit mentioned above they aimed their opposition at the principle involved, which was thought to be full of danger, and not at the petty tax" imposed in this instance. To the agitation of this subject [by Watertown people], says Sav- age in his note [Winthrop, I. p. 71], we may refer the origin of that committee of two from each town to advise with the Court about raising public moneys, “ſo as what they ſhould agree upon ſhould bind all.” At the next Court, held May 9th, these Committees” were 1. Watertown had already paid her proportion of two taxes, one for the two military captains, the other for the two ministers, one of whom she had. 2. “Two of every plantation appointed to conferre with the Court about raiſeing of a publique ſtocke.” Mass. Rec. 1, 95. 3O Only Church-members Admitted Freemen. [1631 appointed for the several Towns, John Oldham and John Masters, for Watertown, heading the list. This led to the establishment, two years later, of the representative body, having the full powers of all the freemen, except that of elections." To the first General Court of Delegates, May 14, 1634, Watertown sent Robert Feake, Richard Browne, and John Oldham. As early as May 18, 1631, the Court had ordered and agreed, that “for the time to come, no man ſhall be admitted to the freedom of this body politic, but ſuch as are members of ſome of the churches within the limits of the ſame,” “to the end the body of the com- mons may be preſerved of honeſt and good men.” They thus laid as the foundation of their new Commonwealth an aristocracy of personal character, of personal “goodness.of that purity and force which only the faith of Jesus Christ is competent to create.” At this meeting 1 18 persons took the freemen’s oath, and were admitted to the franchise, having given notice of their desire for admission, October 19th, previous. “None are ſo fit to be truſted with the lib- erties of the Commonwealth,” says John Cotton, “as church-mem- bers ; for the liberties of the freemen of this Commonwealth are ſuch as to require men of faithful integrity to God and the State, to preſerve the ſame. Their liberties, among others, are chiefly theſe : — 1. To chooſe all magiſtrates, and to call them to account at the General Court; 2. To chooſe ſuch burgeſſes, every General Court, as, with the magiſtrates ſhall make or repeal all laws. Now both theſe liberties are ſuch as carry along much power with them, either to eſtabliſh or ſubvert the Commonwealth.” “ Words that are as true to-day as when written, and as applicable to affairs of state now as then. Are not “men of faithful integrity to God and the State,” just now especially needed in high places to preserve the liberties these early Colonists were so zealous in establishing, which we are enjoying, and which it is our highest duty to hand down intact to posterity ? During the year 1631, but few ships arrived. These were well laden 1. Savage's Note. Winthrop, 1. 72. 2. Mass. Rec. 1. 87. 3. Hutchinson, 1. 436. I633] Attempt to Regulate Prices. 3I. with all sorts of cattle, which in a few years so increased that the inhabitants were not only provided with enough for themselves, but were able also to supply others. One of the earliest causes of dis- pute concerning boundaries of Towns arose from the people being cramped for room” for the pasturage of their cattle. In 1634 Wood says of the people of Mew-towne:– “The inhabitants moſt of them are very rich, and well ſtored with Cattell of all ſorts; having many hundred Acres of ground paled in with one generall fence, which is about a mile and a half long, which ſecures all their weaker Cat- tell from the wilde beaſts ; ” what was true of AVew-flowne was doubt- less equally true of Watertowne, “a place nothing inferior for land, wood, medow, and water” to the former, and the wealthier of the two at this time. & From 1632 to 1635 “near twenty confiderable ſhips” came each year, and with the increase in numbers of settlers there arose a scarcity of laborers and consequent demand for excessive wages, To check this, the General Court ordered in November, 1633, that carpenters and masons should not receive above 2s. per diem, and . laborers not above 18a,” and that merchants should not advance above 4d. in the shilling on what their goods cost in England. But this first attempt to regulate prices met with no better success than later ones, and Hubbard [168o] complains that these “good orders did expire with the first and golden age in this new world; things being raised since to treble the value well nigh of what at first they were.” On the 6th of July, 1631, a small ship of sixty tons, called the A lough, came into AWantasket with ten passengers from Zondon, having a patent to Sagadahock; afterwards called the Ligonia or Plough Patent. Not liking the place, they came to Boston and went up to Watertown, “a plantation for husbandmen principally,” but as their vessel drew ten feet, she ran aground twice by the way and “they laid her bones there.” This company was called the Hus- 1. The government having at first permitted no man to live more than half a mile from the meeting-house in his town. Watertown people, being farmers chiefly, were soon widely scattered. 2. At the court held September 28, 1630, the wages of common laborers were fixed at 6d. a day, and those of mechanics who were employed in building, at 16d., in addition to “meat and drink.” The following March this order was rescinded. 32 Accident and Curious Zncident. [1632 bandmen; they were Familists," who believed that the essence of religion consisted in Divine love, and were popularly considered a sort of free-love sect of that day; these soon after “vaniſhed away, and came to nothing.” The next year the court ordered their goods to be inventoried by the beadle, and to be preserved for the use and benefit of the company in London which sent them out. July 2, 1632, at the regular training at Watertown, the first re- corded accident in the town from the careless use of firearms happened. A man having an I-did’nt-think-it-was-loaded musket, “which had long been charged with piſtol bullets, not knowing of it, gave fire, and ſhot three men, two into their bodies, and one into his hands; but it was ſo far off, as the ſhot entered the ſkin and ſtayed there, and they all recovered.” The first order passed at the Court held on the next day enjoined upon all officers to “take a ſpecial care to ſearch all pieces brought into the field, for being charged with ſhot or bullets.” Watertown people seem to have been ever on the alert to main- tain and preserve their rights, for on May 1, 1632, one John Clark, the constable of the town, complained to the Governor, that Capt. Patrick, one of the two military men supported at public expense, “being removed out of their town to Newtown, did compel them to watch near Newtown, and deſired the Governor that they might have the ordering within their own town.” In July Winthrop records this curious incident: –“At Watertown there was (in view of divers witneſſes) a great combat between a mouſe and a ſnake; and after a long fight the mouſe prevailed and killed the ſnake. The paſtor of Boſton, Mr. Wilſon, a very ſincere, holy man, hearing of it, gave this interpretation: That the ſnake was the devil; the mouſe was a poor, contemptible people, which God had brought hither, which ſhould overcome Satan here and diſpoſſeſs him of his kingdom.” The first reported case of insanity in the town is that of “one John Edye, a godly man of the congregation,” who in March, 1633, 1. This sect was established in Holland, in 1555 by Henry Nichols, a Westphalian, 1633] Scandy Harvests; Pºrst Ziguor Law. 33 fell diſtrašted, and, getting out one evening, could not be found, but eight days after he came again of himſelf. He had kept his ſtrength and colour, yet had eaten nothing.” He recovered, lived orderly, but was now and then “a little diſtempered.” The harvest in 1632 was scanty on account of the cold and wet weather which prevailed