A 58202 3
ARTES
1817
SCIENTIA
LIBRARY
VERITAS
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
TUEBOR
SI-QUÆERIS PENINSULAM AMONAM)
CIRCUMSPICE
2
LETTERS
816
OF
CRITO,
ON THE
CAUSES, OBJECTS, AND CONSEQUENCES,
OF THE
PRESENT WAR.
SECOND EDITION.
Quo, quo fcelefti, ruitis ?.
·Furorne cæcos, an rapit vis acrior,
An culpa? refponfum date.
Whither, Oh! whither do ye madly run?
Hor
Anfwer, from madnefs rife theſe horrors dire?
Does angry fate, or guilt your fouls infpire?
Francis.
EDINBURGH:
Printed and fold, at the office of the ScoTS CHRONICLE;
and by Meffrs. J. ELDER, J. ROBERTSON, and W. BERRY,
Bookfellers, Edinburgh; Meffrs. BRASH & REID, and
CAMERON & MURDOCH, Bookfellers, Glafgow; and by
the principal Bookſellers in Town and Country.
DA
520
.M64
1796
Dir. Erning:
how
10-12-43
48482
No perſon of reflection can peruſe the follow ing Letters
without obferving that the details which they contain are
compleat fulfilment of the memorable prediction uttered
by Mr. Fox, in the Houſe of Commons, near four years
agɔ.
Honeſt and candid men, of all parties, now willingly avow
their conviction, that, if the advice which that great Stateſman
then gave in his place, had been ſeaſonably followed by his
Majeſty's Miniſters, Great Britain would have acquired a de-
gree of proſperity, of opulence and power, and a rank and dig-
nity of character among the Nations of Europe, far fuperior
to what ſhe ever poffeffed during the moft fplendid periods of
her former hiſtory.
From the confequences of meafures adopted in oppofition
to that advice, and perfiſted in with criminal and incorrigible
obftinacy, good men with it were poffible for them to turn
away their eyes. One hundred millions of the National Trea-
fure already fquandered,—from thirty to forty millions more
to be immediately raiſed,-and the total enormous amount
loft to this country for ever--Taxes nearly doubled.--Mil-
lions of human lives barbarouſly facrificed.--Many thouſands
of families reduced, from fituations of independence and high
refpectability, to beggary and wretchedneſs.-The national
character degraded, derided, or execrated abroad;—the con-
ſtitution attacked and ſtabbed in its vitals at home.-Thefe
are ſome of the miſchiefs that have ariſen out of the mad pro-
fecution of this WAR of MINISTERS.
* ij
gw
21-43
(iv)
To you, ye authors, and abettors, of all this wanton ha-
vock and defolation of your country, and of the human race,
may an humble individual be permitted to addreſs a well-
meant admonition, in the words of SHAKESPEARE :—
——— Confeſs yourſelves to Heaven;
Repent what's paſt-AVOID WHAT IS TO COME;
And do not ſpread the compoſt on the weeds,
To make them ranker.-Forgive me this my virtue;
For, in the fatneſs of theſe purfy times,
Virtue itſelf of Vice muſt pardon beg,
Yea courb, and woo for leave to do it good.
SIR,
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
CHARLES JAMES FOX.
THE Author of the following
publication entertains the perfuafion, in
common with all thinking and impar-
tial people, that the plan of policy
which you recommended to Miniſters,
in the moſt forcible terms, at the open-
ing of the feffion of parliament towards
the cloſe of 1792, would, if then adopt-
ed, have enfured the permanence of
our national profperity, while it would
have preſerved all Europe from the ca-
lamities which it has fince endured..
He is likewiſe perfuaded, as all think-
ing and impartial people are, that until
fuch time as His Majefty, in his royal
wiſdom, and paternal affection for his
People, fhall be graciously pleaſed to
difmifs from his prefence and councils
thoſe Miniſters whofe pernicious mea-
fures have produced our preſent cala-
a iij
vi
DEDICATION..
mities, no reaſonable hope can be en-
tertained of the eſtabliſhment of a Peace
fuitable to the interefts of Great Britain,
and likely to preferve the tranquillity
of Europe.
Having thus far explained the fenti-
ments of the Author, I flatter myself
you will have the goodness to acquit
me of the guilt of prefumption in wiſh-
ing to draw your attention to the Let-
ters of Crito.
I have the honour to be,
SIR,
Your moſt obedient
And moft faithful humble fervant,
THE EDITOR.
PREFACE.
be
AS the Editor of the Scots Chronicle bas
thought proper to collect and re-publish the fol
lowing Letters, which first appeared in his Mif-
cellany, the Author cannot help feeling, at their
appearance in a ſeparate publication, a degree of
uneafinefs, of which he was not fenfible when
they lay fcattered among the other materials of a
Newspaper. He hoped that the manner of publi
cation, in the one cafe, might afford fome apo-
logy, which will be wanting, and which,
fears, will be much needed in the other. As
the Letters were written occafionally, at differ-
ent periods, he is apprehenfive that they may
contain, on the one hand, numerous repetitions;
and on the other, may be too defultory, to ex-
bibit a connected view of the feveral parti
culars which he meant to convey. His inten
tion was, in the first place, to throw together
ſome remarks upon the origin and progress of
viii
PREFACE.
thofe political changes which have lately taken
place in France; and to examine how far the
conduct of the people, in that country, together
with the fyftem of government which they have
at length established, has proceeded from their
own free choice, and how far it has been in-
fluenced and varied by the jealousy, and the
hoſtile interpofition of neighbouring nations.-
This naturally led him to confider the conduct
of the other fates of Europe, who formed, and
carried into execution, a regular plan for pre-
venting, by force, the French people from mo-
delling their own government according to their
own will.
Of all the European fates, it may feem
furprifing that Britain ſhould have felt the
greatest disturbance from the French Revolu-
tion, and have made the most violent exertions
for preventing its completion. The mildeft, and
the most limited monarchy in the world has af-
fected the greateſt apprehenfion, left the example
of a political change, in a neighbouring country,
fhould shake the foundations of her authority.
It is the purpoſe of thefe Letters_to_point out
the causes of this extraordinary phenomenon;
PREFACE.
ix
to explain the true motives by which our Mi-
niftry were induced to enter into a war with
France; to afcertain the real object of that
war, in contradiftinction to thofe plaufible pre-
tences which they affumed in order to conceal
their defigns; and thence to difcover the grounds
of their obftinacy in profecuting this unfortunate
conteft, notwithſtanding many fair opportunities
which have been prefented for obtaining an ad-
vantageous peace. These inquiries are conclud-
ed by fome reflections upon the injustice and the
impolicy of this miniſterial conduct; upon the un-
fortunate fituation into which it has reduced us;
and upon the measures which, in our prefent
circumftances, appear indifpenfibly neceſſary.
It must be confeffed, that the picture, which
is thus exhibited, of this great fcene of Euro-
pean tranſactions, is far from being a pleaſant
one; and that the part which has been per-
formed by the British nation is not fuch as
will tend to gratify national vanity. Whether
it be a true picture, is, with due deference,
Submitted to the Public. The inhabitants of
this devoted country have too long neglected to
fce with their own eyes; and have placed too
PREFACE.
EF
much confidence in men who have had an in-
tereft to deceive them. They have, according-
ly, been made the dupes of an intereſted policy;
and have fuffered themſelves to be misled by a
train of artful and delufive repreſentation. It
is now high time to examine the confequences
of their fimplicity; and to behold the precipice
upon which they fland. The obfervations con-
tained in the following Letters may, perhaps,
affift in this examination, and afford a clue to
unravel the myfterious defigns of fome of the
principal parties. Their publication, it is hop-
ed, will not feem improper in this dangerous
criſis, and when we have ſo near a prospect of
the meeting of a new parliament. To this new
affembly, not embaraffed or prejudiced by opi-
nions declared in the former, the nation muſt
look, with eager expectation, for fuch interpo-
fitions as may alleviate our diftrefs, and avert
the impending calamities.
THE AUTHOR.
LETTERS OF CRITO.
SIR,
LETTER I.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRONICLE.
May 27. 1796.
THE French Revolution, and the war in
which we have been involved on that account, are,
doubtless, the moſt fingular events which have oc-
curred in the courfe of the prefent century. The
abolition of the old government in France, and
the conftitution eſtabliſhed there in 1789, were
beheld, by men of enlarged views, with equal fur-
prife and fatisfaction. The real friends of liberty
were highly gratified by the fudden overthrow of
a defpotiſm which had, for ages, been apparently
gathering folidity and firmneſs; a deſpotiſm which,
in the progrefs of civilized manners, had acquired
the moſt plaufible appearance of which, perhaps,
that fpecies of government is fufceptible; and
they were no leſs delighted to fee, in its place, a
regular fyftem of limited monarchy reared, as by
the power of enchantment, and fitted, all at once,
for the immediate ufe and accommodation of the
people.
2
CRITO.
The poceedings, indeed, in relation to this
great revolution, were in many reſpects liable to
exception. The changes introduced were not, in
all cafes, juftified by neceffity. Though the old
privileges, immunities, and peculiar juriſdiction of
the clergy, and of the nobility, were with great
propriety abolished, the entire abolition of the
titles and rank of the latter appeared a needlefs
and infolent ſtretch of innovation. The frivolous
minuteneſs, too, of the leaders and directors of
this great tranſaction, the affectation of philofophic
accuracy with which they entered upon many ab-
ftract and uſeleſs queſtions, and the pomp of fyfte
matic regularity with which they endeavoured to
exhibit and to adorn their new political ſyſtem, were
diſguſting to many, and were confidered rather as
the juvenile efforts of raw and fpeculative politici-
ans, than as the folid productions of experienced
and profound ſtatefmen. Upon the whole, how-
ever, the new inftitution, with all the objections
which could be made to it, and notwithſtanding
all the ridicule attempted to be thrown upon the
perfons engaged in conducting it, appeared, in the
eye of reafon, to be fraught with numberlefs ad-
vantages to the French nation, and likely to pro-
duce over all Europe, perhaps over the whole
globe, a rich field of inftruction and example to
the human race.
The peculiar circumſtances which, by irritating
and provoking the French people, and by creat-
ing inextricable difficulties and embarraffment to
CRITO.
3
adminiſtration, became the immediate occafion of
breaking down the old goverment, have been
clearly pointed out, and fully ſtated, in a late pub-
lication by a Noble Author of this country. A-
mong thefe, the imprudent behaviour of fome part
of the Royal Family, the diſguſt excited by a
glaring outrage to the military ſpirit of the nation,
and the thoughtless profufion, which, promoted
by the practice of funding, had led to a national
bankruptcy, may perhaps be regarded as the moſt
confpicuous. But the ultimate cauſe of this great
phenomenon appears to be no other, than the ge-
neral diffuſion of knowledge, and the progreſs of
ſcience and philofophy.
Men are diſpoſed to ſubmit to goverment, either
from the mere influence of authority, or from the
profpect of the advantages to be derived from that
fubmiffion. The former principle is the effect of
an immediate feeling or inftinct; it acquires ad-
ditional ftrength from habit, and rifes commonly
to its higheſt pitch in the ages of ignorance and
barbarifm. The latter fuppofes information and
reflection, and may be expected to become the
prevailing principle, in proportion as the under-
ſtanding is cultivated, and as reaſon triumphs over
ancient prejudices.
Among all the great nations of Europe, the
French were the firſt who attained that ftate of
civilization which is neceffary to encourage liberal
purſuits; and as they have remained longer in that
fituation, their progrefs, in the natural courfe of
A ij
CRITO.
things, has been fo much the greater. In the
other countries upon the Continent, this point is
is undifputed. The French literature, taſte, and
faſhions, are univerfally confidered as a model for
imitation.
England, with its dependancies, appears alone
to diſpute this univerfal fuperiority. In many
branches of philoſophy, indeed, the Engliſh have
certainly been eminently diftinguiſhed; and we
might mention the names of a Newton, a Locke,
a Hume, and a Smith, with feveral others, which
will not eaſily be matched by the neighbouring
nations. But in England, literature is a good deal
confined to men of learned profeffions; whereas in
France, the refult of the diſcoveries of all feems
known to every perfon of education. A philofo-
pher, in that country, is no peculiar character;
but correfponds to what we fhould call a gentle-
man. Every part of knowledge, even that which
is derived from the abſtract ſciences, enters into
common converfation, and is handled almoſt equal-
ly by both ſexes.
In England, too, it muſt be admitted, that lite-
rature, even among perfons intended for the learned
profeffions, is narrow and frivolous: Inſtead of pur-
fuing an extenſive range of uſeful and ornamental
knowledge, what is called a learned man, is fre-
quently occupied merely in ſcanning Latin verſes,
and in acquiring a very minute acquaintance with
two dead languages. He reads even Latin and
Greek authors, not for the fake of the information
CRITO.
5
contained in them, but on account of the claffical
purity of their compofitions; and a public ſpeak-
er often interlards his diſcourſe with ſcraps of La-
tin fentences, in which the thought, if expreffed in
his mother tongue, would ſeem unworthy of no-
tice. The French are above this pedantry. Up-
on the firſt revival of letters, they were, like the
Engliſh, engroffed by objects of this nature; but
according to the advancement of taſte and ſcience,
their views have been enlarged, and their purſuits
rendered more manly. The knowledge, which
has diffuſed itſelf over all that part of the fociety
exempted from bodily labour, could hardly fail
to fhed its rays upon the fubject of government,
and in that quarter, as well as in others, to en-
lighten the great body of the people. It has en-
abled them to examine, and to deſpiſe the quackery
of politicians, to explode the fuperftition of old
inftitutions, and to render authority fubfervient to
general utility. How far they have always rea-
foned properly upon this fubject, I ſhall not at pre-
fent enquire. That they have ventured here to
fpeculate boldly, and have fallen into errors, is of
a piece with their conduct in regard to religion,
and to other branches of ſcience.
But whatever were the cauſes of the French
Revolution, the alarm and terror which it fpread
in the neighbouring countries of Europe may be
confidered as the moft natural, and the leaſt ſur-
prifing of all its confequences. The confideration
of this, however, would lead me too far at prefent.
A iij
6
CRITO.
If you think theſe hints worthy of infertion int
fome corner of your well conducted Paper, you
may poffibly be troubled with more of the fame
fort. I am, &c.
CRITO.
رانه
2.
SIR,
LETTER II.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRONICLE.
i
June 3. 1796.
THE French Revolution, which took place
in 1789, was not hoftile to kingly government:
It went no farther than to eſtabliſh a limited mo-
narchy. The abuſes in the ancient political fyftem
were ſo numerous, and had attained fuch magni-
tude, as to exclude every idea of a partial reform,
and to require a complete and radical change. The
king had acquired an abfolute power over the lives
and fortunes of all his fubjects. He might throw
them into priſon without affigning any cauſe, and
fubject them, at pleaſure, to perpetual confinement.
If the ordinary courts of juſtice were not fufficient-
ly obfequious, he might name other judges for try-
ing any offence in the laft refort. He had an un-
limited power of making laws and of impofing
taxes. The nobility, though dependent upon the
crown, had intereft to procure an exemption from
the greater part of taxes; and they exerciſed very
arbitrary powers over their tenants and vaffals.
The higher clergy were a fort of nobles, poffeffing
enormous wealth, with fimilar powers and exemp-
CRITÓ.
tions; while thoſe of inferior rank were depreffed
with poverty, and fubjected to the whole burden
of the clerical functions.
When a reformation of political abuſes is to be
obtained with concurence of the exifting govern-
ment, it is a maxim of common prudence, that it
fhould proceed flowly and gradually, fo as not to
endanger the public tranquillity, by counteracting
old habits, and lofing all fight of the former uf-
ages. But when a great change is to be extorted
in oppofition to the conſtituted authorities, it muſt
be effected all at once: the machine of adminiftra-
tion muſt be brought into the hands of the reform-
ers; and precautions must be taken for preventing
the partizans of the old fyftem from producing a
counter-revolution. This was the fituation in
France. If the people, therefore, had been con-
tented with lopping off a ſmall branch from the
power of the crown, the effect of their labours
would have remained no longer than till the popu-
lar enthuſiaſm had fubfided; and their attempt
would have ſerved no other purpoſe than to rivet
their chains, and to draw upon them the vengeance
of an irritated and jealous defpot. When a high-
wayman demands your money, it is not enough, if
we mean to make reſiſtance, that we ſhould ſeize
his pistol, and let him go; for ten to one he has
another in his pocket. We muſt lay hold of him,
and fecure his perfon; otherwife we had better
not have provoked his refentment.
