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CONTENTS.
PAGE
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, 1776 .
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES, 1789 .
WASHINGTON's CIRCULAR LETTER OF CONGRATU-
LATION AND ADVICE To THE Gover Nors of
THE THIRTEEN STATES . - - e º -
WASHINGTON's FIRST INAUGURAL, 1789
WASHINGTON'S Second INAUGURAL, I793
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS
I,INCOLN's FIRST INAUGURAL, 1861 - e o a
LINeoEN's SEcoRD INAUGURAL, 1865 . . . .
, LINCOLN's GETTYSBURG ADDRESS, 1863 . e -
APPENDIX . * • e s º g e o º
INDEx To THE CONSTITUTION • * • * *
I
I5
57
85
97
. IOI
I55
177
185
I89
2O3:
THE DECLARATION OF INDE-
PENDENCE
THE DECLARATION OF INDE-
PENDENCE.3
sºmeºmºsºm-º.
- JN CONGRESS, July 4, 1776.
By the Representatives of the United States in
Congress assembled. s:
A DECLARATION.
HEN, in the course of human events,
it becomes necessary for one people
to dissolve the political bands which have
connected them with another, and to as-
sume among the powers of the earth the
separate and equal station to which the
1aws of nature and of nature's God en-
title them, a decent respect for the
opinions of mankind requires that they
should declare the causes which impel
them to the separation.
* See Appendix, page 191.

4 Che Declaration of ſnoependence
We hold these truths to be self-evident:
—that all men are created equal; that
they are endowed by their Creator with
certain unalienable rights; that among
these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
Happiness; that, to secure these rights,
governments are instituted among men,
deriving their just powers from the con-
sent of the governed ; that whenever any
form of government becomes destructive
of these ends it is the right of the people
to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a
new government, 1aying its foundation
On Such principles, and Organizing its
powers in such form, as to them shall
seem most likely to effect their safety and
Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dic-
tate that governments long established
should not be changed for light and
transient causes; and accordingly all ex-
perience hath shown that mankind are
more disposed to suffer, while evils are
sufferable, than to right themselves by
abolishing the forms to which they are
accustomed. But when a 10ng train of
Çbe Declaration of ſnoependence 5
abuses and usurpations, pursuing invari-
ably the same object, evinces a design to
reduce them under absolute despotism, it
is their right, it is their duty, to throw off
such government, and to provide new
guards for their future security. Such
has been the patient sufferance of these
colonies; and such is now the necessity
which constrains them to alter their
former system of government. The his-
tory of the present king of Great Britain
is a history of repeated injuries and usur-
pations, all having in direct object the
establishment of an absolute tyranny over
these states. To prove this, let facts be
submitted to a candid world.
He has refused his assent to laws the
most wholesome and necessary for the
public good.
He has forbidden his governors to pass
laws of immediate and pressing import-
ance, unless suspended in their operation
till his assent should be obtained ; and,
when so suspended, he has utterly neg-
lected to attend to them.
6 Che ºcclatation of ſnöependence
He has refused to pass other laws for
the accommodation of large districts of
people, unless those people would relin-
quish the right of representation in the
legislature—a right inestimable to them,
and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies
at places unusual, uncomfortable, and dis-
tant from the depository of their public
records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing
them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved representative houses
repeatedly, for opposing, with manly firm-
ness, his invasions on the rights of the
people. - - -
He has refused, for a long time after
such dissolutions, to cause others to be
elected; whereby the legislative powers,
incapable of annihilation, have returned
to the people at large for their exercise;
the state remaining, in the meantime,
exposed to all the danger of invasion
from without and convulsions within.
He has endeavored to prevent the popu-
1ation of these states; for that purpose
Cbe Declaration of ſnoependence 7
obstructing the laws for naturalization of
foreigners, refusing to pass others to en-
courage their migration hither, and rais-
ing the conditions of new appropriations
of 1ands. .
He has obstructed the administration of
justice, by refusing his assent to laws for
establishing judiciary powers. -
He has made judges dependent on his
will alone for the tenure of their offices
and the amount and payment of their
salaries. -
He has erected a multitude of new offi-
ces, and sent hither swarms of officers,
to harass our people and eat out their
substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace,
standing armies, without the consent of
our legislatures.
He has affected to render the military
independent of and superior to the civil
power.
He has combined with others to subject
us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitu-
tion and unacknowledged by our laws;
8 Che Beclaration of ſnoependence
giving his assent to their acts of pretended
legislation,- - - -
For quartering large bodies of armed
troops among us : -
For protecting them, by a mock trial,
from punishment for any murders which
they should commit on the inhabitants of
these states: -
For cutting off our trade with all parts
of the World :
For imposing taxes on us without our
CO11Sent :
For depriving us, in many cases, of the
benefits of trial by jury: -
For transporting us beyond seas, to be
tried for pretended offences: -
For abolishing the free system of Eng-
lish law in a neighboring province, estab-
lishing therein an arbitrary government,
and enlarging its boundaries so as to ren-
der it at once an example and fit instru-
ment for introducing the same absolute
rule into these colonies: -
For taking away our charters, abolish-
ing our most valuable laws, and altering
Qūbe Declaration Of Inbevenoence 9
fundamentally the forms of our govern-
ment:
For suspending our own legislatures,
and declaring themselves invested with
power to legislate for us in all cases what-
SOeVer. -
He has abdicated government here by
declaring us out of his protection, and
waging war against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our
coasts, burned our towns, and destroyed
the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large
armies of foreign mercenaries, to complete
the works of death, desolation, and tyr-
anny, already begun, with circumstances
of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled
in the most barbarous ages, and totally
unworthy the head of a civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow-citizens,
taken captive on the high seas, to bear
arms against their country, to become the
executioners of their friends and brethren,
or to fall themselves by their hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections
Io Cbe Øeclaration of ſmocpenoence
amongst us, and has endeavored to bring
on the inhabitants of our frontiers the
merciless Indian savages, whose known
rule of warfare is an undistinguished de-
struction of all ages, sexes, and condi-
tions. -
In every stage of these oppressions we
have petitioned for redress in the most
humble terms; our petitions have been
answered only by repeated injury. A
prince whose character is thus marked by
every act which may define a tyrant is
unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Nor have we been wanting in attention
to our British brethren. We have warned
them, from time to time, of attempts made
by their legislature to extend an unwar-
rantable jurisdiction over us. We have
reminded them of the circumstances of
our emigration and settlement here. We
flave appealed to their native justice and
magnanimity, and we have conjured
them, by the ties of our common kindred,
to disavow these usurpations, which
would inevitably interrupt our connec-
cbe 3)cclaration of 1ſnöepci10&nce II
tions and correspondence. They, too,
have been deaf to the voice of justice and
consanguinity. We must therefore acqui-
esce in the necessity which denounces
our separation, and hold them, as we
hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war
—in peace, friends.
We, therefore, the representatives of the
|United States of America, in General Con-
gress assembled, appealing to the Supreme
Judge of the world for the rectitude of our
intentions, do, in the name and by the
authority of the good people of these
colonies, solemnly publish and declare
that these United Colonies are, and of
right ought to be, free and independent
states ; that they are absolved from all
allegiance to the British crown, and that
all political connection between them and
the state of Great Britain is, and ought
to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as free
and independent states, they have full
power to levy war, conclude peace, con-
tract alliances, establish commerce, and
to do all other acts and things which
12 Che Øcclaration of ſmöependence
independent states may of right do. And
for the support of this declaration, with a
firm reliance on the protection of Divine
Providence, we mutually pledge to each
other our lives, our fortunes, and our
sacred honor.
Signed by order and in behalf of the
Congress.
JOHN HANCOCK, President.
Attested, CHARLES THOMPSON, Secretary.
NEW HAMPSHIRE. NEW JERSEY.
Josia.H BARTLETT, RICHARD STOCKToN,
WILLIAM WHIPPLE, John WITHERSPOON,
MATTHEw THORNTON. FRANCIS HoPKINSON,
John HART,
ABRAHAM CLARK.
MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
SAMUEL ADAMS, PENNSYLVANIA.
JoHN ADAMS,
RoPERT TREAT PAINE,
ELBRIDGE GERRY.
RoBERT MoRRIs,
BENJAMIN RUSH,
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN,
JoHN MoRTON,
GEORGE CLYMER,
RHODE ISLAND, &c. JAMES SMITH,
GEORGE TAYLOR,
STEPHEN HoPKINs, JAMES WILSON,
WILLIAM ELLERY. GEORGE Ross.
Çbe Øeclaration of ſnoependence 13
CONNECTICUT.
RogFR SHERMAN,
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON,
WILLIAM WILLIAMS,
OLIVER Wolcott.
NEW YORK.
WILLIAM FLOYD,
PHILIP LIVINGSTON,
FRANCIS T.Ewis,
LEWIS MoRRIs.
VIRGINIA.
GEORGE WyTHE,
RICHARD HENRY LEE,
THOMAS JEFFERSON,
BENJAMIN HARRISON,
THOMAS NELSON, Jr.,
FRANCIS LIGHTFoot LEE,
CARTER BRAxTon.
NORTH CAROLINA.
WILLIAM HoopFR,
Joseph HEWEs,
John PENN.
DELAWARE.
CAESAR RODNEY,
GEORGE READ,
THoMAs M'KEAN.
MARYLAND.
SAMUEL CHASE,
WILLIAM PACA,
THOMAS STONE,
CHARLES CARROLL, of Car-
rollton.
SOUTH CAROLINA.
EDwARD RUTLEDGE,
THOMAS HEYWARD, Jr.,
THOMAS LYNCH, Jr.,
ARTHUR MIDDLETON.
GEORGIA.
BUTTON Gwinnett,
LYMAN HALL,
GEORGE WALTON.
*
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED
STATES
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED
STATES.*
WE the people of the United States, in
order to form a more perfect union,
establish justice, insure domestic tran-
quillity, provide for the common defence,
* The Constitution of the United States was
adopted by a convention of the several States
September 17, 1787. It was ratified by the
States as follows: Delaware, December 7, 1787;
Pennsylvania, December 12, 1787; New Jersey,
December 18, 1787; Georgia, January 2, 1788;
Connecticut, January 9, 1788; Massachusetts,
February 6, 1788; Maryland, April 28, 1788;
South Carolina, May 23, 1788; New Hampshire,
June 21, 1788; Virginia, June 26, 1788; and
New York, July 26, 1788.
Thus, on the 4th of March, 1789, the day fixed
for commencing the operations of government
under the new Constitution, it had been ratified
by more than the required number of States.
North Carolina ratified it November 21, 1789;
Rhode Island, on May 29, 1790; and Vermont,
On January IO, I79I.
* See Appendix, page IQ2