during the summer; and again, in 1633, “there was great ſcarcity of corn, by reaſon of the ſpoil our hogs had made at harveſt, and the great quantity they had eaten in the winter, there being no acorns.” Owing to this scarcity of corn two remarkable resolutions were adopted by the Court, November 5, 1633 : — 1. “That no man ſhall give his ſwine any corn, but ſuch as, being viewed by two or three neighbours, ſhall be judged unfit for man’s meat.” 2. “Alſo, that every plantation ſhall agree how many ſwine every perſon may keep, winter and ſummer, about the plantation.” The common food of the settlers was beans, corn, Squashes, and smoked fish; potatoes not being generally introduced till 1718. A quart of milk sold for a penny, four eggs for a penny, butter was sixpence a pound, and cheese fivepence, although money was worth, it has been stated, five times as much as now." As early as October, 1630, Governor Winthrop, perceiving the “inconveniences” which had arisen from the use of liquors at table “by drinking one to another, reſtrained it at his own table” and persuaded others to do the same. A loose paper was found in his MSS. containing reasons for a law against this custom, and in December, 1639, the Court made an order abolishing “that vain cuſtom.” The “General Courts” and Governors of our later days might profit by the example set them by their illustrious prede- CéSSOTS. Palfrey notes that the name of that peculiarly New England institution, the town, “first occurs in the record of the second colonial meeting of the Court of Assistants, in connection with the naming of Boston, Charlestown, and Watertown. The first entry in the original records of Watertown, made as early as 1634, stands 1. Colby's AVotes. 34 Town ; Selectmen; Ba/loſs. [1635 as follows:– “Agreed, by the conſent of the Freemen, that there ſhall be three perſons choſen for the ordering of the civill affaires; one of them to ſerve as Town Clerk, and shall keep the records and acts of the Town ; the three choſen are William Jenniſon, Brian Pembleton, John Eddie,” the latter the same already named as having been temporarily insane the year previous. February Io, 1635, the inhabitants at Charlestown made order at a full meeting “for the government of the town by Selectmen,” which name was speedily applied throughout New England to “municipal gov- ernors.” The first elections held by ballots were at the General Court as- sembled at Newtown, May 6, 1635. The Governor, John Haynes, and deputy, Richard Bellingham, were elected by papers, wherein their names were written ; for the choice of Assistants, the names were announced (placed in nomination) by the Governor, and those of the freemen in favor deposited inscribed ballots, those opposed, blank ones. In order that the freemen should have the fullest freedom in the selection of their deputies, it was ordered that. thenceforth they should “be elected by papers.” The people of Newtown, scarcely three years after their settle- ment, with Watertown a mile and a half distant on the one side, and Charlestown two miles on the other, were so straitened “for want of land, eſpecially medow,” that they desired leave of the Court to look out for enlargement or removal, which being granted, they sent men “to ſee Agawam and Merrimack, and gave out they would remove.” A little later six men sailed in Governor Win- throp's bark, the Blessing of the Bay, the first vessel built in the colony, launched at Mistick, July 4, 1631, “to diſcover Connecticut A’iver, intending to remove the town thither.” At the Court held, in September, 1634, after a long discussion during a week’s session, the Newtown people finally accepted the offer of “the ground about Muddy River” from Boston, and “the meadow on this side Watertown wear,” from Watertown, and gave up the plan of re- 1. See page 41, note 3. 2. Now Brookline. I633] John O/a/kam l’ºszás Connecticut. 35 moval at that time. The next year the Court confirmed these grants on condition that if Mr. Hooker and his congregation should remove, they should revert to the towns that gave them. In 1636, Mr. Hooker and his congregation moved to Hartford;" Boston recovered her Muddy River ground, but Watertown did not get back her meadow. In April, 1631, “Wahginnacut, a Sagamore upon the AEiver Quo- neh facuſ,” had visited Governor Winthrop, with some companions, “deſirous to have ſome Engliſhmen to come plant in his country,” offering to find them corn and give them eighty beaver skins yearly and praising the great fruitfulness of his country.” The people of Plymouth had, from time to time, received information from the natives and from Dutch visitors of “a fine place, both for planta- tion and trade,” at the Fresh or Connecticut River, and in June, 1633, Governor Edward Winslow and Mr. Bradford came to Boston “partly to confer about joining in a trade to Connecticut, for beaver and hemp,” and to “prevent” the Dutch in establishing a trading house there. The council, quite disingenuously Savage thinks,” found sufficient obstacles to deter them from making any such arrangement. The Plymouth people in October sent out a small party and built a house on the Connecticut River where now is Windsor, passing up the river above an already established Dutch fort at the point where Hartford stands. A month or two earlier John Oldham, the trader (of whom more anon), and three companions went overland to the Connecticut, lodging at Zndian towns on their way, and brought back some beaver and “hemp, which grows there in great abundance, and is much better than the Engliſh,” and “ſome black lead, whereof the Andians told him there was a whole rock.” The “Blessing of the Bay ” had been sent southward to trade, visited Zong Zsland, the mouth of the Connecticut River, and the ZXutch plantation on Hud. son's A'iver, called Mew Metherlands, where they had “ſhowed the 1. At first called Mezwtown. 2. Again in November 1634, the Pequots “offered us all their Fight at Connecticut, and to further us what they could, if we would ſettle a plantation there.” Winthrop, i. 148. 3. Note, Winthroß, i. 104. 36 A Western Fever Rages. [1635 Governour (called Gwalter Van Twilly) their comiffion, which was to ſignify to them, that the King of England had granted the river and country of Connecticut to his own ſubjects; and therefore deſired them to forbear to build there.”” From the reports of these visits, and the intelligence that came from time to time of the great fertility of the since famed “Con- necticut Valley,” arose the desire of many of the Colonists to remove thither. We have already noted the effect this Western fever had upon the people of Newtown. The infection spread and soon many in Dorchester, Roxbury, and Watertown were burning with the desire to “go West.” Among them were Ludlow at Dor- chester, and Pynchon, one of the Assistants at Roxbury. The grant of lands to Newtown, above referred to, allayed the fever there for a time, but at the annual Court held May 6, 1635, “there is liberty granted to the inhabitants of Watertown,” and Roxbury also, “to remove themſelves to any place they ſhall think meet to make choice of, provided they continue ſtill under this govern- ment.” In August Governor Bradford wrote to Winthrop, com- plaining that men from Dorchester had set down at Connecticut near the Plymouth trading-house there, interfering with their rights purchased from the Indians; and Winthrop says “the Dutch ſent home to Holland for commiſſion to deal with our people at Con- necticut.” Tradition also says that some explorers from Watertown had established themselves where Weathersfield afterward grew up. As John Oldham was a resident of Watertown, doubtless some of his neighbors had been moved, by his accounts of the advantages offered at Connecticut, to try their fortunes there — and they “took the opportunity of seizing a broad piece of meadow upon which their neighbors of Newtown had already fixed their eyes with the intention of occupying — “and there was a precious broil both there and here over the possession of the place.”” As early as 1624, we find John Oldham figuring prominently, though not very creditably, at Plymouth. He arrived in the Ann 1. Probably to give this warning was the main object of the Blessing's voyage. 