CRITO.
The leaders of the French people may, on this
account, be vindicated for endeavouring to new-
model their government; though they ſeem to
have aimed at a certain ideal perfection beyond
what, perhaps, is confiftent with the conduct of
human affairs. Their great object was to commit
the fupreme power to a national affembly, compof-
ed of reprefentatives, not nominal and fictitious as
is in fome other countries, but really choſen by the
nation at large. For this purpoſe, all the male
inhabitants of different diftricts, with very few
exceptions, were empowered to chooſe electors for
larger departments; and thefe laft nominated the
members of the national affembly.
A confiderable ſhare of the executive power
was, at the fame time, devolved upon the king,
who had, befides, a negative upon the determina-
tions of the legiſlature; a negative, which was not
merely a ſhadow, but was intended to be common-
ly exerciſed. The king was likewiſe inveſted with
no inconfiderable patronage; and the civil lift,
entirly at his difpofal, amounted, in our money,
nearly to a million and a half. The influence and
power of the crown were thus, in fome refpects,
greater than in this iſland.
It is a difficult to form a decided opinion con-
cerning the merits of any ſyſtem of government,
before it has been actually proved by experiment;
but this, as far as mere fpeculation can enable us
to determine, has the appearance of a liberal
fyftem, greatly fuperior to moſt of thoſe which
CRITO.
9
have ever been eſtabliſhed in a great nation. As
to the double election of the national reprefenta-
tives, it ſeems peculiarly calculated for fecuring an
equal repreſentation; and in that view it is highly
approved of by two eminent writers, Harrington
and Hume, the latter of whom was far from being
a favourer of popular licence.
+
In proportion as the French Revolution was
grateful to thoſe who rejoiced in the extenfion of
political liberty, it gave rife to very unpleaſant
fenfations in the abfolute fovereigns of Europe.
Their authority was obviouſly founded upon opi-
nion; and that opinion refted upon old cuſtom
and prejudice. If the people ſhould once be led
to think upon the fubject of government, they
muſt immediately ſee the abfurdity of facrificing
their lives, and every thing they hold valuable, to
the private intereft, to the avarice and ambition, to
the whim and caprice of a fingle individual. They
muft immediately fee that government is intended,
by the wife and good Author of nature, for the
benefit of the whole community; and that every
power, inconſiſtent with this great principle, affum-
ed by any perfon, under whatever title, of prince,
king, or emperor, is manifeftly unjust and tyranni-
cal. There was every reaſon to apprehend, that the
difpofition, which had now grown to fuch a height
in France, of prying into theſe matters of ftate, of
inveſtigating principles which had long lain dor--
mant in the venerable lap of antiquity, would tear
20
CRITO.
off the covering from numberleſs ufurpations, and
produce a reformation of many enormous abuſes.
How this revolution was, from the beginning,
viewed in England, it feems a matter of curiofity
to examine. I am, &c.
CRITO.
SIR,
LETTER III.
TO THE EDITor of the SCOTS CHRONICLE.
June 7. 1796.
WHILE the French Revolution had become
the object of fuch alarm and terror in the neigh-
bouring defpotical governments, it was regarded, by
many people in Britain, in a light leſs favourable
than might have been expected. Instead of re-
joicing in the converfion of their ancient political
adverſaries to the principles of liberty, a confider-
able part of the English nation appears to have
viewed the tranfactions in France with an eye of
jealoufy and diſguſt. With all the folid good qua-
lities by which John Bull is diſtinguiſhed, it muſt
be confeffed, that he is not a little overrun with
prejudices. In the fimplicity of his heart, he is
apt to feel, and even to exprefs a blind prepoffef
fion in favour of thofe ufages which have long
been familiar to him, and an overweening conceit
of himſelf on account of thoſe advantages which
he has been fuppofed to enjoy. As the French
were accuſtomed to prefcribe to their neighbours
with respect to the faſhions of drefs, and the modes
CRITO.
ΣΕ
of ordinary behaviour; fo the English have long
claimed a fuperiority in politics, and have confi-
dered their conſtitution as a model of perfection.
It could not fail, therefore, to fhock the feelings
of many worthy politicians in England, to obferve
that the French had the audacity to think for
themſelves on that fubject; and that the Conftitu-
tion arising from their united labours, differed, in
many important particulars, from that which has
been ſo long eſtabliſhed and admired in this coun-
try.
This objection to the proceedings in France had
probably lurked in the bofoms of more people
than were willing to acknowledge it; but it foon
came to be followed by another, which was thought
of greater importance, and which produced a
much greater effect upon perfons at the helm.
The progrefs of knowledge, which, from the cir-
cumſtances of fociety in England as well as in
France, had pervaded a great proportion of the
inhabitants, could not be prevented from exciting
the fame fpirit of inquiry, and from producing
a fimilar enlargement of ideas. Though the En-
gliſh may be under ftrong prepoffeffions in fome
points, their underſtandings have been much exer-
ciſed on the ſubject of politics. They have been
long accuſtomed to canvaſs the meaſures of admi-
niftration, to mark the line of conduct purſued by
oppofition, and to examine the various topics
which make the ground of contention and alter-
cation between thoſe two parties. Having a good
12
CRITO.
}
government, they are not difpofed to find fault
with it; but on the contrary, are impreſſed with
a powerful bias towards all their own inſtitutions
and cuftoms. Whatever may be thought of this
in philofophy, it certainly is a happy circumftance
in conduct; as it tends to difcourage ufelefs inno-
vation and to avert thofe evils with which all vio-
lent changes in government are apt to be attend-
ed. But, notwithſtanding this laudable diſpoſition
in the people, they could not fail to obſerve the
urgent neceffity of correcting fome very flagrant
abuſes, which, in the courfe of time, have crept
into our political ſyſtem, and which have, at length,
produced a remarkable deviation from its original
principles.
Of theſe, the Conſtitution of the Houſe of Com-
mons affords a glaring inftance. The advantages
of our mixed form of government, for preventing
the exceffes, either of pure monarchy, of arifto-
cracy, or of democracy, have been univerfally ad-
mitted; but in order to preſerve the democratical
part, it is indiſpenſably neceffary that the Houſe
of Commons fhould .comprehend the reprefenta-
tives of, at leaſt, a confiderable proportion of the
whole nation. That this was the aim of our fore-
fathers, in the formation of that Houfe, none but
ARTHUR YOUNG, the late political traveller, has
ever, fo far as I can obſerve, been hardy enough
to difpute. But fo widely has the practice devi-
ated from the original principles of the Conſtitu-
tion, that more than a majority of the Commons,
CRITO.
13
according to a late publication, are now in reality
nominated, or returned by the intereft of fingle
individuals; and of theſe real conflituents, it is
likewiſe to be obſerved, that a great proportion
are peers, who, having a feat in the Upper Houfe,
ought to have no ſhare in forming this other branch
of the Legiſlature.
The neceffity of a reform in this particular, to
check the rapid advances of prerogative, and to
retain the Conſtitution upon its ancient bafis, has
long been acknowledged; and a motion for this
purpoſe, by men of great eminence and abilities,
has repeatedly, though hitherto unſucceſsfully,
been' brought into parliament. The important
tranfactions in France naturally recalled the at-
tention of British fubjects to the ſtate of their go-
vernment at home; and as the prevalence of great-
er abuſes in that neighbouring kingdom had produ-
ced a violent change of ſyſtem, it was thought by
many, that in Britian we might thence derive an
uſeful leffon; to correct, without lofs of time, the
abuſes of our own Conſtitution; to remove, by
the ordinary and regular interpofition of the Le-
gillature, fuch defects as had given any juft ground
of complaint; and thus, by ſmall and partial al-
terations, to guard ourſelves from the danger of a
total revolution. The greater the apprehenfions
entertained from the example fet before us, thefe
precautions become the more indifpenfible. If our
neighbour is likely to fuffer by a violent quack-
medicine, we fhould be the more anxious, in our
B
14
ORITO.
own cafe, to call an experienced and approved
phyfician; and, if we are afraid of contagion from
abroad, we ſhould double our diligence in the
timely application of a remedy, which may pre-
vent a flight diftemper from being converted into
a defperate diſeaſe.
The oppofition, however, that has been made,
from intereſted motives, to a parliamentary reform,
and confequently to the French Revolution, I fhall
afterwards take the liberty of confidering.
I am, &c.
CRITO.
SIR,
LETTER IV.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRONICLE.
June 10. 1796.
In my laſt letter, I hinted that, how rea-
fonable or peceffary foever a reform of the par-
liamentary repreſentation may appear, it is likely,
from, views of private intereft or ambition, to be,
on every occafion, warmly and uniformly oppofed
by many powerful individuals, and bodies of men.
This obſervation is chiefly applicable to perſons of
three different defcriptions.
$
Men of great fortunes, the nobility and gentry,
who have acquired the nomination of members of
parliament, and who by that means are enabled to
gratify their ambition, and to promote their own
emolument, or that of their refpective families,
CRITO.
15
have a great intereft, in retaining the prefent cor-
rupted fyſtem, and may be ſuppoſed ready to em-
ploy every pretext whatever for warding off the
intended reformation.
. I fhall not take upon me to cenfure, with im-
moderate ſeverity, the behaviour of fuch perfons.
They have a great pecuniary intereft at ftake. The
fums which have been given for, what is called,
the property of a borough, are immenfe. The
perſon who commands four or five of theſe bo-
roughs is, befides, exalted to fuperior confideration
and rank. He is poffeffed of a confiderable fhare
in the Legiſlature of a great nation; and may be
faid, in fome fort, to belong to a company of fove-
reign princes. When he ſtruggles, therefore, to re-
tain thoſe advantages, at the expence of our na-
tional freedom, he only declines a facrifice which
few people would be willing to make. He can-
not indeed fay, with the Apothecary in Shake-
fpeare," My poverty, and not my will, con-
fents." But wealth, as well as poverty, has her ne-
ceffities; at leaſt her violent paffions, which pro-
duce no lefs powerful temptations. The misfortuue
is, that fuch perfons are, from their fituation, ob-
liged to have the words, public fpirit, very fre-
quently in their mouths. In a cafe of this nature,
to mention the fact will be fufficient; I leave it
to the clergy, thofe eſpecially in the fouthern part
of the island, who, from their profeffion, no doubt,
are abundantly diſpoſed to point out the immor-
ality of ſuch conduct.
上
​Bij
-16·
CRITO.
The rotten boroughs, themſelves, form anot
ther clafs, highly intereſted to maintain the prefent
fyftem of corruption. Thefe, in their public ca-
pacity, will always be strongly actuated by a cor-
poration ſpirit, and confidered as made up of indi-
viduals, educated in the detail of gainful profef-
fions, which lead them to reckon any thing ac-
cording to the price that it will bring, are difpof
ed, of courfe, to weigh their privileges in the com
mon ſcale of mercantile profit. As an appendage
to theſe boroughs, may be confidered a multitude
of needy adventurers, who, having been unfuccefs-
ful in trade, and hoping to procure places or pen-
fions from government, derive an immediate bene-
fit from that fyftem of things, which enables them
to fell their paltry fervices to the beſt advantage.
To this clafs, alfo, may be joined the numerous
tribe of borough-mongers, thofe pimps and pand-
ers of political proſtitution, who carry on a re-
gular and lucrative trade by the infamous manage-
ment of elections. All fuch people may be ex-
pected to unite as one man, in the practice of every
artifice within the ſphere of their education and
abilities, for preventing a change that would re-
duce them to a ſtate of beggary or infignificance.
The miniftry form a third claſs, more powerful
than the two former, and no leſs intereſted in pre-
ferving thoſe abuſes, which put it in their power
ſo eaſily to overrule elections, and ſo effectually to
defeat all the efforts of oppofition. To give a
hiſtory of the conduct and ſentiments of our Prime
CRITO.
£7
Miniſter, from his firſt appearance on the political
theatre, would be to probe an empoisoned fore,
which, I am perfuaded, no ordinary medicine can
cure. The popular arts by which he firſt brought
himſelf into notice; his invectives againſt the au-
thors of the American war, and the zeal which
he expreffed in promoting a reform of the repre-
ſentation in parliament; his arrogant, but very in-
telligible declaration, that he could not pretend to
the first ministerial fituation, and would not accept
of a fecondary one; his procuring that unconftitu-
tional interference of the Crown in the delibera-
tions of a great affembly, by which he forced him-
felf into office; and the long train of difſimulation
and deception, which he practiſed and adviſed, for
the purpoſe of concealing the meaſure of a diffo-
lution of parliament that, in order to obtain a ma-
jority in the Houfe of Commons, he had all along
determined to execute; theſe are events, which,
taken in connection with each other, will not foon
be forgotten; and, when compared with his po-
fterior conduct, they must make an impreffion on
the public mind which will not foon be effaced.
That fuch a minifter, and his adherents, of fimilar
principles, will not willingly relinquish any part of
the undue influence acquired by the crown, there
is every reaſon to believe.
How extenſive, at the fame time, this influence
has become, and how univerfally it pervades all
ranks and orders in the community, the army, the
church, the retainers of the law, and of the reve-
18
CRITO
*
:
nue, thoſe who fpeculate in monied and mercantile
tranfactions; the nobility, the great corporations
throughout the kingdom, not to mention placemen
and penfioners, and the various claffes of executive
officers; whoever examines the ſtate of the fact,
and confiders the vaſt and increaſing magnitude of
the patronage, in the hands of adminiftration, will
be at no lofs to diſcover.
It is not furprifing, therefore, that when, in May
1792, a motion for obtaining a reform of the national
repreſentation was made in the Houſe of Commons,
by a gentleman no lefs diftinguished by his elo-
quence and fpirit, than by opulent family connec-
tions, which afford a pledge of his averfion to an
archy and popular diſturbance, it excited uncom-
mon marks of apprehenfion and terror. The mea-
fure, though it had formerly been propoſed by the
minifter himſelf, was now repreſented as taking
its orgin from the French Revolution; and as cal-
culated to introduce in this country fimilar innov-
ations to thoſe which had taken place in France.
To promote the fame idea, a royal proclamation
was iffued foon after, tending to fpread an alarm
over the country, and to infinuate fufpicions, that
our happy conſtitution was in danger from the pro-
pagation of, what are called, French opinions.
I am, &c.
CRITO.
GRITO.
19
SIR,
LETTER V.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRONICLE..
"Bella per Ematheos plufquam civilia campos."
June 17. 1796./
THOUGH the outlines of the French Revo
lution were completed in 1789, the more minute
parts of the work occupied a much longer time,
and were not underſtood to be finally adjufted un-
til the year 1791, when the Convention, invefted
with revolutionary powers, gave place to an ordi-
nary legiſlative affembly. During the period while
this great undertaking was in its progrefs, the
neighbouring potentates appear to have indulged
the malignant hope, that infuperable difficulties,
or ſome finiſter accidents, would prevent its com-
pletion; but when, to their extreme diſappointment
and mortification, they faw the whole fabric fuc-
ceſsfully and completely reared, there occurred
no other reſource than to join, by main force, in
pulling it down.
7
For this purpoſe, therefore, was concluded the
famous treaty of Pilnitz; a treaty by which the
greater defpots of Europe, forgetting their former
feuds, and overlooking that oppoſition of intereſt
which had hitherto been continually exciting them
to overreach and undermine one another, united
in the common cauſe of defpotifm, and became
bound, by themſelves, and with the affiftance of
all whom they could perfuade to embark in the
CRITO.
fame enterprize, to overturn the new government
in France, and to root out thoſe obnoxious princi-.
ples and opinions which had given riſe to it.
From a publication which is believed to be au-
thentic, it appears that the object of this treaty,
was not only the invaſion of France, and the refto-
ration of its ancient government, but the partition.
of that country, and of Poland, among the princi-
pal contracting powers. The accompliſhment of
that object, in part, with refpect to the Poles; the
barbarous treatment which that people have ex-
perienced in the deſtruction, not only of their free
conftitution, but of their exiftence as an indepen-
dent nation, leave no room to doubt what would
have been the fate of the French, had their un-
principled and ambitious invaders been able to
carry their deſigns into execution.
