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SELECTIONS FROM THE RECORDS OF THE BOMBAY
GOVERNMENT.
No. XLIX.-NEw SERIEs.
A HISTORY
OF
ARABIA FELIX 0R YEMEN,
FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA TO
THE PRESENT TIME;
I N C L U D IN G. A N A C C O U NT
OF THE
BRITISH SETTLEMENT OF ADEN,
BY
CAPTAIN R. L. PLAYFAIR,
MADRAS ARTILLERY; AND FIRST ASSISTANT POLITICAL RESIDENT, ADEN.
Aº Q
—#533&=-
36 D m b a p :
PRINTED FOR GOVERNMENT
AT THE
EDUCATION SOCIETY'S PRESS, BYCULLA.
1859.
T H IS W O L U M E)
35 Årspºrtfallſ ºrnirmith
TO THE
G 0 W E R N M E N T 0 F B O M B A Y,
UNDER WHICH
T H E A U T H 0 R
HAS THE HONOUR TO SERVE.
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PREF A () F.
THE interest which has attached itself to Yemen since Aden, one of
its principal seaport towns, became a British possession, determined
the Government of Bombay to prepare for publication a series of
Selections from its Records, illustrative of the History of Aden since
its occupation by the British.
Such a collection of papers must necessarily have been incoherent
and incomplete; the Author has therefore been induced to arrange
for publication the notes which he had collected during a long resi-
dence in Arabia, and which a recent visit to England has enabled
him to correct and augment, by a careful search of the various Public
Libraries there, and of the unpublished Records of the East India House,
whence much interesting matter has been obtained.
The Author does not propose to himself any ambitious task; a
connected History of Arabia Felix or Yemen, the most important
province of the great Arabian Peninsula, has long been a desideratum
in English literature, and his object will have been attained if he
succeeds in throwing such a general light on the subject as may
furnish a ready reference to it, and perhaps facilitate the labours of
a future historian.
The History of Arabia anterior to Christianity has been so fully
illustrated by eminent Orientalists, amongst whom the names of
Baron de Sacy and Caussin de Percival stand pre-eminent, that the
subject may be considered exhausted; but from that period to the
present day, no connected history of Yemen exists. The Author has
therefore determined to confine himself to the latter period, and to
arrange in chronological order all the material he has been able to
collect, which tends to throw light on this interesting subject.
vi
To secure uniformity, all dates have been reduced to the same
standard of reckoning, that of the Christian Era; but the correspond-
ing years of the Hejira may easily be calculated by the following
formula; it being borne in mind that the former are solar, and
the latter lunar years, and that 521 solar are equal to 537 lunar
years:—
Ea.—What is the year of Christ 1734 according to the Hejira
From . . . . . . . . 1734 A.D.
Subtract . . . . 621 the difference of the two Eras;
Result . . . . . . 1113 of the Hejira in solar years:
Then, 521 : 537 : : 1113 : 1147.
0 0 NTENTS.
PAGE
LIST OF AUTHORITIEs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
CHAPTER I.-General remarks on Yemen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . * * e e o e s e e s a e o e s s I
CHAPTER II.-Aden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . tº e e s e º e e º e º 'º e . . . . . 5
CHAPTER III.-The Teháma. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . & © e s e e a e e e 19
CHAPTER IV.-Samāa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
CHAPTER V-Lāhej. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
CHAPTER WI.-Kaukebán; Belád-el-Kabáil or Hāshid-wa-Bakeel; Aboo-Areesh;
and Beni-Hallăl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
CHAPTER VII.-Khaulān; Sanhán and Sãadeh; Nejrán; Nehm; and East
Khaulán . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
CHAPTER VIII.-Belád-el-Jehāf . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
CHAPTER IX.-Yaffa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
CHAPTER X.—History of Yemen from the commencement of the Christian Era
to the Abyssinian Conquest. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
CHAPTER XI.—Yemen, during the Abyssinian Occupation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
CHAPTER XII.-Yemen, during the Persian Occupation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
CHAPTER XIII.-Yemen, from the Era of the Hejira to the First Dynasty of
the Sultans, or Imāms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
CHAPTER XIV.—Yemen, during the First Dynasty of Sultans, or Imāms. . . . . . 85
CHAPTER XV.-Early Discoveries and Conquests of the Portuguese and Turks
in Yemen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
CHAPTER XVI.—From the First Appearance of the British in the Red Sea to
the Evacuation of Yemen by the Turks.... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
CHAPTER XVII.-Yemen, from the Second Dynasty of Imāms of Sanāa to the
Wahábie Invasion . . . . . . . . . © e e s e e s e e s e e s e e s e º e º e º e s e e º s e tº e s ∈ e s e - 1 II
CHAPTER XVIII.—Yemen, from the Wahábie Invasion to the present time.... 127
viii
PAGE
CHAPTER XIX. —History of the Reigning Family of Láhej and Aden, from the
period of their Independence to the Conquest of Aden by the British...... I 59
CHAPTER XX. —Aden since the British Conquest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER.—Concerning the Expedition to the Somáli Coast in
1855, under Lieutenant Burton . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176
APPENDICES.
APPENDIx A.—Chronological Table of the Imāms of Sanāa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
APPENDIx B.-Chronological Table of the Sultans of Láhej from the Period of
their Independence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
APPENDIX C.—Existing Treaty between the British and the Sultan of Láhej ... 180
APPENDIx D.—Treaty between the British and the Habr Owel Tribe of Somálies. 184
APPENDIX E.-Treaty between the British and various Chiefs and Elders on
the Coasts of Arabia and Africa, for the Suppression of the Trade in Slaves. 186
* . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
LIST OF AUTHORITIE
Aboo'l-Féda.—Descriptio Peninsulae Arabiae.—Wide Geog. Wet. Scrip. Gr. Min.
Tom. iii.
Agatharchides.—Periplus Rubri Maris, interprete Laurentio Rhodomano.—Wide Geog.
Vet. Scrip. Gr. Min. Tom. i.
Ali Bey.—Travels in Morocco, Tripoli, Cyprus, Egypt, Arabia, and Syria, between
1803 and 1809.-London, 18; 6.
Arnaud.—Les Akhdam de l'Yemen, leur Origine probable, leurs Moeurs; par MM. Th.
Arnaud et A. Vayesière.—Wide Journal Asiatique, Tom. xv. p. 376. — Paris, 1850,
Arrian.—Arriami Periplus Maris Erythraei ; interprete Jo. Guil. Stuckio.—Wide Geog.
Vet. Scrip. Gr. Min. Tom. i.
Assemanus.— Bibliotheca Orientalis.-Romae, 1725.
Barthema.-Itinerario de Ludovico de Barthema ; Stampato e Vinegia, 1535.-Also
Navigation and Travels of Lewis Barthema or Vertonianus, into Egypt, Syria,
Arabia, Persia, &c.; translated by Richard Eden in 1576. —Wide Purchas, vol. ii.
p. 1483; Ker, vol. vii. p. 41.
Batuta.-Travels of Ibn Batuta; translated by the Rev. Samuel Lee, B.D.—
London, 1829.
Burckhardt.—Notes on the Bedouins and Wahábies; by John Lewis Burckhardt.—
London, 1830. –Also, Travels in Arabia; by the same Author.—London, 1829.
Castro.—The Voyage of Don Stephano de Gama from Goa to Suez, in 1540, with the
intention of burning the Turkish Gallies in that Port; written by Don Juan de
Castro, a Captain in the Fleet.—Wide Greene, vol. i. p. 107; Ker, vol. vi.
p. 287.
Chesney.—The Expedition for the Survey of the Euphrates and Tigris, carried on by
order of the British Government, in 1835, 1836, and 1837, by Lieutenant Colonel
Chesney.—London, 1850.
Cloupet.—Noveau Voyage dans l'Arabie Heureuse, en 1788; par M. Cloupet de
l'Ile de France.—Wide Annales des Voyages, de la Géographie et de l’Histoire; -
Paris, 1810, Tom. x. p. 154.
Crichton.—History of Arabia and its People.—London, 1852.
Cruttenden.—Journal of an Excursion to Sanāa, the Capital of Yemen; by Mr. C. J.
Cruttenden, I. N.—Wide Journal of Boin. Geog. Soc. Sept. to Nov. 1838,
B
X
D'Herbelot.—Bibliothèque Orientale, ou Dictionnaire Universel contenant généralement
tout ce que regarde la Connoissance des Peuples de l'Orient.—A Maestricht, 1776.
Eusebius.--The Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius Pamphilas; made English from
that edition set forth by Walesius, and printed at Paris in 1659. —Cambridge, 1683.
Faria.—The Portugues Asia; or, the History of the Discovery and Conquest of
India by the Portugues ; written in Spanish by Mamuel de Faria, and translated
into English by John Stevens.—London, 1695.
Geog. Vet. Scrip. Gr. Min. —Geographie Veteris Scriptores Graeci Minores.—Oxoniae,
MDCXCVIII.
Greene.—New General Collection of Voyages and Travels, consisting of the most
esteemed Relations which have been hitherto published in any language, compre-
hending everything remarkable of its kind in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America.
[Anon., attributed to Greene.]—London, 1745.
Haines.—Memoir to accompany a Chart of the South and East Coasts of Arabia; by
Captain S. B. Haines, I. N.—Wide Journal of the Royal Geog. Society, vols. ix.
and xv. -
Haji Khalīfeh.—History of the Maritime Wars of the Turks; translated from the
Turkish of Haji Khalifeh by James Mitchel.—London, published for the Orien-
tal Translation Fund, 1831.
Hamilton.—A new Account of the East Indies.—Edinburgh, 1727.
Hamza.-Hamzae Ispahamiensis Ammalium ; edidit J. M. E. Gottwaldt : Tom. i.
Textus Arabicus ; Tom. ii. Translatio Latina. —Lepsiae, MDCCCXLVIII.
Harris.-Navagantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca ; or, a complete Collection of
Voyages and Travels by John Harris, D.D., F.R.S.—London, 1744.
Irwin.—Series of Adventures in the course of a Voyage up the Red Sea, on the Coasts
of Arabia and Egypt, in the year 1777; by Eyles Irwin, Esq., H.E.I.C.S.—
London, 1780. tº
Jihán Numa.-Jihán Numa; translated by Dr. Aloys Sprenger.
Jubair.—Rassalat ibn Jubair ; Arabic text, edited, from a MS. in the University
Library of Leyden, by W. Wright.—Leyden, 1852.
Ker.—A General Collection of Voyages and Travels by Robert Ker, F.R.S., &c.—
Edinburgh, 1812.
Khuzraji.-A MS. Translation of the History of Yemen by the Imām Ali bin Hoosain
El-Khuzraji, in the Records of the Aden Political Residency; supposed to be by
Captain Haines, I. N.
Knolles.—The Turkish History, from the Original of that Nation to the Growth of
the Ottoman Empire; by Richard Knolles, with a continuation to the present
year (1687) by Paul Rycaut.—London, 1687.
La Roque.—A Voyage to Arabia the Happy, by the way of the Eastern Ocean, and
the Straits of the Red Sea, performed by the French for the first time in A.D.
1708, 1709, and 1710; together with a Relation of a Journey from the Port of
Mokha to the Court of the King of Yemen, in A.D. 171 l, 1712, and 1713; also
an Account of the Coffee Tree.—London, 1726.
xi
Marco Polo.—The Travels of Marco Polo ; by Hugh Murray, F.R.S.E.-Edin-
burgh, 1844.
Masūoodi.—Kitab Merooj el Dthahab : the Historical Encyclopaedia, entitled The
Meadows of Gold and Mines of Gems ; translated from the Arabic of El-Masāoodi,
by Aloys Sprenger, M.D., and published for the Oriental Translation Fund.—
London, 1841.
Mengin.—Histoire Soummaire de l’Egypt sous le Gouvernement de Mahommed Ali;
par Felix Mengin.— Paris, 1839. wº
Middleton.—Sixth Voyage of the East India Company in 1610, under the Command
of Sir Henry Middleton.—Wide Purchas, vol. i. p. 249; Ker, vol. viii. p. 361.
Mod. Univ. Hist.—Modern Universal History.—London, 1759.
MS. No. 6930. -- MS. No. 6930 of the Additional Manuscripts in the British
Museum, entitled Eucerpta de Historia Arabun; Arabic text and English
translation.—Anon., without date.
Waima.-Annales of the Turkish Empire, from the Year 1591 to 1659 of the Christian
Era, by Naima ; translated from the Turkish by Charles Fraser.—London, pub-
lished for the Oriental Translation Furid, 1832. 2.
Neibuhr.—Description de l’Arabie; par Carsten Neibuhr.—A Amsterdam, 1774.—
Also, Travels through Arabia, performed by M. Carsten Neibuhr ; translated
into English by Robert Heron.—Edinburgh, 1792.
Novis Orbis, &c.—Novis Orbis Regionarum ac Insularum Veteribus Incognitarum.
—1555.
Pagitt.—Christianographie; or, the Description of the Multitude and Sundry Sorts of
Christians in the World, not subject to the Pope ; by Ephraim Pagitt.—London,
1636.
Parsons.—Travels in Asia and Africa, including a Voyage * * * from Bombay
to Mokha and Suez, in the Red Sea; by Abraham Parsons, Esq.-London, 1808.
Percival.—Essai sur l’Histoire des Arabes avant l’Islamisme, pendant l’époque de
Mahommed et jusqu’à la Reduction de toutes les Tribus sous la loi Musslemane;
par A. P. Caussin de Percival.—Paris, 1847. —Also, Translation of Portions of
the above Work in the Bombay Quarterly Magazine and Review, 1851 to 1853,
Philostorgius.—Epitomé of the Ecclesiastical History of Philostorgius; compiled by
Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople.—Wide Bohn’s Eccl. Lib. 1854.
Playfair.—A System of Geography, Ancient and Modern ; by James Playfair, D.D.,
F.R.S., and F.A.S., Edin., Principal of the United College of St. Andrews, and
Historiographer to H. R. H. the Prince Regent.—Edinburgh, 1814.
Pocock.—Specimen Historiae Arabum; auctore Edvardo Pocockio : accessit Historiae
Veterum Arabum, ex Aboo'l-Féda; Cura Antonii Sylvestre de Sacy; edidit Jose-
phus White.—Oxonii, MDCCCVI.
Popham.—Concise Statement relative to the Treatment of Sir Home Popham, since
his return from the Red Sea, together with his Naval, Military, and Commercial
Correspondence.—London, 1805.
xii
Purchas.—Purchas, his Pilgrimes.—London, 1625. -
Records.— Records of the East India House, of the Government of Bombay, and of the
Aden Political Residency. -
Salt.—A Voyage to Abyssinia ; by Henry Salt, Esq., F.R.S.—London, 1814.
Saris.-The Eighth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 161 l ; by Captain
John Saris.—Wide Parchas, vol. i. p. 334; Ker, vol. viii. p. 465.
Sharpey.—Fourth Voyage of the East India Company in 1608 ; by Captain Alexander
Sharpey.—Wide Purchas, vol. i. p. 230 ; Greene, vol. i. p. 343; Ker, vol. viii.
p. 361.
Shilling.—Voyage of the Anne Royall from Surat to Mokha, in 1618.-Wide Purchas,
vol. i. p. 622; Ker, vol. ix. p. 490. -
Socrates Scholasticus. –The Ecclesiastical History of Socrates Scholasticus; translated
out of Greek, according to the editions set forth by Walesius, and printed at
Paris in 1668.-Cambridge, 1680.
Stern.—Narrative of the Journey of the Rev. A. Stern to Samāa in 1856, contained in
the Jewish Intelligence, vol. xxiii. pp. 101, 138, and 258.-1857. -
Theodoret.—A History of the Church from A.D. 322 to A.D. 427; by Theodoret,
Bishop of Cyprus.-Wide Bohn's Eccl. Lib.-London, 1854.
Walentia.-Voyages and Travels to India, Ceylon, the Red Sea, Abyssinia, and Egypt,
in 1802–1806; by George, Wiscount Valentia. —London, 1811. -
Penetian Officer.—Particular Relation of the Expedition of Solyman Pasha from
Suez to India, against the Portuguese of Diu ; written by a Venetian Officer,
who was pressed into the Turkish Service on that occasion.—Wide Greene, vol. i.
p. 83; The Port. Asia, vol. i. p. 435 ; Ker, vol. vi. p. 257.
Wincent.—The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, containing an Account of the Naviga-
tion of the Ancients; by Dean Wincent.—London, 1797–1800.
Wellsted.—Travels in Arabia ; by Lieutenant Wellsted, I. N.—London, 1838.
Wright.—Early Christianity in Arabia: an Historical Essay; by Thomas Wright,
M.A., F.S.A., &c.—London, 1855.
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A HISTORY OF ARABIA FELIX,
OR YEMEN.
OHAPTER I.
GENERAL REMARKS ON YEME, IN.
THE ancient Greek and Roman geographers were in the habit of dividing
Arabia into three great provinces, Arabia Felix, Arabia Petrea, and Arabia
Deserta : the first nearly corresponding to the modern Yemen, but including
Mahra, and Hadramaut; the second the modern Hejāz; and the third extend-
ing north-east from Arabia Felix as far as the Euphrates. These divisions,
however, were purely arbitrary, and neither known to nor recognised by the
inhabitants of the country.
Some oriental authors have included the whole peninsula within the two
provinces of Yemen and Hejāz, while others have divided it into five, namely,
Yemen, Hejáz, Nejd, the Tehāma, and Yemāma. Hadramaut, Mahra, Shehr,
and Oman have also been reckoned independent provinces by some, while
many include them in the two great divisions, Yemen and Hejaz.”
Yemen Proper, as now recognised, forms the southern portion of the Arabian
peninsula. It is bounded on the south by that portion of the Indian Ocean
known as the Gulf of Aden; on the west by the Red Sea; on the north by
the Hejāz and the Desert of Ahkāf; and on the east by the province of
Hadramaut. It is naturally separated into two divisions,—the low country,
styled the Tehāma, which is parallel to the sea coast; and the Interior, or
mountainous region between it and the Great Arabian Desert. The former,
which signifies a warm or maritime region, f is the tract intervening between
the mountains and the sea; it extends in length from the Gulf of Akaba to
the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, and is divided into two portions, the Tehámas
of the Hejāz and of Yemen. The latter varies in breadth from thirty to eighty
* Burkhardt’s Travels, vol. i. p. 10. f Bruce, vol. ii. p. 198.
I
2
miles; the soil is poor and arid, covered in many places with marine shells
and coral, and bears unmistakeably the appearance of having been a recent
recovery from the sea. That the sea has greatly receded, even within the
ilimits of history, is proved by the position of the ancient seaport of Mooza,
formerly one of the principal emporia of the trade of Yemen, but now situated
twenty-three miles inland, north of the modern city of Mokha. In like manner
Ghalifika, the port of Zebeed, Okelis, and many others along the coast of
the Red Sea, have filled up and been deserted.
This district has few perennial springs, but is watered in some places by
amountain torrents, which, descending from the high land, flow during the
greater portion of the year, and in the beds of which, even in seasons of the
greatest drought, water can be obtained by digging a few feet below the sur-
face of the ground. It is not unusual in the Teháma for whole years to pass
without any rain, save a few gentle showers, and in such cases the hill torrents
are absorbed long ere they reach the sea; but the heavy dews are usually
sufficient to refresh the parched soil, and prevent an absolute famine. Here
cereals and vegetables are produced in tolerable abundance, but the soil is
not well suited for the growth of fruit.
Parallel to the sea coast are a number of islands, and a multitude of coral
reefs and islets.”
The mountainous region comprehends the finest and most fertile parts of
the peninsula, and forms a striking contrast to the arid and sandy plains which
occur on the littoral of the Red Sea. It extends over the crest and slopes of
the great mountain chain which traverses the country in a south-easterly direc-
tion, increasing in elevation towards the south, and, from the abundance of its
grain, coffee, vines, and fruits, and all the productions which constitute the
chief wealth of an agricultural country, as well as from its salubrious climate
and abundance of water, it has well merited the title of “Happy.”f
Beyond these mountains, stretching to the Euphrates, is the Desert of
Ahkäf, which was said to have been a terrestrial paradise until converted, on
account of the impiety of its inhabitants, into a waste of sand.t
Yemen does not appear to be rich in mineral wealth, though iron is found
in many places, and occasionally worked by the inhabitants: gold mines were
anciently wrought, but, in the present day, no trace of the precious metal
exists, even amongst the sands of the mountain torrents.
Yemen was probably the first province of Arabia occupied during the wes-
tern spread of mankind; it has the double signification of right or south
(looking towards Syria), and of happiness or prosperity. It is said that when
* Chesney, vol. i. p. 610. i Chesney, vol. i. p. 614.
† Ibn-el-Ouardi, p. 46.
3
the sons of Kahtān, the descendant of Shem, settled in this region, the Arabs
said, “The sons of Kahtān will be happy”; from which circumstance the
name of the province has been derived. This limited tract soon extended,
and became the seat of the Himyarite kingdom, and was subsequently known
as the Country of the Sabeans. Under the name of Arabia Felix, it gradually
increased, and, according to Ptolemy, its boundaries were, on the north,
Arabia Petrea and part of Arabia Deserta; on the east, the Euphrates and
the Persian Gulf; on the south, the Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean; and on
the west, the Arabian Gulf.”
It has been famous from all antiquity for the richness and fertility of its
soil, the salubrity of its climate, the number and wealth of its inhabitants, the
magnificence of its public buildings, and the splendour of its court. Alexander
the Great resolved on conquering it, and fixing his royal residence there, after
his return from India; but his untimely death prevented the execution of this
project.
Commercial intercourse between this country and Syria existed at a period
long anterior to the oldest profane historical records. The inspired writer, in
enumerating the glories of Tyre, says, -“Arabia, and all the princes of Kedar,
they occupied with thee in lambs, and rams, and goats: in these were they thy
merchants. The merchants of Shebai and Raamah, they were thy merchants:
they occupied in thy fairs with chief of all spices, and with all precious stones,
and gold. Haran, Š and Canneh, and Eden, "I the merchants of Sheba,
Asshur, and Chilmad, ** were thy merchants.”ff
But in addition to its aromatic gums and other rich natural productions,
which supplied the markets of Egypt and Phoenicia, a vast amount of wealth
flowed into the country from exterior sources. From the earliest ages up to
the sixteenth century, when the Portuguese doubled the Cape of Good Hope,
and were the means of diverting the Indian trade to that route, its harbours,
and particularly that of Aden, were the emporia of an extensive trade between
the countries bordering the Mediterranean, and India, Persia, and the countries
of the further East. &
Little light is thrown on the early history of Arabia by ancient authors,
except at uncertain and remote intervals; and the Greek and Latin authors are
for the most part by no means accurate either in their geography or historical
details. Strabo asserts that Arabia Felix was divided into four distinct
provinces, the succession of whose kings was fixed neither by primogeniture nor
* Chesney, vol. i. p. 656. t Saba, modern Urd-es-Saba.
† Rema, modern Reima. § Not identified as a city of Arabia.
| Canneh or Cane Emporium, modern Makulla. T Probably Aden.
** Not identified. it Ezekiel, xxvii. 21 to 23,
4
royal descent; but the right was confined to certain families, and that the first
male child born after the commencement of a reign was considered heir to
the throne. -->
Under the Himyarite Tobbas, Yemen was subject to one sovereign; but
there existed many provinces and divisions, which owned subjection only to
their own petty chiefs, who in their turn usually acknowledged the suzerainty
of the reigning prince.
The religion of the Sabeans resembled that of the idolatrous nations who
surrounded them : they addressed their devotions to numerous deities, of which
the principal were represented by the sun, moon, and stars; but there were
many who acknowledged one deity as the supreme Lord of the universe. They
believed in the immortality of the soul, and a future state of rewards and
punishments; while many held the doctrine of transmigration.* Arabian
authors who lived with the Sabeans state unanimously that they worshipped
the seven planets, F and that their faith did not materially differ from that of
the Chaldeans.
At the present day, Yemen can hardly be said to have any government at
all, with the exception of the maritime districts which own the sway of England
and Turkey. The remainder of the country is parcelled out amongst num-
berless petty chiefs, who exercise a patriarchal government over a greater or
less extent of territory, which is frequently, again, subdivided into several smaller
portions under their own Sheikhs, who are virtually independent, though
owning a certain amount of subjection to their feudal chiefs.
The following are the principal provinces into which Yemen may be di-
vided:—f
1, Aden; 2, The Teháma; 3, Samāa ; 4, Láhej; 5, Kaukebän; 6, Belād-el-
Kabáil, or Hāshid-wa-Bekeel; 7, Aboo Areesh; 8, a large district between
Aboo Areesh and the Hejáz, inhabited by free Bedouins; 9, Khaulān; 10,
Sahán, including the principality of Sãadeh; 11, Nejrán; 12, Nehm; 13, East
Khaulán, consisting of several small principalities; 14, Belād-el-Jehäf, or
Māreb; and 15, Yaffa.
These are, as nearly as they can be classified, the great political divisions of
the country; but numerous smaller states and tribes exist, which cannot be
classed with propriety in any of the above districts, yet which are too insigni-
ficant to require a separate notice.
* Wright, p. 8. f Mas’udi, i. p. 218.
† These are very nearly as given by Neibuhr.
0 HAPTER II.
ADEN.
The British settlement of Aden, which is almost the most southerly point on
the Arabian coast, is situated in lat. 12° 47' N., and long. 45° 10' E. It is a
peninsula of about fifteen miles in circumference, of an irregular oval form, five
miles in its greater, and three in its lesser diameter, connected with the con-
tinent by a low narrow neck of land, 1,350 yards in breadth, but which is in
one place nearly covered by the sea at high spring tides.
It consists of a large crater, formed by lofty, and precipitous hills, the
highest peak of which has an altitude of 1,775 feet: these, on the exterior
sides, slope towards the sea, throwing out numerous spurs, which form a series
of valleys, radiating from a common centre.
The town and part of the military cantonments are within the crater, and
consequently surrounded on all sides by hills, save on the eastern face, where
a gap exists, opposite the fortified island of Seerah, the appearance of which
would induce the belief that this rock had at one time completed the circle,
but that, having been separated by some convulsion of nature, it had been
carried out and deposited in the sea, a few hundred yards in advance of the
gap caused by its removal. The inlet thus caused is known by the name of
Front or East Bay.
The crater has also been cleft from north to south, and the rents thus
produced are called the Northern and Southern Passes; the former, better
known as the Main Pass, is the only entrance into the town from the interior
or harbour.
The principal harbour, or Back Bay, is the space between the northern
shore of the peninsula and the south coast of the continent. It is about three
miles wide at the entrance, and affords an admirable shelter in all weather for
vessels which do not draw more than twenty feet of water. It is unsurpassed
by any on the Arabian or adjacent African coasts, being capacious, easily
made, and free from rocks and shoals. -
The formation of Aden is purely volcanic, and bears the appearance of
having been in recent activity, though this presumption is not confirmed either
by history or tradition. The peninsula must have originally been an island,
and gradually connected by an accumulation of sand in the narrow strait
which intervened between it and the mainland.
6
Aden has been described by Ibn Batuta as a large city without either seed,
water, or tree"; but is not so entirely destitute of vegetation as might be
inferred from this description. Many of the valleys are thickly studded with
small trees and shrubs, producing beautiful flowers, and it is no uncommon
circumstance for the inhabitants of Sheikh Othman, a village distant about
four miles from the British frontier, to send their goats and camels to find
pasturage amongst the valleys on the west side of the peninsula, when none
is procurable in their own district.
Water of a good quality, but in limited quantities, is found at the head of
the valleys within the crater and to the west of the town. As the wells
approach the sea, they become more and more brackish, and those within the
town are unfit for any purpose save ablution.
These are in number about one hundred and fifty, of which probably fifty
are potable, and yield an aggregate quantity of about fifteen thousand gallons
per diem. They are sunk in the solid rock to a depth of from one hundred
and twenty to one hundred and eighty-five feet, and in the best one the water
stands at a depth of seventy feet below the sea level.f.
An inexhaustible supply of water is procurable on the northern coast of the
harbour, but the difficulty of bringing it into Aden, and its liability to be cut
off by hostile Arabs, renders it almost unavailable.
The wells are all of recent construction, many of the best having been
excavated since the British conquest, and the oldest does not date further
back than A. H. 906 (A. D. 1,500). Previous to this period, the place was
supplied partly by means of reservoirs, and partly by an aqueduct which com-
municated with a well in the interior.
The expedient of constructing reservoirs in which to store rain-water has
prevailed in Arabia from a very early date. These are generally found in
localities devoid of springs, and dependent on the winter rains for a supply of
water during the summer months. The most remarkable instance on record
is the great dam of Máreb, built about 1,700 years before the Christian era:
this doubtless suggested similar reservoirs in other parts of Arabia, and the
neighbouring coasts of Africa, which have usually been subject to it. All the
* Ibn Batuta, p. 55.
t The Banian well, the best in Aden, is 185feet deep, the bottom is 70 feet below the level
of the sea, and, before being drawn, it contains about 4,000 gallons. The temperature of the
water is 102°Fahr., the specific gravity ‘999, and it contains 1:16 parts of saline matter in
every 2,000. The wells within the town have an unlimited supply at from 30 to 40 feet, but
the water contains as much as 10 parts of saline matter in 2,000, and is therefore unfit for
drinking.
# Described in Chapter VIII. page 41.
7
travellers who have penetrated Yemen describe many such in the mountainous
district, and others exist in the islands of Sãad-ed-din, near Zailah, in Kutto,
in the Bay of Amphila, and in Dhalák, near Massowah.
Those in Aden are about fifty in number, and, when cleared out, will have
an aggregate capacity of nearly thirty million imperial gallons. *
There is no certain record of the construction of these reservoirs, but it is
probable that they were first commenced about the second Persian invasion of
Yemen, in A. D. 600. It is certain that they cannot be attributed to the
Turks, as the Venetian officer who described the expedition of the Rais
Suleiman in 1538, the first occasion of Aden being conquered by that nation,
says, “They (the inhabitants of Aden) have none but rain-water, which is
preserved in cisterns and pits one hundred fathoms deep.” Ibn Batuta also
mentions this fact as being the case in his day. Mr. Salt, who visited Aden
in 1809, thus describes the tanks as they existed at that period:—“Amongst
the ruins, some fine remains of ancient splendour are to be met with, but these
only serve to cast a deeper shade over the desolation of the scene. The most
remarkable of these reservoirs consists of a line of cisterns situated on the
north-west side of the town, three of which are fully eighty feet wide, and
proportionably deep, all excavated out of the solid rock, and lined with a
thick coat of fine stucco, which externally bears a strong resemblance to
marble. A broad aqueduct may still be traced, which formerly conducted the
water to these cisterns, from a deep ravine in the mountain above; higher up
is another, still entire, which at the time we visited it was partly filled with water.
Some Arab children, who followed us in our excursions, were highly pleased
when we arrived at the spot, and, plunging headlong into the water, much
amused us with their sportive tricks.” When Captain Haines, then engaged
in a survey of the Arabian coast, visited Aden in 1835, several of the reser-
voirs appear still to have been in a tolerably perfect state; besides the hanging
tanks, or those built high upon the hills, several large ones were traceable
round the town: but from the British occupation until very lately, no steps
having been taken to repair or preserve them from further destruction, they
became entirely filled up with stones and soil washed down from the hills by
the rain; the people of the town had been permitted to carry away the stones
for building purposes; and, with the exception of a very few, which could not
easily be destroyed or concealed, all trace of them was lost, save where here
and there a fragment of plaster, appearing above the ground, indicated the
supposed position of a reservoir, believed to be ruined beyond the possibility of
repair. Within the last three years, the restoration of these magnificent
* Greene, vol. i. p. 91. t Ibn Batuta, p. 55.
8
public works has been undertaken, and already thirteen have been completed,
capable of holding upwards of eight million gallons of water.
It is almost impossible to give such a description of these extraordinary
buildings as will enable one who has not seen, thoroughly to understand them.
A glance at the plan of Aden will show that the range of hills which forms the
wall of the crater is nearly circular: on the western side, the hills are very
precipitous, and the rain-water descending from them is carried rapidly to
the sea by means of a number of long narrow valleys, unconnected with each
other; on the interior or eastern side, the hills are quite as abrupt, but the
descent is broken by a large table-land, occurring midway between the summit
and the sea level, which occupies about one-fourth of the entire superficies of
Aden. This plateau is intersected by numerous ravines, nearly all of which
converge into one valley, which thus receives a large proportion of the
drainage of the peninsula. • *
The steepness of the hills, the hardness of the rocks, and the scarceness of
the soil upon them, all combine to prevent any great amount of absorption,
and thus a very moderate fall of rain suffices to send a stupendous torrent of.
water down the valley, which, ere it reaches the sea, not unfrequently attains
the proportions of a river.
To collect and store this water, the reservoirs were constructed. They are
extremely fantastic in their shapes: some are formed by a dyke being built
across the gorge of a valley ; in others, the soil in front of a re-entering angle
in the hill has been removed, and a salient angle or curve of masonry built in
front of it, while every feature of the adjacent rocks has been taken advan-
tage of and connected by small aqueducts, to ensure no water being lost.
The overflow of one tank has been conducted into the succeeding one, and
thus a complete chain has been formed, reaching to the very heart of the town.
These reservoirs were filled for the first time on the 23rd October 1857, when,
though a very small proportion of the whole had been repaired, more water
was collected from a single fall of rain than the whole of the wells would yield
during an entire year.
The annual fall of rain in Aden is very limited, seldom exceeding six or
seven inches; it is manifest, therefore, that a large city could not entirely
depend on this precarious source of supply. To remedy this defect, the sove-
reign of Yemen, Melek-el-Mansoor Tāj-ed-din Abd-el-Wahāb bin Táhir,
towards the close of the fifteenth century, constructed an aqueduct to convey
the water of the Bir Hameed into Aden. The remains of this work are still
visible, though it has long been ruined and disused.
At present, the scarcity of the water supply is a subject of anxious consider-
ation. The expense of introducing water into Aden is too great to place that
9
necessary element within the means of the poorer classes; the country around
is in too unsettled a state to render it advisable to restore the aqueduct; and it
has been found that increasing the number of the wells does not proportionately
increase the supply: the only remaining resource is to erect a condensing
apparatus, and this course is about to be tried as an experiment.
The climate of Aden during the north-east monsoon, or from October to
April, is cool and agreeable; during the remainder of the year hot sandy winds,
known as shamál or north, indicating the direction whence they come, prevail
within the crater; but on the western side, or Steamer Point, the breezes,
coming directly off the sea, are cool and refreshing, and that locality is
accordingly much frequented by the European residents. The shamál is
exceedingly oppressive, and the early voyagers to Arabia were not a little
frightened at it. Vanden Broeck, who visited Aden in 1614, thus describes one
which he witnessed:—“About noonday there came upon the earth a surprising
darkness, followed by a very heavy rain, and in the further extremity of that
terrible cloud, a very bright red, that might almost be mistaken for a fiery oven.
The cloud continued to roll away towards Ethiopia, the rain ceased, and we
were surprised to find our vessel covered with red sand, to the thickness of a
finger's breadth. Some intelligent inhabitants informed us that these winds
were formed of the sea-sand, and often buried whole caravans.”
This is a tolerably accurate description of the shamál, except that it is not
usually accompanied by rain, nor is it ever so serious in its results.
Severe forms of fever, dysentery, and other diseases of tropical climates, are
not very common in Aden, and cholera is almost unknown. This scourge
has only once occurred there since the British conquest, and only twice within
the limits of history. One of the most prevalent diseases is the Yemen
ulcer, which usually attacks such as unite hard bodily exercise with poor and
insufficient diet: it seldom yields to medical treatment in the locality where it
has been contracted, but a change of air is frequently beneficial.
Scurvy is also prevalent, and may, in a great measure, be attributed to the
saline quality of the water. This disease has, however, prevailed in Arabia
from the earliest ages of which we have any authentic record. The army of
AElius Gallus, which invaded Arabia about the thirtieth year before the
Christian era, was delayed for nearly a year at Lenkë Komè by this malady,
which historians describe as a swelling of the gums, thighs, and legs, and which
carried off many of the soldiers.t. - -
Small-pox in former years committed great ravages in this and other parts
of Yemen; but since the introduction of vaccination, and vigorous measures
* Hist. Gen. des Voyages, vol. xxxi. p. 426. f Harris, vol. i. p. 427.
2
I ()
té prevent the infection spreading, it has greatly diminished. Inoculation
has long been known and practised in Arabia, but without much beneficial
effect.
A terrible species of leprosy is also common throughout Yemen, attacking
the joints of the hands and feet, which are frequently entirely eaten away.
It does not so frequently appear amongst the pure Arabs as amongst the
servile races, known as Khádim and Hoojeree.
Aden was anciently one of the most celebrated cities of Arabia, and owed its
riches and importance to being the general entrepôt of the great carrying
trade which existed between India, Persia, Arabia, and Africa, and the various
nations of Europe, Egypt, and Phoenicia. Ships from the east conveyed the
treasures of their respective countries thither, for transmission up the Red Sea,
by means of smaller craft, to the ports of Egypt; rich caravans brought to it
the produce of the thuriferous regions, and merchants from all parts of the
east and west formed there commercial establishments, and imported the goods
of their various lands, either for consumption in the country or to be forwarded
to the further east. The author of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea informs
us that, shortly before his time, Arabia Felix, or Aden, had been destroyed by
the Romans; and Dean Vincent is of opinion that the Caesar in whose reign this
event took place was Claudius. The object of destroying so flourishing a port
is not difficult to determine:—from the time that the Romans first visited
Arabia under Ælius Gallus, they had always maintained a footing on the
shores of the Red Sea; and it is probable that Claudius, being desirous of
appropriating the Indian trade to the Romans, sought a pretext for quarrel with
Aden, in order that he might, by its destruction, divert the Indian trade to
the ports of Egypt: this he was the more confident of effecting, as the
direct passage across the Indian Ocean had been discovered, some time
previously, by Hippalus, a Greek of Alexandria.
In the time of Constantine, Aden had recovered its former splendour, and,
as a conquest of the Roman empire, it received the name of Romanum
Emporium.
The Venetian officer who chronicles the expedition of Suleiman Pasha to
India in 1538, and who compulsorily served in that admiral's fleet, thus
describes Aden:-‘‘It is very strong, and stands by the sea side, surrounded
by exceeding high mountains, on the tops of which are little castles or forts.
It is encompassed also with ravelins on every side (excepting a little opening,
about three hundred paces wide, for a road into the country and to the shore),
with gates, towers, and good walls. Besides this, there lies a shoal” before the
city, on which is built a fort, and at the foot of it a tower,’t for the defence of the
* The Island of Seerah, f Seerah Mohe.
I 1
port, which lies to the south, and has two fathoms of water; to the north there
is another harbour, with good anchorage, covered from all winds. There is
plenty of good water here; the soil is dry, producing no kind of things; they
have none but rain-water, which is preserved in cisterns and pits one hundred
fathoms deep.”
Aden continued to monopolise the Indian trade till the sixteenth century,
when the naval enterprise of the Portuguese, having opened a new route to
India, by the Cape of Good Hope, this lucrative commerce was diverted from
its ancient channel, and the only bond of connexion between Aden and Europe
was in a great measure dissolved.
In 1708 M. de Merveille, leader of an expedition sent out to the Red Sea
by a French commercial company of St. Malo, landed here. The town was
then still surrounded by high walls, which were, however, in a very bad state,
especially on the sea face. These were strengthened by five or six batteries
of brass guns of large calibre, left behind by the Turks on their evacuation of
the peninsula. The isthmus was defended by a fort at the head, with guards
stationed at intervals; and within gun-shot of this was another fort, with forty
pieces of large ordnance, mounted on several batteries; between this and the
City was another fort, with twelve guns.
The city contained several handsome edifices, but it was much encumbered
by rubbish and ruins. Amongst the most remarkable of the buildings were
handsome baths, lined with marble and jasper, and covered with a dome,
having a hole at the top to admit the light. The building was adorned in the
inside with galleries supported by magnificent pillars, and was divided into
chambers, closets, and other vaulted rooms.
In the markets were good stores of meat, fish, and other necessaries, and
water was conveyed into the town by means of the aqueduct from Bir Hameed,
which led into a large cistern, from which the inhabitants were supplied, there
being no wells in the place."f
Mr. Salt describes the city, in 1809, as being still of considerable importance
as a place of trade; it was the chief mart for the gums brought over by the
Somâlie traders from the north-east districts of Africa. Coffee of the best
quality was procurable, though not so expeditiously, as at Mokha ; the town
was a wretched heap of ruins and miserable huts, but exhibiting some fine
remains of ancient splendour.
The ruin of Aden appears to have been eomplete when it was visited by
Captain Haines, of the Indian Navy, in 1835. He describes it as being a
wretched village, built on the ruins of the ancient city, containing about ninety
stone houses, in a dilapidated state, and several mosques, only one of which
* Greene, vol. i. p. 91. f La Roque.
12
was in repair; the remainder of the houses were of mats and reeds, its trade
was annihilated, its reservoirs in ruins, its wells brackish, and the streets and
harbour almost deserted. It had a population of from five to six hundred
souls, of whom one hundred and eighty were Jews, thirty or forty Banians,
and the remainder Arabs and Somâlies. The Sultan usually resided at Lähej,
leaving the peninsula in joint charge of a governor and a collector of customs,
with a force of about fifty Bedouins. The revenues did not exceed twelve
thousand dollars annually.
How great the contrast between this gloomy picture and its present state
under British rule. Ever since the conquest in 1839, its rise has been rapidly
progressive: a meat and well-built town has superseded the former miserable
village; the population has increased from 500 to 25,000; while the value
of the trade, including imports and exports, amounts to upward of a million
sterling per annum.*
This highly satisfactory result is owing to the security afforded under the
British flag to property and person, and the wise policy of the Indian Govern-
ment in declaring it a free port; + so that merchants have not only a noble
harbour in which their vessels can lie in safety in all seasons, but they are
enabled to dispose of their goods at remunerative prices, and purchase return
cargoes without being subject to the exactions and vexatious regulations of
the Turkish ports in the Red Sea.
Many of the remains of former magnificence are still to be seen, though the
ruins of the splendid baths described by M. de Merveille can nowhere be
traced: every commanding point, and almost every mountain summit, is
crowned with the ruins of a fort, which probably dates as far back as the
Himyarite empire; a broad paved path, not unlike a Roman military road,
* The trade for the official year ending 31st May 1858 was as follows:—
Imports, Goods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rs. 47,78,677
Treasure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22,41,798
Baports, Goods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rs. 28,36,374
Treasure e e e º O O 9 C C C C C C C C C C & G O e s tº e a e 15,98,674
— 44,35,048
Grand Total . . . . . . Rupees 1,14,55,523
This, compared with the preceding year, exhibits an increase of Rs. 26,30,698 during the
year 1857-58.
f The port of Aden was declared free by Act X. of 1850. The result is as follows:—During
the seven years preceding the opening of the port, the total value of trade amounted to
Rs. 1,30,95,578, that of the last year exceeding the first by Rs. 10,17,268. During the seven
years immediately after the port had been opened, the value of the trade aggregated
Rs. 4,21,97,337, the last year exceeding the first by Rs. 59,07,448,
13
leads to the top of Shumshum, the highest peak; and sufficient of the seaward
defences exists to attest the original strength and solidity of those works.
Curious coins have frequently been found after heavy rains, and on one
occasion a Himyaritic inscription was discovered twenty feet below the level
of the present town. This was a circular slab of pure white marble, and
appeared to be a commemorative tablet.* The Mahomedan cemetery contained
several tombs inlaid with jasper tablets and curiously inscribed slabs, but these
have for the most part disappeared.
All the ancient defensive works have been abandoned, and the place has
been entirely re-fortified, and it now holds a very respectable position
amongst our oriental fortresses: strong by nature, immense sums of money
and the highest engineering skill have been expended to render it impregnable
to any probable attack; and it may be confidently asserted that nothing short
of a large European army and fleet, supplied with a complete siege train, could
succeed in reducing it.
The isthmus is guarded by massive lines of defence, strengthened by a
broad, deep ditch, bastions, demi-bastions, redans, and casemates, armed
with heavy ordnance; this line is divided into two parts by a hill, through
which communication is maintained by means of a tunnel. A line of scarp
running along the Mansoorie range of hills, defended by batteries and towers,
connects the two ends of the isthmus defences, and completes the enceinte of
the defensible position. Within it are located the arsenal, magazine, barracks
for a portion of the garrison, capacious water-tanks, which are in process of
being connected, by a second tunnel, with the wells and reservoirs near the
town, and other public buildings. It is also in contemplation to erect a
condensing apparatus there, to guard against any possible failure of water in
times of necessity.
The seaward defences consist of strong, heavily armed martello towers, case-
mated and open batteries on the hills, and a fleur d'eau, as well as on the
adjacent islands, together with piers of obstruction and other subservient
works. Barracks for the remainder of the garrison are built on the sea-face
near the town, and at Steamer Point. The treasury, jail, churches, and other
public buildings are situated near the town.
The population consists of about 25,000 souls; but the difficulty of inducing
Mahomedans to state exactly the number in their households, especially of
their females, renders an accurate census a matter of considerable difficulty.
The following were actually enumerated on the 1st of January 1856; but there
* Since the above was written, another Himyaritic inscription has been discovered on the
top of Ras Tarshaine,
14
is every reason to believe that the numbers are understated, and that the
population has since considerably increased:—
Christians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,129
Indian Mahomedans. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,557
Arabian ditto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . © º º tº º E tº tº º . . . . . . . . . 4,812
African ditto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,627
Other ditto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
Hindoos . . . . . . . . tº e º e º tº e tº tº e s tº e C e º e º e e º O C C & 0 & © tº e º 'º e º 'º º 5,611
Parsees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
Jews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,224
Miscellaneous . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,659
Total. . . . 20,738
The Christians are almost exclusively European soldiers, their families and
followers, Government employés, and a few of the mercantile community.
Of the Indian Mahomedans, at least two-thirds are those who, having
left their native country for the purpose of performing the pilgrimage, have
settled in Aden en route to, or returning from, Mecca. The remainder are
Borah and Maimon merchants, sepoys, and domestic servants.
Only 965 of the Arabs are the original inhabitants of Aden and their
families; the largest class are the Jebelies, or inhabitants of the hill country
of Yemen, who come in search of employment as labourers; the remainder
are small traders, brokers, fishermen, &c.
Of the African Mahomedans, 2,600 are Somálies, who subsist as they best
can—many of them without any apparent calling, or even the shelter of a roof:
they usually remain but a short time in Aden, and return to their native
country when they have amassed a small competency. Some, however, are
permanent residents. The Somálies are a purely nomadic race, totally
unacquainted with agriculture, and subsisting chiefly on the produce of their
inexhaustible flocks and herds. They trade in sheep, cattle, ponies, ghee,
gums, hides, &c. which they bring from the interior to the great annual
fairs held at Berbera and other places on their coast, or themselves bring to
Aden during the north-east monsoon. At other seasons, when the sea is too
dangerous for their small craft to venture across, they proceed inland to tend
their flocks, and collect gum, myrrh, ostrich feathers, ivory, &c. for the next
season's trading.
They are a good-tempered, though lazy and indolent race, but easily excited
to anger; on which account they cannot even be trusted to carry sticks. In
their own country, they are much addicted to plunder; in Aden, they are
inveterate thieves and gamblers, and require to be watched with the greatest
15
care. In person they are handsome, active, and long-limbed; of a purely
Caucasian caste of features, capable of undergoing great privation and fatigue,
but not easily induced to engage in hard manual labour; nevertheless some,
tempted by high wages, take employment as out-door servants, and on board
the coal vessels in the harbour. Their personal appearance is not unfrequently
rendered extremely grotesque, from their habit of staining the hair of a red
colour, and teazing it out into a woolly mass; but their carriage is always
graceful, and the drapery of their dress picturesque.
The majority of the other African races are escaped slaves, who obtain their
livelihood by working at the coal depôts, or as sailors.
Amongst the head “miscellaneous” is included a very remarkable race,
considerable numbers of whom flock to Aden. It is the Khádim, or, as
written in the plural, Akhdām, signifying slave or servant; and thereby
denoting that this race is politically and socially inferior to the native Arab.
They are only to be found in Yemen, and do not extend further than the
country of the Aseer on the north, and Belād-el-Jehäf on the east,-in fact,
in that part of the country which included the dominions proper of the ancient
Himyarite Tobbas. Physically, they differ considerably from the Arabs,
and bear a greater resemblance to the races which inhabit the African coast.
They have smooth hair, with a very dark complexion; their nose is aquiline,
their lips thick; their stature is greater than that of the Arab, the latter are
thin and angular, the former rounded, with a predisposition to obesity. They
are considered in Yemen in the same light as are the Pariahs in India. They
are not admitted to eat with Arabs, nor can a Khádim marry an Arab woman.
They are condemned to the most servile or ignominious occupations, such as
musicians, blacksmiths, public criers, &c.; and their women have usually a
lower stamp of character than the men.
Their origin is involved in obscurity. It has been suggested that they are
the remnant of the ancient Himyarites, or the descendants of the Persian
conquerors of Yemen; but the probability is that both these suppositions are
erroneous, and that the legend related to M. D'Arnaud, but which he discredits,
is more nearly an approach to the truth; it is as follows:—“When the Arabs
succeeded in shaking off the Abyssinian yoke (which they did with the assist-
ance of the Persians), a number of Ethiopian families were scattered over the
country. The Arabs, in order to perpetuate the remembrance of their victory,
condemned them to the condition of serfs. Their chief men were subjected to
a more infamous degradation,-they became barbers from father to son.”
This race in Aden occupy a quarter of the town by themselves, and obtain
* D'Arnaud's Les Akhdām de l’Yemen.
16
a livelihood as musicians in low coffee-shops, sweepers, and other occupations
which are considered of a degrading character.
The Hindoos number nearly one-quarter of the whole population; these are
for the most part sepoys and workmen in the engineer department. Another
class is the Banians, who are wealthy and respectable merchants, and have for
centuries monopolised a great part of the African trade.
The Jews are a most interesting race; they have existed in large colonies in
Arabia ever since the captivity. In no country have they preserved their
nationality more completely, though surrounded for centuries by hostile
Mahomedan tribes.
Their own tradition asserts, that during the invasion of Palestine by Nebu-
chadnezzar, they fled to Egypt, and subsequently wandered further south, till
they came to the mountains of Arabia, where they permanently established their
homes. The fertility of the soil, the salubrity of the climate, and the
picturesqueness of the scenery, rapidly caused the little colony to increase,
by attracting fresh emigrants, who sought that peace which their own distracted
country no longer afforded. Inured to hardships, and nursed in war, these
foreign colonists soon gained an ascendancy over the wild Arab tribes by whom
they were surrounded, and in a little time the exiles of Judea reigned where
they had before only been tolerated. But the introduction of Mahomedanism
materially altered their position, and severe enactments converted their once
prosperous towns and villages into charnel-houses. Notwithstanding this per-
secution, however, every valley and mountain range still contains vast numbers
of this despised but undying race, who number not less than 200,000 souls.”
The Jews are filthy in the extreme in their persons and habitations, and
even the more wealthy of the community are nearly as uncleanly and parsimo-
nious as their poorer brethren. The principal trades which they pursue in
Aden are those of masons, builders of reed and mat houses, and workers in
silver and ostrich feathers.
In other parts of Arabia, they are the most active, industrious, and hard-
working people in the country: debarred from the cultivation of the soil, they
have become the monopolisers of every useful art and every branch of trade;
yet in the bazars and streets, wherever one wanders, the haggard, wan, and
care-worn Jew is the most pitiable object.f.
Attached to the Government of Aden is the island of Perim, which it may
not be out of place here to describe. It is called by the author of the Periplus
the island of Diodorus, and is known amongst the Arabs as Mayoon. It
is situated in the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, a mile and a half from the
* Jewish Intelligence, vol. xxiii. p. 146. f Idem, p. 147.
17
Arabian, and eleven miles from the African coast. The formation is purely
volcanic, and consists of long, low, and gradually sloping ranges of hills,
surrounding an excellent and capacious harbour, about a mile and a half in
length, half a mile in breadth, and with a varying depth of from four to six
fathoms in the best anchorages. The hills have formerly been intersected with
bays and indentures, which in the course of time have been filled up with coral
and sand, and are now low plains, scantily covered with salsola, sea lavender,
wild mignonette, and other plants which delight in a salt sandy soil. These
plains occupy about one-fourth of the island, and occur principally on the north
side. The rocks, which are all igneous, are nowhere exposed, save where
they dip perpendicularly into the sea; they are covered with a layer of volcanic
mud, of from two to six feet in depth, above which is another layer of loose
boulders, or masses of black vesicular lava, in some places so thickly set as
to resemble a rude pavement. The highest point of the island is 245 feet
above the level of the sea.
All endeavours to procure water upon it have failed, and but a scanty supply
is procurable from the adjacent coasts. Water-tanks have been constructed,
which are chiefly supplied from Aden, and it is proposed to erect reservoirs
to collect the rain, as well as a condensing apparatus.
Perim has never been permanently occupied by any nation save the British.
Albuquerque landed upon it in 1513 on his return from the Red Sea, and,
having erected a high cross on an eminence, called the island Vera Cruz.”
It was again occupied for a short time by the pirates who frequented the
mouth of the Red Sea, and who amassed considerable booty by plundering
the native vessels engaged in the Indian trade. They formed a project of
settling here, and erecting strong fortifications; but having, with much labour,
dug through the solid rock to a depth of fifteen fathoms, in a fruitless search
for water, they abandoned their design, and removed to Mary's Island, on the
east side of Madagascar.ºf
In 1799 it was taken possession of by the East India Company, and a force
under Lieutenant Colonel Murray was sent from Bombay to garrison it, with
the view of preventing the French troops, then engaged in the occupation of
Egypt, from proceeding to India, to effect a junction with Tippoo Sultān;
but it was found untenable as a military position, and the Straits were
too broad to be commanded by any batteries on the shore, -the troops were
accordingly withdrawn.
Of late years, however, in consequence of increasing steam navigation in the
Red Sea, the attention of the Indian Government has frequently been directed
* The Portugues Asia, vol. i. p. 193. i Hamilton, vol. i. p. 43.
3
18
to the necessity of a lighthouse, to facilitate the navigation of the Straits;
Perim was consequently re-occupied in the beginning of 1857, and a number
of labourers sent to commence the work, which is now in the course of
construction.
The only other British possessions in the vicinity of Arabia are the Massáh
Islands, in the Bay of Tajoorah, the Island of Eibāt, near Zailah, and the
Curia Muria Islands, on the Mahra Coast of Arabia. The two first were
purchased by the British in 1840, but have never been occupied, and the last
was ceded by the Imām of Muscat in 1854; they are only valuable for the
guano deposits which are found upon them.
H9
(HAPTER III.
THE TEHA/MA.
The second great political division of Yemen is the Tehāma, which extends,
with a varying breadth of from twenty to eighty miles, along the whole sea-
coast of that province washed by the Red Sea.
It is now an integral part of the Turkish empire, but contains many chief-
tains, whose authority over their immediate clansmen is not entirely ignored.
With the exception of Aden, it is the only part of Yemen which has ever
submitted to a foreign yoke since the era of the Hejira.
The principal cities in this district are Hodaida, Lohea, Mokha, and Jezán
on the sea-coast, and Zebeed and Bait-el-Fukeeh in the interior.
The Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb, which forms the entrance of the Red Sea, is
the limit of the Turkish possessions to the south. The name signifies “the
gate of affliction,’ and is supposed to express the dangers which formerly
attended its navigation. It formed for many years the barrier unpassed by
Europeans, and from the time it was forced, the knowledge of India and the
countries beyond it, which had been a sealed book, continued rapidly to
increase.
This passage is fourteen and a half miles broad, and in the middle is the
island of Perim, described in the preceding chapter.
The point of land on the Arabian coast known as Ras Bab-el-Mandeb is
an extensive plain, surrounded by high bold rocks: it bears traces of former
habitation in the old wells and remains of loosely constructed stone houses,
with which it abounds. Near this the author discovered, in February 1857, the
remains of the ancient city of Okelis, according to Strabo and Pliny the sea-
port of the Catabeni or Gebanitae, and long the centre of commerce between
Europe and the East, where the merchants of Egypt met those from India.
The ruins are situated about a mile from the sea, inside the Straits, at a place
called by the natives, Dakooãa : little remains save a few foundations of houses
built of madrepore, which barely appear above the ground; but these suffice to
show that the construction is very ancient, and quite dissimilar to any work
constructed by the races now inhabiting the country.
The first city on the sea coast, within the Straits, is Mokha ; it has no
pretensions to antiquity, and was hardly known till the Portuguese and
English opened the Red Sea to the nations of Europe.
20
In ancient times, the three great outlets for the produce of the country
around Mokha were Mooza, Okelis, and Aden. At the time of the author of
the Periplus, Mooza was a mart of great trade; it did not possess a harbour,
but had a roadstead with a sandy bottom, which afforded good holding-
ground for anchors, and where vessels lay in perfect security; but since this
period, it appears to have been carried inland by the gradual accretion of the
coast. Shortly after this era, Okelis also was abandoned, and the trade of
Arabia Felix, which had sunk to a very low ebb, was transferred to Aden,
which became almost the sole commercial port in the country.
The discovery of the use of coffee, about the middle of the fifteenth century,
gave a fresh stimulus to the trade of Yemen, and to this event Mokha owes its
existence. -
The following is the legend recorded by Abd-el-Kādir Mahomed El-
Auzári El-Jezirí El-Hanbali, who wrote in Egypt about A. D. 1587.