2. Colby's MSS. Notes. STONY BROOK. stony BROOK. 1624] Oldham and Zyford at PAVmouth. 37 Vº in August, 1623, and was well received ; a few months later John Lyford, “the minister,” arrived and was welcomed with special favor and a more liberal support than had been allowed any one else. “In ſome ſhort time,” says Nathaniel Morton,” “he fell into acquaintance with Mr. John Oldham, who was a co-partner with him in his after courſes; not long after both Oldham and he grew very perverſe, and ſhowed a ſpirit of great malignity, drawing as many into a faction as they could ; were they never ſo vile or pro- phane, they did nouriſh and abet them in all their doings, ſo they would but cleave to them, and ſpeak againſt the church.” “Old- Aam being called to watch (according to order) and refuseth to come, fell out with the captain, called him Raſcall and beggarly Raſcall, and reſiſted him, and drew his knife at him, though he offered him no wrong, nor gave him any ill terms, but with all fair- neſs required him to do his duty; the Governour hearing the tumult, ſent to quiet it; but he ranted with great fury and called them all Traitors; but being committed to priſon, after a while he came to himſelf, and with ſome ſlight puniſhment was let go upon his behav- iour for further cenſure.” Upon the sailing of the Charity for England in July, 1624, Governor Bradford followed her a few miles to sea and procured copies of letters which both Lyford and Old- ham had written, full of complaints and disaffection. After a more open act of insubordination in setting up a separate public meeting on the Lord's day, a General Court was summoned and they were tried, their letters being produced in evidence against them, where- upon “Oldham began to be furious, and to rage becauſe they had intercepted their letters,” and provoked the people to mutiny on the spot. They were both convicted and sentenced to banishment from the colony. Lyford played the penitent so well that his sen- tence was remitted, and he was restored to the ministry. Oldham went to Mantasket, whence he returned the next Spring and again abused the authorities, whereupon a second sentence of banishment “was performed after a ſolemn invention in this manner: A lane of 1. New England’s Memorial, p. 73, 74. 38 Oldham a Freeman of Watertown. [1631 muſketiers was made, and hee compelled in ſcorne to paſſe along be- tweene, and to receave" a blow “be every muſketier,” with the advice to go and “mend his manners,” “and then aboard a ſhallop, and ſo convayed to We/agu/cus ſhoare, and ſtaid at Maſſachuſetts,” trad- ing at Mantasket. - Not long after, being upon a vessel that was wrecked on Cape Cod in a violent storm, he was brought to honest penitence for his sins and misdemeanors, and changed his manner of life in after years. In June, 1628, he had become reconciled with the Plymouth people, and was by them sent to England as custodian of Thomas Morton, the riotous leader of Wollaston's Merry-Mount rabble. It was in this visit to the mother country that he obtained of John Gorges,' for himself and John Dorrell, a tract of land which em- braced most of the territory of the present Cities of Charlestown, Cambridge, Somerville, and probably a small part of Watertown.” We find him again at Nantasket on the arrival of Winthrop's colony, in 1630, and it was for the purpose of anticipating him in taking possession of Massachusetts Bay that the small company was sent from Salem to Mishawum in the summer of 1629 by Endicott, under orders from his company, which had been unsuccessful in making negotiations with Oldham, who asserted his claim under the patent of Robert Gorges.” He was admitted freeman May, 18, 1631 ; he must have removed to Watertown soon after its settlement, as May 8, 1632, he was one of the two persons chosen to confer about a public stock; he had a house near the Wear burnt in August of the same year ; and on April 1, 1634, the Court granted him a farm of 5oo acres between Stony Brook and Waltham Plain, in which Mount Feake was in- cluded, which was long known as the “Oldham Farm.” After his death the General Court ordered the land “to be laid out for Mat- thew Cradock,” of London, to whom Oldham was indebted. This farm then passed into the hands successively of Simon Bradstul, of 1. Younger brother and heir of Robert Gorges. 2. Extending from Charles River to Abou- sett [Saugus] River, and from the border of the bay at the mouth of Charles River, 5 miles into the country, and from the mouth of Abousett River, 3 miles into the country. 3. Palfrey. 1634] “Oldham Farm,” First Grant in Waltham. 39 Ipswich, Thomas Mayhew, of Watertown, and Richard Dummer, of Newbury. The latter, and his wife Frances, sold the N. E. half (250 A.) of the farm to Richard Gale. December 24, 1684, Jeremie Dummer, goldsmith of Boston (son of Richard), and Anna his wife, sold the other, West or S. W. half to Robert Harrington for £90." It is described as bounded W. by Joseph Garfield ; N. by Richard Cutting, Widow Sarah Fiske, and said Garfield; E. by Abraham Gale and John Gale ; S. by Charles River. This grant, by the General Court, was made to Oldham before the western boundary of Watertown was determined, and before any grants had been made by the Freemen of the town, except the “Small lots '' at the Eastern end. October 15, 1635, a party of about sixty men, women and children set out for the Connecticut settlements, driving their cattle with them. They had a long and difficult journey. November 26, twelve of their number reached Boston after a ten days’ march, and the Ioth of December the ship Rebecka brought back seventy more men and women who had wandered down to the mouth of the river in search of the vessels that were to bring them supplies. October 6, young John Winthrop arrived, commissioned to settle, hold, and govern for one year, the territory of Lords Say, Sele, and Brooke, and others, patentees of Connecticut. He had men, ammu- nition, and money at his command, and having a small fort at Say- brook, drove off a Dutch vessel sent to defend the Dutch claim to the river. The winter's severity bore heavily upon the emigrants to the new settlements. Many returned, and the Dorchester men alone lost some 4, 2000 worth of cattle. The Colonists were increased by 3000 immigrants,” including eleven ministers, in 1635. In June 1636, the Newtown congregation, having sold their immovable property to some of the new comers, emigrated to the number of one hundred, under the leadership of Revs. Hooker and Stone, driving a herd of one hundred and sixty cattle, which supplied them with milk by the way. They were a Bond. 2. “So as like an hive of bees overſtocked, there was a neceſſity that ſome ſhould t.” — Hubbara. 