I8 Qongtitution of the ‘Ulníteo $5tate.g
promote the general welfare, and secure
the blessings of liberty to ourselves and
our posterity, do ordain and establish this
Constitution for the United States of
America.
ARTICLE I.
Section Z. A11 legislative powers here-
in granted shall be vested in a Congress
of the United States, which shall consist
of a Senate and a House of Representa-
tives.
Sec. 2. The House of Representatives
shall be composed of members chosen
every second year by the people of the
several States, and the electors in each
State shall have the qualifications requi-
site for electors of the most numerous
branch of the State legislature.
No person shall be a Representative
who shall not have attained the age of
twenty-five years, and been seven years a
citizen of the United States, and who
shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant
of that State in which he shall be chosen.
Congtitution of the Ulníteo $5tates IQ
[Representatives and direct taxes shall
be apportioned among the several States
which may be included within this Union,
according to their respective numbers,
which shall be determined by adding to
the whole number of free persons, includ-
ing those bound to service for a term of
years, and excluding Indians not taxed,
three fifths of all other persons.]* The
actual enumeration shall be made within
three years after the first meeting of the
Congress of the United States, and within
every subsequent term of ten years, in
such manner as they shall by law direct.
The number of Representatives shall not
exceed one for every thirty thousand, but
each State shall have at 1east one Repre-
sentative ; and until such enumeration
shall be made, the State of New Hamp-
shire shall be entitled to choose three,
Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and
Providence Plantations one, Connecticut
five, New York six, New Jersey four,
* The clause included in brackets is amended
by the XIVth Amendment, 2d section.
20 Constitution of the United 5tates -
Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Mary-
land six, Virginia ten, North Carolina
five, South Carolina five, and Georgia
three. - -
When vacancies happen in the repre-
sentation from any State, the executive
authority thereof shall issue writs of elec-
tion to fill such vacancies.
The House of Representatives shall
choose their speaker and other officers;
and shall have the sole power of impeach-
1ment.
Sec. 3. The Senate of the United
States shall be composed of two Senators
from each State, chosen by the legislature
thereof, for six years; and each Senator
shall have one vote. -
Immediately after they shall be assem-
bled in consequence of the first election,
they shall be divided as equally as may
be into three classes. The seats of the
Senators of the first class shall be vacated
at the expiration of the second year, of
the second class at the expiration of the
fourth year, and of the third class, at the
Congtitution of the Ulníteo $5tates 21
expiration of the sixth year, so that one
third may be chosen every second year;
and if vacancies happen by resignation,
or otherwise, during the recess of the
1egislature of any State, the executive
thereof may make temporary appoint-
ments until the next meeting of the 1egis-
lature, which shall then fill such vacan-
cies. -
No person shall be a Senator who shall
‘not have attained to the age of thirty
years, and been nine years a citizen of the
United States, and who shall not, when
elected, be an inhabitant of that State for
which he shall be chosen. -
The Vice-President of the United
States shall be President of the Senate,
lout shall have no vote, unless they be
equally divided.
The Senate shall choose their other
officers, and also a President pro tempore,
in the absence of the Vice-President, or
when he shall exercise the office of Presi-
dent of the United States. -
The Senate shall have sole power to
22 Congtitution of the (lníteo $5tate 3
try all impeachments. When sitting for
that purpose, they shall be on oath or
affirmation. When the President of the
United States is tried, the Chief Justice
shall preside; and no person shall be
convicted without the concurrence of two
thirds of the members present.
Judgment in cases of impeachment
shall not extend further than to removal
from office, and disqualification to hold
and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or
profit under the United States; but the
party convicted shall nevertheless be
1iable and subject to indictment, trial,
judgment, and punishment, according to
1aw. .
Sec. 4. The times, places, and man-
ner of holding elections for Senators and
Representatives shall be prescribed in
each State by the 1egislature thereof; but
the Congress may at any time by law
make or alter such regulations, except as
to the places of choosing Senators.
The Congress shall assemble at least
once in every year, and such meeting
Congtitution of the ‘Ulníteo $5tates 23
shall be on the first Monday in December,
unless they shall by law appoint a differ-
ent day.
Sec. 5. Each house shall be the judge
of the elections, returns, and qualifications
of its own members, and a majority of
each shall constitute a quorum to do
business; but a smaller number may ad-
journ from day to day, and may be author-
ized to compel the attendance of absent
members, in such manner and under
such penalties as each house may provide.
Each house may determine the rules of
its proceedings, punish its members for
disorderly behavior, and, with the con-
currence of two thirds, expel a member.
Each house shall keep a journal of its
proceedings, and from time to time pub-
lish the same, excepting such parts as
may in their judgment require secrecy;
and the yeas and nays of the members of
either house on any question shall, at the
desire of one fifth of those present, be
entered on the journal. -
Neither house, during the session o
24 Congtitution of the Ulnited 5tates
Congress, shall, without the consent of
the other, adjourn for more than three
days, nor to any other place than that in
which the two houses shall be sitting.
Sec. 6. The Senators and Represen-
tatives shall receive a compensation for
their services, to be ascertained by law,
and paid out of the Treasury of the
United States. They shall in all cases,
except treason, felony, and breach of the
peace, be privileged from arrest during
their attendance at the session of their
respective houses, and in going to and
returning from the same ; and for any
speech or debate in either house, they
shall not be questioned in any other
place.
No Senator or Representative shall,
during the time for which he was elected,
be appointed to any civil office under the
authority of the United States, which
shall have been created, or the emolu-
ments whereof shall have been increased,
during such time; and no person holding
any office under the United States shall
Congtitution of the Clnítcö $5tate 3 25
be a member of either house during his
continuance in office.
Sec. 7. All bills for raising revenue
shall originate in the House of Represen-
tatives ; but the Senate may propose or
concur with amendments as on other bills.
Every bill which shall have passed the
House of Representatives and the Senate,
shall, before it becomes a law, be pre-
sented to the President of the United
States; if he approve he shall sign it, but
if not he shall return it, with his objec-
tions to that house in which it shall have
originated, who shall enter the objections
at large on their journal, and proceed to
reconsider it. If after such reconsidera-
tion two thirds of that house shall agree
to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together
with the objections, to the other house,
by which it shall likewisebereconsidered,
and if approved by two thirds of that
House, it shall become a law. But in all
cases the votes of both houses shall be
determined by yeas and nays, and the
names of the persons voting for and
26 Congtitution of the Clnítcö 5tates
against the bill shall be entered on the
journal of each house respectively. If
any bill shall not be returned by the
President within ten days (Sundays ex-
cepted) after it shall have been presented
to him, the same shall be a law, in like
manner as if he had signed it, unless the
Congress by their adjournment prevent
its return, in which case it shall not be a
law.
Every order, resolution, or vote to
which the concurrence of the Senate and
the House of Representatives may be
necessary (except on a question of ad-
journment) shall be presented by the
President of the United States; and
|before the same shall take effect, shall be
approved by him, or being disapproved
by him, shall be repassed by two thirds
of the Senate and House of Representa-
tives, according to the rules and limita-
tions prescribed in the case of a bill.
Sec. 8. The Congress shall have
power to 1ay and collect taxes, duties,
imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and
Congtitution of the 'Clnited 5tates 27
provide for the common defence and
general welfare of the United States; but
all duties, imposts, and excises shall be
uniform throughout the United States;
To borrow money on the credit of the
United States;
To regulate commerce with foreign
nations, and among the several States,
and with the Indian tribes ;
To establish an uniform rule of natu-
ralization, and uniform laws on the subject
of bankruptcies throughout the United
States ; -
To coin money, regulate the value
thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the
standard of weights and measures;
To provide for the punishment of coun-
terfeiting the securities and current coin
of the United States ;
To establish post-offices and post-roads;
To promote the progress of science and
useful arts, by securing for limited times
to authors and inventors the exclusive
right to their respective writings and
discoveries; -
28 constitution of the 'Clnítco 5tates
To constitute tribunals inferior to the
Supreme Court;
To define and punish piracies and
felonies committed on the high seas, and
offences against the 1aw of nations;
To declare war, grant letters of marque
and reprisal, and make rules concerning
captures on 1and and water ;
To raise and support armies, but no ap-
propriation of money to that use shall be
for a longer term than two years;
To provide and maintain a navy;
To make rules for the government and
regulation of the land and naval forces;
To provide for calling forth the militia
to execute the 1aws of the Union, sup-
press insurrections, and repel invasions;
To provide for organizing, arming, and
disciplining the militia, and for governing
such part of them as may be employed in
the service of the United States, reserving
to the States respectively the appointment
of the officers, and the authority of train-
ing the militia according to the discipline
prescribed by Congress;
Congtitution of the Clnítco $5tate5 29
To exercise exclusive legislation in all
cases whatsoever, over such district (not
exceeding ten miles square) as may, by
cession of particular States, and the ac-
ceptance of Congress, become the seat of
the Government of the United States, and
to exercise like authority over all places
purchased by the consent of the 1egisla-
ture of the State in which the same shall
be, for the erection of forts, magazines,
arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful
buildings; and -
To make all laws which shall be neces-
sary and proper for carrying into execu-
tion the foregoing powers, and all other
powers vested by this Constitution in the
Government of the United States, or in
any department or officer thereof.
Sec. 9. The migration or importation
of such persons as any of the States now
existing shall think proper to admit, shall
not be prohibited by the Congress prior
to the year one thousand eight hundred
and eight, but a tax or duty may be im-
posed on such importation, not exceeding
ten dollars for each person.
30 constitution of the united 5tates
The privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus shall not be suspended, unless
when in cases of rebellion or invasion
the public safety may require it.
No bill of attainder or ex-post-facto law
shall be passed. *
No capitation, or other direct tax shall
be laid, unless in proportion to the census
or enumeration hereinbefore directed to
be taken. -
No tax or duty shall be laid on articles
exported from any State. -
No preference shall be given by any
regulation of commerce or revenue to the
ports of one State over those of another :
nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one
State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay
duties in another.
No money shall be drawn from the
Treasury, but in consequence of appro-
priations made by 1aw ; and a regular
statement and account of the receipts and
the expenditures of all public money shall
be published from time to time.
No title of nobility shall be granted by
Congtitution of the Ulníteo $5tates 31
the United States; and no person holding
any office of profit or trust under them
shall, without the consent of the Con-
gress, accept of any present, emolument,
office, or title, of any kind whatever,
from any king, prince, or foreign state.
Sec. zo. No State shall enter into any
treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant
letters of marque and reprisal; coin
money; emit bills of credit; make any
thing but gold and silver coin a tender in
payment of debts; pass any bill of
attainder, ex-post-facto law, or 1aw impair-
ing the obligation of contracts, or grant
any title of nobility.
No State shall, without the consent of
Congress, 1ay any imposts or duties on
imports or exports, except what may be
absolutely necessary for executing its
inspection laws; and the net produce of
all duties and imposts, laid by any State
on imports or exports, shall be for the use
of the Treasury of the United States;
and all such laws shall be subject to the
revision and control of the Congress.
32 Congtitution of the Clnítco $5tates
No State shall, without the consent of
Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep
troops, or ships of war in time of peace,
enter into any agreement or compact
with another State, or with a foreign
power, or engage in war, unless actually
invaded, or in such imminent danger as
will not admit of delay.
ARTICLE II.
Section I. The executive power shall
be vested in a President of the United
States of America. He shall hold his
office during the term of four years, and,
together with the Vice-President, chosen
for the same term, be elected as follows:
Each State shall appoint, in such
manner as the legislature thereof may
direct, a number of electors, equal to the
whole number of Senators and Represen-
tatives to which the State may be entitled
in the Congress; but no Senator or
Representative, or person holding an
office of trust or profit under the United
States, shall be appointed an elector.
Congtitution of the 'Clnítco 5tates 33
[The electors shall meet in their
respective States, and vote by ballot for
two persons, of whom one at least shall
not be an inhabitant of the same State
with themselves. And they shall make a
list of all the persons voted for, and of the
number of votes for each ; which list they
shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed
to the seat of the Government of the
United States, directed to the President
of the Senate. The President of the
Senate shall, in the presence of the
Senate and the House of Representatives,
open all the certificates, and the votes shall
then be counted. The person having
the greatest number of votes shall be the
President, if such number be a majority
of the whole number of electors ap-
pointed ; and if there be more than one
who have such majority, and have an
equal number of votes, then the House of
Representatives shall immediately choose
by ballot one of them for President; and
if no person have a majority, then from
the five highest on the list the said House
34 constitution of the UInitco 5tates
shall in like manner choose the President.
But in choosing the President, the votes
shall be taken by States, the representa-
tion from each State having one vote ; a
quorum for this purpose shall consist of a
member or members from two thirds of
the States, and a majority of all the States
shall be necessary to a choice. In every
case, after the choice of the President, the
person having the greatest number of
votes of the electors shall be the Vice-
President. But if there should remain
two or more who have equal votes, the
Senate shall choose from them by ballot
the Vice-President.]*
The Congress may determine the time
of choosing the electors, and the day on
which they shall give their votes; which
day shall be the same throughout the
United States.
No person except a natural-born citizen,
or a citizen of the United States, at the
time of the adoption of this Constitution,
* This clause in brackets has been superseded
by the XIIth Amendment.
Constitution of the Ulnítco 5tates 35
shall be eligible to the office of President;
neither shall any person be eligible to
that office who shall not have attained the
age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen
years a resident within the United States.
in case of the removal of the President
from office, or of his death, resignation,
or inability to discharge the powers and
duties of the said office, the same shall
devolve on the Vice-President, and the
Congress may by 1aw provide for the case
of removal, death, resignation, or inabili-
ty, both of the President and Vice-Presi-
dent, declaring what officer shall then act
as President, and such officer shall act
accordingly, until the disability be re-
gmoved, or a President shall be elected.
The President shall, at stated times,
receive for his services a compensation,
which shall neither be increased nor di-
minished during the period for which he
shall have been elected, and he shall not
receive within that period any other
emolument from the United States, or any
of them.
36 Constitution of the united 5tates
Before he enter on the execution of his
office, he shall take the following oath or
affirmation :
“I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I
will faithfully execute the office of Presi-
dent of the United States, and will to the
best of my ability, preserve, protect, and
defend the Constitution of the United
States.”
Sec. 2. The President shall be Com-
mander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy
of the United States, and of the militia of
the several States, when called into the
actual service of the United States ; he
may require the opinion, in writing, of
the principal officer in each of the execu-
tive departments, upon any subject relat-
ing to the duties of their respective offices,
and he shall have power to grant reprieves
and pardons for offences against the United
States, except in cases of impeachment.
He shall have power, by and with the
advice and consent of the Senate, to make
treaties, provided two thirds of the Sena-
tors present concur ; and he shall nomi-
Congtitution of the ‘Ulníteo states 37
nate, and by and with the advice and
consent of the Senate, shall appoint am-
bassadors, other public ministers and con-
suls, judges of the Supreme Court, and
all other officers of the United States,
whose appointments are not herein other-
wise provided for, and which shall be
established by law ; but the Congress
may by 1aw vest the appointment of such
inferior officers as they think proper, in
the President alone, in the courts of laws,
or in the heads of departments.
The President shall have power to fill
up all vacancies that may happen during
the recess of the Senate, by granting com-
missions which shall expire at the end
of their next session.
Sec. 3. He shall from time to time
give to the Congress information of the
state of the Union, and recommend to their
consideration such measures as he shall
judge necessary and expedient; he may,
on extraordinary occasions, convene both
flouses, or either of them, and in case of
disagreement between them, with respect
38 constitution of the united States
to the time of adjournment, he may ad-
journ them to such time as he shall think
proper; he shall receive ambassadors and
other public ministers; he shall take care
that the laws be faithfully executed, and
shall commission all the officers of the
United States.
Sec. z. The President, Vice-Presi-
dent, and a11 civil officers of the United
States, shall be removed from office on
impeachment for, and conviction of,
treason, bribery, or other high crimes and
misdemeanors.
ARTICLE III.
Section z. The judicial power of the
United States, shall be vested in one Su-
preme Court, and in such inferior courts
as the Congress may from time to time
ordain and establish. The judges, both
of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall
Hold their offices during good behavior,
and shall, at stated times, receive for
their services a compensation, which shall
constitution of the unitco 5tates 39
not be diminished during their continu-
ance in office. * -
Sec. 2. The judicial power shall ex-
tend to all cases, in 1aw and equity,
arising under this Constitution, the 1aws
of the United States, and treaties made,
or which shall be made, under their
authority; to all cases affecting ambassa-
dors, other public ministers, and consuls;
to all cases of admiralty and maritime
jurisdiction ; to controversies to which
the United States shall be a party; to
controversies between two or more States ;
|between a State and citizens of another
State; between citizens of different States;
between citizens of the same State
claiming lands under grants of different
States ; and between a State, or the citi-
zens thereof, and foreign states, citizens,
or subjects.
In all cases affecting ambassadors,
other public ministers, and consuls, and
those in which a State shall be a party,
the Supreme Court shall have original
jurisdiction. In all the other cases be-
4o Congtitution of the ‘Ulnited $5tate5 -
fore mentioned, the Supreme Court shall
have appellate jurisdiction, both as to
1aw and fact, with such exceptions and
under such regulations as the Congress
shall make. - . ^.
The trial of all crimes, except in cases of
impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such
trial shall be held in the State where the
said crimes shall have been committed ;
lout when not committed within any State,
the trial shall be at such place or places as
the Congress may by 1aw have directed.
Sec. 3. Treason against the United
States shall consist only in 1evying war
against them, or in adhering to their
enemies, giving them aid and comfort.
No person shall be convicted of treason
unless on the testimony of two witnesses
to the same overt act, or on confession in
open court.
The Congress shall have power to de-
clare the punishment of treason, but no
attainder of treason shall work corruption
of blood, or forfeiture, except during the
life of the person attainted.
Congtitution of the Clníteo $5tate.g. 4I
ARTICLE IV.
Section z. Full faith and credit shall
be given in each State to the public acts,
records, and judicial proceedings of every
other State. And the Congress may by
general laws prescribe the manner in
which such acts, records, and proceedings
shall be proved, and the effect thereof.
Sec. 2. The citizens. of each State
shall be entitled to all privileges and im-
munities of citizens in the several States.
A person charged in any State with
treason, felony, or other crime, who shall
flee from justice, and be found in another
State, shall, on demand of the executive
authority of the State from which he fled,
be delivered up, to be removed to the
State having jurisdiction of the crime.
No person held to service or 1abor in
One State, under the laws thereof, escap-
ing into another, shall, in consequence of
any law or regulation therein, be dis-
charged from such service or labor, but
shall be delivered up on claim of the party
to whom such service or labor may be due.
42 Congtitution of the Ulníteo $5tate.g
Sec. 3. New States may be admitted
by the Congress into this Union ; but no
new State shall be formed or erected
within the jurisdiction of any other State;
nor any State be formed by the junction
of two or more States, or parts of States,
without the consent of the legislatures of
the States concerned as well as of the
Congress.
The Congress shall have power to dis-
pose of and make all needful rules and
regulations respecting the territory or
other property belonging to the United
States; and nothing in this Constitution
shall be so construed as to prejudice any
claims of the United States, or of any par-
ticular State.
Sec. 4. The United States shall guar-
antee to every State in this Union a
republican form of government, and shall
protect each of them against invasion ;
and on application of the legislature, or
of the executive (when the legislature
cannot be convened), against domestic
violence.
Constitution of the Ulnited $5tate.8 43
ARTICLE V.
The Congress, whenever two thirds of
both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall
propose amendments to this Constitution,
or, on the application of the legislatures
of two thirds of the several States, shall
call a convention for proposing amend-
ments, which, in either case, shall be
valid to all intents and purposes, as part
of this Constitution, when ratified by the
1egislatures of three fourths of the several
States, or by conventions in three fourths
thereof, as the one or the other mode of
ratification may be proposed by the Con-
gress; provided that no amendments
which may be made prior to the year one
thousand eight hundred and eight shall
in any manner affect the first and fourth
clauses in the ninth section of the first
article; and that no State, without its
consent, shall be deprived of its equal
suffrage in the Senate.
ARTICLE VI.
A11 debts contracted and engagements
entered into, before the adoption of this
44 Constitution of the united 5tates
Constitution, shall be as valid against
the United States under this Constitution,
as under the Confederation.
This Constitution, and the 1aws of the
United States which shall be made in
pursuance thereof; and all treaties made,
or which shall be made, under the author-
ity of the United States, shall be the
supreme law of the land; and the judges
in every State shall be bound thereby,
any thing in the constitution or laws of
any State to the contrary notwithstanding.
The Senators and Representatives be-
fore mentioned, and the members of the
several State 1egislatures, and all the ex-
ecutive and judicial officers, both of the
United States and of the several States,
shall be bound, by oath or affirmation, to
support this Constitution ; but no re-
1igious test shall ever be required as a
qualification to any office or public trust
under the United States.
ARTICLE VII.
The ratification of the conventions of
nine States shall be sufficient for the es-
Congtitution of the 'Clnítco $5tate 3 45
tablishment of this Constitution between
the States so ratifying the same.*
ARTICLES IN ADDITION TO, AND AMEND-
MENT OF, THE CONSTITUTION OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, PRO-
POSED BY CONGRESS, AND RATIFIED BY
THE LEGISLATURES OF THE SEVERAL,
STATES PURSUANT TO THE FIFTH AR-
TICLE OF THE ORIGINAL CONSTITU-
TION.i.
ARTICLE I.
Congress shall make no law respecting
an establishment of religion, or prohibit-
ing the free exercise thereof; or abridging
the freedom of speech, or of the press; or
* The text and punctuation of the Constitu-
tion, as above, conform to the document in the
custody of the State Department.
f The first ten amendments to the Constitu-
tion were proposed to the 1egislatures of the
several States by the First Congress on the 25th
of September, I'789, and were ratified by the
States between that date and December 15, 1791.
There is no evidence on the journals of Con-
gress that the legislatures of Connecticut,
Georgia, and Massachusetts ratified them.
46 Congtitution of the Clníteo $tate.g
the right of the people peaceably to as-
semble, and to petition the Government
for a redress of grievances.
ARTICLE II.
A well regulated militia, being neces-
sary to the security of a free state, the
right of the people to keep and bear arms
shall not be infringed. -
ARTICLE III.
No soldier shall, in time of peace, be
quartered in any house, without the con-
sent of the owner, nor in the time of war,
but in a manner to be prescribed by law.
ARTICLE IV.
The right of the people to be secure in
their persons, houses, papers, and effects,
against unreasonable searches and seiz-
ures, shall not be violated, and no war-
rants shall issue, but upon probable cause,
supported by oath or affirmation, and
particularly describing the place to be
searched, and the person or things to be
seized. -
COn9titution of the Ulnítco 5tate 3 47
ARTICLE V.
No person shall be held to answer for
a capital, or otherwise infamous, crime,
unless on a presentment or indictment of
a grand jury, except in cases arising in
the 1and or naval forces, or in the militia,
when in actual service in time of war or
public danger; nor shall any person be
subject for the same offence to be twice
put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall
be compelled in any criminal case to be a
witness against himself, nor be deprived
of life, liberty, or property, without due
process of law; nor shall private property
be taken for public use without just com-
pensation.
ARTICLE VI.
In all criminal prosecutions the accused
shall enjoy the right to a speedy and
public trial, by an impartial jury of the
State and district wherein the crime shall.
have been committed, which district shall
have been previously ascertained by law,
and to be informed of the nature and
48 Congtitution of the Ulníteo $5tate.9
cause of the accusation ; to be confronted
with the witnesses against him ; to have
compulsory process for obtaining wit-
nesses in his favor, and to have the
assistance of counsel for his defence.
ARTICLE VII.
In suits at common law, where the
value in controversy shall exceed twenty
dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be
preserved, and no fact tried by a jury
shall be otherwise reëxamined in any
court of the United States, than according
to the rules of the common law.
ARTICLE VIII.
Excessive bail should not be required,
nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and
unusual punishments inflicted.
ARTICLE IX.
The enumeration in the Constitution,
of certain rights, shall not be construed
to deny or disparage others retained by
the people.
Constitution of the ‘Ulníteo 5tates 49
-*
ARTICLE X.
The powers not delegated to the United
States by the Constitution, nor prohibited
by it to the States, are reserved to the
States respectively, or to the people.
ARTICLE XI.
The judicial power of the United States
shall not be construed to extend to any
suit in 1aw or equity, commenced or pros-
ecuted against one of the United States
by citizens of another State, or by citizens
or subjects of any foreign state.*
ARTICLE XII.
The electors shall meet in their re-
spective States, and vote by ballot for
President and Vice-President, one of
whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant
* The Eleventh Amendment was proposed to
the legislatures of the several States by the
Third Congress, on the 5th of September, I794,
and was declared, in a message from the Presi-
dent to Congress, dated the 8th of January,
I798, to have been ratified by the 1egislatures
of three fourths of the States. -
50 Constitution of the Ulniteo $tates
of the same State with themselves; they
shall name in their ballots the person
voted for as President, and in distinct bal-
lots the person voted for as Vice-Presi-
dent, and they shall make distinct lists of
all persons voted for as President, and of
all persons voted for as Vice-President,
and of the number of votes for each,
which lists they shall sign and certify,
and transmit sealed to the seat of the
Government of the United States, directed
to the President of the Senate. The
President of the Senate shall, in the
presence of the Senate and House of
Representatives, open all the certificates
and the votes shall then be counted. The
person having the greatest number of
votes for President, shall be the Presi-
dent, if such number be a majority of the
whole number of electors appointed; and
if no person have such majority, then
from the persons having the highest num-
bers not exceeding three on the list of
those voted for as President, the House
of Representatives shall choose imme-
COn9titution of the Ulníteo $5tate5 51
diately, by ballot, the President. But in
choosing the President, the votes shall be
taken by States, the representation from
each State having one vote; a quorum
for this purpose shall consist of a mem-
ber or members from two thirds of the
States, and a majority of all the States
shall be necessary to a choice. And if
the House of Representatives shall not
choose a President, whenever the right of
choice shall devolve upon them, before the
fourth day of March next following, then
the Vice-President shall act as President,
as in the case of the death or other con-
stitutional disability of the President.
The person having the greatest number
of votes as Vice-President, shall be the
Vice-President, if such number be a ma-
jority of the whole number of electors
appointed, and if no person have a ma-
jority, then from the two highest num-
bers on the list, the Senate shall choose
the Vice-President; a quorum for the
purpose shall consist of two thirds of the
whole number of Senators, and a majority
52 constitution of the Ulnited $5tates
of the whole number shall be necessary to
a choice. But no person constitutionally
ineligible to the office of President shall
be eligible to that of Vice-President of
the United States.*
ARTICLE XIII.
Section z. Neither slavery nor invol-
untary servitude, except as a punishment
for crime whereof the party shall have
been duly convicted, shall exist within
the United States, or any place subject to
their jurisdiction.
Sec. 2. Congress shall have power to
enforce this article by appropriate legis-
1ation.t
*The Twelfth Amendment was proposed to
the 1egislatures of the several States by the
Eighth Congress, on the 12th of December,
I8o3, in lieu of the original third paragraph of
Section I. of Article II., and was declared in a
proclamation of the Secretary of State, dated
the 25th of September, 1804, to have been rati-
fied by the legislatures of three fourths of the
States. -
f The Thirteenth Amendment was proposed
to the 1egislatures of the several States by the
Thirty-eighth Congress, on the Ist of February,
Q0113titution of the (limited 5tate 3 53
ARTICLE XIV.
Section Z. All persons born or natu-
ralized in the United States, and subject
to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of
the United States and of the State where-
in they reside. No State shall make or
enforce any law which shall abridge the
privileges or immunities of citizens of the
United States ; nor shall any State de-
prive any person of life, liberty, or prop-
erty, without due process of law ; nor
deny to any person within its jurisdiction
the equal protection of the laws.
Sec. 2. Representatives shall be ap-
portioned among the several States ac-
cording to their respective numbers,
I865, and was declared, in a proclamation of the
Secretary of State, dated the 18th of December,
I865, to have been ratified by the 1egislatures of
twenty-seven of the thirty-six States, viz.: Illi-
nois, Rhode Island, Michigan, Maryland, New
York, West Virginia, Maine, Kansas, Massachu-
setts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Ohio, Missouri,
Nevada, Indiana, Louisiana, Minnesota, Wis-
consin, Vermont, Tennessee, Arkansas, Con-
necticut, New Hampshire, South Carolina,
Alabama, North Carolina, and Georgia.
54 Constitution of the Ulnited 5tates
counting the whole number of persons
in each State, excluding Indians not
taxed. But when the right to vote at
any election for the choice of electors for
President and Vice-President of the
United States, Representatives in Con-
gress, the executive and judicial officers
of the State, or the members of the 1egis-
1ature thereof, is denied to any of the
male inhabitants of such State, being
twenty-one years of age, and citizens of
the United States, or in any way abridged,
except for participation in rebellion, or
other crime, the basis of representation
therein shall be reduced in the proportion
which the number of such male citizens
shall bear to the whole number of male
citizens twenty-one years of age in such
State.
Sec. 3. No person shall be a Senator
or Representative in Congress, or elector
of President and Vice-President, or hold
any office, civil or military, under the
United States, or under any State, who,
having previously taken an oath, as a
Constitution of the Ulnítco 5tates 55
member of Congress, or as an officer of
the United States, or as a member of any
State legislature, or as an executive or
judicial officer of any State, to support
the Constitution of the United States,
shall have engaged in insurrection or
rebellion against the same, or given
aid or comfort to the enemies thereof.
But Congress may, by a vote of two
thirds of each House, remove such disa-
bility.
Sec. z. The validity of the public
debt of the United States, authorized by
law, including debts incurred for pay-
ment of pensions and bounties for services
in suppressing insurrection or rebellion,
shall not be questioned. But neither the
United States nor any State shall assume
or pay any debt or obligation incurred in
aid of insurrection or rebellion against
the United States, or any claim for the
loss or emancipation of any slave; but all
such debts, obligations, and claims shall
be held illegal and void.
Sec. 5. The Congress shall have power
56 constitution of the United $tates
to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the
provisions of this article.*
ARTICLE xv.
Section z. The right of citizens of the
United States to vote shall not be denied
or abridged by the United States or any
State on account of race, color, or previous
condition of servitude.
Sec. 2. The Congress shall have power
to enforce this article by appropriate legis-
1ation.i.
* The Fourteenth Amendment was proposed
to the 1egislatures of the several States by the
Thirty-ninth Congress, on the 16th of June,
1866. On the 28th of July, 1868, the Secretary
of State issued a proclamation declaring that
this amendment had been ratified by the legis-
1atures of thirty of the thirty-six States.
f The Fifteenth Amendment was proposed to
the 1egislatures of the several States by the
Fortieth Congress, on the 27th of February,
I869, and was declared, in a proclamation of
the Secretary of State, dated March 30, 1870, to
have been ratified by the legislatures of twenty-
nine of the thirty-seven States.
WASHINGTON'S CIRCULAR LETTER OF
CONGRATULATION AND AIDVICE TO
THE GOVERNORS OF THE
THIRTEEN STATES
WASHINGTON'S CIRCULAR LETTER OF
CONGRATULATION AND ADVICE TO
- THE GOVERNORS OF THE
THIRTEEN STATES.*
HEAD-QUARTERS, NEWBURG, June 18, I783.
IR:—The great object for which I had
the honor to hold an appointment in
the service of my country being accom-
plished, I am now preparing to resign it
into the hands of Congress, and return to
that domestic retirement which, it is well
Rnown, I left with the greatest reluctance;
a retirement for which I have never ceased
to sigh through a long and painful ab-
sence, in which (remote from the noise
and trouble of the world) I meditate to
pass the remainder of 11fe in a state of
undisturbed repose; but, before I carry
this resolution into effect, I think it a
* See Appendix, page 189.