It ſeems impoffible for any perfon, amimated by
the leaſt ſpark of juftice or humanity, to reflect,
for a moment, without indignation and horror, up-
on a combination of this atrocious nature; a com-
bination againſt the liberties of mankind, by which
a fet of abfolute princes, not contented with en-
flaving their own ſubjects, refolved to maintain by
force a fyftem of flavery in other countries.; arro-
gated the power of dictating a form of govern-
ment to a foreign independent ftate; and while
they required that the people should renounce
that conftitution which they had voluntarily
adopted, laid hold of the opportunity for enrich-
ing and aggrandizing themſelves by the wreck of
CRITO.
21
thoſe dominions which they propofed to difmem-
ber. Such were the avowed ſentiments of thoſe
combined powers; the bafis of their affociation
for the conqueft of France, in which the other
ſtates of Europe were invited to concur, and to
contribute their affiftance. It was expected, it
feems, that the other European nations would join
in this confederacy; but how far this expectation
aroſe from any particular affurances to this pur-
pofe actually given, or from the general belief
that they would feel a common intereft in fup-
preffing the late political innovations in France,
the public has not yet been fufficiently informed.
In purſuance of this treaty, the Duke of Brunf-
wick, in fummer 1792, invaded France with an
army of about 90,000 men; having circulated, at
the fame time, a manifeſto, in which he threaten-
ed military execution to fuch of the inhabitants as
dared to defend themſelves, and promiſed ſafety
and protection to all who ſhould open their gates
to his troops; adding, withal, a declaration, that
he had no intention to meddle with the internal
government of France.
This was accompanied by another elaborate ma-
nifeſto, in which the Emperor and the King of
Pruffia undertake the arduous taſk of vindicating
thefe violent meafures, by declaiming againſt the
French Revolution, and by maintaining, with
great gravity, that the French King was poffeffed
of a fupreme, never-ceafing, and indivifible au-
CRITO.
thority, of which he neither could be deprived,
nor could voluntarily diveft himſelf.
With refpect to the proceedings of the French,
which are here the ſubject of fuch keen invec-
tives, it is to be obferved, that the eſtabliſhment
of their new conſtitution was attended with lefs
tumult, diſorder, or licentioufnefs, than from the
nature of things could have been expected. And
among the other circumſtances arifing from that
great political change, the little bloodſhed, which
it had hitherto occafioned, is moft efpecially wor-
thy of notice. Though the French populace
had, in fome few cafes, diſcovered remarkable fe-
rocity in taking vengeance upon fome obnoxious
individuals; yet, upon the whole, the number of
lives deſtroyed, in a nation comprehending five-
and-twenty millions, and in fo great a revolution
as that of changing an inveterate defpotifm into
a very limited monarchy, had been incredible
fmall.
*It alſo merits attention, that hitherto the reſo
lution of eſtabliſhing a pure democracy had nevet
been taken. There had, indeed, been great dif
ferences of opinion upon that fubject, in what was
called the Conſtituent Aſſembly; but the majority
had determined in favour of a limited monarchy;
and the partizans of a republic had formerly expreff-
ed their acquiefcence in that determination. The
circumftances of France, however, with refpect to
the other powers of Europe, had unavoidably
weakened and difcouraged the friends of monar-
CRITO.
23
shy; and had no less confirmed and ftrengthened
the adherents of republican government. Dur-
ing the impending quarrel with thofe powers, and
after the war was publicly declared, or diftinctly
foreſeen, fufpicions that the king was difpofed to
fupport the enemies of France, and was engaged
in a fecret correſpondence with them, were almoſt
unavoidable. In that critical fituation, the conti-
nuance of monarchical government became, per-
haps, impracticable.
I do not enter into the question, how far the
fovereign had really formed a confpiracy with
thoſe foreign powers, and with that part of his
own family engaged in the fame caufe, for the
purpoſe of restoring the government handed down.
by his anceſtors, which had been fo recently and
fo violently overturned. Suppofing him to have been
involved in that confpiracy, his fituation, if it could
not entirely juſtify, will be admitted to palliate at
leaft, and, in fome meaſure, to excufe his beha-
viour. The hardships and infults to which he
had been expofed, the total want of the confi-
dence of his own fubjects which he experienced,
and the abſolute confinement to which he was fub-
jected; not to mention the loud voice of his an-
cient nobility, deprived of their eftates, and ba-
nifhed from their native country; the intrigues of
an artful and ambitious queen, whofe fpirit was
not broken by her misfortunes; together with the
flattering promiſes of fo many powerful fovereigns
who had warmly efpoufed his intereft, and had re-
X
24
CRITO.
£
folved to hazard every thing for the recovery of
his prerogative; thefe afforded, perhaps, tempta-
tions too powerful, and feducing, to be refifted by
a perfon of his feeble and flexible character. But
whatever was the real ftate of the fact, the fufpi-
cions entertained againſt him were too univerfal,
and had too much the air of probability to render
it prudent for the French Nation to commit their
rights and liberties to the cuſtody of ſo equivocal
a guardian.
The effects produced upon the minds of the
French people by the Duke of Brunfwick's inva-
fion, and by fuch a powerful combination against
them will be the fubject of another letter.
I am, &c.
CRITO.
SIR,
LETTER VI.
-TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRONICLE.
June 24. 1796.
X
It is impoffible to conceive a fituation.
more deplorable and defperate than that into
which the French, from the circumſtances men-
tioned in my former letter, were now reduced.
Invaded by a force which they could have no
hope of being able to refift, and profecuted with
a degree of animofity and rancour which would
be ſatisfied with nothing lefs than utter extermi-
nation, they appeared to have no other alterna-
CRITO.
25
tive, than either to fubmit implicitly to their ene-
mies, or to fell their lives and liberties at the
higheſt price, and to die in the last ditch. With-
out heſitation they choſe the latter; and, by the
impulſe of that determination, they were exalted
to a pitch of heroic enthuſiaſm, which rendered
them fuperior to all the nations of the earth.'
The firſt meaſure that feemed indifpenfible in
this dreadful conjuncture, was to eſtabliſh a pure
democracy. Their king, according to their una
nimous opinion, was not to be truſted. His flight
to Varennes, from which he was brought back by
force, and his diſputes with the National Affem-
bly, concerning the appointment of his minifters,
and concerning the interpofition of his negative.
to the public decrees, had prepared the way to
an immediate rupture. The manifefto of the
Duke of Brunſwick appeared in Paris about the
7th of Auguſt 1792. Alarm and terror feized
the inhabitants; and, on the 10th of that month,
produced a violent attack upon the king's palace,
with the deſtruction of the Swifs guards. This
was followed by the bloody tragedy exhibited on
the 2d of September, which appears to have been
the effect of fudden rage and refentment excited
by the progreſs of the danger.
A
The friends of republican government, who
now gained the afcendant, were divided into two
factions. The Parifian populace, who, feeling the
influence which, from their numbers, and their vi-
cinity to the feat of government, they were likely
C
26.
CRITO.
to maintain over the legiſlature, wifhed as much
as poffible to equalize the different ranks, to ex-
pel or extinguiſh the fuperior claſs of inhabitants,
and to annihilate every monument or veſtige of
the ancient diſtinctions. The people in the pro-
vinces, who poffeffed no fuch influence, adopted a
milder ſyſtem of policy; and being jealous of the
authority likely to be attained by the capital, were
fufpected of intending to divide the monarchy in-
to independent diſtricts, and to connect them by a
federal union. The leaders of the latter party
were men of great liberality and benevolence, and
fome of them not without eloquence and talents;
but they ſeem to have been deſtitute of that capa-
city, vigour, and boldneſs, which their perilous fi-
tuation demanded. The oppofite party were di-
rected by perſons of a different deſcription; men
of a lower education, but of greater intrepidity,
and who ſeemed to ſcruple at nothing, in order to
attain their purpoſes. At the head of theſe was
the noted Robespierre, a man poffeffed of no bril-
liant accompliſhments, but of deep penetration,
and boundless ambition; awed by no principle;
reftrained by no feelings of humanity. This man
courted the populace with unwearied attention;
and he feems to have obtained their implicit con-
fidence. He adopted all their peculiar intereſts
and opinions. He feems to have been a real en-
thufiaft; and, however ftrongly actuated by the
love of power, was never fufpected of pecuniary
corruption. Though his character as a man has
CRITO.
"27
been held in deferved execration, it may, perhaps,
be affirmed with truth, that he was the only per-
fon in the nation capable, in that critical period,◄
of defending his country from its numerous ene-
mies. To gratify the Parifian mob, as well as to
eſtabliſh his own authority, he ſhed without mercy
the blood of every perſon who oppofed his de-
figns. But fuch was the unhappy fituation of
France, that an abfolute fubmiffion to the executive
government was become indifpenfibly neceffary.
Had any oppofite party to that which was upper-
moſt been ſuffered to raiſe its head, it would im-
mediately have been joined and fupported by the
foreign powers; and this would have produced.
fuch internal commotion, as would have prevented
the extraordinary exertions which the preſervation
of the conſtitution required..
It is not my intention to vindicate theſe violent
meafures, but to point out the perſons at whoſe
door the principal guilt. muft lie; and, however
we may blame the numerous violations of juſtice
and humanity, exhibited in thoſe ſcenes of blood
and horror, we 'muft always remember that they
proceeded, in a great meaſure, from the hoſtile
powers who threatened France with inevitable de-
ftruction. By them a great part of thofe cruelties
had been rendered unavoidable. The enemies of
the first revolution, in that devoted country, were
in reality the authors of the second. Had the
French been left to fettle their own government
according to their own ideas of expediency, the
Cij
28
CRITO.
mild and inoffenfive character of their fovereign
would, probably, never have rendered him the ob-
ject of their diſtruſt and reſentment; and the form
of government, fuggeſted and eſtabliſhed by their
own free choice, would have remained with little
alteration or diſturbance. Had they not been ter-
rified, and reduced to deſpair, by an invafion,
which no ordinary force could refift, conducted
by an unrelenting and fanguinary enemy, who did
not feem to look upon them as fellow creatures,
but as beaſts of prey, to be hunted down, and ex-
terminated from the face of the globe, there is no
ground to believe that thoſe tragical and ſhocking
events, ſo inconfiftent with the character of a po-
liſhed nation, would ever have appeared. Thefe
are truths which ought to be ſeriouſly confidered
by thoſe perſons who declaim with ſo much noiſe
upon the barbarity of the late tranfactions in France,
and who exult with fuch indecent triumph, in the
reflection that the revolution in that country, in-
ftead of being an object of imitation, is now be-
held, by the rest of Europe, with diſguſt and
averfion.
The unfortunate iffue of the Duke of Brunf-
wick's invafion muſt have tended to convince the
furrounding nations of two important facts: The
firſt, that the attachment of the French nation to
liberty, and their hatred to the old government,
were infuperable: The fecond, that the enthufiafm
with which that people were animated, was fuffi-
cient to counterbalance the advantages of military
CRITO.
29
fkill and difcipline, and had, in fact, rendered
their new levied militia fuperior to the most regu-
lar armies which Europe could produce.
The world has been long dazzled by the eclat
of military glory, and led, it ſhould ſeem, to ef-
timate military talents above their juft value. Mr.
Hume was thought to indulge in his ufual love of
paradox, when he wrote an effay to prove, that a
higher exertion of genius is requifite to form a
great poet than to form a great general, and that
Homer and Milton were greater men than Alex-
ander or Cæfar. This effay has been fuppreffed
in the latter editions of his works; but were that
acute author now alive, he would own that his
affertion falls greatly ſhort of the truth. The late
military events in Europe have reduced the Tu-
rennes, the Marlboroughs, and the Ferdinands,
to mere ordinary men.. Experience has ſhown, in
how ſhort a time an army may be equipt, both in
point of officers and men, and taught to conquer
the best appointed and difciplined troops in the
world. But furely we cannot entertain very lofty
ideas of a profeffion, in which eminence may be
fo eafily and fo quickly attained. It feems to re-
quire intrepidity and cool judgment, but no ex-
traordinary abilities.
The deciſive battle of Jemappe, which follow-
ed the Duke of Brunſwick's retreat, afforded con-
viction to every man of common ſenſe, not miſled
by prejudice, that all attempts to conquer France,
C iiij
૩૦
CRITO.
with a view of restoring the old monarchy, muft
be idle and chimerical. I am, &c.
CRITO.
SIR,
LETTER VII.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRONICLE.
July 1. 1796.
THE friends of liberty in Britain could not
behold the violent meaſures of the Europe an def-
pots without extreme concern and uneafineſs. It af-
forded ground for the moft melancholy reflections,
to confider, that defpotifm, in fe many kingdoms,
was not only maintained by each interior govern-
ment, but was further to be protected by a ſort of
imperial authority affumed over all, impofing a
negative upon the eſtabliſhment of liberty in each
particular ftate. Henry the IV. of France is
faid to have formed the plan of preventing wars,
by an appeal to the determination of a fupreme
council, upheld by an union of different nations.
The prefent combination fuppofed a great council,
not of nations, but of fovereigns; not in behalf of
the rights of mankind, but in fupport of tyranny
and oppreffion.
It would be fuperfluous to obférve, that, by
perfons of an oppofite defcription, by the arifto- .
cracy, by the retainers of prerogative, and by a
great part of the corporate bodies in the kingdom,
theſe tranſactions upon the continent were viewed
in a very different light. The reformation of
CRITO.
3
abufes at home, the introduction of a more ade-
quate repreſentation in the Houſe of Commons,
began to ftare them in the face, as the neceffary
effect of the fuccefsful exertions in France.
The Britiſh miniftry have folemnly difclaimed:
any acceffion to the treaty of Pilnitz; and it is
impoffible to diſbelieve their aſſertion in a matter
which, however the particulars may have hitherto
been concealed, muſt at length be completely di-
vulged. The truth feems to be, they entertained
no doubt that the invaſion of France, by the Duke
of Brunſwick, would gain the end propofed with--
out their affiftance. But no fooner had that en-
terprize been found entirely abortive, than they
were thrown into the utmoſt confternation, and
reſolved to take a principal ſhare in the confede-
racy. The ſpeech-making talents of the prime
miniſter, it ſeems, could ſuggeſt no better expedi-
ent for diffipating thoſe clouds with which he be
gan to be encompaffed.
:
In this refolution he was confirmed by a great
addition of ſtrength, which he received from a
powerful defection among the leaders in oppofition.
It had for fome time been rumoured, that certain
diſtinguiſhed members of the whig-party had been
planet-ftruck by the progreſs of French opinions;
and they now were induced, in ſpite of the detefta→
tion of the principles of miniftry which they had
always avowed, to join the miniſterial phalanx,
and to accept of places under government.
32
CRITO.
Though the public is not very apt to judge fa-
vourably of men who come into office by leaving
their party, and is diſpoſed to pay little attention'
to the pretences which happen, in fuch cafes, to
be affumed, it must be confeffed, that theſe perfons-
have, on this occafion, been treated with unuſual
candour. They have been fuppofed to act from
general aristocratic prejudices more than from
private views of intereft. Even their enemies
muſt admit, when the proud ſtation which they
abandoned is taken in connection with the humble
fituation which they now enjoy, that their conduct
has been dictated, neither by the love of fame,
nor by the love of power. In reality they have
been pitied more than cenfured; and their under….
ſtandings have been made the ſcape-goat of their
feelings. The fame indulgence, however, has not
been extended to the inferior agents, included in
this migration; who, at the fame time that they
willingly embraced the opportunity of ferving their
country, are understood to have felt no reluctance
at quitting the cold and thankleſs climate of oppofi-
tion for the genial funſhine of court favour. Even
the fanciful admirer of the age of chivalry, who
appears to have formerly diſplayed the gilded co-
lours of liberty as a mere light horſeman of arif-
tocracy, now forgetting the fublime and the beau
tiful, was glad to retire upon a moſt extravagant
penfion; and had the effrontery to laugh at his
former profeffions, by ftating the price of his apof
tacy as the reward of his ſervices, and by fubmit-
CRITO.
33
ting to a miferable recantation, in the form of a
humilitating panegyric upon the leaſt brilliant, and
formerly the leaſt admired of all his prefent bene-
factors.