4O “Towne in Danger to be ruinated.” [1636 fortnight on their journey, and settled on the right bank of the Con- necticut, just north of the Dutch stockade, naming their settlement at first Mewtown, afterwards Hartford. During the summer the smaller settlements above and below were increased by the emi- gration of the church of Dorchester and some from Watertown. Pynchon, and seven others from Roxbury selected a site higher up the river afterwards called Springfield. August 30th the Freemen of Watertown agreed, “ (in conſideration there be too many inhab- itants in the Zowne, and the Zowne thereby in danger to be ruin- ated)," that no forrainer comming into the Zozºne, or any family arifing among ourſelves, ſhall have any benefit either of Common- age or Land undivided, but what they ſhall purchaſe, except they buy a man's right wholly in the Towne.” The Pequot Indians, the most formidable and treacherous tribe in New England, had three years before murdered two traders, Stone and Norton, and their crew, in the Connecticut River, and had made false excuses and promises when called to account for it. July 20, 1636, one John Gallup, a Massachusetts fisherman, sailing in his bark of twenty tons, with a crew of one man and two little boys, from Connecticut to Long Island, was blown out of his course into the neighborhood of Block /sland, when he noticed the pinnace of our Indian trader, John Oldham, filled with Indians, and saw a canoe put off from it. Suspecting that they had killed Oldham, despite their great superiority in numbers he prepared to attack them. “Hav- ing but two pieces and two piſtols, and nothing but buck ſhot,” he bore down upon them and kept up such a galling fire “as they all gate under hatches.” Then standing off again, “and returning with a good gale, he ſtemmed her upon the quarter and almoſt overſet her, which ſo frightened the Indians, as ſix of them leaped overboard and were drowned.” Again he repeated this manoeuvre and four more leaped overboard; but four were now left, and boarding the pinnace two of them surrendered, he bound them both, put one in the hold and threw the other overboard. The other two he could not get at. “Looking about, they found John 1. A fear they probably were not troubled with many years. DEVIL'S DEN, STONY BROOK. THE HERMITAGE PROSPECT HILL. 1636] Death of John Oldham. 4 I Oldham under an old ſeine, ſtark naked, his head cleft to the brains, and his hands and legs cut as if they had been cutting them off, and yet warm. So they put him into the ſea.” Stripping the boat of goods and sails they took it in tow, but night coming on, and the wind rising, they had “to turn her off, and the wind carried her to the Narraganſett ſhore.” Such was the sad fate of the enterpris- ing trader who owned a large portion of the Town of WALTHAM, the first and largest grant made within the limits of the town. When the news reached Boston great uneasiness was felt lest the Marragansetts would be induced to join the Pequois in general hos- tilities. It was decided by the authorities to avenge the death of Oldham with expedition, and August 25th, John Endicott, as Gen- eral, with ninety volunteers, “ diſtributed to four Commanders, – Captain John Underhill," Captain Nathaniel Turner,” Enſign Jeni- ſon,” and Enſign Davenport* . . . embarked in three pinnaces, and carried two ſhallops and two Indians with them.” They had orders to kill the men of Block Island, and bring away the women 1. “A sort of Friar Tuck, - devotee, bravo, libertine, and buffoon in equal parts, – Underhill takes a memorable place among the characters who from time to time break what is altogether too easily assumed to have been the dead level of New England gravity in those days. He had been a soldier in Irelazed, in Spain, and more recently in the Metherlands, where he “had spoken freely to Count Nassau.” He was brought over by Winthrop to train the people in military exer- cises, and was one of the Deputies from Boston in the first General Court.” Palfrey. In his Mewes frozn America he has written an account of this expedition, and of the more important one which followed. 2. Was Representative from Sagus or Lynne in the first six General Courts. In January 1636–7, his “houſe in Sagus took fire by an oven about midnight, and was burnt down, with all that was in it ſave the tº {\ © A & perſons. 3. Wm. Jenison of Watertown. “An able 227) 2^ 7 man who had been there from the beginning.” He had for- merly lived in Bermuda. He was member of the Artillery Company, 1637; Captain of the Train Band, 1638; Selectman, 1635 to '42, and '44, and was Representative, 1637 to '42, and '45. About 1645 he sold his homestead of 50 acres on the North side of Mt. Auburn St., between Common and School Sts., to Rev. John Knowles, returned to England and lived many years. - Bond. He received 60 acres in the third “Great Dividend,” to acres in the “Hither Plain,” next to the River, and 160 acres in the “Farms.” 4. Richard Davenport, of Salem, against whom an attachment was issued to appear and answer for Endicott's mutilation of the King's colors. He named a daughter, born soon after, Truecross. He was afterwards for several years Commander at Castle Island, in Boston Harbor, where he was killed by lightning in July, 1665. 42 The Pequots Harass the Settlers. [1636 and children. Then to demand of the Pequots “the murderers of Captain Stone and other Engliſh, and one thouſand fathoms of wampum for damages,” and hostages. If refused, to take them by force. The Pequots parleyed awhile, then discharged their arrows and fled. Endicott landed his force, killed thirteen and wounded forty, burned some wigwams and canoes, collected a quantity of corn, and returned to Boston without loss, September 14th. The next Court granted to “George Munnings, in regard of the loſs of his eye in the voyage to Block Island,” 48. The whole cost of the voyage came to about £200. The Pequots instead of being intimidated were enraged, and strenuously solicited the Narragansetts to make an alliance to exter- minate the English, which the hostility of the latter to their old enemies, and the earnest endeavors of Roger Williams, who visited their settlements at the risk of his life, fortunately prevented. The Pequots now began to harass the Connecticut settlers, torturing and killing those they could lay hands on. They burned the hay near the fort and killed the cattle. Finally a band of one hundred attacked Weathersfield, “killed seven men, a woman, and a child, and carried away two girls. They had now put to death no less than thirty of the English.” There were two hundred and fifty men in the Connecticut towns and the Pequots had a thousand men. The safety of all New England depended on prompt, vig- orous and effective action. Victory or extermination was the only alternative. With true English spirit, disregarding the fearful odds of numbers against them, Massachusetts ordered a levy of one hundred and sixty men, and six hundred pounds. Plymouth ordered a levy of forty men. Connecticut raised ninety men at once, — Hartford furnishing forty-two, Windsor thirty, and Weath- ersfield eighteen, – who were placed under the command of Cap- r. One of the earliest proprietors of Watertown; admitted Freeman March 14, 1634-5. No- vember 27, 1639, he was allotted a farm of 73 acres; was grantee of 8 lots, and purchased 4 others before 1644. In September 1641, he was appointed to “looke to the Meeting-houſe, and to be free from Rates,” and in December “to ſearch and ſeal leather.” 1637] Capture of the Pequot Stronghold. 43 tain John Mason." May 10, 1637, Mason, with all his levy, and seventy friendly Indians under the command of Uncas, a Mohegan chief, taking the Rev. Mr. Stone as chaplain, left Hartford in three small vessels. Reaching the fort at the river's mouth he was there joined by Captain Underhill, who with twenty men had arrived from Massachusetts. He sent back twenty of his own men to protect the settlements. Mason's military skill made him averse to attacking the enemy, as he was expressly ordered to do, on their western frontier, where he would be expected, and after prayerful consideration over night the council of war was unanimous in favor of making the attack, through the Narragansett country, in their rear. They arrived near the entrance to Marragansett Bay, Saturday evening, May 2 oth. A storm following the Sabbath, they did not disembark till Tuesday evening. Wednesday, with “seventy-seven brave English- men (the rest being left in charge of the vessels), sixty frightened Mohegans, and four hundred more terrified Myantics and AWarra- gansetts,” supplied by a friendly sachem of the latter tribe, he began his march towards the Pequot country. Thursday night they reached the foot of the hill where stood the stronghold of the Pequots ; their approach was unperceived and unsuspected; the fort was a circular palisade with two entrances at opposite sides; their allies terrified had fallen