6O (5¢orge. UKllagbington
duty incumbent on me to make this, my
1ast, official communication, to congratu-
1ate you on the glorious events which
Heaven has been pleased to produce in
our favor, to offer my sentiments respect-
ing some important subjects, which ap-
pear to me to be intimately connected
with the tranquillity of the United States,
to take my leave of your Excellency as a
public character, and to give my final
blessing to that country in whose service
I have spent the prime of my life; for
whose sake I have consumed so many
anxious days and watchful nights; and
whose happiness, being extremely dear to
me, will always constitute no inconsider-
able part of my own.
Impressed with the liveliest sensibility
on this pleasing occasion, I will claim the
indulgence of dilating the more copiously
on the subject of our mutual felicitation.
When we consider the magnitude of the
prize we contended for, the doubtful na-
ture of the contest, and the favorable
manner in which it has terminated, we
TLetter of Congratulation ano Elovice 61
shall find the greatest possible reason
for gratitude and rejoicing ; this is a theme
that will afford infinite delight to every
benevolent and liberal mind, whether the
event in contemplation be considered as
a Source of present enjoyment or the pa-
rent of future happiness; and we shall
have equal occasion to felicitate ourselves
on the lot which Providence has assigned
us, whether we view it in a natural, a
political, or moral point of view.
The citizens of America, placed in the
Imost enviable condition, as the sole 1ords
and proprietors of a vast tract of continent,
comprehending all the various soils and
climates of the world, and abounding
with all the necessaries and conveniences
of 1ife, are now, by the 1ate satisfactory
pacification, acknowledged to be possessed
of absolute freedom and independency;
they are, from this period, to be consid-
ered as the actors on a most conspicuous
theatre, which seems to be peculiarly de-
signed by Providence for the display of
human greatness and felicity ; here they
62 G5C0tgé Ölagbington
are not only surrounded with every thing
that can contribute to the completion of
private and domestic enjoyment, but
heaven has crowned a11 its other bless-
ings by giving a surer opportunity for
political happiness than any other nation
Has ever been favored with. Nothing can
illustrate these observations more forcibly
than the recollection of the happy con-
juncture of times and circumstances un-
der which our republic assumed its rank
among the nations. The foundation of
Our empire was not laid in a gloomy age
of ignorance and superstition, but at an
epoch when the rights of mankind were
better understood and more clearly defined
than at any former period; researches of
the human mind after social happiness
have been carried to a great extent; the
treasures of knowledge acquired by the
labors of philosophers, sages, and 1egisla-
tors, through a long succession of years,
are laid open for us, and their collected
wisdom may be happily applied in the
establishment of our forms of govern-
letter of congratulation ano Flövice 63
ment ; the free cultivation of letters, the
unbounded extension of commerce, the
progressive refinement of manners, the
growing liberality of sentiment, and,
above all, the pure and benign light of
revelation, have had a meliorating in-
fluence on mankind, and increased the
blessings of society. At this auspicious
period the United States came into exist-
ence as a nation, and if their citizens
should not be completely free and happy,
the fault will be entirely their own.
Such is our situation, and such are
our prospects; but notwithstanding the
cup of blessing is thus reached out to us
—notwithstanding happiness is ours, if
we have a disposition to seize the occasion,
and make it our own ; yet, it appears to
me, there is an option still left to the
United States of America, whether they
will be respectable and prosperous or con-
temptible and miserable as a nation.
This is the time of their political proba-
tion; this is the moment when the eyes
of the world are turned upon them ; this
64 G5COrgé (Glagbington
is the time to establish or ruin their na-
tional character forever; this is the
favorable time to give such a tone to
the federal government as will enable
it to answer the ends of its institution;
or this may be the ill-fated moment for
relaxing the powers of the nation, an-
nihilating the cement of the confedera-
tion, and exposing us to become the sport
of European politics, which may play one
state against another to prevent their
growing importance, and to serve their
own interested purposes. For, according
to the system of policy the states shall
adopt at this moment, they will stand or
fall ; and, by their confirmation or lapse,
it is yet to be decided whether the revo-
1ution must ultimately be considered as a
blessing or a curse; a blessing or a curse
not to the present age alone, for with our
fate will the destiny of unborn millions be
involved. - -
With this conviction of the import-
ance of the present crisis, silence in me
would be a crime. I will therefore
jLettet of Congratulation ano Elovice 65
speak to your Excellency the language
of freedom and sincerity, without dis-
guise. I am aware, however, those who
differ from me in political sentiments
may perhaps remark, I am stepping out
of the proper line of my duty; and they
Imay possibly ascribe to arrogance or os-
tentation what I know is alone the result
of the purest intention; but the rectitude
of my own heart, which disdains such
unworthy motives—the part I have hith-
erto acted in life—the determination I
Have formed of not taking any share in
public business hereafter—the ardent de-
sire I feel and shall continue to mani-
fest, of quietly enjoying in private life,
after a11, the toils of war, the benefits of
a wise and liberal government—will, I
flatter myself, sooner or later, convince
my countrymen that I could have no
sinister views in delivering, with so little
reserve, the opinions contained in this
Address.
There are four things which I humbly
conceive are essential to the well-being,
66 George Ulagbington
I may even venture to say, to the exist-
ence of the United States, as an indepen-
dent power: .
Ist.—An indissoluble union of the
states under one federal head.
2ndly.—A sacred regard to public jus-
tice.
3rdly.—The adoption of a proper peace
establishment, And, .
4thly.—The prevalence of that pacific
and friendly disposition among the peo-
ple of the United States, which will in-
duce them to forget their local prejudices
and policies, to make those mutual con-
cessions which are requisite to the general
prosperity, and, in some instances, to sac-
rifice their individual advantages to the
interest of the community.
These are the pillars on which the
glorious fabric of our independency and
national character must be supported.
Liberty is the basis, and whoever would
dare to sap the foundation, or overturn
the structure, under whatever specious
pretext he may attempt it, will merit the
TLetter of Congratulation amo Elovice 67
bitterest execration and the severest pun-
ishment which can be inflicted by his-in-
jured country.
On the three first articles I will make
a few observations, leaving the last to the
good sense and serious consideration of
those immediately concerned.
Under the first head, although it may
not be necessary or proper for me in this
place to enter into a particular disquisi-
tion of the principals of the union, and
to take up the great question which has
been frequently agitated, whether it be
expedient and requisite for the states to
delegate a large proportion of power to
Congress, or not; yet it will be a part of
my duty, and that of every true patriot,
to assert, without reserve, and to insist
upon the following positions. That un-
1ess the states will suffer Congress to
exercise those prerogatives they are un-
doubtedly invested with by the constitu-
tion, every thing must very rapidly tend
to anarchy and confusion.—That it is
indispensable to the happiness of the
68 (5¢orge (Glagbington
individual states, that there should be
1odged, somewhere, a supreme power,
to regulate and govern the general con-
cerns of the confederated republic, with-
out which the union cannot be of 1ong
duration.—That there must be a faith-
ful and pointed compliance on the part
of every state with the late proposals and
demands of Congress, or the most fatal
consequences will ensue. That whatever
Imeasures have a tendency to dissolve the
union, or contribute to violate or lessen
Sovereign authority, ought to be consid-
ered as hostile to the liberty and indepen-
dency of America, and the authors of
them treated accordingly.—And lastly,
that unless we can be enabled by the
concurrence of the states, to participate
of the fruits of the revolution, and enjoy
the essential benefits of civil society,
under a form of government so free and
uncorrupted, so happily guarded against
the danger of oppression, as has been de-
vised and adopted by the articles of con-
federation, it will be a subject of regret,
* :
TLetter of Congratulation and Elovice 69
that so much blood and treasure have
been lavished for no purpose; that so
many sufferings have been encountered
without a compensation, and so many
sacrifices have been made in vain. Many
other considerations might here be ad-
duced to prove, that without an entire
conformity to the spirit of the union, we
cannot exist as an independent power.
It will be sufficient for my purpose to
mention but one or two, which seem to
me of the greatest importance. It is only
in our united character, as an empire,
that our independence is acknowledged,
that our power can be regarded, or our
credit supported among foreign nations.
The treaties of the European powers with
the United States of America, will have
no validity on the dissolution of the
union. We shall be left nearly in a
state of nature; or we may find, by our
own unhappy experience, that there is a
natural and necessary progression from
the extreme of anarchy to the extreme
of tyrrany ; and that arbitrary power is
7o (5¢orge UKllagbington
most easily established on the ruins of
liberty abused to licentiousness.
As to the second article, which respects
the performance of public justice, Con-
gress have, in their late Address to the
United States, almost exhausted the sub-
ject; they have explained their ideas so
fully, and have enforced the obligations
the states are under to render complete
justice to all the public creditors, with so
much dignity and energy that, in my
opinion, no real friend to the honour and
independency of America can hesitate a
single moment respecting the propriety
of complying with the just and honour-
able measures proposed. If their argu-
ments do not produce conviction, I know
of nothing that will have greater influ-
ence, especially when we reflect that the
system referred to, being the result of the
collected wisdom of the continent, must
be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the
1east objectionable of any that could be
devised ; and that if it should not be
carried into immediate execution, a na-
TLetter of Congratulation anio Elövice 71
tional bankruptcy, with all its deplorable
consequences, will take place before any
different plan can possibly be proposed
or adopted; so pressing are the present
circumstances, and such is the alternative
now offered to the states.
The ability of the country to discharge
the debts which have been incurred in
its defence is not to be doubted. An
inclination, I flatter myself, will not be
wanting; the path of our duty is plain
|before us; honesty will be found, on every
experiment, to be the best and only true
policy. Let us then, as a nation, be just ;
let us fulfil the public contracts which
Congress had undoubtedly a right to
make for the purpose of carrying on the
war, with the same good faith we suppose
ourselves bound to perform our private
engagements. In the meantime let our
attention to the cheerful performance
of their proper business, as individuals,
and as members of society, be earnestly
inculcated on the citizens of America ;
then will they strengthen the bands of
72 G5¢otgc (Clagbington
government, and be happy under its
protection. Every one will reap the
fruit of his labours; every one will enjoy
this own acquisitions, without molestation
and without danger.
In this state of absolute freedom and
perfect security, who will grudge to yield
a very little of his property to support
the common interests of society, and en-
sure the protection of government? Who
does not remember the frequent declara-
tions at the commencement of the war,
that we should be completely satisfied if at
the expense of one half, we could defend
the remainder of our possessions? Where
is the man to be found, who wishes to
remain indebted for the defence of his
own person and property at the exertions,
the bravery, and the blood of others,
without making one generous effort to
pay the debt of honour and of gratitude?
In what part of the continent shall we
find any man, or body of men, who would
not blush to stand up and propose meas-
ures purposely calculated to rob the soldier
ILetter of Congratulation and El Ovice 73
of his stipend, and the public creditor of
his due And were it possible that such
a flagrant instance of injustice could ever
llappen, would it not excite the general
indignation and tend to bring down upon
the authors of such measures, the ag-
gravated vengeance of heaven P If, after
all, a spirit of disunion, or a temper of
obstinacy and perverseness should mani-
fest itself in any of the states ; if such
an ungracious disposition should attempt
to frustrate all the happy effects that
might be expected to flow from the
Union ; if there should be a refusal to
comply with the requisitions for funds to
discharge the annual interest of the public
debts, and if that refusal should revive all
those jealousies, and produce all those
evils which are now happily removed—
Congress, who have in all their transac-
tions shewn a great degree of magnanimi-
ty and justice, will stand justified in the
sight of God and man | And that State
alone, which puts itself in opposition to
the aggregate wisdom of the continent,
74. George Ulagbington
and follows such mistaken and pernicious
councils, will be responsible for all the
consequences.
For my own part, conscious of hav-
ing acted, while a servant of the public,
in the manner I conceived best suited
to promote the real interests of my
country; having, in consequence of my
fixed belief, in some measure, pledged
Imyself to the army, that their country .
would finally do them complete and
ample justice, and not willing to con-
ceal any instance of my official conduct
from the eyes of the world, I have
thought proper to transmit to your
excellency the inclosed collection of
papers, relative to the half-pay and
commutation granted by Congress to
the officers of the army : from these
communications, my decided sentiment
will be clearly comprehended, together
with the conclusive reasons, which in-
duced me at an early period, to reccom-
mend the adoption of this measure in the
Imost earnest and serious manner. As the
Letter of Congratulation amo Elovice 75
proceedings of Congress, the army, and
Imyself, are open to all, and contain, in
my opinion, sufficient information to re-
Imove the prejudice and errors which
may have been entertained by any, I
think it unnecessary to say any thing
more, than just to observe, that the res-
olutions of Congress, now alluded to, are
undoubtedly and absolutely binding upon
the United States as the most solemn acts
of confederation or 1egislation.
As to the idea, which I am informed,
has in some instances prevailed, that the
half-pay and commutation are to be re-
garded merely in the odious light of a
pension, it ought to be exploded forever :
that provision should be reviewed, as it
really was, a reasonable compensation
offered by Congress, at a time when they
liad nothing else to give to officers of the
army, for services then to be performed :
it was the only means to prevent a total
deriliction of the service; it was part of
their hire. I may be allowed to say, it
was the price of their blood, and of your
76 (5¢orge (Klagbington
independency ; it is therefore more than
a common debt, it is a debt of honour;
it can never be considered as a pension or
gratuity, nor cancelled until it is fairly
discharged.
With regard to the distinction between
officers and soldiers, it is sufficient that
the uniform experience of every nation
of the world combined with our own,
proves the utility and propriety of the
discrimination. Rewards, in proportion
to the aid the public draws from them,
are unquestionably due to all its ser-
vants. In some lines, the soldiers have
perhaps generally had as ample compen-
sation for their services, by the large
bounties which have been paid to them,
as their officers will receive in the pro-
posed commutation ; in others, if besides
the donation of 1and, the payment of ar-
rearages of cloathing and wages (in which
article all the component parts of the army
must be put upon the same footing) we
take into the estimate, the bounties many
of the soldiers have received, and the
TLetter of Congratulation ano Žlovice 77
gratuity of one year's full pay, which is
promised to all, possibly their situation
(every circumstance being duly consid-
ered) will not be deemed less legible than
that of the officers. Should a farther re-
ward, however, be judged equitable, I
will venture to assert, no man will enjoy
greater satisfaction than myself, in an
exemption from taxes for a limited time
(which has been petitioned for in some
instances) or any other adequate immu-
nity or compensation granted to the brave
defenders of their countrie’s cause : but
neither the adoption or rejection of this
proposition will, in any manner affect,
much less militate against the act of Con-
gress, by which they have offered five
years full pay, in lieu of the half pay for
life, which had been before promised to
the officers of the army.
Before I conclude the subject on public
justice, I cannot omit to mention the ob-
ligations this country is under to that
meritorious class of veterans, the non-
commissioned officers and privates, who
78 (5cotge (Claghington
flave been discharged for inability, in con-
sequence of the resolution of Congress,
of the 23d of April, 1782, on an annual
pension for life. Their peculiar suffer-
ings, their singular merits and claims to
that provision need only to be known,
to interest the feelings of humanity in
their behalf. Nothing but a punctual
payment of their annual allowance can
rescue them from the most complicated
misery; and nothing could be a more
melancholy sight, than to behold those
who have shed their blood, or 1ost their
limbs in the service of their country, -
without a shelter, without a friend, and
without the means of obtaining any of
the comforts or necessaries of life, com-
pelled to beg their daily bread from door
to door. Suffer me to recommend those
of this description, belonging to your
state, to the warmest patronage of your
excellency and your legislature.
It is necessary to say but a few words on
the third topic which was proposed, and
which regards particularly the defence of
jLetter of Congratulation amo Elövice 79
the republic. As there can be little doubt
but Congress will recommend a proper
peace establishment for the United States,
in which a due attention will be paid to
the importance of placing the militia of
the union upon a regular and respectable
footing; if this should be the case, I
should beg leave to urge the great ad-
vantage of it in the strongest terms.
The militia of this country must be
considered as the palladium of our Se-
curity, and the first effectual resort in
case of hostility; it is essential, there-
fore, that the same system should pervade
the whole, that the formation and disci-
pline of the militia of the continent should
be absolutely uniform; and the same spe-
cies of arms, accoutrements, and military
apparatus, should be introduced in every
part of the United States. No one, who
Has not learned it from experience, can
conceive the difficulty, expense, and con-
fusion which result from a contrary sys-
tem, or the vague arrangements which
flave hitherto prevailed.
8O - George "Clagbington
If, in treating of political points, a
greater 1atitude than usual has been
taken in the course of this Address, the
importance of the crisis, and the magni-
tude of the objects in discussion, must be
my apology; it is, however, neither my
wish nor expectation, that the preceding
observations should claim any regard,
except so far as they shall appear to be
dictated by a good intention ; consonant
to the immutable rules of justice ; calcu-
1ated to produce a liberal system of policy,
and founded on whatever experience may
flave been acquired by a 10ng and close
attention to public business. Here I
might speak with more confidence, from
my actual observations; and if it would
not swell this letter (already too prolix)
loeyond the bounds I had prescribed my-
self, I could demonstrate to every mind,
open to conviction, that in 1ess time, and
with much less expense than had been
incurred, the war might have brought to
the same happy conclusion, if the re-
ILetter of Congratulation ano Elovice 81
sources of the continent could have been
properly called forth ; that the distresses
and disappointments which have very
often occurred, have, in too many in-
stances, resulted more from a want of en-
ergy in the continental government, than
a deficiency of means in the particular
States: that the inefficacy of the meas-
ures, arising from the want of an adequate
authority in the Supreme power, from a
partial compliance with the requisitions
of Congress in some of the states, and
from a failure of punctuality in others,
while they tended to damp the zeal of
those who were more willing to exert
themselves, served also to accumulate the
expenses of war, and to frustrate the best
concerted plans; and that the discourage-
ment occasioned by the complicated diffi-
culties and embarrassments, in which our
affairs were by this means involved, would
flave 1ong ago produced the dissolution
of any army, less patient, 1ess virtuous,
and less persevering than that which I
82 (5cotge (Glagbington
Have had the honour to command. But
while I mention those things, which are
notorious facts, as the defects of our
federal constitution, particularly in the
prosecution of a war, I beg it may be
understood, that as I have ever taken a
pleasure in gratefully acknowledging the
assistance and support I have derived from
every class of citizens; so shall I always
be happy to do justice to the unparalleled
exertions of the individual states, on many
interesting occasions.
I have thus freely disclosed what I
wished to make known before I surren-
dered up my public trust to those who
committed it to me: the task is now
accomplished. I now bid adieu to your
excellency, as the chief magistrate of
your state; at the same time I bid a 1ast
farewell to the cares of office, and a11 the
employments of public life.
It remains, then, to be my final and
only request, that your excellency will
communicate these sentiments to your
TLetter of Congratulation amo Elovice 83
legislature, at their next meeting, and
that they may be considered as the 1egacy
of one who has ardently wished, on a11
occasions, to be useful to his country, and
who, even in the shade of retirement, will
not fail to implore the divine benediction
upon it.
I now make it my earnest prayer, that
God would have you, and the state over
which you preside, in his holy protection;
that He would incline the hearts of the
citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordina-
tion and obedience to the government;
to entertain a brotherly affection and love
for one another, for their fellow-citizens
of the United States at large ; and par-
ticularly for their bretheren who have
served in the field ; and finally, that He
would most graciously be pleased to dis-
pose us all to do justice, to love mercy,
and to demean ourselves with that charity,
humility, and pacific temper of the mind,
which were the characteristics of the
divine author of our blessed religion ;
84 (5¢Otge (Claghington
without an humble imitation of whose
example, in these things, we can never
hope to be a happy nation. &
I have the honour to be, with much
esteem and respect, sir, your excellency’s
most obedient, and most humble servant,
G. WASHINGTON.