Jemāl-ed-din Aboo Abdulla Mahomed bin Sáeed-ed-Dubăni was Kadi of
Aden in the middle of the fifteenth century. Having occasion to visit Abys-
sinia,” he observed that some of his countrymen there were addicted to drink-
ing coffee : this he took no particular notice of, at first ; but on his return to
Aden, finding his health impaired, and remembering the coffee he had seen
drunk in Africa, he sent for some, in hopes of obtaining relief from the use of
it. The Kadi not only recovered his health, but soon perceived other virtues in
the new beverage, especially that it dispelled all heaviness of the head, cheered
the spirits, and kept people wakeful, without producing any evil effect.
His example and authority giving a reputation to the coffee, all the inha-
bitants of Aden soon fell into the habit of drinking it, in supersession of a
decoction of Rát, which had long been in use amongst them.
Thus coffee grew common in Aden, and this was the first place where it
was generally received in Arabia; it thence passed to Mecca, Egypt, and
Europe.t
One of the staunchest supporters of coffee was the learned and godly Sheikh
Ali Shāduli ibn Omar, who about A. D. 1430 settled near the sea, on the plain
* The word for Abyssinia in the original is El-Ajem, which the translator has erroneously
rendered Persia, in ignorance of the fact that El-Ajem is the term universally applied by the
. Natives of the south part of Arabia to the opposite coast of Africa. The distinction which
is usually made between Persia and the north-eastern coast of Africa is, that the former is
usually styled Belád-el-Ajem, the latter Bur-el-Ajem. The word Ajem literally means ‘foreign.”
i Catha Edulis, Forsk.-A drug much used by the inhabitants of Arabia as a pleasurable
excitant; the leaves and tender shoots form the edible part, and these, when chewed, are said
to produce hilarity of spirits and an agreeable state of wakefulness.-(London Pharmaceutical
Journal.)
£ La Roque, p. 251,
21
where the city of Mokha now stands. He had acquired so great a reputation
that peopled flocked from all parts of the country to receive his instructions;
some of his disciples built huts round his residence, and by degrees a small
village was formed on the spot, which eventually rose into a city.
One day, a ship from India, bound for Jedda, cast anchor there, and the
crew, observing some huts in the desert, had the curiosity to visit them, when
they made the acquaintance of the Sheikh, who regaled them with his favour-
ite beverage. The Indians, ignorant of its properties, thought that it would
cure the master of the vessel, who was then ill; the Sheikh not only assured
them that it would do so, but informed them that if they would land their cargo
there, they might dispose of it to great advantage; and assuming the air and
tone of a prophet, he assured them that a city would one day rise on that spot
which should be an eminent mart in the Indian trade.
The merchant, struck with this singular language, went on shore, drank the
coffee, and found himself better on the same day. Numbers of merchants
from the surrounding country came to hear the preacher, and purchased the
whole cargo of the vessel. The Indians returned well pleased, and published
the renown of the Sheikh; so that the place was speedily frequented by many of
his countrymen. At his death, an elegant mosque was erected over his tomb,
and the Sheikh Shāduli has ever since been regarded as the ‘Wali' or patron
saint of Mokha.
The use of coffee did not, however, prevail without much opposition from
the stricter of the Mahomedans; it was even solemnly condemned as a thing
contrary to law, and a declaration to that effect was drawn up by the Gover-
nor of Mecca, and signed by many of the learned men of the city. This rigour
did not last long : the Sultan of Egypt, disapproving of the edict of his
Governor at Mecca, compelled him to revoke it; and it met with no further
opposition till A.D. 1524, when the Kadi again caused the coffee-shops to be
shut, on account of the disorders caused by their frequenters. His successor
permitted them to be re-opened, and so much decorum was thenceforth
observed, that no Magistrate in Arabia ever after employed his authority
against them.*
After the death of Sheikh Sháduli, Mokha rapidly increased in size and
importance, and speedily became the great depôt of the trade of Yemen ; and
about the beginning of the seventeenth century the English and Dutch East
India Companies established factories there, and carried on a lucrative com-
merce with the Indian ports.
At this time, the revenues of the port amounted to about 37,500 dollars per
* La Roque, p. 251.
22
annum; ships from all parts of the East frequented its harbour, and kafilahs
from Egypt, Syria, and even the eastern nations of Europe, flocked to its
markets. Vanden Broeck describes one which arrived during his residence
there in 1616, from Aleppo and Egypt; it consisted of about 1,000 camels,
and contained merchandise to the value of 100,000 ducats, as well from Hun-
gary and Venice as from the different Mahomedan countries. This consisted
chiefly of satin, damask, sarcenet, and cloth from Turkey, camlet, woollens,
mercury, vermilion, and the mercery of Nuremberg, to be bartered for indigo,
pepper, cloves, nutmegs, mace, and the merchandise of China.”
The population was a mélange of various nations; the Banians alone
amounted to more than 3,000, besides which there were a great number of
other Indians, Persians, Armenians, and Jews.ºf
In the beginning of the eighteenth century, the French established a factory
at Mokha, which was then at its highest state of prosperity, and almost the
only outlet for the produce of the coffee country.
The English, Dutch, and French carried on a regular trade with it, and, by
means of the navigation round the Cape of Good Hope, the freight of coffee
was considerably lessened, and the consumption of it in Europe began
proportionably to increase; still, however, a large quantity, probably as much
as 16,000 bales, annually went to Egypt by Jedda, until 1803, when the
Americans first began to trade in the Red Sea.
This trade continued unabated until 1839, when Aden became a British
possession, and the superior qualifications of that port, under an enlightened
Government, gradually withdrew the commerce of Mokha, since which period
it has rapidly and steadily declined.
No language can depict the present deplorable condition of this once flour-
ishing town. From the sea it still looks well; the houses are large, well
built, of brick plastered with lime, and have a square, solid appearance. It is
enclosed by a wall, strengthened by several forts and towers, and occupying a
space about half a mile square. The harbour is defended by a fort on each
side, mounting a few guns. But a closer inspection dispels this first favourable
impression : the forts are in ruins; the harbour is rapidly filling up; in the whole
town there are not twenty houses in good repair, while two-thirds are abso-
lutely crumbling to pieces and deserted; the mosques are nearly as bad, and
it is impossible to conceive a picture of more hopeless desolation than that
presented by the ruined houses and deserted streets of Mokha.
In the suburbs there are numerous reed and grass huts, of a cylindrical form,
with conical roofs; they are composed of sheaves of grass tied on the outside
* Hist, Gen. des Voyages, vol. xxxi. p. 438. † Idem, p. 449,
23
of wooden frames, and plastered on the interior with mud, but a large pro-
portion are tenantless, or are only occupied by women and children, whose
husbands and fathers have gone to Aden, to seek a livelihood which they can
no longer find in their native place, and, as a necessary consequence, the
streets of the city are crowded with mendicants.
The ruin of Mokha has been, and must continue to be, in inverse ratio to
the prosperity of Aden. Under the most favourable circumstances, two trading
ports could hardly flourish in such close proximity to each other, but this
becomes an impossibility when, as in the present case, the one has an indif.
ferent anchorage gradually filling up, a rapacious government, under which
justice does not exist, or is at best but a marketable commodity, where no
works for the public benefit are ever undertaken—in short, where the worst
features of Turkish misrule are prominent; while the other has a more favour-
able position, a capacious and secure harbour, where the subject enjoys perfect
civil and religious liberty, and justice is dispensed with an even hand. Under
such circumstances, it is no rash prophecy to foretell that, unless some remark-
able change takes place, in a few years hence Mokha will have sunk into the
insignificance from which Sheikh Shāduli and the discovery of the use of
coffee raised it.
Under a good government, the Turkish possessions in Arabia would prove
highly remunerative; but at present they do not pay their own expenses.
The Pashas usually obtain their appointments by heavy bribes at Constan-
tinople; they come to the country poor, and their only object is to amass wealth.
They usually remain about three years, when they are relieved by others, who
follow the same course.
The customs dues of the various ports are farmed out to merchants, who
emulate their rulers in extortion, and enrich themselves at the expense of the
commerce of the country. The revenues of Mokha were sold in 1857 for the
sum of 24,000 dollars, while the previous year, during which they were col-
lected by paid officials, they did not realise more than 16,000, whereas, with
judicious management, they might be made to exceed 50,000.
The country in the vicinity of Mokha is a barren plain, producing little save
pasturage for flocks and herds; in the immediate neighbourhood of the town,
however, a few gardens have been made, which form pleasant residences
during the hot season. Dates and vegetables grow there in abundance, as
well as throughout the coast of the Teháma.
Hodaida is now the most flourishing of the Turkish ports in Yemen, and is
generally the residence of the Pasha who governs the province. It is a large
fortified town, with lofty buildings, situated on the north-east side of a sandy
bay, and sheltered by a point of land running north-west. The houses of the
24
merchants and principal inhabitants are of stone, while the rest are areesh, or
huts composed of reeds, mats, and rushes; the number of the latter has, how-
ever, been very much curtailed of late years.
Large quantities of coffee are brought from the interior to Hodaida; some
of this is exported direct to Egypt, but the greater quantity finds its way to
Aden, whence it is sent to Bombay, France, and America. The customs dues
were sold by public auction in 1857, and realised 75,000 dollars.
Lohaia is another rising port, situated north of Hodaida. It has existed
only four centuries. Its founder was Sheikh Säleh, who built a hut upon the
shore, and spent the remainder of his days there. After his death, a tomb
was built over his grave, and shortly afterwards the inhabitants of Marabeea,
the port of which had filled up, removed thither.”
The town is surrounded by a wall, with several forts and towers; the prin-
cipal one is on a hill, which commands the town, but it is in a ruined state.
The houses, some of which are large and good, are built of coral. There is an
excellent market, generally well supplied with such provisions as are required
for shipping, and the water is good, but distant from the town.'t
Although the harbour is very indifferent, it has an extensive trade in coffee;
the customs dues in 1857 sold for 31,000 dollars. The environs are arid and
sterile, and in the vicinity of the town is a salt mine.
About eighteen miles north of Lohaia, and midway between it and Hodaida,
is the island of Kamarán. It is about eleven miles long, and from two to four
broad, and one mile distant from the mainland. It is chiefly composed of
hard rock, with here and there a little sand and soil capable of cultivation, and
on which date-trees flourish. It is generally low, but towards the south there
are elevated parts, forming small hills, and on the north it is swampy, and
covered with jungle. There are seven small villages on the island, mostly
consisting of fishermen's huts, whose owners are engaged in the pearl and
turtle fisheries.j. A bay at the eastern side of the island affords a secure
anchorage, to which vessels passing between Jedda and India frequently resort
for wood and water.
Jezán is the seaport of the district of Aboo Areesh, but it is entirely under
Turkish government. It has a few stone buildings, but the houses are for
the most part of mat and reeds. Its fort is greatly decayed, and it has a
scantily supplied bazar. The country round it is tolerably fertile, and has a
considerable trade in coffee and senna, which is brought from the country of
the Hāshid-wa-Bakeel. The population is about four hundred, the greater
* Neibuhr's Travels, vol. i. p. 252. † Sailing Directions for the Red Sea, p. 23.
: Sailing Directions for the Red Sea, p. 18.
25
portion of whom are employed in the pearl fishery, which is carried on exten-
sively here, and at the islands of Fersân, about three miles from it. The latter
also produces abundance of corn, which is imported into Arabia.”
Zebeed, which, before the rise of Hodaida, was capital of the Tehāma, is
situated close to one of the finest and best watered valleys in the district, and
the only one possessing a perennial stream reaching the sea. From the circum-
stance of the houses being of their natural dull, brick-red colour, Zebeed has a
sombre aspect in comparison with the clean white-washed buildings of Mokha;
many, however, are in ruins, which adds to the dreariness of the aspect. It
has four gates, namely Bab Kootub, Bab Shāhem, Bab Subáreh, and Bab
Mukhel. Within the city is a large and well-planned bazar, in which the common
necessaries of Arab life are to be found in abundance. The trade of Zebeed is
inconsiderable, and consists of coffee, honey, gums, &c. Indigo is grown to a
great extent in its vicinity, but its importance as a commercial town has greatly
diminished since the time when it was a royal residence. F
In its environs, the village of Ghasāna is the grave of El-Wāli es-Sálih
Ahmed ibn El-Ojail El-Yemeni, who erst was famous for his sanctity and the
miracles which he wrought. On one occasion the ulemas and great people
of the Zeidee sect are said to have visited him. The Sheikh sat without his
cell, and received and returned their salutations. At length, a question arose
on the subject of predestination, the Zeidees maintaining that there was no such
thing, but that each man was the author of his own actions. The Sheikh
replied,—“If such be the case, get up from the place where you are now
sitting.” They all endeavoured to rise, but not one was able to do so | The
Sheikh left them in this position, and returned to his cell. They remained in
this condition, exposed to the rays of the sun, and lamenting their sad state,
till after sunset, when some of the Sheikh's pupils went up to him, and told
him that they had repented of their corrupt faith, whereupon he released and
hospitably entertained them.f. -
The road between Mokha and Zebeed passes first through the village of
Rouais, distant fourteen miles from the first city; a little further on is Mooshej,
a tolerably large town, having two handsome mosques, and a population of
eight hundred souls. One of these mosques is said to be the favourite resort
of the Kālif Ali,S the son-in-law of Mahomed, who generally descends in an
* Hist. Gen. des Voyages, vol. xxxiii. p. 148; Neibuhr, vol. ii. p. 54; Sailing Instructions, p. 27.
i Cruttenden; wide Bom. Geo. Soc. Trans. Nov. 1838. † Ibn Batuta, vol. i. p. 278.
§ The Author has endeavoured to preserve the popular orthography of proper nam, s, as
far as they are consistent with correct pronunciation. In some cases, however, a strict
adherence to Arabic pronunciation would appear pedantic, as in the word Kálif, which
ought to be written Khalifa ; Mecca, correctly Mukka, &c.
4
26
invisible form, but has been seen by a favoured few. The country between it
and Mokha is very uninteresting, being covered with coarse grass and stunted
bushes as far as the eye can reach; but in the immediate vicinity of Mooshej
the ground produces tolerable crops of millet, and several kinds of fruits and
flowers.”
Hence to Shoorjeh is a distance of twenty-eight miles, through an equally
barren and deserted country; but after passing this village the aspect changes,
and between it and Zebeed there is a large tract of cultivated ground.'t
Bait-el-Fukeeh is distant from Zebeed twenty-six miles. It derives its
name, ‘the house of the sage, from being the burial-place of a saint named
Ahmed ibn Moosa, whose tomb is an object of veneration, and in honour of
whom a three days' zeeſirah, or religious pilgrimage, is annually held.:
It is situated on a plain, which, though by no means-naturally fertile, is very
carefully cultivated.S. It is a large and straggling town, having a population of
eight hundred souls. There are no walls, but it has some well-built stone
houses, and a fortress in the centre called Hosn Othmān; also three mosques,
and several handsome tombs in the neighbourhood. It is larger than Zebeed,
and, not being surrounded by walls, has a more light and cheerful appearance.
It is said to be the hottest town in the Tehåma.]]
It is the frontier town of the Turks, and the grand inland emporium of the
coffee trade, particularly with Hodaida. In a commercial point of view its
situation is peculiarly favourable, being only half a day's journey from the
coffee country, and but a few days from the ports of Lohaia, Hodaida, and
Mokha. It also exports gums, frankincense, bees-wax, &c., and imports
Indian and English piece goods, shawls, spices, and sugar.
* Cruttenden. t Idem. † Neibuhr, vol. i. p. 269. § Idem. | Cruttenden.
27
CHAPTER IV.
SANAA.
The district of Sanāa is very undefined in extent, but includes the country
round the city to a distance of half a day's journey on the west, north, and
east; and is bounded on the south by the Tehāma and the districts of Láhej
and Yāffa.
This description, however, is very arbitrary; for while the dynasty of the
Imāms existed, their sway extended over a much greater space, sometimes,
indeed, over the whole of Yemen. Gradually it was encroached upon by the
Sheikhs who had been subject or tributary to them, and by the Turks. A
bad system of government prepared the way for intestine strife : on the death
of each sovereign the succession was disputed, and the unsuccessful candidate
seldom failed to retain some part of the territory and alienate many of the
subjects of the legitimate prince; until at length the very shadow of regular
Government has passed away, and this, the garden of Arabia, has been aban-
doned to anarchy and confusion. The last Imām is a wanderer and an outcast
in an obscure village, in his own dominions: without money or friends, without
the esteem of his countrymen, a profligate and a drunkard, he passes a life of
hopeless wretchedness, and the fair country which had been ruled by long lines
of mighty kings for five thousand years may be numbered with the kingdoms
which have passed away,+but, alas! no better dynasty has risen from its ashes.
The city of Sanāa, the capital of Yemen, is situated in a deep valley, about
twenty or thirty miles in length, and six or seven in breadth, and four thou-
sand feet above the level of the sea. This valley is bounded on the east by a
high range of mountains, called Jebel Nikkum, and is studded all along with
large villages.*
The city, and its suburbs, the Beer-el-Asāb, are both surrounded by walls,
and, including the gardens, the circumference is about five and a half miles.
The principal street has a bridge, under which a considerable body of water
passes after rain; the others are narrow, though generally broader than those
of Mokha. The houses are of brick, with open holes for windows, closed,
when necessary, by wooden shutters; but some of the houses of the higher
classes have stained glass windows, and most are furnished with fountains,
* Cruttenden.
28
There are about twenty mosques, many of which are elaborately ornamented,
especially those containing tombs of the Imāms.*
The public baths, at the time Neibuhr visited the city, were twelve in
number, built on the same plan as those of Egypt, and were a favourite resort
of the merchants, who met there to discuss the state of trade, and the news of
the day, over their pipe and cup of hishr.t. There was also a mint, and a range
of prisons for persons of different ranks, as also a number of khans for the
reception of travellers. Mechanics work in particular quarters in the open
air, but, like the wealthier merchants, they frequently have country residences,
to which they retire when the labour of the day is done. Here also, as in most
other Arabian towns, the Jews have a distinct quarter to themselves. It is
distant about half an hour's walk from the Mahomedan town, a large tract
of waste land, varied by cemeteries and remains of buildings, forming the
division. It contains many buildings, which must formerly have been the
abodes of affluence and ease, but which are now ruined and neglected, whilst
over a large surface lies scattered the débris of buildings which a few years
ago were wrested from their lawful occupants, and became a prey to a savage
and fanatical mob.i.
The Jews subsist chiefly by the manufacture of gold and silver ornaments,
gunpowder, and spirituous liquors; many also work as common labourers.
They are in the utmost poverty, and suffer greatly from the fanatical persecu-
tion of their Mahomedan neighbours.
According to the estimate of the Rev. Mr. Stern, who visited Sanāa in 1856,
the city contains about 40,000 inhabitants, of whom 22,000 are Mahomedans,
and 18,000 Jews.
There was formerly a large colony of Banians, but these have almost entirely
left the country; Mr. Stern only heard of three, of whom two were murdered
during his stay there.
The city walls are of unburnt brick, and mounted with cannon; but they
are in a very bad condition. There are four gates, and at both east and west
ends a castle containing a palace; the former is the modern citadel.$ The
palaces above mentioned are built in the Saracenic style, with extensive gardens
around them, and constructed with an eye to defence. The larger, but the
finer and more modern one, is named Bostān-es-Sultán, and the other, which
was built by the Imām-el-Metawakkil, and embellished by the Imām Mehdi,
* Chesney, vol. i. p. 622.
t A decoction of the coffee berry is not much used in Yemen; the natives prefer the husks,
which are sometimes flavoured with ginger and other spices;–this beverage is called kishr.
f Jewish Intelligence, vol. xxiii. pp. 109, 141.
$ McCulloch's Geo. Dict, vol. ii. p. 631.
29
is styled Bostān-el-Metawakkil. They are of stone, plastered with gray-coloured
mortar, and the apartments on the ground-floor are mostly large saloons, which
in the time of the Imāms were splendidly furnished, and embellished with
fountains,” but are now utterly neglected.
The principal trade is in coffee, which does not, however, grow in Sanāa;
the experiment has frequently been tried, but always without success, either
on account of the climate being too cold, or the soil too rich. Fruits of all
kinds grow in abundance; amongst others, grapes, almonds, figs, pomegra-
nates, plums, apricots, walnuts, plantains, and peaches. From one species
of grape, excellent seedless raisins are made, and fom another, a very fine
quality of wine; a spirit is also distilled from barley;-the last two are manu-
factured by the Jews.
Iron is found within two days’ journey, but of a soft description. The
manufactures are confined to a thick species of cotton cloth, and a coarse kind
of abba, or camoleen."f
Silk goods, spices, sugar, &c. are exposed for sale in the bazar; English
piece goods, and thread for weaving ; Persian tobacco, and glass, are also
imported in considerable quantities.;
The hills round the city are bleak and bare, and timber for building pur-
poses, as well as firewood, has to be brought from a considerable distance; a
little pit coal and peat is sometimes used. §
The climate is cold and dry; long periods often elapse without rain, and
famine is a frequent result. Some Himyaritic inscriptions were found by Mr.
Cruttenden, but few antiquities have ever been brought thence. An aqueduct,
and ruins of castles and palaces, are the only remains of the ancient city,
which was founded by Sanāa ibn Zál ibn A'ber or Heber, and was called
Auzál.]
Until the last few years, the throne of Yemen was hereditary in the
family of the Imāms of Sanãa; they were of the Zeidee sect, and assumed the
title of Ameer-el-Māoomineen, or ‘prince of the faithful, and were recognised
in their own dominions as the spiritual as well as temporal heads of their
religion. For several centuries they stamped their own coin, and hoisted their
own flag, the double-bladed sword of Ali on a red ground. Now, however,
the inhabitants have refused to recognise any longer the government of their
legitimate sovereign : for about a year after the last Imām was deposed,
robbery and bloodshed reigned unchecked in the city; but at last the merchants
agreed to elect one of their own body as governor. His authority is still
* Chesney, vol. i. p. 622; Cruttenden. + Cruttenden. i McCulloch.
§ Neibuhr. | Chesney, vol. ii. p. 622.
30
respected within the walls, but outside the city he is powerless for good or
for evil.”
About two and a half miles north-west of Sanāa is the town of Jeráf, which
supplies the market with vegetables; and about the same distance onwards is
Rodah, a clean village, chiefly composed of country residences and gardens,
where most of the inhabitants retire for the night.f. Beyond this is the town
and mount of Amrān, also composed of the residences of the inhabitants of
Sanāa.j:
Above the city are the ruins of the castle of Ghoomdān, on the top of a
mountain called Sheibán, 1,500 feet above the plain, to which there is an
ascent of 1,600 steps.S. It was built by El-Israh Yahsab, says Cazweeni, and
consisted of an immense quadrangular edifice, the four sides of which were
severally red, white, yellow, and green. From the centre rose a building of
seven stories, each forty cubits high; the last formed an iwān or saloon, which
was built entirely of marble, and the floor was covered with one slab. At
the four corners of the saloon were figures of lions hollowed out, and so con-
structed that the wind passing through caused them to emit a sound like
that of a lion's roar. This palace, together with the temple attached to it,
were destroyed by order of the Kālif Othmān, towards the middle of the
seventh century.|
To the south of Sanāa, and a little way to the westward of Khaulán, is
situated the ancient town of Dorán. It is said to have two granaries, and a
khan, cut in the solid rock." To the south-east of this is Serájeh, where is a
large cistern for the reception of rain-water.”
The city and castle of Dthamár, frequently the residence of the Himyarite
sovereigns, are south-east of Serájeh, and eighteen miles distant from Yereem,
agreeably situated on a mount, in the middle of a fertile plain; the town has a
small stream of water running through it. During the visit of Neibuhr it had a
university with five hundred students; but the building has since been converted
into a mosque, in which the boys of the village are instructed in the elements
of Arab learning. It has no walls, but several of the hills in the neighbour-
hood were fortified and garrisoned in the days of the Imāms: it contains nearly
5,000 houses. It is said that the ruins of an extensive building, with sixty-
six columns above, and sixty-four below (probably part of an aqueduct),
exist about a day's journey from Dthamár, called “The Throne of Balkees.’
Near it is a mountain containing a mine of native sulphur, and in another
* Since this was written, the Imām Ghalib has been reinstated in the government of his
own kingdom, but his power is merely nominal.—1858.
f Chesney, vol. i. p. 622. ! Idem, p. 616. § Idem, p. 622.
| Caussin de Percival. * Chesney, vol. i. p. 619. ** Neibuhr.
31
hill, still further off, fine cornelians are found, which are much prized in
Arabia.*
Mooãhil is situated on the south side of a low mountain, two miles north
of Dthamár. The houses are of a singular description, being all excavated out
of the solid rock. It was built by Imām Mehdi Mahomed ibn Ahmed, in the
beginning of the eighteenth century, and was the favourite residence of
that prince.f.
Yereem, which is one stage south of Dthamár, stands amongst barren hills
on the southern slope of Jebel Samāra, near the site of the ancient city of
Dthafár (sometimes written Idaphâr or Sephâr), a royal residence of the
Himyarite kings. It has a castle built upon a rock; the houses are of sun-
dried brick, and not so much crowded as they generally are in Arab towns..!
Rodāa lies to the south-east of Yereem, on the borders of the Yaffäee
country. To the south-west of this is Ibb, a walled city built on the slope of
Jebel Maharras. It contained in Neibuhr's time about eight hundred well-built
houses, and a large reservoir supplied by an aqueduct. The streets are
paved, and it has a considerable number of small mosques.S
Westward, and a little to the south, is Oudain, a small and unprotected village
of about three hundred houses, famous for its coffee, which is esteemed the best in
Arabia. The coffee-trees are planted in terraces on the sides of the mountains,
for the most part watered only by the rain, but some are irrigated from
reservoirs built to contain rain-water. They exhale a delicious perfume, and
afford a most grateful shade, being planted so close that the sun’s rays can
hardly penetrate the branches. Those trees that are artificially watered yield
two crops a year, but the second is seldom thoroughly ripe, and is always
inferior to the first."[
To the south of Ibb and Oudain is the city of Jibleh, built at the time that
Saleh-ed-Deen conquered Yemen. It stands upon the brink of a precipice at
the confluence of two mountain streams, and contains about six hundred
houses; the streets are paved—a thing uncommon in Arabia. A considerable
number of Jews reside here, in a quarter outside the city.** -
The district of Kattaba, to the east of Jibleh, contains a city of the same
name, and a smaller town, called Khairán. The former, which lies in a fertile
valley, has a citadel of great strength; near it runs a river, which, passing
through a range of wild and lofty hills, is lost ere it reaches the sea.it
* Chesney, vol. i. p. 619; Neibuhr ; Records of Bombay Government. + La Roque, p. 183.
: Chesney, vol. i. p. 619; Crichton, p. 462. § Chesney, vol. i. p. 618; Neibuhr.
| Neibuhr. T Neibuhr, vol. i. p. 291.
** Chesney, vol. i. p. 618; Neibuhr, vol. i. p. 303; Playfair, vol. ii. p. 14.
ft Chesney, vol. i. p. 618; Neibuhr.
32
South of Kattaba, and at no great distance from Ta'ez, lies the town of Jennád,
in a pleasant but unwholesome tract, near the valley of Sahoul.”
Ta'ez is a small district, principally inhabited by the Sherjebi tribe, with an
important town of the same name, built, according to tradition, by the Ayyubites,
near the tomb of a celebrated Saint named Ismail Mulk. It is situated in the
Wádi-el-Jena, at the top of Jebel Sábir, which is the highest point in the whole
of the Arabian range. It was ascended by M. Botta in 1836, who describes
it as being about 8,000 feet high, with the remains of an ancient castle on the
top.f. It is encompassed by a wall twenty feet high, and varying from sixteen
to twenty feet in thickness, flanked with several towers. Within the rampart
rises a steep rock, two hundred feet high, on which is built a citadel, defended
by an exterior coating of brick. It was some time a royal residence, and
boasted a fine mosque, built by Melek Afdthal, and a library containing
100,000 volumes.
The country is rich, and produces grapes of good quality, as well as the kåt
tree, the leaves and tender shoots of which are an indispensable luxury
amongst the Yemenites. They are chewed, and produce an effect similar to
that of strong green tea. The immediate neighbourhood of the city, however,
is bleak and sterile, none of the fertile parts of Sābir being visible from it.
The Sherjebi tribe numbers about four thousand fighting men.
Hajereea was a district formerly belonging to Sanāa, and bordering on the
provinces of Lähej. It contains Ed-Dimlooha, a strong city, which Aboo’l
Feda calls ‘the king's treasury, and Mukhâdera, a fortress said to be
impregnable; this stands on a lofty and precipitous hill, accessible only by
one path which is shut by a gate; the summit is fertile, and well supplied with
water.S -
The last town of any importance in the province of Sanāa and district of
Assáb is Háis. It is situated on the borders of the Tehāma, and is small and
ill built. A considerable quantity of earthenware, especially coarse drinking
vessels, is manufactured there.]]
* Playfair, vol. vi. p. 4. f Bulletin de la Soc. de Geog. No. 72, December 1838.
# Chesney, vol. i. p. 564; Playfair, vol. v. p. 14; Neibuhr ; Crichton, p. 461.
§ Neibuhr. | Chesney, vol. i. p. 620; Neibuhr.
33
CHAPTER W.
LA/HEJ.
The province which is here designated Lähej approximates very closely to
that described by many authors as the principality of Aden; but as the town
of that name has passed into the hands of the British, and its former chief has
fixed his residence at Lähej, that name has been taken to denote the entire
province. With it are included several states and tribes perfectly independent
of the government of the Sultan, but which cannot with propriety be classed
elsewhere.
It is the most southern part of Yemen, and extends along the sea-coast from
the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb on the west to about eighty miles east of Aden,
and reaches nearly as far north as Ta'ez. The most important tribes occupy-
ing this territory are the Soobaihā, Abdali, Foudtheli, and Houshebi"; they
are again sub-divided into many classes or families, owning only so much
allegiance to their titular chiefs as suits their own convenience.
The Soobaihás have been designated ‘the gipsies of Arabia.’ There is
another tribe which far more nearly realises this description't ; nevertheless
they are, for the most part, a wandering and predatory race, without any fixed
habitations. They occupy the country between the Straits and Aden, and are
said to number 12,000 souls. Their country is for the most part barren, yet,
on a few productive spots, coffee, fruits, and grain are cultivated. Cattle may
always be found in large flocks, and the breed of camels is peculiarly fine.f.
The Abdali tribe, which formerly possessed Aden, is the wealthiest but
least warlike in the district. It is divided into about thirty sub-tribes, some of
which have entirely thrown off their allegiance to the Sultan. All the clans
collectively do not number more than ten thousand souls, of whom about four
thousand are fighting men; in addition, the Sultan keeps a host of armed
slaves, chiefly to guard his own palace, and these are esteemed amongst the
best of his soldiery.
The capital is usually styled by Europeans, Láhej, but by the natives
El-Howta. It is situated in the midst of a rich and fertile plain, irrigated by
the torrents which descend from the mountains in the Houshebi country. The
* Abdali, plural Abádil; Foudtheli, plural Ahl Foudthel; Houshebi, plural Houáshib.
t Khádim, plural Akhdām; see page 15, antè.
† Haines’s Memoir on South-East Coast of Arabia.
5
34
largest of these flows during the greater part of the year, without, however,
reaching the sea; at times it is a mere thread, but when swollen by rain it
becomes a powerful and rapid stream, from which the water is diverted by
canals and dykes, for the irrigation of the more distant fields.
The country around Lähej, as far as the eye can reach, is richly cultivated,
and produces abundance of jowaree,” cotton, beans, sesamum, &c. the greater
part of which goes to supply the Aden market. Interspersed amongst the
fields are gardens or groves of trees, under the shade of which fruit and vegeta-
bles are reared. One of the commonest and most beautiful of the trees is called
by the Arabs badám. It attains a large size, and affords an almost impervious
shade; the leaves are broad, and grow in clusters at the extremities of the
branches, and it produces a fruit not unlike the common almond, but of a
bitter and astringent taste.
The plain is of a rich alluvial soil, producing, even under the wretched
system of cultivation with which alone the Arabs are conversant, three crops
each year; but were due attention paid to the manuring of the fields and the
proper alternation of crops, it might be made to bear even more richly than it
does at present. Lately, the experiment has been tried of sending out
Egyptian gardeners, to instruct the Arabs in rearing vegetables, and already
this measure has been attended with marked success.
Láhej is about thirty miles north-west of Aden ; it is a large and straggling
town, built without any order, and covering an area of about a mile and a half
long by one broad; it contains about five thousand inhabitants, including a
few Indian merchants, Arabian Jews, and Somálies. The better description
of houses are of sun-dried bricks, plastered in the interior with mud, and in
some cases white-washed with pipe-clay,+they are usually loopholed, and
defensible; the remainder are rude huts, composed of branches of trees and
long rank grass, which afford but an indifferent protection from the sun, and
none against the rain.
There is a market, tolerably well supplied with all the requirements of Arab
life. The produce of the country consists of jowaree, cotton, grass and
other fodder for cattle, vegetables, honey, and bees-wax ;—cows of a very
superior quality, as well as sheep and goats, are also brought thence to the
Aden market.
Beer Ahmed is a small village, with a strong fort, about three miles inland
from the north shore of the harbour of Aden ; and about two miles eastward of
this is the hamlet of Sailán. These are in the territory of the Akrabit clan, a
sub-division of the Abdali tribe, but quite independent of it. They occupy a
* Anglice, millet. t Akrabi, plural Akárib.
35
tract of about twenty square miles, with a population of six hundred males,
and are a fine but turbulent body of men, who keep their more peaceable
neighbours in a constant state of alarm. They are usually in close alliance with
the Foudthelis, and their castle is frequently made the point d'appui whence
plundering parties issue forth.
They have a small harbour behind Jebel Hassan, a rocky promontory to the
west of Aden, and very similar to it. This was for many years blockaded by
the British, on account of the hostile attitude which the tribe had assumed
towards them ; but within the last two years they have made their submission,
and the blockade has been raised.
The chief produce of the country is jowaree and toddy—the latter a
fermented liquor extracted from the Doom or Theban palm; sheep and goats
are also abundant.
The district occupied by the Foudtheli tribe is called El-Abien, and receives
its name from Abien, a descendant of Himyar. It occupies the whole coast
line from Aden to Mugatain, a distance of eighty miles, and extends inland
to the high range of hills which form the boundary of the Yaffäee country.
It is chiefly mountainous, Jebel Kharaz, a high range sixteen miles north-
east of Shughra, reaching 5,442 feet above the level of the sea; it is about
twenty miles in length, parallel to the coast, from which it is two miles
distant.
The chief towns are Shughra, Jāwāllah, and Assālah : the first, which is the
capital of the district, is a village containing two hundred inhabitants, and a
fort of sun-dried bricks. It is the residence of the Sultan for several months
in the year, and is distant about a mile from the coast, in a small plain at the
foot of Jebel Kharaz.”
Jāwāllah is about five miles north-west of Ras Sailán, and distant two miles
from the sea. This, as well as the whole coast between it and Aden, formerly
belonged to Yaffa, but was wrested from it by the Foudtheli in 1837.*
Asāllah is a small town about ten miles north-east of Ras Sailán, and two
from the coast. It contains about two hundred houses, forty of which are of
brick, and has a population of five hundred souls. The country around is
well watered and cultivated. About a mile and a half to the westward is
El-Khore, a village surrounded by small hills, defended by towers; the
inhabitants are chiefly agricultural.”
Mugatain, which forms the boundary between the Foudtheli and Oulaki
tribes, is an anchorage formed by a slightly projecting rocky point of the coast,
and is resorted to for shelter by small trading vessels during the north-east
* Haines’s Memoir on the South-East Coast of Arabia.
36
monsoon. A few miles to the westward is another similar projection, known
as Mugatain Soghair, or the Lesser Mugatain.”
The Foudthelis are a bold and warlike race, and have acquired a well-
earned reputation amongst their neighbours for cruelty and perfidy. Until
very lately they have shown themselves extremely inimical to the British, but
it is satisfactory to know that a judicious line of firm but conciliatory policy
has converted this tribe, which possesses, more than any other, the power to
injure the commerce of Aden, from implacable enemies into staunch supporters
and friends.
The Foudtheli country is poor, and produces little save jowaree and the
building materials used in constructing temporary houses, common throughout
Arabia. The whole revenues of the country, including transit duties on coffee,
grain, warrus, F and other produce of Yaffa, does not exceed six thousand
dollars per annum.
The present chief, Sultan Ahmed ibn Abdullah, is a very old man, but,
like the generality of his countrymen, bold and reckless, delighting in ma-
rauding excursions and hazardous exploits. His only wealth arises from the
transit duties above adverted to, and the produce of a few acres of land at
El-Khore and Abien. The tribe is reckoned to number 15,000 persons, of
whom four thousand are capable of bearing arms;—it is generally at feud with
the Abdali.
The Houshebi tribe resides on the north-west frontier of the Abdali. This
country supplies Aden with grain, grass, madder, aloes, honey, ghee, and
senna; the mountain torrents pass through it ere reaching the Abdali territory,
which gives them the power of seriously annoying that tribe, by diverting their
water supply. This power is, however, seldom exercised, as a good under-
standing usually subsists between them.
The Houshebi Sultan, Mãana ibn Sálim, has ever acted in the most friendly
manner towards the British, having frequently refused large bribes, offered in
the hopes of inducing him to join the various coalitions which have been formed
against Aden. They number about 6,000 fighting men.
* Haines's Memoir on the South-East Coast of Arabia. + Bastard saffron.
t Since the above was written, Sultan Māana has died (on the 1st June 1858). It is
suspected that his death occurred from the effects of poison, administered to him by his
mephew Obaid-ba-Yehia, who has succeeded him.
37
CHAPTER WI.
KAUKEBA'N; BELA'D-EL-KABAIL OR HA'SHID-WA-BAKEEL:
ABOO-AREESH ; BENI-HALLA/L.
The fifth province into which Yemen has been divided is Kaukebán, situated
a little to the south-west of Amrān, and surrounded almost on all sides by the
territories of Sanāa, in one place only meeting those of the confederate
tribes of Hāshid-wa-Bakeel.
The capital city is of the same name, and is built on the top of an almost
inaccessible hill. It contains a small castle, and an academy founded by
Shereef-ed-Deen.
The reigning family in the time of Neibuhr were descended from the Pro-
phet, through Hādi, Imām of Sãadeh; they possessed considerable dominions
in Yemen, and retained the title of Imām till the expulsion of the Turks by
Kassim-el-Kebeer, after which they assumed that of Seyed.*
Belád-el-Kabáil or Hāshid-wa-Bakeel, the sixth division, adjoins Nejrán,
and extends northward as far as the desert of Amasia; on the south and east
it is bounded by the territories of Sanãa and the principality of Kaukebán, and
towards the west it meets the territory of Aboo-Areesh. It is very mountain-
ous, being broken by numerous difficult ravines, separated by steep and
rocky wooded hills, which are generally occupied by castellated buildings, to
protect the coffee plantations.
The country is of various degrees of fertility; some valleys, which produce
fruit in great abundance, are interspersed amongst the hills, and even the
higher grounds are productive. Few considerable villages are to be met with ;
the town of Khaibán is celebrated as having been, at one time, a residence of
the Himyarite sovereigns, and subsequently of the Imāms of Sanãa. The
ruins of a very ancient palace still exist. There is also a town and castle,
named Amrān, situated in a fertile part of the country.
This district contained many petty Sheikhs, who, unable separately to make
any successful resistance to a powerful enemy, joined, in order to defend
themselves by the common force; this combination is now, however, much
weakened by intestine feuds.
The republican spirit prevails so little in Arabia, that the confederation
of these tribes may be regarded as a singular political phenomenon. The
* Neibuhr, vol. ii. p. 49; Chesney, vol. i. p. 616.
38
inhabitants are considered much better soldiers than the rest of the Yemenites,
and the tribes of Dthoo Mahommed and Dthoo Hoosain, particularly, are much
employed as mercenaries by the various Arabian chiefs.
The tradition regarding the origin of the Hāshid-wa-Bakeel is as follows:—
Bábr-esh-Sham was born of honorable parents in Anatolia; after some very
romantic adventures he carried off Nejema, daughter of the king of Bithynia,
and sought refuge in the mountains of Yemen, where, through his sons, Hāshid
and Bekeel, he became the ancestor of the tribes now bearing those names,
who accordingly look to him as their common ancestor. There are, however,
other small tribes in the province, who trace their descent further back than
the date of this tale.*
The principality of Aboo-Areesh takes its name from its capital, and signifies
‘the father of huts, probably from having contained a large proportion of
houses of a very mean description. It is properly part of the Tehāma, and is
everywhere dry and barren, save where watered by torrents from the hills of
Yemen. This country was formerly in the dominions of the Imām, but a
Shereef having, about the commencement of the eighteenth century, been
appointed governor of it, he usurped the sovereign authority, and since then it
. has really been an independent state, though sometimes owning a nominal
subjection to the Imām or the Sublime Porte. The capital is a walled city,
and the residence of the Shereefs. The seaport is Jezán, now in the hands
of the Turks...}. -
The eighth of the divisions of Yemen is a plain extending along the Red Sea
for the space of a degree, from the borders of Aboo-Areesh, towards the Hejáz.
It is occupied by a tribe called Beni Hallál, who are very poor, and much
addicted to plunder. Their country is barren, and the inhabitants live prin-
cipally on the produce of their flocks and herds.
* Neibuhr, vol. ii. pp. 50, 52; Chesney, vol. i. p. 615. f Neibuhr, vol. ii. p. 54.
39
CHAPTER WII.
KHAULAN : SANHAN AND SAADEH ; NEJRA'N; NEHM ; AND
EAST KIHAULA'N.
West Khaulán lies amongst the mountains westward of Saadeh, upon the
road between Sanãa and Mecca, four days’ journey from Háli on the confines
of the Hejáz. The name is probably derived from Havilah, the son of Cush.*
The tenth division of Yemen is Sanhán, and includes the principality of
Sãadeh; it is a mountainous tract, situated between Hāshid-wa-Bakeel and
the Hejáz, and produces abundance of fruit of all kinds, including grapes.
Iron also exists, but, for want of fuel, it cannot be profitably worked. This
country affords cattle, milk, honey, and vegetables in profusion.
The inhabitants are said to speak uncommonly pure Arabic, though generally
very illiterate. Neibuhr remarks that they seldom take more than one wife
each, and the women do not marry till about fifteen years of age; they are
hospitable to strangers, but do not hesitate to plunder unprotected travellers
passing through their territories.
In this country there are many independent provinces, the chief of which is
Sãadeh, which, in Neibuhr's time, was governed by a prince descended from
the Imām Hādi of Sanāa, consequently of the same lineage as the chiefs of
Kaukebän.
At Sãadeh, the capital, is a custom house, which realises considerable
revenues by transit imposts on goods passing through from the province of
Sanāa to Nejrán, Kahtán, and Mecca, which must of necessity be transmitted
by this route. In the vicinity of Sãadeh is a high hill, famous as being the
post where a chief of this country sustained a siege of seven years by the
Turks. A part of the great Desert of Amasia lies between this province and
Hāshid-wa-Bakeel.i.
The valley of Nejrán, the eleventh division of Yemen, is situated amongst
almost inaccessible mountains, and extends eastward from Abyda almost to
Ahkäf, or three days’ journey from Sãadeh; it takes its name from Nejrán, a
descendant of Abd-esh-Shems Sába, through Himyar or Kahtän.
It is a well-watered and pleasant country, fertile in corn and fruits, especially
a fine kind of raisin and dates, which are sent all over Arabia. It affords
excellent pasturage, and is celebrated for its breed of horses and camels. The
* Neibuhr, vol. ii. p. 57; Chesney, vol. ii. p. 50. + Neibuhr, vol. ii. p. 57.
40
capital is of the same name, and is renowned in Arabian history as having
been the cradle of Christianity there, and the scene of the massacre by Dthoo
Nowäs.
An extraordinary custom is said to prevail amongst the Beni Yám, who
reside in this district. When a man of their community undertakes a journey,
he sends his wife to the house of a friend, who is expected to supply the
husband's place, and restore the lady on his return.
The small district of Kahtán lies amongst the mountains, three days’ journey
north of Wadi Nejrán; there is also a tribe bearing the same name, and an
ancient site, Bait Kahtān, or ‘the dwelling of Kahtān. Eastward of Mecca,
there is also a tribe called Beni Kahtān, and in Hadramaut is the tomb of
the patriarch, and of his son Heber or Hood, also a town called Kohtān, no
doubt connected with the former name.*
Nehm is a small district between Belād-el-Jeháf and Háshid-wa-Bakeel; it
possesses a fertile mountain, on which are many villages. The inhabitants of
Diabán are independent, but usually join those of Nehm in time of war.
East Khaulān, the thirteenth of the divisions before enumerated, lies a few
leagues to the south-east of Sanáa. It is of moderate size, very mountainous,
and contains many villages. In this district is the ancient city of Tanāim,
famous amongst the Jews of Arabia, who had their chief seat and many
spacious synagogues in it; at present it is almost desolate, and it numbers
but few Jews amongst its inhabitants. The capital is Bait Rajeh; it also
contains Bait Kibsie, a village entirely occupied by Seyeds...}
* Neibuhr, vol. ii. p. 59; Chesney, vol. i. p. 615, vol. ii. p. 51.
t Neibuhr, vol. ii. p. 62.
41
OHAPTER WIII.
BELA/D–EL-JEHA/F.
The fourteenth of the divisions of Yemen is Belád-el-Jeháf,” which extends
Southward from Nejrán to Hadramaut, and eastward from Hāshid-wa-Bakeel
to the desert which separates Yemen from Oman. It is full of sterile sandy
plains, but has some fine horses and cattle.f.
The wandering Arabs in this district are of a martial character; Neibuhr
relates that in his day some were in the habit of wearing coats of mail,-a
species of defensive armour which the other Arabs had ceased to use. They
are also said to excel in poetry.f
The capital is Máreb, which is mentioned under the name of Mariaba by
Pliny, Strabo, Erastathenes, and Artemidorus. Diodorus styles it Sába, and
places it on a mountain.
The modern town is built on the site of the ancient Sába, the capital of the
Sabeans, and the district is called to the present day Urd-es-Sába, or “land of
Sheba.’ It is doubtless identical with the realm whence the Queen of the
East came, who undertook a pilgrimage to Jerusalem to visit Solomon.
It was founded by Sába, surnamed Abd-esh-Shems, no doubt because he
substituted the worship of Baal for the ancient Adite religion, and probably,
too, because he introduced the solar instead of the lunar year.S
Māreb is situated sixteen leagues north-east of Sanāa, and is the abode of
a poor Shereef, who can hardly withstand the encroachments of his neighbours.
It contains about three hundred small houses, and several ruins, which are
attributed to Queen Balkees.|
The ancient city of Mareb was situated in a valley, in which another, a day's
journey in length, terminated. The latter is enclosed with hills, which, at the
eastern extremity, approach so nearly together, that the gorge was closed by a
large dam of masonry, famous in Arabian history as Sail-el-Arim or Sedd Máreb,
‘the dyke of Máreb.’ This served as an immense reservoir, to collect the
rain-water, which was distributed by canals over the surrounding districts,
which thus became one of the most fertile provinces of Yemen, and enjoyed a
large measure of prosperity for several ages. The history of the reservoir,
and of its disastrous destruction, which caused the ruin of Máreb, is given
* Called by most writers Belad-el-Jof.
+ Neibuhr, vol. ii. p. 63. † Chesney, vol. i. p. 624, 661.
§ The name signifies a level inland tract lower than the high plateaux, but higher than the
lowlands. | Neibuhr, vol. ii. p. 63.
6
42
elsewhere. The ruins of it were visited by M. D’Arnaud, a French traveller,
in 1843. His journey was a difficult and arduous one. According to his
description, it is situated between two hills called Balák, which, when joined
by the wall, formed the reservoir. These are six hundred paces asunder, and
between them the ruins of the stone dyke occupy an area of 300 paces long
between the bases of the two hills, and 175 paces wide in the direction of the
current. The portions leaning against the projecting foot of the mountains
are still in such a state of preservation as to allow the examiner to guess their
destination. There are many gates or openings in the wall, through which the
water was allowed to escape into the plain below. They are in perfect preser-
vation, and constructed at different levels, so as to secure a constant supply.
As far as the eye could reach, from the adjoining hill, the bed of the water-
course and the plain on either side was strewn over with fragments of masonry,
giving the whole the appearance of a vast cemetery. This watercourse appears
to be the upper part of that which waters the Wádí Maifa, and opens towards
the sea below Nakab-el-Hájar, and west of Hosn Ghoráb.*
Such works are common throughout Arabia, and doubtless suggested others
of a similar nature, introduced by the Arabs into Europe. Such are to be
found in Granada, Cardova, Seville, Gibraltar, and Minorca, which, from the
perfection of their coating, continue water-tight, though they must have been
in use for about eleven centuries.f.
The fertility of the district of Máreb, prior to the destruction of the reservoir,
was so great, that corn was sown and reaped three times in each year. This
fertility might be restored by repairing the dam, but that is a work which could
only be undertaken by an opulent state.
The town of Máreb, according to M. D'Arnaud, is now a miserable village,
surrounded by a brick wall; but the environs are covered with ruins, testifying
its past greatness, and marking the area it once covered. The ancient residence
of the Queen of Sheba, or perhaps the central portion of it, which formed the
city, properly speaking, was of a circular shape, about a mile and a half in
diameter, and encompassed with a massive wall of freestone. Within and with-
out its ruined precincts are innumerable fragments of solid buildings, large
and square stones, portions of brick masonry, friezes, and other house ornaments,
and even whole columns hewn out of a single block of the hardest limestone.
West of the ancient town are other ruins: these are the remains of the outer
wall of a palace, which the inhabitants call Harām Bálkees, or ‘the palace of
Belkees.” About one-fourth of the wall is now standing, and covered with
Himyaritic inscriptions.
* Encyclopædia Britannica, 8th edn, vol. iii. p. 356. t Chesney, vol. i. p. 624.
# Encyclopaedia Britannica, 8th edm., vol. iii. p. 356.
43
CHAPTER IX.
YAFFA.
The fifteenth and last division of Yemen here adopted is Yaffa. This terri-
tory is surrounded by that of Lähej, a part of Sanāa, and the extreme provinces
of Hadramaut, and reaches inland to the high range of mountains called Jebel
Yaffäee, which rise to about 6,500 feet above the sea. It was formerly under
the Imāms of Sanāa, but it revolted about the end of the seventeenth century,
and became independent.* The central portion of El-Yaffa is bisected by a
considerable river coming from Dthamár, and which, after having watered the
principal town, Yaffa, breaks through the high range, and loses itself in the
Teháma."f
The Yaffäee is the most powerful tribe in Yemen, and is under seven chiefs,
each of whom can muster seven thousand fighting men. The interior of the
country is mountainous, abounding with fertile valleys, producing coffee, gums,
madder, and cereals in abundance; it is also celebrated for the manufacture
of matchlocks, and its inhabitants are esteemed a brave race of men. The
Ressas are a branch of the Yaffäee.
The principal residence of the sultan is at El-Gharrah, a city about one
hundred miles, or five days’ journey, from Shughra; Medenet-el-Asfal is another
city, famous for the tombs of various saints.
The present chief of the whole tribe is named Ghālib Ali; he succeeded his
father Ali Ghālib, who died on the 14th December 1841, at the advanced age
of one hundred and fifteen years.j.
The country of the Oulaki tribe is here included in Yaffa, though politically
distinct from it. It extends about fifty-five miles along the coast from Muga-
tain on the west to Wädi Sunam on the east, and is said to reach two hundred
miles into the interior.S
The tribe is divided into two sections, the Upper and Lower Oulaki, each of
which branches is governed by an independent sultan.
The latter possesses the sea-coast, the capital of which is Howr; the former
the interior. The inhabitants of this country are brave and warlike: not many
years ago, Sultan Násr ibn Boo-Bekr, chief of the lower branch, made a dash
into Shughra, attended only by three horsemen; he plundered and burnt several
* Neibuhr, vol. ii. p. 68. t Encyclopaedia Britannica, 8th edn, vol. iii. p. 356.
† Haines; Neibuhr, vol. ii. p. 68. § Haines.
44
houses, and was in full retreat ere the Foudthelis could be assembled to
oppose him.*
Since the first relations between this tribe and the British, when the Pali-
nurus surveyed the coast of Arabia, prior to the conquest of Aden, they have
constantly exhibited the most friendly feeling and good faith towards them.
Many of the most influential and least turbulent of the Arabs in the territories
of the Nizam of the Deccan are from this tribe.
There are very few boats belonging to the port of Howr, and the only
commerce in which the inhabitants engage is the exchange of their surplus
produce for dates, cloth, &c.
Nisāb is the capital of the upper branch, called Owālik-el-Alián. It is
about two hundred miles from the coast, and is said to be populous, and
situated in a fertile district.
* Wellsted, vol. ii. p. 417, † Owläki, plural Owālik.
45
CHAPTER X.
HISTORY OF YEMEN FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE
CHRISTIAN ERA TO THE ABYSSINIAN CONQUEST.
At the commencement of the Christian era, the Himyarite dynasty, so called
from Himyar, fifth monarch of the race from Kahtān,
B.C. 30. * e * e
which had ruled over Yemen with varying fortune and
different degrees of magnificence for many centuries, was rapidly on the
decline, and approaching its extinction. Shortly before this period occurred
an event of great importance, which for the first time brought the powers
of Europe into hostile contact with the nations of Arabia.
In the year 30 B. C., Egypt became a Roman province, and, from the
moment it was subdued, Augustus planned the extension of the Roman power
into Arabia and Ethiopia, under the supposition that the former produced
spices and the latter gold.*
Two very important considerations inclined him to take this step : firstly, he
hoped to open out a very rich traffic for his new subjects; and secondly, he
flattered himself that new discoveries might be made, which would enable him
to extend his conquests and commerce in that direction much further. F
Accordingly, an expedition was prepared, and placed under the command of
B.C. 24 to A.D. 1. AEllius Gallus, a Roman of the Equestian order, to ex-
plore these two countries. The direction of the division
sent to Ethiopia was given to Petronius, and terminated in the submission of
Candace, Queen of Meroë, while the army for the exploration of Arabia was led
by Gallus in person.
It was organised at Cleopatris, in the neighbourhood of the modern Suez,
and consisted of ten thousand Romans, with fifteen thousand mercenaries,
together with a fleet of eighty vessels of war and a hundred and thirty
transports.j.
Syllaeus, Prime Minister of Obodas, King of the Nabathean Arabs, who
had furnished a contingent of five hundred troops to the expedition, under-
took to be guide, with the premeditated intention of causing the expedition to
miscarry.
Gallus landed at Leukë Komè, where all his army fell sick of a disease
* Vincent’s Periplus, vol. i. p. 53. i Harris, vol. i. p. 427.
† Vincent’s Periplus, vol. ii. p. 271.
46
common in the country, the symptoms of which were a swelling in the gums,
thighs, and legs, probably scurvy, which caused him to lie all the remainder
of the summer and the following winter, to await their recovery.*
He then continued his journey, and advanced first through a desert into the
country of Aretas (Harith), sovereign of the Thamudites, and thence, after
considerable delay, caused by the treachery of his guide, to the city of Negráni
(Nejrán), which was taken by assault. Quitting Nejrán, he arrived after a
march of six days at the bank of a river, where the natives were collected in a
body, and opposed his passage; a battle resulted, in which, with the loss of
only two Romans, ten thousand Arabians were slain. After several other
victories he arrived before the city of Mariaba, where the expedition termi-
nated; for after lying before the place for six days, Gallus was compelled, on
account of the want of water, to raise the siege and retrace his steps. He
crossed the mountains to the Tehāma, and thence proceeded to Nera, where
the remains of the expedition embarked on board the fleet, and crossed the
gulf to Myos Hormos.f.
AEllius Gallus brought back with him, after two years’ absence, but a small
part of his army, having lost the remainder, not in battle, but by hunger,
fatigue, and sickness; for during the whole campaign, not more than seven
men fell by the sword.:
Considerable diversity of opinion exists regarding the position of the town of
Mariaba, where the expedition terminated. It could hardly have been the
Māreb of the Sabeans, as the famous dam there would have supplied the
army with abundance of water; probably it was another city of the same name,
situated between it and Nejran.
The sovereign of Yemen during the invasion was Dthoo’l Adhar, the son of
Abraha, the son of Afrikoos : this name corresponds very nearly with that of
Ilisare, mentioned by Strabo, for Dthoo’l-Adhár may as well be spelt Zoo’l
Azár, and in the oblique case Zi'l Izár—a resemblance to Ilisare too striking
not to be admitted.S
He received the epithet Dhoo'l Adhár—‘the lord of terrors, or ‘the terrible,”
from having introduced into Yemen some monstrous races of men (others, how-
ever, say that it was a species of ape), which, never having been seen there
before, filled the inhabitants with consternation.|
This prince having exhausted the patience of his subjects by tyranny and
oppression, they rose in arms against him, and conferred the crown upon his son
* Harris, vol. i. p. 427. t Vincent's Periplus, vol. i. p. 271.
# Harris, vol. i. p. 427; Dion Cassius, lib, liii.; Strabo, lib. xvi. xvii.
§ Caussin de Percival. | Pocock, Spec. Hist, Arab.