to the rear, or fled; two hours before daybreak, having united in prayer before breaking camp, the attack was made, Mason, with sixteen men, forcing an entrance on one side, and Underhill upon the other; the wigwams were fired, and in an hour the victory was complete. The Pequots reported their loss at four hundred; other accounts put it at seven hundred. Those who escaped the English perished at the hands of their Indian allies outside the enclosure. The English had two men killed and more than one-fourth of their number wounded. With his wounded 1. One of the Freemen at Dorchester. In December, 1632, he went on an expedition with John Gallup after a pirate named Bull, for which service he received 4, Io. He was a member of the Committee to establish fortifications at Boston, Charlestown, Dorchester, and Castle Island. Re- moved with Ludlow's company from Dorchester to Windsor. He wrote a History of the Pequot War. 44 Extinction of the Pequot Wation. [1637 to carry, food and ammunition exhausted," and three hundred fu- rious Pequots from another fort harassing his progress, Mason reached Pequof Harbor just as his vessels were coming to anchor within it, with reinforcements from Massachusetts, under Captain Patrick.” He dispatched most of his force at once to protect the towns, sent the wounded back in the vessels, and marched with the remainder to the fort at the river’s mouth, where all were disbanded. The remnant of the Pequots decided to join the Mohawks on the Hudson, but murdering some more English on the way, Mason, with forty men, and one hundred and twenty from Massachusetts, under Israel Stoughton,” pursued and overtook them near where AVew Haven now stands, and completed the extinction of the Pequot nation, “the survivors being merged, under English media- tion, in the AWarragansett, Mohegan, and A'yantic tribes. And from savage violence the land had rest forty years.” There is nothing in the records to show the location of the first Church built in Watertown, but it was doubtless East of Mount Au- burn, in the principle settlement called “the town,” near the home- stead of Sir Richard Saltonstall, in the part of the town now belonging to Cambridge. The next house of worship was built 1. “Our commons were very ſhort, there being a general ſcarcity throughout the Colony of all sorts of proviſions. . . . We had but one pint of ſtrong liquors among us in our whole march, but what the wilderneſs afforded (the bottle of liquor being in my hand, and when it was empty, the very ſmelling to the bottle would preſently recover ſuch as fainted away, which happened by the extremity of the heat).”— Mason. z. “This captain was entertained by us out of Holland (where he was a common ſoldier of the Prince’s guard) to exerciſe our men. We made him a captain, and maintained him. After, he was admitted a member of the church at Watertown and a freeman. But he grew very proud and vicious,” despised his wife and “followed after other women.” Went to the Dutch and joined their church, “without being diſmiſſed from Watertown.” Was shot dead, in 1643, by a Dutchman, in the house of Captain Underhill, at Stamford, on the Lord's day. — Winthrop. He was allotted, February 28, 1636–7, fourteen acres in the Hither Plain, which he sold to S. Eire. 3. One of the Deputies; in March, 1634, disabled from holding office for three years for publishing a book “affirming that the Aſſiſtants were not magiſtrates,” which he himself requested the Court to burn “as being weak and offenſive.” In December, 1636, he was again a Deputy, and was chosen an Assistant the next Spring. He had liberty granted him “to build a mill, a wear, and bridge over Neponſet River, and is to ſell the alewives he takes there at five ſhillings the thousand.” He went to England, became a Lieutenant Colonel in the Parlia- ment’s service, and died during the Civil War. He was father of William Stoughton, Chief Justice in the trial of the witches, and a liberal benefactor of Harvard College. His name was given to Stoughton Hall. 4. Palfrey. OLD “WIDow COOLIDGE TAVERN.” WATERTOWN. “THE OLD (PHILLIPS) PARSONAGE,” 1641. 1635] Location of Church and Parsonage. 45 in 1635, above Mt. Auburn, opposite the old graveyard, on the Meeting-house Common, in the N. E. corner of Mt. Auburn and Grove Sts., then doubtless the most central or convenient point. August 7, 1635, the Freemen “Agreed, that the charges of the new meeting-house being a Rate of 80 lbs. ſhalbe levied as other gen- erall levies for the Country.” The old burying-ground, one of the oldest in New England, was ordered to be fenced “with a five-foot pale and 2 railes, well nailed ” on July 5, 1642. For more than seventy years it was the only one in the whole town. It should be most sacredly guarded and preserved, for within its enclosure rests the dust of men whose descendants, like their principles, have spread over the whole land. It has been conjectured by Mr. Bond that the residence of Rev. George Phillips and the first meeting-house were just east of Mt. Auburn on the lot in the fork of Mt. Auburn and Brattle Sts. “There is a tradition,” says Dr. Francis in 1830, “that he lived in the house now occupied by Mr. Daniel Sawin, opposite the burying- ground.” This house is still standing, now unoccupied, and its old brass knocker awakens but empty echoes from walls that keep faith- fully the secrets of two and one half centuries; we give a view of it as it now appears. Mr. Bond also brings arguments to show that Mr. Phillips lived upon his homestall, at the corner of Orchard and Lexington Sts. As he was pastor of the Church for fourteen years, and the town rapidly changed its center of population west- ward during that period, there is nothing unreasonable in suppos- ing that he may have resided at each of the three points at succes- sive periods. This Church was the only one in the town for sixty-six years, and Mr. Phillips was its sole pastor till 1640. In 1634, the Rev. John Sherman, who received “his first impressions of religion under the ministry of the famous John Rogers,” came to New Eng- land, and preached his first sermon in the open air on a day of public thanksgiving, with such ability that several clergymen pres- ent, “wondered exceedingly to hear a ſubject ſo accurately and excellently handled by one, who had never before performed any 46 An Associate Pastor Ordained. [1640 ſuch public office.” He assisted Mr. Phillips for a few weeks, and soon after, (May 29, 1635), was dismissed from the Watertown Church, and removed to Weathersfield, where he resided about five years, when he removed to Milford, Connecticut, to which Church he was admitted, November 8, 1640. December 9, 1640, the Church, with characteristic independence, ordained the Rev. John Knowles," “a godly man and a prime scholar,” as associate pastor with Mr. Phillips, differing from the practice of the other Churches in not having a teacher, and in not giving notice of their proceedings to the neighboring Churches, nor to the magiſtrates, as the common practice was then. In 1642, there came an earnest appeal from Virginia for a supply of ſaithful ministers, and Mr. Phillips and two others “who might moſt likely be ſpared ” were designated by the elders in council with the approval of the General Court. Mr. Phillips declined to go and Mr. Knowles went in October; but being silenced by the State as a non-comformist, he returned in June of the next year, and resumed his labors. In December, 1643, Mr. Thomas Mahew,” of Watertown, sent his son Thomas, a young man twenty-two or twenty-three years of age, and several other persons, to begin a plantation at Martin’s [Mar- tha's] Vineyard, beyond Cape Cod, which, together with Nantucket and the Elizabeth Isles, he had bought, in 1641, of James Forrett, agent for Lord Stirling, who had received a grant for “Long Island and the adjacent islands” from the Council for New England, in 1635. They settled at Edgarton, and invited Mr. Henry Green,” 1. “With courage bold and arguments of ſtrength, Knowles doth apply God's word his flock unto, Chriſt furniſht hath (to ſhow his bountye's length) Thee with rich gifts, that thou his work mayſt do.” – Wonder Working Prozidence, Chap. xv. 2. “The elder Mayhew came from Southampton, in England, and was admitted a Freeman. May 14, 1634, being then 41 or 42 years old. He established himself in Martha’s Vineyard in 1644.” Paſ/rey. During his residence in Watertown he purchased the “Old Mill” of Governor Cra- dock, was granted the 150 acres belonging to the mill, [See p. 21), owned shares in the wear, and was at one time proprietor of the “Oldham Farm.” He represented Watertown as a Deputy in the General Court in 1636, and for some years after. 