WASHINGTON'S INAUGURAL,
ADDRESS
INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
NEW YORK CITY APRIL 30, 1789.
ELLOW-CITIZENS of the Senate,
and of the House of Representa-
tives.—Among the vicissitudes incident
to life, no event could have filled me with
greater anxieties, than that of which the
notification was transmitted by your or-
der, and received on the fourteenth day
of the present month. On the one hand,
I was summoned by my country, whose
voice I can never hear but with venera-
tion and 1ove, from a retreat which I had
chosen with the fondest predilection, and
in my flattering hopes with an immutable
* See Appendix, page I95.

88 ~ (5&Otge (Ulagbington
sº
decision as the asylum of my declining
years;” a retreat which was rendered
every day more necessary, as well as
more dear to me, by the addition of habit
to inclination, and of frequent interrup-
tions in my health to the gradual waste
committed on it by time. On the other
hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the
trust, to which the voice of my country
called me, being sufficient to waken in
the wisest and most experienced of her
citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his own
qualifications, could not but overwhelm
with despondence one, who, inheriting
inferior endowments from nature, and
unpractised in the duties of civil adminis-
tration, ought to be peculiarly conscious
of his own deficiencies. In this conflict
of emotions, a11 I dare aver is, that it has
been my faithful study to collect my duty
from a just appreciation of every circum-
stance by which it might be affected.
All I dare hope is, that if, in executing
this task, I have been too much swayed
by a grateful remembrance of former in-
* See Appendix, page I95.
1Inaugural Elööte.93 89
stances, or by an affectionate sensibility
to this transcendent proof of the confi-
dence of my fellow-citizens, and have
thence too little consulted my incapacity
as well as disinclination for the weighty
and untried cares before me, my error
will be palliated by the motives which
misled me, and its consequences be
judged by my country with some share of
the partiality in which they originated.
Such being the impression under which
I have, in obedience to the public sum-
mons, repaired to the present station, it
would be peculiarly improper to omit, in
this first official act, my fervent supplica-
tions to that Almighty Being who ruless
over the universe—who presides in the
councils of nations—and whose providen-
tial aids can supply every human defect,
that His benediction may consecrate to the
liberties and happiness of the people of
the United States, a government instituted
by themselves for these essential pur-
poses; and may enable every instrument,
employed in its administration, to execute
ta
90 (5cotgc (Clagbington
with success the functions allotted to his
charge. In tendering this homage to the
great Author of every public and private
good, I assure myself that it expresses
your sentiments not less than my own,
nor those of my fellow-citizens at large,
less than either. No people can be bound
to acknowledge and adore the invisible
hand which conducts the affairs of men,
more than the people of the United
States. Every step by which they have
advanced to the character of an indepen-
dent nation, seems to have been distin-
guished by some token of providential
agency; and in the important revolution
just accomplished in the system of their
united government, the tranquil delibera-
tions and voluntary consent of so many
distinct communities, from which the
event has resulted, cannot be compared
with the means by which most govern-
ments have been established, without
Some return of pious gratitude, along
with an humble anticipation of the future
blessings which the past seems to presage.
1Inaugural Elöötegg , 9I
These reflections, arising out of the pres-
ent crisis, have forced themselves too
strongly on my mind to be suppressed.
You will join with me, I trust, in think-
ing that there are none under the influ-
ence of which the proceedings of a new
and free government can more auspicious-
ly commence.
By the article establishing the execu-
tive department, it is made the duty of
the President “to recommend to your
consideration such measures as he shall
judge necessary and expedient.” The
circumstances under which I now meet
you will acquit me from entering into that
subject, further than to refer to the great
constitutional charter under which you
are assembled; and which, in defining
your powers, designates the objects to
which your attention is to be given. It
will be more consistent with those cir-
cumstances, and far more congenial with
the feelings which actuate me, to substi-
tute in place of a recommendation of par-
ticular measures the tribute that is due to
92 (5¢orge UKllagbington
the talents, the rectitude, and the patri-
otism which adorn the characters selec-
ted to devise and adopt them. In these
honorable qualifications, I behold the
surest pledges, that as, on one side, no
1ocal prejudices or attachments, no sepa-
rate views, nor party animosities, will mis-
direct the comprehensive and equal eye
which ought to watch over this great
assemblage of communities and interests;
so on another, that the foundations of
our national policy will be laid in the
pure and immutable principles of private
morality ; and the pre-eminence of free
government be exemplified by all the
attributes which can win the affections of
its citizens, and command the respect of
the world. I dwell on this prospect with
every satisfaction which an ardent love
for my country can inspire; since there
is no truth more thoroughly established
than that there exists in the economy and
course of nature an indissoluble union
between virtue and happiness, between
duty and advantage, between the genuine
1Inaugural Elööregg . 93
maxims of an honest and magnanimous
policy and the solid rewards of public
prosperity and felicity; since we ought
to be no less persuaded that the propi-
tious smiles of Heaven can never be ex-
pected on a nation that disregards the
eternal rules of order and right which
Heaven itself has ordained ; and since
the preservation of the sacred fire of lib-
erty and the destiny of the republican
model of government are justly consid-
ered as deeply, perhaps as finally, staked
on the experiment entrusted to the hands
of the American people.
Besides the ordinary objects submitted
to your care, it will remain with your
judgment to decide how far an exercise of
the occasional power delegated by the
Fifth Article of the Constitution is ren-
dered expedient at the present juncture by
the nature of objections which have been
urged against the system, or by the de-
gree of inquietude which has given birth
to them. Instead of undertaking particu-
1ar recommendations on this subject, in
94 (5&orge (Glagbington
w
which I could be guided by no lights de-
rived from official opportunities, I shall
again give way to my entire confidence
in your discernment and pursuit of the
public good ; for I assure myself that
whilst you carefully avoid every altera-
tion which might endanger the benefits
of an united and effective government, or
which ought to await the future lessons
of experience, a reverence for the charac-
teristic rights of freemen and a regard
for the public harmony will sufficiently
influence your deliberations on the ques-
tion how far the former may be more im-
pregnably fortified, or the 1atter be safely
and advantageously promoted.
To the preceding observations I have
one to add, which will be most properly
addressed to the House of Representatives.
It concerns myself, and will therefore be
as brief as possible. When I was first
honored with a ca11 into the service of my
country, then on the eve of an arduous
struggle for its liberties, the light in
which I contemplated my duty required
iſnaugural Elöötegg - 95
that I should renounce every pecuniary
compensation. From this resolution I
have in no instance departed. And being
still under the impressions which pro-
duced it I must decline, as inapplicable to
myself, any share in the personal emolu-
ments which may be indispensably in-
cluded in a permanent provision for the
executive department; and must accord-
ingly pray that the pecuniary estimates
for the station in which I am placed
may, during my continuance in it, be
limited to such actual expenditures as the
public good may be thought to require.
Having thus imparted to you my senti-
ments, as they have been awakened by
the occasion which brings us together, I
shall take my present leave; but not
without resorting once more to the benign
Parent of the human race, in humble sup-
plication, that since He has been pleased
to favor the American people with oppor-
tunities for deliberating in perfect tran-
quillity, and dispositions for deciding with
unparalleled unanimity on a form of gov-
96 (5¢orge (Klagbington
ernment for the security of their union
and the advancement of their happiness;
so His divine blessings may be equally
conspicuous in the enlarged views, the
temperate consultations, and the wise
measures on which the success of this
government must depend.

WASHINGTON'S SECOND INAUG-
|URAL ADDRESS
SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS.*
PHILADELPHIA, MARCH 4, 1793.
ELLOW-CITIZENS. — I am again
called upon by the voice of my coun-
try to execute the functions of its Chief
Magistrate. When the occasion proper
for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to ex-
press the high sense I entertain of this dis-
tinguished honor, and of the confidence
which has been reposed in me by the
people of the United States of America.
Previous to the execution of any official
act of the President, the Constitution re-
quires an oath of office. This oath I am
now about to take and in your presence;
that if it shall be found, during my ad-
* See Appendix, page 196.

IOO (5cotge (Clagbington
ministration of the government, I have, in
any instance, violated, willingly or know-
ingly, the injunction therof, I may (be-
sides incurring constitutional punish-
ment) be subject to the upbraidings of
all who are now witnesses of the present .
Solemn ceremony.

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL,
ADDRESS
FAREWELL ADDRESS.*
[The original MS. of the Farewell Address, in
Washington’s handwriting, and with his re-
visions and alterations, having been pur-
chased by James Lenox, Esquire, of New
York, that gentleman caused a few copies of
it, with some illustrative documents, to be
printed for private distribution. By permis-
sion of Mr. Lenox it is here reprinted, with
the alterations, and with his explanatory re-
Imarks.]
PREFACE.j
HIS reprint of Washington's Farewell Ad-
dress to the people of the United States is
made from the original manuscript recently
sold in Philadelphia by the administrators of
the late Mr. David C. Claypoole, in whose pos-
session it had been from the date of its first
publication. The paper is entirely in the auto-
graph of Washington ; no one acquainted with
his handwriting can inspect it, and doubt for a
* See Appendix, page I98.
t Irving’s “Life of Washington.”

IO4 G5eorge (Ulagbington
moment the statements to that effect made by
Mr. Claypoole and Mr. Rawle.
Upon examining the manuscript, it was found
that, in addition to its importance as an histori-
cal document, and its value from being in the
autograph of Washington, it was of great in-
terest as a literary curiosity, and threw light
upon the disputed question of the authorship of
the Address. It clearly shows the process by
which that paper was wrought into the form in
which it was first given to the public ; and notes
written on the margin of passages and para-
graphs, which have been erased, prove, almost
beyond a doubt, that this draft was submitted
to the judgment of other persons. Such mem-
oranda were unnecessary, either for Washing-
ton's own direction on a subsequent revision,
or for the guidance of the printer; but he might
very naturally thus note the reasons which had
1ed him to make the alterations before he asked
the advice and opinion of his friends. It seems
probable, therefore, that this is the very draft
sent to General Hamilton and Chief-Justice
Jay, as related in the 1etter of the 1atter. Some
of the alterations, however, were evidently
made during the writing of the paper; for in a
few instances a part, and even the whole, of a
sentence is struck out, which afterwards occurs
in the body of the address.
jfarewell Blöötegg IO5
Mr. Claypoole's description of the appearance
of the manuscript is very accurate. There are
many alterations, corrections, and interlinea-
tions; and whole sentences and paragraphs are
sometimes obliterated. All these, however, have
been deciphered without much trouble, and care-
fully noted. º -
It was thought best to leave the text in this
edition as it was first printed ; only two slight
verbal variations were found between the cor-
rected manuscript and the common printed
copies. A11 the interlineations and alterations
are inserted in brackets [ ], and where, in any
case, words or sentences have been struck out,
either with or without corrections in the text
to supply their place, these portions have been
deciphered and are printed in notes at the foot
of the page. The reader will thus be enabled to
perceive at a glance the changes made in the
composition of the Address ; and if the draft
made by General Hamilton, and read by him to
Mr. Jay, should be published, it will be seen
how far Washington adopted the modifications
and suggestions made by them.
When this preface was thus far prepared for
the press, an opportunity was afforded, through
the kindness of John C. Hamilton, Esquire, to
examine several letters which passed between
Washington and General Hamilton relating to
Ioé G5¢orge UKllagbington
the Address, and also a copy of it in the hand-
writing of the latter. It appears from these
communications that the President, both in
sending to him a rough draft of the document,
and at subsequent dates, requested him to pre-
pare such an Address as he thought would be
appropriate to the occasion ; that Washington
consulted him particularly, and most minutely,
on many points connected with it; and that at
different times General Hamilton did forward to
the President three drafts of such a paper. The
first was sent back to him with suggestions for
its correction and enlargement; from the second
draft thus altered and improved, the manuscript
11ow printed may be supposed to have been pre-
pared by Washington, and transmitted for final
examination to General Hamilton and Judge
Jay ; and with it the third draft was returned to
the President, and may probably yet be found
among his papers.
The copy in the possession of Mr. Hamilton
is probably the second of these three drafts ; it
is very much altered and corrected throughout.
In comparing it with that in Washington’s
autograph, the sentiments are found to be the
same, and the words used are very frequently
identical. Some of the passages erased in the
manuscript are in the draft; three paragraphs,
namely, those on pages 50, 51, and 52, have
jfarewell Blootegg Io'ſ
nothing corresponding to them in the draft;
but a space is 1eft in it, evidently for the inser-
tion of additional matter. The comparison of
these two papers is exceedingly curious. It is
difficult to conceive how two persons should
express the same ideas in substantially the same
1anguage, and yet with much diversity in the
construction of the sentences and the position
of the words.
J. L.
NEW YORK, April 12, 1850.
FAREWELL ADDRESS.
*
RIENDS, AND FELLOW-CITIZENS.—
The period for a new election of
a Citizen, to administer the Executive
Government of the United States, being
not far distant, and the time actually
arrived, when your thoughts must be
employed in designating the person who
is to be clothed with that important
trust [*], it appears to me proper, espe-
cially as it may conduce to a more distinct
expression of the public voice, that I
should now apprise you of the resolution
I have formed, to decline being considered
"among the number of those out of whom
a choice is to be made.
* for another term