To prepare the nation for feconding the defigns.
of miniſtry, and to provide a force capable of pre-
venting all reſiſtance, no common efforts were fuf-
ficient. The defire of obtaining a reform in the
national repreſentation had produced numerous
meetings of the people, in the mercantile towns,
and in other parts of the kingdom, for the purpoſe
of petitioning parliament in fupport of that fa-
vourite object. Many publications appeared, at
the fame time, in which the general principles of
government, and various political doctrines, were
handled with great freedom. In ſome of theſe, it
muſt be confeſſed, that the Britiſh Conſtitution was
treated with little reſpect. But whatever might
be the wanton ſpeculations, or the licentious or
foolish expreffions of a few individuals, there is no
ground to believe, that any confiderable number
were defirous of a Republican fyftem, or that the
great body of the people were not warmly attach.
ed to that form of limited monarchy under which
they have lived, and of which the happy effects
have been fo long experienced. Minifters, how-
ever, affected to think very differently; and en-
deavoured to propagate an opinion, that the lower
claffes of the people, inſtigated by French emiffa-
ries, and feduced by French politics, had entered
into a confpiracy for the total overthrow of our
الله
CRITO.
government. Every engine was now employed
for exciting apprehenfions of disloyalty and ſedi-
tion. Societies were ſet on foot, to procure infor-
mation, to circulate reports, to propagate political
doctrines favourable to the views of their employ-
ers, and to prepare materials for the profecution
and conviction of the fuppofed offenders. At the
head of theſe, one Reeves, a retainer of the law,
and poffeffing an office under government, was dif-
tinguiſhed by his indefatigable zeal and activity.
At a later period, after the nation had recovered,
in fome meaſure, from the delufion which then
prevailed, the conduct of this perfon appeared in
fuch a light to the public, that the Houſe of Com-
mons thought proper to order a profecution againſt
him by the Attorney General. This meaſure, to-
wards a perfon in his fubordinate capacity, marks
fufficiently the indignation which was felt. It is
neceffary to obſerve, that, in the trial which fol-
lowed, the fact was found to be proved; but he
has been acquitted from favourable circumſtances
with reſpect to his intentions.
The artificial cry, which was thus raiſed by de-
figning politicians, communicated real alarm and
terror to the honeft undefigning part of the inhà-
bitants. The gentry expected to be degraded
from their rank by the French fyftem of equality.
Thoſe who had any thing to loſe regarded them-
felves as the immediate prey of republicans and le-
vellers. Men of peaceable difpofitions, who hated.
innovation, and were attached to the Britiſh Con-
CRITO.
35
ftitution, trembled with the apprehenſion of ſome
terrible convulfion, and of ſeeing the anarchy and
the cruelties, which had prevailed in France, in-
troduced into their own country. It was in vain
to repreſent, that no veftige of infurrection, con-
ſpiracy, or defign to overturn the government,
could be found in any part of the kingdom. The
continual ferment which agitated the public mind,
prevented a fair examination, and contributed to
diſtort and exaggerate every object.
Having fucceeded in raiſing a panic in the high-
er claffes of the community, the next aim of Mi-
niſtry, in conjunction with all thoſe who had a pri-
vate intereſt in avoiding a reform of the National
Repreſentation, was to recommend a war with
France, from whoſe uncommon exertions had pro-
ceeded all the dangers with which this ifland ap-
peared to be threatened. Some of the arguments
employed for this purpoſe, which are of a fingular
nature, I ſhall take the liberty of mentioning on a
future occafion. I am, &c.
4
Crito.
SIR,
LETTER VIII.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRONICLE.
July 12. 1796.
THE Britiſh Miniſtry having refolved upon
a war with France, their next point, in the natural
order of things, was to find arguments in ſupport
of that meaſure. A celebrated writer of the laſt
36.
CRITO.
age has faid, that it was eaſier to find monks than
reafons. Matters have, fince that time, been
ftrangely altered. Monachiẩm has not been thriv-
ing; and the reaſoning faculty has been greatly
improved. Reaſons for going to war with France
have occurred in fufficient abundance to furnish a
new fyftem of logic; as the eloquence difplayed
upon the occafion might fupply an equally new
fyftem of rhetoric. With refpect to the morality
to be gathered from either of thefe, it feems, to
ſpeak in the mildest terms, a little cafuiftical.
One of the chief reaſons which has been advan-
ced for going to war with France is, that this mea-
fure appears abfolutely neceffary for checking; in
this country, the progreſs of French opinions.
This is the celebrated argument which logicians
call the argumentum baculinum. If you do not
give up your opinion, I will break your head. It
has been pushed, however, in this cafe, a little fur-
ther than is commonly done. I will not only break
the head of you, who entertain the offenſive opi-
nion; but I will break the head of that ſcoundrel
who has perfuaded you to embrace it.
By French opinions, in the language of the
knowing ones, are understood fentiments favour-
able to a reform of Parliamentary Repreſentation;
but, as repreſented to fincere, undefigning alarmifte,
are meant defigns to overturn our monarchy, and
to eſtabliſh a democratical government,
with a
complete equalization of rank and property, added
CRITO.
37
to all the evils of anarchy, and a civil war, for God
knows how long.
That there is any Englishman, or at leaft any
confiderable number of Engliſhmen, who can en-
tertain French opinions, in this latter ſenſe, ap-
pears to be advanced without any proof, and with-
out the leaſt ſhadow of probability. If there be
any one political principle more prevalent than
another in the inhabitants of this iſland, it is a fond
prepoffeffion in favour of our own Conſtitution,
and an attachment to the Houſe of Hanover, in
whom the crown was eſtabliſhed by the authority
of parliament, and by whoſe acceffion we were fe-
cured from the tyranny of the lineal heir.
But fuppofing, for the fake of argument, that a
number of perfons in Britain were fo wrong-headed
as to entertain fuch opinions, would it follow, that
going to war, either with them, or with France
upon their account, is a proper expedient for guard-
ing againſt the confequences of fuch a pernicious.
way of thinking? Is force the beſt inſtrument for
preventing poiſonous doctrines, either religious or
political? Has not the contrary been found by the
experience of all ages? Was not the perfecution
of Christianity, by the Roman government, the
great natural means which contributed to ſpread
that religion over the empire? Was not perfecution
one of the great circumſtances which promoted the
Reformation? This tendency of the application of
force, in matters of opinion, is what might be ex-
pected from the conftitution of human nature.
D
38
CRITO.
There is a pride in the heart of man which makes
him refuſe to be browbeaten, and renders him
tenacious of thofe opinions which he is command-
ed to renounce. His indignation and reſentment
are kindled against the injuftice of pretending to
affume a dominion over his confcience. The fuf-
ferings, befides, to which he is expofed for per-
fifting in what he thinks the cauſe of truth, never
fail to excite compaſſion; at the ſame time that the
reſolution and courage which he is prompted to
diſplay, raiſe admiration and eſteem; fèntiments
which intereſt us for the fufferer, and create a
ftrong prepoffeffion in favour of his opinions.
There may, doubtlefs, be a perfecution ſo power-
ful and fanguinary as to overcome theſe obſtacles,
and to extirpate the offenfive tenets againſt which
it is pointed; but this would require fuch a degree
of tyranny, barbarity, and cruelty, and is fo.incon-
fiftent with the manners of an enlightened and ci-
vilized age, that in the preſent ſtate of moſt of the
European nations, it may be fuppofed utterly im-
practicable; and every perfecution, which is not
effectual in exterminating opinions, muft, of courſe,
tend to aggravate and to promote them. If you
mean to recommend a book to the public notice
and approbation, you cannot practiſe a more fuc-
ceſsful method than by caufing it to be burnt by
the hangman. By making war upon French opi-
nions, you have thus beftowed upon them an im-
portance and confideration which they could not
otherwife have attained. Your imprudence, not to
CRITO.
39
fay your injuſtice, has in fome meaſure gilded and
varniſhed them over, and given them a degree of
currency, to which, of themfelves, they had no
title.
After all, why may not the inhabitants of this
iſland enjoy the right of private judgment in ſpe-
culating upon their government? Is our Conftitu-
tion fo crazy and rotten, that it will not bear the
handling? Is our limited monarchy, of which we
have fo long boafted, and which has been purchaf
ed by the blood of our forefathers, fo little confo-
nant to the principles of true liberty; fo ill adapted
to the ſtate of the community, that we dare not
bring it to the teft of reafon? Is it fo ill contrived,
that it requires a myfterious veil to cover its de-
fects? or if otherwife, will not reafon and truth fe-
cure a great majority of the nation in oppofition
to folly and error? Why truly, if our political
ſyſtem is not fuch as will recommend itſelf to the
nation at large; if, upon a full and fair examination,
it does not appear fuited to the great ends of go-
vernment, I am afraid it muſt fall; and all our at-
tempts to preferve it by myſtery and concealment
will be to no purpoſe. But why, in the name of
wonder, fhould this diſmal and groundleſs appre-
henfion be countenanced by the British Minifters?
The alarming progrefs of the French arms, af-
ter the retreat of the Duke of Brunſwick, afford-
ed another reaſon for going to war with that for-
midable nation, By their enthufiaftic ardour, and
by their amazing exertions, they were become a
Dij
40
CRITO.
match for all Europe; they had over-run the
Auftrian Netherlands, fo as to threaten the imme-
diate invafion of Holland; and they had iſſued a
decree, offering fraternization to all thoſe na-
tions who might be defirous of eſtabliſhing a free
government. Neceffity therefore, it was faid, ob-
liged us to take arms in our own defence, and to
provide for our own fafety before it was too late.
The balance of power has ever been accounted a
great political object among the potentates of mo-
dern Europe; and tọ maintain this balance has al-
ways been held a fufficient cauſe for entering into
a war. In the preſent cafe, the French were like-
ly not only to deftroy the external boundaries of
dominion, but even to fweep away the fyftems of
government which had formerly fubfifted..
+
་
It was a little unlucky, that thoſe who ſtated
this argument, at the fame time that they beheld
with fuch terror theſe military operations, were
obliged to fhut their eyes upon the no leſs. alarm.
ing tranſactions in Poland. In violation of all
- treaties, and in contempt of every law divine and
human, that miſerable country was torn to pieces,
and divided among thoſe very princes with whom
Britain had combined for maintaining a balance of
power; and while the Britiſh miniſtry were en-
deavouring to roufe all Europe for oppofing the
arms of the French nation, they were acquiefceing,
without a murmur, in the dreadful devaſtation, and
in the' violent political convulfion, which their
own allies had produced in another quarter..
CRITO.
4I
With regard to the danger apprehended from
the conquest of other countries by France, there
are two confiderations, which hardly any perfon of
plain fenfe, and of ordinary information, can poffi-
bly overlook. In the first place, by whom were
the French driven to the neceffity of becoming an
armed nation, and of invading the neighbouring
ftates? Before the treaty of Pilnitz, they had ex-
preffed ſtrong refolution againſt foreign wars, and
feemed to have no defire of extending their own
dominions. They had indeed invaded Avignon,
and the bishopric of Bafle, together with certain
territories in Lorrain, and Alface, belonging to
particular princes or ftates of the empire. As
thoſe territories were locally fituated within the
kingdom of France, it had been judged effentially
requifite, for the fafety of the new establishment,
that they ſhould be annexed to the French mo-
narchy; while a pecuniary compenfation was al-
lowed to the proprietors. Not to mention any
diſputes concerning the title of the perfons who
had held thofe poffeffions, this tranfaction proceed-
ed upon a principle of general utility, fimilar to
that which has been understood to justify our go-
vernment in obliging the Duke of Athol to fell
the fovereignty of the Isle of Man, or in obliging
the feudal lords in Scotland to refign, to the
crown, their heritable jurifdictions. But the fo-
reign ftates, who afterwards invaded France, and
whoſe territories were now over-run by the French,
had drawn that misfortune upon themſelves by
D iij
42
CRITO
their unprovoked aggreffion. The French had
acted, in this caſe, upon a principle of retaliation,
which no impartial obferver, who is acquainted
with the law of nations, will venture to condemn.
As to their offering fraternity and affiftance to
other ſtates defirous of eſtabliſhing a free govern
ment, it feems to have been a mere bravado, in-
tended to counteract the effects of the general
combination of defpots, by which all the other
powers of Europe, and even the French people
themſelves, were invited to join in reſtoring the
old government of France. But whatever was in-
tended by this general declaration, as they never
had acted upon it, I cannot help thinking it was
incumbent upon us to require an explanation of
their intentions, before we made it the ground of
a war which was likely to be attended with very
ferious confequences.
The other confideration, to which I alluded, re-
ſpects the meaſures which Britain ought to have
purfued on that occafion, for preventing the effu-
fion of blood, and restoring peace to Europe.
Had Britain, at that period, offered her mediation
between the contending powers, is there any per-
fon who believes that the French would not have
gladly accepted the offer, and have been willing.
to conclude a peace with their enemies, upon con-
dition that each party ſhould reſign its foreign ac-
quifitions? But we feem to have thought that
France, after being pillaged by Pruffia and the
Emperor, and after having retaliated thoſe hoſti-
CRITO.
43
fities, fhould immediately relinquish her conquest,
fo as to give her enemies time to breathe, and pre-
pare for a new invafion. Was it not the duty of
our miniſtry, as the guardians of our lives and our
property, to ſet on foot, in that critical conjuncture,
a negotiation for the purpoſe which I have mention-
ed? They not only neglected to do fo, but they
pofitively refuſed to negociate, and to receive ex-
planations, though repeatedly, and with apparent
anxiety, offered them by the French. Does not
this abundantly ſhow, that the danger of conqueſt
by the French was a mere bugbear, fet up by thoſe
perfons to terrify and delude the nation; and that,
fo far from wiſhing to force a peace, as they might
eaſily have done, by offering to guarantee a rea-
ſonable treaty, and by threatening, upon the refu-
fal of either party, to throw the weight of Britain
into the oppoſite ſcale, our miniſters were in reality
defirous of joining the framers of the league of
Pilnitz, and of entering into a war of extermina-
tion againſt France, not for the reaſons which they
affigned, but from other motives best known to
themſelves? I am, &c.
CRITO..
SIR,
LETTER IX.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRonicle.
July 19. 1796.
THE cruelties committed by the French,
together with the danger apprehended to the lives
44
CRITO.
of the king and the royal family, were alſo ftrong-
ly urged as a reaſon for going to war with that-
barbarous people. This became a topic of decla
mation, upon which the unfledged orator was hap-
py to try his wings, and the crafty politician found:
an opportunity of difplaying, at an eaſy rate, both
his humanity and his loyalty.
Every perfon poffeffed of common feeling muſt
be ſhocked with a recital of thofe barbarities; and
human nature revolts againſt any attempt to excuſe
or to palliate them. We cannot, however, fuffi-
ciently exprefs our aftoniſhment at the effrontery-
with which the ultimate authors of theſe enormi-
ties, the framers of the treaty of Pilnitz, who, by
their invafion of France, had driven the people to
theſe deſperate meaſures, were ftudiouſly kept out.
of view and concealed. I am very far from think--
ing that every murder, or act of cruelty, commit--
ted by the French, was abfolutely neceffary, or
even expedient for extricating them from their dif
ficulties. But a general courfe of extreme feve--
rity was rendered unavoidable; and in ſuch a cafe
it is not ſurpriſing that the adminiſtrators, thrown
into confternation by the magnitude of the danger,
fhould fometimes act from precipitate rafhnefs, and,
fometimes lay hold of the occafion to gratify their
own paſſions, or to court popularity by fuch rigor-
ous puniſhments as were agreeable to the lower
clafs of citizens. The foreign potentates, there-
fore, who enabled thofe leaders to acquire and to
exerciſe ſuch extraordinary powers, and who put
CRITO.
45
them into a fituation where fuch abuſes were na-
turally to be expected, are certainly anſwerable
for that guilt which was incurred.
Though this confideration will not always juf
tify the immediate agents, it muſt, in every cafe,
throw the principal blame upon thoſe who could
not miſs to foreſee the confequences, and yet per-
fifted in that line of conduct which infallibly pro-
duced them.
But whatever may be thought of the fpecula-
tive humanity and loyalty of the inhabitants of
this country, in declaiming againſt the cruelty and
injustice committed by their neighbours, it does
not appear that thoſe who recommended a war
with France, upon that account, were actuated by
a real principle of benevolence, or by a regard for
the life of Louis the XVIth; fince nothing could
be more evidently calculated to augment and to
extend the cruelties complained of, and the mif-
chiefs that were apprehended. By joining the
league for compelling the French to restore the
old government, the British Minifters could not
fail to increaſe the defpair, and defire of ven-
geance; which had produced fuch revolutionary
powers in the leaders of the multitude, and which
furniſhed a reafon for the murder of thoſe who
had incurred any ſuſpicion of affifting the enemy.