3. Mr. Henry Green, first minister of Reading, died after a pastorate of only two and one-half years. Mather wrote of him: – “On earth’s bed thou at noon haſt laid thy head.” [1644 Death of Rev. George Phillips. 47 “a scholar,” to be their pastor, but “he went not,” and Thomas Mahew, Jr., was ordained their pastor, and “found himself pres- ently employed in missionary work” among the natives who sur- rounded them, and whose deplorable condition attracted the benevolent attention of these godly settlers. Their Christian labors were not in vain, and in 1650 he writes: “There are now, by the grace of God, thirty-nine Indian men of this meeting.” Others of the town “began alſo a plantation at AVa/haway,” ſome 15 miles N.W. from Sudbury,” and many of other towns joined them ; but they made such slow progress “as that in two years they had not three houſes built there, and he whom “they had called to be their miniſter left them for their delays.” Among the peti- tioners for the plantation at Mashaway was Stephen Day, who first introduced printing in New England, having established a printing office at Cambridge, in March, 1638, where “the firſt thing which was printed was the Freemen’s oath; the next an almanac made for AVew England, by Mr. William Peirce, mariner, and the next the Pſalms newly turned into metre.” On July 1, 1644, the Church and Colony met with a great loss in the death of Rev. George Phillips, “one of their best and most venerable men.” Much has been written in his praise. His Church showed their respect for his memory by providing for the education of his eldest son Samuel. The records show that he had liberal grants of land, among which was one of forty acres of the Beaver Brook plowlands, lying east of the Driftway (now Gore Street), sold about 1650 by his heirs to Edward Garfield; it is 1. The missionary labors of young Mayhew among the Indians at Martha's Vineyard antedate those of the AAEostle John Eliot, whose first essay in preaching to the Indians was made in a hut near the falls of Charles River, opposite Watertown or Waltham, October 28, 1646. 2. October 16, 1651, he writes: “Through the mercy of God, there are 199 men, women and children, that have professed themselves to be worshippers of the great and ever-living God.” In the next year, October 22, 1652, the number of his converts had increased to 283 Indians “not counting young children.” The prospect which he had opened was clouded by his premature death. A vessel in which he had embarked for England with some of his converts was never heard of after- wards. “Old Mr. Mahew, his worthy father, struck in with his best strength and skill; (Gookin Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 203) and the loss which seemed ‘almost irreparable’ was not permitted by the aged mourner to be complete and fatal.” – Palfrey, ii. 340. 3. Lancaster. 4. One Mr. Nor- cross, “an univerſity ſcholar.” 48 A'ev. John Sherman Pastor. I6 so described in the Inventory of the latter, in 1672, as “on the Little Plain, near Sudbury Road,” and was apprized at £60. In later times the elegant mansion of Governor Christopher Gore was erected upon it, which, with its extensive grounds, shaded by fine old trees, and its spacious park, has been preserved, and remains to-day as a monument of the wealth and taste of its builder. It is now the residence of Theophilus W. Walker, Esq. After the death of Mr. Phillips, Rev. John Knowles was the sole pastor till near the close of 1647, when Rev. John Sherman returned" from Milford, and became his colleague, though called at the same time both to Boston and to London, About 1650 Mr. Knowles returned to England, where he labored zealously though much persecuted ; he remained in London during the plague, in 1665, doing great good ; he died April Io, 1685 “at a very ad- vanced age.” - Mr. Sherman held the position of pastor until his death; nearly 38 years. In November, 1680, the Freemen voted “in regard of the bodily weakneſs that is upon paſtor Sherman, that he ſtands in need of a helper to carry on the work of the miniſtry,” but no one was procured. In November, 1684, it was agreed to employ one of three persons named, and as money was afterwards appropriated to meet expenses for assistance, probably he had a colleague for a few months preceding his decease. He died August 8, 1685, aged nearly seventy-two years, His ability was of the highest order, and he was a profound student. He was skilled in philology, and in mathematics and astronomy had no superior in this country at that time. Pos- sessed “of a rich and fervid imagination ” and “an unaffected and impressive loftiness of style, he was commonly called the golden- 1. He was dismissed ſrom Milford Church, November 8, 1647. His residence is supposed to have been on the north side of Belmont Street, Á /. east of Grove Street, where land belonging to 171 S 1ſ ? /r? & him nearly surrounded a pond in that locality. * Ž1, The town granted him the use of 20 acres of the meeting-house common opposite to cut his fire- wood from. DEER PARK ON GORE ESTATE- THE GOV. GORE MANSION. 1686] A'ev. John Bailey Installed. 49 mouthed preacher.’” He was chosen fellow of the Corporation of Harvard College. For thirty years he gave fortnightly lectures, which were attended by most of the students, who walked from Cambridge to Watertown to hear him. Rev. John Bailey was installed Mr. Sherman's successor, Octo- ber 6, 1686, being “ſet apart for the paſtoral work at Watertown, without the impoſition of hands.” He was a young man of some energy, and had been imprisoned in England for preaching con- trary to law. His accession proved a great attraction to the people of his scattered parish, who flocked to the communion in such numbers that the neighborhood could not supply elements enough. At his installation there were no ministers present." September 27, 1687, it was “voted to fetch up Rev. Thomas Bailey [brother of the pastor], at the charge of the town,” and, Novem- ber 7th, it was voted that “Rev. Thomas Bailey’s 4,60 ſhall begin the ſame day he came to dwell among us, 2 Nov. 1687, with houſe- room and firing.” The labors of the Baileys were comparatively of short duration. Thomas died January 21, 1688–9, aged 35 years; the wife of his brother in April, 1690.” The health of John was feeble, and these bereavements so wore upon him that he was unable to perform his duties. “Then, being very melancholy and having the gout, he moved to Boſton about the year 1693,” where he died December 12, 1697. The earliest book of Church records in the town was kept by him, beginning in 1686, and ending in 1692, during which time he records 39 marriages, 361 baptisms, and II.7 persons admitted to the Church. In connection with the installation of Rev. John Bailey an acci- dent happened which resulted in the death of the oldest surviving officer of the Church, Deacon Henry Bright, Junior, at the age of 84 years. Judge Sewall, in his Diary, records his death as fol- lows:– “Oct. 6, 1686, Mr. Bailey is ordained at Watertown. Oct. 7, Thurſday, Deacon Bright, carrying home chairs, etc., uſed at 1. Colby's Wotes. 2. They were both buried in the “Old Burying Ground,” where two hori- zontal slabs bear quaint epitaphs to their memory. 