jatewell flöötegg IO9
I beg you, at the same time, to do me
the justice to be assured that this resolu-
tion has not been taken without a strict
regard to all the considerations appertain-
ing to the relation which binds a dutiful
citizen to his country—and that, in with-
drawing the tender of service which
Silence in my situation might imply,
I am influenced by no diminution of
zeal for your future interest, no defi-
ciency of grateful respect for your past
Rindness; but [am supported by]* a full
conviction that the step is compatible
with both. -
The acceptance of, and continuance
Hitherto in, the office to which your
suffrages have twice called me, have been
a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the
opinion of duty, and to a deference for
what appeared to be your desire. I con-
stantly hoped that it would have been
much earlier in my power, consistently
with motives which I was not at liberty
to disregard, to return to that retirement
* act under
IIO (5¢orge Cºllagbington
from which I had been reluctantly drawn.
The strength of my inclination to do this,
previous to the 1ast election, had even led
to the preparation of an address to declare
it to you ; but mature reflection on the
then perplexed and critical posture of
our affairs with foreign Nations, and the
unanimous advice of persons entitled to
my confidence, impelled me to abandon
the idea. -
I rejoice that the state of your concerns,
external as well as internal, no longer
renders the pursuit of inclination in-
compatible with the sentiment of duty,
or propriety; and [am persuaded] *
whatever partiality [may be retained]t
for my services, [that]] in the present
circumstances of our country [you] will
not disapprove my determination to
retire. -
The impressions, [with]|| which I first
[undertook] § the arduous trust, were ex-
plained on the proper occasion. In the
* that f any portion of you may yet retain
† even they | under % accepted
jatew)&II Elööte.93 III
discharge of this trust, I will only say
that I have, with good intentions, con-
tributed [towards]* the organization and
administration of the government, the
best exertions of which a very fallible
judgment was capable. Not uncon-
scious, in the outset, of the inferiority of
my qualifications, experience in my own
eyes, [perhaps] still more in the eyes of
others, has [strengthened]f the motives
to diffidence of myself; and every day
the increasing weight of years admon-
ishes me more and more, that the shade
of retirement is as necessary to me as it
will be welcome. Satisfied that if any
circumstances have given peculiar value
to my services, they were temporary, I
lmave the consolation to believe, that,
while choice, and prudence invite me to
quit the political scene, patriotism does
not forbid it. [i]
* to f not lessened
f May I also have that of knowing, in my re-
treat, that the involuntary errors, I have prob-
ably committed, have been the sources of no
serious or lasting Inischief to our country. I
II 2 (5¢otgø UKlagbington
In 1ooking forward to the moment,
which is [intended] to terminate the
career of my public life, my feelings do
not permit me to suspend the deep ac-
1<nowledgment [of] * that debt of grati-
tude which I owe to my beloved country,
—for the many honors it has conferred
upon me; still more for the stedfast con-
fidence with which it has supported me;
and for the opportunities I have thence
enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable
attachment, by services faithful and per-
severing, though [in usefulness unequal]f
to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to
our country from these services, 1et it
always be remembered to your praise,
may then expect to realize, without alloy, the
sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of
my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of
good laws under a free government; the ever
favorite object of my heart, and the happy re-
ward, I trust, of our mutual cares, dangers, and
1abours.
(In the margin opposite this paragraph is the
following note in Washington's autograph also
erased, “obliterated to avoid the imputation of
affected modesty.”)
* demanded by t unequal in usefulness
jfatewell Elöötegg II3
and as an instructive example in our
annals, that, [*] under circumstances in
which the Passions agitated in every
direction were liable to [mislead], famidst
appearances sometimes dubious, vicis-
situdes of fortune often discouraging—
in situations in which not unfrequently
want of success has countenanced the
spirit of criticism [the constancy of your
support] was the essential prop of the
efforts and [a]f guarantee of the plans by
which they were effected. Profoundly
penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it
with me to the grave, as a strong incite-
ment to unceasing vows [||] that Heaven
may continue to you the choicest tokens
of its beneficence—that your union and
brotherly affection may be perpetual—
that the free constitution, which is the
work of your hands, may be sacredly
maintained—that its administration in
* the constancy of your support
i wander and fluctuate
f the
|| the only return I can henceforth make
II.4. CŞcotgc (Clagbington
every department may be stamped with
wisdom and virtue—that, in fine, the
happiness of the people of these States,
under the auspices of liberty, may be
made complete, by so careful a preserva-
tion and so prudent a use of this blessing
as will acquire to them the glory [*] of
recommending it to the applause, the
affection, and adóption of every nation
which is yet a stranger to it. - . "
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a
solicitude for your welfare which cannot
end but with my life, and the apprehension
of danger, natural to that solicitude
[urge me, on an occasion like the pres-
ent, to offer]i to your solemn contempla-
tion, and to recommend to your frequent
review, some sentiments which are the
result of much reflection, of no incon-
siderable observation [i], and which ap-
* or satisfaction -
f encouraged by the remembrance of your in-
dulgent reception of my sentiments on an occa-
sion not dissimilar to the present, urge me to
offer - -
f and experience
jatewell Elöötegg II5
pear to me all important to the perma-
nency of your felicity as a people. These
will be offered to you with the more free-
dom as you can only see in them, the
disinterested warnings of a departed
friend, who can [possibly] have no per-
sonal motive to bias his counsels. [Nor
can I forget, as an encouragement to it,
your indulgent reception of my senti-
ments on a former and not dissimilar
Occasion.] -
Interwoven as is the 1ove of liberty
with every ligament of your hearts, no
recommendation of mine is necessary to
fortify or confirm the attachment.
The Unity of Government which con-
stitutes you one people, is also now dear
to you. It is justly so;-for it is a main
Pillar in the Edifice of your real inde-
pendence; [the support] of your tran-
quillity at home; your peace abroad ; of .
your safety; [*] of your prosperity [f]; of
that very liberty which you so highly
prize. But, as it is easy to foresee, that
* in every relation f in every shape
116 George Ulagbington
from [different]* causes, and from differ-
ent quarters, much pains will be taken,
many artifices employed, to weaken in
your minds the conviction of this truth :
—as this is the point in your [political]
fortress against which the batteries of in-
ternal and external enemies will be most
constantly and actively (though often
covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of
infinite moment, that you should properly
estimate the immense value of your na-
tional Union to your collective and indi-
vidual happiness;–that you should
cherish [t] a cordia1, habitual, and im-
movable attachment [to it, accustoming
yourselves to think and speak of it as of
the Palladium of your political safety and
prosperity; watching for its preservation
with jealous anxiety; discountenancing
whatever may suggest even a suspicion
that it can in any event be abandoned,
and indignantly frowning upon the first
dawning of every attempt to alienate any
portion of our country from the rest, or to
* various - ºf towards it
jatewell Elöðregg II 7
enfeeble the sacred ties which now link
together the various parts.]*
For this you have every inducement of
sympathy and interest. Citizens [by
birth or choice of a common country], f
that country has a right to concentrate
your affections. The name of AMERICAN,
which belongs to you, in your national
capacity, must always exalt the just pride
of Patriotism, more than any appellation
[i] derived from local discriminations.—
With slight shades of difference, you have
the same Religion, Manners, Habits, and
political Principles. You have in a com-
mon cause fought and triumphed to-
* that you should accustom yourselves to rev-
erence it as the Palladium of your political
safety and prosperity, adapting constantly your
words and actions to that momentous idea ;
that you should watch for its preservation with
jealous anxiety, discountenance whatever may
suggest a suspicion that it can in any event be
abandoned; and frown upon the first dawning
of any attempt to alienate any portion of our
Country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred
ties which now link together the several parts.
f of a common country by birth or choice
f to be
II8 G5éorge (Clagbington
gether. The Independence and Liberty
you possess are the work of joint councils
and joint efforts—of common dangers,
sufferings, and successes.
But these considerations, however pow-
erfully they address themseves to yoursen-
sibility, are greatly outweighed by those
which apply more immediately to your
Interest. Here every portion of our coun-
try finds the most commanding motives
for carefully guarding and preserving the
Union of the whole.
The AVorth in an [unrestrained]* inter-
course with the South, protected by the
equal Laws of a common government,
finds in the productions of the latter [f]
great additional resources of maritime and
commercial enterprise—and precious ma-
terials of manufacturing industry. The
South, in the same intercourse benefiting
by the agency of the AWorth, sees its agri- .
culture grow and its commerce expand.
Turning partly into its own channels the
seamen of the North, it finds its particular
* unfettered f many of the peculiar
jfatewell Elööteg3 II9
navigation invigorated ; – and while it
contributes, in different ways, to nourish
and increase the general mass of the
national navigation, it looks forward to
the protection of a maritime strength to
which itself is unequally adapted. The .
Aast, in a 11ke intercourse with the West,
already finds, and in the progressive im-
provement of interior communications,
by land and water, will more and more
find, a valuable vent for the commodities
which it brings from abroad, or manufac-
tures at home. The West derives from
the East supplies requisite to its growth
and comfort, and what is pethaps of still
greater consequence, it must of necessity
owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable
outlets for its own productions to the
weight, influence, and the future maritime
strength of the Atlantic side of the Union,
directed by an indissoluble community of
interest, as one AVation. [Any other]*
tenure by which the West can hold this
essential advantage, [whether derived]f
* The f either
I2O George Ulagbington
from its own separate strength or from
an apostate and unnatural connection
with any foreign Power, must be intrin-
sically precarious. [*] -
[f]While [then] every part of our coun-
try thus [feels]] an immediate and par-
ticular interest in Union, all the parts ||
[combined cannot fail to find] in the
united mass of means and efforts [Šl great-
\ er strength, greater resource, proportion-
\ ably greatersecurity from external danger,
S. a less frequent interruption of their peace
by foreign Nations; and, [what is]" off
linestimable value ! they must derive from
Union an exemption from those broils and’
wars between themselves, which [so fre-
| quently]* afflict neighboring countries, i.
nottied together by the same government;
which their own rivalships alone woul
be sufficient to produce ; but which oppo-
* liable every moment to be disturbed by the
fluctuating combinations of the primary inter-
ests of Europe, which must be expected to regu-
late the conduct of the Nations of which it is
composed. iſ And j finds | of it
ź cannot fail to find
iſ which is an advantage * inevitably
jfate Well flootegé I2I
site foreign alliances, attachments, and
intrigues would stimulate and embitter.
Hence likewise they will avoid the neces-
sity of those overgrown Military estab-
lishments, which, under any form of
"Government, are inauspicious to liberty,
and which [are to be regarded]* as par-
|
;
l
ticularly hostile to Republican Liberty :
In this sense it is, that your Union ought
to be considered as a main prop of your
1iberty, and that the love of the one ought
to endear to you the preservation of the
other.
These considerations speak a persuasive
1anguage to ſevery]i reflecting and vir-
tuous mind,-[and] i exhibit the continu-
ance of the Union as a primary object of
Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether
a common government can embrace so
large a sphere P Let experience solve it.
To listen to mere speculation in such a
case were criminal. [We are authorized]||
to hope that a proper organization of the
* there is reason to regard f any
f they |'T is natural
I 2.2 (5eorge (Glagbington
whole, with the auxiliary agency of gov-
ernments for the respective subdivisions,
will afford a happy issue to the experi-
ment. ”T is well worth a fair and full
experiment. [*] With such powerful and
obvious motives to Union, [affecting] i
all parts of our country [i], while experi-
ence shall not have demonstrated its
impracticability, there will always be
[reason] || to distrust the patriotism of
those, who in any quarter may endeavour
to weaken its bands. [Šl
* It may not impossibly be found, that the
spirit of party, the machinations of foreign
powers, the corruption and ambition of individ-
ual citizens are more formidable adversaries to
the Unity of our Empire than any inherent
difficulties in the scheme. Against these the
mounds of national opinion, national sympathy,
and national jealousy ought to be raised.
f as f have || cause in the effect itself
& Besides the more serious causes already
Hinted as threatening our Union, there is one
1ess dangerous, but sufficiently dangerous to
make it prudent to be upon our guard against
it. I allude to the petulance of party differences
of opinion. It is not uncommon to hear the
irritations which these excite vent themselves
in declarations that the different parts of the
United States are ill affected to each other, in
farewell Blootegé 123
In contemplating the causes which may
disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of
serious concern, that [any ground should
have been furnished for characterizing
parties by]* Geographical discriminations
—AVorthern and Southern—Atlantic and
Western , [whence designing men may
endeavor to excite a belief that there is a
menaces that the Union will be dissolved by
this or that measure. Intimations like these
are as indiscreet as they are intemperate.
Though frequently made with levity and with-
out any really evil intention, they have a tend-
ency to produce the consequence which they
indicate. They teach the minds of men to con-
sider the Union as precarious;–as an object to
which they ought not to attach their hopes and
fortunes ;-and thus chill the sentiment in its
favor. By alarming the pride of those to whom
they are addressed, they set ingenuity at work
to depreciate the value of the thing, and to dis-
cover reasons of indifference towards it. This
is not wise.—It will be much wiser to habituate
ourselves to reverence the Union as the palla-
dium of our national happiness; to accommo-
date constantly our words and actions to that
idea, and to discountenance whatever may sug-
gest a suspicion that it can in any event be
abandoned. (In the margin opposite this £ara-
graph are the words, “Not important enough.”)
* our parties for some time past have been too
much characterized by
I24 George Ulagbington
real difference of 10cal interests and
views.]* One of the expedients of Party
to acquire influence, within particular
districts, is to misrepresent the opinions
and aims of other districts. You cannot
shield yourselves too much against the
jealousies and heartburnings which spring
from these misrepresentations. They
tend to render alien to each other those
who ought to be bound together by fra-
ternal affection. The inhabitants of our
western country have 1ately had a useful
1esson on this [head]."f . They have seen,
* These discriminations, the mere con-
trivance of the spirit of Party, (always dexterous
to seize every handle by which the passions can
be wielded, and too skilful not to turn to account
the sympathy of neighbourhood), have furnished
an argument against the Union as evidence of
a real difference of 10cal interests and views;
and serve to hazard it by organizing 1arger dis-
tricts of country, under the leaders of contend-
ing factions ; whose rivalships, prejudices, and
schemes of ambition, rather than the true
interests of the Country, will direct the use of
their influence. If it be possible to correct this
poison in the habit of our body, politic, it is
worthy the endeavors of the moderate and the
good to affect it. f subject
farewell Hootegé I25
in the negotiation by the Executive, and
in the unanimous ratification by the Sen-
ate, of the Treaty with Spain, and in the
universal satisfaction at that event,
throughout the United States, a decisive
proof how unfounded were the suspicions
propagated among them of a policy in the
General Government and in the Atlantic
States unfriendly to their interests in re-
gard to the MISSISSIPPI. They have
been witnesses to the formation of
two Treaties, that with G. Britain, and
that with Spain, which secure to them
every thing they could desire, in respect
to our foreign Relations towards confirm-
ing their prosperity. Will it not be
their wisdom to rely for the preservation
of these advantages on the UNION by
which they were procured 2 Will they
not henceforth be deaf to those advisers,
if such there are, who would sever them
from their Brethren, and connect them
with Aliens 2 -
To the efficacy and permanency of your
Union, a Government for the whole is in-
I26 (5¢orge UKlagbington
dispensable. No alliances however strict
between the parts can be an adequate sub-
stitute. They mustinevitably experience
the infractions and interruptions which all
alliances in all times have experienced.
Sensible of this momentous truth, you
flave improved upon your first essay, by
the adoption of a Constitution of Govern-
ment, better calculated than your former
for an intimate Union, and for the effica-
cious management of your common con-
cerns. This government, the offspring
of your own choice, uninfluenced and un-
awed, adopted upon full investigation and
mature deliberation, completely free in its
principles, in the distribution of its pow-
ers, uniting security with energy, and
containing within itself a provision for its
own amendment, has a just claim to your
confidence and your support. Respect
for its authority, compliance with its
Laws, acquiescence in its measures, are
duties enjoined by the fundamental max-
ims of true Liberty. The basis of our
political systems is the right of the people
jfarewell Bloote.93 I27
to make and to alter their Constitution of
Government. Butthe Constitution which
at any time exists, ’till changed by an
explicit and authentic act of the whole
People, is sacredly obligatory upon all.
The very idea of the power and the right
of the People to establish Government, \
presupposes the duty of every individual
to obey the established Government.
A11 obstructions to the execution of the
Laws, all combinations and associations,
under whatever plausible character, with
[the real] design to direct, controul,
counteract, or awe the regular delibera-
tion and action of the constituted authori-
ties, are destructive of this fundamental
principle, and of fatal tendency. They
serve to organize faction, to give it an
artificial and extraordinary force—to
put, [*] in the place of the delegated will
of the Nation, the will of a party; often
a small but artful and enterprising min-
ority of the community; and, according
to the alternate triumphs of different par-
% it
I28 George Ulagbington
ties, to make the public administration
the mirror of the ill-concerted and incon-
gruous projects of faction, rather than the
organ of consistent and wholesome plans
digested by common councils and modi-
fied by mutual interests. However com-
binations or associations of the above
description may now and then answer
popular ends, [*] they are likely, in the
course of time and things, to become potent
engines, by which cunning, ambitious and
unprincipled men will be enabled to sub-
vert the power of the People, and to usurp
for themselves the reins of Government;
destroying afterwards the very engines
which have lifted them to unjust do-
minion.
Towards the preservation of your Gov-
ernment and the permanency of your
present happy state, it is requisite, not .
only that you steadily discountenance ir-
regular opposition to its acknowledged
authority, but also that you resist with
care [the]i spirit of innovation upon its
* and purposes f a
jatewell Elööregg I29
principles however specious the pretexts.
One method of assault may be to effect,
in the forms of the Constitution, altera-
tions which will impair the energy of the
system, [and thus to] * undermine what
cannot be directly overthrown. In all
the changes to which you may beinvited,
remember that time and habit are at least.
as necessary to fix the true character of
Governments, as of other human institu-
tions; that experience is the surest stand-
ard by which to test the real tendency
of the existing Constitution of a Country;
that facility in changes upon the credit
of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes
to perpetual change, from the endless
variety of hypothesis and opinion : and
remember, especially, that for the efficient
management of your common interests in
a country so extensive as ours, a Govern-
ment of as much vigour as is consistent
with the perfect security of Liberty is in-
dispensable; Liberty itself will find in
such a Government, with powers properly
% to
I3O (5¢orge (Claghington
distributed and adjusted, its surest guar-
dian. [It is indeed little else than a
name, where the Government is too
feeble to withstand the enterprises of fac-
tion, to confine each member of the Soci-
ety within the limits prescribed by the
laws, and to maintain all in the secure
and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of
person and property.]*
I have already intimated to you the
danger of Parties in the State, with par-
ticular reference to the founding of them
on Geographical discriminations. Let
me now take a more comprehensive
view, and warn you in the most solemn
manner against the baneful effects of the
Spirit of Party, generally.
This Spirit, unfortunately, is insepar-
able from [our] i nature, having its root
in the strongest passions of the [human]
* Owing to you as I do a frank and free dis-
closure of my heart, I shall not conceal from
you the belief I entertain, that your Govern-
ment as at present constituted is far more likely
to prove too feeble than too powerful, -
iſ human
farewell flooress 131
mind. It exists under different shapes in
all Governments, more or less stified, con-
trouled or repressed ; but in those of the
popular form it is seen in its greatest
rankness, and is truly their worstenemy. *
The alternate domination of one faction
over another, sharpened by the spirit of
* In Republics of narrow extent, it is not diffi-
cult for those who at any time hold the reins
of Power, and command the ordinary pub-
lic favor, to overturn the established [constitu-
tion]* in favor of their own aggrandizement.
The same thing may likewise be too often ac-
complished in such Republics, by partial com-
binations of men, who though not in office,
from birth, riches or other sources of distinc-
tion, have extraordinary influence and numer-
ous [adherents] + By debauching the Military
force, by Surprising some commanding citadel,
or by some other sudden and unforeseen move-
