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THE CIVIL WAR
AND NEGRO SLAVERY IN THE UNITED STATES
OF AMERICA
A PROPOSITION FOR A RATIONAL SOLUTION OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION
AS THE MEANS FOR RESTORING PEACE ANT) HARMONY
TO THE COUNTRY.
BY
J. P. M. EPPING,
CONSUI, OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
AT GOTHENBURG, SWEDEN.
PRINTED AS CONFIDENTIAL MANUSCRIPT COPY.
(30THENBURG 1862,
PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF HAND}:LS-TIDNINGENS BOLAG,


INTRODUCTION.
The great interest which the undersigned took, while Con–
sul of the United States at Elsinore, Denmark, in the
struggle of our Government to maintain its authority and
preserve the Union of our blessed country, caused him to
study diligently the questions now agitating the people of
the United States and more particularly the slavery ques—
tion and the conclusions he arrived at were embodied by
him in a memorandum, which he, during the fall of 186),
transmitted to the Honorable W.M. H. SEWARD, Secretary
of State, at Washington. This memorandum he has now
prepared for publication with the view, that the sugges—
tions, he makes as to the solution of the slavery ques—
tion, may be laid before the people of the United States
and to give an opportunity to the press to discuss and cri–
ticise the same.
He begs however to remark, that what he says in
the memorandum of the philanthropic labors of Mir Wil–
berforce and his coadjutors, to abolish slavery and the
slave trade is in no wise meant to reflect upon the same,
neither does he wish it to be understood that he disap—
proves of their humane motives, nor does he desire to
convey the impression, that he believes the people of
England to be inimical to our country. He only desires
to call attention to the machiavelian policy and to the
mischievous machinations of certain ruling and aristocratic
circles in England.
4 INTRODUCTION.
He considers the preservation of the Union of para-
mount and vital necessity and should slavery be abolis–
hed abruptly in consequence of the suicidal action of the
ultra secessionists and the immense amount of property
the present slave owners have in the Negroes, amounting
to near 3000 Millions of Dollars, thereby be jeopardized
and the Southern States not only be impoverished but
also be subjected to having a population of nearly 4
Millions of semibarbarians set loose upon them, the sou–
thern people will have but to blame their own politicians
and demagogues — the Government at Washington having
a perfect right, according to the law of nations, to decree
the freedom of the Negro, if it finds such a step indi-
spensably requisite, as a measure of military necessity or
tactic, for putting down a rebellion of such fearfull mag-
nitude.
The undersigned however consider&s the application
of this extreme measure in so far hazardous, as it would
tend to create too strong a party forever hostile to the
Union, and give rise to a state of dangereous and lasting
enmity between the white and black population in the
southern states and also foster ever recurring intrigues for
the disruption of the country, be of no real benefit to
the poor Negro himself, but condemn him to relapse into
a complete state of barbarism, whereas on the contrary
he believes a solution of the question, emanating from the
Government of the United States, in the manner he has
proposed and based upon principles of equity, justice and
christianity, would soon throw dissentions and discord in
to the ranks of the secessionists. It would identify the
interest of the majority of the people of the Southern
States with the preservation of the Union, do much to—
wards enabling the Government to subdue the rebellion,
restore peace and eventually enable us to get rid of the
vexatious slavery question altogether.
The plan proposed in the present memorandum would
change the condition of the Negro, from a state of slavery
INTRODUCTION. 5
to one of bondage, wherein he for the obligation of the
owner to give him certain necessaries such as food, clo-
thes and habitation, would have to perform a certain fixed
amount of labor. The Negro would have the rights of a
human being and enjoy the protection of the state through
its laws and public officers, while he would at the same
time be in a position easily to gain his freedom by the
sweets of his own labor, that is to say by the profits
obtained by extra labors, and thereby would become a
valuable member of the community. All those not indu–
strious enough to gain their own freedom, might be con–
sidered as unfit to enjoy the same, and consequently to
be better off in a state of bondage and under the super-
intendance and protection of a master.