47
Shoorahbecl, who, on his death, was succeeded by IIodhād, who was succeeded
by Balkees.*
The reign of Queen Balkees very nearly coincided with the commencement
of the Christian Era. She was, according to Aboo’l-
Féda, the twenty-second sovereign of the family of
Kahtān (Jocktan), and the eighteenth in the descent from Himyar, the son of
Sába, the founder of the Himyarite dynasty, who received his name from the
habit he had of wearing red garments, and was the first who wore a golden
diadem in token of regal power."f
The real name of Balkees was Balkäma or Yalkāma, and she was the
daughter of Hodhād, or of El-Israh, the son of Dthoo-Jadán. At the com-
mencement of her reign, she had to defend herself against the attacks of Dthoo’l-
Adhár, who still lived. In order to put an end to this strife, and secure the
throne, she gave her hand to Dthoo’l-Adhar, whom she had no sooner married
than she destroyed by poison.
A.D. 1 to A.D. 90.
The existence of this princess has given rise to numerous fables, amongst
others, that she was the Queen of Sheba who was contemporary with and
married Solomon.j:
She repaired and consolidated the dam of Máreb, which had suffered from
lapse of time. The original construction of this edifice has been attributed by
Aboo'l-Féda to Abd-esh-Shems, the son of Yahsāb, the son of Yoorab, the
son of Kahtān (Jocktan), the son of Heber, who was surnamed Sába, and
who built the city from him called Sába, and afterwards Māreb; but other
historians assign it to Lockmän, king of that remnant of the Adites who
renounced idolatry at the preaching of the Prophet Hood, and who are usually
styled the Second Adites.
Lockmán took up his residence at Sába about 1750 B.C., and finding that
the country was frequently ravaged by impetuous mountain torrents, while at
other times it was parched for want of a sufficient supply of water, he conceived
the idea of building a dam across the gorge of a valley, contained between
two mountains, which he thus converted into a vast reservoir, for the reception
of rain-water descending from the hills. The dam was built of cut stone,
secured with iron or copper cramps, and cemented with bitumen, forming a
prodigious mass of masonry, three hundred cubits thick, one hundred and
twenty feet high, and two miles in length. It was provided with thirty sluices,
through which the water was conveyed into canals, for the irrigation of the
fields and gardens of Máreb, and by means of which that city became, what
Pliny styles it, “the mistress of cities, and the diadem on the brow of the
universe.”
* Caussin de Percival. + Pocock. † Caussin de Percival,
48
The richness and prosperity of Máreb, caused by this reservoir, is a
favourite theme with Arabian historians, who have handed down the most
glowing accounts of its rich fields and orchards, and splendid edifices.
Musãoodi observes, that a good horseman could hardly ride over the
cultivated grounds in this district in less than a month. The inhabitants
enjoyed an unexampled measure of happiness and prosperity; the rule of
their monarchs was mild and equitable ; they were loved at home, and feared
and respected abroad; they had waged no war in which they had not been
victorious, and every invading force had yielded to their arms.”
Balkees was succeeded by Yāsir, styled sometimes Mālik, or Yasaseen, or
Yāsir Yoonim, or Yāsir Anim, or Yāshir Yoonim, or Nāshir Enniäm, ‘the
distributor of benefits, on account of his liberality, and the good he did to his
subjects. According to some, he was the son of Shooráhbeel, and the uncle of
Balkees; according to others, the son of Dthoo'l-Adhar. He undertook an
expedition into the Maghrib or west country, and advanced as far as the
Wädi-er-Raml, or ‘ valley of sand, which none had reached before him ; a
detachment of troops having essayed to cross this waste, perished, whereupon
he raised a brazen monument close to its borders, with the inscription “Laisà
warayi madthhab,”—there is no way beyond me. This suggests the fable of
the Pillars of Hercules, with the legend ‘Ne plus ultra.”f
Yāshir Yoonim was succeeded by his son Shámmir Yeråsh,_* he trembles,'—
so called from a nervous affection to which he was subject. This prince was
one of the greatest warriors who ever held the throne of Yemen: he carried his
victorious arms into Irák, Persia, and the neighbouring countries, and attacked
and partly destroyed the capital of Sogdiana, which obtained the name of
Shámmir Kand, or ‘Shámmir destroyed it' (modern Sammercand).j:
Evidences of this incursion in the form of Himyaritic inscriptions are recorded
by Hamza and Ibn Haukål as having been found at Sammercand; one men-
tioned by Aboo'l-Féda began thus:—“In the name of God, this building was
erected by Shāmmir Yeråsh, in honour of the Lord the Sun.”
Shámmir then formed the project of extending his conquests to China, and
proceeded through Toorkistan to the borders of India, and through Thibet,
where he left a body of twelve thousand Arabs as an army of reserve. As he
approached China, the wuzeer of the monarch of that country tendered his
services, ostensibly to guide, but in reality to mislead him and effect the
destruction of his army. He accordingly cut off his nose, and presented
himself before Shāmmir as a fugitive from the cruelty of the Chinese king: on
being questioned as to the distance from that monarch's territories, he falsely
* Caussin de Percival; Pocock; Chesney; Crichton. # Caussin de Percival.
# Idem.
+
49
represented that it was but three days’ journey. Shámmir took the Wuzeer
into his confidence, and having attempted the journey with only three days'
provisions, he and his army perished miserably in the sand.*
The only contemporary account we have of the commerce and navigation
of Arabia about this period is contained in the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea.
The precise date of this voyage has not been satisfactorily determined :
Letronne supposes that the author wrote in the time of the Emperor Septimus
Severus and his son, namely between the years 198 and 210 of the Christian
era, and that the Charibael, mentioned as then reigning in Yemen and residing
at Dthafâr, must have been Káli Kárib-el-Himyāri, or perhaps his successor
Aboo Kárib-el-Himyāri, and that the word Charibael is a corruption of one or
other of these names, obtained by adopting the word Kárib in conjunction with
the article el, or ‘the.’
Dean Vincent, on the other hand, presumes it to have taken place about the
tenth year of the reign of Nero (A.D. 64); or again, Charibael may be identi-
fied with Shoorahbeel, who reigned previous to Balkees, and subsequent to the
invasion of Ælius Gallus. Without, however, presuming to settle this vexata
quastio, it will be sufficient to assume it as having occurred about this period,
namely within a few years previous and subsequent to the advent of our
Saviour.
From the narrative contained in the Periplus we learn, that at this period
the Sabeans monopolised the commerce of India, and acted as the intermediate
agents between the merchants of that country and those of Egypt; + that in the
reign of Ptolemy Philometer (A.D. 177) the Greek sovereigns in Egypt had
not traded directly to India, but had imported the commodities of that country
from Sába, the capital of Arabia Felix; that the port of Berinice was not
used for this commerce, but that Myos Hormos or Arsénoë was still the em-
porium, and that there was no trade down the coast of Africa, except for
elephants.j.
Shāmmir Yerāsh was succeeded by his son Aboo Mālik, who formed a
resolution to avenge his father's death; but changing his plans, after he had
set out, perished with part of his army, when in search of certain emerald
mines, said to be situated in the Maghreb.S
Zaid, commonly called Tobba-el-Akrán, succeeded his father Aboo Málik.
Aboo'l-Féda and Ahmed Dimishki intercalate between
these two princes the successive reigns of two brothers,
not of the house of Himyar, but of the tribe of Azd, and descendants of
* Aboo'l-Féda, p. 8. i Vincent’s Periplus, vol. i. p. 31. f Idem, p. 33.
§ Nowairi, p. 58; Hamza, p. 100; Aboo'l-Féda, p. 8; Caussin de Percival, apud Bom.
Mag., vol. iii. p. 74.
A.D. 90.
7
50
Kahtán. These were Omrān and Amr, and they appear to have held sway over
Māreb and part of Yemen, in which, owing to the disasters of the last two
reigns, and the tender age of El-Akrán, great confusion and anarchy prevailed.
Their usurpation was not of long duration, but it gave rise to several im-
portant events. Områn died after having reigned some time; others, however,
say that he abdicated in favour of his brother Amr, who received the surname
of Mozaikiya, or ‘the tearer,' because he tore every evening the clothes which
he had worn during the day, that they might not be used a second time.*
Omrán had the reputation of being a diviner or prophet, and it is said that,
before his death, he warned his brother Amr of a great misfortune which was
impending over their country. He bid him go to the great dam, and observe
whether a rat was perforating it and rolling down great stones, in which case
he might be assured that ruin was inevitable. Amr went forth, and observed
that the rat was employed as his brother had foretold.-f
As the prosperity of Māreb depended entirely on the existence of this dam,
Amr, foreseeing its speedy destruction, determined to dispose of his property,
and quit the country. Fearing, however, that he would have difficulty in
disposing of it, should it be known that it was the fear of an inundation which
induced him to do so, he conceived the following stratagem : he invited the
principal inhabitants to a feast, and, by a preconcerted scheme, he caused a
young orphan to strike him on the face, on being reproved for insolence;
whereupon Amr exclaimed,—“Shame upon Amr In the height of his glory
a child has dared to insult him, and strike him upon the face.” He instantly,
ordered the execution of the youth, but, at the intercession of the guests, he
subsequently pardoned him.
Feigning, however, to be overcome by the indignity which had been offered
to him, he declared that he could no longer remain in Máreb, and imme-
diately offered his property for sale. The inhabitants, fearing that in cooler
moments he might repent of this determination, eagerly purchased it, and
Amr, collecting the proceeds, emigrated with the greater part of his family.
Some of these settled in the Hajáz, others in Irák and Syria, while several of
the families of Azd remained in the country, and, according to Masaoodi, one
of the chiefs of these, named Málek, the son of Elyemen, remained master of
Máreb.j:
The predicted catastrophe at length took place: the dam, which had stood
for nearly 1700 years, yielded to the pressure of water
from within, and gave way, deluging the country far
and wide, and carrying away the whole city, with the neighbouring towns and
* Aboo'l-Féda, p. 8; Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag., vol. iii. p. 75.
t Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag., vol. iii. p. 75. | Idem,
A.D. 120.
51
villages, and reducing this fertile province to a state of utter desolation
and ruin.
The era of this event, which is famous in Arabian story, and is mentioned
in the Korán as the Sail-el-Arem, or “rush of water from the reservoir,’ has
been variously fixed. Baidáwi and Kazweeni say that it occurred between
Christ and Mahomed ; Ibn Dooraid places it six hundred years before
Islamism, or a few years prior to the birth of Christ; Hamza fixes it at about
two hundred years after our era; Baron de Sacy has referred it to the period
between A.D. 150 and A.D. 170; and according to the chronology of M. Caussin
de Percival, which is here adopted, the date is assumed as being about A.D. 120.*
According to Nowairi and Ibn Khaldoon, Tobba-el-Akrán occupied the throne
of Yemen for about fifty years, namely from about A.D. 90 to A.D. 140. He
undertook to avenge the death of his grandfather Shāmmir Yeråsh, and having
marched in the steps of that monarch's army, he reached and rebuilt Sammer-
cand, and subsequently carried war into the heart of China, destroyed its
capital, and founded there a city, which Thăalebi calls El-Beet, where he left a
colony of 30,000 Arabians. These still continued to exist as a distinct people,
preserving the dress and manners of Arabia, when Hamedoun wrote, which was
about A.D. 553. This Tobba, after an absence of seven years, returned to his
country laden with the spoils of China.j:
Dthoo Habshān succeeded his father, El-Akrán, and reigned from A.D.
140 to A.D. 150. Hamza and Aboo'l-Feda relate, that
he led an expedition against the tribe of Tasm and
Jadees, and exterminated them.' The other historians bring down the de-
struction of those tribes as late as the reign of Hassan Tobba, A.D. 236 to
A.D. 250. This discrepancy may be reconciled by assuming that their
extermination was not the result of a single operation, and that Hassan Tobba
completed what Dthoo Habshān had begun.
Dthoo Habshān was succeeded by his brother, whose name is unknown, and
regarding whose history nothing is chronicled. Hamza
tells us that he had a long reign, and was contemporary
with Kinana, one of the ancestors of Mahommed.|
Kali Kárib succeeded the preceding Tobba, his father, and reigned from
A.D. 180 to A.D. 200. He is represented by Ibn
Khaldoon as a weak monarch, who undertook no
warlike operation, and was little respected by his people. The name of
A.D. 140.
A.D. 150.
A.D. 180.
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 77.
* Nowairi, p. 58 to 60; Wright, p. 21. † Nowairi, p. 72.
$ Hamza, p. 101; Aboo'l-Féda, p. 8; Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p, 77.
| Caussin de Percival, apud Bom, Mag. vol. iii. p. 78.
52
Tobba Kárib is read by M. Fresnel in the Himyaritic inscription No. 5 of his
collection.*
Tibbán-Asăad-Aboo-Káriba, or Aboo Kárib, the son of the preceding,
reigned from about A.D. 200 to A.D. 236. He was one
of the most illustrious of the Himyarite sovereigns, and
is usually styled the middle Tobba : he extended his conquests further than
any of his successors, and is mentioned in the Korán, chaps. 44 and 50.
During the two preceding reigns, several petty independent chiefs, bearing
the titles Dthoo or Kail, ruled over provinces in Yemen: these were speedily
subdued by Aboo Kárib, who reduced them under his sway, and restored the
kingdom of Himyar to its former extent.
He then turned his attention to foreign conquest, and having collected a
large army, invaded Chaldea (cir. A.D. 206). He then
proceeded to the site of Heera, where he left behind
such of his army as were unable to follow him, and continued his route. After
penetrating Adirbiján, ravaging the Turkish territories, and defeating the
Tartars with great slaughter, he returned to Yemen, laden with spoil. F
To this exploit succeeded the invasion of the Hejáz. The district of
Yethrib, the modern Medina, was then inhabited by the Jewish tribes Koraizha
and Nadheer, who were supposed to be descended from those who fled from
Palestine before the army of Nebuchadnezzar, as well as the offspring of those
who escaped after the destruction of the temple by Titus in A.D. 70.
Aboo Kárib reduced the Hejāz, and proceeded towards Syria, leaving one
of his sons as governor of Yethrib. On his way thither he received intelligence
that the inhabitants of Yethrib had rebelled, and slain his son; whereupon he
instantly returned, determined to revenge his death, and laid siege to the city.
Two Jewish doctors sought him out, and justified their conduct, by inform-
ing him of the injuries and oppression they had suffered at his son's hands;
they also assured him that he would not fail to incur the divine wrath if he
persisted in his designs against the city, as it was destined to afford protection
to a prophet, who should appear in the latter days, and who should take up
his abode there, after being driven from his country. The Tobba yielded to
their advice, and, in admiration of their profound wisdom, renounced idolatry,
and, with his whole army, embraced Judaism.
He then engaged the two doctors to return with him to Yemen, to convert
the inhabitants. On his way certain of the tribe of Hodháil met him, and
described to him the rich treasure he might acquire by plundering the Kāaba,
or temple of Mecca. This they did to effect his destruction, as they were
persuaded that God would not permit such sacrilege to pass unpunished; but,
A.D. 200.
A.D. 206.
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom, Mag, vol. iii. p. 78, f Idem,
53
under the advice of the doctor, he rejected their proposition, and beheaded
all who had endeavoured to induce him to plunder the shrine.
He then proceeded to the valley of Mecca, where he remained several
months, making the circuit of the Kāaba, and offering up every day magnificent
sacrifices. He was the first who covered the Kāaba with a tapestry of leather;
he also provided it with a lock of gold.*
On his return to his kingdom, Aboo Kárib endeavoured to introduce
Judaism into his country. His attempts were at first opposed, but finally his
subjects agreed to submit the question of the superiority of the two religions
to the ordeal of fire. There was in Yemen a place whence miraculous fire
issued, which had the effect of consuming the guilty, leaving the innocent
unscathed; thither the champions of the two creeds repaired, the ministers of
the false gods bearing their idols, and the Jewish doctors with their books
upon their breasts. On coming in contact with the fire, both parties drew back,
but were pushed forward by the crowd. The Himyarites were consumed, but
the Jews passed through without injury. This gained many proselytes
to Judaism. Such is the legend of the introduction of this religion into
Yemen.
Aboo-Kárib subsequently set out on an expedition to conquer India, but he
either died on the road, or was assassinated by the
A.D. 236. Himyarites, who could no longer bear his warlike
humour.f.
On the death of Tobba Asaad Aboo Kárib, one Rabia, the son of Näsr, of
the tribe of Benoo Lakhim, of the race of Kahtán, suc-
ceeded to the throne. After he had reigned but one
year he had an extraordinary vision : he called in the most distinguished
A.D. 237.
soothsayers in his kingdom, and required them to reveal the vision and the
interpretation of it. They requested him to make known the dream, but he
replied that only he who could reveal the vision itself was capable of under-
standing the meaning of it. At last Sakeeh, an old man, who is said to have
lived at least three or four hundred years, thus spake:—“Thou didst see a
coal fall upon the Teháma of Yemen; forthwith it ignited, and caused a fire
which burnt up every living creature.”—“Thou hast spoken truly,” said
the king; “but what doth this import 7”—“I swear,” said the sage, “by the
serpents which crawl upon the burning and flinty soil, that the Abyssinians will
invade this land, and make themselves masters of the whole country, from
Abian (Aden) to Joråsh.” The sage further predicted that this would not
* Nowairi, p. 60; Masāoodi, vol. i. p. 137; Wright, p. 23; Caussin de Percival, apud Bom.
Mag. vol. iii. p. 80.
t Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 80.
54
happen in the time of Rabia, and that the Abyssinian rule would last seventy
years. Another soothsayer of equal reputation, being interrogated, predicted
the same event.*
In consequence of this revelation, Rabia, in order to save his family from
the misfortune which menaced his country, sent them into Irák, and com-
mended them to a Persian prince named Saboor, the son of Khorazád,
who settled them in the territory of Heera. Amongst the children of
Rabia was one Adi, who espoused the sister of Jodhaima, king of a portion
of Chaldea, and subsequently became head of the Lakhimite dynasty in
Heera.
Rabia is not usually reckoned amongst the sovereigns of Yemen, but his
case resembles that of Omrān and Amr Mozaikiya. It is probable that he
was a Dthoo or Kail, who was master of several provinces, and reduced by
Aboo Kárib, and that the legend of the vision was a fable invented by his
descendants, to dignify their descent, and magnify a petty chieftain into a
Himyarite Tobba.-f
Hassan Tobba commenced to reign about A.D. 237, and reigned till
A.D. 250. He was quite an infant when his father Aboo Kárib died, and during
his minority, the sovereign power was exercised by a Jew of the Benoo
Lakhim tribe. When he came of age, this Jew, who was probably his tutor
or guardian, retired with his father to Heera.
Hassan Tobba completed the destruction of the tribe of Jadees, which, like
that of Tásm, had been wasted by Dthoo Habshán.i.
Tásm and Jadees were sister tribes of the lineage of Tasm, who was descended
in the third or fourth generation from Shem, through Aram. Nothing is
certainly known concerning them, save the circumstance which caused their
destruction. They occupied the rich and fertile country afterwards styled
Yemāma, and had a common government.
At this time they were ruled by a Tasmite king of the name of Amlook;
he grievously oppressed the Jadisites, and, amongst other cruelties, compelled
them to bring to him all the young women of the tribe previous to marriage.
For a long time he had exercised this seignorial right, and, amongst the
victims of his lust, there was one named Ghofaira, a daughter of a high
Jadisite family. In order to avenge this indignity, Asăad, the brother of the
damsel, entered into a league with the other chieftains of the tribe, and invited
Amlook and his household to a banquet. On a preconcerted signal, the
conspirators seized their arms, which they had hid in the sand, and, falling
upon Amlook and his tribe, massacred them; only one escaped, by name
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag, vol. iii. p. 81. # Idem, p. 82, † Idem, p. 158.
55
Ribāh, who fled to the Himyarite prince, and induced him to send an expedition
against the Jadisites.*
Ribāh accompanied the Himyarite army, and when within three days' march
of the principal stronghold of the Jadees, he informed Hassan Tobba that he
had a sister named Zerka-el-Yemáma married to one of the Jadisites, who
was possessed of such a wonderful power of vision that she could distinguish
objects at a distance of several days’ journey, and recommended that each
soldier should carry before him branches of trees, to conceal the approach of
the force. This advice was followed; but in spite of the precaution, Zerka-el-
Yemāma descried the advancing army at a great distance, and informed the
tribe that she saw a forest advancing, beyond which were the Himyarites.
No heed was given to this warning, and when, a short time afterwards, she
declared that she saw a soldier step out of the ranks to repair his sandal, she
was laughed to scorn; and no preparations for defence being taken until it was
too late, the Himyarites attacked and exterminated the Jadisites; only one
escaped. Zerka-el-Yemáma was taken, and deprived of sight. When her eyes
were extracted, it was found that the eye-ball was traversed with black fibres,
and she avowed that she owed her wonderful eye-sight to a salve of powdered
antimony. It has been said that she was the first Arab female who employed
Rohl, or collyrium.
The province of Ján, the seat of the Jadisites, was subsequently called after
her, Yemāma. For a considerable time it remained unoccupied, but it was
subsequently colonised by the Beni Haneefa tribe, who emigrated from the
Hejáz.
Bassan Tobba, like his father, fell by the hand of an assassin. Eager for
foreign conquest, he organised a large army, and overran several countries;
when, at a place called Rabhat Mālik, on the Euphrates, his principal officers
conspired against him, and offered the throne to his brother Amr, on condition
that he would kill him, and conduct them to their homes, which conditions he
accepted and fulfilled.
A Himyarite chief endeavoured to dissuade Amr from his purpose, but
being unsuccessful, he begged him to take care of a casket until he should
reclaim it.
Amr Dthoo-el-Awād or Amr-el-Mauthabán succeeded his brother about
A.D. 250, and reigned twenty years. The latter days
of his life were embittered by the thought that he had
obtained his crown through fratricide, and sleep forsook him ; he consulted
the soothsayers as to the cause of this state, and they agreed that it was a
A.D. 250.
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 420.
56
judgment sent by God, which could only be removed by the punishment of all
those who had instigated his brother's murder. He accordingly seized and
executed them. He would have included the dissentient chief in the fate of his
comrades, but the latter begged Amr to open the casket he had entrusted to
him. It was found to contain a paper, inscribed with the following couplet:—
“Who would barter sleep for sleeplessness 2—happy is he whose eyelids
repose by night !
The Himyarites have dealt treacherously; but God is witness that Dthoo
Rooãin was not their accomplice.”
This recalled to the mind of Amr what had occurred between them, and he
not only released but rewarded the loyal old chief.
Amr received the epithet Dthoo-el-Awād,—‘ the man with the litter,’ or
El-Mauthabán—‘the sedentary, because, worn out with care and disease, he
was obliged to be carried about from place to place.*
Nowairi states that his people conspired against him, and put him to
death."f
Hamza relates that he had read in an ancient history of Yemen that this
prince was a contemporary of Shapoor I., the son of Ardsheer of Persia, who
captured and flayed alive the Roman Emperor Valerian, and that the two
following reigns coincided with that of Hormuzd I., son of Shapoor; hence it
may be concluded that Amr's reign must have terminated about A.D. 270.f
After the death of Amr Dthoo-el-Awād, his four sons reigned conjointly in
Yemen for two years, namely from A.D. 270 to A.D.
272. They formed the design of attracting the great
annual pilgrimage to Sanāa, by conveying thither the black stone of the
temple of Mecca, which was held in the greatest veneration by all the Arabians.
With this object, they led an army against Mecca, which was entirely defeated
by the tribe of Benoo Kinana. Three of the kings were slain, and the fourth
remained a prisoner in the hands of the conquerors.S
Abdháa, son of Dthoo-el-Awād, succeeded his brothers; but his subjects,
incensed at his misrule, conspired against and put him
to death, after he had ruled one year.|
The next sovereign of Yemen was Abd-Kelál, the son, according to Aboo'l-
Féda, of Amr Dthoo-el-Awād, or the son of Math-
roob, a descendant of Himyar. He reigned from A.D.
273 to A.D. 279, and is said to have embraced Christianity, though, from
the fear of his subjects, he never openly professed it. He was converted by a
A.D. 270.
A.D. 272.
A.D. 273.
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 160. + Nowairi, p. 72.
# Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 160. § Idem, vol. iii. p. 161.
| Idem,
57
Syrian, and when his subjects heard that the monarch had abjured their ancient
faith, they slew the Syrian who had effected his conversion.*
It is difficult to assign the precise era at which Christianity was introduced
into Arabia; it is the universal belief of the Eastern churches that St. Thomas
preached in Arabia Felix and Socotra on his way to India (about A.D. 50),
where he suffered martyrdom; and it is said that the rudiments of the religion
of the cross were first implanted amongst the Himyarites by St. Bartholomew.f.
It is also recorded that St. Pantenus was sent by Demetrius, bishop of
Alexandria, to preach in Arabia Felix, and that he there found traces of
the labours of St. Bartholomew, Lamongst others, a copy of St. Matthew's
Gospel, written in the Hebrew character, which he brought away with him to
Alexandria.j:
But it was not till the next reign, that of Tobba the son of Hassan, from
A.D. 297 A.D. 297 to A.D. 320, that Christianity seems to have
• *-* * * * * * * * made any considerable progress, or its existence to
have been generally known in Arabia.
This prince was very young when his father was assassinated by Amr
Dthoo-el-Awād, and he disappeared immediately after that event; but on his
return after the death of Abd-Kelāl, he was unanimously elected sovereign of
Yemen.
Hamza asserts that he embraced Judaism, and adorned anew the temple of
Mecca; that Mecca and Medina were subject to him, and that he placed his
sister's son Amr as king over the Māadites.S
It is probably in the reign of this prince, or of his successor, that an event
pregnant with importance to Arabia took place. This was the establishment
of the Christian church in Abyssinia, amongst a people who have preserved
Christianity as the dominant religion to the present day, though surrounded on
every side by Mahomedan and pagan tribes.
It is related by ecclesiastical historians that one Meropius, a philosopher,
and by birth a Tyrian, in company with two youths who were related to him,
set out on a voyage of discovery to the country of the Indians. On his return,
he anchored in a port which had a safe and commodious harbour, for the
sake of procuring necessary provisions.
It happened that, a little before his arrival there, the league between the
Indians and the Romans had been broken. The Indians therefore took the
philosopher, and those who were with him in the ship, and put them to death,
with the exception of his two kinsmen, whom they presented to the king.
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 162. t Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vol. iii. p. 1.
† Pagett, part ii. p. 16; Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 161.
§ Wright, p. 36; Hamza, p. 104.
8
58.
The latter was so much pleased with the youths, that he made one of them,
whose name was Ædesius, his cup-bearer, and to the other, whose name was
Frumentius, he entrusted the custody of his accounts and archives. Not long
afterwards, the king died, leaving a widow, and a son who was a minor, and
therefore incapable of assuming the reins of government; but previously he
had given the two young Tyrians their liberty.
The queen entreated them to undertake the guardianship of her son, and of
his kingdom, until he should arrive at years of discretion; they acceded to
her request, and Frumentius was more particularly distinguished for his
fidelity and administrative ability.
He sought out all the Roman Christians in the country, and, having built
them an oratory, he instructed some Indians in the doctrines of Christianity,
and they were admitted to participation in the worship.
When the king had obtained maturity, Frumentius sought and obtained per-
mission to return to his own country. Ædesius accompanied him, and at once
hastened to Tyre to see his relations; while Frumentius, whose religious zeal
was greater than the natural feeling of filial affection, remained at Alexandria,
and related all that had befallen them to the great A thanasius, who had
recently been elevated to that bishopric.
He represented that there was a reasonable hope of the Indians embracing
Christianity, and suggested that a bishop and clergy should be sent there,
in order that they might not lack the means of instruction in the religion
of Christ.
Athanasius assembled his clergy, and having taken into consideration what
was most expedient to be done, entreated Frumentius to take upon himself
the bishopric, as it was the unanimous opinion of himself and the heads of
the church, that no one could more appropriately be selected to govern the
church in that country than he who had been instrumental in planting it there.
Frumentius was accordingly consecrated, and returned about A.D. 326 to
the country of the Indians, where he built many churches, and contributed
greatly by his life and doctrine to the propagation of the Christian religion
there.* He is also said to have performed various miracles, healing diseases
both of the body and soul. Ruffinus asserts that he had the above particulars
from AEdesius, who was afterwards inducted into the sacred office at Tyre.
The scene of this transaction has been laid by some authors in Arabia
Felix, and by others, with greater probability, in Axum ; both Arabians and
Abyssinians were known by the designation of Indians, and it is known that
Frumentius, a bishop, was deposed in A.D.356, by the successor of Athanasius,
for Arianism.
* Socrates’ Schol. lib. i, cap. xix, ; Wright, p. 29; Theodoret, p. 60; Sozomen, p. 86.
59
Harith, the son of Amr, the son of Hassan Tobba, succeeded his uncle, and
reigned from A.D. 320 to A.D. 330. He is mentioned
by no other historians than Aboo'l-Féda and Ahmed
Dimishki, and the only circumstance known of him is, that he was a zealous
disciple of Judaism.*
Marthád, the son of Abd-Kilál, reigned from A.D. 330 to A.D. 350. He
appears to have been a wise and tolerant prince, and was
in the habit of declaring that he ruled the bodies and not
the souls of his subjects; that all he exacted was obedience to his laws; and as
for their religion, that was a matter between them and their Creator. His liber-
ality equalled his tolerance, and he was universally beloved by his subjects.
It is supposed that it was to this prince the Emperor Constantius sent an
embassy about A.D. 342, headed by Theophilus Indus,
an Indian bishop, and a native of the island of Diu.
The object of Constantius in sending this mission was to strengthen himself
against the Persians, by an alliance with the Himyarites, and to convert the
A.D. 320.
A.D. 339.
A.D. 342.
inhabitants of Yemaen. He brought rich presents, amongst which were two
hundred horses of the pure breed of Capadocia; and it is said that his elo-
quence, seconded by the m ignificence of the gifts which he brought, induced
the Himyarite prince to embrace Christianity. This fact is doubtful—it may
have been that Marthád's toleration was mistaken-for conversion; it is certain,
however, that one great end of the mission was accomplished, and Theophilus,
despite the violeat opposition of the Jews, obtained permission to build
churches for the subjects of the emperor travelling through, or residing in,
Arabia Felix, as well as for such of the Himyarites as had been converted to
Christianity. These churches were erected, one at Dthafâr, the royal resi-
idence, another at Aden, a mart of the great transit trade between India and
Europe, and a third at a Persian port in the Arabian sea, which is supposed
to have been the island of Hormuzd. f.
According to Philostorges, the inhabitants of Yemen at that time were
partly Jews and partly pagans, but the latter predominated; circumcision on the
eighth day after birth was practised by both. The latter offered sacrifices to
the sun and moon, and to several other deities, to whom they erected temples.
One of these, called Rayám, at Sanāa, is particularly mentioned.j:
The mission of Theophilus, which is not mentioned by Arabian historians,
does not appear to have been followed by any other effect than the building of
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 163; Aboo'l-Féda, p. 10.
t Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 163; Wright, p. 33; Nicephorus,
Jib. ix. cap. xviii.
£ Caussin de Percival, apud Bem, Mag. vol. iii. p. 164 ; Philostorges, p. 444.
60
churches. If any of the inhabitants were converted, their numbers were
insignificant.*
Asseman considers that Theophilus merely converted the few who were
already Christians to the Arian heresy, of which he was a zealous adherent.f
Probably the greater number of these were Roman subjects, and Jews were
frequently confounded with Christians. The district where the latter were
principally to be found was Nejrán.f
Wália or Wäkia, the son of Marthád, succeeded his father about A.D. 350,
and reigned twenty years; during which period great
disorders prevailed in his kingdom, and many of the
Kails and Dthoos rebelled, and usurped independent authority. This prince is
described as being of a very fickle nature: he first became a disciple of
Judaism, then he favoured Christianity, and subsequently he seemed to
vacillate between the two religions.
Probably the disorganised state of his reign, as recorded by Aboo'l-Féda,
Ahmed Dimishki, and Ibn Khaldoon, may be attributed in fact to the
encroachments of the Abyssinians, who appear at this time to have held parts of
Arabia Felix; as we learn from the inscription found by Mr. Salt at Axum,
that in the fourth century of our era, the Axumite sovereign AEizonas arrogated
to himself the title of “ King of the Himyarites,”S and that he sent his two
brothers into Arabia, who subdued the Himyarites and several other tribes, and
brought away a great number of captives, with sheep, oxen, and beasts of burden.
Abrahá, the son of Sabbah, reigned from A.D. 370 to A.D. 400. He was
contemporary with the Persian monarch Shapoor II.,
and is described as a liberal and intelligent prince, who
ruled his subjects with prudence and moderation.|
Abrahá was succeeded by Sahbān, the son of Moobrith, cousin of Abrahá
according to Nowairi. Hamza states that he reigned
A.D. 400. at the same time as Yezdijerd I. and his son Bahram-
gor of Persia."[
Sabbah, grandson of Abrahá, succeeded the preceding in A.D. 440, and
reigned till A.D. 460. He was contemporary with
Yezdijerd II. He was a brave and intelligent prince,
but the only circumstance recorded of him is, that he made a tour through
A.D. 350.
A.D. 370.
A.D. 440.
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 164.
t Asseman's Bib. Orient. tom. iii.; Wright, p. 35.
: Wright, p. 36; Aboo'l-Féda, apud Pocock’s Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 141.
§ Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 165.
| Idem; Aboo’l-Féda, p. 10; Hamza, p. 104; Nowairi, p. 74.
‘ſ Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 165.
61
Nejd, to ascertain if the Arabs of Rabia were submissive to his authority.
During his reign, Amr Dthoo Keefán ruled over a considerable part of
Yemen.*
Hassan Dthoo Moâher, the son of Amr, reigned from A.D. 460 to A.D.
478. It is supposed that he was identical with the
prince styled Dthoo Keefán by Jennábi and Ahmed
I)imishki. He had a famous sword, called “Samsama,’ which subsequently
fell into the hands of Amr the son of Māadi Kárib, of the tribe of Zobaid.
In spite of very excellent qualities, he ſailed to consolidate his empire, which
continued to decrease in strength, and the Dthoos and Kails still maintained
their independence. The seat of his government was Dthafár.'t
After the death of Hassan the son of Amr, one Lakhnia: Tanoof, surnamed
Dthoo Shenátir, or ‘the wearer of the earrings,’ suc-
ceeded. He was not of the royal family, but usurped
the government of Yemen, and overcame all who attempted to resist him.
He took possession of the castle of Ghoomdān, where he reigned quietly for
ten years, after which he broke forth into every species of cruelty.
He had secured his authority by putting to death all such of the blood
royal as were of sufficient age to have disputed the
throne with him; those who were not, he dishonoured,
in order to prevent them nourishing the hope of attaining the supreme
power. He caused all the youths of noble families to be brought to his
chamber, and he did not dismiss them until he had accomplished his infamous
designs. The scene of this brutality was an upper chamber with a window
looking into a court, guarded by soldiers; when the king appeared at this
window, to clean his teeth, it was a sign for the soldiers to enter and remove
the victim.S
One prince of the family of Asăad Aboo Kárib alone remained: he was a
youth of singular beauty, named Zarāa, whose flowing locks had gained for
him the appellation of Dthoo Nowäs—‘ of the flowing hair.’ He was seized,
and conveyed to the fatal pavilion ; but it was to avenge, and not to share the
ignominy of his unhappy kindred. He had a dagger concealed about his
person, with which he stabbed the tyrant, and, having cut off his head, he
displayed it at the window, with the tooth-brush in his mouth, which the
soldiers perceiving, they opened the doors, and permitted Dthoo Nowäs to
go forth.
A.D. 460.
A.D. 478.
A.D. 488,
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 165. # Idem, p. 166.
# According to Masaoodi, his name was **** (Lakhteåa).
§ Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 166; M.S. in British Museum,
No. 6930,
62
The news of this deed was hailed with universal joy, and Dthoo Nowās was
with one consent proclaimed sovereign of Yemen.”
He reigned from A.D. 490 to A.D. 525, and became
a zealous partisan of Judaism, which, in consequence, made great progress in
his day. His conversion is ascribed by some to his having witnessed the fire
consecrated to a demon extinguished by a Jewish teacher reading several
passages from the Pentateuch over it; and by others to his having acquired a
predilection for that religion when on a visit to Yathrib, then partly inhabited
by Jews and partly by heathen. On his change of religion he assumed the
name of Yoosoof.-f
The religious fanaticism and natural cruelty of Dthoo Nowās led him
to persecute in a most unrelenting manner all the Christians within his
dominions, who had of late greatly increased in number; and the Roman
merchants engaged in the Ethiopian trade were amongst the first to feel its
effects. But the great atrocity of his reign, and one which has hardly a
parallel in history, if we except the modern massacre of Cawnpore, com-
mitted by a kindred spirit, was a fearful act of barbarity, committed upon the
Beni Thäleb tribe at Nejrán, who had embraced the religion of Christ at the
preaching of a Syrian. The punishment which this crime entailed upon
him was commensurate with its enoranity—no less than the entire extinction
of the Himyarite dynasty.
The legend of the conversion of the Beni Thäleb is as follows:—There was
in Syria a very pious Christian named Fumiyoon, who led an ascetic life, and
travelled about from place to place, leaving each residence as the fame of his
virtues, and the efficacy of his prayers, became known. He had a faithful
disciple named Sāleh, who followed him in all his wanderings. On leaving
one place, where the report of his cures had made the people importunate, they
travelled over a part of Arabia, till they were met by a party of Bedouins,
who took them prisoners, and conveyed them to Nejrán, where they sold them
as slaves.
Fumiyoon was purchased by one of the principal men of the town. On
retiring to rest for the night, he began to pray, and immediately a supernatural
light filled the apartment. This miracle led his master to make inquiries
regarding the Christian religion: his slave replied,—“My God is the only
God; His alone is the power and majesty; the palm-tree which you worship
is devoid of power, and would be immediately destroyed were I to invoke
against it the God whom I serve.” His master replied,—“Pray then to
your God to destroy the object of our worship, and we will embrace yours.”
A.D. 490.
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 167. i Idem.
63
Fumiyoon prayed, and a speedy answer was vouchsafed to his supplication;
for God sent a scorching wind, which dried up the roots of the tree, and it
fell;-whereupon most of the inhabitants of Nejrán embraced Christianity.”
Another tradition is related by Ibn Isbäk. A young man, named Abdulla,
the son of Thámir, witnessing the prayers of a holy man, also styled Fumi-
yoon, was much struck with the spectacle, and, becoming a disciple of the
stranger, eventually became a Christian. He discovered the “great name
of God,' whereby miracles are wrought, by writing various names on arrows,
and shooting them into the fire one after another; all were burnt excepting
that whereon was inscribed the great name, which passed through the fire
uninjured.
Having acquired this knowledge, he went about healing the sick, upon
the condition that they abjured idolatry and embraced his religion : thus all
the people in Nejrán who were afflicted with any disease were healed, and
renounced paganism.
The prince of the district sum moned Abdulla, and accusing him of corrupt-
ing the minds of his subjects, ordered him to be thrown from a precipice—but
he fell down unhurt; he was then flung into a pit of water, but with the same
result: at last Abdulla informed the prince that he had no power against him
unless he embraced the Christian religion. The latter repeated the protesta-
tion of faith, and then struck Abdulla slightly with a cane, whereupon he fell
down lifeless, and the prince died at the same moment. The greater number
of the inhabitants of Nejrán were struck at this occurrence, and changed
their religion for that of Christ.ºf
Upon the pretext of the murder of two Jews by the people of Nejrán,
Dthoo Nowäs took up arms against them, and besieged the city with 120,000
men; but failing to take it by force, he had recourse to stratagem. He
assured the inhabitants, upon oath, that no evil should happen to them if they
opened their gates: upon the faith of this assurance they surrendered ; but no
sooner had Dthoo Nowäs entered the town, than he plundered it, and gave
the inhabitants their choice between Judaism and death.
They preferred the latter: accordingly large pits were dug, and filled with
burning fuel, and all who refused to abjure their faith, amounting, it is said, to
20,000, including priests, monks, consecrated virgins and matrons, who had
embraced a monastic life, were either cast into the flames or slain by the
sword. Amongst the victims was the chief man of the town, whom Maho-
medan writers call Abdulla the son of Thámir, and ecclesiastical historians
Aretas the son of Calib, by which name he has been admitted into the
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 169; IIamza, p. 106.
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 170.
64
Roman calendar of Saints.” Little doubt exists that these two names
represent the same individual, since Abdulla certainly belonged to the family
of Hárith the son of Kāab, and it is probable that the former was his proper
or Christian name, and the latter that of his family.f
The heroism of a Nejranite matron, and of her son, who threw themselves
into the flames, gave rise to the following fable, recorded by El-Masāoodi:—a
woman, with a child of seven months, refused to abjure her religion; she was
taken to the burning pit, and when she was frightened, God gave speech to
her infant, and it said, “Go on, mother, in thy faith ! thou wilt not meet a
fire after this.” They both perished in the flames.
The Tobba next caused the ashes of the bishop Paul, who had died some
time before, to be disinterred, and scattered to the winds; after which he
retired with his army to Sanāa.Ş
This tragedy obtained for Dthoo Nowās the epithet of ‘the lord of the
burning pit, and the fidelity of the martyrs, or ‘brethren of the pit, is com-
mended in the Korán, where an anathema is pronounced on their persecutor."[
According to Greek and Syrian writers, an embassy had been sent about
this time by Justin I. to the ‘mondár' or king of the Arabs of Heera, to
endeavour to detach them from their dependence on Persia; a presbyter
named Abraham, the son of Euphrasius, was charged with the mission. When
he reached the camp of the Arab chief, a messenger had just arrived from the
Himyarite king, detailing the success of his measures for exterminating the
Christians, and suggesting the adoption of similar ones at Heera. The
bishop immediately wrote a full account of the tragedy to the emperor, and
implored him to take up the cause of the martyrs.”
It is also related by Mahomedan historians, fit that Doos Dthoo Thălibán,
one of the few Christians of Nejrán who had escaped the persecution of the Him-
yarite monarch, traversed Arabia, Syria, and Asia Minor, and at last reached
the Court of Constantinople, where he implored the emperor to espouse the
cause of his persecuted brethren in Yemen. Justin was well disposed to
listen favourably to this appeal; but the distance of Arabia, as well as the
political state of his own dominions, prevented his personal interference; he
however wrote letters to the king of Abyssinia, requesting him to send troops
into Yemen for the punishment of Dthoo Nowäs.fi.
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 171 ; Aboo'l-Féda, p. 10; Hamza,
p. 106; Nowairi, p. 80; Tabiri, p. 106; Masāoodi, p. 140.
i Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 172. # Masāoodi, p. 133.
§ Wright, p. 56. | Korán, chap. lxxxv.
* Crichton, p. 89. ** Wright, p. 56. tº Nowairi, p. 82; Tabiri, p. 166; Hamza, p. 106.
†† Wright, p. 56; Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 172; M.S. in British
Museum, No. 6930.
65
The sovereign who reigned in Abyssinia at this time was a Christian; he is
styled by the Greek writers Elisbaas, and by the Ethiopians Caleb, or Amda.
Agreeably to the request of Justin, he commenced to make warlike preparations
for the conquest of Yemen. He caused seven hundred small vessels to be
constructed, and, in addition to these, he was furnished by the Roman emperor
with large ships from the Egyptian ports in the Red Sea. In this fleet he
embarked his army, which amounted to 60,000 men, and, crossing over the
Arabian Gulf, landed them at the port of Ghalifica.”
Dthoo Nowās, on the first intimation of the approaching invasion, had applied
for assistance to the Kails and Dthoos, who were tribu-
tary to him. These refused to send contingents to his
army, but declared that each would defend his own territories. Notwith-
standing this defection, the Himyarite prince succeeded in raising a consider-
able army, with which he marched to oppose the advance of the army. He
encountered the Abyssinian army, under Aryat, shortly after its disembarka-
tion; a battle ensued on the sea coast, in which the Himyarites were entirely
defeated. The Tobba fled from the field of battle, but, being closely pursued
and hemmed in by his enemies, he leaped his horse into the sea and was
drowned.-f
Aryāt then penetrated into Yemen almost unopposed; Dthafâr, which
was unprepared for a siege, immediately surrendered to him;—in a very
short time he subdued the greater part of the country, and, in order to make
his conquest more secure, razed the walls of some of the most important
A.D. 525.
fortresses.;
One Himyarite prince, by the name of Dthoo Jadán, for some time disputed
the advance of the Abyssinians. He received the appellation of Dthoo Jadán
from having a remarkably sweet voice, and it is said that he was the first who
cultivated the art of singing in Yemen.
After a battle with Aryat, in which he was completely routed, he followed the
example of his predecessor, and destroyed himself, by plunging into the sea.
Several Himyarite kings are mentioned by Arab historians as having reigned
subsequent to the conquest of Yemen by the Abyssinians. Amongst these are
Marthád the son of Dthoo Jadán, and another is Alkåma. Dthoo Keefán,
the son of Sharaheel, the son of Dthoo Jadán, who governed the district of
Hamdān, by the people of which he was slain. It is probable either that the
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 173.-Ghalifica was once a famous city,
and the seaport of Zebeed; it is equidistant between that town and Bait-el-Fukeeh. The
harbour is now so much filled up that no vessel, however small, can enter it.-Neibuhr, vol. i.
p. 278.
f Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag, vol. iii. p. 173. i Idem,
9
66
country was not entirely subdued, or that some Himyarite princes continued
to rule as vassals of the king of Abyssinia.”
Thus terminated the Himyarite dynasty, which had ruled in Yemen for two
thousand years. Its power had long been on the decline, but its downfall
was accelerated by the intolerance of the Jewish Tobbas, which induced
them to persecute with unrelenting fury the disciples of Jesus. These latter,
neglecting the precepts of their divine Master, were in many instances only too
ready to repay by equally bitter persecutions the injuries they had received at
the hands of the Jews; and to this circumstance may be attributed in some
measure the shortness of their rule.
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom, Mag. vol. iii. p. 174.
67
CHAPTER XI.
YEMEN DURING THE ABYSSINIAN OCCUPATION.
In consequence of the brilliant victories of Aryāt, he was confirmed in the
government of Yemen, and reigned as viceroy of the
A.D. 525. Negāshi, or king of Abyssinia from A. D. 525 to A.D. 537.
It is said by several Arabian historians that he received orders from his
master to destroy a third part of the country of the Himyarites, to massacre
a third of the males, and to send a third part of the females in captivity to
Abyssinia; and it is related that he executed these cruel instructions, at least
in part.*
He also enriched the chiefs of the army with the spoils of Yemen, to the
entire exclusion of the soldiery, whom he taxed with the most arduous duties,
employing them on various public works, without supplying them with the
bare necessaries of life. They soon began to manifest their discontent at
this treatment, and recognised Abrahã as their chief. This Abrahá was a
Christian ; he had been the slave of a Roman merchant at Adulis, and had
afterwards risen to high rank in the Abyssinian army.f
Aryat marched at the head of such of his troops as remained faithful to him
against his rival: when the two parties met, it was
proposed by Abrahá that, instead of hazarding a civil
war, and permitting the soldiers to destroy each other, the question should be
decided by single combat. To this Aryāt agreed, and the two champions pre-
pared for the conflict. Abrahá was short and corpulent, while his antagonist
was tall, strong, and well made. The latter was the first to strike his adver-
sary with a pike, but, missing his aim, instead of cleaving his skull, he only
succeeded in slightly wounding his forehead and nose, the latter of which was
slit open. This wound afterwards left a deep scar, which procured for Abrahá
the title of El-Ashram, or ‘the split-nosed.’ Abrahá had an attendant with him,
named Atwāda, who, seeing his master wounded, flew to his assistance, and
slew Aryat ; whereupon, although the victory had been obtained by treachery,
all the troops went over to Abrahá, who thus became ruler of Yemen without
opposition.f. He reigned from A.D. 537 to A.D. 570.
A.D. 537.
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 189.
t. Idem, p. 177; Wright, p. 89; Nowairi, p. 89.
§ Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 177; Wright, p. 90; Tabiri, p. 110.
68
Abrahá, in his gratitude, is said to have offered to comply with any desire
which this slave might express; the latter requested that no bride in Yemen
should be conducted to the bridegroom, until he had enjoyed her. The vice-
roy considered himself bound to fulfil his promise, and the request was granted.
The slave was subsequently slain by a bridegroom whom he had insulted, and
Abrahá had no desire to avenge his death, which rather gratified him.*
When the intelligence of the murder of Aryat reached the ears of the Negāshi,
he vowed, in the first transports of his rage, that he would never lay aside his
arms until he had trampled under his feet the land of Abrahá, till he had
stained his hands in his blood, and had dragged him by the hair of the head.
Abrahá no sooner heard of this, than he caused a sack to be filled with earth,
he suffered himself to be bled, and filled a small bottle with his blood, to
which he added some locks of hair, cut from his head. These he enclosed in
a rich casket, and sent them to Negāshi, with a letter to the following effect:—
“O king ! Aryat and I were both thy servants; he merited his death, by
tyranny and injustice. Empty, therefore, the earth out of this sack, and tread
it beneath thy feet—it is the land of Himyar; stain thy hands with my blood,
which is contained in this bottle; and drag with thy hand this hair, which I
have myself cut from my head : thus, having fulfilled thine oath, turn away
from me thine anger, for I am still one of thy servants!”f The king was
appeased, and confirmed Abrahá in the government of Yemen, after he had
solemnly promised for ever to continue his tribute to the Abyssinian crown.j:
Abrahá followed the example of his predecessor, in oppressing the Himya-
rites: amongst other outrages, he is said to have carried off Rihána, wife of
Aboo Mourra Saif, the son of Dthoo Yazán, by whom he had a son, called
Māadi Kárib. She afterwards bore a son and a daughter to Abrahá, named
Masrook and Bessàsa. Abrahá already had, by another wife, two sons, named
Amooda and Yaskoom; the former of whom, after having been admitted by
his father to a share in the government, made himself so unpopular, through
tyranny and oppression, that he was assassinated. Abrahá, not being of a
sanguinary nature, did not avenge the murder of his son.S
The reign of Abrahá was favourable to the extension of Christianity in
Yemen: a bishop, whom the patriarch of Alexandria had sent there, and whom
the Roman church reckons in her catalogue of Saints as St. Gregentius, fixed
his residence at Dthafâr. He drew up a code of laws, which was published by
the viceroy. The harsh measures which had been adopted towards the Jews
* Tabiri; Wright, p. 94. Wright, p. 90; Nowairi, p. 34; Tabiri, p. 110; Masāoodi, p. 142.
† Wright, p. 91. § Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 178.
|| The original of this MS., written in Greek, is to be found in the Imperial Library of
Vienna—Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 179.
69
and other enemies of Christianity were succeeded by others more consonant
to the mild spirit of that religion; the unbelievers were challenged to public
disputations with St. Gregentius, in the royal hall, in the city of Dthafâr; the
viceroy and his nobles were present, and a learned Rabbi named Herbanus
was chosen to advocate the cause of Judaism. The dispute lasted three days,
and resulted in the conversion of Herbanus and many of his followers to
Christianity.” The religious zeal of Gregentius was powerfully seconded by
Abrahá, who is universally allowed by Greek and Arabian authors to have
been a just prince, a zealous Christian, and charitable to the needy and
unfortunate.-f
Abrahá is said to have built a church at Sanāa, which was the wonder of
the age. The emperor of Rome and the king of Abyssinia supplied marble
and workmen for its construction, and it is related by Nowairi that, when com-
pleted, a pearl was placed on the altar, of such brilliancy that, on the darkest
night, objects were clearly seen by its light ! The viceroy, deeply grieved to
see the vast multitudes who still performed their idol worship at the Kāaba of
Mecca, endeavoured to substitute his church for the object of their super-
stitious reverence,—probably, also, he wished to divert the valuable trade of
Mecca to his own territories; but his persuasions were without avail, and
the Arabs would not abandon their ancient customs. He accordingly issued
an order, that all the Arabs in the neighbourhood should perform the
pilgrimage to his church at Sanãa; he also sent missionaries to the Hejáz
and Nejd, to invite the inhabitants of those parts to visit it, and he wrote
to Negāshi, and told him that he intended forcing the Arabs to abandon the
Kāaba, and substitute this temple as the object of their pilgrimage.
This design was speedily known throughout Arabia, and excited the indig-
nation of all the pagan tribes, but especially of the custodians of the Kāaba,
who foresaw that the prosperity of this new Christian church would
overthrow their own greatness. Accordingly, on the arrival of Abrahá's
messengers in the Hejáz, they were badly received, and one was murdered by
a man of the tribe of Kinana.
Another man of the same tribe was bribed by the guardians of the Kāaba,
and, having proceeded to Sanāa, was successful in obtaining employment in
the church. Seizing the opportunity of the preparation for a high festival, he
entered the sacred edifice by night, and defiled it with filth.f. The wrath of
* An edition of this disputation, in Greek and Latin, is given in the Magna Bibliotheca
Veterum Patrum, vol. xi., entitled “Gregentii Tepherensis Episcopi Disputatio cum Herbano
Judaeo.”—Wright, p. 93.
t Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 179; Wright, p. 93.
§ Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 179; Wright, p. 96.
70
Abrahá was inflamed at this indignity, and having discovered the author
of it, he vowed to take signal vengeance, by the total destruction of Mecca and
its Kāaba.
He accordingly collected an army of 40,000 men, and having headed it,
mounted on a white elephant of great size and beauty,
A.D. 570. he proceeded against Mecca.”
He routed in a single battle the inhabitants of the Tehāma, who had refused
to transfer their religious allegiance to Sanāa, and he seized all the cattle in the
neighbourhood of Táef, amongst which were two hundred camels belonging
to Abd-el-Motalib ibn Hasjemi, the grandfather of Mahommed, who was then
chief of the Koraish, and guardian of the sacred temple.f. The appearance
of this formidable army before Mecca spread the direst consternation amongst
the Koraish, who in vain offered Abrahã large sums of money to induce
him to abandon his designs. Abd-el-Motalib begged for an interview with
the viceroy; he was admitted into his presence, and treated with every mark
of honorable distinction; but the chief had only come to ask restoration of
his plundered camels. Abrahá asked why he made so insignificant a request,
and abstained from interceding on behalf of the Kāaba. Abd-el-Motalib
replied that the camels were his own property, while the temple belonged to the
gods, who would assuredly protect it, as they had always hitherto done. The
camels were restored, but the temple was left to the protection of its own
sanctity.
On the nearer approach of Abrahá, the Koraish, and all the inhabitants of
Mecca, retired to the mountains and fortresses in its vicinity, after first having
implored the aid of their gods in a pathetic hymn.j: .
According to Mahomedan authors, the deities were not importuned in vain;
and the Christian army, after having approached the walls of Mecca, was
destroyed in a miraculous manner: Abrahá advanced on his famous elephant
Mahmood, but, though it evinced readiness to move in every other direction, it
could not be induced to enter the sacred walls; the other elephants, thirteen
in number, evinced the same reluctance. At length, a dense flight of birds
from the sea coast, called Ababeel, overspread the hostile force: each carried
three small pebbles, of the size of a lentil, one in each claw, and one in the
beak, which they let fall with such violence as to pierce through the armour
of the soldiers, killing both men and elephants. Most of the invaders who
escaped death by this means perished in the desert, and Abrahá, with a very
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag, vol. iii. p. 180 ; Wright, p. 97; Nowairi, pp.
86, 90.
t Crichton, p. 92. † Wright, p. 98; Crichton, p. 92.
7I
small remnant of his army, reached Sanāa, where he soon after died of a
loathsome disease.
These events, well known in Arabian history as ‘the war of the elephant,”
took place in the same year as that which gave birth to Mahommed. It has
been suggested that the fable of the birds was invented by the prophet himself,
in order to augment the national reverence for the Kāaba, and that the
Christian host was destroyed by an epidemic disease, most probably small-pox.
Others have imagined that they perished from want of provisions, or were
destroyed by the Koraish, who, lining the hills above the passes leading to
the city, discharged stones upon the assailants.f
Abrahá was succeeded by his son Yascoom, by Rihána, wife of Saif
the Himyarite. He reigned two years, namely from A.D. 570 to A.D. 572.
Arabian authors accuse him of cruelty and tyrannic oppression, and narrate
that under him the Abyssinians ravished the women, killed the men, and made
slaves of the children. This cruelty inclined many to seek the protection
of the Koraish, whose victory over his predecessor had raised them in
importance in the estimation of Arab tribes. The Greek writers, on the
other hand, styled him Serdius or Serdeed, and inform us that he resembled
his father in justice and piety.
Masrook succeeded his brother Yascoom, whose tyranny he emulated and
surpassed; he reigned, according to Masāoodi, for three
years, namely from A.D. 572 to A.D. 575, and was the
last of the Abyssinians who governed Yemen.\
The advantages to the Negāshi from the conquest of this province appear to
have been very trifling; for the troops sent over became so enamoured of the
country that they permanently settled there, and soon broke every tie, save
a nominal allegiance to the parent state. Their rulers, too, assumed the
manners and style of royalty, and considered themselves almost in the light
of independent princes.
A.D. 572.
* Koran, chap. xv. # Wright, p. 99; Crichton, p. 93.
† Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 180; Wright, p. 145; Tabiri, p. 126;
Masāoodi, p. 144; Greg. Tepher. Epis. Disput. p. 204.
§ Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag, vol. iii. p. 180.
72
CHAPTER XII.
YEMEN DURING THE PERSIAN OCCUPATION.
During the viceroyalty of Masrook, the Arabs grew very restless under the
Christian yoke. They saw that the dominion of their
conquerors was likely to be permanent, and descended
in regular order from father to son; and they sighed to be released from the
foreigners, whose treatment of their subjects justly caused them to be regarded
A.D. 573.
as tyrants and usurpers.”