Had Britain, on the contrary, declared againſt a
war, and offered her mediation between the con-
tending parties, thofe evils might have been great-
ly abated; and the lives of the king and the royal
46
CRITO.
family might, in all probability, have been pre-
ferved. It is well known, that a numerous party
in the Convention wiſhed to fave the life of the
King; and it can hardly be doubted that a great
majority would have concurred in this object, if
they could have purchaſed by it the interpofition
of Britain for ſtopping the progreſs of their ene-
mies. Why did our humane and loyal orators
neglect to fuggeft fuch an obvious and falutary
meaſure? I am unwilling to credit, what has been
infinuated with fome colour of probability, that
many, who cenfured with fo much acrimony the
conduct of the French, were fecretly pleaſed with
fuch barbarity and cruelty, as being calculated to
throw an odium upon the Revolution, and to pre-
vent, what was dreaded as the effect of it in this
country, the reform of parliamentary reprefenta-
tion. In this view, I cannot help recollecting an
obſervation, ſaid to have been imprudently hazard-
ed by a perſon of fome note, that the wretched
Marat was the ben who laid golden eggs.
The preſervation of the Chriftian religion was
another motive, by which thofe who had refolved
upon a war with France endeavoured to rouſe the
nation, and to procure its unanimous exertions in
feconding that meafure.
It is a circumſtance not the leaft remarkable in
the hiſtory of the great political events of the
prefent age, that the late important revolutions in
America, and in France, unlike thofe in preced-
ing periods, have not been dictated, or promoted,
..
CRITO.
47
by any religious enthuſiaſm. It may even be ob-
ferved, that in France, men of letters, from the
wantonnefs of fpeculation, or from the affectation
of contradicting received opinions, have of late
frequently admitted a vein of irreligion and fcep-
ticifm into their writings. We are not, however,
to conclude from hence that the people in general
are tainted with principles of infidelity; nor even,
perhaps, that thofe very writers have feriously
formed any practical fyftem hoftile to religion.
The first revolution in France, by attempting a
radical reform in the prodigious inequality of
church livings, had provoked, as we may eafily
fuppofe, the indignation and refentment of the
higher orders of churchmen; and multitudes of
the clergy, who thought it incumbent upon them
to refign their functions, rather than fubmit to a
degradation which they hoped would not be per-
manent, communicated, in the countries to which
they fled, an alarm that the French, among other
changes, intended nothing lefs than the total over-
throw of the Chriſtian religion. Even the clergy
who had been content to remain in their own
country, were led to propagate fimilar reprefenta-
tions; and thus a ftated oppofition and animofity
was created between them and the leaders of the
revolution; while the former employed their whole
remaining power and influence in fupport of the
old government, and the latter, irritated by re-
peated provocations, became more and more dif
睿
​48
CRITO.
poſed to limit or deftroy that authority which the
church had formerly enjoyed.
It was, perhaps, with a view of diminiſhing the
influence of churchmen, though partly, too, from
an oftentation of fingularity, more than from thoſe
confiderations of utility which were avowed, that
that the French Convention afterwards introduced
a new calendar, dividing every month into decades,
inſtead of the former divifion into weeks of feven
days, and in this manner pointing out one day in
ten, inſtead of the one day in feven, which by the
practice of early Chriſtians had been fet apart for
the public obfervances of religion.
The impropriety and folly of this new regula-
tion is obvious enough. For though the difference
between one day and another, in a matter of mere
external obfervance, is in itſelf not very material;
and though there be no particular precept of the
Goſpel recommending the firſt day of the week
for the peculiar purpoſe of public worship, yet the
alteration of a practice, in every reſpect fo ufeful,
and confirmed by the ufage of many centuries, was
totally inconſiſtent with prudence, and might prove
a ftumbling-block to many well difpofed Chriſtians.
It would be great weakneſs, however, to be-
lieve, that the Chriftian religion in general, or
even in France, can be materially injured, either
by this regulation, or by the petulant and abfurd
oppofition and derifion which the vanity, or the
malice, of fome individuals appears to have fug-
gefted. Chriftianity is founded upon a rock; and
+
CRITO.
49
neither Thomas Paine with his Age of Reafon,
nor Anarchafis Cloots, with his Reprefentative of
all Religions, nor Fabre D'Eglantine, the aboliſher
of Sunday, with his New Calendar, nor even that
profound philofopher who stood up in the French
Affembly, and profeffed himſelf an Atheist, fhall
ever, as we are affured, from the best authority,
prevail againſt our holy religion. Chriſtianity is
an enlightened fyftem, which introduced a purer
morality than had formerly prevailed in the world,
and more diftinct views of a future ftate of rewards
and puniſhments, by which the efforts of human
laws for the fuppreffion of crimes are better en-
forced and promoted. The more the light of
truth is ſpread over the world, the more clearly
are mankind enabled to fee their true intereſt ;
and the more will they be convinced of the utili-
ty of fupporting a religion by which all the bands.
of human fociety. are thus maintained and ſtrength-
ened.
But though the genuine principles of Chriftiani-
ty are in no danger, the adventitious trappings in
which it has been decked, for the purpoſe of daz-
zling the multitude, are likely to be ſtripped off,
and thrown away as mere uſeleſs rags; myſterious
tenets, the invention of prieſtcraft in the dark
ages, by which that religion was fo unworthily
debaſed, and rendered the inftrument of undue in-
Auence and corruption, are likely to be exploded;
and the unbounded authority and dominion which
an ambitious and interefted clergy have ſo long
E
50
GRITO.
exerciſed over the rights of private judgment and
of conſcience, are likely to crumble down, and
to be trodden under foot. The Roman Catholic
ſuperſtition, that gigantic monſter which has drunk
fo much human blood, that dragon which has long
guarded the den of ignorance, and held more than
the half of Europe in the chains of moral and po-
litical flavery, feems now to be faft approaching
his laſt agonies.
With regard to the religious opinions entertain-
ed in France, it cannot eſcape obſervation, that
how diſagreeable foever they may be to us, it is
the height of imprudence and abfurdity to make
war upon our neighbours for the purpoſe of pro-
ducing a reformation in this particular. The
world has too long experienced the effects of reli-
gious perfecutions and wars, not to have learned
the falutary leffon, that mankind, thofe eſpecially
who belong to different nations, fhould bear with
one another in their differences of religious opi
nion. It ſeems evident, at the fame time, that the
fyftem of policy to which the French government
is now rapidly advancing, is that of allowing an
unbounded liberty of confcience; of protecting
all different fects, provided they are not enemies
to the civil conftitution; and of leaving to the
members of every fect the privilege of choofing,
and the taſk of maintaining their own religious
teachers. This, every one knows, is conformable
to the principles of the independents in England,
a fect, whoſe uniform zeal in the cauſe of pure and
CRITO.
*
51
genuine Chriſtianity is unquestionable; and it
feems to be the ſyſtem of religious policy which
is now realifed in the North American States.
For my own part, though I feel, from education,
an attachment to the forms of religion eſtabliſhed
in this country, and am fenfible that innovation,
in matters of this kind, ought never to be attempt-
ed without very cogent reaſons; yet, were I the
inhabitant of a country, where, from good grounds,
the old eſtabliſhment had been aboliſhed, I ſhould,
without heſitation, prefer this very liberal and ap-
parently beneficial fyftem..
It is eaſy to fee, however, that the averfion dif-
covered by the leading people in France to reli-
gious eſtabliſhments,, has tended to excite a jea-
louſy in the eſtabliſhed clergy of other countries,
and to produce a fet of religious alarmifts, willing
to repreſent the whole nation as hoſtile to Chriſti-
anity, and even to all religion. In fuch a fitua-
tion, it is not ſurpriſing, that many individuals of
our eſtabliſhed church, whether in conſequence of
their own apprehenfions, or in the capacity of ſti-
pendiaries to the executive government, ſhould be
ready, upon this point, to diftinguish themſelves
in the ſervice of adminiſtration. Even in Scotland,
where the very moderate proviſion of the clergy
allows very ſcanty rewards to extraordinary merit,
many laudable attempts have not been wanting to
rouſe the people on account of the dangers to re-
ligion arifing from the French Revolution. It
should feem, however, that the populace in this
Eij
52
CRITO.
country, though certainly not ſuſpected of luke
warmneſs in matters of religion, yet, whether from
an acquaintance with the real ſtate of the facts, or
from a want of confidence in the intentions of thoſe
political paftors, or from whatever cauſes, have
hitherto paid very little attention to fuch publi-
cations. I am, &c.
CRITO.
SIR,
LETTER X.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRONICLE.
Auguſt 2. 1796.
THE chief reaſons which were given for in-
volving us in a French war have now been confi-
dered; and I cannot help thinking, that, though
they have been turned and twiſted into a great
variety of fhapes, and prefented in different lights,
with all the addrefs which human ingenuity could
employ, their futility and abfurdity muft, at the
first glance, be apparent. They were fit only to
make an impreffion upon imaginations already dif
ordered by fear, and warped by prejudice. There
were two other topics employed on this occafion,
of which a very flight notice will be fufficient;
becaufe, though they were much infifted upon,
both in public and in private diſcourſe, and had
probably fome weight at the time, they feem now
to be univerfally and completely difregarded.
The first was the decree of the French Con-
vention for opening the navigation of the Scheldt
CRITO.
53
from Antwerp, intended to promote the trade of
the Belgic provinces, now in the poffeffion of
France. This meaſure is capable of being viewed
in different lights; as, on the one hand, it put an
end to a monopoly which, like all reftrictions of
that nature, was, doubtlefs, hurtful to the general
intereſt of commerce; and, on the other, it was
held prejudicial to the peculiar trade of the Dutch,
to whom, by fome old treaties, that monopoly had
been ſecured. Which of theſe confiderations is of
the greateſt importance I fhall not pretend to de-
termine; but certain it is, that the Britiſh mini-
ftry, in 1786, had concurred in the views of the
Emperor, who then, for the benefit of the Ne-
therlands, had thoughts of eftabliſhing the free
navigation of that river. A Britiſh Ambaffador
was then fent to Antwerp, for the purpoſe of ex-
citing the inhabitants to beſtir themſelves in foli-
citing the Emperor for the attainment of this com-
mercial object; for different were the political
views entertained by the fame perfons within fo
fhort a period. That nations, that is, miniſters,
as well as private individuals, ſhould change their
opinions,, and their fyftems of conduct, according
to their different political combinations, is agree-
-able to common experience; but that fo frivolous
a matter, an injury fo entirely diplomatic, fhould
be regarded as a folid ground for rushing imme-
diately into a dangerous and expenfive war, is truly
furprifing. It might be a proper fubject of re-
monftrance or complaint, but could never afford,
E iij
34
CRITO.
to perſons, not vifited with infanity, an inducement
for plunging a great nation into an abyſs of blood
and mifery, without attempting, by a previous ne-
gociation, to avert that calamity. The States of
Holland themſelves, it is well known, the parties.
underſtood to be immediately injured, but who
had not our private reafons, were much lefs cap-
tious; and it was with the utmoſt difficulty that,
by the authority of the Stadtholder, under the
influence of the Britiſh Court, they could be pre-
vailed upon to ſecond our deſigns.
In mentioning the ftate of the Dutch, upon
whofe account we profeffed that we were led im-
mediately into the war, it ſeems impoffible to a-
void remarking, that our behaviour to that people,
from firſt to laft, appears not a little extraordi-
nary; and nothing, it ſhould ſeem, but the ancient
commercial jealoufy, through which we are apt to
view their circumstances, could prevent us from
reflecting upon it with ſhame and regret. Having
dragged them into the war, we no fooner found
it inconvenient to perfift in the defence of their
country, than we left them to fhift for them-
felves; not for the purpoſe of making peace, for
that might have been excufable, but with a view
to carry on the war in a different manner, by fub-
fidizing Pruffia and the Emperor. When the
Dutch were, of confequence, reduced under the
power of their enemies, and did what, in thoſe
hard circumſtances, imperious neceffity compelled
them to do, we immediately ſeized their property,
CRITO.
55
fubjected them to every fpecies of hoftility, and
have at this day fcarce any other acquifitions to
boaſt of but thofe which we have obtained from
the plunder of theſe our ancient allies. In what
manner we can vindicate our conduct to that long-
fuffering people, it were to be wiſhed that our mi、
niſter, when he can fpare fo much time under the
preffure of his prefent financial difficulties, would
have the goodneſs to explain.
The other topic which I propoſed to mention}
is one, to which, in private converſation, men have
ufually reforted after trying, unfuccefsfully, to
vindicate the war upon every other ground. The:
French, it is faid, were the firft to make war upon
us. We had no choice, but were reduced to the
fatal neceffity of defending ourſelves. Thofe am-
bitious republicans had formed the deſign of ex-
tending their dominion, and of planting their tree.
of liberty over the whole of Europe, if not over
the whole globe. In purſuance of this object
they made war upon us, whenever it fuited their
purpoſe; and we had no alternative left, but that
of implicit fubmiffion, or of providing for our own
fafety by a timely refiftance. Whether any per-
fon ever believed this affertion, I very much doubt.
It is at least pretty clear that nobody believes it at
preſent.
For enabling us to judge of this point, a very
flight review of the circumstances of the cafe will
be fufficient. That the firſt verbal declaration of
war proceeded from the French Convention, on
56
CRITO.
the iſt of February 1793, is indiſputable. But
the conduct of the Britiſh Court, long before that
period, had been fuch as clearly to evince its hof-
tile intentions, and in reality amounted to an une-
quivocal declaration of hoftilities. Soon after the
10th of Auguſt 1792, the Britiſh Ambaſſador to
the French Court was recalled. Upon the meet-
ing of Parliament about the end of that year, the
debates were carried on in a ftrain of arrogant
invective and declamation against the French,
which abundantly fhowed a refolution to keep no.
meaſures with that people. The propofal of ne-
gociation, which had been urged by Oppofition,
was again and again rejected with difdain, as dif-
graceful to the British Crown; and Mr. Burke
repeatedly declared, without the leaft contradic-
tion, or mark of difapprobation from his minifterial:
friends, that the two ftates might already be con-
fidered as actually engaged in war. From an idea:
of ftarving the inhabitants, our miniftry, in the
mean time, laid an embargo upon the exportation
of corn to that country, though the market was
then open to other nations. The Alien Bill, foon
after, was introduced into parliament, which being
confidered as an infraction of the commercial
treaty with France, M. Chauvelin, the French
Ambaſſador, in very reſpectful terms, remonftrated
against it; but fo far from meeting with any at-
tention from our minifters, he was peremptorily
ordered to quit the kingdom within eight days;
1
-CRITO.
57
and the order was inferted by authority in the
London Gazette.
It is here worthy of remark, that by the com-
mercial treaty above referred to, concluded in
1786, it was exprefsly declared, that, in cafe any
fubject of miſunderſtanding ſhould arife between
the two nations, the fending away the Ambaffdor
of one of them should be deemed a rupture.
It is further to be obferved, that in regard to
the two meaſures of France which had given of-
fence to the Britiſh Court, the decree for the
opening of the Scheldt, and that which offered
fraternity to other nations, M. Chauvelin had, in
explanation of theſe meaſures, delivered an official
note to the Secretary of State, on the 27th of De-
cember; and, upon the refufal of the Miniftry to
treat with them, his explanation was confirmed by
an immediate communication, in another note from
the French Executive Council. In this note they
declare," that the decree of fraternization could
"not be applicable, but to the fingle cafe, when
"the general will of a nation, clearly and unequi-
"vocally expreffed, fhould call for the affiftance
"and fraternity of the French nation" and, with
reſpect to their interference in the navigation of
the Scheldt, they declare, as "the French na-
"tion has renounced all conqueft, and only occu-
66
pies the Netherlands during the war; that as
"foon as the Belgic nation fhall find itſelf in full
"poffeffion of its liberty, and when its general
"will may be declared legally and unfettered,
58
CRITO.
"then, if England and Holland fhall affix any im.
66 portance to the opening of the Scheldt, the Exe-
"cutive Council will leave that affair to a direct
"negociation with the Belgians themſelves."