Under the present system the Negro does not near
perform that amount of labor, which he is capable of and
would perform if he labored of his own free will and
accord. The immense amount of labor thus lost is just
so much capital wasted and if turned to good account
could be made to benefit all parties concerned, and incre–
ase the amount of the productions of the Southern States
immensely.
Many people are of the opinion, that the lands in
the Southern States could be cultivated equally as well
by free white laborers as by Negroes, but in this, the
undersigned will try to show, they are mistaken.
A belt of country, from 100 to 300 miles wide,
stretching from Virginia to Texas along the shores of
the sea, is of such a nature, that only the african Negro
can successfully be employed for cultivating the same.
Particularly that part, which is within reach of the ocean
tides and where the waters are brackish. For within
reach of the miasma, arising from the decaying vegetable
matters in all this section, it is certain death to the white
man to sleep there a single night. A fever will attack
him for which Medical science has as yet found no remedy.
The section next to this, although not infested by such
6 INTRODUCTION,
to white man deadly fevers, is nevertheless a region of
country where intermittent fevers are so prevailing, that
it is almost unfit for the white man to habitate the same
and perform field labor, while the african Negro in both
parts will thrive remarkably well, if ordinary care is taken
of him. *
The rich bottom lands and marshes on the nume-
rous water courses in the Southern States, where the
principal southern staples are most successfully cultivated,
are productive of the most dangerous miasma to the white
race. Even the white people born in these regions dare
not sleep within reach of its influence during the summer
months. They must move during the unhealthy seasons
into the Pinebarrens, or, if they have the means, remove
from the infected sections althogether during this time.
Anyone who has ever seen the poor white people of these
regions will at once perceive that they have not health
and strenght enough ever to do much towards developing
the resources of these richlands of the south.
Strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless the fact
that the more these lands are drained and cultivated the
more sickly they become, for whenever the soil is expo-
sed to the sun, the exhalation of the pernicious effluvia
takes place.
Shall all the immense products which these lands
are capable of bringing forth be wasted and the country
be impoverished by taking away from the same the only
laborers which are capable of living and working there?
Prudence and good political economy would say not. But
on the other hand is it necessary that the Negro laborers
of these regions should be kept in a state of perpetual
slavery? The undersigned thinks not. In his opinion a
system of policy and training could be inaugurated, by
which the blacks could be made to become free la–
borers throughout, without pecuniary loss to the present
slave owners and cheap labor would be the consequence
less capital would be required in the production of the
INTRODUCTION. 7
great staples of the South — lands, worth little or no-
thing now, without an immence outlay for Negro slaves
to work the same, would soon rise to value equal to
lands in any other part of the civiliged world.
The undersigned is well aware of the difficulty which
would arise on account of the prejudice of cast enter-
tained by the white people both north and south towards
the Negro race and many well meaning northern politicians
desire for this reason to confine the Negro to the state
in which he is and where he is; but these doctrines will
not bring peace and harmony to the country. Even if
peace was established upon such a basis how long would
it last? The same troublesome issue would soon arise
again and produce alike disastrous results. Then why
not meet the question now, solve it in a rational manner,
provide for developing the resources of the country and
at the same time for the ultimate freedom of the Negro
and then give him the same legal status the aboriginal .
Indian has now?
Under such reflections the undersigned wrote the
herewith annexed memorandum and which he begs his
countrymen, both North and South, kindly to take into consi–
deration and he also begs the statesmen of England of
the present day to look well into the mischief that has
already been done through the mistaken policy of their
predecessors. What an amount of property has already
been destroyed and how industry and commerce through-
out the civilized world suffers; and all this is nothing
to be compared to what will come if the present strife
in the United States is doomed to go on. The under–
signed can assure them that the Union of the States
will be preserved at any and all costs. The power, stall-
worthness and unanimity of the loyal American people
will eventuelly succeed. All the navies and armies
of the great powers of Europe cannot hinder this. Let
the leading powers of Europe therefore, for their own
interest and for the interest of humanity, use their in-
8 INTRODUCTION,
fluence with the southern revolutionary leaders to offer
terms of submission, to the legitimate Government of
the United States, upon a basis which will solve the
slavery question in a rational manner and restore prospe-
rity and happiness, not only on the American continent,
but also in their dominions.