ment the fate of the Republic is decided.—But
in Republics of 1arge extent, usurpation can
scarcely make its way through these avenues.
The powers and opportunities of resistance of
a wide extended and numerous nation, defy the
successful efforts of the ordinary Military force,
or of any collections which wealth and patron-
age may call to their aid. In such Republics,
it is safe to assert, that the conflicts of popular
factions are the chief, if not the only, inlets of
usurpation and Tyranny.
* Order + retainers
I32 George Ulagbington
revenge natural to party dissension,
which in different ages and countries has
perpetrated the most horrid enormities,
is itself a frightful despotism. But this
leads at length to a more formal and per-
manent despotism. The disorders and
miseries, which result, gradually incline
the minds of men to seek security and
repose in the absolute power of an Indi-
vidual : and sooner or 1ater the chief of
some prevailing faction, more able or
more fortunate than his own competitors,
turns this disposition to the purposes of
his own elevation, on the ruins of Public
Liberty. - -
Without looking forward to an ex-
tremity of this kind [which nevertheless
ought not to be entirely out of sight), the
common and continual mischiefs of the
spirit of Party are sufficient to make it
the interest and the duty of a wise People
to discourage and restrain it. -
It serves always to distract the Public
Councils and enfeeble the Public admin-
istration. It agitates the community
jfarewell Elööregg I33
with ill-founded jealousies and false
alarms, kindles the animosity of one part
against another, foments occasionally riot
and insurrection. It opens the door to
foreign influence and corruption, which
find a facilitated access [to the Govern-
ment itself through the channels of party
passions. Thus, the policy and the will
of one country, are subjected to the policy
and will of another.]* -
There is an opinion that parties in free
countries are useful checks upon the Ad-
ministration of the Government, and
serve to keep alive the Spirit of Liberty.
This within certain limits is probably
true—and in Governments of a Monarchi-
cal cast, Patriotism may look with in-
dulgence, if not with favor, upon the
spirit of party. But in those of the popu-
1ar character, in Governments purely elec-
tive, it is a spirit not to be encouraged.
* through the channels of party passions. It
frequently subjects the policy of our own coun-
try to the policy of some foreign country, and
even enslaves the will of our Government to
the will of some foreign Government. *
I34 George (Klagbington
From their natural tendency, it is certain
there will always be enough of that spirit
for every salutary purpose,_and there
being constant danger of excess, the
effort ought to be, by force of public
Opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A
fire not to be quenched; it demands a
uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting
into a flame, 1est, [instead of warming, it
should]* consume.
It is important, likewise, that the
liabits of thinking in a free country
should inspire caution in those entrusted
with its administration, to confine them-
selves within their respective constitu-
tional spheres; avoiding in the exercise
of the powers of one department to en-
croach upon another. The spirit of en-
croachment tends to consolidate the
powers of all the departments in one, and
thus to create, [f] whatever [the form of
government, a real]t despotism. A just
estimate of that love of power, and [|]
* it should not only warm, but
t under i forms, a || the
jfarewell Elööregg . I35
proneness to abuse it, which predom-
inates in the human heart, is sufficient to
satisfy us of the truth of this position.
The necessity of reciprocal checks in the
exercise of political power, by dividing
and distributing it into different depos-
itories, and constituting each the Guar-
dian of the Public Weal [against]* inva-
sions by the others, has been evinced by
experiments ancient and modern ; some
of them in our own country and under
our own eyes. To preserve them must .
be as necessary as to institute them. If
in the opinion of the People, the distribu-
tion or modification of the Constitutional
powers be in any particular wrong, let it
be corrected by an amendment in the way .
which the Constitution designates. But
let there be no change by usurpation ;
for though this, in one instance, may be
the instrument of good, it is the [cus-
topmary]i weapon by which free govern-
ments are destroyed. The precedent [i]
must always greatly overbalance in per-
* from f usual and natural f of its use
I36 George Ulagbington
manent evil any partial or [transient]*
benefit which the use [i] can at any time
yield. -
Of all the dispositions and habits which
1ead to political prosperity, Religion and
morality are indispensable supports. In
vain would that man claim the tribute of
Patriotism, who should labour to subvert
these great Pillars of human happiness,
these firmest props of the duties of Men
and Citizens. The mere Politician,
equally with the pious man, ought to re-
spect and to cherish them. A volume
could not trace a11 their connections with
private and public felicity. Let it simply
be asked where is the security for prop-
erty, for reputation, for life, if the sense
of religious obligation desert the oaths,
which are the instruments of investiga-
tion in Courts of Justice? And let us
with caution indulge the supposition,
that morality can be maintained without
religion. Whatever may be conceded to
the influence of refined education on
* temporary if itself
jfarewell Elöötegg 137
minds of peculiar structure—reason and
experience doth forbid us to expect that
national morality can prevail in exclusion
of religious principle. -
'T is substantially true that virtue or
1morality is a necessary spring of popular
government. The rule indeed extends
with more or less force to every species
of Free Government. Who that is a
sincere friend to it, can look with indif-
ference upon attempts to shake the foun-
dation of the fabric?
[Promote then as an object of primary
importance, institutions for the general
diffusion of knowledge. In proportion
as the structure of a government gives
force to public opinion, it is essential
that public opinion should be enlight-
ened.]* .
* Cultivate industry and frugality, as auxil-
iaries to good morals and sources of private and
public prosperity. Is there not room to regret
that our propensity to expense exceeds our
means for it? Is there not more luxury among
us and more diffusively, than suits the actual
stage of our national progress P Whatever may
be the apology for luxury in a country, mature
138 George Willagbington
As a very important source of strength
and security, cherish public credit. One
method of preserving it is to use it as
[sparingly]* as possible; avoiding occa-
Sions of expense by cultivating peace,
but remembering also that timely dis-
bursements to prepare for danger fre-
quently prevent much greater disburse-
ments to repel it—avoiding likewise the
accumulation of debt, not only by [shun-
ning]t occasions of expense, but by vig-
orous exertions in time of Peace to dis-
charge the debts which unavoidable wars
may have Occasioned, not ungenerously
throwing upon posterity the burthen
which we ourselves ought to bear. The
execution of these maxims belongs to
your Representatives, but it is necessary
that public opinion should [co-operate.]]
in the Arts which are its ministers, and the
cause of national opulence—can it promote the
advantage of a young country, almost wholly
agricultural, in the infancy of the Arts, and
certainly not in the majority of wealth 2
(Over this paragraph in the original a piece
of paper is wafered, on which the passage is
written as printed in the text.) -
* 11ttle favoiding f coincide
jfarewell Elboregg I39
To facilitate to them the performance of
their duty, it is essential that you should
practically bear in mind, that towards
the payment of debts there must be Rev-
enue—that to have Revenue there must
lbe taxes—that no taxes can be devised
which are not more or 1ess inconvenient
and unpleasant—that the intrinsic em-
barrassment inseparable from the selec-
tion of the proper objects (which is al-
ways a choice of difficulties) ought to be
a decisive motive for a candid construc-
tion of the conduct of the Government in
making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence
in the measures for obtaining Revenue
which the public exigencies may at any
time dictate. -
Observe good faith and justice towards
all Nations. [*] Cultivate peace and har-
mony with all. Religion and morality
enjoin this conduct; and can it be that
good policy does not equally enjoin it? It
* and cultivate peace and harmony with all,
for in public as well as in private transactions, I
am persuaded that honesty will always be found
to be the best policy.
\
I4O George (Clagbington
will beworthy of a free, enlightened, and,
º no distant period, a great nation, to
give to mankind the magnanimousand too
novel example of a People always guided
by an exalted justice and benevolence.
Who can doubt that in the course of time
and things, the fruits of such a plan would
richly repay any temporary advantages
which might be lost by a steady adher-
ence to it? Can it be, that Providence
lmas not connected the permanent felicity
of a Nation with its virtue 2 The experi-
ment, at 1east, is recommended by every
sentiment which ennobles human nature.
Alas! is it rendered impossible by its
vices P
In the execution of such a plan nothing
is more essential than that [permanent,
inveterate]* antipathies against particular
nations and passionate attachments for
others should be excluded ; and that in
place of them just and amicable feelings
towards all should be cultivated. The
Nation, which indulges towards another
* rooted
jfatewelſ flööregg 141
[an]* habitual hatred or [an] f habitual
fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is
a slave to its animosity or to its affection,
either of which is sufficient to 1ead it
astray from its duty and its interests.
Antipathy in one Nation against another
[...] disposes each more readily to offer
insult and injury, to 1ay hold of slight
causes of umbrage, and to be haughty
and intractable, when accidental or trifling
occasions of dispute occur. Hence fre-
quent collisions, obstinate, envenomed
and bloody contests. The Nation
prompted by ill-will and resentment
sometimes impels to War the Government,
contrary to [the best] || calculations of
policy. The Government sometimes par-
ticipates in the [national] propensity, and
adopts through passion what reason
would rej ect ; at other times, it makes the
animosity of the Nation subservient to
projects of hostility instigated by pride.
ambition, and other sinister and perni-
% a
a.
f begets of course a similar sentiment in that
other, | its own
142 (5¢orge UKlagbington
|
cious motives. The peace, often some-
times perhaps the Liberty, of Nations has
been the victim. .
So likewise a passionate attachment of
one Nation for another produces a variety
of evils. Sympathy for the favourite
nation, facilitating the illusion of an im-
aginary common interest in case where
no common interest exists, and infusing
into one [*] the enmities of the other,
betrays the former into a participation in
the quarrels and wars of the 1atter, with-
out adequate inducement or justification :
i
i
|
|
!
;
t
|
It leads also to concessions to the favourite
Nation of privileges denied to others,
which is apt doubly to injure the Nation
making the concessions; [f] by unneces-
sarily parting with what ought to have
been retained, and by exciting jealousy,
ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate in
the parties from whom equal privileges
are withheld ; and it gives to ambitious,
corrupted, or deluded citizens (who de-
vote themselves to the favourite Nation)
* another f Istly f 2dly
farewell flöötegg I43
facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests
ſ: their own country without odium,
! sometimes even with popularity: gilding
| with the appearances of a virtuous sense
| of obligation, a commendable deference
for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for
public good, the base or foolish compli-
\anges of ambition, corruption, or infatua-
tion. - ------" "
As avenues to foreign influence in
innumerable ways, such attachments are
particularly alarming to the truly enlight-
| ened and independent patriot. How many
| opportunities do they afford to tamper
with domestic factions, to practise the
| arts of seduction, to mislead public
opinion, to influence or awe the public
councils | Such an attachment of a small
| or weak, towards a great and powerful
nation, dooms the former to be the
satellite of the 1atter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign
influence, [I conjure you to] believe me,
[fellow citizens],” the jealousy of a free
| - * my friends
I44 (5¢orge (Clagbington
SQ
people ought to be [constantly]* awake,
since history and experience prove that
foreign influence is one of the most bane-
ful foes of Republican Government. But
that jealousy to be useful must be impar-
tial ; else it becomes the instrument of
the very influence to be avoided, instead
of a defence, against it. Excessive par-
tiality for one foreign nation and ex-
cessive dislike of another, cause those
whom they actuate to see danger only on
one side, and serve to veil and even
second the arts of influence on the other.
Real Patriots, who may resist the intrigues
of the favourite, are liable to become
suspected and odious; while its tools and
dupes usurp the applause and confidence
of the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in
regard to foreign Nations is, [in extend-
ing our commercia1 relations,] to have
with them as little Political connection as
possible. So far as we have already
formed engagements let them be fulfilled
* incessantly
jfarewell Elööregg I45
with [*] perfect good faith. Here let us
stop.
V Europe has a set of primary interests,
which to us have none, or a very remote
relation. Hence she must be engaged in
frequent controversies, the causes of
which are essentially foreign to our
concerns. Hence therefore it must be
unwise in us to implicate ourselves by [f]
artificial [ties] i in the ordinary vicissi-
tudes of her politics, [or]|| the ordinary
combinations and collisions of her friend-
ships, or enmities.
N( Our detached and distant situation in-
vites and enables us to pursue a different
course. If we remain one People, under
an efficient government, the period is not
far off, when we may defy material injury
from external annoyance ; when we take
such an attitude as will cause the neutral-
ity we may at any time resolve [upon] §
to be scrupulously respected. When [*]]
* circumspection indeed, but with f an
Í connection | in % to observe
| neither of two -
I46 (5¢orge UKllagbington
belligerent nations, under the impossibil-
ity of making acquisitions upon us, will
[not] lightly hazard the giving us provo-
cation [*]; when we may choose peace or
war, as our interest guided by [f] justice
shall counsel. -
N( Why forego the advantages of so pe-
culiar a situation ? Why quit our own to
stand upon foreign ground P Why, by
interweaving our destiny with that of any
part of Europe, entangle our peace and
prosperity in the toils of European ambi-
tion, rivalship, interest, humour, or ca-
price P - *
N( 'T is our true policy to steer clear of
permanent alliances [i] with any portion
of the foreign world ;-so far, I mean, as
we are now at liberty to do it—for let me
not be understood as capable of patroniz-
ing infidelity to [existing]|| engagements,
([I hold the maxim no less applicable to
public than to private affairs], $ that hon-
* to throw our weight into the opposite scale;
f our tintimate connections | pre-existing
ź for I hold it to be as true in public as in
private transactions,
jfatewell Elööregg I47
esty is [always] the best policy). [I re-
peat it therefore 1et those engagements]*
be observed in their genuine sense. But
in my opinion it is unnecessary and would
be unwise to extend them. -
S/ Taking care always to keep ourselves,
by suitable establishments, on a respecta-
bly defensive posture, we may safely trust
to [temporary] f alliances for extraordi-
nary emergencies. - - -
SC Harmony, liberal intercourse with all
nations, are recommended by policy, hu-
manity, and interest. But even our corn-
Jmercial policy should hold an equal and
impartial hand: neither seeking nor grant-
ing exclusive favours and preferences;
consulting the natural course of things;
diffusing and diversifying by gentle
means the streams of commerce, but for-
cing nothing ; establishing with Powers
so disposed—in order to give to trade a
stable course, to define the rights of our
Merchants and to enable the Government
to support them—conventional rules of
* those must f occasional
I48 * G5&Otge Ulagbington -
intercourse, the best that present circum-
stances and mutual opinion will permit;
lout temporary, and liable to be from time
to time abandoned or varied, as experi-
ence and circumstances shall dictate; con-
stantly keeping in view, that "t is folly in
one nation to 10ok for disinterested favors
[from] * another; that it must pay with a
portion of its independence for whatever
it may accept under that character—that
by such acceptance it may place itself in
the condition of having given equivalents
for nominal favours and yet of being re-
proached with ingratitude for not giving
more. There can be no greater error than
to expect, or calculate upon real favors
from Nation to Nation. 'T' is an illusion
which experience must cure, which a just
pride ought to discard. ~~
In offering to you, my Countrymen,
these counsels of an old and affectionate
friend, I dare not hope they will make
the strong and lasting impression I could
wish ; that they will control the usual
- - % at -
jfatewell Elööte.93 I49
current of the passions or prevent our
nation from running the course which
has hitherto marked the destiny of Na-
tions. But if I may even flatter myself,
that they may be productive of Some par-
tial benefit ; some occasional good ; that
they may now and then recur to moder-
ate the fury of party spirit, to warn against
the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard
against the impostures of pretended pa-
triotism, this hope will be a full recom-
pense for the solicitude for your welfare,
by which they have been dictated.
How far in the discharge of my official
duties I have been guided by the princi-
ples which have been delineated, the pub-
lic Records and other evidences of my
conduct must witness to You, and to the
World. To myself, the assurance of my
own conscience is, that I have at least
believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting War
in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d
of April, 1793, is the index to my plan.
Sanctioned by your approving voice and
I5O (5corge (Glagbington
by that of Your Representatives in both
Houses of Congress, the spirit of that
measure has continually governed me :
uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or
divert me from it.
After deliberate examination with the
aid of the best lights I could obtain, [*] I
was well satisfied that our country, under
a11 the circumstances of the case, had a
right to take, and was bound in duty and
interest, to take a Neutral position. Hav-
ing taken it, I determined, as far as should
depend upon me, to maintain it, with mod-
eration, perseverance, and firmness.
[The considerations which respect the
right to hold this conduct, [it is not neces-
sary] i on this occasion [to detail]. I will
only observe, that according to my un-
derstanding of the matter, that right, so
far from being denied by any of the Bel-
(* and from men disagreeing in their impres-
sions of the origin, progress, and nature of that
war,)
#some of them of a delicate nature, would be
improperly the subject of explanation.
jatewell Blootegg I5I
ligerent Powers, has been virtually ad-
mitted by all.] *
The duty of holding a neutral conduct
may be inferred, without any thing more,
from the obligation which justice and
flumanity impose on every Nation, in
cases in which it is free to act, to main-
tain inviolate the relations of Peace and
Amity towards other Nations.
* The considerations which respect the right
to hold this conduct, some of them of a delicate
nature, would be improperly the subject of ex-
planation on this occasion. I will barely ob-
serve that according to my understanding of the
matter, that right so far from being denied by
any belligerent Power, has been virtually ad-
mitted by a11. -
(This paragraph is then erased from the word
“conduct,” and the following sentence inter-
lined : “would be improperly the subject of
particular discussion on this occasion. I will
barely observe that to me they appear to be
warranted by well-established principles of the
Laws of Nations as applicable to the nature of
our alliance with France in connection with the
circumstances of the War and the relative situa-
tion of the contending Parties.”
A piece of paper is afterwards wafered over
both, on which the paragraph as it stands in
the text is written, and on the margin is the
following note: “This is the first draft, and it is
questionable which of the two is to be preferred.”)
I52 G5C0tge (Clagbington
The inducements of interest for observ-
ing that conduct, will best be referred
to your own reflections and experience.
With me, a predominant motive has been
to endeavour to gain time to our country
to settle and mature its yet recent institu-
tions, and to progress without interrup-
tion to that degree of strength and con-
sistency, which is necessary to give it,
humanly speaking, the command of its
own fortunes. .
Though in reviewing the incidents of
my Administration, I am unconscious of
intentional error—I am nevertheless too
sensible of my defects not to think it
probable that I [may] have committed
many errors. [Whatever they may be II*
fervently beseech the Almighty to avert
or mitigate [the evils to which they may
tend.]i I shall also carry with me the
Hope that my country will never cease to
view them with indulgence ; and that
after forty-five years of my life dedicated
*I deprecate the evils to which they may
tend, and f them
. . - - - - - farewell flooress I53
to its service, with an upright zeal, the
faults of incompetent abilities will be
consigned to oblivion, as myself must
soon be to the mansions of rest. [*]
Relying on its kindness in this as in
other things, and actuated by that fervent
1ove towards it, which is so natural to a
man, who views in it the native soil of
himself and his progenitors for [several] f
*May I without the charge of ostentation add,
that neither ambition nor interest has been the
impelling cause of my actions—that I have
never designedly misused any power confided to
me nor hesitated to use one, where I thought it
could redound to your benefit? May I without
the appearance of affectation say, that the
fortune with which I came into office is not
bettered otherwise than by the improvement in
the value of property which the quick progress
and uncommon prosperity of our country have
produced 2 May I still further add without
breach of delicacy, that I shall retire without
cause for a blush, with no sentiments alien to
the force of those vows for the happiness of his
country so natural to a citizen who sees in it the
native soil of his progenitors and himself for
four generations f
(On the margin opposite this paragraph is the
following note: “ This paragraph may have
th : ºrance ofself-distrustand merevanity,”)
7s follr -
I54 George uashington
generations; I anticipate with pleasing
expectation that retreat, in which I
promise myself to realize, without alloy,
the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the
midst of my fellow citizens, the benign
influence of good Laws under a free
Government, the ever favourite object of
my heart, and the happy reward, as I
trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and
dangers.” -
GEO. WASHINGTON.
UNITED STATEs,
I9th September, } I796.
(*The paragraph beginning with the words,
“May I without the charge of ostentation add,”
Having been struck out, the following note is
written on the margin of that which is inserted
in its place in the text: “Continuation of the
paragraph preceding the last ending with the
word “rest,’”) -