At length they found a liberator. The last of the old Himyarite race were
Saif (whose wife Rihána had been seized by Abrahá), and Māadi-Káreb, his
son. At the instigation of the Himyarite nobles, who furnished them with the
necessary means, these two princes contrived to effect their escape from Yemen,
and repaired to Constantinople, to implore the aid of the emperor (Justin II.
or Heraclius). Saif waited a considerable time at the Byzantine court, in
patient expectation, and detailed to the Kaiser the miseries of his country-
men, and implored him to send an army to expel the Abyssinians.’t
To this request the emperor replied,—“You profess the Jewish faith; the
Abyssinians profess the Christian religion, as I do: consequently I cannot
undertake anything to their injury to do you a service.”f At length, finding
that he had nothing to expect from the Romans, Saif quitted Constantinople,
and proceeded to Heera, where he was kindly received by Nāamán, the son of
Moondheer, who offered to accompany him to the Persian monarch. Accord-
ingly, about A.D. 574, they proceeded to the court of Kesra Anowshirwān.
Kesra was in the habit of holding his court in a large iwán or saloon, where
his crown was deposited. On his first interview, Saif
A.D. 574. declared the object of his coming, represented the
tyranny under which his countrymen groaned, and the advantages which
would accrue to the Persians by the recovery of Yemen from the Abyssinians.
Kesra, deterred by the unproductiveness of the country, and the great distance
from his own dominions, declined to entertain the proposal, but dismissed
Saif, after having invested him with a robe of honour, and presented him with
6,000 dirhems of silver.S
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 180; Wright, p. 145.
t Wright, p. 146; Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 180.
£ Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 181.
§ Idem; Wright, p. 147.
- 73
No sooner had Saif left the royal presence, than he distributed the whole of
the abovementioned sum amongst the retainers of the palace. This act of
generosity coming to the ears of Kesra, he sent for him, and inquired the
reason. Saif replied,—“What could I do with them, seeing that gold and silver
are so common in my country —every mountain contains inexhaustible mines
of those metals. I come, not to seek pecuniary aid, but to enlist your justice
on behalf of my countrymen.” This declaration excited the cupidity of the
Persian monarch, who dismissed Saif with promises of assistance.” In
consequence, however, of other wars, especially with the Romans, Kesra did
not immediately fulfil his promise, and in the meanwhile Saif died.
Māadi-Karib, animated with the same zeal which had inspired his father,
once more sought the royal presence, and, after much solicitation, obtained an
audience of the king. He addressed the monarch in these words:—“I am the
son of Saif, and I have come to claim my inheritance, the fulfilment of the
promise you made to my father.”
At length Kesra, with the advice of his council, armed all the malefactors
in the prisons, amounting to 3,600 men : these he organised into an army, and
placed them under command of Horzad ibn Narsee, surnamed Wahraz, a
native of Dailán, who was one of their number, but superior to them by birth
and education. “If they conquer these regions,” said Kesra, “it will add to
my dominions; if they perish, they will but suffer the just punishment of their
crimes.” This party, together with Māadi-Kårib, embarked on board of eight
vessels, and set sail for Yemen. Two of the vessels foundered, but the remain-
der reached Aden in safety according to some historians, while others, and
amongst them Masāoodi, say Mayoon on the coast of Hadramaut.'f
The sight of these troops, and the presence of a descendant of their ancient
kings, excited the courage of their native Arabs, and of those who had suffered
from the persecution of Masrook: they accordingly flocked to the standard of
Māadi-Karib, who soon found himself at the head of the army of 20,000 men.
These he led to Wahrāz, and thus addressed him, “My foot shall be always
by the side of yours; let us conquer or die together.” Wahläz then set
fire to his ships, in order to show the Persian soldiers that they had no other
resource than their own valour, and forthwith marched upon Sanãa.
Intelligence of this powerful army soon reached the ears of Masrook, who,
having assembled a force of 120,000 men, prepared to oppose the advance of
the invaders. Wahrāz sent his son Yoodád forward to reconnoitre the Abys-
sinians: in a skirmish with them the youth fell; and a desire to avenge his
death only proved a fresh stimulus to Wahrāz.
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 182. ºf Idem.
† Idem, p. 183.
10
74
When the two armies met face to face, and the conflict began, Wahrāz
desired the soldiers to point out to him the Abyssinian viceroy. The latter
was seated on an elephant with a crown upon his head, and a large ruby
glittering upon his forehead. Whilst the Persians were looking at him, he
descended from his elephant, and mounted a camel; this he soon changed for
a horse, and finally he mounted on a mule. On seeing this, the Persian
exclaimed,—“It is the omen of the disgrace of his royalty: I shall now let
fly an arrow at him; if you observe that all around him remain quiet, you may
conclude that I have missed him, but if they are thrown into confusion, you
will know that I have hit him, and in that case, take advantage of the tumult,
and charge the enemy with vigour.”
The arrow of Wahrāz reached its destination; it touched the ruby, entered
between the two eyes of Masrook, and pierced his skull: the Abyssinian army
was thrown into the utmost confusion, made a feeble resistance, and finally
was routed with great slaughter.f.
After this victory, Wahrāz approached Sanāa, in order to make his triumphal
entry into the city; but the gateway being too small, he ordered that it should
be broken down, “for,” said he, “my standard shall never be lowered.” This
was done, and the Persian general entered the city with uplifted banners.
The Abyssinians who had escaped the sword fled to their own country or
submitted to the conquerors, and Māadi-Kárib was, agreeably to the orders
of Kesra, installed as viceroy of Yemen. A crown was placed upon his head,
and he was armed with a suit of silver mail. He agreed to pay tribute as a
vassal of the Persian monarch, and Wahrāz, leaving behind a portion of his
force, returned to his own country.f
When he had entered on the possession of his ancestral kingdom, Māadi-
Káreb caused the walls of the ancient Himyarite palace of Ghoomdān to
resound with festivity. The Arabs have sung his praise in their songs, amongst
others in that which Ommia the son of Aboo-es-Satt composed, describing the
wanderings of Saif, his unsuccessful journey to Constantinople, and finally the
restoration of the Himyarite dynasty in Yemen.' Another song by a Persian
poet, commemorating the exploits of Wahrāz, is thus recorded by Masāoodi:—
I.
“We embarked on the sea and steered for the coasts of Yemen,
To free the Himyarites from the curse of Soudán.
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag, vol. iii. p. 183; Wright, p. 148.
# Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 183; Wright, p. 149; Nowairi, apud
MS. No. 6930.
f Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 183; Nowairi, apud MS. No. 6930.
§ Excerpta ex Aboo'l-Féda, apud Pocock, p. 505,
75
II.
Warriors, like lions fierce, of the race of Sassān,
Encircling the sacred shrine with our poised javelins;
III.
And our white shields irradiate like the splendour of lightning,
Midst the flashes of moving armed men.
IV.
Then killed we Masrook, when, elate, he was glorying,
And giving orders to the tribes of the Habeshi.
V.
And we cleft the ruby pendulant between his eyes,
By the arrow of a Sassánian hero.
VI.
Wahrāz the Dailâni, who, when he had observed him fall,
Renewed in courage, and invincible in strength,
VII.
Possessed himself in battle of the towns of Kahtān.
Then penetrated we to the hills of Ghoomdān;
VIII.
And there, imbued in endless delights,
We enjoyed nuptial blessings with the daughters of Kahtān.”
Several authors, and amongst others Aboo'l-Féda, assert that Saif the son
of Dthoo Yezán did not die at the Persian court, but that he was actually
placed by Wahráz on the throne of his ancestors; while Masāoodi and
Ahmed Dimishki attribute what has been above related to Māadi-Káreb; but
all agree that the Persian king who afforded the succour to the Himyarite
prince was Kesra Anowshirwān, who reigned from A.D. 531 to A.D. 579.
Hajee Kahleefeh also says that these events occurred about four years before
the death of Kesra, or about A.D. 575.”
The news of the overthrow of the Christian power in Yemen, and the
restoration of the house of Himyar, speedily spread throughout Arabia, and
princes and ambassadors flocked from all parts to offer their congratulations
to Māadi-Káreb, who received them at Sanāa in the palace of Ghoomdān.
Amongst the deputies from Mecca was Abd-el-Motalib, grandfather of
Mahommed, and prince of the Koraish, who expressed the greatest joy on the
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom, Mag. vol. iii. p. 184.
76
occasion, and addressed the new viceroy as “the head of all the Arabians;
their spring-season, from which originated all their prosperity; their leader;
the pillar on which they all depended; and the banner lifted aloft for the
refuge of God’s worshippers.”
Mãadi-Káreb entertained the deputies with great honour, and presented to
each one hundred camels, twenty slaves, two rolls of gold and silver, and a bag
of amber; but to Abd-el-Motalib the gift was increased ten-fold.
A number of Abyssinians still remained in Yemen: these Mâadi-Káreb
began by persecuting, enslaving those whom he did not massacre: at length
he changed his policy, and, from an excess of distrust, he became imprudently
confiding, and surrounded his person with Abyssinian guards, armed with
javelins, who accompanied him whenever he left the palace. One day, as he
was out hunting, accompanied by these guards, they fell upon him and slew
him, and fled to the mountains.
An Abyssinian, whose name does not transpire, then seized the supreme
power, and for some time Yemen was filled with violence and bloodshed. The
native Himyarites, familiar to servitude, appeared to take little part in the
quarrel between their Persian and Abyssinian rulers, so that the latter retained
possession of the country for several years.f.
At length, however, Kesra Párweez, who had succeeded Anowshirwān, sent
an army of 4,000 men under the same Wahrāz who
had headed the first expedition, to regain possession of
Yemen. That general, though of great age, had lost none of his youthful
vigour; and whether it was, as some authors assert, that the Arabians had
been defeated by his lieutenant before his arrival, or whether he personally
fought against them, it is certain that they were routed with great slaughter.
According to the orders of Kesra, Wahrāz inflicted a cruel retribution upon
the Abyssinians, putting to death all whom he could find with crisp hair and
black skins, and even the half-castes, or children of Abyssinian fathers by
Arab mothers, to the number of about three thousand.j:
The Persian monarch was so much pleased with the conduct of Wahráz,
that he appointed him viceroy or satrap of the country which he had
conquered. Then it was that the dynasty of Himyar finally became extin-
guished, and Yemen, as well as its dependencies, Hadramaut, Mahra, and
Omán, became provinces of the Persian empire.'
A.D. 595.
Not only did the Abyssinians lose Yemen, but their power as a maritime
* Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 184; Wright, p. 150; MS. No. 6930.
f Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 185; MS. No. 6930.
; Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 185; Crichton, p. 95; MS. No. 6930.
§ Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag. vol. iii. p. 186.
77
state became greatly circumscribed. The Persians acquired command of the
Red Sea; and Aden, with the neighbouring ports, as well as the whole of
the harbours and islands on the African Coast, were completely in their
possession.
The soldiers of Wahrāz took to themselves Arab wives, and, says Ibn
Ishák, from them sprung that race called Ebnāa,” which exists in Yemen to
this day.f
Wahrāz died at Samāa, and after him the country was governed by succes-
sive Persian viceroys, regarding the names and numbers
of whom historians do not agree, until Budhán, who
began to reign as a vassal to Kesra Pârweez, shortly before the commencement
of Islamism (about A.D. 606), and who was subsequently confirmed in the
government of Yemen by the great Mahomedan lawgiver.
The Persian rule was mild, and hardly felt by the Arabs; moreover the
Kails, Dthoos, and petty chiefs of districts, were permitted to exercise separate
power, each in his own country.
The three religions, Pagan, Jewish, and Christian, were equally tolerated,
and the spirit of proselytism does not appear to have caused any fresh disturb-
ances. Christianity maintained its ground, chiefly at Nejrán, amongst the
Benoo'l-Harith ibn Kāab. A distinguished bishop of that town, named Coss,
the son of Sãeeda, is mentioned as a poet and orator; he died about the time
that Budhān succeeded to the viceroyalty of Yemen.
Under this satrap, a noble Christian family, named Oulād Abd-el-Madán
ibn Deyyān, governed Nejrán. They were distinguished
for liberality as well as wealth, and erected a church at
Nejrán upon the model of the Kāaba of Mecca. Other writers say that it was
an immense tent, formed of three hundred hides sewn together, in which
every one in danger found refuge, and where the unfortunate were welcomed
and succoured.
A.D. 606.
A.D. 622.
* Probably the race now called Khádim, plural Akhdām, is here indicated. The name
Ebnāa is not now known in Yemen.
t Caussin de Percival, apud Bom. Mag, vol. iii. p. 186.
78
CHAPTER XIII.
YEMEN, FROM THE ERA OF THE HEJIRA TO THE FIRST
DYNASTY OF SULTANS, OR IMA/MS.
The era of the Hejira, or flight of Mahommed from Mecca to Medina,
commences on the 16th July 622. Shortly after that
period, the conquests of Mahommed had extended over
the northern parts of Arabia, but Yemen was still subject to Budhán, the
Persian viceroy.
From Medina, Mahommed directed letters to the sovereigns of the various
countries round about, and amongst others to Kesra Párweez, king of Persia,
inviting them to embrace the new religion. Kesra treated his proposals with
contempt, and despatched an order to the viceroy of Yemen, to send him
the head of the impostor. But the prophet was safe from such a fate—his
power was too well consolidated in Arabia to permit him to fear the anger of
any foreign potentate ; and Budhán was by no means inclined to attempt the
execution of his sovereign's mandate.
The latter part of the reign of Kesra Párweez was stained with crimes
which rendered him hateful to his subjects, who accordingly revolted against
him, and, having confined him in a subterraneous dungeon, raised his son to
the throne.
Mahommed, who had early become acquainted with this circumstance through
his emissaries at the Persian court, pretended that the intelligence had been
conveyed to him by divine revelation, at the very time that the events had
transpired, and immediately sent an account of it to the viceroy of Yemen.
The latter, convinced by this pretended miracle, tendered his allegiance to
the ruler of Mecca, and, with the greater part of his subjects, embraced the
religion of El-Islām.* He was then confirmed in his office by Mahommed, and
retained it till his death.
Dissensions amongst the Christians greatly favoured the spread of Maho-
medanism, and shortly after Budhán joined him, the power of the prophet was
further increased by the conversion of the Mondhár of Heera, and Howāda
ibn Ali, the Christian king of Yemāma.
The Christians of Arabia were only too glad to secure the friendship of
Mahommed, and their bishops and priests went to negotiate an alliance and a
A.D. 622,
* Wright, p. 177.
79
tribute. Seid, the prince of Nejrán, with the bishop Jesujabus, secured
favourable terms for their tribe, and the treaty signed by the prophet stipulated
that they should be defended from their enemies; that they should never be
compelled to fight or to change their religion; that the priests should be free
from tribute, and the laity not too heavily taxed; that they should be permit-
ted to repair their churches; and that Christian slaves should be allowed to
serve amongst Arabians, without being compelled to change their faith.*
In the tenth year of the Hejira (A.D. 631), some disturbances having
broken out in Yemen, Mahommed sent Ali ibn Aboo
Thálib thither, at the head of 300 horsemen, to bring
the inhabitants to reason. He first attempted argument; but that failing, he
had recourse, and with much better effect, to the sword; for after about
twenty unbelievers had been slain, the rest quietly submitted. It is said that
Ali converted the whole tribe of Hamdān in a single day, and their example,
according to Aboo'l-Féda, was soon followed by all the inhabitants of that
province, excepting those of Nejrán, who preferred to pay tribute.
Ali returned to Mecca in time to be present at the prophet's farewell
pilgrimage to the Kāaba, and having acquitted himself of all his commissions
entirely to his master's satisfaction, he was received by him with marks of
great affection.-f
In the following year, two rival prophets sprang up in Yemen, named
Mosailma and El-Aswad, commonly called ‘the liars'
in Mahomedan history. The first of these was of the
tribe of Haneefa, inhabiting the province of Yemāma, and a man of considera-
tion amongst them. He had headed the deputation to Mahommed in the ninth
year of the Hejira, on which occasion he had become a convert to Islamism ;
but on his return to his country, he set up as an independent prophet. In the
urgency of other affairs, the usurpation of Mosailma continued for a time
A.D. 631.
A.D. 632.
unchecked.
El-Aswad ibn Kāab was the other pretender. He was the chief of the
tribes of Ans, and a man gifted with considerable eloquence, and a quick and
ready wit. He had been an idolater, but became a convert to Mahomedanism,
from which he seceded to set up a religion of his own.
He had acquired great power over the tribes of Yemen, and Aboo'l-Féda
relates that he was styled Dthoo-el-Hamár, or ‘lord of the ass,’ because he
used frequently to say, “The Lord of the Ass is coming to me.” He gave
out that he received his inspiration from the angels named Sohaik and
Shorhaik, the first of whom had sold him an ass, which played all manner of
* Asseman, apud Wright, p. 181. f Mod. Univ. Hist, vol. i. p. 205.
80
tricks; the latter frequently exhibited to him phantoms, so grand as to dazzle
his eyes.* The truth is, that he was well versed in juggling tricks and natural
magic, and astonished the multitude by spectral illusions; and for a time his
schemes were successful. -
On the death of Budhán, which occurred in this year, Mahommed divided
Yemen between Shehr, son of Budhān, and six of his own companions, to each
of whom he assigned a province.f.
Aswad, being now at the head of a very powerful sect, slew Shehr, espoused
his widow, and seized upon the government. The people of Nejrán invited
him to their city, the gates of Sanāa were thrown open to him, and in a short
time nearly all Yemen submitted to his sway.
Thenews of this usurpation found Mahommed in the first stages of the malady
from which he subsequently died, and fearing that it would prove injurious to
the religion which he had established, he sent secret orders to some of the
leading Himyarites and inhabitants of Hamdān to get rid of him, either by
surprise or by open force...i
This was effected by a party of Mahommed's friends. They conspired with
one Kāes ibn Abd-el-Yaghooth, who entertained feelings of enmity to the
usurper, and Firooz, El-Aswad's wife; these broke one evening into the house
and decapitated him. While they were despatching him, he uttered the most
piercing shrieks, which brought the guards to the chamber door, but his wife
dismissed them with the assurance that her husband was merely under the
influence of prophetic inspiration.'
In the morning, the standard of Mahommed waved over Sanāa, and a herald
proclaimed the death of El-Aswad, the liar and impostor.
This occurred a day or two before the prophet's death. Letters were imme-
diately sent to him, containing full particulars; but it is asserted that a
heavenly messenger carried the news, which he imparted to his followers just
before his death. The letters did not reach till Aboo Bekr had been elected
Kálif. The whole period of El-Aswad's usurpation did not exceed four
months.]
Mosailma, as has been observed, was of the tribe of Haneefa, and set up as
a rival prophet to Mahommed, about the same time as El-Aswad. Considering
that he ran the less risk of failure if he acted in conjunction with Mahommed,
he wrote to him, and proposed that they should divide the world between
them. His letter was as follows:—“From Mosailma, the Prophet of God, to
Mahommed, the Prophet of God . Now let the earth be half mine, and half
* Mod. Univ. Hist. vol. ii. p. 221. † Idem, vol. i. p. 206. j. Idem, p. 222.
§ Idem, p. 225. | Idem.
81
thine !”—to which Mahommed replied in these terms:—“From Mahommed,
the Prophet of God, to Mosailma, the Liar! The earth is God's; he giveth
the same for inheritance to such of his servants as pleaseth him, and the
happy issue shall attend such as fear him l’”
During the few months of Mahommed's life after this revolt, Mosailma gained
ground, and grew more formidable: he increased the number of his followers,
and held regal sway over Yemáma; but after the death of the prophet, which
occurred in the eleventh year of the Hejira (corresponding with A.D. 632), and
the sixty-third of his age, Aboo Bekr, who had been elected kālif, or successor
to Mahomed, in the spiritual as well as temporal empire which he had created,
resolved to subdue him.
He first sent Ikrama and Serjabeel, two of his most experienced commanders,
A.D. 633 with a body of troops to Yemāma, and afterwards de-
tº dº e Wºº Wºº' Wºº & spatched Khâlid ibn Wälid, with a powerful force, to
support them. After the junction of these armies, the Mahomedan troops
numbered 40,000 effective men.
Mosailma sallied out to meet Khālid with a still greater force, f' and a
battle was fought at Akreba, near the capital of Yemāma. Khālid was at
first repulsed, with a loss of twelve hundred men, but, rallying his troops, he
renewed the contest with such vigour that the rebels were entirely defeated,
and twelve thousand of their number remained dead upon the field. The
impostor himself fell, covered with wounds, slain by a negro slave named
Wahsha, with the same weapon that had despatched Hamza, the uncle of
Mahommed. The victory was so complete, that the survivors never again
attempted to revolt from their allegiance, and readily returned to the religion
of El-Islām.
Soon after this, Ikrama ibn Aboo Sáhil was sent to quell a rebellion in
Omán and Mahara. On his return, he visited Aden, where his presence
served to put to flight several turbulent persons, who had been endeavouring
to instigate the Himyarites to revolt.S
There is a tradition that about this time a heavy fall of rain inundated the
city of Sanāa, which, on subsiding, disclosed a strongly secured door in the
ground. This was opened, and in the cavity beneath was found a body richly
apparelled, and decorated with jewels; in each hand was a tablet, and at the
head a sword, whereon was inscribed,—“This is the sword of Hood ibn
Hood,” and on the tablets were engraved the following verses.
* Mod. Univ. Hist. vol. i. p. 280. §
f Some historians affirm that the army of Mosailma was numerically inferior to that of
Khālid.
# Mod. Univ. Hist. vol. i. p. 281. § Caussin de Percival.
| 1
82
“If governors and judges oppress the earth !
The Great Judge who is in heaven will punish them :
Ye should act according to the law of Mahommed.” +
After the disturbances in Yemen had been quelled, Aboo-Bekr divided the
country between three governors: Said ibn Lebeed-el-Baghádi was sent to
Hadramaut ; Ibbān ibn Said ibn El-As was appointed to Sanāa ; and Jennad
was allotted to Māad ibn Jebel-el-Ansari, the most valued and intimate
friend of the prophet. The second appears soon to have died or been removed,
as we find another, named Jálea ibn Ali Omaiya, sent in his stead. These
governors were subsequently confirmed in their posts by the Kālifs Omar and
Othmān in A.D. 634 and A.D. 643.
It is not intended here to enter into an account of the lives and exploits of
the kålifs. It will be sufficient to mention that on the death of the prophet
there was great danger of a disputed succession ; but to avoid this, Omar
renounced his own pretensions, and acknowledged Aboo Bekr as his lawful
sovereign. The Hashemites, under Ali, though averse to the new monarch,
acknowledged him eventually as ‘prince of the faithful.” After a reign of two
years, he was succeeded by Omar, who was assassinated in the twelfth year of
his reign. He was succeeded by Othmān; and it was not till his death that
Ali succeeded to the throne. This contest for the dignity of kálif has ever
since divided Mahomedans into two hostile sects, the Sheiis and Sunnis, the
former of which reprobate Aboo Bekr, Omar, and Othmān as usurpers, and
recognise Ali as the legitimate successor of the prophet.
Ali succeeded to the kålifate in A.D. 655, at which time Arabia was
filled with distraction at home, while the most splendid
achievements had been effected abroad.
Notwithstanding the claims and personal merits of Ali, his affinity to the
prophet, having married Fatima, his only surviving child, and his well-tried
valour, his accession was only the signal for political convulsions, which
threatened to rend in twain the religion of El-Islām.f
He dismissed all his governors, and, by so extraordinary a measure, raised
deadly feuds in the state, which caused him the greatest uneasiness during his
whole reign. The new officers he sent out to the respective provinces were
Othmān ibn Haneef, who was ordered to Bussora, Amhára ibn Sãhel to Kuffa,
Abdulla ibn Abbas-el-Ansari to Yemen, Sāhel ibn Haneef to Syria, and Sãad
ibn Kais to Egypt. Of all these, Abdulla ibn Abbas, viceroy of Yemen, was the
only one who succeeded in establishing himself in his government; but this was
no very great advantage to him, for Jálea, who was governor there by virtue of a
commission from Othmān, plundered the treasury before leaving the country.
* El-Khuzraji. t Crichton, p. 303.
A.D. 655.
83
Previous to this, Telha and Zobair had quitted the kålif's court, on his
refusal to employ them at the time he appointed new governors, and, having
proceeded to Mecca, in concert with Ayesha, the prophet's widow, and assisted
by Jálea, and the plundered treasures of Yemen, they formed a formidable
party, which the kålif for a long time vainly endeavoured to quell. Amongst
others, they stirred up the Motazelites or Separatists, by which appellation such
as had disputed Ali’s succession were distinguished.*
Ali did eventually reduce the insurrection of Ayesha's partisans; but a
more formidable adversary appeared in the person of Moâwiyah ibn Abi
Sofian, the governor of Syria. This officer possessed the affection of his
army, and many of the governors and lieutenants throughout the country
refused to recognise the authority of Ali. Moāwiyah accordingly openly threw
off his allegiance, and had himself proclaimed kālif of the western provinces.
Both parties appealed to arms, to settle their disputed title to the kålifate;
and on the plains of Seffein, on the western bank of the Euphrates, a desul-
tory war was waged between the two armies, which lasted for one hundred
and two days. Ali performed prodigies of valour, but, in consequence of
dissensions in his army, he was compelled to suspend hostilities, and
Moâwiyah was saluted kālif. Ali returned to Kuffa, a city of Chaldea, on
the banks of the Euphrates; but his partisans settled into factions, and from
that period his interests began to decline.
Moâwiyah took revenge for the losses he had sustained at Seffein : his troops
A.D. 660. plundered Mesopotamia, and for a time maintained
possession of Bussora, while other detachments pene-
trated into Arabia, where they committed terrible devastations.'ſ Bāshir ibn
Arteb led a division into the Hejāz, and reduced Mecca, Medina, and Taif.; he
then marched against Yemāma and Yemen. Abdulla ibn Abbas, the lieute-
nant of Ali in the latter province, marched out against him, with all the forces
he could raise, in the hope of beating the invaders on the frontier, and
preventing them from entering the province; but success did not attend his
arms—his force was utterly routed, and he was compelled to save himself by
flight, and joined his master at Kufſa.f. Abdulla endeavoured to carry off
his two sons, who were mere boys, but they fell into the hands of Ibn Arteb,
who caused them to be put to death. He also massacred a great number of
the adherents of Ali in Yemen, particularly in Sanåa, and returned to Mecca,
where he followed up his cruelty by putting many more to the sword.
Ali, being apprised of what had taken place, sent a force against Ibn Arteb,
but it failed to overtake him : we are told that he was so enraged at the
* Marigny, vol. ii. p. 11. t Crichton, p. 306. † Marigny, vol. ii. p. 86.
84.
murder of the two sons of Abdulla, that he cursed Ibn Arteb, and prayed to
God that he might be deprived of reason, which prayer was heard, that
commander actually becoming insane towards the close of his life, and dying
in that miserable condition.*
After the death of Ali, and the abdication of Hassan, Yemen became sub-
ject to the kālifs of the house of Omiyah, and remained
so until A.D. 749, when that dynasty was extinguished
by the Abbasites, under circumstances of sanguinary ferocity and deliberate
cruelty, rarely equalled even in the annals of Eastern history.
The Abbasite general who conquered Yemen was Mahommed Aboosee
Mahommed; he appointed Mahommed ibn Zaid governor of Sanāa, and Dáood
ibn Abd-el-Mejeed governor of Aden. An intended act of great brutality is
recorded of the Abbasite general : finding that the people of Yemen were
suffering from obstinate mortifying ulcers, he ordained that all so affected
should be burned ; but fortunately his own sudden death prevented this order
being carried into execution.
In A.D. 812, Yemen declared for El-Maimoon, son of Haroon-er-Rasheed,
who had been excluded by his brother El-Amin from
the succession ; and it remained under the house
of El-Abbas until A.D. 905, when it passed under the
sway of the Karamites.
A.D. 749.
A.D. 812.
A.D. 905.
* Mod. Univ. Hist, vol. i. p. 34.
85
CHAPTER XIV,
YEMEN, UNDER THE FIRST DYNASTY OF SULTANS OR
IMA/MS.
The Saracenic empire had by this time attained to such gigantic and
A.D. 932. unwieldy proportions, of which Arabia constituted the
most insignificant part, that it became obviously impos-
sible to maintain it in its integrity.
The lieutenants of the kålifs in the various provinces of Arabia had long
exercised hereditary and almost regal sway, and at last they ceased altogether
to be content with their vicarious titles, and aspired to the absolute sovereignty
of the dominions which they governed. Yemen appears to have been amongst
the first to throw off its allegiance, and, in A.D. 932, a descendant of Ali was
placed on the throne; and as that Imām had been styled Saif Ullah, “the sword
of God,” so the new prince assumed the title of Saif-el-Khulifah, or “sword of
the kālifs,” and adopted as his badge a red flag bearing a representation of the
double-bladed sword of Ali, which has to the present day been retained by all
the succeeding princes who have reigned in Sanāa.
This prince is probably the same mentioned by Masāoodi as having been
king in his day. His name was Asāad ibn Yáfoor; he separated himself from
all society save only his own court, which he held at Kahlán, and he maintained
an army of 50,000 men, cavalry and infantry.*
We have little or no authentic information regarding the state of Yemen
during the next century, save that it was continually overrun by predatory
tribes, and distracted by civil war. The kālifs had lost the dominion of the
country, or, if it did at all exist, it was only at a few points on the sea coast,
while many of the most powerful chieftains did not even recognise their
spiritual supremacy.
It appears, from the chronicles of the Imām Ali bin Hoosain El-Khuzraji,t
that in A.D. 1038, during the kålifate of Moktafi II.,
the thirty-first of the house of Abbas, Aden was
conquered by one Zehereyāh, who appointed Solāhie governor. Ibn Omár,
chief of Lähej, Shehr, and Hadramaut, entered into a treaty of alliance with
him, and gave his daughter Zaida in marriage to Soláhie's son.
A.D. 1038.
* El-Masāoodi, p. 443.
t The authority for the remainder of this chapter, except where otherwise stated, is
El-Khuzraji.
86
While in a state of profound peace, Ibn Omár suddenly attacked Aden, and,
having captured it, put Soláhie to death. The son effected his escape into
the interior, leaving his wife in Aden ; whereupon Ibn Omár, having espoused
the widow of Soláhie, assumed the government. This he divided with a
relative named Masaood, retaining for himself the Bab-el-Yemen, at which
land duties were collected, and apportioning the sea gate to his colleague, on
the condition that he should pay an annual stipend to Zaida, amounting
to 100,000 dinars, or about 250,000 dollars, for her maintenance.
Ibn Omár lived till A.D. 1067, when he died, and
was succeeded by his son Dthoo’l-Kāa.
In A.D. 1087 Dthoo’l-Kāa collected a large force in Aden, and captured
Dabooli, which was under his sister Zaida, in return for
which act of hostility her husband, son of the murdered
Soláhie, attacked Aden, and after a sanguinary encounter, in which the leaders
A.D. 1067.
A.D. 1087.
on both sides fell, the army of Zaida retreated to the mountains. The govern-
ment of Aden was then assumed by the sons of the fallen chiefs, Masāood ibn
Dthoo'l-Kāa and Abd-el-Kādir ibn Masaood. They refused to continue to
Zaida the stipend which had been agreed upon during the lifetime of her
father, whereupon she once more took up arms: the matter was, however,
settled for the time, by the chiefs agreeing to pay one-half of the stipulated
sum, but ere very long even this payment was evaded, and Aden became
independent of Zaida.
On the death of Masaood and Abd-el-Kádir, which occurred nearly at the
same time, their respective sons Sába and Mahommed conjointly held the
government, until the death of the latter, when his brother Ali succeeded
him.
Ali, being of a restless and ambitious temperament, collected a force, with
which he proceeded inland, and captured the towns of Lähej, Ed-Dimlooha,
Sanāa, all the villages of El-Mahkuffa, and Jenád. These continued suc-
cesses caused him to be both feared and respected. Flushed with victory, the
followers of Ali treated those of Sába with ill-concealed contempt; the re-
monstrances of the latter being of no avail, he formed a conspiracy against Ali,
who, however, discovered it in time to effect his escape. Ali collected what
force he could, and a battle ensued between the two colleagues, near Láhej,
in which the forces of Ali were completely routed. The cruelty of Sába, in
cutting off the ears and nose of Masāood, one of Ali's generals, and sending
him in that state to his master, only increased the exasperation of the rivals;
and the war continued unabated for the period of two years.
Though brave, Ali was imprudent, and the revenues of those provinces still
left to him, instead of being carefully husbanded, were wasted with reckless
87
proligality. Saba, on the other hand, managed his government, within the
stronghold of Aden, with prudence and sagacity, and was especially careful
to pay his troops with regularity. In consequence of this, many of Ali's
followers deserted him, and flocked to his rival, who, feeling himself suffi-
ciently strong, marched a second time inland, and overthrew the forces of
Ali in a battle near Láhej.
In the mean time, treachery was at work in Aden ; and while Sába was
pursuing the vanquished Ali, a traitor named Belál
A.D. 1137. ibn Yerrie ibn Mahommed succeeded in overpowering
the small garrison left in that fortress, and, having obtained immense
booty, he united with Ali's mother, and, during her life, Sába could not
regain Aden. On her demise, Sába took advantage of the dissensions
which arose in the garrison, and retook the place. This event occurred about
A.D. 1 137.
Sába died within a few months after this success, and was succeeded by his
son Ali, surnamed Bin Awaj, who died after a brief reign of two years,
leaving four sons, of whom Hâtem, the eldest, succeeded him, and Belál ibn
Yerrie was appointed wuzeer.
Belál was personally attached to Mahommed, one of the sons of the late
Sába, who resided in the neighbourhood of Aden ; he
accordingly wrote to him, offering him an appointment
in the service of his nephew Håtem. Mahommed removed to Aden, where he
was received with every mark of distinction, and entrusted with the command
A.D. 1139.
of the army.
His amiable disposition soon made him a general favourite, and in the year
, - A.D. 1147, the inhabitants, taking advantage of the tem-
A.D. 1147. / tº & , º
porary absence of Hâtem, listened to the intrigues of
Belál, and appointed Mahommed governor of the city.
At this time the provinces of Sãadeh, Nejrán, Yáffa, and Dtháhir were
governed by an Imām, named Ahmed ibn Suleiman,
who had assumed the title of Metawakkil ala Ullah,
‘the confider in God,' and Hâtem ibn Ahmed reigned in the other provinces
of Yemen, with the title of Sultan-el-Mansoor, or ‘the victorious sultan.” The
latter appears to have been a powerful prince in the southern parts of Yemen,
A.D. 1152.
for he made war upon the Imām above mentioned.
In A.D. 1152, the Sultan-el-Mansoor Hâtem determined to obtain possession
of Aden, but deemed it more prudent to obtain his ends by bribery than to
risk failure by a resort to arms. An offer of 100,000 dinars tempted the
cupidity of Belāl, while a complimentary letter flattered his vanity; and on
the arrival of the sultan's army on the plain close to Aden, the inhabitants
8S
submissively opened their gates to receive him. The governor fled to Dim-
looha, where he died twelve years afterwards, leaving three sons.
In A.D. 1173, the sultan of Sanāa resigned his authority into the hands of
Tooran Shah, brother of Saleh-ed-Deen, sultan of
Egypt, who about this time subdued Yemen ; but
though the government thus fell into the hands of the kālifs of the Eiubite
A.D. 1173.
dynasty, many of the Arab chiefs still retained their independence.
Marco Polo relates that when Saleh-ed-Deen took Acre, he was assisted by
the sultan of Aden, by which he probably means the governor of Samāa under
the Eiubites, with a contingent of 40,000 camels and 30,000 horses, which
aid was given rather out of hatred to the Christians than out of good will
to the Saracens.”
Ali, son of Sultan-el-Mansoor Hátem, was placed by Tooran Shah in the
government of Sanāa, and he appointed his brother, Melek-el-Masāood, to the
government of Aden, which he retained till A.D. 1233. Ibn Jubair mentions
that while he was in Mecca in the month of Dthoo-el-Hijeh, A.H. 579
& (A.D. 1 183), the Ameer of Aden, Othmān bin Ali, fled
A.D. 1183. from that place to the Hejáz, with much valuable
property, which he had accumulated during his stay at that port, by plunder-
ing the merchants, and levying contributions on the rich Indian traffic which
passes through his hands.t. This would lead us to suppose, either that the
government of Melek-el-Masāood at Aden was not continuous, or that, which
is most probably the case, the Ameer Othmān bin Ali was not governor of
the town, but merely Ameer-el-Bahr, or collector of the customs.
Sultan Noor-ed-Deen succeeded El-Melek El-Masaood in A.D. 1233. After
arranging the affairs of his government, he collected a
A.D. 1233–1249. * ‘T • A •
large army, and overran all Yemen and the Hejáz, in
which conquest he was at first confirmed by the kālif, but, in A.D. 1249, some
dispute having arisen between him and his sovereign, Muzuffer Shems-ed-Deen
was despatched to dispossess him of the government, which he effectually did,
and eventually entered Aden.
Muzuffer remained in quiet possession of Yemen till A.D. 1256, which year
is memorable from a volcano having burst forth near
Medina; the following year he killed Ahmed bin Ali,
and in A.D. 1260 he made himself master of Mecca, expelling the Shereef of
A.D. 1256—1260.
that place. The successes of Muzuffer continued until nearly all the tribes
were subject to him.
After the death of the sons of Haroon-er-Rasheed, the kålifate of Baghdad
was rent by dissensions, many independent principalities were established, and
* Marco Polo, p. 328. f Ibn Jubair, p. 171.
89
the kåliſs retained but the shadow of power. In A.D. 1258 the Tartars under
Hooláku defeated Mostasem, the thirty-seventh and last kālif of the house
of Abbas, and made themselves masters of Baghdad, while the Arabs threw
off the yoke, and established their original form of government.
In A.D. 1279 the son of Muzuffer marched against a town of some import-
ance, named Wafar,” on the confines of Hadramaut : a
battle was fought, in which 300 of the enemy were
slain, and 800 carried captives to Zebeed.
In A.D. 1283 the governor of Sanāa, the Ameer Aälim-ed-Deen, died;
on learning which Muzuffer proceeded thither, to quell
A.D. 1279.
A.D. 1283–1291. any insurrection which might arise. Here he remained
till the following year, when one Jemāl-ed-Deen instigated a rebellion, and
took the towns of Kohál and Ashráf. He died here shortly afterwards, and
his place was taken by Dāood; but the insurgents were speedily dispersed by
the victorious Muzuffer, who, recapturing the town which he had lost, pushed
his conquests as far as Dthafár. In A.D. 1291 he appointed his son Ibrahim
governor of this city, whilst another son, Ashráſ, held the city of Sanāa.
In A.D. 1294 the aged Muzuffer, sensible that he was now too infirm to
conduct the government of his vast territories, assembled
his chiefs at Ta'ez, and abdicated in favour of his son
Ashrāf; he then retired to Zebeed, where he expired in the month of Rama-
dhán, A.H. 694 (A.D. 1294), in the ninety-fourth year of his age, and the
forty-sixth of his reign. He left five sons,—Ashraf, Dāood, Ibrahim, Yákoob,
and Hassan. He was a brave warrior, a wise and intelligent prince, and an
encourager of learning, and died universally beloved and lamented.
Ashráf ibn Muzuffer had not long ascended the throne of his father, when
his brother Ibrahim showed a disposition to revolt. The offer of the govern-
ment of Samāa pacified him for a time; but not long afterwards he formed the
design of taking Aden. To effect this, he entered into an arrangement with
some fishing vessels to land a body of men under the several passes, whilst
the main body of his army marched against the place by land. The ruse
succeeded, and Aden fell without resistance. In the same year Ibrahim
surprised and captured Lähej, Abien, and several villages in the vicinity.
In A.D. 1296 Ashraf ibn Muzuffer died at Ta'ez, and was succeeded by his
A.D. 1296. brother Dāood, under the title of Melek-el-Meyeth
Hazb-ed-Deen. Ibrahim, who was residing in Aden,
disputed the succession, and, collecting a force, marched to Māreb; here he
A.D. 1294.
found that his brother was too powerful for him—he accordingly tendered his
* Sic in original; probably Dthafár is meant.
l 2
90
submission, and was sent to Ta'ez, when Aden again reverted to its legitimate
sovereign.
Dāood succeeded, in A.D. 1300, in reducing all the towns in the Teháma of
Yemen to subjection, and in maintaining peace and
tranquillity within his dominions until A.D. 1309. In
that year the inhabitants of Dthamár rebelled against their governor, Saif-ed-
Deen, killed him, destroyed his property, and plundered the town. Dāood in
A.D. 1300–1309.
person marched against the rebels, and routed them; some of the principal
instigators he put to death, but others sought and obtained protection from
Mahommed ibn Mutáhir, a powerful mountain chieftain. Dāood despatched
the Shereef Amād-ed-T)een Aidroos to reduce this chief, but the latter was
defeated and taken prisoner.
Dāood died in A.D. 1321, and was succeeded by his son Melek-el-Mejāhed
Saif-el-Islām Abd-el-Hassān Ali bin Daood. The first
act of this prince was to displace his father's wuzeer,
and appoint Shoojá-ed-Deen bin Yoosuf in his stead. In the following year
he left Zebeed, with the view of visiting every part of his dominions; but
on his arrival at Dimlooha, his army demanded their arrears of pay, and an
A.D. 1321-22.
increased rate for the future, and, on his refusing, they laid their case before
his uncle, Yákoob-el-Mansoor. After a consultation, it was arranged that in
the event of a second application proving unsuccessful, Yakoob should be placed
at their head, and the government should be overthrown.
The appeal was again made, but without effect; whereupon the troops seized
the person of the king and sent him prisoner to Ta'ez, plundering his property,
and that of the newly elected wuzeer. Yákoob was then placed on the
throne, and immediately made such changes and concessions to the army as
he imagined would conduce to his own stability; amongst others, he placed
his nephew Nást, then a prisoner in Aden, in the government of Mahājeh,
whilst his son Zohár was installed governor of Dimlooha.
In the meanwhile, the mother of Abd-el-Hassān Ali was instigating the
tribes to release her son from his captivity at Ta'ez. Moved by her entreaties,
a body of men attacked the city on a dark night, and, having released Abd-el-
Hassān, placed him at their head. They instantly marched to Zebeed, which
they took by storm, and secured the person of the rebel chief. Yákoob was
compelled to write to his son and nephew, directing them to resign their
respective governments; the latter complied, but Zohār refused to do so while
his father remained a prisoner. Yakoob remained in captivity till his death,
which occurred in A.D. 1323.
The penurious conduct of the sovereign soon occasioned another revolt in
his army; numbers flocked to Zohár, who, finding himself thus unexpectedly
9]
strengthened, marched against Aden, which he captured without resistance,
and subsequently made himself master of Zebeed. Stung by these reverses,
Abd-el-Hassān Ali collected an army of 500 horse and 10,000 foot, but it
was defeated by Zohār in an engagement outside the walls of Zebeed, and
Abd-el-Hassān Ali retreated with the remnants of his force to Ta'ez.
The inhabitants of Zebeed soon found that they had gained no advantage
by the change of rulers, and deemed it their wisest plan to return voluntarily
to their allegiance to Abd-el-Hassān Ali, who was thus restored to his former
position. It is recorded that he received about this time 22,000 camel loads
of presents from Egypt.
The only provincial governor who still adhered to the fortune of Zohár was
the ruler of Aden. Sultan Abd-el-Hassān Ali therefore marched against that
stronghold, and for seven successive days endeavoured in vain to take it by
storm, after which he was obliged to retire. Zohār, on hearing of this heroic
defence, hastened to Aden, and, having rewarded the governor, considerably
strengthened the defences.
During the next four years, repeated endeavours were made by Abd-el-
Hassān Ali to take Aden, and at length, what could
not be effected by force was brought about by the
treachery of the garrison: his troops were permitted to enter by night, and in
the morning thousands poured down the hills and took possession of the city.
The sultan bound the governor and his wuzeer hand and foot, and sent them
A.D. 1325.
in chains to Dimlooha; and he put to death many of the leaders in the rebellion.
In A.D. 1330 Abd-el-Hassān Ali conquered the stronghold of Hosn
Mooneef, and during the three following years the
A.D. 1330. whole of Yemen became subject to his sway.
He performed the pilgrimage to Mecca in 1331, and returned in the
following year. In A.D. 1333 one of his sons rebelled
A.D. 1331–1333. against him, but was speedily defeated, and died in
prison.
In A.D. 1350 the sultan, accompanied by his mother, again performed the
4 * * pilgrimage; and while at Mecca, he was taken prisoner
A.D. 1350. and conveyed to Egypt. After a captivity of ten months
he was liberated; and his first act, on his return, was to free all the captives
in his dominions.
Some disturbances having arisen during A.D. 1355, the sultan deputed
Ahmed ibn Lennie to reduce the malcontents: instead
of doing so, that general captured the towns of Hurraz,
Mahal, and Māajera, with the surrounding country, declaring himself inde-
pendent, and coining money with his own impress.
A.D. 1355.
92.
Abd-el-Hassān was unable to take any steps to subdue this rebellious
chief, until A.D. 1362, when he led an army against
him; but on reaching Aden, he died, and was succeeded
by his son Ismáil, under the title of Melek-el-Afdthal.
The first two years of this prince's reign were comparatively tranquil, and
in A.D. 1365 he received presents from Egypt, Sind, and
Cambay ; but from that period until his death, which
occurred at Zebeed in A.D. 1376, Yemen was abandoned to anarchy and
confusion, Aden being almost the only town which did not change its
government. *
Melek-el-Afdthal was succeeded by his son Melek-el-Ashraf, whose first
act was to attempt the subjugation of his rebellious
subjects, and the restoration of tranquillity within his
A.D. 1362.
A.D. 1365.
A.D. 1376.
dominions. Having delegated the government of Zebeed to one of his
lieutenants, named Ali ibn Mahomed ibn Sálim, he proceeded to Ta'ez, and
once more settled the surrounding districts; but, just as he thought his labour
complete, several towns revolted;—one of these was Zebeed, which he speedily
reduced, and put the originators of the revolt to death. He subsequently
succeeded in recapturing all the others which had rebelled against his
authority.
In A.D. 1388 Melek-el-Ashráf deputed the governor of Zebeed, the Ameer
Bedr-ed-Deen, to escort treasure from Aden to the for-
mer city. The Ameer received the money, but, instead
of fulfilling his instructions, he proceeded to Ta'ez, and prepared for resistance.
The news reaching the sultan, he sent a small force to occupy Hosn Reisān, a
fort which commanded the approach to Ta'ez, and shortly afterwards marched
in person to punish the rebellious officer. As soon as he approached the
city, the Ameer came forth to meet him, and implored mercy; considerations
of policy induced the sultan to forgive him, and the treasure was restored.
Melek-el-Ashraf died in A.D. 1400, and was succeeded by his son Melek
Näsr Ahmed ibn Ismail, who appears to have assumed
the title of Imām. On the accession of this young prince,
several tribes, as usual, revolted; but the prompt and energetic measures
adopted soon brought them to subjection. Against the Muzaba tribe he was
particularly incensed, and, as a mark of ignominy, he appointed a female as
their chief, and intimated that he would punish with the utmost severity any
indignity offered to her.
In A.D. 1417 the governor of Sanāa rebelled, and attempted to reduce the
tribe of Beni Táhir; but he had scarcely entered their
territory when he was defeated by the Imām.
A.D. 1388.
A.D. 1400.
A.D. 1417.
93
The latter then took up his residence at Sanáa, where he built a sumptuous
palace, part of which still exists in the more modern edifice of the Bostān-el-
Metawakkil.
Hassān Ismáil, brother of Melek Näsr ibn Ahmed, taking advantage
of the absence of the latter in A.D. 1419, declared
A.D. 1419. himself Imām of Yemen. He was speedily, however,
put down by his brother, who, to punish him for his rebellion, put out
his eyes.
In the following year, the Imām built a village on the sea coast, which
he called El-Fandar, and the sirdars of Sind presented
him with four large vessels.
Melek Näsr died at his castle of Keräwer in A.D. 1424, and his son Abdulla
succeeded him, under the title of El-Melek Munsoor.
His reign was short and inglorious : avarice was his
A.D. 1420.
A.D. 1424.
ruling passion, and even his mother-in-law was deprived of her patrimony to
satisfy his cupidity. He died suddenly in Zebeed, in A.D. 1426, and was
succeeded by his brother Melek-el-Ashráf, Ismáil ibn Ahmed.
No sooner had Melek-el-Ashráf ascended the throne, than he caused the
murder of several chieftains of note, amongst whom was
A.D. 1426. Noor-ed-Deen ibn El-Hoosain ibn Sába. The uncle
of the sovereign, Dthāhir ibn Yehia ibn Ismáil, assembled a force at Dimlooha,
to avenge the death of his friend. With this he attacked his nephew's army,
and, having utterly defeated it, took that prince prisoner, and confined him in
a dungeon, whence he never came out alive. His death is said to have taken
place about six months after his incarceration.
Dthāhir ibn Yehia, having thus disposed of his nephew, caused himself to be
proclaimed Imām. His reign was short and troubled :
A.D. 1436. e e & º
several tribes revolted against his authority, and were
with difficulty reduced. In A.D. 1436 a dreadful famine overspread the
country from Aden to Sanāa, as well as the opposite coast of Africa. Thou-
sands perished from want; and the mind of the sovereign was so greatly
affected by his people's sufferings, that he died of a broken heart in the year
A.D. 1438, after a reign of about eleven years. He left three sons, Ismáil,
Hoosain, and Ahmed.
Ismáil succeeded his father. He found every province of his kingdom
governed by turbulent and unruly chiefs: in order,
therefore, to secure his authority, he invited all his
most powerful nobles to a banquet, during which they were surprised and
massacred. Other governors were appointed; but he did not long survive
this act of treachery, he died in 1441.
A.D. 1438.
94
Ismail was succeeded by Abd-el-Mansoor Yoosuf, who moved the seat of
government from Sanāa to Ta'ez. His army rebelled,
and threw him into prison, where he expired after a
year's captivity. The kingdon then became divided, most of the principal
chieftains asserting their independence; and the country continued in a state
of anarchy till A.D. 1454, when the government was seized by a family of
the Beni Táhir. -
Two brothers, named Melek-el-Majāhid Shems-ed-Deen Ali and Melek
Jaafer Saleh-ed-Deen Aumie, having collected a considerable body of followers,
secretly entered Aden, and took possession of the city. The governor, Meyeth
Hoosain ibn Dtháhir, surrendered himself, and all the public treasure and
other property, to the victors, who respected his private fortune, and permit-
ted him to reside in the city, under their protection.
An attempt was made, in the following year, by Mahommed ibn Saeed ibn
Farras, governor of Shehr, to wrest Aden from the
usurpers. The expedition proceeded by sea, but was
entirely unsuccessful; many of the boats were wrecked, and the chiefs and
their followers on board of them made prisoners. Shortly after this the
brothers retaliated, and captured Shehr, and several other towns in its
vicinity.
In A.D. 1461 Melek Aumie marched against Samāa, which, after a short
siege, surrendered. Entrusting the charge of it to
Melek-el-Mansoor Abd-el-Wahāb ibn Däood, and releas-
ing the former governor, Mahommed ibn Násr, he returned to Ta'ez, which city
had formerly fallen into his hands.
The ex-governor of Sanāa speedily formed the determination of reco-
vering the city: he collected a band of trusty followers, and seizing the
opportunity of the absence of the governor on a hunting expedition, he
secured the garrison, shut the gates, and thus possessed himself of the city.
Heavy imposts and taxes were now laid upon the inhabitants, who at
last, wearied by the tyranny and oppression which they suffered, invited
Melek Aumie to return, and promised entire submission to his authority
for the future.
The latter was not backward to accept their invitation, and, at the head of
a strong force, marched upon Sanãa: in the meanwhile Mahommed ibn Násr,
having discovered the intended treachery, seized many of the most influential
inhabitants, and put them to death. On the approach of Aumie's army,
Mahommed sallied forth to give it battle, and on the plain in front of the city
a bloody engagement ensued, in which Melek Aumie was slain, and his
companions entirely routed.
A.D. 1441–1454.
A.D. 1455.
A.D. 1461.
95
Four volcanoes are said to have burst forth into activity at Zebeed in the
year A.D. 1467, which consumed all the mat houses; in
consequence of which Melek Ali directed that for the
future the houses should all be constructed of stone.
In A.D. 1472, Melek Ali, finding himself, from age and infirmities, unable
to bear the fatigue of government, abdicated in favour
of his nephew Abd-el-Wahāb ibn Táhir, who ascended
the throne under the title of Melek-el-Mansoor Taj-ed-Deen.
The country enjoyed tranquillity for several years after the accession of the
new monarch, but in A.D. 1477 Mahommed ibn Barakát,
Shereef of Mecca, surprised the town of Jaizán, which
he plundered and burnt to the ground, and in the same year Melek Ali died
at Jabán.
The condition of Yemen greatly improved under the wise and beneficent
rule of Abd-el-Waháb, who lived to a good old age. Between his accession
and the great famine which ravaged the country in A.D. 1502, he built one
mosque and two colleges at Zebeed, several at Sanāa, two colleges at Ta'ez,
and many cisterns and watercourses over the country, the principal of which
is the aqueduct built to convey the water of the Beer-Hameed” into Aden, a
distance of 16,000 yards, the ruins of which exist to the present day.
A.D. 1467.
A.D. 1472.
A.D. 1477.
* Beer Hameed is usually written Amhait on the charts.
96
CHAPTER XW.
EARLY DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTU-
GUESE AND TU RKS IN YEMEN.
About the year A.D. 1445, the Christian emperor of Abyssinia sent an
ambassador to the senate of Florence, and wrote a
A.D. 1445. famous letter to the priests, his subjects, in Jerusalem.
These circumstances gave rise to the most exaggerated reports, and influenced
the religious zeal of the Portuguese to discover the country, said to be
extremely rich and civilized, ruled over by this sovereign, to whom they gave
the fantastic name of Presbyter Johannes, or Prestor John.
Accordingly, in A.D. 1487, John Pedreio de Covilham and Alphonso de
Payva, and after them two Jews, Rabbi Abraham of
Beja and Joseph of Lamego, were sent by direction
of John II. of Portugal, to explore Abyssinia, the realm of this famous
sovereign. Covilham was a soldier who had served in Africa, and had been
A.D. 1487.
an ambassador to Morocco, where he had acquired a perfect knowledge of
the Arabic language. He went viá Alexandria, descending the Red Sea, and
touching at Tor, Suákin, and Aden, which last he describes as a rich trading
town, where he had an opportunity of conversing with merchants of all nations,
and from all parts of India. At Aden he embarked for Cannanore, on the
Malabar Coast, after which he returned to Africa, touched at Zaila, and went
down the east coast as far as Sofláa; then, retracing his steps to Cairo, he met
the two Jews, by whom he transmitted an account of the information he had
collected to the king.
He subsequently returned to Aden, whence he crossed over to Zaila, and
thence proceeded to the court of Shoã. He was re-
A.D. 1490. ceived with the greatest distinction by Iskender, the
reigning prince, but he was never permitted to leave the country. Here he
was found by Alvarez, the almoner to the embassy of John de Lima in 1525,
who observes that the king had given him a wife and lands, that he was still
a brave soldier and a good Christian, and as much beloved by the people as
by the king. De Payva had previously perished in his first voyage.*
In A.D. 1503 one Ludovico de Barthema, or Vertomanus, travelled in Arabia;
he landed at Aden from the Hejāz, and as soon as it
ſº
A.D. 1503. was known that he was a Christian, he was seized
* Greene, vol. i. p. 18.
97
manacled, and cast into prison, where he remained fifty-five days. At the
expiration of this time, he was sent for by the ruler of Aden, and having been
shackled and fastened on a camel, he was conveyed to Rodāa, where the
sultan had assembled an army of 30,000 men, to make war upon the sultan
of Sanāa.
On being interrogated by the Sultan, he professed himself a Mahomedan;
but on refusing to repeat the protestation of faith, he was again imprisoned, on
suspicion of being a Christian spy. Here he remained three months, his only
fare being a scanty allowance of bread and water.
Three days after his confinement, the sultan marched with his army, in which,
amongst others, there were four thousand horsemen, Abyssinian slaves, and
born of Christian parents. These were purchased very young, and trained to
arms: they were held in high estimation, and always formed the body-guard
of the prince. They were armed with shields of hide, fantastically painted,
and strengthened by bars of iron; also darts, a short species of broadsword,
and slings.
Close by the prison of Barthema dwelt one of the three wives of the sultan,
who fell in love with him, and by her kind attentions his captivity was greatly
alleviated. He subsequently feigned madness, the better to deceive his keeper,
and impart an air of sanctity to his character. One day, the queen desired
him to accompany her on a hunting expedition, which he did, and on his
return feigned illness, which caused her much uneasiness. At last he took
occasion to inform her that he had made a vow to visit a certain holy man in
Aden, and desired her permission to go there. She not only acceded to his
request, but supplied him with money to enable him to accomplish his journey.
At Aden, Barthema made arrangements for proceeding to India; but as the
vessel would not sail for a month, he occupied himself in visiting various
cities of Yemen, amongst others, Häis, Raima, El-Makrān, and Sanãa.