Gothenburg
January 21” 1862.
MEMORANDUMI
on the present troubles in the United States. –
Foreign intrigues the cause of it. — Propositions for
a solution of the Slavery question.
The intrigues, set on foot by English Statesmen for
the purpose of weakening the power of the Union of the
American States, date as far back as the close of the
Congress of Vienna in 1815, and some time afterwards
France adopted the same line of policy and although the
matter was not considered at all times by the French
Government as of immediate importance, the present Em–
peror seems fair now to try and out-do the English in-
triguers, although acting from motives hostile to England,
the effect upon us is quite the same.
When the business, for which the victorious powers
had assembled in Congress at Vienna in 1815, had been
brought to a close, and Napoleon had been safely caged
at St. Helena, Lord Castlereagh, the British Ambassador,
submitted to Prince Metternich the question whether it
would not now be time to bring back the former Eng—
lish Colonies in America under European rule, or at least
under an European form of monarchical Government, so
as to crush in time the rising power of a Government
based upon a democratic constitution, and which he fore—
saw would soon become too powerful and dangereous
to the controlling rule and influence enjoyed at that time
by the Governments of Europe in the world at large and
particularly to the English supremacy of the ocean. (See
von Mohls Geschichte und Literatur der Staatswissen–
schaften & Gents Memoirs.)
10 MEMORANDUM.
Prince Metternich replied about as follows – that
just then Europe was too much exhausted and needed
peace and rest, but they, the English, had the cxample
of the French convention during the revolution before
them as well as the doctrines of their own Quakers and
Puritans and by encouraging such teachings, immaterial
whether revolutionary or religious, they had the power of
throwing the seeds of discord into the States of America,
and this would sooner or later tend to devide them and
make them an easy conquest or at least harmless.
The English Statesmen of those times, laboring un-
der a mistaken notion of policy, forthwith profited by this
advice — they did not dream at that time that their
commerce with the United States and its productions,
particularly the produce of Negro labor, Cotton, would one
day become of almost vital importance to them — Mr.
Wilberforce and his coadjutors at once received counte-
nance and even subsédies from the ruling English circles.
Mr. Macauley, the father of the historian, having gone to
the English African Colony at SIERRE LEONE to study
the Negroes and Negro life and being a zealous follower
or disciple and friend of Mr. Wilberforce, received the
appointment of Governor of that Colony to encourage him
in his philanthropic efforts to abolish African Slavery and
the slave trade. Further on, the Negroes in the English
Westindia Islands were forcibly emancipated, without either
benefitting the Negroes or the state, at a cost of a 100
Millions of Dollars and the unjustifiable ruination of all
the property of the inhabitants; but as the real object was
not to benefit the Negroes, but to carry out a certain line
of policy, calculated tº break the power of a rival coun-
try, this did not trouble the English Statesmen much.
The next step was to spread these exciting philan–
tropic doctrines amongst the people of Europe. The emi-
grants of continental Europe beginning to settle largely in
the northern and western portion of the United States,
were filled with abolition doctrines through the medium of
MEMORANDUMe 11
the press, the school and church. English abolition so-
cieties, supplied with money from the English ruling cir–
cles, spread them all over Europe and America, at the
cost of hundreds of thousands £ Sterling. Thus publica–
tions were circulated, filled with horrible tales and pictu-
res of the barbarous and inhuman treatment, to which it
was alleged, the Negro slaves in the United States were
subjected.
By such means were the secds for createning discord
amongst the inhabitants of the United States of America
sown abroad. The old provel b , devide et imperan was
here again enacted.
The only class of people it never had any influence
upon were the Irish laboring classes and that only owing
to the fact, that such influences could not reach them, on
account of the defective system of education prevalent
amongst these classes in Ireland.