LINCOLN's INAUGURAL
ADDRESS

INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
MARCH 4, 1861.
ELLOW-CITIZENS of the United
States.—In compliance with a cus-
tom as old as the government itself, I
appear before you to address you briefly,
and to take in your presence the Oath
prescribed by the Constitution of the
United States to be taken by the Presi-
dent ‘‘ before he enters on the execution
of his Office.” -
I do not consider it necessary at present
for me to discuss those matters of admin-
istration about which there is no special
anxiety or excitement. -
Apprehension seems to exist, among
the people of the Southern States, that by

I58 fibrabam Lincoln
the accession of a Republican administra-
tion their property and their peace and
personal security are to be endangered.
There never has been any reasonable
cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the
most ample evidence to the contrary has
all the while existed and been open to
their inspection. It is found in nearly all
the published speeches of him who now
addresses you. I do but quote from one
of those speeches when I declare that “I
have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to
interfere with the institution of slavery in
the States where it exists. I believe I
flave no lawful right to do so, and I have
no inclination to do so.” Those who
nominated and elected me did so with full
1<nowledge that I had made this and
many similar declarations, and had never
recanted them. And more than this,
they placed in the platform for my accept-
ance, and as a 1aw to themselves and to
me, the clear and emphatic resolution
which I now read :
“Aesolved, That the maintenance in-
1Inaugural Elöðregg I59
violate of the rights of the States, and
especially the right of each State to order
and control its own domestic institutions
according to its judgment exclusively, is
essential to the balance of power on
which the perfection and endurance of
our political fabric depend, and we
denounce the 1awless invasion by armed
force of the soil of any State or Territory,
no matter under what pretext, as among
the gravest of crimes.”
I now reiterate these sentiments; and,
in doing so, I Only impress upon the pub-
lic attention the most conclusive evidence
of which the case is susceptible, that the
property, peace, and security of no section
are to be in any wise endangered by the
now incoming administration. I add,
too, that all the protection which, con-
sistently with the Constitution and the
1aws, can be given, will be cheerfully
given to all the States, when lawfully de-
manded, for whatever cause, as cheer-
fully to one section as to another.
There is much controversy about the
I6O - fibrabam Lincoln
delivering up of fugitives from service or
labor. The clause I now read is as
plainly written in the Constitution as
any other of its provisions:
“No person held to service or labor in
One State, under the 1aws thereof, escap-
ing into another, shall, in consequence of
any law or regulation therein, be dis-
charged from such service or labor, but
shall be delivered up on claim of the
party to whom such service or labor may
be due.” - -
It is scarcely questioned that this pro-
vision was intended by those who made
it for the reclaiming of what we call fugi-
tive slaves; and the intention of the law-
giver is the 1aw. A11 members of Con-
gress swear their support to the whole
Constitution—to this provision as much
as any other. To the proposition, then,
that slaves whose cases come within the
terms of this clause, “shall be delivered
up,” their oaths are unanimous. Now,
if they would make the effort in good
temper, could they not, with nearly equal
1Inaugural Elöötegó I61
unanimity, frame and pass a law by
means of which to keep good that unani-
mous oath P
There is some difference of opinion
whether this clause should be enforced
by National or by State authority; but
surely that difference is not a very ma-
terial one. If the slave is to be sur-
rendered, it can be of but little conse-
quence to him, or to others, by what
authority it is done. And should any
one, in any case, be content that his
oath should go unkept, on a mere unsub-
stantial controversy as to how it shall be
1<ept?
Again, in any law upon this subject,
ought not all the safeguards of liberty
1<nown in civilized and humane juris-
prudence to be introduced, so that a free
man be not, in any case, Surrendered as a
slave? And might it not be well, at the
same time, to provide by law for the en-
forcement of that clause of the Constitu-
tion which guarantees that “the citizens
of each State shall be entitled to all privi-
I62 fibrabam II incoln
1eges and immunities of citizens in the
Several States’’ P
I take the official oath to-day with no
mental reservation, and with no purpose
to construe the Constitution or laws by
any hypercritical rules. And while I do
not choose now to specify particular acts
of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do
suggest that it will be much safer for all,
both in official and private stations, to
conform to and abide by all those acts
which stand unrepealed, than to violate
any of them, trusting to find impunity in
baving them held to be unconstitutional.
It is seventy-two years since the first
inauguration of a President under our
National Constitution. During that
period, fifteen different and greatly dis-
tinguished citizens have, in succession,
administered the Executive branch of
the government. They have conducted
it through many perils, and generally
with great success. Yet, with all this
scope for precedent, I now enter upon the
v same task for the brief constitutional
| naugural flöötegg I63
term of four years, under great and pecul-
iar difficulty. A disruption of the Fed-
eral Union, heretofore only menaced, is
now formidably attempted. •
... I hold that in contemplation of uni-
versal law, and of the Constitution, the
Union of these States is perpetual. Perpe-
tuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fun-
damental law of all national governments.
It is safe to assert that no government
proper ever had a provision in its organic
1aw for its own termination. Continue
to execute all the express provisions of
our National Government, and the Union
will endure forever—it being impossible
to destroy it, except by some action not
provided for in the instrument itself.
Again, if the United States be not a
government proper, but an association of
States in the nature of contract merely,
can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade
by less than all the parties who made it?
One party to a contract may violate it—
'break it, so to speak; but does it not re-
quire all to lawfully rescind it?
I64 Abrabam Ilincoln
Descending from these general prin-
ciples, we find the proposition that, in
legal contemplation, the Union is per-
petual, confirmed by the history of the
Union itself. The Union is much older.
than the Constitution. It was formed, in
fact, by the Articles of Association in
1774. It was matured and continued by
the Declaration of Independence in 1776.
It was further matured, and the faith of
all the then thirteen States expressly
plighted and engaged that it should be
perpetual, by the Articles of Confedera-
tion in 1778. And, finally, in 1787, one
of the declared objects for ordaining and
establishing the Constitution was “to
form a more perfect union.”
But if destruction of the Union, by one,
or by a part only, of the States, be law-
fully possible, the Union is less perfect
than before, the Constitution having lost
the vital element of perpetuity.
It follows, from these views, that no
State, upon its own mere motion, can
lawfully get out of the Union ; that re-
iſnaugural Elööregg I65
solves and ordinances to that effect are
legally void; and that acts of violence
within any State or States, against the
authority of the United States, are insur-
rectionary or revolutionary, according to
circumstances.
I therefore consider that, in view of the
Constitution and the laws, the Union is
unbroken, and to the extent of my ability
I shall take care, as the Constitution it-
self expressly enjoins upon me, that the
laws of the Union be faithfully executed
in all the States. Doing this I deem to
be only a simple duty on my part; and I
shall perform it, so far as practicable, un-
less my rightful masters, the American
people, shall withhold the requisite means,
or, in some authoritative manner, direct
the contrary. I trust this will not be re-
garded as a "menace, but only as the de-
clared purpose of the Union that it will
constitutionally defend and maintain it-
self. In doing this there need be no
bloodshed or violence; and there shall
be none, unless it be forced upon the Na-
I66 Tºlbraham jLincoln
tional authority. The power confided to
me will be used to hold, occupy, and
possess the property and places belong-
ing to the government, and to collect the
duties and imposts; but beyond what
may be necessary for these objects, there
will be no invasion, no using of force
against or among the people anywhere.
Where hostility to the United States, in
any interior locality, shall be so great
and universal as to prevent competent
resident citizens from holding the Fed-
eral offices, there will be no attempt to
force obnoxious strangers among the
people for that object. While the strict
1egal right may exist in the government
to enforce the exercise of these offices,
the attempt to do so would be so irritat-
ing, and so nearly impracticable withal,
that I deem it better to forego, for the
time, the uses of such offices.
The mails, unless repelled, will con-
tinue to be furnished in all parts of the
Union. So far as possible, the people
everywhere shall have that sense of per-
1Inaugural Elöötegg - I67
fect security which is most favorable to
calm thought and reflection. The course
here indicated will be followed, unless
current events and experience shall show
a modification or change to be proper,
and in every case and exigency my best
discretion will be exercised, according to
circumstances actually existing, and with
a view and a hope of a peaceful solution
of the National troubles, and the restora-
tion of fraternal sympathies and affections.
That there are persons in one section or
another who seek to destroy the Union at
all events, and are glad of any pretext to
do it, I will neither affirm nor deny ; but
if there be such, I need address no word
to them. To those, however, who really
1ove the Union, may I not speak?
Before entering upon so grave a matter
as the destruction of our National fabric,
with all its benefits, its memories, and its
nopes, would it not be wise to ascertain
why we do it? Will you hazard so des-
perate a step while there is any possi-
bility that any portion of the certain ills
I68 fibrabam jLincoln
you fly from have no real existence? Will
you, while the certain ills you fly to are
greater than all the real ones you fly from,
—will you risk the commission of so fear-
ful a mistake P
A11 profess to be content in the Union,
if all constitutional rights can be main-
tained. Is it true, then, that any right,
plainly written in the Constitution, has
been denied ? I think not. Happily the
human mind is so constituted that no
party can reach to the audacity of doing
this. Think, if you can, of a single in-
stance in which a plainly written pro-
vision of the Constitution has ever been
denied. If, by the mere force of num-
bers, a majority should deprive a minority
of any clearly written constitutional right,
it might, in a moral point of view, justify
revolution—certainly would if such right
were a vital one. But such is not our
case. All the vital rights of minorities
and of individuals are so plainly assured
to them by affirmations and negations,
guaranties and prohibitions in the Con-
1Inaugural Elöötegg I69
stitution, that controversies never arise
concerning them. But no organic law
can ever be framed with a provision
specifically applicable to every question
which may occur in practical administra-
tion. No foresight can anticipate, nor
any document of reasonable 1ength con-
tain, express provisions for all possible
questions. Shall fugitives from 1abor be
surrendered by National or State author-
ity? The Constitution does not expressly
say. May Congress prohibit slavery in
the Territories 2 The Constitution does
not expressly say. Must Congress pro-
tect slavery in the Territories? The
Constitution does not expressly say.
From questions of this class spring all
our constitutional controversies, and we
divide upon them into majorities and
minorities. If the minority will not ac-
quiesce, the majority must, or the gov-
ernment must cease. There is no other
alternative; for continuing the govern-
1ment is acquiescence on one side or the
other. If a minority in such case will
I70 Abraham TLincoln
secede rather than acquiesce, they make
a precedent which, in turn, will divide
and ruin them ; for a minority of their
own will secede from them whenever a
majority refuses to be controlled by such
a minority. For instance, why may not
any portion of a new confederacy, a year
Or two hence, arbitrarily secede again,
precisely as portions of the present Union
now claim to secede from it? A11 who
cherish disunion sentiments are now
being educated to the exact temper of
doing this. .
Is there such perfect identity of inter-
ests among the States to compose a new
Union, as to produce harmony only, and
prevent renewed secession ?
Plainly, the central idea of secession is
the essence of anarchy. A majority held
in restraint by constitutional checks and
limitations, and always changing easily
with deliberate changes of popular opin-
ions and sentiments, is the only true
sovereign of a free people. Whoever re-
jects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy
iſnaugural Elöötegg I71
or to despotism. Unanimity is impos-
sible; the rule of a minority, as a per-
manent arrangement, is wholly inadmis-
sible; so that, rejecting the majority
principle, anarchy or despotism, in Some
form, is all that is left.
Physically speaking, we cannot sep-
arate. We cannot remove our respective
sections from each other, nor build an
impassable wall between them. A hus-
band and wife may be divorced, and go
out of the presence and beyond the reach
of each other; but the different parts of
our country cannot do this. They can-
Inot but remain face to face, and inter-
course, either amicable or hostile, must
continue between them. It is impossible,
then, to make that intercourse more ad-
vantageous or more satisfactory after sep-
aration than before. Can aliens make .
treaties easier than friends can make
1aws? Can treaties be more faithfully
enforced between aliens than laws can
among friends? Suppose you go to war,
you cannot fight always, and when after
172 Elbrabam Lincoln
Imuch loss on both sides and no gain on
either you cease fighting, the identical
old questions as to terms of intercourse
are again upon you.
This country, with its institutions, be-
1ongs to the people who inhabit it.
Whenever they shall grow weary of the
existing government they can exercise
their constitutional right of amending it,
or their revolutionary right to dismember
or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of
the fact that many worthy and patriotic
citizens are desirous of having the Na-
tional Constitution amended. . . . . I
understand a proposed amendment to the
Constitution—which amendment, how-
ever, I have not seen—has passed Con-
gress, to the effect that the Federal Gov-
ernment shall never interfere with the
domestic institutions of the States, in-
cluding that of persons held to service.
To avoid misconstruction of what I have
said, I depart from my purpose not to
speak of particular amendments, so far as
to say that, holding such a provision now
1Inaugural Elööregg I73
to be implied constitutional law, I have
no objections to its being made express
and irrevocable.
The Chief Magistrate derives all his
authority from the people, and they have
conferred none upon him to fix terms for
the separation of the States. The people
themselves can do this also if they choose,
lout the Executive, as such, has nothing
to do with it. His duty is to administer
the present government as it came to his
llands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by
him, to his successor. Why should there
not be a patient confidence in the ultimate
justice of the people? Is there any better
or equal hope in the world? In our pres-
ent differences is either party without
faith of being in the right? If the A1-
mighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal
truth and justice, be on your side of the
North, or yours of the South, that truth
and that justice will surely prevail, by
the judgment of this great tribunal of the
American people. By the frame of the
Government under which we live, the
174 Elbrabam Lincoln
same people have wisely given their pub-
lic servants but little power for mischief,
and have with equal wisdom provided for
the return of that little to their own hands
at very short intervals. While the people
retain their virtue and vigilance, no ad-
ministration, by any extreme of wicked-
ness or folly, can very seriously injure the
governmentin the shortspace of four years.
My countrymen, one and all, think
calmly and well upon this whole subject.
Nothing valuable can be lost by taking
time. If there be an object to hurry any
of you in hot haste to a step which you
would never take deliberately, that object
will be frustrated by taking time; but no
good object can be frustrated by it. Such
of you as are now dissatisfied still have
the old Constitution unimpaired, and on
the sensitive point, the 1aws of your own
framing under it; while the new admin-
istration will have no immediate power,
if it would, to change either. If it were
admitted that you who are dissatisfied
Hold the right side in this dispute, there
1Inaugural Elööregg I75
is still no single good reason for pre-
cipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism,
Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him
who has never yet forsaken this favored
1and are still competent to adjust in the
best way all our present difficulty. In
your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-coun-
trymen, and not in mine, are the mo-
mentous issues of civil war. The gov-
ernment will not assail you. You can
lave no conflict without being yourselves
the aggressors. You have no oath regis-
tered in Heaven to destroy the govern-
ment, while I shall have the most solemn
one to “preserve, protect, and defend’” it.
I am 1oth to close. We are not enemies,
but friends. We must not be enemies.
Though passion may have strained, it must
not break, our bonds of affection. The
mystic chords of memory, stretching from
every battle-field and patriot gravetoevery
1iving heart and hearthstone all over this
lbroad land, will yet swell the chorus of the
Union when again touched, as surely they
will be, by the better angels of our nature.
LINCOLN's SECOND INAUGURAL
ADDRESS -
SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
*
MARCH 4, 1865.
ELLOW-COUNTRYMEN.—At this
second appearing to take the Oath
of the Presidential office, there is 1ess
occasion for an extended address than
there was at first., Then a statement,
somewhat in detail, of a course to be
pursued seemed very fitting and prop-
er. Now, at the expiration of four
years, during which public declarations
have been constantly called forth on
every point and phase of the great con-
test which still absorbs the attention and
engrosses the energies of the nation, little
that is new could be presented.
The progress of our arms, upon which
a11 else chiefly depends, is as well known