Barthema further relates, that the sultan of Aden besieged Sanāa with an
army of 80,000 men for three months; at first it resisted him successfully,
but at last it surrendered. The sultan of Sanāa, he says, had twelve sons, one
of whom had a partiality for eating human flesh, and slew many to gratify
this unnatural appetite.*
It is easy to reconcile this narrative with the events recorded in the
preceding chapter. The sultan of Aden was probably Abd-el-Wahāb ibn
Táhir, then sovereign of Yemen, and the sultan of Sanāa was probably Mahom-
med ibn Násr, or his successor, the former of whom took Sanāa in A.D. 1461,
and continued to hold it, in defiance of his legitimate sovereign's authority.
* Purchas, his Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 1483.
13
98
If we except the journeys of Covilham and Payva, the first appearance of
the Portuguese in the Red Sea occurred in A.D. 1504,
when the king of Portugal, instigated by the desire
to form an eastern empire, assumed the magnificent title of “Lord of the
Navigation, Conquest, and Commerce of Arabia,” and commenced the
exercise of his prerogative by despatching a vessel to the Red Sea, which
captured an Arab ship, the crew of which were treated in a most inhuman
II] an I) el’.
Two years after this, Alphonso Albuquerque took the Curia Muria islands,
Muscat, and other important places on both sides of the Arabian Gulf.
In the year A.D. 1510 Zaila” was taken by the Mamlook Sultan of Egypt,
who, by means of this port, and galleys cruising in the
Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, laid the Indian and Abys-
sinian trades under heavy contribution.
Helena, queen of Abyssinia, anxious to obtain the assistance of the Portu-
guese against these troublesome neighbours, sent Mathew, an Armenian
merchant, as ambassador to the court of Lisbon. He went by the circuitous
route of India, where, his dignity not being at first properly recognised, he
was somewhat roughly treated, and detained for two years.
In A.D. 1513, however, he arrived in Portugal, where he met with a most
flattering reception. In the mean time Don Alphonso
de Albuquerque had been despatched to the Rea Sea, in
the hope of being able to aid the Abyssinians against the Mahomedans; he
was also charged by King Emanuel with another enterprise, that of endeavour-
ing to obtain the stronghold of Aden by capture.
His expedition started from India on the 18th of February 1513, and
consisted of twenty ships, manned by 1,700 Portuguese and 800 Indian
sailors. It arrived at Aden on Easter Eve, and on the following morning the
troops were landed with scaling ladders. They succeeded in capturing an out-
work, where many of the defenders were slain, and thirty-nine pieces of
ordnance were taken; but after a siege of four days, they were repulsed with
great slaughter, and, after having plundered and burnt the vessels in the har-
bour, and cannonaded the town, Albuquerque sailed for the Red Sea. He
first touched at Mokha, in the hope of being able to unite with the Abys-
A.D.1504.
A.D. 1510.
A.D. 1513.
* Zaila, the Avalites of Ptolemy, is situated in a bay of the same name, on the African
Coast, close to the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb. It was the seaport of the ancient capital of
Adel, and now assumes the same position to Hurrur and Southern Abyssinia. It is a decayed
town, of only eight stone houses and eight hundred inhabitants, the greater portion of whom
live in huts of mats and reeds; it is under the government of the Turks, but the revenues are
farmed to a mative of the coast, named Shermarki Ali Sáleh, who resides there.
99
sinian Christians against the Mahomedans, but, being unsuccessful, he pro-
ceeded to the island of Kamerán, where he wintered.
In July he departed, and coming again before Aden, he found it newly
fortified; so that, after exchanging a few shots, and burning a few vessels, the
viceroy sailed again for India.”
Notwithstanding the gallant defence of the governor of Aden, the Ameer
Moorján (styled by the Portuguese authors Mira Mirzan), this attack filled the
inhabitants of Yemen with the greatest consternation. Moosa, the governor
of Zebeed, fled to Jedda, which so enraged the sultan of Yemen, Abd-el-
Wahāb Tāhir, that, leaving his son to conduct the government of the country,
he followed him thither."f
In A.D. 1515, Mathew the Abyssinian envoy returned to India, in a fleet
which had been sent thither, under Lope Soarez de
Albergaria, who had been appointed governor of the
Portuguese possessions in India, on the death of Albuquerque. An ambas-
sador to the court of Abyssinia, named Duarte Galvan, also accompanied the
expedition, but being an old man, he died ere he had accomplished the object.
of his mission.
A.D. 1515.
The viceroy had no sooner entered upon his administration than, in accord-
ance with his king's instructions, he prepared for the
Red Sea; and hearing that Kansū-el-Ghauri, the Mem-
look Sultan of Egypt, was preparing a fleet at Suez, he sailed from Goa in
quest of it. The fleet left Goa on the 8th February 1516, and consisted of
twenty-seven sail of various kinds, containing 1,200 Portuguese and 1,600
Malabars, one-half of whom were seamen, and the other half soldiers.
The fleet of El-Ghauri consisted of twenty-seven sail, and was fitted out
with the intention of ridding the Red Sea of the Portuguese, and of taking
possession of Aden. The command of it was entrusted to the Räis Suleimán,
a Turkish eunuch of low extraction, from the island of Mitylene. Suleimán
attacked Aden, but was repulsed with severe loss; he then proceeded up the
Red Sea, where he succeeded in taking most of the ports of Yemen.
About the same time the Shereef of Mecca, Barakāt ibn Mahomed, paid a
visit to Egypt, where he was received with marked distinction, and appointed
governor of Sanāa. On his return, he assumed charge of his government, and
prepared an army, to co-operate, if necessary, with the Egyptian fleet.
On the arrival of Soarez at Aden, the defences of which had been somewhat
injured by the Räis Suleimán, the governor, making a virtue of necessity,
tendered his submission to the Portuguese, and offered the keys of the fortress.
A.D. 1516.
* Greene, vol. i. p. 74; The Portugues Asia, vol. i. p. 189; Purchas, vol. i. p. 1683.
t El-Khuzraji.
100
Lope Soarez, pleased at this, and not doubting the good faith of the governor,
did not take possession of the city, intending to do so on his return.
At Aden, Soarez hearing that Suleimán had been driven into Jedda by
stress of weather, resolved to follow him thither. On his arrival, he in vain
endeavoured to destroy the fleet, and was compelled to return to the island of
Kamerán. Thence, after suffering much from famine, and losing seventeen
men, taken by the Arabs, he proceeded to Zaila, which he took and burnt.
On his return to Aden, he found that the Ameer Moorján had employed the
time of his absence to good purpose, and had repaired and strengthened the
defences; accordingly, being under no apprehensions, he openly defied the
Portuguese, and refused to deliver up the city.
Baffled in his designs on Aden, Soarez sailed for Berbera,” intending to do
to that place as he had done to Zaila; but the fleet being scattered by storms,
and 800 men lost, he deferred the attempt till the following year, when he took
and burnt it without resistance.
He also visited the town of Mait, f but the inhabitants deserted it at his
approach, so that few supplies were obtained. The
A.D. 1517. Portuguese were greatly distressed for water, none
being procurable in the wadi or watercourse; but a woman whom they seized
directed them to open pits in the channel, and by following this advice
their wants were plentifully supplied...:
Shortly after these events, Sultan Selim I. overthrew the Mamlook power in
Egypt, by the defeat of Tomán Bey, successor to El-Ghauri, upon which
many of the Arabian chiefs tendered their allegiance to him; a great propor-
tion, however, could not be persuaded to do so. §
* Berbera, the Mosayllon of the author of the Periplus, is a seaport in Africa, directly
south of Aden, situated in lat. 10° 25'45" N., and long. 45° 6' E. It was the grand mart of
the ancients on this coast, and is still the great outlet for the commerce of North-Eastern
Africa. It is rather an encampment than a town, the inhabitants during the annual fair, or
from October to April, living in huts of reeds, mats, and sticks; at other times it is entirely
deserted. It has a large trade in sheep, cattle, ghee, coffee, various descriptions of gums and
resins, and ostrich feathers. As many as 20,000 natives annually assemble here to barter
their goods with the merchants of Muscat, Baherain, Bussora, Porebunder, Mandavie, and
Bombay, or to carry them over to Aden, where a ready market exists for their produce.
# Mait, sometimes written Meyt, is a small town on the African Coast, in lat. 11° 1' 38' N.,
and long. 47° 10' 25" E. It is the Tapatéyè of the Periplus, and now a mart of considerable
trade. It is celebrated as containing the tomb of Ishāk, the patriarch of the western Somáli
races who came over from Hadramaut some time after his countryman Dāood had founded
the nations to the eastward.
f Greene, vol. i. p. 76; The Portugues Asia, vol. i. p. 211 ; Harris, vol. i. p. 673.
§ Knolles, vol. i. p. 374, -
10]
Not content with a nominal suzerainty over the Arabian provinces, Selim
determined to march against that country in person; and Aden, on account of
its excellent harbour, was fixed upon as the station whence all the Turkish
conquests in India, and expeditions against the Portuguese, were to emanate.
The death of Selim for a time delayed the proposed invasion of Yemen, and
it was reserved for his successor, Suleimán, surnamed
A.D. 1520. the ‘Magnificent,’ to carry out his father's project.
The desire of this monarch to obtain possession of India was greatly increased
by the valuable presents sent to him by Badur, king of Cambay, who implored
his assistance against the Portuguese.
The timber wherewith to build a fleet in the Red Sea was cut in the forests
of Cilicia, and transported from the port of Adalia to Pelusium, where it was
carried up the Nile to Cairo. It was there prepared in frame, and, when
ready to be put together, was transported across the desert to Suez; as was
also the entire equipment, including cordage, anchors, cables, guns, &c.
When the fleet was ready, all the Venetian sailors on board the galleys of
A.D. 1538 their country, in the harbour of Alexandria, were seized
ſº * and sent to Suez, for service on board the Turkish
vessels. The land forces, exclusive of gunners and seamen, amounted to
4,000 Janissaries and 16,000 other soldiers. The command of this fleet,
which comprised seventy-six vessels, small and great, was given to Räis
Suleimán, who had by this time become a Pasha and governor of Cairo.
He was about eighty years of age, and he is represented as having been
short and stout, and so hideous, and of so savage a disposition, as to have
resembled a beast rather than a man.*
On the 27th June 1538, the fleet left Suez, and on the 20th July it arrived
at Kamerán, where the Pasha despatched express boats to the ports of Aden
and Zebeed, ordering the chiefs of those places to be in readiness to furnish
provisions to the fleet, and to pay tribute to the sultan.
On the 3rd of August, the fleet arrived at Aden, and four men immediately
came on board the Pasha's vessel, with presents of various kinds of refresh-
ments. These were received courteously, and dismissed with return gifts, and
a message to the sultan of Aden, to the effect that he might come on board
in safety.
This chief, whose name was Omár ibn Däood, at first declined to visit the
Pasha; but at length, having been informed that it was necessary for him to do
homage to the Grand Seignior through his representative, he waived his
objections, and visited the Pasha on board his vessel. At first he was well
* Suleimán Pasha subsequently committed suicide at Constantinople.
I02
received, but, on rising to depart, he was seized by order of the Pasha, and,
together with four of his favourites, hanged at the yard-arm.
Suleimán had, previous to this, pretended that he had many sick men on
board, and having obtained houses in the town in which to lodge them, he
conveyed a number of soldiers on shore, lying on beds as if sick. These, as
soon as the chief was put to death, seized the city.
Suleimán then proceeded to Diu, where his fleet was joined by eight vessels
belonging to the king of Cambay. The Pasha landed his forces, and com-
menced to batter the town; but the governor resisted his attack with great
bravery, until the arrival of the viceroy of Goa with reinforcements, when the
Turks raised the siege with the utmost precipitation, leaving behind them their
tents, arms, ammunition, artillery, and about two thousand men, all of which
fell into the hands of the Portuguese.
In returning from this disgraceful expedition, Suleimán Pasha again called
at Aden, on the 5th December. Being desirous of securing this post, he caused
a hundred pieces of artillery, great and small, to be landed from the fleet, also
a large quantity of powder and shot, and leaving five small vessels, and a
garrison, consisting of 500 men, and a sanják, he proceeded up the Red Sea.
The fleet anchored at Mokha, the governor of which city waited upon the
A.D. 1539. admiral, and sent him a large quantity of provisions,
& treasures, and male and female slaves. The Pasha
then sent ambassadors to Zebeed, directing the Emir Ahmed, governor of
that city, to come to the sea-shore and do homage. The latter replied that he
would willingly pay tribute, or receive a Turkish standard, but he would not
come to the coast. The Pasha, enraged at this reply, sent his Kahia on the
following day, with a banner, accompanied by four stout Janissaries, who,
arriving at Zebeed, presented it to the chief. He made a handsome return
present, amongst which were a jewelled scimitar and dagger, and some fine
pearls. The Kahia again urged him to come to the coast; but the chief,
having the example of the sultan of Aden before his eyes, would not consent.
When the Kahia saw that it was useless to urge him further, he said, “If you
will not come to the Pasha, he will come to you,”—and so took his departure.
The fleet remained at Mokha till the middle of January 1539, when it
proceeded to Kamerán. The Pasha then proceeded to the mainland, and
caused four light guns to be put on carriages, and his men, provisions, and
ammunition to be got ready, in order to march against Zebeed. The force
arrived before that town on the 20th February. In the mean time many of
the soldiers of the governor had deserted to the Turks; so, distrusting the
remainder, he came forth with a cord about his neck, in token of being the
sultan's slave, and presented himself before the Pasha, who immediately
103
ordered his head to be struck off. His people, seeing this, fled to the moun-
tains, whither the Pasha sent emissaries, begging them to return, and pro-
mising high pay. Two hundred Abyssinian slaves, relying on this assurance,
returned, upon which they were treacherously massacred.
After this, the Pasha entrusted the government of Zebeed and the other
conquests in Yemen to Mustaffa Bey. Moreover, he garrisoned the city, sup-
plied it with guns and ammunition, and left four small vessels to guard the coast.
Previous to quitting Kamerán, Suleimán beheaded all his Portuguese cap-
tives, and some Indian converts, to the number of 146, after which he returned
to Constantinople.*
From this time, the whole of the coast of Arabia acknowledged the power of
Suleimán the Magnificent, and, penetrating inland, his armies obtained posses-
sion of Yemen, and even carried their victories into some of the mountainous
districts beyond its northern frontiers, while Sanāa became the seat of the
Pasha of Yemen.
The account given by Mahomedan authors of these times is rather contra-
dictory. El-Khuzraji states that the death of the Sultan Abd-el-Wahāb Tāhir
took place at Jabán in A.D. 1538, on his return from collecting his annual
tribute, and that he was succeeded by his son Omár, whose reign was one
continued scene of bloodshed and confusion. Probably Omár's actual reign
did not last more than one year, namely till A.D. 1539, when Sanāa became the
capital of the Turkish Pashalik; but the merciless conduct of the Turks, and
the constant revolt of the Arab tribes, plunged the country into a state of
anarchy, or it may be that the Turks only received tribute from a few chiefs,
and Sultan Omár ibn Abd-el-Wahāb and the Shereef Barakāt were permitted
for a time to administer the government of their respective provinces, as
vassals of the sublime Porte.
After the departure of Suleimán Pasha, a rumour reached Goa that another
Turkish fleet was being prepared at Suez, and learning
that it could not set out during that year, the viceroy,
Don Stephano de Gama, determined to be beforehand with them, and in
some measure to revenge the late insult at Diu, as well as prevent a repetition,
by burning the fleet in the harbour of Suez.
Accordingly, he set sail with eighty vessels of various sizes, and 2,000 men.
On his arrival in the Red Sea, he found many of the cities deserted. He was
repulsed by the Turks at Suez, and compelled to return to India, without
having accomplished the object of his voyage.-f
A.D. 1540.
* Venetian Officer, apud Greene, vol. i. pp. 88–102; Harris, vol. i. pp. 102–676; The
Portugues Asia, vol. i. p. 433 ; Haji Khalifa’s Maritime Wars of the Turks, p. 66.
t De Castra, apud Greene, vol. i. p. 107.
104.
Notwithstanding that Suleimán Pasha, when he reduced Aden, had left a
garrison in that city, the inhabitants rebelled, and deli-
vered it up to the Portuguese. To recover it, Peri
Pasha, the Capudán of Egypt, was sent there in A.D. 1551 with a fleet. He
planted his artillery against the defences, and, having taken the place by storm,
he expelled the Portuguese, and left in it a considerable garrison, provided
A.D. 1551.
with the necessary means of defence.*
In A.D. 1599, the inhabitants of Yemen raised the standard of rebellion
against the Ottoman government, but they were defeated
in a series of battles by Hassan Pasha, the Begler Bey
of that province. The chief amongst them, who appeared in the name of
Imām Mehdi, and several other Arabs, suffered death by decapitation; and
the whole of the insurgents were visited by severe retribution. Mahommed,
governor of Kaukebán, and Abd-er-Rahmān, ruler of Hájer, returned to their
allegiance, and afforded their aid to Sinăn, the deputy who was left to quell
the disturbance, and things soon became settled...f.
A.D. 1599.
* Haji Khalifa, p. 71. f Naima, vol. i. p. 146.
I ()5
CHAPTER XVI.
FROM THE FIRST APPEARANCE OF THE BRITISH IN THE
RED SEA TO THE EVACUATION OF YEMEN BY THE
TURES.
The Red Sea was first visited by the English in A.D. 1609, when the Ascension,
a vessel belonging to the East India Company, com-
manded by Captain Alexander Sharpey, proceeded
thither, in the hope of being able to establish commercial relations with Arabia.
Captain Sharpey arrived at Aden on the 8th of April, and the governor at
once sent the chief naval authorities on board, to invite him to land, which he
unadvisedly did. At first, he was received with as much pomp as the town
could afford; but the governor, when he had got him into a house, kept him
in durance there for six weeks. The governor induced him to send on board
for goods to the value of 2,500 dollars, promising to buy them; but when they
arrived on shore, he seized them for the customs dues of the vessel. When
he saw that he had got as much out of Captain Sharpey as he could, he sent
him back to his ship, but detained two of his companions until the sum of
2,000 dollars, which he demanded for anchorage, should be paid. This was
refused ; whereupon the two Englishmen were sent to the Pasha at Sanãa.
On the 10th of May Captain Sharpey proceeded to Mokha, which was
then the great mart for the trade between India and Egypt. The Turkish
governor was courteous and liberal, and permitted the foreigners to trade
A.D. 1609.
without molestation.*
In the following year Admiral Sir Henry Middleton was sent on another
trading voyage by the East India Company. He
arrived at Aden on the 10th of November, where he
found that the governor had been changed since Captain Sharpey's visit. He
was named Jäafer Pasha. Being unable to obtain a pilot there, he proceeded
to Mokha in his own vessel, accompanied by the Darling, and left the
remaining vessel of the squadron, the Peppercorn, at Aden.
On his arrival at Mokha, on the 14th of November, Sir Henry was
received with marks of great distinction by Rejib Agha, the governor of the
town; a house was appointed for the use of himself and his companions, he
was invested with a robe of honour, and was promised every assistance to
enable him to dispose of his goods to advantage.
A.D. 1610.
* Purchas, vol. i. p. 232; Greene, vol. i. p. 343.
14
106
This courteous treatment, however, appeared to be only a lure to induce the
strangers to cast aside all suspicion, and to trust themselves implicitly to the
hospitality of the Turks. One evening, when Sir Henry and his companions
were sitting out in front of the house, they were attacked by a body of Turks.
Eight of their number were slain, and fourteen severely wounded. Sir Henry
himself was felled by a blow on his head, and, while in a state of insensibility,
his hands were bound; he was then assisted to rise, and led between two Turks
to the Agha, before whom he found several of his companions. Sir Henry and
seven others were then chained together by the neck, some of the others were
chained by the hands, and some by the feet, and thus they were left in charge
of two soldiers, who, taking pity upon them, eventually eased their bonds.
In the mean time, about 10 P.M., the Turks armed three boats, and put
into them 150 soldiers, with the intention of taking the Darling, which was
nearest to the shore. The boats put off together, and boarded the Darling ;
three of her crew were slain ere they had any knowledge of the intended
treachery, but the remainder made a spirited resistance. The Turks, through
a misconception of the orders of their chief, the Emeer-el-Bahr, or ‘captain of
the port, cut adrift their own boats, which were thus lost to them : upon this,
one of the crew of the Darling threw a cask of gunpowder amongst the
assailants, and after it a firebrand, which ignited it, and caused great destruc-
tion. The survivors retired for safety to the half deck and poop, where they
were mercilessly slaughtered. Some, in attempting to save their lives, jumped
overboard, and were drowned, and of the whole party but one escaped, and he
was made prisoner.
The boats which had been cut adrift returned to the shore, and those in
them conveyed the intelligence that the ships had been taken. They were
again sent off to desire the Emeer-el-Bahr to bring her close to shore, but
ere they reached the Darling, she had set sail, and stood out to sea; from
which the governor perceived that the reverse of what he had believed had
actually occurred. -
He accordingly sent to Sir Henry Middleton, and with many threats, ordered
him to write to the captain of the larger vessel, directing him to deliver it,
with all it contained, into his hands, upon which conditions alone he would
consent to liberate the prisoners, and permit them, as well as the crews of
both vessels, to go home in the Darling. Notwithstanding that Sir Henry
was threatened with death in the event of his declining to write the desired
letter, he steadfastly refused to do so; whereupon he was separated from
the rest of his companions, his hands and legs were loaded with fetters, and
he was thrust into a wretched closet beneath a flight of steps. At night,
through the intercession of a Banian merchant, he was removed to a better
107
room, where he had the society of one of his companions, who understood
Turkish. Still he benefited little by the change: his bed was the cold
ground, and he had a stone for his pillow, whilst sleep was effectually banished
by the multitude of rats which infested the room.
The Agha frequently examined his prisoners as to the quantity of money
and provisions on board the vessels; but the answer he received was invariably
the same, that there was little money, but water and provisions for two years.
In this state the prisoners remained till the middle of December, while the
ships still continued to ride at anchor in the roads, with a scanty supply of
water, and no means of communicating with the shore. On the 20th, a message
came from the Pasha of Sanāa, commanding the presence of the prisoners
there; accordingly, two days afterwards, their irons were knocked off, and the
whole party, with the exception of a few artificers and sick men, num-
bering thirty-four in all, left Mokha for Sanāa.
Sir Henry Middleton and one other were mounted on horse-back; the
remainder had asses provided for their use. The journey was accomplished
in fifteen days, during which time the captives, being but ill prepared for the
piercing air of the mountains, suffered greatly from the inclemency of the
weather. Every morning the ground was white with hoar-frost, and on one
occasion they had ice a finger thick. When within a mile of the town, they
were met by a large crowd, and about 200 musicians, who escorted them in
triumph to the castle, where Sir Henry and one companion were taken before
the Pasha. It happened to be a council day, and they were at once interro-
gated as to how they, being Christians, had dared to come to Arabia and
approach so near the holy city. They replied that they had been welcomed
by the governor of Mokha, who had given them a formal permission to trade
at that port, and, having lulled them into false security, had treacherously
attacked them, killing some of their party, and making the remainder prisoners.
They then requested free permission to depart, assuring the Pasha that the
treatment they had received would effectually deter their countrymen from
coming to so inhospitable a shore. The Pasha refused to liberate them,
alleging that it would be necessary to refer to Constantinople for instructions
as to their disposal.
After this interview, the party were taken to prison; Sir Henry, with one
or two others, were lodged somewhat better than the rest, who were loaded
with heavy chains, and consigned to the common gaol.
On the 18th of February they were permitted to depart, with a warning that
no Christians would thereafter be admitted to any of the
ports of Arabia, even though they should obtain a safe
conduct from the Grand Seignior. They reached Mokha on the 5th of March.
A.D. 1611.
108
Some of the men were at once permitted to proceed on board their vessels,
but Sir Henry and the remainder were detained on shore. They subsequently
effected their escape on board, and thus, being beyond the power of the Turks,
and having entire command of the sea, Sir Henry compelled the governor
not only to restore all the property which had been plundered, but to pay the
sum of 18,000 dollars as an indemnity for losses sustained.*
Captain Doveton, of the Peppercorn, who had been left behind at Aden
when Sir Henry quitted that port, experienced similar treachery from the
governor there, twenty of his men having been betrayed, and for some time
detained prisoners.f.
It appears from the narrative of Sir Henry Middleton, that though the
province of Yemen, and even its capital Sanāa, was under the government of
the Turks, still the mountainous regions were unsubdued, and ruled by Arab
chiefs, and that the former were held in great abhorrence, on account of their
proud and insolent behaviour; so much so, that no Turk could travel up or
down, without a safe conduct from the chief through whose districts he passed.
Early in the following year another expedition, consisting of the ships Cloue,
Hector and Thomas, under the command of Captain
John Saris, visited Mokha. Captain Saris found that
Rejib Agha had been deposed, and one Idher Agha, a Greek by birth, had
been appointed governor of that port. He was well received and sumptuously
entertained by the governor and chief men of the city, who one and all begged
that the cruel and discourteous treatment experienced by Sir Henry Middleton
at the hands of Rejib Agha might be forgotten.
Orders were also received from the Pasha of Yemen, to the effect that the
strangers should be allowed to trade freely, both on shore and with the Indian
ships, and that they should be permitted to take from Mokha anything that
they might desire.
Two years after this, a fleet under Van den Broeck was sent for the first
time by the Dutch East India Company to the Red
Sea, to obtain information regarding the nature of the
commerce in those parts.
On the arrival of the fleet at Mait, on the African coast, a vessel carrying
a white flag was despatched to Aden, to inform the governor of that port of
the arrival of the Dutch, and to explain the reason of their coming. The
governor behaved towards the captain of this vessel with great civility, and
dismissed him with presents, and an assurance that his countrymen would be
well received. On the following day, the fleet cast anchor in Aden harbour,
A.D. 1612.
A.D. 1614.
* Purchas, vol. i. p. 249. # Idem, p. 274. j. Idem, p. 334.
109
and an officer was immediately sent from the shore to inspect the vessels, and
invite Van den Broeck to dine with the governor on the following day. He
accepted the invitation, and was conveyed to the palace with great ceremony,
between two lines of soldiers. Having presented to the governor some articles
which he had brought for that purpose, the governor asked him of what nation
he was. Van den Broeck explained that he was a subject of the States General
and of the Prince of Orange, and that he had the permission of the Grand
Seignior to traffic in all parts of his dominions. The governor replied that as
they had come in the capacity of friends, they should be treated as such ; but
that it was necessary, in the first instance, that the Pasha of Yemen should be
apprised of their arrival, and that, in the mean time, they should be provided
with a suitable abode.
However, after the repast was concluded, Van den Broeck received a hint
that he had better leave Aden, as the resident merchants there viewed his
arrival with considerable jealousy; he accordingly weighed anchor, and
proceeded to Shehr, where he was well received, and where he established
a factory.
Towards the close of the following year Van den Broeck resumed his course
towards the Red Sea, and arrived at Mokha in January
1616. He was treated with great distinction by the
governor, and at his request a house was allotted as a factory, where the
mercantile transactions of the Dutch might be carried on. It was settled that
import duties should be charged at the rate of three and a half per cent., where-
upon Van den Broeck ordered his merchandise to be brought on shore, and
disposed of it at a remunerative rate, receiving payment in ready money.
He also obtained from the governor of Mokha a firman to visit the various
A.D. 1616.
towns of Yemen, and an injunction to the provincial governors to treat
him with respect, and pay all his expenses. Accompanied by one of his
officers, he proceeded to Sanãa. On approaching the city, the Pasha sent him
a beautiful horse, with trappings richly ornamented with gold and silver, on
which to make his entry, as well as a guard of 300 soldiers. Near the city
gate, the Pasha himself, with more than 200 of the chief men of his court
richly apparelled, advanced to do him honour, and conducted him to the
palace, from which he was led to a house prepared for his reception.
At an interview which he had with the Pasha on a subsequent occasion,
the latter informed him that he had not the power to permit him to leave
agents at Mokha, as such a permission could only be given by the sultan
himself. The Mahomedans dreaded that the Dutch should extend their
agencies as far as the holy city itself. “You were first at Aden,” they said,
“ and from Aden you went to Shehr, whence you have come to Mokha; your
I 10
vessel is now at Hodaida, and you are preparing to penetrate further into the
Red Sea than has ever been allowed to any nation professing Christianity.”
Thus Van den Broeck was obliged to leave Sanāa without having obtained a
confirmation of the promise made to him by the governor of Mokha, to trade
permanently on payment of three and a half per cent, import duty, as that
favour had excited the jealousy of the Persian and Indian merchants, who
were required to pay from fifteen to sixteen per cent.
The Pasha of Yemen, during the visit of Van den Broeck, was the same who
had ruled there during the captivity of Sir Henry Middleton. He was by
birth a Hungarian ; he acted as viceroy of the sultan, a dignity which was only
conferred for three years, but Jāafer Pasha had held the government for nine
years, and it was reported that he had poisoned two Pashas who had been
sent to relieve him. He waged incessant war against the Arabs.
After losing all hope of being able to form an agency at Mokha, Van den
Broeck came to the resolution of removing the merchants whom he had left at
Shehr; he then proceeded to India.”
Two years later, the English were successful in obtaining what the Dutch
had failed to accomplish. Captain Shilling proceeded
to Mokha in the Anne Royal, by desire of Sir Thomas
Roe, his majesty's ambassador at the court of the Mogul, to endeavour to
place the commerce of the East India Company on a more satisfactory footing
in Arabia.
Rejib Agha, the same who had imprisoned Sir Henry Middleton, was again
governor of Mokha ; he expressed great sorrow for his former behaviour,
alleging that he had only acted in obedience to the orders of the Pasha; now,
however, he granted a firman, permitting the English to trade freely at
Mokha, and to establish a factory there, and defined the import and export
duties, which were not to exceed three per cent., payable in money or
A.D. 1618.
kind; this concession was confirmed by the governor of Yemen.4
In A.D. 1630 the Turks, whose name and government had become alike
odious, were compelled to evacuate Yemen. It is
doubtful, however, whether the native Arabs would have
had the power to compass their ejection, had they made a very spirited
resistance; but the withdrawal of the Indian trade, in a great measure, from
the Red Sea, to the longer but more convenient route by the Cape of Good
Hope, made so distant and troublesome a dependency as Yemen almost
useless, and hardly worth defending.
A.D. 1630.
* Hist. Gen. des Voyages, vol. xxxi. p. 424. t Purchas, vol. i. p. 622.
111
CHAPTER XVII.
YEMEN FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE SECOND
DYNASTY OF IMA/MS OF SANAA TO THE WAHA/BEE
INVASION. .
On the withdrawal of the Turks, Yemen once more fell into the hands of
the family of Barakāt, who claimed descent from Ali
ibn Aboo Täleb.
Kássim, while residing on his patrimonial estates in the neighbourhood of
A.D. 1630.
Lohaia, was greatly instrumental in freeing his country from the sway of the
Turks. He enjoyed the friendship of the independent mountain chiefs, and,
seeing the Turks to be odious to his countrymen, he, by the aid of those
Sheikhs, commenced a series of attacks upon them, which ultimately had the
effect of driving them out of all the cities of Yemen.
Raised to the dignity of sovereign, he assumed the title of Seyed, or “lord,’
but after his death the gratitude of his countrymen conferred upon him
the title of El-Kebeer, or ‘the great.” After this, the ancient family of
Kaukebán, being obliged to yield its prerogative to the family of Kássim,
Ismail, the eldest son of the latter, assumed the title of Imām Metawākkil
ala Ullah, while the family of Kaukebán, which had hitherto distinguished
its chief by that title, reverted to the more modest one of Seyed.
An Imām is literally a priest, or leader of the prayers in a mosque. The
successors of Mahommed continued to exercise their religious functions, in
proof that they enjoyed spiritual as well as temporal power, and various
Arabian princes, who dared not aspire to the title of Kãlif, took that of Imām,
to which they frequently added that of Ameer-el-Māoomineen, or ‘prince
of the faithful, and, like the kålifs, observed the custom of changing their
name when they ascended the throne. This custom seemed to typify that
their whole nature underwent a change upon being invested with an office
to which a certain amount of sanctity was attached."f
The throne of Yemen was hereditary under the Imāms. If generally ap-
proved by his subjects, the eldest son was rightful successor; but the order
of primogeniture was frequently violated. The Imām was an absolute prince,
the more so from uniting in person both temporal and spiritual power; he was
controlled in a certain measure, however, by the supreme council of Sanāa,
* Neibuhr's Travels, vol. ii. p. 71. t Idem, p. 72.
112
which alone posssessed the power of life and death, though this was not
invariably regarded by the Imām.*
A Dowla, F or governor of a province, was somewhat equivalent to the Turkish
grade of Pasha, though acting on a more limited scale ; he held office under
the Imāms, commanded the troops in his province, regulated the taxes and
police arrangements, and collected the revenues. These dowlas were recalled
every two or three years, to prevent their acquiring too great power, or
amassing an undue amount of wealth ; they were obliged to render an account
from time to time, and, when guilty of high misdemeanours or malversations
of office, they were generally punished by imprisonment and confiscation of
property, but seldom by death. Sometimes a dowla who had been thus
punished was raised from prison to an office of still greater importance than
that from which he had been deposed. Under them was usually a Bas-kāteb,
or secretary, who acted as a sort of spy on their conduct, and who not
unfrequently succeeded them; also a Kádi, who was sole judge in civil and
ecclesiastical affairs. In seaport towns, the Ameer-el-Bahr, or captain of the
port, exercised chief control in his department, under the dowla; there was
usually a Sheikh-el-Beled, who presided over municipal affairs and assessed
taxes, and an Emeer-es-Sook, or chief of the markets.i.
The Imām Ismail ibn Kássim Metawākkil ala Ullah lived a life of the
most Spartan simplicity: he was so economical that he made and sold caps
for his subsistence, and restricted his household to one wife and a single
female slave.S He was so zealous in maintaining the integrity of his domi-
nions, that his countrymen willingly assisted him against the Turks. He died
after a reign of thirty years, universally respected and esteemed for his piety
and administrative talents. He was buried at Dorán, where he had chiefly
resided.
His cousin Ahmed succeeded him in A.D. 1668, under the title of El-Mejd
º Billah ; he settled at Khurraz. This prince enlarged
A.D. 1668. his kingdom, and was celebrated for his piety.
After his death, which occurred in A.D. 1675, Mahommed ibn Hoosain, a
nephew of El-Mejd Billah, had himself proclaimed
A.D. 1675. Imām under the title of El-Mehdi Hādi, and resided at
Khurraz, but he had only reigned two years when he was deposed by El-
Mehdi Mahommed, a son of his predecessor, El-Mehdi Ahmed. He reigned
thirty years, with fluctuating fortunes.|
* Neibuhr's Travels, vol. ii. p. 83.
# Frequently written in English, Dola; the Arabic word is & 2 &
* Neibuhr's Travels, vol. ii. p. 85. § Idem, p. 73. | Idem, p. 74.
5 - O -
113
This prince had to sustain a cruel war against the confederate chiefs of
Hāshid-wa-Bakeel; in the first campaign he sent against
them his nephew Kássim ibn Hoosain, who, being
victorious, instead of being rewarded, was imprisoned in the fortress of
Dthamár. In one of the succeeding wars he sent his son Ibrahim against
them, but he was defeated, and the Imām was compelled to release his first
general and entrust him with the command of the army. He, having achieved
a complete victory, determined not to return to Mooãhib, but remained at
Amrān.
A.D. 1677.
In A.D. 1707, one Mahommed ibn Hassan came from Shehr, and had himself
proclaimed Imām, under the title of En-Năsr, and effec-
tually deposed the reigning Imām. He, in his turn,
was deprived of his usurped authority by Kássim ibn Hoosain, the victorious
general of El-Mehdi Mahommed ibn Ahmed, ere he had reigned two years.
He was proclaimed Imām under the title of El-Metawakkil.” -
This prince usually held his court at Mooáhib.;—he had little splendour
about it, and managed his kingdom very badly. He
seldom had fewer than three hundred wives and con-
cubines, of the fairest women of his dominions.'t
The Imām Mehdi Mahommed lived several years after the accession of his
nephew, and was permitted to retain the style and title of Imām, though the
power was in a great measure taken from him ; still he appears to have made
treaties, and to have acted generally as an independent monarch.
The first visit of the French to Yemen occurred about this period. The
ships Curieuse and Diligent, under M. de Merveille, and belonging to a
French company of St. Malo, set sail from Brest on the 6th February 1708.
On their arrival at Aden, the commander landed at the sea-gate in Front Bay,
and proceeded to the palace of the governor, who treated him with civility,
and caused lodgings to be provided for him in the city. On the 27th Decem-
ber the vessels left Aden, and anchored in Mokha roads on the 3rd
January 1709.
Here they found a Dutch factory established, to which a vessel of 700 tons
was in the habit of coming every year from Batavia, to
load with coffee and other Arabian produce.
A treaty was concluded between the French and the Dowla of Mokha, on
behalf of Imām Mehdi, to the following effect:—
First.—That the French should enjoy perfect religious freedom.
Secondly.—That they should trade all day, but were to return to their vessels
at night.
A.D. 1707.
A.D. 1708.
A.D. 1709.
* Neibuhr's Travels, vol. ii. p. 74. f Hamilton, vol. i. p. 39.
15
| 14
Thirdly.—That they might hoist their national flag at their factory.
Fourthly.—That all their merchandise was to be conveyed through the
custom house to their factory.
Fifthly.—That three per cent, import duty was to be levied on all goods sold.
Sixthly.—That two dollars should be charged for every large government
boat they might require, and one dollar for every smaller one. -
Seventhly.—That they should pay the customary fee for every man who
should land.
Eighthly.—That they might obtain redress for any insult offered to them by
the inhabitants.
Ninthly.—That under ordinary circumstances they should conduct their sales
through the medium of a broker.
Tenthly.—That in consideration of this being the first visit paid by the
French, a fourth part of the customs dues should be remitted for that year only.
At this period the Turks had no authority in any part of Arabia, save only
at Jedda, where they had a Pasha. The trade of Yemen was chiefly in the
hands of the Banian merchants.
The French company was so well pleased with the first expedition to
Mokha, that in the month of January 1711 they fitted
out another, under the command of Messrs. De la Lande
and Bricolaine ; this did not reach the Red Sea till December.
Shortly after their arrival, the old Imām Mehdi, being sick, invited a surgeon
from one of the vessels to visit him; the French gladly
A.D. 1711.
A.D. 1712. º - º
7 availed themselves of this opportunity to become better
acquainted with the country. Accordingly, on the 14th February 1712, a
deputation consisting of twenty persons, accompanied by a troop of horse, left
Mokha. They proceeded by Mooza, Jibleh, Yereem, and Dthamår till they
arrived at Mooãhib, where the Imām was.
This prince was an old man of eighty, of a handsome figure and countenance,
inclining to tawny; he provided the French with apartments in his own
palace, and frequently supplied their table from his own kitchen. He was
exceedingly simple in his apparel, seldom wearing anything save a garment
of fine cloth, devoid of all ornamentation; the only thing which distinguished
him was a veil of white silk fastened to his turban, and, falling down, was tied
under his chin. He lived with the greatest regularity, and kept little state,
save when he went to the mosque on Friday ; on such occasions the procession
consisted of 1,000 foot soldiers armed with matchlocks, two hundred horsemen,
and the officers of the household and court mounted ; after these came the
Imām, accompanied by some of his sons, riding under a canopy of green silk
enriched with gold embroidery,
| 15
The travellers remained three weeks at Mooãhib, attending the king's
recovery; while there an ambassador from Constantinople arrived at the
court of the Imām; he was accompanied by a numerous retinue, and brought
many valuable presents; the object of this mission was to represent that in
consequence of the increased direct trade between Arabia and Europe, the
commerce and revenue of the Sultan had suffered greatly, and a request was
made that henceforth this new species of trade should be discontinued, and
that no coffee should be exported except through Egypt. It is needless to
say that the Imām refused to listen to the representations of the Turkish
government.*
Kássim ibn Hoosain died in 1719, and was succeeded by his son Hoosain,
under the name of El-Mansoor. The throne was soon
usurped by Mahommed Ishāk, who took the name of
El-Mejd; he was nephew of El-Mehdi Mahommed, and was so well supported
by Mahommed ibn Hoosain, chief of Kaukebán, that he made himself master
of the whole country, with the exception of Sanãa; but his reign only lasted
A.D. 1719.
one year, after which both the usurper and his ally were taken prisoners by
the Imām, who devastated the country of Kaukebán.
In 1728 Abdulla ibn Aboo Taleb, another nephew of El-Mehdi Mahommed,
A.D. 1728 endeavoured to upset the government, but he was
• *-* * * * * *-ye captured and imprisoned at Sanāa, where he died in
A.D. 1761. Shortly after this, Ahmed, a brother of the Imām, was sent to
govern Ta'ez, but he fortified himself so securely that he could not be reduced
to obedience."f
In A.D. 1738 a serious misunderstanding occurred between the government
jºy of Yemen and the French East India Company. The
A.D. 1738. Dowla of Mokha made a practice of purchasing goods
from the Indian ships, exceeding in value the amount of custom dues for
which the owners were liable, and, instead of paying ready money, he was
in the habit of promising to deduct the value out of the next year's
duties. By dealing in this manner for several years, the French Company
at length found him 82,000 dollars; in their debt. In order to obtain
payment for so considerable a sum, a man of war was sent to escort the
merchant vessels.
The captains, on their arrival, sent to acquaint the Dowla that they had
come to sell their cargoes, but would not land their goods until the former debt
was discharged. The Dowla, forewarned of the hostile intentions of the
French, refused to comply with their demands, and prepared for resistance.
* La Roque. iſ Neibuhr's Travels, vol. ii. p. 74. # Equivalent to £18,630.
116
The city was defended by 20,000 men, cavalry and infantry, while the attacking
force did not exceed 1,800, of whom a considerable number were Indian
sepoys. In spite of the well-directed fire of the garrison, the French succeeded
in placing their siege artillery and mortars in position, and just as the de-
fenders were on the point of making a strong sortie, a shell was fired into the
midst of them. The Arabs, unacquainted with this species of projectile, rushed
in numbers to inspect it, whereupon it burst, and killed forty people. A panic
seized the soldiers, who looked upon the shell as an instrument of super-
natural power, and all endeavoured to secure their safety by flight. This
extraordinary and almost ludicrous incident placed the town at the mercy of
the French, and the governor was compelled to liquidate the debt.*
A treaty was then concluded, by which the duties were reduced from three
to two and a half per cent. The Imām, displeased at the conduct of the
governor, recalled him, and confiscated his palace at Sanāa.
The Imām-el-Mansoor Hoosain ibn Kássim died in A D. 1740, leaving several
sons, of whom Ali, by his first wife, a daughter of the
chief of Kaukebán, was the legitimate heir to the throne.
It was generally believed and desired that this chief should succeed his father,
but the machinations of the mother of the second son, an African slave in the
harem of the late Imām, prevailed ; she concealed the death of her master
until the Kadi Yehia ibn Sāleh had influenced the minds of the soldiery and
principal governors in favour of her son Abbas. The unfortunate Prince Ali
was thrown into prison, where he expired in A.D. 1759, and Abbas ascended
the throne, under the title of El-Mehdi.
The new Imām at first retained the Kadi Yehia as his favourite minister;
subsequently, however, the latter incurred his master's displeasure, on account
of his supposed sympathy with the captive Ali, and was deprived of office; his
property was confiscated, and he himself was thrown into prison, where he
remained two years. He was then released, and a small pension assigned to
him, but he was never re-admitted to favour. F
In A.D. 1750 about 3,000 Arabs of Nehm and Daibán penetrated into the
dominions of the Imām, and even approached Sanāa,
but they were soon routed and dispersed.
Seven years later, the confederates of Hāshid-wa-Bakeel invaded his
dominions from Kaukebán, on the banks of the Dtha-
már, and defeated the force which was sent to oppose
them. The following year they attempted to advance upon Serâj, but were
totally routed, and dispersed by the Imām's forces.
A.D. 1740.
A.D. 1750.
A.D. 1757.
* Cloupet, apud Annales des Voyages, vol. x. p. 177. f Neibuhr's Travels, vol. ii. p. 75.
f
117
But the greatest and most formidable enemy with whom the Imām had to
contend was Abd-er-Rub ibn Ahmed, who proclaimed
A.D. 1758. himself independent chief of Hajereea. He was the
son of a nakeeb who had, for many years, been governor of the small province
of Juffros, and the Imām, who had always been well pleased with him, con-
tinued Abd-er-Rub in the same appointment after his father's death, and
eventually promoted him to the government of Kátaba.
Abd-er-Rub, having been employed by the Imām to demolish several hill
forts, made himself many powerful enemies, amongst others, the nakeeb
Mahommed ibn Abdulla of Wadie, who used every means to procure his ruin.
This chief, having prepossessed the Imām against him, by accusing him of
rebellion, procured an order for his recall; but Abd-er-Rub, having received
information of the cause of this mandate, refused to comply with it, and pre-
pared himself for resistance. The Imām sent a force of three thousand men
under the nakeeb Mahommed to reduce him to subjection, but this force be-
sieged the town of Kätaba in vain, for eleven months. At length, when no
longer able to hold out, Abd-er-Rub made his way through the midst of the
enemy at night, with five or six hundred followers, and escaped to the moun-
tain fortresses in the district of Hajereea, where he was received with open
arms, while the nakeeb Mahommed returned to Sanāa, overwhelmed with shame
and mortification. A second army was sent against him, but it was not more
successful than the first had been.
Up to this period, Abd-er-Rub had acted only on the defensive; now, how-
ever, beginning to feel his strength, he changed his tactics, and commenced
hostilities against the Imām. He took the town of Jibleh, but as it was not
fortified, he was unable to retain it; so, having levied forced contributions from
the inhabitants, he again retired into Hajereea. The Imām, not being himself
able to overcome this heroic chief, made an alliance with Abd-el-Kereem,
sultan of Aden, who himself had begun to fear him. These two princes agreed
to attack the common enemy, each from his own side : the conqueror did not,
however, wait for their attack, but boldly entered the territories of Sultan
Abd-el-Kereem, placed a strong garrison in Lähej, which he held for five
months, and so effectually blockaded him in Aden that he was forced to pay
a large sum to induce him to evacuate the country. During this time the
Imām afforded his ally no assistance.*
It will be recollected that in A. D. 1728 the Imām-el-Mansoor Hoosain had
committed the government of Ta'ez to his brother Ahmed,
A.D. 1759. º *
who, on being recalled, refused to obey; with an army
of 2,000 men he stood out for twelve years against all the forces the Imām
* Neibuhr, vol. ii. p. 78.
118
could bring against him. He coined his own money, and conducted himself
in every respect as an independent sovereign. Ahmed dying, left six sons,
the oldest of whom, Abdulla, succeeded him.
On his death, in A.D. 1759, the succession devolved on his son Abd-el-
Kereem, a youth of thirteen years of age. Three of this young chieftain's
uncles conspired to depose him; whereupon he offered to return to his
allegiance, and implored the assistance of the Imām against his relatives.
The Imām despatched an army under two of his generals, Elmas and
Ahmed-el-Bamr, to besiege Ta'ez, but their arms were
not crowned with success; and, in the meanwhile,
Abd-er-Rub formed plans of further conquest. He seized the town of
Mooza, and advanced close to Mokha, but the governor of that city
having deceived him by the false information that the English vessels in the
bay were prepared to co-operate with the legitimate government, he hesi-
tated to advance.
The Imām, finding that he could neither take Ta'ez nor subdue Abd-er-Rub,
endeavoured to make peace with the latter, and secured his co-operation against
Ta'ez. To this proposition Abd-er-Rub willingly consented, on the under-
standing that his absolute independence should be recognised, and that
he should be viewed in the light of an ally. The Imām bound himself,
by the most solemn assurances, to abide by this compact, whereupon
Abd-er-Rub led his forces to join the besiegers of Ta'ez, and it was mainly
owing to his skill and valour that the city fell. The government of it was
then entrusted to an officer of the Imām’s army, who was sent there in the
capacity of Dowla.
The Imām appeared much satisfied with Abd-er-Rub, and invited him and
the family of the late Seedee Ahmed, which had so long defended Ta'ez, and
which was then represented by his son Abdulla, to visit him at Sanáa. Abd-
er-Rub was suspicious, but, relying implicitly on the protestations of friend-
ship made to him by the generals Elmas and Ahmed-el-Bamr, on the part of
the Imām, he decided to accept the invitation.
His progress to Sanāa resembled a triumphal procession, and the inhabitants
of the districts through which he passed vied with each other in paying him
honour; so much so, that it became evident to the Imām that his subjects
despised him, and admired the successful and heroic rebel. No sooner had he
entered the city of Sanāa, than he was seized by order of the Imām, stripped
naked, his hands and feet dyed red, as is customary with women, and he was
thus paraded through the streets on a camel, with his face towards the tail; one
of his sisters, on beholding the ignominious treatment to which her brother was
subjected, threw herself from the top of a house, and fell dead at his feet. He
A.D. 1760.
119
was then scourged, and otherwise ill-treated, and finally decapitated on a dung
heap.”
This perfidious conduct could not, and did not, fail to draw upon the Imām
the hatred of the majority of his subjects; but above all others, Elmas and
Ahmed-el-Bamr were disgusted at it, as they had held themselves responsible
for his good faith. Ahmed was the first who reproached him, and he was at
once imprisoned; this still further exasperated his subjects, and Elmas formed
the project of dethroning the Imām.
On this conspiracy reaching the ears of that prince, he took no notice of it,
but invited Elmas to an audience; coffee was presented, according to Arab
custom, but it was poisoned, and Elmas died ere he could reach his house.
As soon as Kássim-el-Bamr, commander of the forces of Hāshid-wa-Bakeel,
heard of his brother's imprisonment, he raised a small army and marched
towards Amrān. The Imām met him, and, in the first encounter, Moorshed,
son of Kässim, was slain, and the insurgents retreated in disorder. The
Imām, dreading another attempt to liberate Ahmed, caused him to be executed
at Rodāa.i.
Not long previous to this period, the principality of Aboo Areesh became
independent of the sovereign of Yemen. That prince usually appointed confi-
dential slaves as governors of provinces, to ensure their fidelity; but a late
Imām having imprudently appointed a Shereef to the government of Aboo
Areesh, the consequence was that he revolted against his sovereign. His
son Mahommed, who ruled the country during the visit of Neibuhr in A.D.
1763, withstood all the efforts of the Imām to reduce him to subjection. The
Hāshid-wa-Bakeel were frequently induced, by large bribes, to join the
Imām's army, but their attacks were always made without any regular plan,
and invariably failed.
The Sheikh Mekrami of Nejrán also penetrated into this country two suc-
cessive winters, with a small force; this chief was not
of the ancient nobility, but having, in his youth, travelled
through Arabia, Persia, and India, he was, on his return, invested by the
Imām with the government of Nejrán, when he at once threw off his allegiance.
To expel this intruder, the Shereef of Aboo Areesh levied 600 mercenaries from
the Hāshid-wa-Bakeel, and gave him battle in January 1763; the Shereef was
defeated, with a loss of six or seven men, when he shut himself up in his palace
in despair. But Sheik Mekrami did not follow up his advantage; for, learning
that the Sheikh of Kahtán had entered Nejrán in his absence, he hastened
homewards, for the defence of his own territories.;
A.D. 1763.
* Neibuhr's Travels, vol. ii. p. 80. f Idem, p. 81. f Idem, pp. 54–59.
120
In A.D. 1762 an expedition was organised by King Frederick V. of Denmark,
for the exploration of Arabia, but more particularly of the province of Yemen;
it was under the charge of the learned M. Carsten Neibuhr, with whom were
associated Professor von Haven, as linguist; Professor Forskal and Dr.
Cramer, as naturalists; and M. Baurenfeind, as draughtsman. They arrived
in Yemen in the end of December 1762 : Von Haven died at Mokha on the
25th May 1763; Forskal died at Yereem on the 11th July following; M.
baurenfeind expired at sea, near the island of Socotra, on the 29th August;
and Dr. Cramer at Bombay, on the 11th February 1764.
When Neibuhr visited Sanāa the Imām El-Mehdi Abbas was about forty-
five years of age, good-looking, and of a dark complexion, like his mother.
He had fifteen or twenty brothers; Seedee Mahommed was his brother by the
mother's side, and the rest were half-brothers by the father's side ; the greater
number of these were too young to leave the harem. The four eldest who
appeared in public were named Abdulla, Ali, Kässim, and Mahommed; Ali, the
second son, was the only one who held office,—he was governor of the district
of Sanhán, and of the city of Sanāa, which is in it.
The first interview which the Danish travellers had with the Imām was on
the 19th July 1763, in his palace of the Bostān-el-Metawakkil. They were
conducted into a spacious chamber, with a vaulted roof, having several foun-
tains in the centre, issuing from a large basin. Behind this, and near the
throne, were two large benches, each a foot and a half high. Upon the throne
was a space covered with silken stuffs, on which lay large cushions, where the
Imām reposed. He was attired in robes of green, with flowing sleeves,
embroidered with a rich filleting of gold lace, and on his head he wore a large
white turban. His sons sat on the right hand, and his brothers on the left;
opposite to them, on the highest of the benches, sat the wuzeer; and a place
on the lower seats was allotted to the travellers; on either side of the hall sat
many of the principal men of the court.
The travellers were permitted to kiss the Imām's hand, as well as the hem
of his robe, while a herald proclaimed, amidst profound silence, “God preserve
the Imām,” which was repeated by all present. After a short conversation,
and repeated assurances of welcome, they were permitted to retire.
The Imām was in the habit of going to the mosque, every Friday, with con-
siderable pomp ; on such occasions he was wont to make a circuitous route,
the better to display his magnificence; he was attended by the princes of
the blood royal, and at least 600 officers, civil, military, and ecclesiastical,
superbly mounted on horses, and by a vast crowd of people on foot.
On the 23rd July the travellers had another audience of the Imām, previous
to their departure, of a more private nature than the former, during which
121
they exhibited their scientific instruments, and had many questions put to them
regarding the manners, trade, and learning of the Europeans. They left Sanãa
on the 26th July, and arrived at Mokha on the 5th August.*
Neibuhr asserts that the entire revenue of the Imām used to average about
830,000 dollars per annum, but having lost several important provinces, such
as Aden, Aboo Areesh, Kataba, and Ta'ez, it did not at this time exceed
500,000. The Imām maintained a standing army of 4,000 infantry, chiefly
from the confederate tribes of Hāshid-wa-Bakeel, and 1,000 cavalry.t
Mokha was at this time the most flourishing port of Yemen, and its com-
merce was almost entirely engrossed by the English; the East India Company,
indeed, used only to send one vessel thither every two years, but an active
coffee trade was carried on by Banian and other native as well as European
merchants of India. Only three per cent. was levied on Indian goods, but the
governor compelled the merchants who purchased them to pay five per cent.
in addition; a heavy anchorage duty was also charged, amounting to several
hundred dollars, regulated, not by the tonnage of the vessels, but by the number
of the masts.j.
In A.D. 1770 the captain of a trading vessel from India was on shore at the
British factory at Mokha, and having corrected a slave
for some fault, the boy ran away, and took refuge at an
Arab house, where he was prevailed upon to become a Mahomedan. As no
Christian was permitted to hold a slave of that religion, the boy availed
himself of this privilege, and went about the streets of the city without fear
of his master's resentment. One day he ventured to pass by the factory, when
he was seized and flogged by his former master; but this was attended by
consequences which the latter did not foresee.
The factory was at this time inhabited only by supercargoes and masters of
vessels, during their short stay in port, and was but ill adapted for defence.
A mob attacked it, forced open the gate, and not finding the object of their
search, whom they had intended to sacrifice on the spot, they contented
themselves by plundering his effects. On the first alarm, the captain had
retreated to the terrace of the factory, and, with no small difficulty, managed to
effect his escape along the roofs of the houses to the sea-side, where he took a
boat and went on board his vessel.
This disturbance was too sudden to have been checked by the best regulated
government, but it might have been remedied and punished; a deaf ear was,
however, turned to the remonstrances of the captain, who was accordingly
obliged to carry his complaint before the government of Bombay.
A.D. 1770.
* Neibuhr's Travels, vol. ii. t Idem, p. 88. f Idem,
16
I22
Two vessels of war were immediately fitted out with every requisite for
bombarding the city; on their arrival at Mokha a message was sent to the
governor, to apprise him of their mission. The inhabitants were greatly
alarmed; they abandoned the forts which they had been accustomed to con-
sider impregnable, and would have deserted the city had not the governor
prevented it. He thought proper to comply with the demands which were
made on behalf of the sufferers, and sent off 4,000 dollars to the commodore of
the expedition, happy to preserve the city from destruction, and to appease
the wrath of the British at so cheap a rate. Even this money, however, was
obtained unjustly, having been extorted from the Banian merchants.”
A rebellion broke out in the district of Samāa in A.D. 1772, occasioned by a
an scarcity of corn, and grew to such a height that several
A.D. 1772. thousand men assembled, who not only plundered all
provisions going to the capital, but seized several towns and villages. They
obtained possession of a stronghold where there was an unfailing supply of
water, and bade defiance to the forces of the Imām. At last this prince put
himself at the head of his whole army, amounting to 50,000 men, with a good
train of artillery, the latter under command of a Scotch renegade called
Campbell, with whom were several others of various nations. The rebel
fortress was besieged without success; they had plenty of provisions, which
were scarce in the Imam's army, and the latter was beginning to despair, when
a French renegade volunteered to construct mortars and shells with which to
bombard the enemy's position. He commenced operations without consider-
ing whether the necessary materials were available, but his ingenuity was not
further put to the test, for the report of his proceedings having reached the
rebels, they were so panic-stricken, that they sued for mercy and returned to
their allegiance.f.