On the other hand the disunionists in the southern
part of the United States, were encouraged, to break their
connection with the free States; agents and newspaper writers,
subsidized by the English intriguers, helped to incense
the southern people against their northern fellow country—
men, and even at this moment the undersigned has rea—
son to believe that Mr. Russell, the ostensible correspon–
dent of the London Times, is also acting as a secret
agent of the English foreign Office, for even his public
writings seem all written under the fixed aim and idea, that
there never can be a peaceable Union of the States again
and that a separation must eventually take place, trium—
phing thus, the undersigned hopes in vain, over the
success of the machiavelian policy so long pursued by
his fellow countrymen.
The intention of the present Emperor of France, and
his reasons for favoring the separation of the American
States was successfully shewn in a pamphlet, written by
Dr. Frantz of Berlin, on ,the present events in America",
sent in by the undersigned two months ago to the IIo-
12 MEMORANDUM.
norable the Secretary of State at Washington, and need
not be commented upon here again. It is however a fact,
that both England and France, labor incessantly to main-
tain their ruling influence in the world, and would hail
with great satisfaction the devision of our great and pro-
sperous country, each however from different and selfish
motives.
The snare into which the people of the United Sta–
tes have unconciously fallen, by mean of these intrigues
and designed misrepresentation, is the mutual misunder–
standings arising out of the system of servitude in which
the African race is held in the Southern States and
which are the prime cause of all the troubles between the
people of the North and the South, and to assist in disper-
sing these misunderstandings has been the studious aim
of the undersigned for several years past, and is now
again, his motive in penning these lines.
/The people of the United States may at present be
classed in to four different divisions. – In the northern
States there are two divisions — one the Ultra Aboli-
tionists, who in consequence of religious scruples desire the
forcible abolition of Slavery at all costs and under all
circumstances, these however form but a small party, and
the great majority of the people forming another, a mo–
derate party, who although considering the slavery sy-
stem as an evil and a sin, and as injuriously effecting
the moral state of the white population of the southern
States, still are conservative enough to see, that a for–
cible abolishment of the system would not amend the
evil and would be of no benefit to the Negro, while at
the same time it would do great injustice and inflict great
hardships upon the white population of the south, whose
whole well being, nay even existence is dependant upon
the property in the Negro or rather in the pecuniary value
of his labor. To destroy this would condemn to absolute
poverty and starvation more than half of the white po-
pulation of the south, ruin commerce and industry, and
MEMORANDUM. 13
also seriously affect the commercial and industrial people
of the Northern States. It would beggar the northern ca-
pitalist, as well as the southern widows and orphans,
whose whole property is often invested in Negroes, in fact
most seriously affect all classes of people accustomed
hitherto only to a life of ease and comfort and at the
same time tend to reenact the distressing events which
have taken place in St. Domingo, Hayti and Jamaica (see
page 79 Senate report on commercial relations for 1860);
and would condemn the Negroes to relapse into the same
State of barbarism as is now existing in Africa.
In the southern States there are two divisions also
— one part of the white people look upon the Negro only
as a chattel, a domestic animal, having no other human
rights, than those reconcileable with the interest of the
owner, and which interest they consider paramount to all
human, moral and christian obligations and these are the
Ulltra disunionist from principle who possess the reigns
of power just now in the states in revolution against the
federal Government. These Ulltra disunionists managed
by misrepresentations and intrigues to incite a majority
of the people in these states into such exasperation against
the people of the free states, that they lost or set aside
all loyalty and patriotism so as to vote for their mad or
extreme revolutionary measures, by them called secession,
with the view to tear asunder the institutions fought for
and established by the fathers of our country.
How sad it is to perceive now, that the aim, of this
comparatively small party, has been so far successful in
their designs, as to plunge the nation into the miseries
of civil war and to the great delight of our common
enemies.
The other part of the people of the South, the more
reasonable and enlightened part, which the undersigned
feels confident constitutes the great majority, look upon
the slavery system as a necessary evil, an evil forced
upon them by no fault of their own, and continued only,
14 MEMORANDUM.
from sheer necessity and unavoidable circumstances, and
which they would have no objection to be relieved of, if
it could be done consistent with their welfare, and without
destroying their property, peace and comforts. These
people look upon the Negro as a human being, having
certain inalienable rights, as are every where recognized
according to the teachings of the Christian Religion and
the conscientious convictions of all civilized mankind, and
withal a strong loyal feeling, sincere patriotism and love
for our common country.