From an anxiety, as it fhould ſeem, to avoid a
rupture with England, the French Ministry, per-
ceiving the reluctance of the Britiſh Court to treat
with M. Chauvelin, diſpatched M. Maret, under
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, to enter into a ne-
gociation with our Minifters. It has been afferted,
that M. Maret was inftructed to offer to our Mini-
fters; firſt, that the claim for opening the Scheldt
fhould be given up; fécondly, that the French
troops fhould not advance beyond a certain dif-
tance from the Dutch territories; and, thirdly,
that the offenfive decree of fraternization ſhould
be repealed. The propoſal of negociation with
M. Maret, however, was rejected by our Mini-
Ary in the fame haughty and contemptuous man-
ner as that with M. Chauvelin; notwithstanding
which, that Commiffioner was fent from France a
fecond time, with enlarged powers, and with in-
Atructions, it is ſaid, to offer ſtill greater concef-
fions, with reſpect to their poffeffions in the Weft
Indies. His fecond miffion, however, was equally
unſucceſsful with the firft; and he was ordered
immediately to depart from the kingdom.
Confidering all thefe different circumftances, it:
was certainly with a bad grace that our Miniftry
pretended to be taken unawares, and to be driven:
from a ſyſtem of neutrality, by the declaration of
CRITO.
59
war upon the part of France. Candour muſt o-
blige us to confefs, that our behaviour was in the
highest degree offenfive and provoking; and that
it marked a determined purpoſe of proceeding to
immediate hoſtilities; while, on the contrary, the
conduct of the French teftified an eager defire to
avoid any rupture with Britain. In fuch a cafe,
the verbal declaration of war by the French was
a mere matter of ceremony; though perhaps it
would have been more politic in them to have,
for fome time longer, avoided this meaſure.
I am, &c.
CRITO.
SIR,
LETTER XI.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRONICLE.
Auguſt 9. 1796.
After giving fuch reafons as were judged
expedient for entering into the war, it was further
neceffary to inform the public of the precife object
for which it was undertaken. The former was
requifite, that we might receive fome fatisfaction
concerning the propriety of the meaſure; the lat-
ter, that we might have an idea of the magnitude
and duration of the enterpriſe, and of the hazard
or expence which it might occafion. It may eafily
be imagined, that the explanation of this latter
point was a matter of fome delicacy. There are
many cafes where the naked truth ought not rafhly
to be expoſed to the view of every by-ftander.
CRITO.
To avow all at once the real object of the war,
confidering the circumſtances formerly mentioned,
was inconfiftent with that referve and caution
which the nature of the cafe appeared to demand,
and might have prevented that future variation of
purpoſe which the uncertain courfe of events might
poffibly fuggeft. Were it not for the ſerious con-
ſequences which have been produced, and which
are ſtill likely to follow, the various juggling tricks
that have been practiſed, the different views which
have been held up at different periods, and the
ſudden ſhifting of the ground upon the ſeveral un-
expected turns of fortune, would be highly ludi-
crous. They prefent a chequered ſcene of diffi-
mulation and embarraffment, a fort of tragic dif-
treſs interwoven with a degree of comic dexterity,
fomething reſembling the clergyman, in the farce,
who preaches againſt popery, at the fame time
that he is picking your pocket; which, though not
perfectly confiftent with the unities of Ariſtotle,
can hardly fail to exercife the rifible muſcles of
the moſt phlegmatic fpectator.
The real and ultimate object of the war, as was
formerly obferved, has been invariably the pre-
venting of a reform in our parliamentary repre-
fentation; and this, it was thought, required a
counter-revolution in France, by pulling down the
new conſtitution, and reftoring the ancient de-
fpotifm; meaſures which could not be effected
without an entire conqueft of the country. But
this purpoſe, which would, at the firſt propoſal,
A
CRITO.
61
have ftartled, perhaps, the most determined adhe-
rent of prerogative, and have funk in deſpair the
panic-ftruck alarmift, was carefully concealed.
The Jefuitical pretences which were aſſumed, at
the beginning, will for a long time be remember-
ed. To prepare the minds of people for engaging
in the contest, and to preclude the fcruples which,
in the first moments of deliberation, were likely
to occur, pofitive affurances were given that our
government had no intention to join in the objects
of thofe foreign potentates who had entered into
the treaty of Pilnitz. The war in which we were
about to engage was merely a defenfive war, and
had no other aim than to fecure ourfelves, and our
allies from the aggreffion of the French. After
the nation had once actually engaged in the war,
the national paſſions, in the progrefs of the con-
teſt, were likely to be inflamed; and, in the eager-
nefs of victory, feruples, which appeared at firſt
infurmountable, would probably vaniſh. Having
paffed the Rubicon, our retreat was, by every
new ftep, rendered more difficult, and our path
more intricate and perplexed. The minifter then
ventured to open his mind more fully, and to ac-
knowledge that his object in the war included, not
only an indemnification for our expences, but the
eſtabliſhment of fuch a government in France as
could afford to Great Britain a fufficient fecurity
for the maintenance of her future tranquillity.
Such were the progreffive views held out, in
particular by Mr. Pitt, in his fpeech on the open-
F
62
CRITO.
the
ing of the budget in 1793, and in that upon the
motion for an addrefs to his Majefty, in January
1794. It was not difficult to fee, that upon
fuppofition of the continuance of the war till our
miniftry were fatisfied with the fecurity afforded
by the government in France, the interpretation
of this article being referved to themſelves, a peace
might be deferred as long as they ſhould find con-
venient. But, if any doubt had remained upon
that fubject, it was afterwards, in the debate con-
cerning the employment of the French Emigrants
in our military ſervice, removed by a pofitive de-
claration. The alarmifts having then arrived at
that pitch of enthuſiaſm to be ripe for the direct
avowal, it was at length plainly admitted by a
miniſter, from the northern part of the iſland; a
minifter who, in cafe it should prove difagreeable,
had not much popularity to lofe; that the war
muſt be continued, until we fhall be in a condition
to re-inftate the Emigrants in their former poffef-
fions; that is, until we have not only overturned
the prefent order of things, but have by force of
arms, reftored the ancient defpotifm. The frank-
nefs of this avowal deferves commendation; and,
if I miſtake not, it was accompanied with fome
kind of apology, from confiderations of policy, for
not having been made at the beginning.
But that, from the beginning, the conqueft of
France, and the reſtoration of the ancient defpo-
tifm were intended, is manifeft from a variety of
circumſtances. Not long after the commence-
CRITO
63
ment of the war, I think in the beginning of April
1793, a propofal was made to Lord Grenville by
Le Brun the French minifter, for the re-eſtabliſh-
ment of peace by an amicable negociation; and
to this end a paffport was demanded for an envoy
upon the part of France. But though the letters,
containing this application, fufficiently authenti-
cated, were laid before the Honourable Secretary
of State, they were totally difregarded, and, it
fhould appear, as much as poffible buried in fi-
lence. So favourable an opportunity of attempt-
ing at leaſt to terminate the war, with honour to
the nation and crown, would not have been over-
looked, unleſs a fixed reſolution had been formed
of profecuting the conteft to the laſt extremity.
The fuccefs of our arms towards the beginning
of the firſt campaign, when, by the treachery of
Dumourier, the French were driven from Hol-
land, and from the Auftrian Netherlands, and
their armies were almoſt completely diſorganiſed,
prefented another opportunity, no lefs favourable,
for putting an end to the war; an opportunity
which, had our views terminated upon any thing
fhort of the entire conqueft of France, we fhould
certainly have been eager to ſeize. We had then
recovered all the poffeffions of our allies; and we
had reduced our enemy to ſuch diſtreſs as appear-
ed to lay the foundation for an advantageous trea-
ty. But though negociation was continually rung
in the ears of our miniftry, by the party in oppo-
F. j
64
CRITO.
fition at home, it was uniformly rejected with in-
dignation.
The tone and language, indeed, of the combin-
ed powers varied a good deal, according to the
exigency of their affairs. They had no objection,
occafionally, to the employment of ftratagem for
promoting their ends; and it ſhould feem that
they even ſuffered, inadvertently, fuch terms of
accommodation to be offered, in their name, as
they had no ferious intention to fulfil. Upon the
agreement between the Prince of Saxe-Cobourg
and Dumourier, the latter publiſhed a manifeſto,
declaring, that his fole purpoſe, in marching with
his army to Paris, was to refore the conftitution
1789; and the Prince of Cobourg, in another
manifefto, relative to the foregoing, declares,
"that he will ſupport, by all the force which is
entruſted to him, the generous and beneficent in-
tentions of General Dumourier and his brave ar-
my." But the enterpriſe of Dumourier having to-
tally failed of fuccefs, there was held at Ant-
werp, on the 8th of April, that is, three days af-
ter the above declaration was publiſhed, a con-
grefs of the reprefentatives of the combined pow-
ers, at which the Duke of York and Lord Auck-
land were preſent on the part of Great Britain.
Here it was again refolved to profecute the con-
queft of France; in confequence of which, the
former manifefto of Prince Cobourg was with-
drawn; and, agreeable to this refolution, a new
manifeſto, in terms very different from the for-
CRITO
65
mer, was, on the day following, publiſhed by that
general.
Theſe are facts which proclaim the intention of
parties, in a manner lefs ambiguous, and more for-
cible, `than can be done by mere verbal declara-
tions.
Another inftance of a fimilar nature occurs in
the tranſactions relative to the capture of Toulon.
As it was thought of great importance that the
English forces ſhould be admitted into that place,
an agreement was made with the inhabitants, con-
formable to what appeared, at the time, to be
their prevailing inclinations. Let us hear the
proclamation of Lord Hood upon that ſubject,
dated 28th Auguſt 1793, when he obtained pof-
feffion of Toulon...
"Whereas the Sections of Toulon have, by
"their commiffioners to me, made a folemn de-
"claration in favour of Monarchy; have pro-
"claimed Louis the XVII. fon of the late Louis
"the XVI. their lawful king; and have fworn
" to acknowledge him, and no longer fuffer the
"defpotiſm of the tyrants which at this time go-
“ vern France, but will do their utmoſt to eſta-
"blish monarchy, as accepted by their late fove
“ reign in 1789, and reſtore peace to their dif-
“tracted and, calamitous country; I do hereby
66
repeat, what I have already declared to the
"people of the fouth of France, that I take pof-
"feffion of Toulon, and hold it in truft only for:
“Louis the XVII. until peace fhall be re-efta
Fiij
66
CRITO
"bliſhed in France, which I hope and truft will
"be foon."
After obtaining poffeffion of that place, how-*
ever, and weighing the matter more fully, a de-
claration, in ſomewhat a different strain, was fent
by his Majesty's command, to the commanders of
his fleets and armies employed against France,
and to his ministers employed at foreign courts,
dated 29th October 1793. It is there faid, that
"his Majesty by no means difputes the right of
“France to reform its laws."And afterwards
it goes on as follows: "The King demands that
"fome legitimate and ftable government ſhould
"be eſtabliſhed, founded on the acknowledged
#6
principles of univerfal juſtice, and capable of
"maintaining with other powers the accuſtomed
"relations of union and of peace. His Majesty
“wiſhes ardently to be enabled to treat for the
"re-establishment of general tranquillity with
"fuch a government, exercising a legal and per-
“manent authority, and poffeffing power to en-
"force the obfervance of its engagements. The
"King would propofe none other than equit-
"able and moderate conditions; not fuch as the
A
expences, the riſk, and the ſacrifices of the war
“might juftify, but fuch as his Majesty thinks
"himſelf under the indifpenfible neceffity of re-
"quiring with a view to theſe confiderations, and
"ftill more to that of his own fecurity and of the
“future tranquillity of Europe.”—And referring
to the calamities and diforders prevailing in that
CRITO.
67
country,
"It is then in order to deliver them,
"felves from this unheard-of oppreffion, to put
"an end to a fyftem of unparalleled crimes, and
❝to reſtore at length tranquillity to France, and
"fecurity to all Europe, that his Majeſty invites
"the co-operation of the people of France.
"is for theſe objects that he calls upon them to
join the ſtandard of an hereditary monarchy,
66
66
It
not for the purpofe of deciding, in this moment
"of diſorder, calamity, and public danger, on all
"the modifications of which this form of go-
vernment may hereafter be fufceptible; but in
❝ order to unite themſelves once more under the
"empire of law, of morality, and of religion;" &c.
In short, the inhabitants of France, inftead of
the conftitution 1789, promifed them by Lord
Hood, and upon the faith of which they had deli-
vered Toulon into the hands of the Engliſh, are
referred to fuch a government as they themſelves,
at the termination of the war, might frame under
the direction of England, with whom, at the fame
time, they were then to ſettle the account of ex-
pences. This requires no comment. Had we, in
confequence of this tranfaction, or by whatever
means, been finally victorious, we ſhould have pro-
cured a government to our liking in France, with
as much eaſe as the French have lately done in
Holland.
But though there can be no doubt that the
combined powers intended to conquer France, we
are not fo certain that they intended to conquer
68
CRITO
it for the benefit of the Bourbon family. It has
been afferted that the treaty of Pilnitz propoſed
to diſmember that country; and the behaviour of
the Allies, in the hour of their fuccefs, tends to
confirm that affertion. When Valenciennes fur-
rendered to the Duke of York, his Royal High-
nefs took poffeffion of that place, not for the be-"
nefit of Louis the XVII. but in behalf of the
Emperor of Germany. Generous and wife admi-
niftrators of Britain! Happy people, under the
aufpicious direction of fuch able and prudent Mi-
niſters !!!! With what a laudable ſpirit have we
ſpent our blood and treafure for the benefit of fo
firm, ſo uſeful, and fo difintereſted an ally! May
we not expect alfa, in the partition of that vaft
and fertile country, to obtain, for our ſhare, a few
towns or districts, the maintenance and govern-
ment of which will improve our economy, as the
revenue to be drawn from thence will contribute
to diſcharge our national debt, and. to alleviate
our burdens.?
群
​Our fuccefs, however, was but of ſhort dura
tion; and we have now experienced almost three
years of uninterrupted defeat and diſaſter. During
this long period, the most remarkable circumftance
has been that inflexible. obftinacy with which our
Miniftry have perfevered in the primitive object
of the war. They ſeem to have thought, that
-što be weak is miferable,
Doing or fuffering-
Their behaviour puts one in mind of the warrior in
CRITO.
69
Ariofto, who does not obferve that his head has.
been cut off, but continues fighting as if nothing
had happened to him. This immoveable intrepi-
dity has been moft confpicuous in that branch of
adminiſtration containing the deferters from the
ancient Whigs, among whom no change of coun-
tenance, no voice, or gefture, unbecoming their
former profeffions, has hitherto been obfervable.
A late Lord Lieutenant has, even recently, in a
public debate, recommended our perſeverance in
the conqueft of France, with a warmth that does
great honour to the fincerity of his feelings; and
old Truepenny, it is faid, repofing upon his pen-
fions, ftill fwears againſt a regicide peace.
Our Prime Miniſter, indeed, has been brought
to admit, that the form of government in France
preſents no inſuperable objection to our concluding
a peace with that nation; an admiffion which ap-
pears to have been extorted, not without fome wry
faces, and much hefitation; and which, after all
his vain boafting, was, doubtlefs, to him, if that
were of any importance, abundantly humiliating.
But this declaration ſeems to produce no altera-
tion in his meaſures; and peace is apparently as
remote as ever. What is now his object in conti-
nuing the war, the Lord only knows. But if any
fagacious projector could, in our very critical fi
tuation, hit upon the plan of a peace, which would
not threaten to drive our prefent Miniſters from
the poffeffion of their places, it is probable he
would meet with due encouragement. I am, &c.
CRITO.
70
CRITO.
SIR,
LETTER XII.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRONICLE.
Auguſt 16. 1796.
AFTER examining the real, and the pre-
tended objects of the war, as well as the reaſons
which have been given for inducing the nation to
engage in it, I cannot forbear adding a few re-
marks, concerning the injuftice, and concerning
the impolicy of that undertaking. With refpect
to its injuftice I fhall fay but little; becauſe I am
ſenſible that juſtice is too apt to be little regarded
in the difputes between different nations.
It ſeems to be univerfally admitted by writers
upon the law of nature, and, ſo far as I can ob-
ferve, is not difputed by our minifters themſelves,
that every independent ftate has an exclufive right
to legiflate for itſelf, and to ſettle its own internal
government. This is a principle which makes its
way directly to the underſtanding, and to the feel-
ings of every enlightened mind. It is fupported, not
only by the immediate fenfe of justice, but by the
cleareft and strongeft confiderations of expediency.
Every nation is beft acquainted with its own pe-
culiar circumſtances, and having invariably its own
intereft in view, is the beſt qualified to judge of
thoſe meaſures by which its welfare is likely to be
promoted. But the intereft and views of different
nations are always different, and frequently oppo-
fite to one another; and if a foreign ftate were
...