The Imām El-Mehdi Abbas expired in A.D. 1774; his eldest son Abdulla
having died previously, his second son, Ali, succeeded
him, and assumed the title of El-Mansoor. Besides
his successor, the late Imām left twenty sons.j.
In consequence of the invasion of Egypt by the French, the English Go-
vernment despatched, in A.D. 1799, a naval force from
Great Britain, under the command of Admiral Blanket,
to cruise in the Red Sea; and at the same time orders were sent to Bombay,
directing the government of that presidency to secure and fortify the island
of Perim, situated between the two points which include the Straits of Bab-el-
Mandeb, to endeavour to command the channel, so as to prevent all commu-
A.D. 1774.
A.D. 1799.
* Irwin, p. 13. t Parsons, p. 274. † Valentia, vol. ii. p. 363.
123
nication, on the part of the enemy, with the Indian Ocean by way of the Red
Sea. Accordingly, in the month of April, a detachment of 300 European and
native troops, exclusive of followers, under the command of Lieutenant Colo-
nel Murray, who was appointed Political Commissioner for the Red Sea,
proceeded to execute this service, and on the 3rd of May, the island of
Perim, not being claimed by, and not being considered as justly pertaining to,
any government, was formally taken possession of, on behalf of the East India
Company.
From that period till the 1st of September the troops continued in posses-
sion of it, but finding, after every practicable exertion had been used, that the
island yielded no fresh water, and that the straits could not be commanded by
batteries on the shore, Lieutenant Colonel Murray determined to withdraw
his detachment, for which he had a strong inducement in the proffered kind
offices of the sultan of Aden, who offered to receive them as long as they
might choose to remain in his dominions. At this port the troops landed, and
were accommodated till the change of the monsoon, in the following March,
in a manner exceeding their expectations, and with a cordiality never before
experienced in this inhospitable part of Arabia.”
Previous to this time, the commerce between the Red Sea and the East
India Company's possessions in India had been very
A.D. 1801. extensive and beneficial, but, on account of the oppression
of the Arab government, it had fallen into decay and almost total ruin. The
coffee, which used to be taken to Europe or India in British vessels, now found
its way thither through Egypt, or by the caravans from Jedda and Mecca to
Constantinople; and within the last three years, a considerable quantity had
been purchased by American vessels, either for consumption in their own
country, or for exportation to the Mediterranean. Accordingly, Commodore
Sir Home Popham, commanding H.M.S. Rodney, was despatched by the
Court of Directors on a mission to the Red Sea, to endeavour to revive this
trade, and place it on a proper and permanent footing. He was also charged
to convey troops to co-operate with General Baird's army, then proceeding
from Bombay to Egypt. Having fallen in with that general at sea, he accom-
panied him to Cosseir, and after the troops had crossed the desert to the banks
of the Nile, Sir Home Popham proceeded to Calcutta.
Previous to this, Dr. Pringle, an assistant surgeon on the Bombay establish-
ment, who had accompanied Colonel Murray to the Red Sea, being at Mokha
when General Baird arrived there on his voyage to Egypt, was deputed in the
month of May to Sanāa, with letters and presents for the Imām from the
* Records of the Bombay Government.
124
Governor General of India, and also with the view of procuring such orders
to the governors of the various ports in the Red Sea as might remove some of
the impediments which had occurred, when the transports were replenishing at
these ports after their first arrival. Dr. Pringle was very courteously received,
and effected the object of his mission. The Imām, on his application, caused
the strictest injunctions to be issued to the governors of Mokha, Hodaida, and
Lohaia, to furnish English vessels with everything they might require, at the
usual prices, and with the utmost possible despatch; also, to procure them
pilots; and, in the event of any of the vessels being cast away or stranded, to
protect the crews on shore, and to secure and restore such property as could
be saved. Besides these indulgences, permission was accorded for the
formation of a naval hospital at Mokha, for the reception of the sick of the
squadron. After attaining these points, Dr. Pringle left the court of Sanāa and
returned to Mokha.”
When at Calcutta, Sir Home Popham was regularly constituted Ambassador
to the States of Arabia, and fully authorised to en-
ter into commercial treaties with the Imām of Sanāa
and the sultan of Aden.
He returned to Mokha in the early part of 1802, and in July despatched
Mr. Elliott, the secretary of the embassy, together with Lieutenant Lamb and
Dr. Pringle, to Sanáa, with instructions to lay before the Imām the plan of the
proposed treaty, intending himself to proceed to Jibleh or Ibb, by way of
Ta'ez, that he might be nearer the capital to answer any objections which might
be made by the Imām to the terms of the proposed treaty, and alter them to
his highness's satisfaction.
Before Sir Home set out on his journey, he took every care to explain to
the Dowla of Mokha, how the character of an ambassador ought to be
esteemed, and how sacred it is held in every part of the civilised world; his
motive being an anxious desire to escape insult. But he committed a vital
mistake, which was the means of subjecting him to the very treatment he
desired to avoid; instead of following the custom of the country, and trusting
entirely to the protection of the people amongst whom he was to travel, he set
out in an ostentatious manner, with a large camp and a guard of 100 Indian
sepoys. This only served to arouse the apprehensions and to excite the
cupidity of the ignorant and half-savage Arabs, while it was manifestly
insufficient for his protection.
On his arrival at Masooreh, Sheikh Akhlān of Dorebat wrote him a letter
to the effect that he had been ordered by the Imām to consider him as his
A. D. 1802.
* Records of the East India House.
125
guest, to treat him with every respect, and escort him through his country.
Sir Home was, however, treated with the greatest indignity, he was surrounded
by armed men, and though he had made the Sheikh the most ample presents,
he was told that he should not move from Dorebat until he had paid him 500
dollars, and given him one of his tents. The Sheikh continued the same
conduct to some gentlemen of Sir Home's suite, who followed him, and, because
they had not a sufficient sum to satisfy his demands, he obliged them to leave
a hostage, whose throat he threatened to cut in two days if, before then, the
sum he demanded was not paid. When the ambassador arrived at Ta'ez, he
expected, from the promises of the dowla, that he should have experienced
more friendly treatment; but apprehending, from a variety of circumstances,
that this barbarous conduct would be continued all through the country, he
determined to return, although he was obliged a second time to submit to the
rough treatment of Sheikh Akhlān.
The ambassador was permitted by the governor of Ta'ez to make his first
journey to Kerrah, where, in the night, the dowla sent an armed party, which
surrounded his camp, and informed him that he could not be permitted to move
until the instructions of the Imām had been received, and the sentinels threat-
ened to shoot any one who went the least distance from the tents. The
embassy was detained four days at Kerrah, and at last purchased permission
to proceed on their way to Mokha. At Arāsh, which was in the government
of the Dowla of Mokha, Sir Home and his suite suffered still further indig-
nities; one of the sheikhs levelled his piece at the ambassador within ten
yards, and declared he would shoot him, because he had no money about him,
and one of the suite had his camel seized, was struck, and had the coat torn
off his back. These insults continued daily, and increased as the party ap-
proached Mokha.
Sir Home, in his protest to the wuzeer of Sanāa, observes, that he could
have repelled some of these insults with his body-guard of sepoys, and probably
have put to death most of the Imām's subjects who were concerned in them; but
he considered it was beneath his dignity to command so contemptible an
atonement, nor did he consider the destruction of Mokha, Hodaida, and
Lohaia, which he could have accomplished in a few hours, with his squadron,
a sufficient reparation for the insolence and contempt with which he had been
treated throughout the Imām's dominions.”
Sir Home did not remain in Mokha to receive an answer to his protest,
but sent a copy of it to the British officers in Sanāa, with a request that they
should present it to the wuzeer, and that the secretary of legation should report
* Popham, p. 197.
126
to the Governor General what steps the Imām might take in the matter, and
he left a vessel at Mokha to convey the intelligence to India.
Sir Home then proceeded to Calcutta, and on his way visited Aden, where
he entered into a treaty of friendship and commerce with the sultan of that
place.
As soon as the Imām heard of the affair from Mr. Elliott, he expressed
himself extremely grieved and ashamed that such insolence should have been
practised in his country, and stated his intention to cause the Sheikh of Dore-
bat to make ample restitution, and, moreover, asserted that he would imprison
him for life in Sanãa. It does not appear whether this threat was carried into
execution, but it is certain that, on a subsequent review of the whole affairs,
Lord Wellesley did not think it necessary to take any further steps in the
matter.
Mr. Elliott, the secretary to the embassy, died of fever at Sanāa, and Lieute-
nant Lamb and Dr. Pringle left that city on the 4th September, and arrived at
Mokha on the 15th of the same month, bearing letters from the Imām to the
Governor General and Sir Home Popham, in which he signified his rejection
of the terms of the proposed treaty.*
Sir Home Popham observes that the government of Ali Mansoor had become
extremely weak and feeble; from the luxury and extravagance of his court
he was continually in arrears with the Bedouin Sheikhs, who inhabited the
country about Sanāa, and they frequently threatened his capital, which com-
pelled him to have recourse to the most arbitrary exactions on the different
towns in his dominions, and this conduct occasioned a general discontent.
Mahommed Ali Saeed, the Dowla of Ouddain, which is in the centre of the
coffee districts, absolutely refused to proceed to Sanāa under the most positive
orders, from the conviction that his property would be confiscated, and his
person endangered, the moment he arrived there. In fact, this chief, as well
as many others, had made himself virtually independent; and by the defection
of these sheikhs the government had been greatly weakened."f
* Records of the East India House. † Idem.
O HAPTER XVIII.
YEMEN FROM THE WAHA/BIE INVASION TO THE PRESENT
TIME.
About the middle of the eighteenth century a new sect started up in Arabia,
which caused greater changes in the aspect of that
country than any event which had occurred since the
time of Mahommed. The founder of this sect was Abd-el-Wahāb, a native
of the province of Nejd ; he belonged to the pastoral tribe of Temin, and
was born at El-Ayneh in 1691, and from him the sect assumed the name of
Wahábie.
The doctrines which they adopted were severe and puritanical. They
acknowledged one God, and believed that the Korán was an inspired writing;
they also acknowledged Mahommed to be the Prophet of God, but deprecated
any peculiar homage being paid to him, as they considered him but a mortal
like themselves, though gifted with a Divine mission. These doctrines spread
with amazing rapidity through the various tribes of Nejd, and the reformers
soon obtained a preponderating influence in the north-east part of Arabia,
while by his powerful servant Sheikh Mekrami, of Nejrán, Abd-el-Wahāb
carried his victorious arms into Yemen.
A.D. 1804.
On his death he was peaceably succeeded, in his temporal and spiritual
power, by his son Abd-el-Azeez, during whose reign the doctrines of the new
sect were received through the greater part of the peninsula.
Mecca and Medina being the two great cities of Arabia, and the objects of
veneration to all professing the religion of El-Islám, the Wahábies, who
aspired to the sovereignty of the whole country, were particularly anxious to
secure them. Their arms were, in this instance also, crowned with success;
and these two sanctuaries were added to their conquests, the former in 1803,
and the latter during the following year. The treasuries were plundered, and
all the holy tombs, which were an abomination to the reformers, were destroyed.
When the Hejáz had been subdued by the Northern Wahābies, those of the
south were not backward in extending, by force of arms, their new faith.
Towards the close of 1804, Abd-el-Hakal, chief of the Beni Aseer, surnamed
Aboo-Nookta, from the fact of his having but one eye, had been at war for
some time with Hamood, chief of Aboo-Areesh, who at that time governed
the coast of Yemen from Konfoda, eastward, to Bait-el-Fukeeh, a country
128
which he had wrested from the Imām of Sanáa. Hamood, relying on his
defences, and on five or six hundred cavalry in his service, had steadily
refused to embrace the Wahābie faith.
Aboo-Nookta accordingly descended from the mountains with a numerous
body of Arabs, and spread over the coast such a number of Wahábies that
Hamood was compelled to seek refuge in flight. The weakness of the old
Imām, Ali Mansoor, and the incapacity of his minister, occasioned the loss of
some of his most valuable possessions, which, from want of timely support,
were obliged to submit to the Aseer. Hodaida and Lohaia were taken and
plundered, the revenues of Bait-el-Fukeeh were collected, and the Wahábies
sent emissaries to Mokha, to say that they would be there after the Ramadan.
The attack was not however made at the time appointed, and nothing but the
walls of this city prevented the Wahabies from gaining absolute dominion
over the sea-coast of Yemen, and with it the control over the commerce of the
country. Aboo-Nookta did not remain long in the Tehāma, but retired to his
mountain fastnesses, whence he kept the greater part of the coast of Yemen
in check.”
During the whole of the succeeding year, Aboo-Nookta continued to
harass Yemen by rapid incursions and frequent plun-
dering expeditions; Sanāa, however, was never made
the object of his attack.
Sãood, the Wahābie chief, successor of Abd-el-Azeez, knew the jealousy pre-
vailing between Hamood and Aboo-Nookta, and alternately promised to each
of them the plunder of that rich city, which, from its feeble means of defence,
could not have resisted even a slight attack, but he never actually ordered
either of them to undertake it, reserving it, as was supposed, for himself-f.
Lord Valentia, who visited Yemen in 1805, describes the Imām Ali Mansoor
as at least seventy-eight years of age, and fast approaching his dotage. He
had nine sons, of whom it was supposed that either Ahmed, the eldest, or
*Abdulla, the third, would succeed him. The former, whose mother was an
Abyssinian slave, was rich but avaricious; he was the favourite of his father,
and had great power as commander of the forces. The latter, who was
of pure Arab descent, was open in manner and of a liberal disposition, which
made him a general favourite. The wuzeer was attached to the party of
Abdulla, though, in their father's presence, he treated both princes with equal
respect. As the strength of the old man decayed, their hostilities became
more open ; and on one occasion they actually drew their jembeeas on each
other in their father's presence, but were separated by the wuzeer.f.
A.D. 1805.
* Burkhardt’s Bedouins, vol. ii. p. 202, f Idem, p. 207. Valentia, vol. iii. p. 364.
129
Distracted by a want of concord in the internal government, and assailed
by powerful enemies from without, the power of the Imām could not be other-
wise than in a very precarious state. Fortunately for the reigning dynasty, the
Shereef Hamood, who had been forced to join the Wahabies, was but nomi-
nally in their interest, and only awaited the first favourable opportunity to
throw off the yoke.
With this view, in 1809, he entered into arrangements with Seedee Ahmed,
the eldest son of the Imām, by which the latter was induced to throw aside
his father's authority, and take the reins of government into his own hands; he
imprisoned some of the chief men of the country, but permitted his father, now
almost imbecile, to enjoy the comforts of domestic retirement. Seedee Ahmed
chose Ali ibn Ismail Furrea as his wuzeer.
Shortly afterwards Shereef Hamood broke his connection with the Wahá-
bies, and returned to his allegiance to the Imām of Sanāa, to whom he restored
the sovereignty of Lohaia, Hodaida, and Bait-el-Fukeeh, upon the understand-
ing that he was to be retained in the government of those provinces.*
This defection of the Shereef drew upon him an attack from the Wahābies ;
and in July 1809 Aboo-Nookta marched to subdue him. The Shereef was
rash enough to meet him with only five hundred men, and was completely
defeated at Jaizán.f.
Undaunted by this reverse, the Shereef applied to, and received reinforce-
ments and supplies of money from the Imām, and
again took the field against Aboo-Nookta, who, de-
scending from the mountains, encamped in the vicinity of Aboo-Areesh.
Hamood sallied forth by night from that city, with forty horsemen, dressed as
Wahábie Bedouins, and, taking a circuitous route, arrived, about dawn of day,
in rear of the enemy, whose camp they entered without suspicion. When
they arrived in front of Aboo-Nookta's tent, they shouted their war-cry, and
Hamood slew the chief with his own hands; several of the principal men also
fell, and the enemy were completely routed.;
This victory for a time gave security to Yemen, though it had the effect of
throwing a greater amount of power into the hands of Hamood than should
ever be entrusted to a subject.S
The change of rulers at Sanāa was not recognised at Mokha. Sultan
Hassan, a slave of the late wuzeer, had, for an unusual length of time, been
governor of that town, and had not only been very remiss in his returns of
revenue to Sanāa, but had entertained the design of making himself indepen-
dent, to which end he had exhausted large sums of money in increasing and
* Salt, p. 124. t Idem, p. 125. i Burkhardt’s Bedouins, vol. ii. p. 209.
§ Salt, p. 126.
A.D. 1809.
17
130
strengthening the defences of the place. With such views, the deposition of
his patron and the advent of a more vigorous form of government were by no
means consistent; consequently, he absolutely refused, while the old Imām
should survive, to acknowledge any but his authority.”
The struggle with the Wahabies had for a time prevented Seedee Ahmed
from adopting active measures against the dowla of Mokha, but he prepared a
force with which to carry his future intention into operation; and for this pur-
pose 5,000 men were raised, under his instructions, by Ali Saâd, chief of Oudain.
On the other hand, Sultan Hassan was equally alert; and, in order to augment
his forces, raised 1,500 Abdali soldiers, by the permission and in the territories
of the sultan of Aden. These mercenaries made up the forces of Sultan
Hassan to 3,000 men, a number sufficient, in a fortified place, to make a for-
midable resistance to opponents who had no artillery to bring against him.t
This state of things continued till the 25th of October, when all differences
were put an end to by the death of Ali Mansoor, which took place in the
eighty-fifth year of his age and the thirty-fifth of his reign, on which occasion
his son Ahmed came into undisputed possession of the throne, under the title
of Metawakkil ala Ullah Rub-el-Aalameen. All pretext for disobedience being
removed by this event, the governor of Mokha made his submission, and great
rejoicings were made on account of the accession of the new sovereign. A short
time after this the governor made his peace at court, and gradually dismissed
his Abdali troops; and thus a rebellious commotion was terminated, which,
without much mutual forbearance, must have occasioned a most serious cata-
strophe.f. Sultan Hassan only survived his master's death one year. The
conduct of the young Imam on his father's death was very conciliatory; taxes
were remitted, offences forgiven, and liberal largesses distributed to the poor.S
The power of the Wahābies continued to increase until 1813, when Ma-
hommed Ali Pasha took up arms against them, and
restored the holy cities of Mecca and Medina to the
nominal protection of the Porte, but virtually made himself master of the
Hejaz. He resolved to put himself at the head of the troops employed in
Arabia; and, having delivered over the charge of his government to his sons,
Ismail and Ibrahim, he left Cairo for Suez, where he embarked for Yembo,
and thence proceeded by sea to Jedda. On his arrival at that place, on the
23rd October, he was received by his son Toosoon Pasha and the Shereef
Ghālib with every mark of respect. A numerous body of his troops arrived
at the same time by land from Yembo; the viceroy took up his residence in
the Turkish fort, and the Shereef Ghālib having returned to Mecca, he was
followed by the viceroy some days after.
* Salt, p. 126. t Idem, p. 127. j. Idem, p. 130. § Idem, p. 131.
A.D. 1813.
13|
On the 12th of November the Shereef waited on Mahommed Ali, and, when
seated in his presence, a firman was delivered to him from the Sublime Porte,
ordering him to repair to the presence, upon which he placed it upon his head,
in token of submission, and declared his perfect resignation to the pleasure
of his sovereign. He was then seized, with three of his sons, and sent to
Constantinople, while an account was taken of his enormous wealth, accumu-
lated by every species of fraud and extortion in the course of a long and
tyrannical government.
The views of the viceroy were by no means limited to the reduction of the
Wahábies; his ambition contemplated nothing less than the entire subjugation
of Yemen. For this purpose he despatched an envoy, named Agha Yoosoof,
to the Shereef Hamood of Aboo-Areesh, to demand his co-operation against the
Wahābies. The Shereef gave an evasive answer at the time.
The envoy then proceeded to Sanāa, and was received with such marked
distinction and respect as sufficiently showed that the Imām was not without
his apprehensions of Mahommed Ali's views in that quarter. He expressed
his perfect readiness to comply with the requisition, and to contribute his
share towards the reduction of the common enemy, but, being totally unpro-
vided with the means, he despatched the envoy to Mokha, with an order to
Fukeh Säleh, the dowla, to comply with all his demands, and to furnish him
with such a number of vessels as the viceroy appeared to be in want of, for
the conveyance of his troops and supplies from Suez to Jedda. When the
Imām issued this order he must have been aware that compliance with it was
a matter of absolute impossibility, the dowla not having a single vessel of any
description at his command, and being equally destitute of the necessary funds
for providing them elsewhere.
On the Agha's arrival at Mokha, however, Fukeh Sāleh issued an order
for the detention of all the dows and other small crafts in the roads, and
endeavoured, partly by promises and partly by threats, to prevail upon
the nacodas to proceed to Jedda, for the performance of the viceroy’s
service, and the Agha refused to leave Mokha until he received categorical
answers to his demands. Such was the ostensible object of the mission,
but there is every reason to believe that the real object was to sound the
disposition of the various chieftains, and to obtain information regarding
the state of the country, which he must have discovered to be without the
slightest means of defence, with exhausted finances, groaning under an
oppressive and arbitrary government, and ready to fall an easy prey to the
first invader.”
* Records of East India House.
132
In the following year Mahommed Ali sent a naval armament with 1,500
soldiers, and numerous transports with provisions, under
A.D. 1814. the command of Hoossain Agha and Zain Ogloo, to
take the city of Konfoda, which for five years had been in the hands of
Sheikh Támi, chief of the Beni Aseer and successor to Aboo-Nookta. The
town was taken, not, however, without a brave resistance and a great expen-
diture of life. The victory of the Turks was short; it occurred in March, and
early in May they were surprised by a body of from eight to ten thousand
Aseer, under the personal command of Tâmi; the garrison was speedily
routed, and the panic-struck commander, with most of his followers, fled for
refuge to the shipping in the harbour. The invaders put all that came in their
way to the sword; and such was their eagerness in their pursuit that they
swam after the fugitives, and actually killed many of them in the water
close to the guns of their vessels.
The Turkish commander was no sooner safe on board his vessel than he
ordered the sails to be hoisted, and abandoned to certain death all who had
not already got on board. The Wahábies had never found such a rich booty
as rewarded them at Konfoda. The whole of the Turkish baggage, munitions
of war and guns, fell into their hands, few of the Turks carrying away more
than they wore, but the most valuable part of the plunder was four hundred
horses, and a considerable number of camels.”
Tami was subsequently defeated by Mahommed Ali at Tor, a castle
of great strength, which had been built by Aboo-
A.D. 1815. Nookta."f
Mahommed Ali appears to have been desirous of marching upon Yemen
from the less mountainous country at the western foot of the Aseer mountains.
Shereef Hamood (surnamed Aboo-Mesmar) was in the possession of the sea-
coast; he had formerly been of the Wahabie party after many contests with
them, but when the Turks arrived in the Hejaz he sent an envoy to the Pasha
with rich presents, assuring him of his readiness to support the Turkish
interests. The frequent defeats of the Turks at the outset of the campaign,
however, caused his zeal to abate, and he opened communication with Tāmi,
and made preparations for war. There is little doubt that he intended joining
the Wahabies, in the event of their repulsing the Turks.:
The Pasha had long wished to revel in the far-famed wealth of Yemen, and
it was reported that, in case of success against the Wahābies, he had resolved
to attack Hamood. For this purpose he opened a communication a second
time with the Imām of Sanāa, who had sent presents to him, and who was
* Burkhardt's Bedouins, vol. ii. p. 277. f Idem, p. 329. i Idem, p. 330.
133
cordially interested in the success of his enterprise, as it would have released
him from two dangerous neighbours, the Wahábies and Hamood. The
Turkish army, however, having undergone a long, arduous, and fatiguing
campaign, showed symptoms of dissatisfaction, and openly declared their
determination to return to Mecca. Instead, therefore, of marching northward,
the viceroy proceeded to Konfoda, which surrendered without resistance; thence
he marched to Mecca, and for a time abandoned his designs on Yemen.”
Tami, after his defeat at Tor, took refuge in the neighbourhood of Aboo-
Areesh, in the house of one of the Shereefs, a relation of Hamood. The latter
thought this a favourable opportunity of warding off hostile operations against
himself, and of evincing his submission to the Porte. He accordingly put
Tami in chains, and delivered him to Mahommed Ali, who sent him to Con-
stantinople, where he was instantly beheaded. The viceroy shortly after-
wards proceeded to Egypt.f.
On the arrival of Mahommed Ali in Cairo, Ibrahim Pasha was appointed
to command the army of Arabia, and proceeded thither with large reinforce-
ments. The campaign which followed resulted in the almost absolute down-
fall of the Wahábie power, the conquest of Deria, and the capture of Abdulla
ibn Sãood, the Wahábie chief. It was characterised by a series of the most
barbarous cruelties, committed in violation of the faith of the most solemn
promises, on some occasions with the object of enriching the leader by the
plunder of the very tribes which had contributed to his successes, and in others
to obtain possession of the wealth of his vanquished enemies, or to gratify the
insatiable desire to shed human blood, which was a marked characteristic of
Ibrahim Pasha. On the 16th of November 1819, Ibrahim embarked for
Cosseir from Jedda, to the ill-concealed joy of the residents of the Hejáz, who
had suffered terribly under his tyrannical government.:
At the time that the siege of Deria was protracted, Ibrahim Pasha had sent
to Egypt for further reinforcements. These, to the number of 2,500 men,
were sent over under the command of Khaleel Pasha, but they did not
arrive until Deria had fallen, and were not then required. But as they had
been sent across the Red Sea at considerable expense, Mahommed Ali
determined to employ them against the Arabs of Aboo-Areesh, who had sub-
verted the government of the Tehama and of part of the other provinces of
Yemen. Konfoda, Lohaia, and several other towns on the coast, fell into the
hands of the Turks: they obtained possession of many places in the interior;
and Mahommed, a great leader of the Yemen Wahabies, was made prisoner
and sent in chains to Jedda, and thence to Cairo.
* Burkhardt’s Bedouins, vol. ii. p. 381. f Idem, p. 382.
† Records of East India House.
134
The Wahabie party in Yemen being reduced, Mahommed Ali entered into
a negotiation with the Imām of Sanāa, who was only too glad to accede to
a proposal, which should have the effect of restoring to his sway a territory
which he himself could not have reclaimed, and which for many years had
been in a state of insurrection. The terms included the restoration of all
places in the interior which had belonged of right to the former Imāms. The
Turks were to evacuate Konfoda, Lohaia, and the other seaports which they
had blockaded, and to desist from all further hostilities. The Imām agreed
to pay to the viceroy one lac of dollars of annual tribute, in consideration of
having a whole province restored to him, which had not for many years paid
him any revenue.
The Imam was well pleased with this arrangement, as he was under serious
apprehensions of the views of the Turks, whose approach seemed to threaten
his independence, and who were nearly as obnoxious to him as the Wahābies.*
El-Metawakkil Ahmed ibn Ali died at Sanāa in 1817, and was succeeded
by his son El-Mehdi Abdulla. The reign of this prince
was much disturbed by intestine feuds; not only did
he fail to retain the provinces which had been wrested from his father by the
Shereef of Aboo-Areesh, and which had been restored to him by the viceroy
of Egypt, but a large portion of his dominions, including Ta'ez, Jibleh, and
Esh-Shimleh were seized by the Dthoo Mahommed and Dthoo Hoosain
tribes. Mokha, however, still remained in his possession.
In the month of July 1817 a dispute arose between Lieutenant Dommicetti,
of the Bombay Marine, commanding the Prince of Wales cruiser, and the
nacoda of a vessel under charter to the East India Company, which resulted
in an Arab being detained for a short time at the British factory.
This man was released on a requisition from the governor; but no sooner had
he left the building, than the yard and the factory were filled with three or
four hundred soldiers, who rushed upon the small guard of Indian sepoys,
dragged them into the street, and beat and bruised them in a most inhuman
manner; they also seized the captain of a merchant vessel then at the factory,
and subjected him to a like ignominious treatment.
Lieutenant Dommicetti was at this time confined to bed with a severe fever;
he was there attacked by the soldiery, who abused him in the most shameful
manner, beat him with clubs and sticks until he was nearly insensible, and
finally dragged him, naked, and quite overpowered with the treatment he had
received, to the governor's house. Here every species of insult and contumely
which could be devised was heaped upon him, his shirt and head were quite
A.D. 1817.
* Records of East India House.
135
wet with these savages spitting upon him ; he was saluted with every term of
abuse which the Arabic language could supply, and he was eventually impri-
soned, while the residency was ransacked and pillaged.*
Considerable delay attended the investigation of these charges against the
governor of Mokha, and it was not till the end of
November 1819 that the ultimatum of the Government
of Bombay was sent to the Imam. This required that his Highness should
inflict a suitable punishment on the late dowla of Mokha (for he had been
A.D. 1819.
dismissed from office) in presence of the Company's broker; that pecuniary
satisfaction should be made for the degradations committed within the
residency, and that several British seamen who had deserted should be
given up.
The Governor General of India, while he regretted that steps had not been
taken at an earlier period to obtain reparation, authorised a sufficient squadron
to be sent to Mokha to enforce the demands of the Bombay Government, and
directed that, in addition to the demand for the punishment of the dowla, and
an indemnity for losses sustained, means should be adopted to secure a proper
amount of respect to the British resident for the future, and a clear under-
standing of the terms on which the factory was to continue; for this purpose,
the following terms were to be obtained from the Imām, and embodied in a
treaty:—
First.—That the resident should have a guard of the same strength as
at Bussora and Baghdad, to secure his respectability.
Secondly.—That all servants of the factory should enjoy British protection,
and be amenable only to the jurisdiction of the resident.
Thirdly.—That all Indian merchants should be under the protection of the
British flag, and all differences amongst themselves be settled by the resident,
or, in the event of any of the Imām's subjects being concerned in the disputes,
by an agent on the part of the local government and the resident conjointly.
Fourthly.—That the resident should be exempt from all degrading com-
pliances, that he should have liberty to ride on horseback when and wher-
ever he pleased, and have free ingress and egress at all the gates of Mokha ;
amongst others, that of Sheikh Shāduli, from which Europeans had been
excluded for some years past, on account of the pretended sanctity it derived
from the tomb of that saint being in an adjoining mosque.
Fifthly.—That the rate of export duty on British trade be reduced from 3}
to 24 per cent., which was the same as the French had paid since they bom-
barded Mokha, about a century previously.
* Records of East India House.
136
Sixthly.—A piece of ground to be allotted for a cemetery, and no British
subject to be insulted on account of his religion.
Seventhly—The British resident to have free permission to proceed to
Sanāa, to communicate with the Imam, whenever he might deem it necessary;
the dowla of Mokha, on those occasions, furnishing an escort.*
Captain Bruce, the resident at Bushire, was appointed agent for the
Government of Bombay in conducting these negotia-
tions, and he sailed for Mokha on the 23rd of August
1820. He was supported by a powerful squadron of vessels of His Majesty's
A.D. 1820.
and the Indian Navy, under the command of Captain Lumley, of H. M. S.
Topaz. On his arrival at Mokha, Captain Bruce made known the subject of
his demands, but declined to land until an officer had arrived from Sanāa to
make the required apology. From the intercourse which passed between
Captain Bruce and the dowla's people, every expectation was entertained of a
favourable result. A letter was addressed by the dowla to the Imam, enclosing
that which had been sent from Bombay, and expressing a hope that the
demands of that Government, the justice of which was acknowledged, would
be complied with.
The authorities at Mokha, notwithstanding their professions, were mounting
guns on the different towers, and the militia was ordered in from the adjoining
villages. At the request of the dowla, Captain Bruce allowed a few days
more than he had at first fixed for the answer from Sanāa, by which also he
afforded time for the arrival of the expedition. On the 24th October Captain
Bruce received the Imam's reply, conveying friendly assurances, and stating
that a person would be sent to communicate with him, and requesting that he
would land at Mokha. Private letters from Sanāa stated that the Imām was
highly displeased with his minister for having allowed matters to proceed to
so great a length.
On the arrival of the Imām's deputy, Fukeh Hoosain, and on his assurance
that all demands would be acceded to, Captain Bruce proceeded on shore,
accompanied by the dowla's brother and a party of merchants. The result
proved entirely unsatisfactory. Fukeh Hoosain said he had no authority to
bring Haji Futteh, the offending governor, to Mokha, but that he was
authorised to accompany Captain Bruce to Sanāa, where the dowla would be
brought. Captain Bruce replied that, until the apology had been made at the
British residency, he could not proceed to Sanāa, and as, after protracted
discussions, it was evident that they were only attempting to evade the
demand, he determined to proceed on board ship; acquainting the local autho-
* Records of East India House.
137
rities that they were aware of his determination, and that he would not land
again till the dowla was forthcoming.
Captain Bruce warned all the vessels in the roads that the port was block-
aded, and that if any of them remained, on the arrival of the squadron they
would be destroyed. The force arrived on the 2nd December; and Captain
Lumley, on being informed of Captain Bruce's proceedings, immediately re-
solved on bombarding the place. A previous message had been received from
the dowla, requesting a further reference to Sanāa, which was refused. In
the course of the day a flag of truce came off with a message to the effect
that, if hostile operations were delayed for eighteen days, our demands would
either be complied with or the place would be evacuated. An hour and a
half was allowed to send off hostages, who should remain on board for three
days, to allow time for the production and punishment of Haji Futteh. No
reply having been received within the time specified, the vessels were ordered
to open fire.*
The operations commenced by a general cannonading and bombardment,
after which, as the north fort appeared to be abandoned, although no practic-
able breach had been made, boats were sent to take possession of and destroy
it. The assaulting party consisted of artillery and marines, and all the seamen
who could be spared. As these landed, it was discovered that the fort was
not abandoned ; the defenders rushed down to the beach, and were bravely
beaten back; but ere the assaulting party could reach the fort, the gate was
shut, and, being in a very narrow passage, it could not be burst open by the
guns brought for that purpose.
The defenders bravely contested the ground, and, when driven in, threw
down 32-pounder shot and quicklime on the heads of the assailants; while
their fire proved even more destructive. After fifteen minutes' painful sus-
pense, the retreat was reluctantly ordered, and with difficulty effected, many
having to swim to the boats, which were found to be riddled through and
through with bullet-holes. The storming party sustained a considerable loss
in killed and wounded, four officers being amongst the former.i.
On the following morning another flag of truce was received, which was
followed by two hostages, who conveyed an assurance from the dowla that in
fourteen days the demands should be complied with. At the expiration of this
time a deputation of merchants came on board, praying for its prolongation, in
consequence of the approach of the Bedouins, who, they expected, would
enter and plunder Mokha in the confusion. Two of the deputation engaged
to go to Zebeed, and bring in Haji Futteh to be disgraced, if his life would be
* Records of East India House. f Idem; Straith’s Treatise on Fortification, p. 166.
18
138
spared. Two additional days were therefore granted, on condition that, before
the day when the original truce should expire, a notification should be received
that Haji Futteh was on the road.
The unsuccessful result of the attack on the north fort had led the dowla
and his people to suppose that they were impregnable, and they accordingly
delayed their submission. The truce of fourteen days had, by one means or
another, extended to twenty, which, however, allowed time for all the property
belonging to British merchants being embarked.*
On the 26th December the second attack was made, with better success,
upwards of four thousand 18, 24, and 32-pounder shot had been vainly
expended in endeavouring to effect a breach in the sun-dried brick walls,
which constituted the defences; the shot either passed through, or buried
themselves in the mud, without cracking the walls. Mining was out of the
question; and all hope of effecting a breach, by the ordinary methods, failed.
It was then proposed by Lieutenant William Jacob, of the Bombay Artil-
lery, to effect a breach by firing loaded shells at point-blank against the walls,
from the shipping hauled as near shore as possible.-f
In less than four hours, an excellent practicable breach was formed, and by
2 P. M. the fort was taken possession of the guns were spiked, and the
barracks burnt. These decisive measures produced the desired effect. Ameer
Fudthel-Ullah, who had superseded the Dowla Fukee Hoosain, came on board
early in the morning and produced his powers, and having afforded Captain
Bruce the strongest assurances of a full admission of all demands, that officer
landed on the 4th, and rode to the house of Fudthel-Ullah, who received him
in the politest manner.
The late dowla, Fukee Hoosain, was present, but placed on a seat at some
distance from the Ameer. In the evening he was put into close confinement,
with a guard over him, and his property seized and confiscated, by an express
order from the Imām, for having transmitted false accounts of the real state
of affairs. In the evening the Ameer returned Captain Bruce's visit, an ex-
traordinary proof of condescension, as no instance existed of a dowla having
ever returned a resident's visit.j:
A day having been fixed for Haji Futteh's affording public atonement for
the indignities he had committed, Ameer Fudthel-
Ullah, accompanied by a number of other functionaries
and the principal merchants, brought the offender to Captain Bruce's house,
on Saturday the 6th of January, where Captain Lumley and a large party of
gentlemen from the squadron were assembled. The Ameer, leading Haji
A.D. 1821.
* Records of East India House. i Straith, p. 167. t Records of East India House.
139
Futteh by the hand, formally announced to Captain Bruce that he had brought
him by the Imām's order to be delivered up for punishment, in any way that
he thought proper; that his highness was very sorry for what had occurred,
which had been entirely without his authority. He trusted, therefore, that this
public acknowledgment would be considered a sufficient atonement. He then
delivered Haji Futteh into Captain Bruce's hands. That officer replied that
sufficient reparation had been offered, and Haji Futteh was freely forgiven.
On the following day Captain Lumley, Captain Bruce, and two officers,
accompanied by another officer on the part of the dowla, rode through the Sha-
duligate, after which the dowla issued a proclamation, which was repeated for
three successive days, announcing that no one was to presume to offer moles-
tation or insult to any person belonging to the English, in the streets or the
different gates of the town, which were to be at their free use, whenever they
pleased, the same as to themselves, and that any one transgressing this pro-
clamation would be severely punished.
On the 14th, Ameer Fudthel-Ullah delivered to Captain Bruce a firman
which had been issued by the Imām, reducing the duties to 24 per cent. ; and
in the course of the next day, copies of the treaty which had been sent to
Sanāa were returned, duly signed and sealed by the Imām and the members
of his council.” All the demands of Government were now amply fulfilled;
and the British factory was placed on that honorable footing on which alone
it ought to have been maintained.
Lieutenant Robson, of the H. E. I. Co.'s Marine, was left in charge of affairs
with a guard of thirty sepoys.f.
Thus, through the entire success of this expedition, the national character
was honorably redeemed from that stain, which the natives of Arabia
admitted it had received, and were surprised we had so long tolerated ; and
important advantages were obtained and secured by treaty.
This treaty had not been long concluded, when a disposition appeared on
the part of the Imām to evade its provisions. The first instance occurred in
considering whether Indian merchants, trading to Mokha under the protection
of the British flag, shared equally with the English merchants in the benefit of
the reduction of duty to 2% per cent. As, however, the terms of the treaty
were ambiguous, and afforded good ground for disputing the right to insist on
this privilege, the point was waived. Early in the following year it was
observed that another and much more serious oversight occurred in the treaty,
namely, that the stipulation which provided that the dependents of the factory
should be entirely under British protection and control, was omitted in the
* Bombay Book of Treaties, p. 672. iſ Records of East India House.
140
Arabic counterpart. This circumstance was made known to the Imām, but
he declined to rectify it. He was accordingly informed that Government
had given up the other point in which the Arabic version of the treaty differed
from the English, and had agreed to pay a rate of customs which they had
not intended to consent to when the treaty was framed ; but as his highness
declined to amend the document, on a point which could not possibly be
abandoned, it was necessary that he should understand beforehand, that if
attempts were made to seize or punish any person, of whatever nation, who
might be in the resident's exclusive employ, the latter was immediately to
withdraw the residency from Mokha, pending such steps as the Government
of India might deem it necessary to pursue.*
El Mehdi Abdulla was visited in 1823 by Assistant Surgeon Robert Finlay, of
the Bombay Service, who describes him as then about
twenty-eight years of age, above the ordinary size of
Arabs, but of a slender form and dark complexion, nearly resembling that of
an African. He had about twenty brothers, but only one, Seedee Mahommed,
by the same mother, and he alone was admitted to any share in the administra-
tion of government. The Imām's deportment was the reverse of dignified or
commanding; he was extremely passionate, and was constantly in the habit
of disgracing and changing his ministers.
The public reception-room of the Imām was covered with Persian carpets,
and silken pillows were arranged round the sides: at one end stood the throne,
which was raised two feet from the floor, and covered with crimson velvet and
cushions of rich cloth of gold. His private apartments were furnished with
less taste, and were crowded with the most heterogeneous articles, such as
horse-trappings, arms, organs, time-pieces, common empty bottles, bales of
cotton goods, silks, and woollen stuffs. His Highness, as well as the officers
of his court, were richly dressed, and exhibited a considerable amount of state
and magnificence on all public occasions.
The government was exceedingly weak, and the Imām was obliged to sub-
sidise the neighbouring chiefs, in order to prevent them plundering his country.
The amount thus expended amounted to about a lac of dollars annually ; but
the independent Sheikhs were year by year increasing in strength, and raising
their demands in proportion to their ability to enforce them.*
Whilst the struggle between the Porte and the viceroy of Egypt was going
on, and the forces of Ibrahim Pasha were preparing for
the conquest of Syria, events adverse to the stability of
the Egyptian government in Arabia were taking place.
A.D. 1823.
A.D. 1832,
* Records of East India House. f Records of Bombay Government.
141
The army of Mahommed Ali at Mecca consisted of two divisions, one of which
was commanded by Zenār Agha, between whom and Khourshid Bey, Egyptian
governor of the Hejāz, a dispute arose. The former complained of having been
defrauded in some money transactions, and induced three other officers, com-
manders of four hundred irregular cavalry, who had each similar grievances,
to join his standard, and renounce their allegiance to the Egyptian government.
Mahommed Agha, surnamed Turkchee Bilmas,” the most courageous of
these officers, instigated the others to advance towards Mecca, to support
Zenár Agha. A conference took place; and it was agreed, through the medi-
ation of the Shereef of Mecca, that the rebel officers should return to Jedda,
and that a meeting should be held to inquire into their complaints. The
governor, Khourshid Bey, attended this meeting, and was taken prisoner,
whereupon, assisted by the Kadi, the rebels created a revolution, and appoint-
ed Turkchee Bilmas governor of the Hejaz.
Turkchee Bilmas then marched upon Mecca, and, on his arrival there, gave
orders that Khourshid Bey should be sent on board a vessel bound for Egypt.
INotwithstanding that the inhabitants of Mecca had declared for the rebels,
the Egyptian garrison of that city, under Ismail Bey, succeeded in repulsing
them, and they were compelled to retire in disorder to Jedda. On his arrival
there, Turkchee Bilmas endeavoured to repair his losses, and contemplated
attacking Ismail Bey in his entrenched camp. He took possession of such of
the viceroy's vessels as were in the port, taxed the town, and plundered the
arsenal and treasury. He discharged the arrears of pay due to the troops,
and, by presents of money and arms, induced several Arab chiefs to join him.
As soon as the Porte became aware of this revolution, the sultan sent a
firman to Turkchee Bilmas, confirming him in the government of the Hejáz,
and he was even promised assistance, to enable him to contend against the
forces of Mahommed Ali. At the same time the government of Egypt sent
strong reinforcements to Arabia, under Ahmed Pasha, who had formerly
governed the Hejāz, to regain possession of that valuable province.
No sooner did Turkchee Bilmas hear of the arrival of Ahmed Pasha at
Yembo, than he embarked his infantry under Zenár Agha, on board six of the
captured vessels, and despatched them to attack the seaports of Yemen, while
he himself, with his cavalry, marched thither by land. He encamped in a plain
in front of Konfoda, but the inhabitants refused to open their gates to him.
After these events Ali ibn Meyethel, chief of the Beni Aseer, besieged
* The surname Turkchee Bilmas signifies ‘one who cannot speak Turkish’; he had been
a Memlook of Mustapha Bey, brother-in-law of Mahommed Ali, viceroy of Egypt, and com-
manded a body of four hundred irregular cavalry. He is still alive, and is, or very lately
was, commander of the troops at Baghdad.
142
Aboo-Areesh, a town not far from Konfoda, which was garrisoned by a bat-
talion of Egyptian troops. The Sheikh was at first repulsed with loss, but
subsequently the garrison capitulated, and returned to Konfoda.
Turkchee Bilmas, when he saw that there was no hope of making good his
entry into Konfoda, reinforced as it was by the garrison of Aboo-Areesh,
marched upon Hodaida, and encamped about two leagues from the city, while
his squadron blockaded the port. He asked the governor, who held the town
under the Imām of Sanāa, for permission to obtain provisions and water, and
received a formal refusal. He then directed the fire of two guns against the
city, which intimidated the garrison, and induced it to capitulate, upon which
the town was taken possession of by the Turks. This event took place on
the 25th September 1832.*
Having left a garrison of four hundred men in Hodaida, under the com-
mand of Agha Moorshid, Turkchee Bilmas proceeded with the remainder of
his force to Zebeed. Seyed Abdulla Doraib, governor of Mokha, who hap-
pened to be at Zebeed, conducted the defence of the city for thirteen days;
but, on the 21st October, Turkchee Bilmas succeeded in obtaining possession
of it by stratagem, when he seized Seyed Abdulla Doraib, and sent him
prisoner to Hodaida, where in a few days he was murdered.
The victorious rebel then proceeded towards Mokha, which, through the
treachery of Seyed Mahommed-el-Bár, the leader of the Bedouin troops, he
succeeded in reducing by the same means as had gained him Hodaida. These
two points gained, all the sea-coast of Yemen fell into his hands, and under
the nominal suzerainty of the Porte.f.
While at Mokha, Turkchee Bilmas seized the Indian vessels which were in
the habit of touching there before proceeding up the Red Sea; he forced them
to land their cargoes, which he deposited in storehouses, and sent the ships
back again to India. His excuse for this proceeding was, that he feared,
should they reach the port of their destination, Ahmed Pasha would make
use of them as transports for troops, wherewith to attack him.
An extraordinary meteoric shower, which took place at Mokha on the 13th
of November, and lasted all night, caused great alarm to the inhabitants, and
was considered by Turkchee Bilmas and his followers as an omen of evil; and
by a curious coincidence their forebodings were realised, and from this date
the star of this daring rebel seemed to set.*
* Records of Bombay Government; Mengin, pp. 34–40. # Records of Bombay Government.
f This meteoric shower has been described to the author by an eye-witness, Captain Webb,
agent of an American commercial establishment then at Mokha. He described the meteors
as falling almost as thickly as drops of rain, and they continued to do so until daylight
rendered them invisible.
143
Early in the following year he wrote to the Sultan of Aden, to demand the
surrender of that fortress. The latter promised com-
pliance, whereupon a mission consisting of forty persons
was sent thither to arrange for its occupation. They landed on the 17th of
February 1833, and were well received; but, on the first night after their
arrival, they were treacherously attacked by order of the sultan, twenty-seven
of their number were assassinated, and the remainder effected their escape to
Mokha with the loss of their baggage.*
On the 16th March Turkchee Bilmas embarked all his forces, as well as the
provisions, warlike stores, &c., which he could find at Mokha, on board his
fleet, which consisted of four ships and five buggalows; and having left a
garrison of four hundred men at Mokha, commanded by Mahommed Agha,
he proceeded on the 22nd up the Red Sea. Previous to his departure he
issued a proclamation, prohibiting all vessels from proceeding from Mokha to
Jedda, until he should think proper to permit them to do so. The object of
this movement on the part of Turkchee Bilmas was to effect a junction with
the Aseeri force under Ali ibn Meyethel, who had promised to join him; but,
at the last moment, the latter abandoned him, and he was forced to return
to Mokha. F
The Imām of Sanāa was unable to expel the Turks from Mokha, and re-
joiced at the intelligence that Ahmed Pasha, with an army of 15,000 men,
was proceeding to do so; the latter, however, was detained a long time, from
the impossibility of procuring transports; eventually he succeeded in purchasing
four ships, in which he embarked his troops. He first proceeded to the island
of Masowah, which he took and garrisoned, and then made his preparations
for attacking Turkchee Bilmas. When the news of this expedition reached
Yemen, Ali ibn Meyethel, chief of the Aseeri, levied a force of 20,000 Arabs,
and marched against Turkchee Bilmas, who had by this time lost all his
conquests with the exception of Mokha, and here he entrenched himself with
A.D. 1833.
five hundred men...;
Mokha was blockaded on all sides by the viceroy's squadron which had just
arrived before the city, and the Aseeri were at the same time advancing by land.
The Turks had no longer any hope of escape: Ali ibn Meyethel proposed that
they should surrender unconditionally; and on this being refused, he attacked
the town and carried it by assault.S -The Turks endeavoured to escape by
sea, and found a number of undecked boats, in which, although they leaked in
many places, and were unprovided with sails or oars, they attempted to reach
the English ships anchored in the bay. The wind was foul, and they could
* Records of Aden Residency. iſ Records of East India House.
# Mengin, p. 64. § Idem.
144
not do so, and they were on the point of sinking, when boats were sent to
their assistance, and 150 of them were saved, amongst whom was Turkchee
Bilmas. He was received on board the Honorable Company's sloop of war
Tigris, and taken to Bombay.”
For the space of three days Mokha was given up to plunder, during which
time the Bedouins, unrestrained in their rapacity, committed the greatest
excesses, despoiling the inhabitants of every article of the slightest value, and
murdering all those who would not, or could not, direct them to the places
where they supposed the merchants had concealed their wealth. The person
and property of the British agent (a Borah, named Sheikh Teyeb Ibramjee)
were respected, and all who fled for refuge to his house escaped with their
lives and property. Many Indian merchants, failing to avail themselves
of this protection, were plundered of all they possessed, and several were
killed. F
The Aseeri were anxious to retain for themselves the conquest which they
had made, but they were forced to surrender all their acquisitions to the
Egyptian army under Ibrahim Pasha, brother of Ahmed, and nephew of the
viceroy.
The Imām-el-Mehdi Abdulla ibn Ahmed, died in 1834, and was succeeded
A.D. 1834. by his son Ali, under the title of El-Mansoor.
Sanāa was visited in 1836 by Mr. Cruttenden, I.N., and Assistant Surgeon
Hurton, both attached to the Palinurus, then engaged
in surveying the coast of Arabia. They left Mokha on
the 13th July, and took the road by Zebeed and Bait-el-Fukeeh. During the
whole of their journey they met with neither molestation nor annoyance, and on
their arrival were hospitably received and entertained by the Imām, who
appropriated for their use one of his garden-houses in the suburb of Bir-el-
Asáb.
Ali Mansoor was then a young man of twenty-four years of age, inheriting
from his mother, who was an Abyssinian, a dark complexion, while a cast in
his eye gave his countenance a sinister expression. During the first interview
the travellers had with the Imām, he was dressed in a crimson silk robe; on
his head he wore a white turban, wound round a cap of cloth of gold, and in
his girdle was a dagger studded with gems. His uncle, Seedee Mahommed,
styled Saif-el-Khulifa, wore a superb dress of flowered silk and a white
camoleen, with bands of gold thread.
The court of Sanāa appeared in a most debased condition; drunkenness
was the prevailing vice amongst the higher orders, and in two private
A.D. 1836.
* Mengin, p. 64; Records of East India House. f Bombay Gazette, 22nd February 1834.
145
audiences which the travellers had with the Imām, the latter got exceedingly
drunk, as did his attendant dancing-girls.
For four years previous to this visit no rain had fallen, and the unusual
drought had caused a famine throughout the country. Whenever the travel-
lers left their house, they were assailed by a mob of famished wretches, while
the corpses of men, women, and children lay about the streets, no one taking
the trouble to bury them; at least a hundred and fifty funerals passed through
the gates every day, of which not less than thirty were of the unfortunate
victims of starvation.*
The Imām was at variance with the powerful tribes of Dthoo-Mahommed
and Dthoo-Hoosain, and his conduct in endeavouring to seize his uncle,
Seedee Kássim, which resulted in the loss of Ta'ez, widened the breach.
In 1837 Seedee Kässim treacherously sold the city of Ta'ez to the Egyp-
tians. He arrived at Mokha on the 4th of June 1837,
from Ta'ez, with a body of Arab soldiers, numbering
two hundred, headed by Ibn Dumári, dowla of that city. On the 7th June
Ibrahim Pasha came to Mokha from Hodaida. Between him and Seedee
Kässim an arrangement was concluded, to the effect that the latter should
reside at Mokha, and receive a monthly stipend of 300 dollars; that all the
troops then at Ta'ez should evacuate the place, and that the sum of 9,000
dollars should be paid to Ibn Dumari, who was to leave seven of his men as
hostages in the hands of Ibrahim Pasha, until the Egyptian troops occupied
the city.
The reasons which induced Seedee Kássim to take this step were partly
avarice, and partly revenge for the treatment he had received at the hands of
his nephew. The latter, under the impression that a conspiracy was being
formed against him, caused his uncle Kássim to be seized and confined in the
state prison; he, however, escaped, and took refuge at Ta'ez, where he assumed
the title of El-Hádi, and numbers of discontented flocked to his standard.
Not being very confident in his own strength, and fearing he might not be
able to maintain his position for any length of time, he made overtures to the
Egyptians, as above narrated.
To take possession of Ta'ez, Ibrahim Pasha sent, on the 19th of June, a
force consisting of one thousand men, and one piece of ordnance, under the
command of Mustapha Bey, with two officers under him, named Khair-Ullah
Agha and Othman, also a hundred and fifty Arabs, under Seyed Mahommed
El-Bar. Ibn Dumári accompanied this force with his troops, leaving eleven
men with Ibrahim Pasha, as hostages. They took possession of the city
A.D. 1837.
* Cruttendem.
19
146
without opposition, but they were not long left undisturbed. The Dthoo-
Mahommed still held Khandra, in the same district, and frequent attacks upon
Ta'ez were there organised, but always with defeat and considerable loss to
the Arabs, who were, eventually, entirely subdued. The money, wherewith to
pay the treachery of Seedee Kässim and Ibn Dumári, was borrowed from
the merchants of Mokha, as the finances of Ibrahim Pasha were at a very
low ebb. *
Shortly after this, Ali Mansoor was deprived of his throne by Abdulla ibn
Mahommed ibn Kássim ibn El-Mehdi Abbas, who proclaimed himself Imām,
under the title of En-Năsr, and imprisoned his predecessor, together with his
uncle, Seedee Mahommed Saif El-Khulifa.
In November Mahommed Ali Pasha sent an embassy to the new Imām to
treat for the cession of Sanãa; he received it with great distinction, but
steadily refused to accede to the proposals of the viceroy.'t
The dethroned prince and his uncle remained in confinement for nearly four
years, when the usurper was killed in his country house
at Wadi Dtháhir, by his own servants, whereupon the
people of Sanāa released Ali Mansoor and his uncle Seedee Mahommed, and
raised the latter to the throne, under the appellation of El-Hādi. The ex-
Imām, Ali, had a liberal allowance made to him, but was not permitted to
interfere in affairs of state. He is still living in the vicinity of Sanāa.;
In the early part of 1840 the Egyptian troops evacuated Yemen, which
event threw the country into a state of the utmost confusion. The court of
Sanāa had become perfectly effete, and was totally unable to unite, and con-
solidate into one kingdom, the provinces which had formerly been under its
sway; as a natural consequence, each petty sheikh endeavoured to secure his
own independence, and refused to acknowledge any superior.
Ibrahim Pasha desired, and even agreed, to deliver up the Tehāma to
Mahommed ibn Own, Shereef of Mecca, but Hoosain ibn Ali ibn Hyder,
Shereef of Aboo Areesh, determined to dispute the possession of this province
with him. He succeeded in obtaining the co-operation of the Beni Aseer,
which tribe, with an army of 20,000 men, took the field in his behalf. Shereef
Hoosain at once despatched his brother, Aboo Taleb, with a force of 3,000
men, to the vicinity of Hodaida, which town he took possession of on the
22nd of April, the very day that Ibrahim Pasha evacuated it. In May the
A.D. 1840.
* Records of the East India House.
f The capture of Aden by the British, which occurred on the 18th January in this year
[1839], is narrated in a subsequent chapter. -
f The authority for the events detailed in this chapter, subsequent to 1840, is either con-
tained in the Records of the Aden Residency, or they are personally known to the author.
147
Aseeri occupied Hodaida; secured the merchants, until they paid a forced
levy of 120,000 dollars; and issued an edict forbidding any Christian from
riding on horseback, or passing through the Mecca gate.
In the following month Shereef Hoosain assumed the government of Mokha,
and agreed to pay to the Pasha of Egypt an annual tribute of 90,000 dollars.
As soon as an intimation of this event reached Aden, Lieutenant Gordon, I.N.,
was despatched thither, in the Honorable Company's steam-frigate Zenobia,
to protect British subjects, and to ascertain the feeling of that chief towards
the English. The treatment which he received was in the highest degree
insulting; he was styled a Kafir (infidel), and told to confine himself to his own
duties, and not to interfere with ‘true believers.’ Shortly after his accession,
the Shereef ordered the British vice-consul to haul down his flag, exacted a
contribution of 6,000 dollars from the merchants of the city, and raised the
duties on all goods imported or exported by British subjects from 24 to 9 per
cent. Shortly afterwards, the British flag, which had been hoisted on the house
of the consular agent, Abd-er-Rasool, during his temporary absence, by an
officer of the Indian Navy, was ordered to be cut down; the property of the
agent was confiscated, and that officer was obliged to seek refuge in Aden.
The Shereef then addressed a most insulting letter, direct to the Government
of Bombay, requiring the immediate surrender of Aden, and threatening, in
the event of his demand not being complied with, to obtain the assistance of
the Aseeri, to assist him in enforcing it.