To reconcile now these conservative elements of the
people, both North and South, and which no doubt form
the great majority of the people of the United States, the
undersigned proposes to review the question of the system
of servitude in which the African Negro race is held in
the southern part of the United States, and to try and find
a solution of the same, by first correcting the mutual
misunderstandings and misrepresentations at present existing
betewen the two great sections of our country, and next
to try and bring back cordial feelings and unity, by proposing
a line of policy, the adoption of which he thinks would
reconcile conflicting interests and opinions.
The origin of the introduction of Africa Slavery in
America is well kºré, and has often received the atten–
tion of historians, but it is not so generally known that
several of the legistative assemblies of the then English
Colonies in America, such as Virginia, South Carolina
and others, protested against the introduction of the unci—
vilized African Negroes into their communities, but without
avail, the home Government considering the trafick too
profitable and advantageous to relinguish the same.
The undersigned however views the transmission of
the native African to another hemisphere and the bringing
him in contact with another and more civilized race, as
but one of the ordinations of an almighty Providence, done
in the same view as many of the other dispensations of
divine power, to improve and perfect the inhabitants of
MEMORANDUM. 15
this globe and create universal welfare and happiness.
Every item of creation in this world being arranged in
succession or rather gradation. In every species of plant
and animal this is very perceptible, and so in the human
race, but according to the rules of the same Providence,
every plant, animal, or human being, is capable of being
improved, some by physical care and others by mental
culture.
That the African Negro can be improved, both in
body and mind, however low the mental capacity of some
tribes may be, by means of receiving due tuition from the
more civiláed white race, is a well established fact, but
they require to be in constant connection with, and under
the guidance and supervision of, a superior order of beings,
and that not only during one generation, but often through
many, according to the mental prowers with which they
may be endowed; for education by book learning is of
little or no avail to them until their physical and mental
capacity be in a condition to receive and comprehend such
improvement.
It is therefore for humanists or philanthropists to take
this fact well into consideration, in order that they may
not by a mistaken zeal often do more injury to the black
man then good. They sphould not try forcibly to break
the present connection between the white man and the
Negro, as is now the case in the southern part of the
United States, in the shape of involuntary servitude, on
the contrary this state of connection should be protected
and engāraged and made use of for the gradual and
eventual emancipation, of this unfortunate race.
-229 The southern slave owner should be encouraged to
iñprove the physical and mental capacity of his Negroes,
and, were his property secure in them, he would readily
do so for his own interest sake, for the more intelligent
his servants, the more profit could be expected from their
labors, and would not by such a course, the negro be
not as much benefitted as the white master?
16 MEMORANDUM.
The principle measure to bring this about is, in the
opinion of the undersigned, the absolute necessity of acknow.—
ledging the right of property in the labor of the Negro.
This Sºhould, be secured and admitted by all our people,
North as well as South, for otherwise no owner of a Negro
will risk his time and means on such an insecure subject
or he would continue, as is now the case, to consult his
immediate interest first. The right of the master to the
property in the labor of the negro being once securely
established by law common to the whole community of
States, the next step should be to secure likewise to the
Negro bondsmen, certain necessary legal rights.
Custom has already given to the Negro many rights,
which the law has denied him, or takes no cognizance
of, for instance custom has established the daily task or
amount of daily labor a Negro has to perform on a farm
or plantation — Custom has also established to what
clothes and food the Negro is entitled to & cet & cet —
and universal custom being more stringently binding than
law as every one is well aware of, so has the Negro in
course of time become entitled to certain indisputable rights
which it is not in the power of a master to deprive him
of, although they be not properly secured to him by law.
These rights then, together with other necessary pri–
vileges, should be clearly established and secured to the
Negro by law or constitution. The laws of our whole
country should take cognizance of and secure and guarantie
these rights and priveleges to the black man.