7 50 AEarliest Divisions of Territory. [1635 Mr. Bailey's, is hurt by his cart, none ſeeing, ſo that he dies Oct. 9, Saturday.” “It ſeems he was y” only officer left in that church. Several of his ribs broken.” Deacon Bright lived opposite the present “Alvin Adams place.” His property descended to his son and grandson, and then passed into other hands. The Hurd Cottage was afterwards built where his place was. He was a grantee in the North range of lots in the Hither Plain, and inherited from his father and father-in-law, Henry Goldstone, a considerable amount of land in Waltham and Weston. In digging for the foundations of the new Post Office in Boston, on Milk Street, there was found the grave-stone of Joshua Hewes. Hewes and Deacon Bright married sisters; the former Mary, the latter Anne Goldstone, daughters of Henry and Anne Goldstone of Wickham Skeith, County Suffolk, England, who came to Water- town in 1634, when the daughters were respectively 15 and 18 years of age. Deacon Bright was married probably in the latter part of the year 1634. October 14, 1690, the town voted “to treat with Mr. Henry Gibbs’ to assist in carrying on the work of the ministry amongst them, and to give him £40, and November 3d, it was voted that his salary “begin this day.” After the removal of Rev. John Bailey to Boston Mr. Gibbs was “the only clergyman in the town, and was engaged from time to time, but not ordained.” Whether the preaching of Mr. Gibbs proved less attractive than that of Mr. Bailey, or other causes were at work, certain it is that from this time differences arose in the Church that gave rise to much bitter feeling, and led finally to an unfortunate division, the effects of which have been felt even to the present day. The territory of the original town of Watertown was so extensive that its several parts were very early known by distinct and pecul- iar names. The Eastern portion was called the Small Zots, so named because it included all the homestalls and home-lots scat- tered over nearly the whole of the present territory of Watertown. In this district were also included the Meeting-house Common, Pe- quussef Common (afterwards called King's), and Peguusset Meadow. I635] A'eservation for a 7 ownship. 5 I Beginning at the Small Lots and lying next to the Cambridge line on the North were The Great Dividends, four tracts of land run- ning westward, each 160 rods in breadth ; these divisions were sometimes called Squadrons and the dividing lines Squadron lines. Between these Great Dividends and the Charles River was the third portion, called the Beaver Brook Plozerlands, partly meadow and partly upland. The Plowlands began “next the ſmall lots beyond the wear,” and comprised the land east of Beaver Brook, known as the “lots in the Hither Plain,” or Zittle Plain, and that west of Beaver Brook, called “the lots in the Further Plain,” or the Great Alain (and later Waltham Plain). Between the Hither Alain and the Smal/ Zois ran the Driftway, the present Gore Streef. The Remote or West Pine Meadows were probably in the south- ern or southeastern parts of Weston. The Zieu of Zozenship Zois, or lots beyond the Further Plain were west of Waltham Plain, south of the Great Dividends and extended beyond Stony Brook. The Farms or Farm Zands, now Weston, included what remained as far as the Sudbury and Dedham bounds. These names, applied in general terms to divisions of the ter- ritory of the original town, are used in the early grants to the Freemen; the names of the grantees and the number of acres allotted to each, are given by Bond, in the first Appendix to his Aſistory of Waterfozem. The westward growth of the town, already alluded to, was so early manifest to the Freemen that July 30, 1635, they agreed “that Two Hundred Acres of upland nere to the Mill ſhall be reſerved as moſt convenient to make a Towneship.” This reservation was probably in the western part of Watertown, three miles from the first settlement, and more than two miles from the new meeting- house and the burying-ground. August 14th a committee was named to “lay out all the Highwaies, & to ſee that they be ſuffi- ciently repaired.” The spirit of this order has been so well observed, even to the present day, that Waltham roads are held 52 Waltham Zazza's Graceted. [1638 to be the model roads of the Commonwealth." The same month a fine of 20s. was voted a penalty for every tree cut down upon the common without order. In 1637, it was also ordered “that who- soever ſhall take any wood of the 40 Acres of ground granted to the meeting-house without leave, ſhall pay for every cart load Ios., and for every man’s burthen Is.”* This vote of April 23, 1638, explains itself: — “Ordered, that thoſe Freemen of the Congrega- tion ſhall build and dwell upon their Lotts at y” Towne Plott, and not to alienate them by ſelling or exchanging them to any forrainer, but to Freemen of the Congregation, it being our real intent to fitt down there cloſe togither, and therefore these Lotts were granted to thoſe Freemen y' inhabited moſt remote from yº meet- ing-house, and dwell moſt ſcattered;” but a later note states, “For want of a Penalty ſet, this order of no force.” The same date an order was passed relative to the “meaſuring out the remote meddows” (probably in Weston). July 17, 1638, there was a grant of Waltham lands in the order “y” all thoſe Freemen y' have no Lotts at y” Towneſhip ſhall have 12 Acre Lotts beyond Bever Plaine and all other townesmen shall have six Acre Lotts in y” said Plaine.” December 10, 1638, three orders of general interest were passed ; one confirming “the Highway to y” little Plaine beyond the Mill,” another ordering “that y” Highway leading to Concord ſhalbe 6 rods broad,” and a third “y” whoſoever ſhall kill a wolfe in yº Towne ſhall have for y” ſame 5s.” Wolves were constantly giving trouble, and frequent bounties were offered as in this last order. In 1647, the town sold their right in the palisade that enclosed the “wolfe pen.” Another evidence that the inhabitants lived “scatteringly ’’ is furnished by the order of December 31, 1639, imposing a fine of 2s. 6d. upon each Freeman absenting him- self from any public town meeting after being duly warned to 1. In 1637 an order was passed, “that there ſhalbe 8 days appointed for every year, for the re- pairing of the Highwaies, and every man that is a Souldier or Watchman to come at his appointed time with a wheelbarrow, mattock, ſpade, or ſhovel, & for default here of, to pay for every day 5s. to the towne, and a cart for every day to pay 19s.” 2. At a later date a vote was passed to mark the shade trees by the wood-side with a W, and fining any person who should fell one of the trees thus marked the sum of 18s. , ! | | | AMERICAN WATCH FACTORY, (FRONT.) 1696] A Wew Meeting-House. 53 attend ; a month later the same amount of fine was made the pen- alty for a member of the board coming later than 9 o'clock A.M. to a meeting of the Select-men. It is not surprising that with the amount of arable land at their command the settlers scattered upon farms and gave up the idea of all living upon the town plot. The land in the Great Dividends was allotted “to the Freemen and to all the Townſmen then inhab- iting, being 120 in number,” July 25, 1636. In September the |Beaver Brook Plowlands were allotted to I of Townsmen. These two grants appear to have covered the bulk of the land enclosed in the present limits of Waltham. By the later grants of the Remote Meadows, June 26, 1637, the Lieu of Township Lots (beyond the Further Plain), July 17, 1638, and The Farms, October 14, 1638, the territory, now Weston, was distributed. The Westward growth of the town, particularly the taking up of the farm lands (in Weston), removed the farmers so far from the meeting-house that it was inconvenient for them to attend service there, and a considerable number of them united with the Church in Sudbury, which was much nearer to them. In 1692, a town meeting was held to decide upon a site for a new meeting-house; but the Freemen were too much divided in sentiment to come to an agreement. The Select-men applied to the Governor and Coun- cil to appoint a committee to decide the points in dispute. This committee presented a report April 17, 1694, advising that a new meeting-house be erected “on a knowl of ground lying between the houſe of the Widow Sterns and Whitney's hill, to be the place of meeting to worship God, for the whole town.” In spite of vehe- ment opposition and an earnest protest signed by eighty-two resi- dents of the Eastern and thirty-three residents of the Western portions of the town, the report was accepted, and March 7, 1694–5, a levy was made for building a new meeting-house, on the south- east angle of the crossing of Orchard and Lexington Streets, near “Commodore's Corner.” It was accepted by a vote of the town, February 4, 1696, and also adopted as “the place for all publick 1. To take the place of the former Church, and to be the First Church of Watertown. 