In October of the same year a fanatic, named Fukee Saeed, endeavoured to
subvert the government of the Imām. In order to rouse the enthusiasm of
his adherents, he assumed the name of Mehdi-el-Montether, or “regenerator
of the faith,’ and declared that he had a divine mission to purify the faith of
Mahommed, to abolish taxation throughout Yemen, and to drive the infidel
from Aden; and he promised, to all who should join him in this task, complete
invulnerability against sword and gunshot wounds.
Fukee Saeed conquered Ta'ez, together with several hill forts in its vicinity,
and fixed his residence at Denwah, a small village near Oudain, and distant
about five days’ journey from Aden, where he assumed royal state, and caused
coins to be struck, having on one side the legend Mehdi-el-Montether, and
on the reverse Sultán-el-Bur wa El-Bahr, ‘Sultan of the land and the sea.’
Many powerful chiefs gave in their adhesion to the Regenerator, and amongst
the foremost was the Sultan of Láhej.
In November the Imām took the field with 20,000 soldiers to oppose the
insurgents, who numbered 12,000 fighting men. The Regenerator directed
the Dthoo-Mahommed and Dthoo-Hoosain tribes to attack the outposts of the
Imām's army at Ezroom; but, instead of doing so, they declared in favour of
148
that prince, and, to prove their sincerity, made a night attack upon Fukee
Saeed's army, which they defeated with a loss of 130 men. Several skirmishes
took place between the two forces, victory being always on the side of the
Imām, who, encouraged by his successes, marched against Denwah, which
he carried after a sharp engagement. Several hundreds of the Regene-
rator's army fell, and he himself perished with them. This occurred about
December.
Immediately afterwards the Imām made himself master of Ta'ez, and sum-
moned Hoosain bin Ali Hyder to deliver up the Tehāma to its rightful
sovereign. The latter replied that it had been given to him by God, and he
would defend it to the last, at all hazards. He appointed his brother Hamood
governor of Mokha, reserving to himself a general superintendence over that
and all the other towns of the Teháma which had fallen into his hands.
In the mean time the Shereefs Hoosain and Hamood committed number-
less acts of cruelty and oppression on the merchants
residing at their ports. They imprisoned one till he paid
a ransom of 12,000 dollars, another was confined on false pretexts, and
compelled to pay 16,000 dollars as the price of his freedom, and a third met
the same fate and was mulct in 10,000 dollars; at last, as if tired of individual
acts of oppression, they had an immense grain chest constructed, in which they
confined twenty-five of the merchants of Mokha, and declared that the price of
their freedom must be tithes of their property, to which condition they were
forced to accede. Even British subjects were not exempt from these atrocities.
Extortionate duties were levied on all the goods exported to Aden; merchants
were imprisoned without the shadow of a cause, and nacodas” of country
craft visiting Mokha were compelled to convey all the diseased and indigent
persons thence to Aden.
Later in the year the merchants were put under forced contributions, on
the pretext of enabling the Shereef to send an army in conjunction with
Aiedth ibn Murrie, chief of the Beni Aseer, to attack Aden, and he enforced
his demands by chaining them together by the neck until they were forced into
compliance. These acts of oppression had the effect of draining Mokha of
all who had any property to lose, or any respectability to preserve, and at one
time the emigration to Aden took place at the rate of 1,200 per month.
On the 22nd of April 1841, a mission from the Imām of Sanāa arrived in
Aden with valuable presents, the object of which was to request the co-
operation of the British by sea, to enable that prince to wrest the ports of the
Tehāma from the Shereefs of Aboo-Areesh; but the principle of non-intervention
in Arab politics, which had been enjoined on the Political Agent, prevented
* Masters.
A.D. 1841.
149
this request being acceded to. The Imām, far from taking any steps to ac-
complish this end himself, remained in inactivity at Ibb, under the impression
that the British would at last be compelled to undertake the task.
Notwithstanding that this first request for armed intervention had proved
unsuccessful, the Imām sent another envoy in July, to renew it. This officer,
who held the post of governor of Ta'ez, was empowered to offer any condi-
tions, and expressed the willingness of his master to sign whatever treaty the
British might dictate, and even to cede Zaila or any other of his possessions, as
the price of this co-operation.
The Political Agent, though sincerely sympathising with the ruler of Sanaã,
informed him that the British had decided on the strictest neutrality in the
contests which were devastating Yemen, and which could not, from their very
nature, be of long continuance.
It is much to be regretted that no active measures were taken to avenge
the indignities and oppression which the British flag and Indian merchants
had suffered at the hands of the Shereefs, but both the Indian and the Home
governments had the greatest disinclination to engage in petty wars; and the
submission of the Hejāz to the Porte and the recognition of the suzerainty of
the Sultan in Yemen, which appears to have been made by the British Govern-
ment about this time, opened the way for a pacific adjustment of the matter,
and negotiations were commenced to this effect by Her Majesty's ambassa-
dor at Constantinople.
In March 1842 a commissioner, named Ashraf Bey, was despatched by the
Porte, with orders to the Turkish authorities in Arabia,
for the deposition of the Shereef Hoosain, and to exact
from him ample reparation for the numberless insults and injuries which he
had inflicted on British subjects. The commissioner arrived at Zebeed in
September, and, after a few days' residence there with the Shereef, he pro-
ceeded to Hodaida, where he embarked for Jedda. It is probable that he
was bribed by the Shereef, as he sedulously avoided all chance of meeting
Mr. Cruttenden, the Assistant Political Agent, who was sent from Aden to
confer with him. He subsequently reported that having found Shereef Hoosain
submissive to the demands of the Porte, and that he solemnly denied all
intention of insult to the British flag, which he was willing to re-hoist on any
house save that of Abd-er-Rasool, and not having it in his power to enforce any
further demands, he had returned to the Hejāz. The Shereef was well
pleased with the results of this commission, as it preserved him from a rupture
with Turkey, which might have proved inconvenient, although the power of
that government in Arabia was then too weak to admit of their threat of causing
his removal to be carried into execution.
A.D. l842.
150
In the mean while the Imām remained in a state of inactivity at Sanāa, or
Ibb, apparently too much reduced in finances to permit him to engage in a
struggle for the recovery of his lost provinces.
In the beginning of the following year he sent a third time to Aden, to beg
g the assistance of the British, and requested that an
A.D. 1843. English officer might be deputed to visit him at Sanāa,
and advise with him as to the best means of expelling the usurpers. The
same reply was, however, returned as on a former occasion.
In July 1843 Shereef Hoosain was raised to the dignity of Pasha by the
Sultan, and formally invested with the government of the Tehāma, upon the
condition that he should pay 70,000 dollars of annual tribute to the imperial
treasury. The investiture was performed with considerable ceremony by the
same Ashraf Bey who had formerly been sent to depose him.
It had been agreed at Constantinople that a British consul should be sent to
Mokha; and Ashraf Bey, after the investiture, came to Aden, to meet the gen-
tleman who had been selected for this office, and to deliver to him his exeguator;
but after a delay of nearly five months in Aden, there appearing no prospect
of the newly appointed consul making his appearance, he left for Hodaida.
The Imām El-Hādi Mahommed ibn Ahmed died on the 8th January 1844.
At first it appeared probable that the succession would
be disputed between the ex-Imām Ali Mansoor, who
had been deposed in 1837 and was then residing in Sanāa, and Seedee Kässim,
governor of Ta'ez, the same who had sold that city to Ibrahim Pasha; the
former, however, assumed the government, almost without opposition. No
sooner had he ascended the throne than he determined to make an effort to
recover the Tehāma, and restore the kingdom of his ancestors to its former
A.D. 1844.
importance.
His first step was to march to Kátaba with a force of 20,000 men, horse
and foot; on his way he captured the stronghold of Marãeis, which had
rebelled against his authority, and levied contributions from the villages through
which he passed. He arrived in Kátaba in July, and immediately issued a
proclamation directing all the chiefs in the vicinity to visit him, and do him
homage as their legitimate sovereign; many obeyed, but by far the greater
number either openly refused or excused themselves; amongst the last was
the Sultan of Lähej. In August the Imām sent an embassy to the Political
Agent at Aden to explain his views, and learn whether the British would raise
any objection to his occupation of Lähej and the Abdali country, assuring him
of his friendly feeling towards the British, and that this occupation would in
no wise prove injurious to their interests. At the same time he wrote to
Sultan Mahsin, announcing his intention to make war against the infidel
151
Franks, who held Aden, and called upon him to aid the holy cause by liberal
contributions. It is not probable that he was in earnest in this, but made use
of the pretext in order to extort a subsidy.
While the Imām was absent from his capital, his uncle, Seedee Kássim,
who acted as his viceroy, endeavoured to excite the inhabitants to revolt.
On this becoming known to the Imām, he immediately suspended his opera-
tions and returned to Sanāa, in order to counteract the designs of his uncle;
the latter saved himself by flight, and proceeded to Mecca, where he shortly
afterwards died. -
Ali Mansoor then took up his residence at Yereem, where he was detained
longer than he anticipated; and the year had nearly expired ere he again
resumed warlike operations. He afterwards sent an advance force to D thoo-
mād, a town equidistant from Aden and Mokha, and about four days’ journey
from each, while he himself remained at Yereem, where he married a
daughter of the chief of the Resās tribe. In the mean time small-pox broke
out in the Imām's army, and carried off immense numbers; it also over-
spread the greater part of Yemen, and reached as far as Aden. While the
Imām was engaged in the festivities consequent on his marriage, he received
a visit from the brother of Shereef Hoosain, the object of which never trans-
pired, but shortly afterwards the Shereef collected a force of 15,000 men at
Hais, and prepared to march upon Ta'ez, which was garrisoned by 350 of
the Imām's troops. He was joined by Hajee ibn Aboo Täleb and Mahommed
ibn Mansoor, his nephews, as well as by Abd-er-Rub, the son of Sheikh
Kàssim Sherjebi, and Ibn-el-Domáj,” a chief of the Dthoo-Mahommed tribe.
No movement was undertaken until January in the following year, when the
city fell without resistance.
The Bedouins of the Jibleh district, from whom he demanded a heavy
tribute, offered a spirited resistance to the Shereef,
and in a night-attack defeated his forces, with a loss of
one hundred killed and twice as many wounded. This reverse had the effect
of raising a spirit of discontent amongst his troops, the number of whom
dwindled down to about four thousand in less than a month. Undeterred by
this serious defection, and in the full confidence that his first successes would
draw increased numbers to his standard, he continued his operations until Ibb
and Jibleh fell into his hands. Hearing, however, that the Pasha of the
Hejāz had received large reinforcements, and contemplated the removal of
Shereef Mahommed bin Own from the government of Mecca, and sending an
expedition to Yemen, Shereef Hoosain collected what money he could extort
A.D. 1845.
* It will be remembered that Ibn-el-Domáj was formerly dowla of Ta'ez, and a principal
party concerned in the sale of that city to the Turkish government.
152
from the towns and villages he had subdued, and, dismissing many of his
Bedouin mercenaries, retired to his stronghold at Aboo-Areesh.
About July Mahommed Yehia, a member of the royal family at Sanāa,
who, from his intriguing nature, had obtained the sobriquet of Shooã-el-Luil,
collected a force of from ten to fifteen thousand men, including a number of
the disbanded Bedouins of Shereef Hoosain, led by his brother Shereef
Hezaar, and appearing before Sanāa, called upon his nephew Ali Mansoor to
resign the government into his hands. The demand was at first peremptorily
refused, and preparations were made for defence; but the inhabitants suddenly
declared for the usurper, and offered to open the gates of Sanāa to him, on
condition that the Imām Ali should be handsomely provided for, and permitted
to reside in one of the royal palaces, as long as he refrained from interfering
with public affairs. These terms were accepted, and Mahommed Yehia was
proclaimed Imām, under the title of El-Metawakkil.
In January 1846 the new sovereign marched to Shāab, thirty or forty miles
north-west of Kátaba, whence he wrote to all neigh-
bouring chiefs, stating his intention of visiting the
Teháma; in the following month he proceeded in the direction of Ta'ez, but on
account of the impoverished state of his finances he experienced the greatest
difficulty in keeping his small force together, although it did not exceed 2,000
men. In short, the year expired without his having achieved anything, and
at the end of December he was encamped at El-Khallel, near Ta'ez, with
3,000 men. -
In the beginning of the following year he marched to Rainat Ghazáb,
near Zebeed, and entered into communication with
Sheikh Ali Homaidee, then at war with Shereef Hoosain.
He endeavoured to induce that chief to assist him in recovering the Tehāma,
but, after a drawn battle between Sheikh Ali and the Shereef, these two leaders
made peace, in consequence of which the Imām was obliged to retire to Ta'ez.
This alliance did not last long; as soon as a rupture took place, the Imām.
collected all his forces for one final and desperate effort
to recover his lost possessions. In this he was assisted
by the Hāshed-wa-Bakeel, and a contingent from Sheikh Ali Homaidee. A
battle was fought near Zebeed, in which Shereef Hoosain was wounded in the
leg; he then retired to Hodaida, where he was followed by the Imām, with a
force of 8,000 men.
The Shereef was rash enough to venture out to give the Imām battle with
1,500 foot and 100 horse, leaving a sufficient force for the defence of the town.
The armies met at Bájil, and a sanguinary conflict ensued, in which the
Shereef was completely routed; a remnant of his forces reached Hodaida, but
A.D. 1846.
A.D. 1847.
A. D. 1848.
153
the Shereef, whose wound prevented his being carried so far, was conveyed by
a few faithful adherents to a mountain fort called El-Katteea. Here he was
completely invested, and, as all supplies were cut off, he was compelled to sur-
render upon the Imām's own terms, which were, that Mokha, Bait-el-Fukeeh,
and Zebeed should be at once delivered up. The Shereef was detained a pri-
soner until he purchased his release for the sum of 20,000 dollars.
Mahommed Yehia then took possession of Zebeed, Bait-el-Fukeeh, Bájil, and
Hais, and sent a force under Sheikh Ali Homaidee to occupy Lohaia.
Hodaida, however, still held out.
On the 19th of March the Imām occupied Mokha, and while he was there
a division of the Shereef’s army again took Zebeed, which was given up to
plunder for two whole days, during which every species of atrocity was
perpetrated. On hearing this, the Shereef, leaving a garrison in Mokha, took
the field with an army of 5,000 men, and proceeded to Hais, but his troops,
finding that his exchequer was exhausted, endeavoured to betray him into the
hands of the Shereef, hoping to be largely rewarded for their perfidy, but he,
gaining intelligence of the conspiracy, fled to Sanāa.
Another division of the Shereef’s army laid siege to Mokha, which was
obstinately defended by the Imam's lieutenant, the Ameer Futteh Mahommed;
after the lapse of two months the city was delivered up through the treachery
of the garrison, particularly of Seyed Mahommed-el-Bar, who deserted to the
enemy, after he had made arrangements for his admission. So suddenly was
this perfidy planned and executed, that the Ameer had barely time to save
his life, by taking refuge on board the H. E. I. C. schooner Mahi, which
happened to be in the roads. He was taken to Aden, where he was enter-
tained at the government expense, and provided with means to enable him to
return to Sanāa.
The Ameer reached Kátaba on the 10th of August, and pushed on with the
utmost haste to Sanãa. The Imām, who had heard of the disasters at Mokha,
and of the treachery of the garrison, took measures to intercept their retreat; a
considerable number fell into his hands, and twenty-three were decapitated.
He then called a meeting of his chiefs, and took hostages from them, that they
would assist him against the Shereef after the fast of Ramadán.
In November Ta'ez again fell into his hands, and in December he occupied
Yereem with a strong force. In January of the following year he marched to
Marãeis, thirty miles north of Kátaba; but in consequence of an insurrection
at Sanāa, and the murder of the governor, Aboo Zaid, he was forced to make
a retrograde movement towards his capital.
Whilst this desultory warfare was being carried on between the Imām
and Shereef Hoosain bin Ali Hyder, the Turkish government, thinking that
20
154
the proper time had arrived to take possession of Yemen, sent Toufieh Pasha,
with a fleet from Jedda, and a land force under Mahommed bin Own, Shereef
of Mecca, against Hodaida.
The Pasha arrived there on the 19th of April, and at once called upon the
Shereef to surrender the town, which he at first refused
to do, but eventually it was agreed that he should
receive a pension from the Turkish government, as the price of his submission,
whereupon he delivered up Hodaida and all the other towns of the Teháma.
He retried to Aboo-Areesh, where he had for years been accumulating
treasure, guns, and all descriptions of stores, the spoils of the Teháma; his
pension was never paid, and he determined to proceed to Constantinople to
lay his case before the Sultan, but on his way thither he died suddenly, under
circumstances of great suspicion, in March 1851.
Toufieh Pasha retained the government of Hodaida, Bait-el-Fukeeh, Seneef,
and the country contained between these points, while the Shereef Abdulla,
son of Mahommed bin Own, was raised to the dignity of Pasha, and appointed
governor of Mokha, Zebeed, and Hais.
As soon as Toufieh Pasha felt his power somewhat consolidated in the
maritime districts of Yemen, he summoned the Imām of Sanāa to surrender
A.D. 1849.
his dominions to the Porte; the Imām hesitated to comply with this demand,
while the warlike tribes of Dthoo-Mahommed and Dthoo-Hoosain treated
it with open scorn. The Imām was eventually persuaded to visit the Pasha
and Mahommed bin Own at Hodaida. On his arrival there, in July, he was
saluted with twenty-one guns and treated with royal honours, and after much
persuasion was prevailed on to sign a convention, of which the following
were the chief points:—
First.—The country then held by the Imām was to continue under his
government, but he was to be considered as a vassal of the Porte.
Secondly.—The revenues of the country were to be divided, one moiety was
to be paid into the imperial treasury, and the other was to be retained by the
Imām for the benefit of the province.
Thirdly.—Sanáa was to be garrisoned by a thousand regular Turkish
troops.
Fourthly.—The Imām should retain, for his private expenses, 37,000 dollars
per month, to be deducted previous to the division of the revenue.
On the completion of these arrangements, Toufieh Pasha with a large force
set out with the Imām for Sanāa to inaugurate the new régime. They arrived
on a Thursday, about noon, and the Turkish soldiery took possession of a fort
called El-Kusr; the change of government was immediately proclaimed, and
it was intimated that on the morrow, the day observed by Mahommedans for
155
public prayers, the name of Sultan Abd-el-Mejid should be substituted for that
of the Imām in the ritual. No sooner did this transpire, than the inhabitants,
who were of the Zaidee sect, flew to arms, and fell upon the Turks, few of
whom escaped being massacred. This took place about 8 P.M. of the day on
which they arrived. The Turks who remained there bombarded the city from
the fort, but their fire was weak and did little damage.
The inhabitants were so exasperated at the treacherous conduct of Mahom-
med Yehia, that they seized and imprisoned him, and appointed the ex-Imām.
Ali Mansoor, who had twice before been deposed, in his stead.
Eventually Toufieh Pasha, who had received two wounds, was obliged to
make the best terms he could, and compounded for his own personal safety,
and permission to withdraw the remnant of his force to Hodaida, for the
sum of 20,000 dollars. The Pasha died of his wounds, and exhaustion conse-
quent on the hardships he had undergone, on the 23rd March 1850, and was
succeeded by Shereef Abdulla Pasha, governor of Mokha.
On the departure of the Turks, Ali Mansoor ordered the troops to bring
forth Mahommed Yehia, together with his mother and son, and execute them.
in front of the palace. This they refused to do, and he was privately put to
death on the 11th December. His son Ghālib escaped, and took refuge with
the Dthoo-Mahommed and Dthoo-Hoosain, by whose assistance he collected
a large body of troops and proceeded against Sanáa. A bloody engagement
took place in the Wadi Dtháhir, in which Ali Mansoor was completely
defeated, and he himself fell info the hands of Ghālib.
The victor proclaimed himself Imām, under the title of El-Hādi. His
first act was one of mercy; instead of revenging his
father's death on Ali Mansoor, he contented himself
with confiscating his property, and then set him at liberty. Ghālib took up
A.D. 1850.
his residence at Rodāa, a village about six miles from Sanāa, but his power
was merely nominal. The inhabitants of the capital refused to recognise
his authority, and for a time Sanāa remained in a state of complete disorder ;
robberies and murders were events of every day occurrence, the Jews.
and foreign merchants were despoiled of all they possessed, and this once.
magnificent city was abandoned to anarchy and confusion. At last the
merchants, to ameliorate, in some measure, this state of affairs, elected a
governor from amongst their own body, named Ahmed-el-Khaima; he, however,
possessed little real power, even within the walls, of the city, and none.
whatever beyond them.
The latest authentic accounts which have been received of the state of Sanaa
are from the Rev. Mr. Stern, who visited it in September 1856, at the request
of the Society for Promoting Christianity amongst the Jews, chiefly with the.
156
object of preaching Christianity amongst that people in Arabia. He started
from Hodaida, where he was obliged to adopt the common Arab dress, and in
that garb, which unsparingly exposed him to the fierce rays of the sun by day
and the keen air of the mountains by night, he patiently toiled, barefoot, and
frequently without the necessaries of life, over pathless mountains and per-
pendicular cliffs, till he reached the capital of Yemen.
At first he took up his residence in the Jewish quarter, in the house of
More Saida Mansoor, one of the principal rabbis, but was subsequently
obliged to remove for safety to the khan of a wealthy Mahommedan mer-
chant, named Ali Zarki, situated in the centre of the market-place. He was
well received by the governor, Sheikh Ahmed-el-Khaima, and allowed to
hold free intercourse with the Jews, amongst whom, with the permission of
the Mahommedan authorities, he distributed the books he had brought for
the purpose, and which were eagerly and thankfully received.
Mr. Stern describes Sanāa as being in a complete state of anarchy: but three
Banian merchants remained in the city; and of these, two were murdered
during his stay, and their property seized by the governor; the third, a
very old man, was on the point of abjuring his religion, in the hope of saving
his life.
The ancient splendour of the Imāms had disappeared with the extinction of
their dynasty, and the reception room of the governor displayed nothing of
wealth or luxury: the bare walls overhung with gaudy chintz, and the divans
covered with old faded carpets, gave it an inexpressibly shabby and ragged
appearance. Sheikh Ahmed-el-Khaima is described as an olive-coloured
Arab, in whose lustreless eyes and sunken cheeks vice had stamped her
indelible characters.
The Turks, foiled in their endeavours to obtain possession of Sanāa, endea-
voured to extend their conquests in Arabia to the eastward of Aden. In the
month of August 1850, a force, consisting of 300 regulars and 500 irregulars,
under the command of Seyed Ishāk, was organised at Mokha, and embarked
on board an old ship, two war zebeks, and four buggalows, for the purpose
of effecting the conquest of Shehr and Makulla; on their arrival at Bunder
Broom they were met by the vessels of Mahommed Habeeb, nakeeb of
Makulla, and defeated with considerable loss; their opponents lost ten men
killed, and twenty wounded. The Turks fled to Shurma and Ghossair, and
eventually found their way back to Mokha.
Shortly afterwards the Turks sent a force, consisting of a few Nizam and a
thousand Arab mercenaries, to take possession of the town of Raima, which
had been ceded to them under certain conditions. These were not observed,
and the inhabitants rose and expelled them.
157
Another force took by storm the city of Seneef in January 1851. The
siege was attended by acts of great cruelty, and 120 of
the principal inhabitants were taken prisoners and
banished to the island of Kamarán.
A.D. 1851.
In consequence of the rapacity of the Turkish revenue collectors in Yemen,
the Jeraneea Arabs murdered a party of fifteen soldiers
employed on that duty. To avenge this outrage,
Mustafa Pasha proceeded to Zebeed in July 1852, for the purpose of
collecting a force wherewith to chastise them. On returning to Hodaida with
about 150 men, he was attacked, near Hoosaineea, by five or six hundred
of the Jeraneea, who entirely routed his small force. He, with twenty fol-
lowers, escaped to Bait-el-Fukeeh, where he died on the following day from
exhaustion.
A.D. 1852.
He was succeeded in the government of the Turkish possessions in Yemen
by Mahommed Pasha; but the latter did not long survive
his predecessor : he was poisoned at Hais in 1853, by
an Arab girl, whom he had forcibly removed to his hareem.
The importation and public sale of slaves in the Hejaz were prohibited, by
an imperial firman, in November 1855; this edict was
first promulgated at Mecca by the Kádi, under the
orders of the Turkish Kaimakám, and caused very serious disturbances. The
Kádi was assaulted in his court by the infuriated rabble; the oulemas refused
to recognise the right of the sultan to legislate in matters opposed to the
Mahommedan religion, and the inhabitants flew to arms, and compelled the
small Turkish garrison to retire within the fortified position, where it remained
for several days in a state of siege.
A.D. 1853.
A.D. 1855.
About the same time an order was received from Constantinople for the
removal of Abd-el-Motalib, Shereef of Mecca, and the reinstatement of
Mahommed bin Own in his place. The former took advantage of the riots
to resist this order, and, placing himself at the head of the insurgents, took
possession of Mecca, and for a time cut off all communication with the sea
coast. At length, the Pasha of the Hejáz, having collected all the troops at
his disposal, again possessed himself of the holy city, and restored tranquillity
there, whereupon the rebel Shereef retired to Taif, and for the remainder of
the year continued to hold out against the Turkish authority.
No sooner was the disturbance in the Hejāz partially quelled, than others,
of a much more serious nature, threatening the very existence of the Turkish
power, broke out in Yemen. The Beni Aseer, taking advantage of the dis-
tracted state of the Hejāz, and probably at the instigation of Abd-el-Motalib,
marched against Hodaida. The governor of Yemen, Mahommed Pasha, with-
158
drew all his troops from the detached positions in which they had been stationed,
and concentrated them for the defence of the capital.
In January 1856, the Aseer force, to the number of 60,000, led by their
chief, Aiedth-bin-Murrie, invested Hodaida, but the
presence of the H. C. steam-frigate Queen, and the
sloop of war Elphinstone, which had been sent thither for the protection of
Dritish subjects and their property, deterred them from attacking the town.
In the mean time, when the defenders had almost lost hope, and all the women
and children had been sent away, cholera broke out in the Aseeri camp, and
A.D. 1856.
carried off 3,000 in a very few days, whereupon they commenced a precipitate
retreat. Ere they had reached their own country, 15,000, including their
chief and many of the principal men, fell victims to the pestilence.
The newly appointed Shereef of Mecca arrived in Egypt from Constanti-
nople in April, and proceeded to Jedda in the H. C. steam-frigate Feroze. He
arrived there on the 15th of April, and on the same day Abd-el-Motalib, at
the head of his Arabs, made a desperate attempt to take Mecca : a portion of
his force actually entered the city, but was driven out with heavy loss. The
fighting continued from morning till noon, when the Shereef was driven back
and forced to take refuge at Taif; the casualties on his side amounted to
between 200 and 250 killed and wounded, while on that of the Turks they did
not exceed 60. On Thursday, the 17th, Mahommed bin Own entered Mecca;
and on the following day the Sultan's firman, appointing him governor of the
city, was publicly read, and large sums of money distributed to the poor.
Early in the following month the Turkish regular troops, and the Arabs in
their interest, besieged Taif, and on the 21st a deputation of the inhabitants
waited on the Turkish commander, and offered to deliver up the city on condi-
tion that their lives and property should be spared, and that no injury should
be done to the city. These terms were accepted, and on the following morning
the Turkish troops took possession of Taif. Abd-el-Motalib, seeing that all
hope of escape was cut off, surrendered himself, and was sent prisoner to
Constantinople.
159
GHAPTER XIX.
HISTORY OF THE REIGNING FAMILY OF LA/HEJ AND ADEN,
FROM THE PERIOD OF THEIR INDEPENDENCE TO THE
CONQUEST OF ADEN BY THE BRITISH.
The chief of the Abdali tribe, Foudthel bin Ali bin Foudthel bin Sāleh bin
Sálem, threw off his allegiance to the Imām of Sanāa,
El-Mansoor Hoosain ibn Kássim, in A.D. 1728, and
declared himself an independent prince. He concerted measures, with his
powerful neighbour the chief of Yaffa, to obtain possession of the important
stronghold and seaport of Aden, and it was stipulated that they should enjoy
A.D. 1728.
the revenues alternately.
In 1735 the confederate chieftains succeeded in obtaining possession of the
place, but ere six months had elapsed, the Sultan of
Lahej, as he had styled himself, expelled his colleague.
His rapacity and extortion extinguished the few sparks of commercial pros-
perity which still clung to the port, and from this date the rapid downfall of
Aden may be traced.
Foudthel bin Ali was killed by the Yaffai in 1742. He left two sons,
Abd-el-Kereem and Mahsin, and two daughters; he
was succeeded by the first.
Abd-el-Kereem was a wise and benevolent prince, but his indolence of
character prevented his people from benefiting by his rule as much as they
otherwise would have done. During his reign Aden was governed by a
A.D. 1735.
A.D. 1742.
favourite slave.
In 1753 Abd-er-Rub, the heroic chief of Hajereea, invaded Láhej and
blockaded the Sultan in Aden during a period of five
months, and was only induced to evacuate the country
by receiving a large sum of money. In the same year Abd-el-Kereem died,
leaving five sons, namely, Abd-el-Hádi, Foudthel, Näsr, Ali, and Ahmed.
Ali was killed by the falling of a stone from one of the houses in Aden, Násr
died early; Abd-el-Hádi succeeded his father.
In 1771 Aden was stormed by Azab Mukki, chief of the Azaiba tribe, who
A.D. 1771. retained it for two days, when he was driven out.
A.D. 1753.
160
Mahsin bin Foudthel bin Ali was killed by order of his uncle Abd-el-Hádi,
and in the following year the Sultan himself died of
small-pox, which carried off nearly one-fourth of the
inhabitants of Lähej and the surrounding districts, but though Aden was
crowded with fugitives from the interior, the disease did not enter.
Abd-el-Hádi was succeeded by his brother Foudthel bin Abd-el-Kereem,
who died in 1792, and was succeeded by another bro-
ther Ahmed. This prince was visited by Mr. Salt in
1809, and by Captain Haines of the Indian Navy in 1820. He is described
as a very handsome old man, of a benign and intelligent expression of coun-
tenance, much beloved by his people, and greatly addicted to agriculture. He
behaved in the most friendly manner to the British on the occasion of the
force under Lieutenant Colonel Murray evacuating the island of Perim in
1799, when he voluntarily offered to receive the troops into Aden, until a
change of the monsoon admitted of their proceeding to Bombay, and during
their stay there he treated them with unexampled hospitality.
An instance of the toleration towards Christians which characterised his
reign is recorded by Mr. Salt, in describing a visit he
paid to the Sultan at Lähej in company with Aboo
Bekr, dowla of Aden. After dinner was over, Aboo Bekr rose up, and con-
siderately observed that, as he knew it was customary for Christians to take
wine after their meals, he should leave him for a short time to the enjoy-
ment of it. Mr. Salt observes that it would be difficult to find a person
whose lot was more to be envied than Sultan Ahmed's. By his able and
judicious line of conduct he had raised his seigniory to a respectable rank
amongst the principalities of Yemen, and by his constant solicitude for the
welfare of his subjects, he became fully entitled to the appellation of ‘father
of his country, which was commonly bestowed upon him.*
A treaty of friendship and commerce was concluded between this chief
and Sir Home Popham in 1802, after the unsuccessful attempt of the latter
to enter into a similar engagement with the Imām of Sanāa.
Whilst the whole peninsula of Arabia was convulsed by the Wahábi war,
the little state of Aden, by the wisdom of its ruler and the
bravery of its army, offered a sturdy resistance to the
progress of the reformers. A remarkable instance of the friendly feeling of this
chief towards the British occurred in 1804. A large Surat vessel was lying at
anchor in the harbour, when the Joasmee fleet entered. The sultan sent
his soldiers on board to defend her from the Wahábi pirates, and compelled
A.D. 1776.
A.D. 1777–1792.
A.D. 1798.
A.D. 1804.
* Salt, p. 117.
161
them to put to sea without having received any supplies, although they offered
him half the plunder they had already received, to be permitted to remain.
In 1819 Sultan Abdulla bin Fureed, chief of the Upper Oulaki tribe,
marched upon Låhejwith a force of 8,000 fighting men,
for the purpose of extorting money from the wealthy
Sultan; he plundered the cattle of the Abdali, and succeeded in obtaining
7,000 dollars as an inducement to return to his country.
Sultan Ahmed expired in 1827, after a reign of nearly thirty-six years, and
was succeeded by his nephew, Mahsin bin Foudthel.
Ahmed was one of the bravest and most politic of the
chiefs of Yemen ; he encouraged commerce, invited merchants from India and
Egypt to settle in his territories, had a well-organised body of troops at his
disposal; and Aden, under his government, bade fair to regain a portion of its
lost importance.* His successor was a man of quite a different stamp, being
inhospitable and deceitful, avaricious, and unscrupulous in the acquisition
of wealth.
In 1829 the Bombay Government, in pursuance of orders from the Court
of Directors, relative to steam navigation between
England and India, despatched the Benares and Pali-
nurus to complete the survey of the Red Sea. Some coal was also sent to
Aden, and landed on Seerah island, for the use of the Hugh Lindsay, the first
steamer built in India, and the first which attempted the navigation of the
Red Sea. On the occasion of her first visit to Aden, it was found so difficult
to obtain labour, that six days were occupied in taking on board 180 tons of
coal. Aden was therefore abandoned, and Makulla was selected as a coaling
station for the steamers engaged in the overland communication.
Captain Haines, of the Indian Navy, then engaged in the survey of the
south-east coast of Arabia, visited Aden in 1835. Two
of the officers of his vessel visited the Sultan at Lahej,
who treated them well, and requested the assistance of the British in an
expedition which he contemplated organising against the Foudtheli tribe, in
retaliation for a recent attack made by them upon Aden; it is needless to
state that this request was not entertained.
In the following year the Foudthelies again attacked Aden, which they
sacked, and carried off property to the value of 30,000
A.D. 1836. dollars; they also exacted a tribute for the future of
one dollar per diem.
On the morning of the 4th of January, the Madras ship Deria Dowlat,
A.D. 1819.
A.D. 1827.
A.D. 1829.
A.D. 1835.
* Wellsted, vol. i. p. 110,
21
162
belonging to Ahmed-en-Nissa Begum, a niece of the Nawab of the Carnatic,
and sailing under British colours, went on shore in the Koobet Sailán, a few
miles distant from Aden. She had a valuable cargo on board, and a consider-
able number of pilgrims, bound for Jedda. As daylight dawned, she was
boarded by crowds of Arabs from Aden, who plundered her of everything that
could be removed. The passengers, amongst whom were several ladies of
rank, landed on rafts, in doing which fourteen perished. The survivors were
seized by the Arabs, stripped naked, and the females subjected to the most
brutal indignities, and only saved from being carried off into the interior by
the intercession of the Seyed of Aidroos, an influential family in Aden, who
supplied them with food and clothing.
The government of Bombay felt bound, not merely to demand redress for
this outrage, but to take such further precautions as
should preclude the recurrence of similar atrocities.
For this purpose, Captain Haines, I.N., was despatched to Aden in the
Honorable Company's sloop of war Coote ; and he was instructed, in the event
of his negotiations proving successful, to endeavour to obtain the place by
purchase, in order that British commerce in the Red Sea might be placed
on a safer footing for the future, and that a secure coal depôt for the vessels
engaged in the overland transit might be established.
Captain Haines arrived on the 28th December 1837, and on the 4th of
January following he landed, and had his first inter-
view with the Sultan; the latter denied, most solemnly,
all knowledge of, or participation in the atrocity with which he was charged,
but, as the property of the Beria Dowlat was being sold publicly in the market,
his assertion was not received. A formal demand was accordingly made for
the sum of 12,000 dollars as an indemnity, or the entire restitution of the
plundered property. After much negotiation, goods to the value of 7,808
dollars were restored, and the Sultan passed a bill, at twelve months’ sight, to
Captain Haines, for the remainder, 4,192 dollars.
Having thus settled the primary object of his mission, Captain Haines
succeeded in obtaining from the Sultan a written bond, dated 23rd January,
that he would cede the peninsula to the British in the following March, in
consideration of an annual pension of 8,700 dollars.” But before this could
be embodied in a treaty, a plot had been formed by the sultan’s son for
the seizure of the papers and person of the Political Agent after the parting
interview. Intelligence of this meditated treachery having reached Captain
Haines, the interview was evaded, and he proceeded to Bombay.
A.D. 1837.
A.D. 1838.
* Bombay Book of Treaties, p. 282.
163
On the 24th October he again returned to Aden, authorised by his govern-
ment to enforce the completion of the stipulated agreement. He forthwith
addressed the sultan, demanding the fulfilment of his contract, but his requisi-
tion was met with language and conduct the most violent and insulting.
“I am,” so wrote the sultan's son, “above my father and you. If you
come to the gate I will permit you to enter, and then be upon your head;
such is the law of the Bedouins.” The sultan refused to allow the plundered
property, which had formerly been restored, to be removed from Aden: he
issued orders that the Coote should not be supplied with water or provisions,
and his soldiers fired upon the pinnace of that vessel, without the slightest
provocation, slightly wounding two sailors.
In consequence of these outrages the port was blockaded; but, ere a month
had elapsed, the sultan begged a truce of three days, which he treacherously
employed in sending a boat to Saiārah on the African coast, whence the Coote
was supplied with provisions, to endeavour, by a bribe of 200 dollars, to induce
the Somalies to murder all the English who landed there.
On the 18th December the H. C. schooner Mahi, and the barque Anne
Crichton, laden with coals, arrived, a most significant intimation to the sultan,
had he chosen to accept it, that the British were determined to enforce the
fulfilment of the agreement, into which he had voluntarily entered.
On the 11th of January, a skirmish took place off Seerah Island, between
the battery on the mole, and the schooner Mahi with
two gunboats: two seamen were wounded, and about
twenty or thirty of the Arabs put hors de combat. On the 16th of January a
force, consisting of H. M. S. Volage, 28 guns, under the command of Captain
Smith, H. M. S. Cruizer, 10 guns, with 300 European and 400 native troops,
commanded by Major Baillie, arrived at Aden: a final message was sent to the
sultan, directing him to deliver up the place, but as this was not complied
with, the town was bombarded, and taken by assault. The loss on the side of
the British was 15, and on that of the Arabs 150 men, killed and wounded.
The garrison consisted of 700 soldiers from the interior, and the remaining
population did not exceed 600, of whom a great proportion were Jews. The
sultan, his family, and a number of the chief people of the city, effected
their escape to Láhej.
Thus fell Aden into the hands of the British, being the first capture in the
reign of Her Majesty Queen Victoria, and from this period the process of its
restoration to something like its former importance was not less rapid than
had been its decline.
A.D. 1839.
164
(JHAPTER XX.
ADEN SINCE THE BRITISH CONQUEST.
The first object of Captain Haines, after the capture of Aden, was to throw
up temporary defences, sufficiently strong to resist a
sudden attack, and to keep the Arab tribes quiet till
this had been effected. In both he was successful, and a line of field works
was speedily constructed across the isthmus, on the site of the old so-called
Turkish fortification.
Ere the month of January had expired, a treaty of peace and friendship was
concluded with the Azaiba tribe, a branch of the Abdali; and in February,
the sultan himself, and the chiefs of the various surrounding tribes, namely,
the Akrabi, Subaiha, Yaffai, Foudtheli, Sherjebi, &c. executed similar en-
gagements. On the 9th of March a European soldier, having imprudently
strayed beyond the fortifications, was murdered by an Arab named Dthoobi,
who managed to effect his escape. On the following day the sultan visited
Aden, to express his regret at what had occurred, and to solicit the friendship
of the British. On the 18th June he executed a bond,” pledging himself to
maintain a friendly line of policy towards Aden, on which occasion he received
the first payment of a stipend of 541 dollars per mensem (equivalent to
the originally stipulated purchase-money of the place, and various small
sums paid to subordinate chiefs, formerly chargeable on the revenues of Aden),
which government was pleased to confer upon him as long as he should
remain faithful to its interests, although he had justly forfeited it by having
refused to deliver up the place.
From this time confidence was restored, and the natives of the surrounding
districts began to flock rapidly to Aden. In the month of September follow-
ing the occupation, the population had increased to 2,885, exclusive of the
military, and in March 1840 it had reached 4,600.
The Abdali chief soon forgot his obligation, and, in conjunction with the
sultan of the Foudtheli tribe, he attempted, on the H1th of November, to retake
Aden, but he was defeated, with a loss of 200 killed and wounded ; his stipend
was stopped, and the town of Shughra, together with the whole of the
Foudtheli coast, was blockaded for the share that tribe had taken in the affair.
A.D. ts39.
* Bombay Book of Treaties, p. 284.
| 65
A second attack was made on the 21st May 1840, by the united Arab tribes
in the pay of the Sultan of Láhej, amounting to 4,000 or 5,000 men; it was
repulsed, like the first, with heavy loss. In both cases timely information
of the designs of the enemy had been given to the authorities by the British
agent at Lähej, and it was mainly through his instrumentality that they were
so easily frustrated. This circumstance coming to the ears of the sultan, the
house of the agent, Hässan Khateeb, was surrounded, and he himself murdered ;
both his dwelling and those of his family were plundered; and as a Jew had
been the bearer of his letters, an order was issued directing the sack of every
Jewish house in Lähej; and all landed property belonging to the residents in
Aden was confiscated. The losses sustained by the merchants amounted to
15,000 dollars, independent of the plunder of sixteen houses belonging to the
Khateeb family.
In neither of these two attacks had the Akrabi joined, but, on the contrary,
they had evinced the most perfect good faith towards the British ; irritated
at this, the united forces of the Abdali and Foudtheli besieged the castle of
Beer Ahmed, but were unable to reduce it. On the 3rd of September Sultan
Mahsin seized a kafila of camels entering Aden with supplies, and, having sold
them, appropriated the proceeds to his own use.
The state of affairs in Europe at this period rendered it advisable that
certain points on the African coast should be obtained, with a view to their
occupation, should occasion require it. To this end Captain Moresby and
Lieutenant Barker, of the Indian Navy, were despatched to open friendly
relations with the chiefs of Zaila and Tajoorra, and to obtain certain islands
by purchase. A commercial treaty, bearing date 19th of August, was concluded
between Sultan Mahommed bin Mahommed and Captain Moresby, on behalf
of the British government, whereby the Mussah islands, situated in the Bay
of Tajoorra, were ceded to the British crown. They were formally taken pos-
session of, in the name of Her Majesty, on the 31st of the same month.
They are a group of barren coral islands, about thirty feet above the level of
the sea, consisting of three large and five small rocky islets. They afford no
water, but an abundant supply is obtainable on the mainland, about eight miles
to the west of them, where there is a running stream and a good anchorage,
whence the islands could be supplied with water, by means of boats, at all
seasons of the year. In the same month two other islands were sold to, and
taken possession of, by the British : one called the Bab, in the straits connect-
ing the Koobet-Kharāb with the Bay of Tajoorra, and the other named Eibát,
near the town of Zaila. While these events occurred, the whole province of
Yemen, to which this portion of the coast of Africa had formerly been, and
has since become, a dependency, was in a state of anarchy; it had been eva-
166
cuated by the Egyptians, the Imām of Sanāa had lost the Tehāma, which was
usurped by the Beni Aseer and the Shereefs of Aboo-Areesh, while they had
not extended their arms to Africa. The governments of Zaila and Tajoorra
were in the hands of their hereditary chiefs, who owned no subjection to any
foreign power, and, consequently, were perfectly competent to cede any part of
their territories.
A third attempt to retake Aden occurred on the 5th of July 1841, at 2.45 A.M.
The enemy mustered about 5,000 men, and advanced
towards the isthmus defences with great impetuosity;
but the sudden and unexpected fire from a block-boat, situated within twenty
A.D. 1841.
yards of the shore, and several gunboats within twelve yards, completely stag-
gered them, while the fire from the line of works completed their discomfiture,
and they retreated with a loss of 300 men. The principal tribes concerned in
this attack were the Abdali and Foudtheli, and immediately after their repulse
they retired to a place called Bir Hameed, not many miles distant from the
Barrier Gate, and in a position whence they could effectually intercept all
communication between Aden and the interior. Here they built a fort, which
they named Nowbat Sheikh Mehdi, and commenced a series of raids, which
caused the utmost annoyance to merchants and others bringing supplies.
into Aden. On the 29th of July, about 2 P. M., a body of eleven-armed men,
amongst whom were the Foudtheli sultan, Ahmed bin Abdulla, and three of
his brothers, arrived at the Barrier Gate, and requested to speak with the
interpreter, Ahmed bin Aidan. The latter, contrary to his instructions, left
his post, and no sooner had he proceeded a short distance in front of the
defences, than he was murdered by the Foudtheli chief, who, with his
followers, succeeded in effecting his escape. In September a party of
marauders crept close to the line of works, under cover of night, and fired
at the sentries, fortunately without doing any execution, while the return fire
killed and wounded eleven men and three camels.
In consequence of the atrocities above related, and the almost daily robberies.
which were perpetrated on the roads leading to Aden, it was found necessary
to dislodge the enemy from the position which he held at Nowbat Sheikh
Mehdi, and to destroy the fort and village which he had erected there; accord-
ingly, on the 11th of October, a force consisting of 300 European, 200 natives,
and a detachment of artillery, under the command of Colonel Pennycuick, was
despatched inland for this service, which was successfully accomplished, with
a loss of one man, who died from a coup de soleil, and one officer and four men.
wounded. Having destroyed Nowbat Sheikh Medhi, the force proceeded to
Sheikh Othmān, the fort of which was likewise destroyed, and then returned
to Aden. At the same time that these operations were being carried on against
167
the allied tribes by land, the Foudtheli coast was blockaded by the vessels of
the Indian Navy. These measures had the desired effect; the Foudtheli chief
implored forgiveness for the past, and promised to observe a more friendly
attitude towards the British for the future, and Sultan Mahsin visited Aden,
on which occasion he entered into an engagement of peace and friendship,” and
arranged for the restitution of the property of Hässan Khateeb, the British
agent, who had been murdered by his orders; a pension was conferred by
government on the family of this man and of Ahmed bin Aidan, in considera-
tion of their having lost their lives in the public service.
The monthly stipend of the Sultan of Láhej, which had been stopped from
the date of his first attack upon Aden, was restored to
him in February 1844, together with one year's back
pay, in consideration of his having ceased to molest the British since 1841 ;
but before doing so, it was thought necessary to guarantee his fidelity by a
more stringent agreement than had previously existed.}
In August 1846, a fanatic, named Seyed Ismail, who had preached a Jehād,
or religious war, in Mecca, made his way thence, by slow
A.D. 1844.
A.D. 1846. tº º º ſe
marches, to the vicinity of Aden, accompanied by a
crowd of Derweshes and religious zealots. On his arrival at El-Ghail, distant
about two days’ journey from Lähej, his force amounted to 2,000 men. He
there issued a proclamation to the Abdali, Foudtheli, and Akrabi tribes,
calling on them to join his standard, and promising them divine assistance
and complete invulnerability. He then proceeded to Saida, a village seven
miles from Lahej, where he was joined by many enthusiasts from the surround-
ing tribes, and on his arrival at Khároon, a point still nearer to Låhej, he was
met by the infirm old sultan and several of his sons, and his army was plenti-
fully supplied with food and fodder by the neighbouring tribes, and it was
further augmented by 1,000 Abdalies, 500 Foudthelies, 100 Akrabies, and
200 Mughrabies.
On the 17th of August about 400 men of the Seyed's army approached to
reconnoitre the outposts of Aden, but were driven back, with a loss of six
killed, seventeen wounded, and three prisoners. On the 21st a division, of
1,100 or 1,200 strong, advanced to the bridge at Khore Mukser, while the Seyed
fixed his head quarters at Sheikh Othmān. On the 26th a body of 2,000 men
advanced close to Aden, but were repulsed by a well-directed fire from the
line of works and the gunboats in the harbour. Dissensions then broke out
in the Seyed's army, which rapidly melted away, and its leader, finding himself
almost without a single adherent, accompanied the Foudtheli Sultan to El-
* Bombay Book of Treaties, p. 285. iſ Idem, p. 287.
168
Abien; he was subsequently slain by a Bedouin in a brawl, on the 22nd
August 1848. For a time the Foudtheli chief attempted to stop the traffic of
Aden, but a blockade of his coast again compelled him to abstain.
On the 2nd April 1847, a large force of the Upper Oulaki tribe left Nisab
with the intention of over-running the Abdali territory;
it maarched through the Foudtheli country without
opposition, and arrived at Lähejon the 24th of April; on the 7th of the follow-
ing month the Oulakies returned to their country, after having compelled the
sultan to pay them the sum of 3,500 dollars.
Sultan Mahsin bin Foudthel died at Låhej, on the 30th of November, at an
advanced age, and was succeeded by his son Ahmed. The old chief had ever
proved himself inimical to the British. He is described as being low of
stature, of a corpulent habit, and grave and Saturnine disposition. From the
day that he assumed the government, his time was wasted in useless disputes
with the British or with the neighbouring Arab tribes, and so great was his
avarice, that, not content with the treasures which had been amassed by
his predecessors, he continued to extort money from all who came within his
power, until respectable merchants fled from his dominions, to avoid his arbi-
trary exactions.
His successor, Ahmed, was a man of different stamp; he was sensible of the
advantages which friendly relations with the British would confer upon his
tribe, and used his utmost endeavours to cultivate them; but he was cut off at
an early age ere any of the measures of reform, which were confidently ex-
pected to be carried out under his rule, had even been commenced. He
visited Aden on the 28th February 1848, on the occasion of his succession,
and in token of his friendship for the British ; he remained till the 8th of
March; he died of small-pox on the 18th January 1849,
A.D. 1849. and was succeeded by his brother Ali, the present chief
of the tribe,
Ali Mahsin resembles his father in cunning and treachery, but he is wanting
in the warlike spirit which made the latter so formidable an enemy. His
policy, ever since he succeeded to the government of his country, has been to
alienate the surrounding tribes from the British, and on their defection build
for himself the reputation of being the steadfast friend and supporter of the
English. In this he has, till very lately, been but too successful; his intrigues
fostered into irreconcilable rancour the disputes which have frequently arisen
between the Arab tribes and the authorities of Aden, and for many years
frustrated all attempts at reconciliation. It is only since the commencement of
1857 that the fatal effect of this policy has become apparent, but it is satisfac-
tory to add that, through the sagacity of the British representative, the sur-
A.D. 1847.
169
rounding tribes have, without a single exception, laid aside their animosity,
and are now on the most friendly footing with the British.
Soon after the accession of Ali Mahsin, a new treaty was concluded between
him and the East India Company; it bears date 7th May 1849, and was
ratified by Lord Dalhousie, Governor General of India, on the 30th October
in the same year.”
The first of a series of atrocities, which for many years complicated the
relations of the British with the Arab tribes, and gave
rise to great trouble and anxiety, occurred on the 29th
May 1850. A boat from the H. C. steam-frigate Auckland proceeded to the
north coast of the harbour, and the crew, having imprudently ventured on
shore to pick up shells, were attacked by a body of Bedouins from Beer
Ahmed. One man was killed, and a boy wounded; the latter and another
companion saved their lives by running round the coast to the Barrier Gate,
while the remainder swam off to a water-boat, which happened to be near at
A.D. 1850.
hand. Shortly afterwards, a sepoy of the 3rd Madras light infantry was
wounded by a fanatic named Seyed Boo Bekr, at the Barrier Gate; the
intended assassin was shot by the sentry.
On the 28th February, a party of officers from the Aden garrison proceeded
to the interior, with the object of enjoying a few days'
sport. It consisted of Captain Milne, the commissariat
officer of Aden, Lieutenant McPherson, of H. M.'s 78th Highlanders, Lieute-
nants Ogilvie and Henchy, of the Madras Artillery, and Mr. Saulez. Lieutenant
Cruttenden, the assistant political agent, accompanied the party to Láhej,
and, having procured an escort from the Sultan to attend upon them, returned
to Aden. The party spent the next night at Wähat, a village inhabited
entirely by Seyeds, or descendants of the prophet, and here they most impru-
dently dismissed their guard. In the middle of the night, while all slept, a
fanatic named Seyed Hoosain succeeded in gaining entrance to the court yard,
where, for the sake of coolness, they had placed their beds. He mortally
wounded Captain Milne, who died next day. Lieutenant McPherson was
very severely, and Mr. Saulez slightly wounded, and the assassin effected
A.D. 185l.
his escape ere the other officers awoke. He first sought shelter in the
Houshebi country, but the chief of that tribe refused to receive him, and he
subsequently found refuge with Ahmed bin Abdulla, the Foudtheli Sultan.
A few days later, namely on the 27th of March, an armed man from Beer
Ahmed contrived to evade the police at Steamer Point, and landed in Aden,
with the intention, it was supposed, of assassinating the political agent, Captain
* This treaty, which is still in force, is given in extenso in Appendix C. Wide also Bombay
Book of Treaties, p. 289.
22
170
Haines. The first European he met was Lieutenant Delisser, of H.M.'s 78th
Highlanders, who was riding along the public road between the town and
Steamer Point. The miscreant accosted him, as if to deliver a letter, and, ere
he was aware that any treachery was meditated, succeeded in cutting the reins
of his horse. Lieutenant Delisser dismounted and grappled with him, and,
after having received several severe wounds, killed him with his own jembeea.*
His body was subsequently hung in chains at the Barrier Gate, through which
all the Arabs from the interior are obliged to pass on entering Aden.
On the 4th of June, in the same year, a sepoy of the 3rd Madras light
infantry was wounded outside the Barrier Gate by a man from Beer Ahmed,
who escaped; and on the 12th of July following, the mate and one seaman of
the merchant vessel Sons of Commerce, which had been wrecked at Koobet
Sailán, were murdered, and the wreck plundered by the subjects of the Sultan
of Láhej. The remainder of the crew were brought into Aden in safety by a
body of troops sent out for that purpose. The chief instigator of this outrage
was a man named Es-Somli, who was seized by the Sultan of Lähej, and
executed on the 27th October.
The pension of the Foudtheli chief was stopped from the date on which the
murderer of Captain Milne found a refuge in his terri-
tories; and the port of Beer Ahmed was blockaded for
the share which the inhabitants of that town had taken in the murder of the
seaman of the Auckland. With the Abdali, however, the British were on the
most intimate terms of friendship and alliance.
As a consequence of this, the combined Foudtheli and Akrabi were inces-
sant in their depredation on the roads, and supplies were constantly stopped,
to the great distress of the inhabitants and garrison of Aden, while the Sultan
of Lähej was either unable or unwilling to protect the communication between
Aden and the interior, and to repress the aggressions of his more warlike
neighbours. The only means of punishing these troublesome tribes at the
disposal of the political resident, debarred as he was from hostile operations,
were speedily employed; the blockade of Beer Ahmed was rendered more
stringent, the port of Shugra was included in it, and members of the offending
clans were excluded from Aden. At the same time, friendly relations were
formed with various powerful tribes in the vicinity of Aden, who were
thereby detached from a threatened coalition with the Foudtheli against
Sultan Ali.
Such was the state of affairs towards the end of A.D. 1855, at which time
Sultan Ali suddenly came to terms with the Foudtheli,
and the latter expressed an earnest desire to make peace
A.D. 1854.
A.D. 1855.
* Arab crease, or dagger,
171
with the British, declared that the murderer had been expelled from his country,
and promised to respect and preserve the safety of the roads leading to Aden.
The political resident found it expedient to accept these advances, and so
far to relax his hostility as to remove the blockade of Shugra, and permit
the Foudthelies free access to Aden. The question of the restoration of the
stipend was reserved until the sincerity of these protestations of peace had been
further proved.
This partial arrangement of past differences was acceded to chiefly on
behalf of Sultan Ali, who, moreover, was the principal mover in suggesting it;
but no sooner did he see a prospect of an eventual peace between the Foudtheli
and the English, than he used every artifice in his power to prevent, while he
openly professed to promote it.
In the mean time, hostilities, which had been only temporarily suspended
between the Abdali and the Foudtheli, were resumed, and the scheme for
wresting Beer Ahmed from the Akrabi (the allies of the Foudtheli) by the
combined Abdali and Oulaki, was matured; when, to the disgust of the last
mentioned tribe, Sultan Ali virtually abandoned the project, by refusing to
pay the sum which he had guaranteed as remuneration for their services.
Matters remained in this unsettled state between the belligerent parties till
towards the middle of A.D. 1856, during which interval,
however, the Foudtheli uniformly respected the roads
leading to Aden, and limited their reprisals to the Abdali territory. About
three months were spent in negotiations, which, towards the end of July,
terminated in a peace between the Abdali and Foudtheli. This satisfactory
result was communicated to the political resident by Sultan Ali, who, however,
omitted no opportunity to instil into his mind doubts of the Foudtheli
chief's good faith, and represented him as hopelessly refractory.
Matters having been so far satisfactorily arranged, the political resident and
his assistants accepted an invitation to Láhej, and the end of A.D. 1856 found
the British free from any aggressions on the part of the neighbouring tribes.
The year A.D. 1857 opened rather inauspiciously ; Sultan Ali took umbrage
at a friendly visit paid to the political resident by his
brother Abdulla, and his people at Sheikh Othman
plundered a party of pilgrims who had been wrecked on the eastern side of
the isthmus. Early in April, Sultan Ahmed bin Abdulla sought an interview
with the head of the influential Aden family of Aidroos. The meeting took
place at Beer Ahmed, and resulted in the renewal of friendly relations between
the Foudtheli and the British, on which occasion the former abandoned all
claims to the arrears of stipend; transmitted a bond, signed by unexceptional
witnesses, that the murderer had been expelled, and should never again find
A.D. 1856.