I8O Abrabam Lincoln
to the public as to myself, and it is, I
trust, reasonably satisfactory and encour-
aging to all. With high hope for the
future, no prediction in regard to it is
ventured.
On the occasion corresponding to this
four years ago, all thoughts were anx-
iously directed to an impending civil war.
A11 dreaded it, all sought to avoid it.
While the inaugural address was being
delivered from this place, devoted alto-
gether to saving the Union without war,
insurgent agents were in the city seeking
to destroy it with war—seeking to dis-
solve the Union and divide the effects by
negotiation. Both parties deprecated
war, but one of them would make war
rather than 1et the nation survive, and
the other would accept war rather than
let it perish, and the war came. One
eighth of the whole population were col-
ored slaves, not distributed generally
over the Union, but localized in the
Southern part of it. These slaves con-
stituted a peculiar and powerful interest.
*
1Inaugural Elööregg 181
A11 knew that this interest was somehow
the cause of the war. To strengthen,
perpetuate, and extend this interest was
the object for which the insurgents would
rend the Union by war, while the gov-
ernment claimed no right to do more
than to restrict the territorial enlarge-
ment of it.
Neither party expected for the war the
magnitude or the duration which it has
already attained. Neither anticipated
that the cause of the conflict might cease
when, or even before the conflict, itself
should cease. Each looked for an easier
triumph, and a result less fundamental
and astounding. Both read the same
Bible and pray to the same God, and each
invokes His aid against the other. It
may seem strange that any men should
dare to ask a just God’s assistance in
wringing their bread from the sweat of
other men's faces, but let us judge not,
that we be not judged. The prayer of
both could not be answered. That of
neither has been answered fully. The
I82 fibrabam Lincoln
Almighty has His own purposes. “Woe
unto the world because of offences, for it
must needs be that offences come, but woe
to that manby whom the offence cometh!”
If we shall suppose that American slavery
is one of those offences which, in the
providence of God, must needs come, but
which having continued through His
appointed time, He now wills to remove,
and that He gives to both North and
South this terrible war as the woe due to
those by whom the offence came, shallwe
discern there any departure from those
Divine attributes which the believers in
a living God always ascribe to Him?
Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray,
that this mighty Scourge of war may
speedily pass away. Yet if God wills
that it continue until all the wealth piled
by the bondsman’s two hundred and fifty
years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and
until every drop of blood drawn with the
lash shall be paid by another drawn with
the Sword, as was said three thousand .
years ago, so still it must be said, that the
1Inaugural Elööte.93 I83
judgments of the Lord are true and
righteous altogether.
With malice toward none, with charity
for all, with firmness in the right as God
gives us to see the right, let us finish the
work we are in, to bind up the nation’s
wounds, to care for him who shall have
borne the battle, and for his widow and
Inis Orphans, to do all which may achieve
and cherish a just and a lasting peace
among ourselves and with all nations.

LINCOLN'S GETTYSBURG
ADDRESS
THE GETTYSBURG. ADDRESS.
NOVEMBER 19, 1863.
- Roºscope and seven years ago Our
fathers brought forth upon this con-
tinent a new nation, conceived in liberty,
and dedicated to the proposition that all
men are created equal. Now we are en-
gaged in a great civil war, testing whether
that nation, or any nation so conceived and
so dedicated, can long endure. We are met
on a great battle-field of that war. We
flave come to dedicate a portion of that
field as a final resting-place for those who
here gave their lives that that nation
might live. It is altogether fitting and
proper that we should do this. But in a
1arger sense we cannot dedicate, we can-
not consecrate, we cannot hallow this
ground. The brave men, living and

I88 Žibrabam ILincoln
dead, who struggled here, have conse-
crated it far above our power to add or
detract. The world will little note, nor
long remember, what we say here, but it
can never forget what they did here. It is
for us, the living, rather to be dedicated
Here to the unfinished work which they
who fought here have thus far so nobly
advanced. It is rather for us to be here
dedicated to the great task remaining
before us, that from these honored dead
we take increased devotion to that cause
for which they gave the 1ast full measure
of devotion ; that we here highly resolve
that these dead shall not have died in
vain ; that this nation, under God, shall
11ave a new birth of freedom, and that
government of the people, by the people,
and for the people, shall not perish from
the earth.
APPENDIX
APPENDIX.
tºmºmºmºmºsºmass
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. -
The resolution for Independence was intro-
duced by Richard Henry Lee in the continen-
tal Congress on June 7, 1776. For two days it
was discussed by that body, which then deferred
further consideration till July 2d, in order to give
the colonies that had not yet instructed their
delegations to vote for it, time to do so ; but
that no time might be 10st, a committee, con-
sisting of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Ben-
jamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert
R. Livingston was appointed to prepare a decla-
ration.
On July 26 the Continental Congress “A’e,
Solved, That these United Colonies are, and of
right ought to be, Free and Independent States;

I92 ŽippenOir
and that they are absolved from all allegiance
to the British crown, and that political CO11116×C-
tion between them and the state of Great
Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved,”—
and this is the true “Declaration of Independ-
ence.”
The resolution, however, needed justification;
and what has therefore since been known as
the Declaration of Independence was drawn by
Thomas Jefferson, and after slight alterations
'by the Committee and by the Congress, was
published to the world by the 1atter as their
reasons and justification for the original reso-
lution, and as a mutual pledge by the members
of life, fortune, and honor to support the
Imeasure, by the signing of which, each man,
so far as Great Britain was concerned, declared
flimself a traitor ; so that Franklin laughingly
remarked that they must all hang together,
or they would all hang separately.
CONSTITUTION.
The Constitution of the United States was
framed by a Convention of delegates from the
Tippenoit I93
thirteen original States (Rhode Island excepted)
which assembled at Philadelphia in May, I787,
and adjourned in September of the same year.
By this Convention the Constitution was trans-
mitted to the Continental Congress, who re-
ferred it to the State 1egislatures, which agree-
ably to the advice of the Federal Convention,
called State conventions to consider and ratify
or reject. The State conventions adopted it in
the following order: Delaware, December 7,
1787; Pennsylvania, December 12, 1787; New
Jersey, December 18, 1787; Georgia, January 2,
1788; Connecticut, January 9, 1788; Massachu-
setts, February 6, 1788; Maryland, April 28,
1788; South Carolina, May 23, 1788; and New
Hampshire, June 21, 1788. By the final clause
of the Constitution, it was to be established
when nine States should accept it, so with this
ratification by New Hampshire, it became the
supreme law of the 1and, so far as the adopting
States were concerned. The other States rati-
fied it as follows: Virginia, June 26, 1788; New
York, July 26, 1788; North Carolina, Novem-
'ber 21, 1788; Rhode Island, May 29, 1790.
I94 Tippenoit
WASHINGTON'S CIRCULAR LETTER.
The signing of the definitive treaty of peace
with Great Britain, 1eft the United States with
a comparatively 1arge unpaid, and dissatisfied
army, an empty treasury, and a weak govern-
ment. Outspoken discontent was prevalent
among the troops, who even talked of obtain-
ing justice from the Congress by the bayonet.
The States refused a11 money or other aid to the
Continental Congress, which was practically
without power to enforce its resolves. Rumors
of a military conspiracy to overturn the present
government were whispered about, and it was
stated that Washington was to be king. All this
fiction was destroyed by his voluntarily resigning
his commission; but even before this, Washing-
ton sentforth this circular letter to the Governors
of the States, in which he not only announces his
retirement into private life, but points out the
evils and weakness of the general government,
and thenecessity forageneral change. Believing,
as he did, that he was retiring to Mount Vernon
for the rest of his life, it practically is his first
farewell address to the States and people. ,
ilppenoix s I95
WASHINGTON's FIRST INAUGURAI, ADDRESS.
The Constitution having been ratified by the
necessary number of States in June, I788, the
Continental Congress appointed the first Wed-
nesday, in January, 1789, the day for the choos-
ing of Presidential electors, and the 4th of
March in the same year the date for the assem-
bling of the new Congress. The Congress did
not succeed in organizing till April 6th how-
ever, when an examination of the electoral vote
showed George Washington to have been unan-
imously elected President. Being duly notified of
this, he left Mount Vernon on April 16th, reach-
ing New York on the 23d of the same month.
On the 30th of April he attended the Congress,
and having first taken the oath of office in sight
of the people on the balcony of the Federal
Hall, he returned to the Senate Chamber and
read this first inaugural address, a contempo-
rary account of the delivery of which has been
1eft us by Senator Maclay : “As the company
returned into the Chamber the President took
the chair, and the Senate and Representatives
their seats. He arose, and a11 arose, and he
I96 - Tippenoit
addressed them. This great man was agitated
and embarrassed more than ever he was by the
1evelled cannon or pointed musket. He trem-
bled, and several times could scarce make out
to read, though it must be supposed he had
often read it before. He made a flourish with
his right hand which left rather an ungainly
impression. I sincerely, for my part, wish all
Set ceremony in the hands of the dancing mas-
ters, and that this first of men had read off his
address in the plainest manner, without ever
- taking his eyes from the paper; for I felt hurt
that he was not first in every thing.” -
WASHINGTON'S SECOND INAUGURAI, ADDRESS.
To understand the brevity of Washington’s
Second Inaugural Address (page 99), it must
be remembered that at the time it was consid—
ered in the light of a verbal message to Con-
gress, rather than as a statement of facts and
policy to the people. As such it was delivered
before the Senate, convened for that day only,
and was given to the public in the proceedings
of that body.
Tippenoit I97
But there was an additional reason for the
shortness of this particular address. The Demo-
cratic party, then just organizing, had already
begun its attacks on Washington. “The Fed-
eralists are Monarchists; Washington is their
1eader. Therefore Washington is aiming to be
Ring.” Such was the tendency, if not the direct
argument, of the opposition. The mere motion
for the House of Representatives to adjourn
on February 22d, in order that the members
Imight pay calls of respect on Washington, met
with factious opposition, as an improper atten-
tion to pay to the man, and any other approach
to the slightest form or ceremony was hailed
by the Democratic press and politicians as
another step towards the monarchy that was
then such a béte 7zoize.
Thus there was not only the question whether
a public inauguration was necessary, but also,
whether it would be policy to give the oppo-
sition a possible chance of attack by making
it so. Washington therefore hesitated, and
finally on the 27th of February called a Cabinet
council, and requested a written opinion on the
19s TippenOir
question. Hamilton, for “prudential consider-
ations,” advised that the oath be taken at his
own house, and in this Jefferson concurred.
Knox and Randolph, on the contrary, advised
that it be taken in the Senate-chamber, but
were careful to recommend that He “go without
form, attended by such gentlemen as he may
choose, and return without form, except that
he be preceded by the marshal’’; and Wash-
ington took the second course, but as the
opinions were not given till March Ist, little
time was 1eft to prepare the inaugural address.
Arthur J. Stansbury has left what purported
to be recollections of the delivery of this second
inaugural address, which have been used by both
Schroeder and Lossing in their biographies of
Washington, but a cursory examination of the
statements shows that the account refers to
Washington’s address to Congress in Novem-
ber, I793, and not to this second inaugural
address. - -
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELI, ADDRESS.
In 1792, near the expiration of washington's
first term, he seriously thought of retiring from
fippenoit I99
the presidency, and so obtained from James
Madison his ideas of what should be touched
upon in a farewell address. Over-persuaded by
his friends and political advisers he was induced
to continue in office, only to repent “once hav-
ing slipped the moment of resigning his office,
and that was every moment since,” and to be-
come the subject of such bitter and partisan
attacks that a large body of the people were
alienated from him and his position made ex-
tremely distasteful to him. Thus, when a second
opportunity arrived of retiring from the public
service he seized upon it, and having consulted
and received aid from Alexander Hamilton and
John Jay in the preparation of this Farewell Ad-
dress, he issued it to the people as an announce-
ment of his intention, and as a beacon light for
their future political guidance.
PAUL LEICESTER FORD.
BROOKLYN,
March 30, 1889.
INDEx TO THE CONSTITUTION
INDEx To THE constituTION.
Abridged, immunities of citizens, not to be, 53
Accused to have a speedy trial, 47
Actions at common law, 48 - -
Acts and proceedings of another State, faith and credit
given to, 4T
Adjournment—President may convene and adjourn Con-
gress, 37
Admitted, new States may be, 42 *
Advice and consent of the Senate, 36
Age of Representatives and Senators, 18
Aid and comfort to enemies, 40
Alliance or confederation, 3.I
Ambassadors, President may appoint, 37
Amendments to the Constitution, 43
Answer for crimes, 47 -
Appellate jurisdiction, Supreme Court shall have, 38, 39
Appointment of representation, 20, 53 -
Appropriate 1egislation—Congress has power, etc., 24,
27, 28, 29 .
Armies—land and naval forces, 28
Attainder—ex-post-facio 1aw, 30
Authors and inventors, 27
Ballot for President and Vice-President, 49, 50, 5T
Bankruptcies, 27
Bills of credit, 31
Capital crimes, 47
Census, IQ, 30

2O4 1ſnoer
Chief-Justice shall preside, when, 22
Citizens of the United States, 21, 41, 42 ; who are included
aS, 53
Classification of Senators, 20, 21, 22
Coin a tender in payment of debts, 31
Color, or previous condition of servitude, 56
Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, the Presi-
dent, when, 36
Commerce or revenue, 30
Compact with another State, 31
Compensations, 24, 35, 36, 47
Congress, powers vested in, 26, 27, 28, 29, 34, 40, 42, 52
Constitution, executive and 1egislative powers under
the, 29, 35, 39, 42, 44
Convention for proposing amendments, 43
Copyrights to authors, 27
Courts of law, 37
Crimes—capital or otherwise, 36, 47
Death, resignation, etc., of President, 35
Debts of the United States, 43, 44
Defence and general welfare, 26, 27
Departments, 36
District of Columbia, 29
Domestic violence, 42
Due process of 1aw, 47
Duties, imposts, and excises, 31
Election of President and Vice-President, 33, 34; of Sena-
tors and Representatives, 19, 20, 21 -
Electors, 33, 49, 50, 51
Establishment of this Constitution between the States,
44, 45
Executive power, 32
Expel a member, 23
Exports or imports, 31
Ea:-post-facto law, 31
Foreign nations—regulation of commerce, 27
TInocy: 2Or.
Forfeiture for treason, 4o
Form of government, a republican, guaranteed, 42
Freedom of speech or press, 45, 46
Fugitives from crime, 41
General welfare (preamble), 17
Gold and silver a tender, 3I
Habeas corpus, 30
House of Representatives, I8, 23, 53
Immunities from arrest, etc., 23, 25, 53
Impeachment, 20, 36
Imports and exports, 31
Indictments, 22, 47
Insurrection or rebellion, 28, 55
Inventors and authors, 27
Judges of courts, 38
Judicial powers, 38, 49
Jury, trial by, 40
Laws and treaties, 39
Legal tender, 31 -
Legislation in all cases in power of Congress, 29
Letters of marque and reprisal, 28
Liberty (preamble), 17
Marque and reprisal, 31
Measures, 27
Meeting of Congress, 22
Misdemeanor, high crimes, etc., 38
Naturalization, Congress to establish rules of, 27
Navy, Congress to provide a, 28
New States, 42 -
Nobility, no title of, shall be granted, 30
Nominations for office by the President, 37
Number of electors, 32
Oath of office of the President, 36
Obligation of contracts, 31 .
Offences against the United States, 34, 36
Pardons, the President may grant reprieves and, 36
206 - 1Inoer
Pensions and bounties, 55
Powers not delegated, 49
Powers vested in Congress, 18, 26
President and Vice-President, manner of choosing, 33, 49
President of the United States, 22, 25, 32, 37
President, pro tempore, 2I -
Privileges and immunities of citizens, 41, 46, 47
Property of the United States, 42
Prosecutions, 47
Punishment according to law, 22
Qualifications for office, 18, 28, 33
Quorum to do business, a majority, 23
Race, color, etc., 56
Ratification of amendments, 43
Ratio of representation, 53
Rebellion, 30, 55
Redress of grievances, 45
Regulations of commerce, 27
Religious test, no, 44
Representation in any State, 18, 19, 20
Representatives in Congress, 18, 19
Reprieves and pardons, 36
Republican form of government, 42
Resignation of the President, 35
Revenue, etc., of one State over another, 30
Rights in the Constitution, etc., 48
Science and useful arts, 27
Seat of government, 29
Senate and House of Representatives, 18
Senate of the United States, I8, 23, 25
Senators, I8, IQ, 23, 54
Servitude, 52, 56
Ships of war, 32
Slavery, 52
State of the Union, 37
States—what they may not do, 31, 32
iſnöer - - 2O7
Suits at common law, 48
Suppression of insurrection, 28
Supreme Court, 39
Supreme 1aw of the 1and, 44
Tax or duty, IQ, 30
Tender in payment of debts, 31
Term of four years, 32
Territory of the United States, 42
Title of nobility, 30, 31
Treason, what to consist of, 40
Treaties, power to make, in the President, 36
Union, to establish a more perfect, I7, 37
Unreasonable searches and seizures, 46
Useful arts—securing to authors and inventors, 27
Vacancies, 20, 37, -
Veto power in the President, 25, 26
Vice-President, President of the Senate, 21 ; manner of
choosing, 49, 50 -
Vote, each Senator shall have one, 20
Vote of two thirds of each house to expel a member, 23
War against the United States—of what consists, 4o
Weights and Ineasures, 27
Witnesses in criminal prosecutions, 40
Writ of habeas corpus, 30
Writs of election, 20
Written opinion of principal officers, 36
Yeas and nays, when to be entered on the journals, 23

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