Although the undersigned does not feel himself com—
petent to point out in what these further rights and pri-
veleges should consist, he will nevertheless try and enumerate
such as are in his opinion, amongst others, necessary for
the gradual improvement of the condition of the Negro in
the United States. Other countries such as Spain and
Brazil, having the same slavery system, have already enacted
many such laws for the protection and improvement of
the negro. What they consist in, the undersigned is at
MEMORANDUM, 17
present unable to state, not having the authorities at hand;
but he can with safely aver, that they have produced no
loss or detriment to the owner, and a great and enlightened
country like the United States, should not only follow
their example, but take the lead in this as well as it has
done in many other matters of political economy, and
public opinion, the great arbitrator of the present age,
which now is very much against our Southem States, on
account of their slavery System, would turn in their favor
again and all nations sighing for freedom would look upon
our country as their great apostle.
Why should we not take a lesson from history which
teaches how the people of Europe have been gradually
relieved of Slavery and Bondage and the manner in which
these people were gradually prepared, in the course of
generations, to be fit for freedom from involuntary servi-
tude. Please see, Rotteck & Welckers, Political Encyclo-
pedia, (Staats Lexicon) Article Slavery.
Already the Negro is viewed by the laws of Southern
States in many respects as a human being, having certain
human prerogatives, and not as an animal being or in
every way a chattel. He may not be wantonly maltreated,
slain and killed, the law will even take cognizance of and
punish the master for acts of cruelty done to his slave
— the murder of a Negro is punished with death as well
as the murder of a white man.
- The property of the master in a certain amount of
labor of the Negro having been established on a sure and
solid foundation, by the people and the Government of
our whole country, the next important step, in the under–
signed’s opinion, is to secure to the Negro by law his
own property, that is such as he gains for himself in such
times as he is not by law or custom bound to work for
his owner.
The Negro — having thus a security and something
he may call his own, and which may not at any time be
taken from him by the will of his master — will soon

18 MEMORANDUM,
begin to accumulate something for himself and his family,
he will learn to husband his own resources and with them
purchase his freedom and gradually become more and more
a member of the community, without detriment to the
owner. The value of the lands of the planter would rise
very rapidly, for the Negro would also in course of time
begin to acquire small lots for himself, either as a freehold
or on ground rent, this would again benefit the planter
by his having always plenty of cheap labor around him
and lands which are now worth nothing without having
negro slaves to cultivate the same, would soon be of im–
mense value.
It would be well also to recognize by law the family
ties of the slave. The Negro having contracted marriage
with the consent of his owner, should not be separated from
his family by sale, at least it should not be allowed that
he could be sold away from them, without his consent,
further then for a reasonable distance, nor should it be
allowed to sell childern under a certain age, or take them
away from their parents.
Every community district or county, should commis–
sion a public guardian to protect the interest of all Negroes
in such district or county, in a manner similar to that in
which the ordinary or surrogate now protects the interest
of the orphan, and for the better execution of justice and
the punishment of crime, the Negroes evidence should be
taken before courts and juries; not perhaps as conclusive
testimony, but as all other circumstantial evidence and
it should be left to the juries to judge of its value; they
to attach belief to the same or not as they may judge best.
These, together with other timely measures, would
relieve the present system of servitude in our southern
states of much of the odium attached to it at present,
reconcile public opinion throughout the whole civilized
world to the same and prepare a way for its eventual
abolishment, without detriment of the white people of these
States.
MEMORANDUM, 19
Governor Adams of South Carolina, said in his message
to the legislature in 1855, that:
n the administration of our laws in relation to our
colored population, by our courts of magistrates and
freeholders, as at present constituted, calls loudly for
reform. Their decisions are rarely in conformity with
justice or humanity.”
Nothing has ever been done since, to carry out Mr
Adams human views, should we not therefore improve the
present opportunity, amend our constitutions and our laws
and while we secure and protect the property of the master,
mitigate this system of involuntary servitude by conforming
our constitutions and laws to the demands of humanity
and justice?
Respectfully *ited by
ºn J. P. M. EPPING."
U. S. Consul.
Elsinore,
September 9" 1861.
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