A.D. 1857.
172
shelter in his territories, and solemnly engaged to restrain his people from
plundering on the roads, the security of which he pledged himself by every
means in his power to maintain.
For eighteen months previous to this event, the Foudtheli had ceased to
eause any annoyance to Aden, and not a case of plunder by his tribe had
occurred on the roads, although during that time he had received no stipend.
The only reason why so great a delay had occurred in his compliance with the
demands made upon him was his objection to the mediation of Sultan Ali,
and his distrust of that chief's sincerity and rectitude. For this reason,
Sultan Ali's direct interference was not sought in the reconciliation with the
Foudtheli, but he was fully apprised of the circumstances and conditions which
effectuated it. The Akrabi soon after tendered their submission, and sued
for friendship. These overtures were accepted, and thus an end was put to
all the differences which had so long complicated the relations between the
authorities of Aden and the neighbouring tribes.
The results of these measures left nothing to desire; the roads were open
and secure, and supplies abundant, while the Foudtheli and Akrabi not only
ceased from their depredations, but seemed to vie with each other in exhibiting
their good feeling towards the British. Not so, however, the Abdali: on the
contrary, Sultan Ali, unwarrantably discontented and chagrined that no scope
was left for his intrigue between the English and their former enemies, com-
menced a vexatious system of annoyance, and persisted in it with such arro-
gance, insolence, and even menace, that, having expended every resource that
policy, prudence, and kindness could dictate, and having carried forbearance
to its utmost limits, it became evident to the political resident that more
vigorous measures than had yet been employed would alone compel this
troublesome chief to act up to his treaty obligations, and to abandon a line
of policy which, while it militated against his own best interest, was of serious
inconvenience to the British.
The aim of Sultan Ali throughout was transparent, he wished to keep the
other tribes at a distance from the British, in order that he alone might profit
by their alliance; and to attain this object he spared neither fraud nor cunning,
fearing lest such intimacy might injure his private interests, or diminish his
consequence.
But it is necessary to resume the narrative of Sultan Ali’s proceedings from
April 1857. When foiled in his machinations to create dissensions between
the English and the Foudtheli, he commenced an active course of antagonism,
his object still being the same, namely to force the British to dissolve their
friendship with the Foudtheli, and thereby to regain his former position, with
all its facilities for interference and intrigue.
173
He first vented his malevolence in creating dissensions amongst the Azaiba
(a sub-branch of the Abdali), whose chief, Sheikh Ali, had been uniform in his
fidelity to the British, and who had been mainly instrumental in inducing the
Foudtheli to sue for their friendship. Then came a vexatious imposition of
an extortionate toll upon the wells of Sheikh Othman, from which the town
and shipping of Aden were to a great extent dependent for water. This gave
rise to a long correspondence, carried on by Sultan Ali in a tone of haughty
contempt, and which was not finally settled until the British representative
had threatened to stop his stipend, and the Government of Bombay had
passed a severe censure on his conduct.
Towards the end of September, Sultan Ali reported that he had dispersed a
band of marauding Subeiha who had been plundering near Sheikh Othman;
but it subsequently appeared that he had himself instigated the outrage; in
addition to which, his people were in the habit of plundering the supplies
coming from Beer Ahmed to Aden, and all efforts to induce him to award
compensation proved futile. His replies to the assertion of the political resi-
dent were a tissue of prevarication, recrimination, and subterfuge, under cover
of which he abstained either from candidly admitting or positively denying
the charges, but assumed throughout a tone of contemptuous insolence which
expostulation served only to intensify.
About the middle of January, Sultan Ali wrote a kind of circular letter,
copies of which were sent to the assistant political re-
sident and several officers of the Aden garrison, one of
whom was the Rev. Mr. Badger, a gentleman whose long residence in Aden,
and whose thorough acquaintance with the Arabic language, and the Arab
character, had deservedly gained for him a personal influence in the country.
In this document, Sultan Ali charged the Aden residency with disregard of
the treaty between him and the English, injustice, oppression, support of his
enemies, &c., and concluded with the following remarkable menace : “Having
made known all this, you are a witness on my behalf that I shall be blameless
as respects your government; and having already written to our friend Lord
Elphinstone and to Bombay, without having received any (direct) reply, I
have decided to keep my people (from entering Aden), and to close my
country until the government shall come to its senses.”
Towards the beginning of February, the Foudtheli chief made three separate
complaints that the Abdali had plundered his people on the road, and that
on one of these occasions a man of his tribe had been killed. Restitution
was sought from Sultan Ali, and a threat held out that such proceedings,
persisted in, would ultimately lead to all communication being broken off
between the British and himself. In reply, Sultan Ali excused the murder,
A.D. 1858.
I74
and characterised the plunder as a just retaliation on the Foudtheli for the
forays of that tribe.
A few days later, another complaint was preferred against Sultan Ali, that
he had seized a consignment of coffee, valued at Rs. 6,000, the property
of a British subject on its way from the interior to Aden. His excuse for so
doing was that he had a claim against the owner; whereas he is bound by
treaty to refer such matters to the political resident for adjudication. This
proceeding, therefore, constituted a flagrant outrage upon British property,
and an insult upon British authority. The demand of the political resident
was coupled with a final intimation, that unless restitution were made he should
hold no further communication with him.
No restitution having been made by Sultan Ali, either for this or the pre-
viously detailed outrages, the political resident was eompelled to break off all
communication with him, and to discontinue the payment of his stipend.
The only reply vouchsafed by the Sultan to the communication of the politi-
cal resident, announcing this resolution, was to prohibit the members of his
tribe sending any supplies into Aden ; he also seized several kafilahs of coffee
and grain, the property of Aden merchants, after having exacted a transit duty
upon them. Subsequently, about the beginning of March, he occupied in
force the fort and village of Sheikh Othman, distant a few miles from the
isthmus line of works, and so situated as to command all the roads leading
into Aden. It was from this place that the garrison and shipping were to a
great extent supplied with water; consequently, his first operation was to fill
up all the wells, except such as were required for his own people.
This state of affairs could no longer be endured. The political resident
having already exhausted every resource that the most anxious desire for
peace could dictate, and it being apparent that, emboldened by long impunity,
the Arabs had learnt to construe his kindness and forbearance as proofs of
inferiority and weakness, stringent measures became an absolute necessity.
Accordingly, on the 18th of March, an adequate force of artillery and infan-
try, together with a party of seamen from the Honorable Company's vessels of
war then in harbour, under the personal command of Brigadier Coghlan, poli-
tical resident and commandant, marched against Sheikh Othman. The force
was unopposed till it arrived within two miles of the village, when the Arabs
opened fire under cover of the shrubs and hillocks where they had taken up
their advanced position. The main body being halted, the enemy were
dislodged from their cover by skirmishers sent out from both flanks, aided
by the artillery and a small detachment of horse. This operation discovered
about 500 men, under the command of Sultan Foudthel, the second brother of
the Abdali chief, some on foot, but mostly mounted on camels, who disputed
175
the ground with obstinate bravery and considerable strategic skill, but in less
than an hour gave way. Colonel Coghlan then advanced upon the fort and
village, and found both almost entirely evacuated.
The garrison retired to some distance, and about 10 A.M., on being joined
by considerable reinforcements from the direction of Lähej, spread themselves
over the country, evidently intending to contest the further advance of the
British in that direction. Shortly after, a parley was demanded, and three of
the Abdali chiefs came forward, and solicited, on the part of Sultan Ali, that
hostilities might cease, pledging themselves that all the resident’s demands
would be conceded, and that, if permitted, they would themselves enter Aden
and arrange the particulars. These protestations, made apparently in good
faith, were coupled with earnest professions of hope that the resident should
not deem it necessary to remain any longer in hostile possession of their
territory; so he acceded to their request, and, having blown up the fort and
village of Sheikh Othman with the powder which was captured there, he
returned to Aden without having sustained a single casualty. The loss on the
side of the Arabs was reported at from thirty to forty.
On the following day, supplies began to pour into Aden in great abundance,
and in a short time subsequently Sultan Foud thel arrived in Aden to settle
the basis of a reconciliation; the political resident's demands were complied
with ; and there is every reason to believe that the severe blow which the late
events have dealt against Sultan Ali's overweening self-importance will prove
adequate, as well in chastisement of the past, as in checking his arrogance
and hostility for the time to come ; not indeed that perfect satisfaction can be
expected in any future relations with this restless and intriguing chief, but
it is not probable that, after the lesson he has received, he will lightly proceed
to extremities which may lead to its repetition.
176
SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER,
EXPEDITION TO THE SOMALI COUNTRY.
Towards the close of A.D. 1854 an expedition was organised at Aden, under
the auspices of the Government of Bombay, for the
purpose of exploring that portion of North-East Africa
between Berbera and Zanzibar. The conduct of it was entrusted to Lieutenant
Burton, of the Bombay Army, with whom were associated Lieutenant Herne,
1st Bombay Fusiliers, Lieutenant Stroyan, of the Indian Navy, and Lieutenant
Speke, of the Bengal Army.
Lieutenant Burton successfully accomplished a preliminary journey to
Hurrur, which had never before been visited by any European.* Lieutenant
Speke penetrated into the country of the Warasingali tribe of Somálies, and
Lieutenants Herne and Stroyan remained at Berbera during the annual fair,
to acquire information regarding that port. All four met at Berbera in April
1855, with the intention of accompanying the return kafilah inland to Ogåden.
The fair at Berbera terminated on the 15th of April, and the last inhabit-
ants of that late populous town proceeded into the
interior; but the travellers delayed at Berbera, in the
expectation of receiving their letters from England by the mid-monthly mail,
but which had been unaccountably delayed between Aden and Berbera. On
the 18th, a buggalow entered the creek, and the nacoda and crew were enter-
tained by the expedition, which, most providentially as it turned out, detained
the vessel all night in the harbour.
During the afternoon of the same day, three men visited the camp, palpably
as spies, and, as such, the officers of the expedition were warned against them
by their native attendants. Heedless of this warning, they retired to rest at
night, in the fullest confidence of security, and without having taken any extra
or even ordinary measures to guard against surprise.
About 2 A. M. on the following morning, the expedition was attacked by a
body of from 150 to 200 well-armed Somálies, chiefly of the Esa Moosa tribe,
at whose approach the servants, with a very few exceptions, took to flight,
leaving their masters to defend themselves as they best could. Lieutenant
A.D. 1854.
A.D. 1855.
* This is described in Captain Burton's work—“First Footsteps in Eastern Africa.”
177
Stroyan was killedere he could reach his arms; Lieutenant Burton was wounded
by a spear, which passed through his cheeks, dividing the palate; Lieutenant
Speke was taken prisoner, severely wounded in several places, and escaped
almost by a miracle; Lieutenant Herne alone remained unscathed.
The entire property and baggage of the expedition were plundered, and the
surviving officers, with the few servants who remained faithful to them, found
refuge in the buggalow, carrying with them the remains of their slaughtered
comrade, which they committed to the deep during their passage to Aden.
So sudden and unexpected had been the attack, that the officers were quite
unable to make any defence—each seized what weapon chance threw in his
way; but not only were they unable to repulse their assailants, they did not
even cause serious loss to the attacking party,+one or two of the Somâlies
were wounded, but no lives lost.
The cause of this attack was mainly the hope of plunder, but partly, doubt-
less, suspicion of the travellers' motives in remaining at Berbera after it had
been deserted by the tribes. In consequence of this unprovoked outrage, a
demand was made on the elders of the Habr Owel tribe for the surrender of
the principal instigators of the attack, who were well known by name. This
was enforced by a rigid blockade of their coast from Siarrah to Jebel Elmas,
which stopped the entire trade of Berbera during the season 1855-56, thus
inflicting a severe punishment on the offending tribe, without materially
affecting the trade of Aden, as other resources, until then in a great measure
undeveloped, compensated for the loss of this mart.
The elders of the tribe showed every disposition to comply with the demand
made upon them, but they were really unable to do so,
to the full extent : most of the offenders escaped to
other tribes, and thus were beyond their reach; one man, who bore the mark
of a gunshot wound on his back, was sent to Aden a prisoner. At last Govern-
ment, satisfied that all had been done which was within the power of the
tribe, consented to the withdrawal of the blockade, upon certain conditions,
which were embodied in a treaty, and in November 1856 the blockading
vessel was recalled.*
A.D. 1856.
* This treaty is contained in Appendix D.
23
178
APPENDIX A.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE IMA/MS OF SANAA.
# 3 | 2
Name. Title. #|#|:
& 8 O
Kássim . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . El-Kebeer 1 630 Died.
Ismāīl ibn Kássim . . . . . . . . . . Metawakkil Ala Ullah. . . . 1668 ||Died.
Ahmed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . El-Mejd Billah 1668 || 1675 |Died.
Mahommed ibn Hoosain . . . . . . El-Mehdi Hādi . . . . . . . . 1675 | 1677 |Deposed.
Mahommed ibn Ahmed . . . . . . El-Mehdi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1677 || 1707 |Deposed.
Mahommed ibn Hassan . . . . . . [En-Násr . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1707 || 1708 |Deposed.
Rássim ibn Hoosain . . . . . . . . El-Metawakkil . . . . . . . . . 1708 || 1719 |Died.
Hoosain ibn Kássim . . . . . . . . El-Mansoor . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1719 1740 ||Died.
Abbas ibn Hoosain . . . . . . . . . . El-Mehdi . . . . . . . . . . . . 1740 1774 ||Died.
Ali ibn Abbas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . El-Mansoor . . . . . . . . . . . . 1774 1809 ||Died.
Ahmed ibn Ali. . . . . . . . . . ... . . [El-Metawakkil. . . . . . . . . . . 1809 | 1817 |Died.
Abdulla ibn Ahmed. . . . . . . . . . El-Mehdi . . . . . . . . . . ..., | 1817 | 1834 ||Died.
Ali ibn Abdulla . . . . . . . . . . . . El-Mansoor . . . . . . . . . . . . 1834 1837 |Deposed.
Abdulla ibn Mahommed . . . . . . En-Násr . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1837 | 1840 |Killed.
Mahommed ibn Ahmed . . . . . . El-Hādi . . . . . . . 1840 | 1844 ||Died.
Ali ibn Abdulla'............ El-Mansoor . . . . . . . . . . . . 1844 1845 |Deposed.
Mahommed ibn Yehia. . . . . . . . [El-Metawakkil. . . . . . . . . . 1845 1849 |Killed.
Ali ibn Abdullat . . . . . . . . . . . . El-Mansoor . . . . . . . . . . . . 1849 | 1849 |Deposed.
Ghālib ibn Mahommed . . . . . . El-Hádi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1849
* Second time of election.
it Third time of election ; he is still alive.
179
APPENDIX B.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE SULTANS OF LA'HEJ, FROM THE
PERIOD OF THEIR INDEPENDENCE TO THE PRESENT TIME.
Nature of
Names. Casualty.
i
i
#
Foudthel bin Ali bin Foudthel bin Sáleh bin Sálim . . . . . 1728 || 1742 |Killed.
Abd-el-Kereem bin Foudthel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1742 1753 |Died.
Abd-el-Hādi bin Abd-el-Kereem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1753 1777 |Died.
Foudthel bin Abd-el-Kereem. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1777 || 1792 ||Died.
Ahmed bin Abd-el-Kereem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ~ 1792 | 1827 ||Died.
Mahsin bin Foudthel bin Abd-el-Kereem. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1827 | 1847 |Died.
Ahmed bin Mahsin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1847 | 1849 |Died.
Ali bin Mahsin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1849 || The º chief.

180
APPENDIX 0.
TREATY CONCLUDED BETWEEN THE HONORABLE EAST INDIA
COMPANY AND SULTAN ALI MAHSIN FOUDTHEL, OF LA'HEJ
(ADEN), UNDER DATE THE 7TH MAY 1849, AND NOW EXISTING.
To secure commercial advantages, with friendly intercourse, good-will, and
lasting peace to both powers, this treaty is made, ageed to, sealed, and signed
by those possessing full power and authority, viz. SULTAN ALI ibn MAHSIN
foubt HEL, for himself, his heirs, and successors, also for the Azeibee and
Selämee tribes, and all other tribes and divisions of tribes under his government,
authority, or control, and STAFFORD BETTESWORTH HAINES, Esquire, Captain
in the Indian Navy, and political agent, Aden, being invested with full power
so to do, from the Right Honorable the Governor GENERAL OF INDIA, but
it must be subject to the final ratification of the Government of India.-[Rati-
fied 30th October 1849.]
INASMUCH as peace and commercial intercourse and prosperity is good and
desirable among all nations, and particularly advantageous to the powers
above named, the Sultan Ali Mahsin Foud thel, of Lähej, in the name of
himself, heirs, successors, and all tribes under his government, control,
and authority, and Captain Stafford Bettesworth Haines, on the part of
the Right Honorable the Governor General of India, make this agree-
ment—that between the two governments shall exist a firm and lasting
friendship, and shall never be broken ; and both parties agree to, and
ratify under seal and signature, the following articles:—
ARTICLE I.—In consideration of the respect due to the British Government,
Sultan Ali Mahsin Foud thel binds himself to secure to the rightful owners
all ground, household or other property, that may be within the limits of his
territory, belonging to the British subjects of Aden, and that their persons or
agents shall be safe and respected, should they proceed inland to look after
and collect the rents of such property, or for any other correct purpose.
ARTICLE II.-Sultan Ali Mahsin Foudthel engages to permit British sub-
jects, and all inhabitants of Aden, to visit Lähejor any part of his territory, for
either commercial purposes or pleasure excursions. He will ensure them
181
protection, and full toleration of religion, with the exception of burning
the dead.
ARTICLE III.-Should any British subject become amenable to the law, he
is to be made over for trial and punishment to the authorities at Aden.
ARTICLE IV.-British subjects may, with the permission of the Sultan of
Láhej, hold in tenure land at Lähej, or other towns or villages in his territory,
subject to his law; and in like manner may the ryots of the Sultan of Lähej
hold property in Aden, subject to British law and jurisdiction.
ARTICLE V.—The bridge of Khore Muksa, and the plain between it and
the mountains of Aden, forming the isthmus, is British property, and no
further north.
ARTICLE VI.-Sultan Ali Mahsin Foudthel binds himself to keep the roads
leading to Aden clear of plundering parties, and protect all merchandise pass-
ing through his territory, punishing, if in his power, all who plunder, molest,
or injure others.
ARTICLE VII.-Such articles as the Sultan of Lähej may personally require
for his own household shall pass Aden free of all custom-duty, and in like
manner all government property shall pass the territories of the Sultan free
from transit duty.*
The Sultan of Lahej binds himself to levy only the following transit duties
within his territory upon all goods passing into Aden from the hills, viz., be-
longing to British subjects,
Wheat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ]
Jowaree . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Flour . . . . . . . . tº ſº º ſº e º O ſº tº º º e s a c e s c e e
Ghee . . . . . . . . . . tº º ºs º º & e º 'º e º º ſº e º e º 'º
Grapes, and fruits of all kinds. . . . . . . .
Honey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Foah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . e g º O & ſe • . . . . . . ;-Two per cent, upon inland value.
Dholl . . . . . . . . . . e tº e s e º a C & © e & © e º 'º º G
Senna . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Gums frankincense . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Worruss . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . & e º e C & e º ſº e º
Coffee tº 6 e º ºs e g º C & © º 'º º º & © tº e G tº e º 'º gº tº
Khâat • * * * * > t e º a e C & e º e o e º e tº º O O. G. .J
Vegetables. . . . . .
Wood. . . . . . . . . . }* of duty, being the growth of the Abdaliterritory.
Grass and kirby..
* So much of this article as regards duty charged on goods exported from Aden has been
virtually abrogated, by Aden being declared a free port.
182
And two per cent. upon all articles not enumerated.
Articles passing out from Aden into his territory:—
Outub cotton . . . . . . . . . . e e º O & Cº - do e O
Snuff . . . . . . . . e e º e s tº e 9 & © tº e º 6 tº e º e º 'º
Pepper . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
White and cotton cloths . . . . . . . . . . . . >Two per cent.
Iron and lead. . . . . . . . . . ‘e e º e º 'º e º 'º e e
Hookas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . tº e º ſº º e º 'º - e º ſº
Tates . . . . . . . . . . . . . ºr e º º º ºs e º 'º e º 'º e d
And two per cent. On all articles not enumerated.
ARTICLE VIII.-Sultan Ali Mahsin Foudthel binds himself to encourage
the growth of all kinds of European and Native vegetables for the Aden
market.
ARTICLE IX.-Sultan Ali Mahsin Foudthel most solemnly attests the
religious sincerity of this agreement, and moreover declares, that in all things
relating to the peace, progress, and prosperity of Aden, he will lend his utmost
aid to support the interest of the British, and will listen to, and, if possible,
attend to the advice of the British Government representative in Aden in all
matterS.
ARTICLE X.—Sultan Ali Mahsin Foudthel further binds himself by oath,
that should any breach of faith, or trespass on the aforesaid bond, either as
concerning himself, children, relatives, chiefs, or any other person or persons
of his tribe, or those in authority under him, or in his pay, or by any means
connected with his government, or under his jurisdiction, or should one or
any one of the aforesaid persons be in any manner convicted of having been
privy to, or accessory to such breach of faith, or trespass on the treaty, or of
committing any act of plunder on the roads leading to Aden through his
territory, to take the whole responsibility on himself, and to be answerable to
the British Government. Further, if he, or any other above mentioned,
either openly, or by secret machination, protect any offender, and do not render
entire satisfaction to the British, and for any breach of the above articles, he
freely and solemnly swears to relinquish all claims to the salary (hereafter
mentioned) granted by the Right Honorable the Governor General of India,
and declares himself a perjured man.
ARTICLE XI.—Stafford Bettesworth Haines, Captain in the Indian Navy,
and political agent at Aden, being duly authorised, does hereby solemnly
promise, in the name of the Right Honorable the Governor General of India,
to pay to Sultan Ali Mahsin Foudthel, his heirs and successors, the sum of
five hundred and forty-one German crowns per month, so long as he or they
183
continue to act with sincerity, truth, and friendship towards the British, and
in every respect strictly adhering to the terms of this treaty.
This Treaty is concluded and agreed to, this Seventh day of May, in the year of
Our Lord One thousand Eight hundred and Forty-nine.
In witness whereof, we have set our seal and signature.
Seal of the
Sultan (Signed) ALI MAHSIN FoupTHEL.
of Láhej.
(Signed) STAFFoRD BETTEsworth HAINEs,
Seal. Captain Indian Navy, and Political Agent
at Aden.
(Signed) DALHousIE.
MEMORANDUM.—This treaty was ratified by the Right Honorable the Governor
General of India on the 30th October 1849.

184
APPEND IX D,
ARTICLES OF PEACE AND FRIENDSHIP, CONCLUDED BETWEEN THE
HABR OWEL TRIBE OF SOMALIES ON THE ONE PART, AND
BRIGADIER WILLIAM MARCUS COGHLAN, POLITICAL RESIDENT
AT ADEN, ON BEHALF OF THE HONORABLE EAST INDIA COM-
PANY, ON THE OTHER.
WHEREAs, on the 19th of April 1855 (corresponding with the 1st of Shåban,
1271), a treacherous attack and murder was perpetrated at the port of
Berbera, by a party of the Habr Owel tribe, upon a party of British
officers about to travel in that country, with the consent, and under the
protection of the elders of the tribe, in consequence of which outrage,
certain demands were made by the Government of India, and enforced
by a blockade of the Habr Owel coast; and whereas it has become
apparent, that the said tribe has fulfilled those conditions to the utmost
of its ability, and has prayed to be relieved from the blockade;—there-
fore it is agreed,—
I.—That the elders of the Habr Owel will use their best endeavours to
deliver up Ou Ali, the murderer of Lieutenant Stroyan.
II.-That, until this be accomplished, the sub-tribe Esa Moosa, which now
shelters, and any other tribe which may hereafter shelter, harbour, or protect
the said Ou Ali, shall be debarred from coming to Aden.
III.-That all vessels sailing under the British flag shall have free permis-
sion to trade at the port of Berbera, or at any other place in the territories of
the Habr Owel, and that all British subjects shall enjoy perfect safety in
every part of the said territories, and shall be permitted to trade, or travel
there under the protection of the elders of the tribe. In like manner shall the
members of the Habr Owel tribe enjoy similar privileges at Aden, or in any
other part of the British possessions. e
IV.-The traffic in slaves throughout the Habr Owel territories, including
the port of Berbera, shall cease for ever; and any slave or slaves who, contrary
to this engagement, shall be introduced into the said territories, shall be deli-
vered up to the British, and the commander of any vessel of Her Majesty's
185
or the Honorable East India Company's navy, shall have the power of de-
manding the surrender of such slave or slaves, and of supporting the demand
by force of arms, if necessary.
V.—The political resident at Aden shall have the power to send an agent
to reside at Berbera during the season of the fair, should he deem such a
course necessary, to see that the provisions of this agreement are observed ;
and such agent shall be treated with the respect and consideration due to the
representative of the British Government.
VI.-That on a solemn promise being given by the elders of the Habr Owel
faithfully to abide by the articles of this agreement, and to cause the rest of
the tribe to do so likewise, and to deliver up to the political resident at Aden
any party who may violate it, the blockade of the Habr Owel coast shall be
raised, and perpetual peace and friendship shall exist between the British
and the Habr Owel.
Done at Berbera, this Seventh day of November, One thousand Eight hundred
and Fifty-sia, of the Christian Era (corresponding with the Eighth day of
Rabea-el-Owel, One thousand Two hundred and Seventy-two of the
Hejira).
MAHOMMED ARRA/LEH . . . . . . . .
AHMED ALI BookERI. . . . . . . . Ayal Yoonus.
Noor FA(RRAH. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
MAHOMMED WA’Is . . . . . . . . . . Ayal Ahmed.
RooBLIE HASSAN. . . . . . . . . . . &
ATEYAH HILDE'R . . . . . . . . . . . . Makálhïl.
FARRAH BENI'N . . . . . . . . . . . .
AWADTH SHERMARKIE . . . . . . Ayal Hamood.
Signed in my presence at Berbera on the 7th November 1856.
(Signed) R. L. PLAYFAIR,
Assistant Political Resident, Aden.
(Signed) W. M. Coghi,AN,
Political Resident.
Aden, 9th November 1856.
Ratified by the Right Honorable the Governor General of India in Council,
at Fort William, this 23rd day of January 1857.
(Signed) CANNING,
And Five Members of Council of India.
24
186
APPENDIX E.
ENGAGEMENT CONCLUDED BETWEEN BRIGADIER WILLIAM MAR-
CUS COGHLAN, POLITICAL RESIDENT, ADEN, AND WARIOUS
CHIEFS AND ELDERS ON THE COASTS OF ARABIA AND AFRICA,
DURING 1856.
INFLUENCED by motives of humanity, and by a desire to conform to the
principles on which the great English Government is conducted, we lend a
willing ear to the proposals of our sincere friend, Brigadier WILLIAM MARCUs
CoGHLAN, Political Resident at Aden, that we should covenant with him and
with each other, to abolish and prohibit the exportation of Slaves from any
one part of Africa to any other place in Africa, or Asia, or elsewhere under
our authority.
We, whose names and seals are set to this bond, do therefore, in the sight
of God and of men, solemnly proclaim our intention to prohibit the exportation
of Slaves from Africa by every means in our power : we will export none
ourselves, nor permit our subjects to do so; and any vessel found carrying
Slaves shall be seized and confiscated, and the Slaves shall be released.
Signed by MANASSIR bin Boo BEKER, Sultan of the Oulaki Tribe,
and the Chiefs of his Tribe ;
and by the Elders of the following Ports on the African Coast:—
1, Mait. 2, Hais. 3, Rakoda.
4, Unkor. 5, Kurrem. 6, Ain Tarad.
IND E X.
Ababeel, 70.
Abdali tribe, 33; proclaim their independence,
159.-See Sultan of Láhej.
Abd-el-Azeez, 127.
Abd-el-Mansoor Yoosuf, reign of, 94.
Abd-el-Hakál.—See Aboo-Nookta.
Abd-el-Motalib, 70; visits Sanāa, 75.
Abd-el-Wahāb, 127.
Abd-er-Rub, proclaims himself chief of Haje-
reea, 117; Imām of Samāa and Sultan of
Láhej form a league against him, idem ;
he invades Láhej, 117, 159; the Imām in-
vites his co-operation against Ta'ez, which
falls to his arms, 118; ignominious treat-
ment and murder of, 1 18.
Abdhâa, reign of, 56.
Abd Kelāl, reign of, 56.
Abdulla ibn Abbas, Viceroy of Yemen, 82.
Abdulla, son of Thámmir, 63.
Abien, district of, 35.
Aboo-Areesh, district of, 35; becomes inde-
pendent, 119.
Aboo Kárib, reign of, 52.
Aboo Málik, reign of, 49.
Aboo-Nookta, 127; over-runs coast of Yemen,
128; attacks Shereef of Aboo-Areesh, by
whom he is defeated, 129.
Abrahá-el-Ashram, viceroyalty of, 67; strata-
gem to appease the wrath of Negashi, 68;
endeavours to divert the pilgrimage from
Mecca to Sanāa, 69; invades the Hejáz,
70; destruction of his Army, idem ; death
of, 71.
Abrahá, son of Sabbah, reign of, 60.
Abraham, son of Euphrasius, 64.
Abyssinia, introduction of Christianity into, 57.
Abyssinians, invasion of Yemen by, prophesied,
53; encroachments of, in Yemen, 60 ;
invasion of Yemen by, 65; overthrown by
Persians, 74; persecution of, by Mãadi
Kárib, 76.
Aden, description of, 5; ancient reservoir at,
6; aqueduct to, 8; climate of, 9; diseases
of, idem ; ancient importance of, 10;
present condition of, 12; trade of 12;
antiquities of, 12; defences of, 13; popu-
lation of, idem; church built at, in the
fourth century, 59; Persian army lands
at, 73; visited by Ikrama, 81 ; conquered
by Zehereyáh, 85; attacked by Ibn Omar,
86; taken by Billál bin Yerrie, 87; Ma-
hommed bin Saba appointed Governor,
idem ; surrenders to Hâtem ibn Ahmed,
idem ; taken by Ibrahim ibn Muzuffer, 89;
unsuccessfully besieged by Ali bin Daood,
91; taken by Ali and Aumi, 94; visited
by Covilham, 96; by Barthema, 96; be-
sieged by Albuquerque, 98, 99; by Rais
Suleiman, who was repulsed, 99; Go-
vernor offers to surrender to Portuguese,
idem; Portuguese demand surrender, which
is refused, 100; taken by Suleiman Pasha,
101; again visited by him, 102; inhabit-
ants rebel against the Turks, and make
the place over to the Portuguese, 104; re-
covered by Capudán of Egypt, idem ; visited
by Captain Sharpey, 105; by Captain
Doveton, 108; by Van den Broeck, idem ;
Sultan of, forms a treaty with Sir Home
Popham, 126; Turkish mission massacred
at, 143; taken by Sultan of Láhej, 159;
stormed by Azab Mukki, idem : selected
as a coal depôt, 161 ; sacked by the Foud-
thelies, idem ceded to the British, 162;
the Sultan refuses to fulfil his engagement,
and Adenis taken by the British, 163; rapid
increase of, 164; first attack on, by the
Arabs, idem : second attack, idem ; third
attack, 166; attacked by Seyed Ismail, 167.
AEdesius, captivity of, 58.
Ahmed bin Aidán, murder of, 166; pension
granted to family of, 167.
188
Ahmed bin Kássim holds Ta'ez against the
Imām, 115; his death, and the subjuga-
tion of his son, 118.
Ahmed bin Suleiman, Imām, reign of, 87.
Akrabi tribe, 34; enter into engagement of
peace with the British, 164; good faith of,
165; atrocities committed by, 169; come
to terms with British, 172.
Albuquerque, Don Alphonso de, takes Muscat
and Curia Muria islands, 98; sent to the
Red Sea, idem ; ineffectual attempt to
capture Aden, idem.
Ali ibn Aboo Thălib, expedition of, into Yemen,
79; succeeds to the Kalifate, 82; reduces
the partisans of Ayesha, 83; his death, 84.
Ali Dāood, reign of, 90.
Ali bin Meyethel, besieges Aboo-Areesh, 142;
assists in expelling Turkchee Bilmas from
Mokha, 143.
Alkáma Dthoo Keefám, 65.
Amooda, son of Abrahá, 68.
Amrām, town of, 30, 37.
Amr Dthoo-el-Awād, reign of, 55.
Amr Dthoo Keefán, reign of, 61.
Amr Mozaikiyeh, reign of, 50.
Anowshirwān, 72 ; sends a force to Yemen, 73.
Arabia, general divisions of, l ; early commerce
of, 49; introduction of Christianity into,
57; tenders allegiance to Selim I., 100.
Aretus, son of Caleb, 63.
Aryat, invades Yemen, 65; confirmed as vice-
roy, 67; death of, idem,
Asăad Yáfoor, reign of 85.
Asalah, town of, 35.
Ascension, voyage of the, 105.
Aseer, Beni, over-run the Tehāma, 128; expel-
led by Egyptian army, 144; attack Ho-
daida, 157; attacked by cholera and re-
treat, 158.
Ashraf ibn Muzuffer, reign of 89.
Aswad, el, usurpation of 79.
Athanasius, St., 58.
Auckland, H. E. I. C. S., murder of seaman
of, 169.
Azaiba tribe, enter into treaty with British, 164.
Bab, island in the Koobet Kharab, ceded to
the British, 165.
Bab-el-Mandeb, strait of, 19; cape of, idem,
Badám tree, 34.
Bait-el-Fukeeh, city of, 26; taken by the
Aseer, 126.
Bait Kibsee, village of, 40.
Bait Rájeh, village of, 40.
| Balkees, throne of, 30; palace of, 42; reign
of, 47.
Barakát ibn Mahommed, Shereef of Mecca,
99, 103.
Barthema, travels of, in Yemen, 96.
Bartholomew, St., 57.
Báshir ibn Arteb, over-runs the Hejāz and
Yemen, 83; slaughters the sons of Ab-
dulla ibn Abbas, idem, cursed by Ali, 84;
his death, idem.
Beer Ahmed, 34; attacked by Abdali and
Foudtheli, 165; blockaded by British, 170.
Beer Amhait.—See Beer Hameed.
Beer-el-Asáb, 27.
Beer Hameed, 98, 166.
Beeb, el, city of, 51.
Beáld-el-Jof, 41.
Belád-el-Kabáil.—See Hāshid wa Bakeel.
Beni Hallál, 38.
Beni Haneefa, 55.
Beni Yam, extraordinary custom amongst, 40.
Berbera, description of, 100 m. ; attack on Bri-
tish expedition at, 176; treaty with chief
of, 184.
Bostán-el-Metawakkil, palace of, 93.
Budhán, Persian viceroy of Yemen, 77; tenders
his allegiance to Mahommed, 78; death
of, 80.
Cannibalism, son of Sultan of Sanāa said to
have been addicted to, 97.
China, invasion of, by Shammir, 48.
Christianity, embraced by Tobba Abd-Kellál,
56; by Márthád, 59; at Nejrán, 62, 77;
progress of, under Abrahá, 69; introduc-
tion of, into Arabia, 53; into Abyssinia, 57.
Christians, persecution of, 62; form an alliance
with Mahommed, 78.
Coffee, discovery of, 20; cultivation of, 31.
Commerce of the ancients in the Red Sea,
49; of the British in 1801, 123,
Constantius, embassy sent by, to Yemen, 59.
Covilham, mission of, to Abyssinia, 96.
Cruttenden, Mr., visits Sanãa, 144.
Curia Muria islands, 18; taken by Albu-
querque, 98; ceded to the British, 18.
Danish expedition to Yemen, 120.
Dáood, reign of, 90.
Dellisser, Lieutenant, attempt to murder, 170.
Deria Dowlat, wreck of, at Aden, 161.
189
Dimlooha, town of, 32.
Dominicetti, Lieutenant, outrage on, at Mokha,
134; reparation for, 135.
Doos Dthoo Thalibán, 64.
T}oraib, Seyed Abdulla, murder of, 142.
Dorán, town of, 30.
Dowla of a province, 112.
Dthafár, church built at, 59.
Dthamár, city of, 30.
Dthoo Habshān, reign of, 51.
Dthoo Jadán, reign of, b5.
Dthoo’l-Adhár, reign of, 46.
Dthoo’l-Kāa, Governor of Aden, 86.
Dthoo Mahommed and Dthoo
tribes, 37.
Dthoo Nowās kills Lakhnia Tanoof, 61 ; pro-
| claimed sovereign of Yemen, 62; massacres
Christians at Nejrán, 63; death of, 65.
Dthoo Shenátir, 61.
Dutch expedition to Yemen, 108; factory at
Mokha, l 13. *
Ebnāa, race called, 77.
Egyptian troops evacuate Yemen, 146.
Eibát, island of, 18; ceded to British, 165.
Elliott, Mr., death of, at Samāa, 126.
Embassy of Constantius to Yemen, 59; of
Justin I. to Heera, 64; of Emperor of
Abyssinia to Florence, 96; of Helena,
Queen of Abyssinia, to Lisbon, 98; of
Duarte Galvan to Abyssinia, 99; of Sulei-
man Pasha to Zebeed, 102; of Mahommed
Ali to Samāa, 146; of Sir Home Popham
to Arabia, 123.
Finlay, Dr., visits Sanāa, 140.
Foudtheli tribe, 35, 36; enter into engagement
offriendship with British, 164; chief mur-
ders Ahmed Aidén, 166; coast of, blockad-
ed by British, 167, 168, 170; harbour the
murderer of Captain Milne, 169; pension
stopped, 170; come to terms with Bri-
tish, 171.
French, first visit of, to Yemen, 113; second
voyage of, 114 ; misunderstanding with
Dowla of Mokha, 116 ; bombard
Mokha, 116.
Frumentius, 58.
Fukée Saeed, rebellion of, 147; death of, 148.
Fumiyoon, 62, 63.
Gallus, AEllius, expedition of, into Arabia, 45.
Gama, Don Stephano de, expedition of, to Red
Sea, 103.
Hoosain
Ghalifica, Abyssinian army land at, 65; de-
scription of, 65 m.
Ghárra, town of, 43.
Ghasāna, village of, 25.
Ghauri, el, Sultan of Egypt, sends an expedition
to Red Sea, 97.
Ghoomdān, castle of, 30, 61; festivities in, 74.
Government of Imāms of Sanāa, 112.
Gregentius, St., 68; disputation of, 69.
Haines, Captain, I. N., surveys coast of Arabia,
161 ; sent as Commissioner to Aden, 162;
obtains cession of Aden, idem.
Häis, town of, 32.
Hajereea, district of, 32.
Hárith, son of Amr, reign of, 59.
Hāshid-wa-Bakeel, 37.
Hassan Dthoo Mooáhir, reign of, 61.
Hassan Tobba, reign of, 54.
Hátim ibn Ahmed, reign of, 87.
Heera, foundation of Lakhamite dynasty im,
54; embassy to, 64.
Hejira, commencement of 78.
Hejáz, invasion of, by Aboo Karib, 52.
Herbanus, disputation of, 69.
Himyarite dynasty, origin of name, 45; over-
throw of, 66 ; restoration of, 74 ; final
extinction of, 76.
Hodáida, city of 23; plundered by the Aseeri,
128; taken by Turkchee Bilmás, 142; by
Shereef Hoosain, 146; attacked by the
Aseeri, 157.
Hodhád, reign of, 47.
Hormuzd, church built at, 59.
Horzád.—See Wahrāz.
Horor, town of, 43.
Houshabi tribe, 36; refuse to harbour the
murderer of Captain Milne, 169.
Howta.—See Lähej.
Ibb, city of, 31.
Ibrahim Pasha, takes command of the army of
Arabia, 133; tyrannical conduct of, idem.
Ikrama, sent against Mosáilma, 81 ; against
Mahra, idem.
Imám, Kássim-el-Kebeer, l l l ; Metawakkil Ala,
Ullah Ismail, 112 ; El-Mejd Billah Ahmed,
idem; El-Hādi Mahommed ibn Hoosain,
idem ; El-Metawakkil Kässim ibn Hoo-
sain, 113; death of, 115; El-Mehdi Ma-
hommed ibn Ahmed, 112, 113; description
of, 114; El-Mansoor Hoosainibn Kássim,
115; death of, 116; El-Mejd Mahommed
190
Ishāk, usurpation of, 115; El-Mehdi
Abbās, 116; his treachery towards Abd-
er-Rub, l 18; conspiracy against him, l 19 ;
Neibuhr's description of, 120; death of,
122; El-Mansoor Ali, H22; weakness of
his government, 126; described by Lord
Valentia, 128; deposed by his son, 1293
his death, idem; El-Metawakkil Ahmed,
130; death of, 134; El-Mehdi Abdulla,
134; description of, 140; death of, 144;
El-Mansoor Ali, description of, idem ; first
deposition of, 146; again elected, 150;
attempts to recover the Tehāma, idem ;
second deposition of, 152; again elected
and deposed by Ghālib, 155; En-Năsr
Abdulla, 146; murder of, idem ; El-Hádi
Mahommed, idem : sends mission to Aden,
148, 149, 150; his death, l 50; El-Meta-
wakkil Mahommed Yehia, 152; attacks
Shereef Hoosain, idem ; captures various
towns in the Tehāma, 153; murdered by
Ali Mansoor, 155; El-Hádi Ghālib, 155.
Imāms of Samāa, 29, 111; revenue of, in 1764,
120; chronological table of, 178.
Ismail bin Ismail, reign of, 93.
Jadees.—See Tasm.
Jálea, plunders treasury of Yemen, 28.
Jáwallah, town of, 32.
Jennád, town of, 32.
Jeráf, town of, 29. -
Jewish Tobbas, intolerance of, 6.2, 66.
Jews of Yemen, description of, 16; number in
Sanāa, 28; present state of, 155.
Jezán, town of, 24, 38.
Jibleh, town of, 31.
Jof-See Belád-el-Jof.
Judaism, legend of introduction of, into Yemen,
52; under Dthoo Nowās, 62.
Justin I., sends an embassy to Heera, 64; in-
stigates the King of Abyssinia to conquer
Yemen, 65.
Kāaba of Mecca, 52; first covered with tapes-
try, 53.
Kahtán, district of, 40.
Kálifs, first four, 82; of the house of Omiyah,
Abbas, and Karami, 84; lieutenants of,
assume regal sway, 85.
Kali Kárib, reign of, 51.
Kamarán, island of, 24; visited by Albu-
querque, 99; by Sourcz, 100; by Suleimán
Pasha, 102. *
Kássim-el-Kebeer, reign of, l l 1.
Kássim ibn Hoosain, victories of, against the
Háshid-wa-Bakeel, 113; proclaimed Imām-
el-Metawakkil, 113.
Kát, 20 m, 32.
Káttaba, town of, 31.
Kaukebán, district of, 37.
Kesra Amowshirwān.—See Anowshirwān. '
Kesra Parweez orders his viceroy in Yemen to
send him the head of Mahommed, 78.
Khádim race, description of, 15, 77 n.
Khaibán, 37.
Kháiran, town of, 31.
Khālid ibn Wálid sent against Mosailma, 81.
Kharaz Jebel, 35.
Khateeb family, massacre of, 165; restitution
to, 167.
Khaulán, east, 40; west, 39.
Khore, el, town of, 35.
Kishy, 28.
Kohl, or collyrium, first used in Yemen, 55.
Komfoda, defeat of Egyptians at, l:32; taken
by the Egyptians, 133.
Koraizha, tribe of, 52.
Lakhnia Tanoof, reign of, 61.
Láhej district, 33; town of, idem ; captured by
Ali bin Abd-el-Káder, 86; by Abd-er-Rub,
117, 159; visited by Mr. Salt, 160; by
Brig. Coghlan, 171.—See Sultan of Láhej.
Liars, the.—See Mosailma and Aswad.
Lohaia, city of, 24; plundered by the Aseeri,
128; taken by the Egyptians, 133; evacu-
ated by the Egyptians, 134.
Māadi Kárib, birth of, 68; goes to Constanti-
nople, 72; solicits aid from Anowshirwān,
73; invades Yemen, idem ; made viceroy,
74; entertains deputies from Mecca, 75;
death of, 76.
Mahommed, flight of, 78; invites the neigh-
bouring princes to embrace his religion,
idem ; divides the government of Yemen,
80; his reply to Mosailma, idem 3 succes-
sors, 82.
Mahommed Ali, takes up arms against the
Wahábies, 130; his views regarding Ye-
men, 131 ; sends a force against Konfoda,
which is defeated, 132; restores to the
Imām his last provinces, 134; sends an
embassy to Sanāa, 146.
Mahommed ibn Hassan, usurpation of, l 13.
Mahomedanism, introduction of, into Yemen, 78.
191
Mail worm by Arabs, 41.
Mait, description of, 100 m; visited by Portu-
guese, 100; by Van den Broeck, 108.
Makhädera, town of, 32.
Makulla, selected as a coal depôt, 161.
Máreb, ancient city of, 41; dam of, 41, 47 ;
restoration of dam by Balkees, 47; de-
struction of dam, 50.
Mariaba, city of, 46.
Marthád, reign of, 59.
Marthád, son of Dthoo Jadán, 65.
Masrook, viceroyalty of, 72; death of 74.
Massacre of Nejrán, 63; of Abyssinians in
Yemen, 76; by Bāshir ibn Arteb, 83.
Massáh islands, 18; ceded to British, 165.
Mayoon, 73.—See Perim.
Mecca, visit of Aboo Karib to, 52.—See Kāaba.
Mehdi-el-Montether.—See Fukee Saeed.
Melek-el-Afdthal Ismail, reign of, 92.
Melek-el-Ashraf, reign of, 92.
Melek-el-Ashraf Ismail, reign of, 93.
Melek-el-Mansoor Abd-el-Wahāb, reign of
95, 97.
Melek-el-Mansoor Abdulla, reign of, 93.
Melek-el-Mujáhid Ali, reign of, 90.
Melek Násr Ahmed, reign of, 92.
Memlook power in Egypt overthrown, 100.
Meropius, murder of, 57.
Merveille, M. de, visit of, to Yemen, l 13.
Meteoric shower at Mokha, 142.
Middleton, voyage of Sir Henry, to Red Sea,
105; treacherous attack on, 106; sent
prisoner to Samāa, 107; released, idem &
exacts an indemnity, 108.
Milne, Captain, murder of, 169.
Moâwiyah ibn Ali Sofian proclaims himself
Kálif, 83.
Mokha, city of, 19; visited by Albuquerque,
98; by Suleiman Pasha, 102; by Captain
Sharpey, 105; by Sir H. Middleton, idem;
by Captain Saris, 108; by Van den Broeck,
109; by Captain Shilling, 110 ; attack on
British factory at, 121; retribution exact-
ed, 122; governor of, refuses to recognise
the deposition of Ali Mansoor, 129; makes
his peace at court, 130; outrage on Lieute-
nant Dominicetti at, 134; course pursued
by Government of India, 135; expedition
against, 136; bombardment of, 137; de-
mands of British, 139; taken by Turkchee
Bilmás, 142; retaken by Egyptian and
Aseeri forces, 143; taken by Shcreef
Hoosain, 147.
Mooãhil, town of, 31.
Mooshéj, town of, 25.
Mosailma, usurpation of, 77, 80.
Mugătain, 35.
Murray, Lieutenant Colonel, expedition to
Perim, 122; withdrawal to Aden, 123.
Muzuffer Shems-ed-deen obtains government
of Yemen, 88; abdicates, 19; death of,
idem.
Nadheer, tribe of, 52.
Nehm, district of, 40.
Neibuhr, expedition of, 120.
Nejrán, valley of, 39; Christianity in, 60, 62;
massacre of, 63; becomes independent of
the Imāms of Sanāa, 119.
Nisãb, town of, 44.
Noor-ed-deen, Sultan, reign of, 88.
Nowbat Sheikh Mehdi, expedition against, 166.
Okelis, ruins of, 19.
Omrān, reign of, 50.
Oudain, village of, 31.
Oulād Abd-el-Madán, 77.
Oulaki tribe, 43; chief of upper branch invades
Láhej, 161, 168.
Pantenus, St., 57.
Payva, mission of, to Abyssinia, 96.
Perim, island of, 16; British occupation of, 122.
Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, 49.
Persian invasion of Yemen, 73; second inva-
sion, 76; Persian rule, intolerance of, 77.
Popham, Sir Home, mission to Red Sea, 123;
appointed ambassador to the states of
Arabia, 124; sends his secretary to nego-
tiate treaty at Samāa, 124; proceeds to
Ibb, 124; insulting treatment towards,
125; proceeds to Calcutta, 126; treaty
rejected by Imām, idem ; forms treaty with
Sultan of Aden, 126, 160.
Portuguese, religious zeal of, to discover
realms of Prestor John, 96; first appear-
ance in Red Sea, 98; second expedition
to Red Sea, 99; third ditto, 103.
Prestor John, 96.
Pringle, Mr., visits Sanāa, 123, 124.
Rabia, reign of, 53.
Red Sea, first appearance of Portuguese in,
98; of English, 105; of Dutch, 108; of
French, 113.
Regenerator of the Faith, See Fukee Saeed,
l
Riháma, wife of Saif, 68, 72.
Rodāa, village of, 31.
Rodáh, village of, 30.
Rouais, village of, 25.
Sãadeh, district of, 39.
Sabbah, reign of, 60.
Sabeans, religion of, 4, 59; commerce of, 49.
Sábis, Jebel, 32.
Sahbān, reign of, 60.
Saif, 68; goes to Constantinople, 72; death of,
in Persia, 73; by some said not to have
died in Persia, 75.
Sailán, hamlet of, 34.
Sail-el-Arim, or Sedd Máreb.-See Máreb.
Samercand, origin of name, 48; rebuilt by
Tobba-el-Akrán, 51.
Samsama, sword called, 61.
Samāa, district and city of, 27; Government of,
29; Christian church built at, 69; city
taken by Wahraz, 74; legend regarding the
discovery of a tomb at, 81; taken by
Melek Aumi, 94; besieged by Sultan of
Aden, 97; visited by Van den Broeck, 109;
by Neibuhr, 120; rebellion in district of,
122; visited by Mr. Pringle, 123; second
visit of Mr. Pringle, with Mr. Elliot and
Lieutenant Lamb, 124; visited by Dr.
Finlay, 140; by Mr. Cruttenden, 1.44; in-
habitants refuse to recognise the Imām,
and elect a governor, 155; visited by Mr.
Stern, 155.
Sanhán, district of, 39.
Sáood, Wahábie chief, 128.
Saris, Captaine voyage of, 108.
Seedee .# deposes his father Ali Mansoor,
128; purposes to attack Mokha, 130 ;
succeeds his father, idem.
Seedee Kássim treacherously sells Ta'ez to the
Egyptians, 145. *
Selim I. overthrows Memlook power in Egypt,
100; purposes to invade Yemen, 101;
death of, idem.
Serájeh, village of, 30.
Serdius or Serdeed, 71.
Seyed Abdulla Doraib, 142.
Seyed Aboo Bekr, 169.
Seyed Hoosain, 169.
Seyed Ismail attacks Aden, 167; his death, 168.
Shammir Yerásh, reign of, 48.
Sharpey, Captain, voyage of, 105.
Sheikh Othmān destroyed by British, 166, 175.
O
J
2
Shereef Hamood, 129, 132.
Shereef Hoosain occupies the Tehāma, 146;
his tyrannical rule, 147, 148; commission
sent by the Porte for his deposition, 149;
appointed Pasha and Governor of the
Tehāma, 150; retires to Aboo-Areesh, 151;
routed by Imām of Sanāa, 152; taken
prisoner, 153; takes Mokha, idem : sur-
renders Yemen to Turks, 154.
Sherjebi tribe, 32; enter into engagement of
friendship with British, 164.
Shilling, Captain, voyage of, 110.
Shoorahbeel, reign of, 47.
Shoorjeh, village of, 26.
Singing first cultivated in Yemen, 65.
Slaves, importation and sale of, prohibited in
the Hejáz, 157; riots in consequence,
idem ; treaties regarding trade in, 184, 186.
Small-pox, first probable mention of, in Arabian
history, 71.
Soarez de Albergaria, expedition of, to Red
Sea, 99.
Somálie expedition, 176.
Somâlies, description of, 14.
Somli, 170.
Sons of Commerce, wreck of, 170.
Soobaihá tribe, 33; enter into engagement of
friendship with British, 164.
Steam navigation of the Red Sea, 161.
Stern, Mr., visits Samāa, 155.
Suleimán Pasha, 99; entrusted with the fleet
of Suleiman the Magnificent, 101; cha-
racter of, idem; takes Aden, idem ; expe-
dition to Diu, 102; proceeds to Aden,
Mokha, and Zebeed, idem.
Suleimán the Magnificent, 101.
Sultans of Láhej. Foudthel bin Ali becomes
independent and takes Aden, 159; he is
killed by Yaffai chief, idem ; Abd-el-
Kereem, 159; death of, idem ; Abd-el-
Hádi, idem ; death of, 100; Foudthel,
idem ; death of, idem : Ahmed, idem ; death
of, 161 ; Mahsin, idem , cedes Aden to the
British, 162; refuses to fulfil his engage-
ment, and Aden is taken, 163; his first
attempt to retake Aden, 164; he enters
into an engagement of friendship with
the British, 164; second attack on Aden,
165; attempts a third time to retake
Aden, 166; enters into a further bond
with the British, 167; death of, 168;
193
Ahmed, idem ; his death, idem ; Ali, his
accession and character, idem ; comes to
terms with the Foudthelies, 170; takes
umbrage at the reconciliation of the Foud-
theli with the British, 172; machinations
of, idem ; hostile attitude of, 173; pumish-
ment of, 174; tenders his submission, 175;
chronological table of the Sultans of
Láhej, 179.
Ta'ez, city of, 32; sold to Egyptians, 145.
Tajourra, treaty with chief of, 165.
Tami, Sheikh of the Aseeri, defeats the Turks
at Konfoda, 132; defeated by Mahommed
Ali, idem : delivered up to Mahommed
Ali, 133.
Tanāim, Jewish city of, 40.
Tásm and Jadees, tribes of, 51 ; destruction
of, 54.
Tehāma, signification of, l ; description of, 19.
Telha, and Zobair, conspiracy of, 83.
Theophilus Indus, mission of, 59.
Thomas, St., 57.
Tibbán.—See Aboo Kárib.
Tobba-el-Akrán, reign of, 49, 51.
Tobba, the son of Hassam, 57.
Tooran Shah, obtains the government of
Yemen, 88.
Treaties, between Captain Shilling and Gover-
nor of Yemen, 110; between French and
Dowla of Mokha, 113; between Sir Home
Popham and Sultan of Láhej, 126; be-
tween British and Imām of Sanāa, 129;
between Turks and Imām of Samāa, 154;
between British and Sultan of Aden, 162;
between the British and the Akrabi, Azaiba,
Foudtheli, and Yaffai tribes, 164; between
British and Sultan of Láhej, 164, 167, 169,
180; between British and chiefs of Zaila
and Tajourra, 165; between British and
Habr Owel tribe of Somálies, 184.
Turkchee Bilmás, rebellion of, 141 ; confirmed
by the Porte in the government of the
Hejáz, 141 ; takes Hodaida, Zebeed, and
Mokha, 142; escapes to Bombay, 144.
Turks, evacuate Yemen, 110; send an embassy
to Samāa, 115; occupy Yemen, 154; pre-
vail on the Imām to surrender Samāa,
idem ; disastrous consequences, 155; at-
25
tempt to take Shehr and Raima, 156 ;
take Seneef, idem.
Valentia, Lord, visits Yemen, 128.
Van den Broeck, voyage of, 108; visits Sa-
náa, 109.
Venetian sailors pressed on board Turkish
fleet, 101.
Vertomanus.-See Barthema.
Volcanoes in Yemen, 95.
Wahābie sect, origin and progress of, 127;
subdued by Mahommed Ali, 130; down-
fall of, 133.
Wahrāz, leads an army against Yemen, 73;
takes Sanāa and returns to Persia, 74;
a second time invades Yemen, 76; ap-
pointed viceroy, 76; death of, 77.
Wália or Wäkia, reign of, 60.
Yáffa, district of, 43; chief of, combines with
Sultan of Láhej to take Aden, 159; enter
into an engagement of friendship with
British, 164.
Yascoom, birth of, 68; reign of, 71.
Yāshir-Yoonim, reign of, 48.
Yemāma, origin of name, 55.
Yemen, boundaries of, 1 ; description of, 2;
early commerce of, 3; ancient divisions of,
idem ; modern divisions of, 4; reigning
family of, 29; divided into three Govern-
ments by Aboo Bekr, 82; throws off its
allegiance to the Kálifs, 85; submits to
the Eiubite dynasty, 88; inhabitants re-
bel and are reduced, 104; state of, in the
seventeenth century, 108; evacuated by
Turks, 110; re-occupied ºby Turks, 153;
Mustafa Pasha, governor of, defeated by
the Jeraneea Arabs, 157; Mahommed
Pasha, governor of, poisoned, 157.
Yereem, town of, 31.
Yethrib, city of, 52.
Yoodád, son of Wahrāz, 73.
Zaid.—See Tobba-el-Akrän.
Zaila, taken by Memlook Sultans of Egypt, 98;
description of, 98 m. ; treaty between chief
of, and British, 165.
Zebeed, city of, 25; taken by Suleiman Pasha,
102; by Turkchee Bilmas, 142.
Zerka-el-Yemāma, 54.
Zoráa.-See Dthoo Nowds.
Map
Page vii. .
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