CRITO.
71
permitted to interfere in making laws, or framing
a conſtitution for its neighbours, there can be no
doubt that it would, in fuch cafes, be directed by
very improper motives; that the advancement of
its own power or emolument would often be the
real object; and that the happineſs or proſperity
of the nation for whom it acted would be merely
a pretence. To allow fuch interference, there-
fore, would be to facrifice the welfare, and even
fometimes the exiſtence, of one independent ſtate,
to the caprice, the ambition, or the avarice of its
neighbours; to afford a perpetual colour and pre-
text for invafion and oppreffion; and to give an
open and regular licenſe to anarchy, rebellion, rob-
bery, and murder.
That, in the conduct of nations, this principle
has frequently been violated, and that powerful
ftates have, in many cafes, produced revolutions
in the conftitution of their weaker neighbours, up-
on pretence of confulting the general intereft or
fafety, is a melancholy truth. We may mention,
as one inftance of fuch an attempt, in our own
country, the partition treaty, planned by King
William, but which, being diſapproved of by the
great and good Lord Somers, or from whatever
cauſes, was never carried into execution; and as
another, the war about the fucceffion to the crown
of Spain, which took place at the beginning of the
prefent century. But the frequency of fuch vio-
lations of the rules of juftice only ſhows, that great
bodies of men, where multitudes act in concert
CRITO.
with each other, have lefs fenfibility to the feel-
ings of morality than private and unconnected in-
dividuals. The number of perſons embarked in
the fame undertaking, and actuated by the fame
paffions, keep one another in countenance; they
meet with nobody that is cool and impartial, to
cenfure their conduct, or to reprefent its enormity
and baſeneſs; and having in view a common inte-
reft among themſelves, they appear to act, in part
at leaſt, not from ſelfiſh motives, but from a fort
of benevolence or public ſpirit. This obſervation,
however, though it may explain, is very far from
being intended to vindicate fuch proceedings.
The attempts to juſtify the war with France ap-
pear to have reſted upon two different grounds,
which are, in reality, incompatible with each o-
ther. Firſt, it has been pretended, that we entered
into that war from abſolute neceffity, the French
having declared hoftilities against us; or, at leaft,
that we acted merely upon the defenfive, having
had no other means of preventing the progress of
their arms. This view, which reprefents the pre-
fent conteft as founded upon fimilar grounds to
thoſe which have produced the greater part of
quarrels among nations, I had formerly occafion
to examine, in ftating the reafons which were al-
leged for our engaging in the war; and to add
any thing further upon it would be fuperfluous.
Though the French made the firſt verbal declara-
tion of war, yet our behaviour had previouſly been
fully equivalent to an actual declaration of hoftili-
CRITO.
73
ties. It is, at the fame time, well known, that the
Britiſh miniſtry avowed their purpoſe of profecut-
ing the contest upon other grounds than that of
felf-defence; that France had both an intereſt and
an inclination to maintain a good underſtanding
with Britain; and that ſhe made feveral attempts
to terminate the difpute by an amicable nego-
ciation.
I ſhall at prefent confider the conteft in its pe-
culiar, and true light; as a war founded upon a
determined purpoſe to interfere in the internal go-
vernment of France, to pull down that conftitution
which the people themſelves had eſtabliſhed, and
to reſtore an order and ſyſtem of policy which the
people, by an almoſt unanimous confent, had re-
probated.
This interference, the fupporters of the war
have endeavoured to vindicate upon two different
principles. It has been ſaid, in the first place,
that Britain, from a regard to the French them-
felves, and to the general intereſts of human na-
ture, had a right to interfere in the internal policy
of France, to defend the rights of the fovereign,
and thoſe of the emigrants, to put a stop to the
cruelties and to the anarchy prevailing in the
country, to affume the guardianſhip of the Chri-
ſtian religion, and of the rules of morality, which
were openly exploded, and treated with every
mark of fcorn and indignity.
The queſtion is, whether we are entitled to new-
model the government or policy of a neighbour-
G
74
CRITO.
ing nation from pretences of this nature? From
what I formerly obferved, it muſt be evident, that
the permiffion of fuch interference would open a
door to much worſe evils than thoſe which we
fhould propoſe to redrefs. The pretence of gener-
qus, humane, or virtuous motives, would always
be at hand to cover fecret and unwarrantable de-
figns. The majority of an independent ſtate will
commonly act with propriety in promoting their
own intereft; or if, in a fingular emergency, they
ſhould happen to do otherwife, they are likely
foon to correct their miſtakes, and to rectify their
conduct. But the interpofition of foreigners, by a
military force, inſtead of removing, is moſt likely
to aggravate the diſorders which have been com-
mitted. Can any thing be more abfurd than for
Great Britain to imagine that, by means of her
fleets and armies, fhe is capable of maintaining in
France the virtues of humanity and benevolence,
or of enforcing the principles of morality and the
Chriſtian religion? Does any perſon believe, that,
by attempting to do fo, fhe would not produce
more harm than good?
But in reality the evils complained of in France
have arifen, at leaft in a great meafure, not fo
much from the fault of the French themſelves, as
from the conduct of Britain and her allies. Had
it not been for the Treaty of Pilnitz, and its con-
fequences, there would have been no fuch difor-
ders in that country. The limited monarchy,
eſtabliſhed in 1789, would have remained; the
CRITO.
75
lives of the Sovereign, and of the Royal Family,
would have been preferved; the bloodfhed, in ac-
complishing fo great a revolution, would have
been wonderfully little; and there would have
been no emigrants but fuch as voluntarily aban-
doned their native country rather than ſubmit to
the new conftitution. We refemble a phyfician,
therefore, who having previouſly administered a
poiſonous drug to occafion a violent difeafe, kindly
offers his belt endeavours in curing the patient;
and who, instead of waiting till he is called for
that purpoſe, endeavours, as in fome German
farces, to feize the unhappy fufferer, and follows
him from place to place, attempting in vain to
force his medicine upon him.
The other ground, upon which we have pre-
tended to the right of overturning the prefent go-
vernment of France, is a regard to our own inte
reft; and in this we are probably more fincere.
The intereſted ſupporters of the abuſes in our own
goverment pretend, and our honeft well-meaning
alarmifts appear to be convinced, that our own
political fyftem is endangered by the French Re-
volution..
It is certain that the late changes in the govern-
ment of France have had a tendency to excite, in
this iſland, as well as over all Europe, an attention
to the general principles of government, and a diſ-
pofition to reſcue mankind from flavery and op-
preffion. I shall even admit, for the fake of argu-
ment, that the example of a republican fyftem in
G ij
76
CRITO.
#
any
France may have fome effect upon the inhabitants
of this, and of other countries, in recommending
to them that form of government: But will
perfon take upon him to affert, that the hazard
arifing from thence to Great Britain is of fuch
magnitude, or fo direct and immediate, as to juſtify
our interference, by force, to overturn or alter the
internal government of France? Does the eſta
bliſhment of a republic in France, together with
the enthuſiaſtic ſpirit which prevails among the
people, threaten the government of this country
with fuch immediate deftruction as to excuſe our
violating the ordinary rules of juſtice, and invad-
ing our neighbours upon the mere principle of
indifpenfible ſelf-prefervation? According to this
mode of reafoning, every country in the world.
would be entitled to quarrel with its neighbours
for eſtabliſhing among themſelves a different poli-
tical ſyſtem. Louis XIV. acted meritoriofly in
his attempts to conquer Holland, where a repub-
lican government was established; moft divinely,
in fupporting the two rebellions againſt the Houſe
of Hanover, by whofe acceffion we, in this coun-
try, were fecured in a limited monarchy, very ad-
verfe to the defpotifm in France. The King of
Pruffia, and the Emprefs of Ruffia, who have
lately cruſhed in the bud the liberties of Poland,
are two angels fent from heaven, to prevent the
progrefs of political innovation, and to defend
mankind from the pernicious attempts of republi
cans and levellers.
識
​CRITO.
77
Citizens of Britain, know your own good for-
tune, and learn to prize the inestimable bleffings.
of that Conſtitution which has been handed down
by your forefathers.
ing to preſerve it to
Are
Are you in earneſt in wiſh-
the lateſt pofterity? Be af-
fured, that force and violence are not the proper
means for effecting this important purpofe. This
purpoſe is not to be effected, either by attempting
to overthrow the political fyftem of your neigh-
bours, or by puniſhing with immoderate ſeverity
fuch of your countrymen as take the liberty of
cenfuring your own; but by mending your own
Conftitution where it is defective, by fubmitting it
with full confidence to the free examination of all
the world, and by conducting its adminiftration in
ſuch a manner as, inſtead of marking jealouſy and
diſtruſt, or inſpiring diſcontent and reſentment,
will conciliate the love and affection, the lively
gratitude and zealous attachment of the people.
The Britiſh Conflitution is an old fabric, ftrong,
maffy, and well contrived, equally fitted to defend
againſt the winter ftorm and the fummer's heat.
It would furely be madneſs, as well as the groffeft
injuſtice, to demoliſh the more ſplendid or faſhion-
able houſe of your neighbour, left by its new-
fangled ornaments it fhould put you out of con-
ceit with your own; but found reaſon fhould teach
you, as foon as poffible, to repair the injuries.
which time and accidents have occafioned to your
own building. Covet not the frippery of modern
embelliſhments, the fancied improvements of ſpe-
G. iij
78
CRITO.
culative architects; but let the reparation be exe-
cuted in that ſtyle of plainnefs and fimplicity which
is agreeable, to the original plan; beſtowing upon
it, at the fame time, all the accommodation, all the
free intercourſe of apartments, all the light and
cheerfulneſs of which that plan is fufceptible. If
you act in this reaſonable and liberal manner,
there is no ground to fear that this venerable pile
will ever be thrown down by its inhabitants, or
that its houſehold gods will ever be deſerted.
To conclude, with refpect to the injuſtice of the
war, I wish I could avoid remarking,, that the
weight of this charge lies chiefly upon us. We
were not, indeed, the firſt to invade France; but
we took arms whenever we ſaw that the country
could not be conquered without our affiftance;
and we foon became the leaders and directors of
the undertaking. We over-perfuaded Holland
to take a ſhare in the conteft; we fubfidifed Sar-
dinia; we fubfidiſed Pruffia; we did what is equi-
valent to fubfidifing the Emperor. Whatever
was the object of our miniftry in the beginning,
they have fince purſued it with an inflexible refo-
lution, which no change of circumſtances, no mo-
tives of national intereft or fafety, have been able
to flacken or divert. After a long and inceffant
accumulation of diſappointment, mortification, and
calamity, they continue, like the animal in the
fable, to gnaw the file, miftaking or misrepreſenting
the blood that appears for that of their enemies.
Not contented with becoming the prime mover
CRITO.
79
The
and foul of the combination against France, they
have tried to force into the confederacy thofe few
powers of Europe who had refolved to maintain a
neutrality. The operations of our ambaſſador at
Copenhagen, of Mr. Drake, our envoy at Genoa,
and of Lord Hervey, our envoy at Florence, are
fufficiently known. The Genoeſe refifted the
rough attacks that were made upon them with a
degree of fpirit, which, from fo inconfiderable a
ftate, could hardly have been expected.
Grand Duke of Tuſcany, much againſt his intereſt
and his opinion, found it neceffary to yield, and to
declare hoftilities againſt the common enemy.
Upon what principle of morality they ventured to
treat independent ſtates in this manner, it is not
eafy to ſay. The barbarity of compelling a fove-
reign to involve his fubjects in all the miſeries and
calamities of war, and this in oppofition to his own
ſenſe of right and wrong, in ſomething that out-
rages the feelings of juſtice in a very uncommon
degree. I am, &c.
CRITO..
SIR,
LETTER XIII.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRONICLE.
Auguft 23. 1796.
CONCERNING the impolicy of the war, there
occur fo many remarks which prefs forward and
ſeem to merit attention, that I am afraid of wan-
CRITO.
dering in a boundleſs field, and of encroaching too
far upon the important information ufually col-
lected in your very intelligent paper. To form a
juſt opinion upon the fubject, it would be necef
fary to examine the following particulars :-
1. Whether the conqueft of France was a mea-
fure calculated to procure the object which we
had in view.
2. How far we were likely to fucceed in the
project of conquering France.
3. What might be the probable confequences
of our complete fuccefs in that meaſure.
4. The inconveniences and miſchiefs to which
we unavoidably expofed ourſelves by that under-
taking.
The first article abovementioned has been al-
ready confidered at ſome length, in examining the
cauſes of the war; and I ſhall not trouble you
with a repetition of the obſervations formerly
made. The intention of our miniſters in attempt-
ing the conqueſt of France was to ſtop the pro-
grefs of what are called French opinions. The
crufades, for the purpoſe of redeeming the holy
fepulchre from the hands of infidels, were not
half ſo abfurd; for thoſe expeditions had really
fome tendency to procure the ridiculous end which
was propoſed. But the cudgelling twenty-five
millions of people out of a fyftem of opinions,
which they had moft deliberately adopted, and
which they confidered as effential to the fecurity
of their lives and their property, is evidently be-
CRITO.
yond the reach of human ſtrength. Had we
marched our victorious armies from one corner of
France to the other, had we fubverted all the
new inftitutions, and restored the old government
in France, had we broiled ten thouſand Jacobins
at a Britiſh auto da fe, we ſhould probably have
been as far as ever from our purpoſe, either of ex-
tinguiſhing republican tenets in that country, or
of perfuading the people in this ifland, that a re-
form of parliamentary reprefentation is not indif
penfibly requifite for the prefervation of their li
berties.
But ſuppoſing that the conqueft of France would
have extirpated thefe offenfive opinions, it was
a wide ſtep to conclude that this could be accom-
pliſhed by the joint efforts of thoſe potentates who
had formed a combination againſt her. Did thoſes
potentates confider the populouſneſs, the fertility,
and riches of France; the compactneſs of her do.
minions, her military ſpirit, and her fuperiority in
the military ſcience, particularly in that branch
which relates to the management of artillery, now
become the chief inftrument of modern tactics ?
Were they aware that a nation, in thofe circum-
ſtances, comprehending near a fourth part of the
inhabitants of Europe, could fend greater armies
to their frontiers, at leaſt armies which, when
fighting for every thing that is dear to them,
would do more execution than thofe which all
Europe, in the view of a foreign conqueft, could
maintain at a diſtance? Did they take into the
82
CRITO.
***
account the many fortified towns belonging to
France, on that fide where alone ſhe is expoſed to
an enemy, and which the late King of Pruffia,
from whofe opinion, in matters of this kind, our
lawyer minifters, or parliamentary orators might
not be aſhamed to reap inftruction, confidered as
an impregnable defence? "The frontiers of
France next to Germany," fays that great mili-
tary genius, “are like the jaws of a lion, with two
dreadful rows of teeth, ready open to devour any
invader."
But whatever obftacles to the conqueft of France
might occur in ordinary cafes, thefe are greatly
multiplied on the prefent occafion. France, as
our miniſter himſelf acknowledged, has now be-
come an ARMED NATION, capable, by a fimple re-
quifition, of bringing into the field fuch multitudes.
as reſemble the fwarms which, in a rude ſtate of
fociety, iffued from the northern parts of Europe,
to overwhelm the provinces of the Roman Em-
pire; and theſe multitudes, animated by an enthu
fiaftic love of liberty, which, added to their dif-
cipline and military fpirit, appears to render them
invincible. The effects of that enthufiafm, joined
to that military ſpirit and difcipline, we had fully
experienced in the total difcomfiture of the
Duke of Brunſwick; in the rapid conqueft of the
Auſtrian Netherlands; and in the decifive battle
of Jemappe. That any perfon of found mind, af-
ter fo impreffive a trial, fhould have propoſed to
renew the project of conquering that country, was
CRITO.
83
not to be expected. It exceeds the castle-build-
ing of a dream, or the delirium of a fever. We
had ſeen the unanimity with which the French na-
tion reprobated our defigns in favour of monarchy;
and if we truſted to the divifions in that country,
and to the ferment of political factions, we took
the infallible method of precluding any advantage
from that ſource, by uniting every party againſt
the common enemy of all. We became the Sir
Martin Mar-all in the great theatre of Europe;
and ſtumbled upon the very meaſure which ex-
cluded the poffibility of our ever attaining the ob-
ject of our wishes.