54 A'ev. Samuel Angier Pastor. [1697 town meetings for the future.” On the same day, Mr. Gibbs, who had acted as pastor for nearly six years though not ordained, de- clined to accept the proposals of the town to officiate in the new meeting-house, preferring to remain with the disaffected element at the old house. He was ordained October 6, 1697, as minister of a Church “gathered at Watertown, East End.”" August 28, 1696, “the [First] Church chose Mr. Angier to preach,” and September 28th, “the town concurred with the Church in call- ing Mr. Angier to preach in the new meeting-house.” The call was accepted, and May 25, 1697, Rev. Samuel Angier” was settled as pastor of the Church “without reordination by imposition of hands,” the Rev. Mr. Easterbrook of Concord, being “the mouth and moderator of the Church in the publick management of the whole affair.” This dissension exerted a baleful influence for a long time, and difficulties arose concerning the building and repairing the meeting- houses. The salaries of both ministers, however, were paid from the public treasury. All the efforts to adjust the differences seemed but to confirm both parties in their own views. Meantime the town was divided into Precincts, the Eastern, Mid- dle, and Western ; the first extending from the Cambridge line to Common Street, in Watertown, the Middle from this line to Stony Brook;" and the Western, or Farmers’ Precinct, embracing the rest of the town. In January, 1693–4, the men of the Farmers’ Pre- cinct agreed to build for themselves a meeting-house, in considera- 1. His ordination took place “in the afternoon in the open aer, tho' a cold day. The Western party, having the Select-men on their side, got possession of the Meeting-house, and would not suffer the assembly to enter there.” judge Sezvall's Mss. 2. Rev. Samuel Angier was born in Cambridge, March 17, 1654, and was graduated at Har- g vard College in 1673. He was elected and settled by a 9– U0 †— majority of the votes of the Church, at meetings regularly (UY called by the proper officers, with due notice given at both houses of worship, and the action of the Church was con- curred in by the vote of the majority in the town. His society became the Church of Waltham, succeeding in regular order the Church in Watertown established by Rev. George Phillips, Sir Richard Saltonstall, and others. 3. Beaver Brook was made the Eastern boundary of the Farmers’ Precinct at an irregular town meeting held October 2, 1694, but the General Court, at their May session, 1699, fixed it at Stony Brook. 1721] First Meeting-House in Waltham. 55 tion of which the town, in 1697, exempted them from ministerial rates. January 1, 1712–13, the Western, or Farmers’ Precinct, was incorporated as the town of Weston. After the incorporation of Weston the old Middle Precinct (Waltham) became the Western Precinct. May 13, 1715, twenty years after the erection of Mr. An- gier's church, the town voted to “build a meeting-house for the accommodation of the inhabitants of the most westerly part of the town.” September 6th of the same year the Eastern Congregation petitioned to be a separate town, but the petition was not granted, nor was a church then built in the Western Precinct. November 19, 1720, nearly two years after the death of Mr. Angier, the General Court appointed a committee to divide the two precincts, to consider the expediency of removing one or both meeting houses, and to fix the proper places for them. The Court adopted the report of the committee December 7th, that the new, or west meeting-house, should be removed to a rising ground within twenty rods of Nathaniel Livermore's dwelling-house [the present Lyman Place], or a new one be erected there within two years; that the old, or east meeting-house, should be removed to School-house hill, or a new one be built there within ten years. The town voted compliance with this report. The West Precinct, at their first meeting, in 1720, adopted measures to support preaching, and ap- plied for the new meeting-house, in order to remove it, but owing to some difficulties in regard to moving the building, they decided to purchase of Newton their old meeting-house for £80, removed and erected it on the designated spot, north of the entrance gate on Lyman Street, and some two rods east of the wall. This was the first church edifice erected in Waltham, about seventeen years before the incorporation of the town. Rev. Samuel Angier officiated in his meeting house nearly twenty- two years. He died January 21, 1718–19, and was buried in the old Waltham burying ground, just below Beaver Brook, on Main Street, which was established in 1703 for the use of his parish. His meeting-house and residence were both east of the Waltham line, and when Waltham was incorporated a portion of his parish 56 A'ev. Warham Williams Ordained. [1723 reverted to the old Eastern First parish, as no longer belonging to his society. . The Rev. Mr. Angier kept the records of his Church “in a little 16mo. MSS. volume with brass clasps, bearing date of 1697.” His first entry is as follows:– “June 20, 1697. I first baptized in the new meeting-house in Watertown, namely, Jonathan, the son of Jonathan Philips, and Sarah, the daughter of Joseph Whitney, whose wives are in full communion.” The last entry in Mr. Angier’s record — but in a different hand writing—is dated Octo- ber 3, 1718, a few months before his decease, and reads thus : — “Brother Joseph Mixer" and Brother Thomas Livermore” were chosen Deacons, at a Church meeting at my mansion house, by the brethren then and there assembled.” The third baptism by Mr. Angier, June 27, 1697, was Patience, Cº- 216_ . daughter of Captain - sº /3razvºt Abraham Brown, who - conveyed a house to seventy or eighty persons, himself included, January 8, 1718, for a parsonage for this society, which Mr. Angier occupied at the time of his decease. The residence of Captain Brown remained stand- ing, occupied by the family descendants, until within a short period. A picture, taken from a sketch, is given in Bond's Watertown. Rev. Warham Williams,” a graduate of Harvard College, in 1719, was ordained June I I, I 723, as successor of Mr. Angier, and pastor of the first Church that had its meeting-house within the limits of Waltham. 1. Joseph Mixer was Treasurer of the West Precinct for 1721–2. He died December 10, 1723. 2. Deacon Thomas Livermore held the office for nearly forty-three years, till his death, at the age of 86 years, May 8, 1761. He was chosen & moderator of the first town meeting, held aſ/ !— aft - January 18, 1737–8, and was º of J O U2 9-j E. R. R. A. T.A. Page 39, in note 1, supply “1,” and in note 2 add “swarm out,” at the end. Page 50, in eighth line from the top, omit the words “father and.” Page 89, in seventeenth line from the bottom, for “Leonard Smith ” read “Samuel Smith.” Page 130, in note 1, line four, read “previously ” for “frequently ” in a few copies. 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