But fuppofing that, in ſpite of every obftacle,
we ſhould, by fome miraculous interpofition, have
been ſucceſsful in conquering France, may it not
reaſonably be demanded, what national advantage
could poffibly have refulted from that conqueſt?
Was it propoſed that, after we had reſtored the
ancient defpotifm, and replaced the emigrants in
their former fituation, we ſhould leave the French
monarchy, thus happily renovated, to go on in its
natural channel. Some additional precautions, I
am afraid, would have been requifite for fecuring
the continuance of our workmanſhip. We muſt,
undoubtedly, have left in the country an army,
and a great one too, for fupporting that ſyſtem of
government which we had eſtabliſhed, and for pre-
venting an enraged and defperate people from cut-
ting the throats of thoſe deteſted rulers whom we
had fet over them. An English mercenary army,
:84
CRITO.
}
of fufficient magnitude, and properly trained up in
the pleaſant ſervice of keeping the French demo-
crates in fubjection, would form an excellent corps
to be entrusted with the guardianship of English
liberty; and would, in all probability, be often
appealed to in any of thoſe future difputes, in Eng-
land, which might arife between the crown and
the people.
But it is poffible that our governing politicians,
intoxicated with power, might pleaſe themſelves
with the proſpect of depreffing ſtill more our an-
cient rivals, and might prefer the project of dif
membering the French monarchy. Would Bri-
tain, in that.caſe, have chofen to retain any part
of it? Would Britain, who finds the expence of
holding the infulated rock of Gibraltar fo infup-
portable, have fubjected herſelf to the burthen of
maintaining a number of garrifoned towns in France,
and to the hazard of being involved, as a principal
party, in all the wars of the Continent? To avoid
thefe evils, would we have chofen to leave this
conteſted country in the poffeffion of our allies, to
be divided by them, like Poland, or to be diſpoſed -
of as they, in their great humanity and juſtice,
fhould pleaſe to determine?
We could, in that caſe, indeed, have no fecurity
that the powers, whom we had thus aggrandized
beyond meaſure, would not proceed, in a fhort
time, to the partition, or conqueft of Britain,
whoſe commerce they have long envied, and whoſe
government they cannot fail to deteſt.
CRITO.
85
To whatever fide we turn ourſelves, in whatever
light we view this project of conquering France,
it appears no leſs pregnant with danger and cala-
mity than it is abfurd and chimerical; and fo far
is it from preſenting any folid proſpect of national
benefit, that the miſchiefs to be apprehended from
our final fuccefs would be infinitely greater, and
more fatal, than even thoſe which we have ſuffer-
ed, and are likely to fuffer, by our complete fail-
ure and diſappointment.
In eſtimating, however, the folly and madneſs
of this infatuated project, we muſt not overlook
the national advantages which have been forfeited,
or the inconveniences, the loffes, and the mischiefs
which we have reafon to expect; and which (for
unhappily we need not here depend upon conjec-
ture) we have actually fuftained from it. Of the
multitudes killed off in the courfe of the war,
which are much greater than we ever had, or ever
ſhall have any account of, I will fay nothing; for
Miniſters appear to reckon it a preſcriptive privi-
lege to facrifice as many lives as they pleaſe to
their ambition or private emolument. But the
age in which we live is faid to be the age of cal-
culators. Let me ask our arithmeticians, what
fums of money have been loft? What was the
amount of that alarming ftagnation of trade, which
began upon the commencement of the war, and
which made it neceffary that government ſhould
fupport the credit of merchants by extenfive loans
of public money; an interpofition calculated to
H
86
CRITO.
bring the mercantile intereſt under the immediate
influence of the executive power? What is the
amount of thofe depredations upon our shipping,
which have fo raiſed the price of infurance, and fo
impaired and clogged our foreign trade? What
is the amount of the danger, to which we are now
expoſed, of being excluded from foreign harbours,
and of having our merchandize captured in neutral
bottoms? But above all, what is the amount of
that public expenditure which the war has occa-
fioned? Has it not been affirmed, upon good au-
thority, that our public debt is already augmented
by an hundred millions; and that the demands up-
on the Treaſury are pouring in from all quarters,
with fuch rapidity, that a new loan, to a great ex-
tent, will be neceffary for the preſent year? It is
computed that, though we should be fortunate
enough to conclude a peace with the utmoſt expe-
dition, our national debt will be fo enormous as to
require a conftant annual revenue of three or four-
and-twenty millions; a fum, by the miniſter's own
confeffion, fully equal to the landed rent of the
kingdom. What a proſpect does this open to the
future commerce of Britain, clogged with fuch a
weight of taxes? What a profpect does it open
to the landed intereft, who, according to fome fyf
tems of political economy, fuftain the whole of
this burden, but according to all, muſt bear a great
proportion of it? What a profpect does this open
to annuitants, and to fuch as live upon a yearly fa-
lary or ftipend, whoſe real fund of ſubſiſtence, af-
CRITO.
87
ter deducting the taxes which are paid from it, is
reduced to a mere trifle, while the price of all
commodities muſt, from the ſame cauſe, be in pro-
portion augmented? But where will this end?
Will this bubble continue to fwell for ever with-
out burſting?
How different would have been the afpect of
our affairs, had we, during the conflict of the con-
tinental powers, remained in a ſtate of neutrality?
Had we, indeed, uſed our endeavours, we might
eafily have prevented the war altogether. But
ſuppoſing the ſtruggle to have been limited to the
Continent, we ſhould have carried on, without im-
pediment, all the trade of Europe, and its depen-
dencies; and the commerce of all other nations
would have been ſheltered under our wings. In-
ftead of adding to our public debts, the increaſe
of our wealth, and our refources, would have ena-
bled us in proportion to extinguiſh our former
burdens. Without engaging in hofiilities, we
might have put ourfelves in a state of preparation
for our own, defence; and by retaining our own
ftrength unimpaired, we might have expected,
that, after the contending parties had mutually
exhauſted themſelves, we fhould become the arbi-
ters of their pacification.
The miſchiefs ariſing from the war, which re-
fate more immediately to our government and po-
lice; that immenfe military force which, in dif-
ferent ſhapes, and by new and unprecedented infìi-
tutions, has been ſpread over the country; the
Hij
88
CRITO
meaſures that have been purfued for feparating the
foldiery from the reſt of the inhabitants; the fe-
vere puniſhments, unfuitable to a poliſhed nation,
which have been inflicted on political offences;
the unuſual and dangerous powers committed to
adminiſtration; the fufpenfion of the great bul-
wark of our perfonal liberty; the unconſtitutional
reſtrictions which have been laid upon the inter-
courſe of the people, in examining their grievances,
and in petitioning for redrefs; theſe, and fuch o-
ther political effects of the war, I ſhall not at pre-
fent enter upon. Here let me drop the curtain ;
leaving behind the ſcene tranfactions which are
not neceffary for proving the point I had in view,
and the full exhibition of which would be too ſẹ-
vere a tax upon your indulgence and good humour.
I am, &c.
CRITO.
SIR,
LETTER XIV.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRONICLE.
September 2. 1796.
AFTER the reflections which have been fug-
gefted concerning the impolicy of the war, I ſhall
make no apology for confidering a little more par-
ticularly the fituation to which it has reduced us,
and the means moſt likely to deliver us from the
difficulties and dangers with which we appear to
be furrounded. Our fituation is highly critical
and alarming. Our profpect is gloomy; and the
CRITO.
89
clouds appear ſtill to gather around us, without
difcovering a rack, in any corner of the sky, to
indicate the approach of funfhine and ferenity.
We fet out, three years ago, in this unprofperous
war, with high hopes and arrogant pretenfions.
Our allies were numerous and powerful. We
thought of no lefs, than uniting all the ftates of
Europe, whether great or ſmall, against the French
Republic; and we expected to employ fuccefs-
fully the two great engines of force and famine
for effecting our purpoſes. What a dreadful re-
verſe of fortune have we fuftained! The Stadt-
holder, for whoſe intereſt we at first pretended to
commence hoſtilities, is now an exile, ftripped of
his dominions; and the Dutch, from being the ene-
mies, are converted into the firm and zealous allies
of the French. Spain and Pruffia are nearly in
the fame fituation. Ruffia fupports our cauſe on-
ly by declarations; and the Emperor, after ſhrink-
ing into a mere auxiliary, dependent upon the pe-
cuniary affiftance of Britain, is no longer able to
hold up his head even in that fubordinate capacity,
or to bestow that protection which is requifite for
maintaining any authority or influence in the Ger-
manic body. Sardinia, who, engaged in the war
in conſequence of a ſubfidy from us, has, from àb..
folute neceffity, fubmitted to the law of the con-
querer; and all Italy has, in the moft humble
manner, petitioned for peace. So completely
have the tables been turned, that France is now
imitating the example we formerly fet them, by
H iij
go
CRITO.
feizing our merchandize in the veffels of neutral
nations; and is even threatening to exclude our
foreign trade from thofe ports and markets to
which it has hitherto been deſtined. In ſhort, we
are evidently upon the point of being reduced to
grapple alone with an enemy who has proved too
powerful for almost all Europe; and in this def-
perate conjuncture, we have reafon to fear that
many of the neighbouring ſtates will rejoice in
ſeeing, or perhaps in promoting the downfall of a
maritime power which they have long regarded
with envy and jealoufy. What is now become of
the big words of our miniſter? What is become
of his promiſe, that the French would not be able
to continue their efforts for a month or a fort-
night? What is become of his calculations found-
ed upon the debaſement of the affignats? His
promiſes, his predictions, his calculations, have
all vaniſhed in ſmoke. In vain would he attempt
any longer to impofe upon us. His fwelling tones
can no longer be heard ; his threatening aſpect re-
mains in the form of a ridiculous grimace; and he
appears, like the counterfeit mufician in the play,
continuing to move his fingers, in the fame order
and method, after the mufic has completely ceaſed.
The moſt alarming circumftance, perhaps, in our
prefent melancholy fituation, is that dejection and
deſpondency in which the nation appears to be
funk, by the dangers with which ſhe is threatened,
and by the long train of mortification and diſap-
pointment which he has met with. Our faculties
CRITO.
ſeem to be overwhelmed in a ſtupid lethargy,
which renders us incapable of any active exertion,
and even of examining the extent of our misfor-
tunes. Our politicians now hardly read the newf-
papers, and are unwilling to ſpeak of the public
tranfactions. Have you heard any thing to-day?
No! It feems to be all going the ſame way! Need
I obferve, that this feeble and cowardly fpirit is
inconfiftent with the duty which, as faithful fub-
jects and good citizens, we owe to ourſelves, to
our king, and to our country; and that its confe-
quences, in all thefe different views, muſt be
equally ruinous. It is, indeed, the mere counter-
part of thoſe unprincipled and arrogant preten-
fions which were fo lately exhibited. But in or-
der to guard againſt the impending evils, we muſt
look our danger in the face. We must probe
our wounds; we muſt not ſhrink at the appearance
of the incifion knife, if it be neceffary to remove
the malady which we have contracted.
If France ſhall conclude a Peace with the Em-
peror, which is likely to happen very foon, there
are three different ways by which that formidable
enemy will probably endeavour to diftrefs Great
Britain.
In the first place, ſhe will endeavour to exclude
our commodities from all the foreign markets to
which they have hitherto been carried. The ef-
fect of this meaſure is faid to be already felt, in
fome degree, by the French having taken poffeſ
fion of Frankfort and Leghorn and the reports,
*
*
92
CRITO.
in circulation, of their purſuing a fimilar policy
with refpect to Hamburg and Liſbon, and even
with refpect to the whole of the Baltic and Medi-
terranean, have become the fubject of univerſal
apprehenfion. That they will fucceed, to the full
extent of their views, in a project of this nature,
I have no conception; for as, according to the
proverb, there is no friendſhip in trade, fo we may
hold it equally certain that there is no enmity.
Merchants will trade with all the world, whether
friend or foe, wherever they find an advantageous.
market. But though this diſpoſition will, in the
long-ran, overcome every obftacle, it cannot be
fuppofed to operate all at once; and a length of
time, doubtlefs, will be requifite for devising pro-
per expedients to evade thofe prohibitions and dif
couragements with which our commerce is likely
to be encumbered. The extent of the pecuniary
loſs which this may occafion can hardly be eftima→
ted; becauſe it is impoffible to aſcertain the ef-
fects of a fudden, though but a temporary inter-
zuption to the trade of our great mercantile com-
panies; and becauſe the indirect methods, by
which only the trade can be continued, muft be
attended with different degrees of expence, which
will contribute more or leſs to diminiſh the profits.
There is ground, alſo, to believe, that France,
when he has concluded a peace with the Empe
ror, will ſend a great force to the Weſt Indies,
and attempt to conquer the British colonies in that
part of the globe. The diftance, and the extent
CRITO.
93
of our poffeffions, in that quarter, make it extreme-
ly difficult for us to guard them effectually; and
the meaſure of proclaiming liberty to the Negroes,
which the French are faid to have already execut-
ed in St. Domingo, and which they probably will
extend to all the islands of which they acquire the
poffeffion, muſt hold out an encouragement to join
their ſtandard, which cannot fail to be of great
fervice in promoting their defigns. Whatever
may be the effects of this policy with refpect to
the power of France in the Weſt Indies, there can
be no doubt of its tendency to annihilate the do-
minion of Great Britain, and to produce a total
change in the political ſtate and government of the
country, as well as in the condition of its inhabi-
tants. To fay the truth, if the confequences of a
violent and fanguinary conteſt could be avoided,
if the immediate deſtruction of lives, and of pro-
perty, which is likely to occur in that part of the
world, could be prevented, I am difpofed to think
that the final iffue of the revolution to be expect-
ed would not be fo hurtful as may, at firſt view, be
apprehended. The total independence of thoſe
colonies, and their complete emancipation from
thoſe reſtrictions, in point of trade, to which they
have hitherto been fubjected; an event which
every perſon of diſcernment will confider at no
great diſtance; will in all probability be a change
highly advantageous, both to them, and to the ſe-
veral European nations with whom they have been
connected; as, by a greater competition, it will
L
CRITO.
F
4
bestow upon the former much greater encourage-
ment, and a better direction to induſtry; and will
furnish the latter, in greater abundance, and at an
eaſier rate, with the different productions of the
Weſt Indies. The experience of the preſent age
has demonstrated the abfurdity of many regula-
tions to which the commercial intercourſe of the
world had long been fubjected, and which were
thought indifpenfibly requifite. It was apprehend-
ed, not many years ago, that the emancipation and
independence of our North American colonies.
would give a mortal blow to the commerce of the
mother country; whereas the trade of Britain ne-
ver attained fuch profperity as it has enjoyed fince
the accomplishment of that great revolution.、
Lastly, It is probable that the French, when
they have no other enemy to cope with, will con-
centrate their force, and direct their principal
views to the invafion of Britain, or. of Ireland, or
of both together. That our fleets, notwithſtand-
ing their great fuperiority, being obliged to keep
in large bodies for the purpoſe of guarding againſt
ány confiderable defeat, or, from adverſe winds,
being occafionally rendered incapable of acting, as
happened at the revolution 1688, may not be, at
all times, able to prevent the enemy from pouring
a multitude of troops upon different parts of a
coaſt ſo extenfive, and ſo near both to France and
Holland, there is too much reafon to fear; and
though I am firmly perfuaded that fuch a de-
cent would meet with no countenance or afliſt-
CRITO.
65
ance from the inhabitants of this country, and
that in the end it would be entirely unfucceſs-
ful, it is impoffible not to forefee numberlefs in-
conveniences and difafters, which an enterprize
of that nature is likely to produce, in an open
country, where mercantile tranfactions are fo nu-
merous and complicated, and where the fhaking
of the public credit is apt to be attended with an
immediate convulfion. We fhould then, indeed,
have, in one refpect, the fame advantage over our
enemies which they formerly had over us. We
ſhould act with the reſolution and firmneſs of men
fighting in their own defence, and endeavouring
to maintain their independence. The great body
of the people, upon whom the chief ftrefs of the
conteſt muſt be devolved, would then have an op-
portunity of wiping off the afperfions which for-
merly were caft upon them; of fhowing how far
the ſuſpicions entertained, concerning their politi-
tical fentiments, had any foundation; and of refift-
ing thoſe attempts to fubvert our conftitution,
which, from what we have lately feen in Holland,
and what we now fee in Lombardy, might with
too much reafon be expected.
In whatever light we regard our preſent cir-
cumſtances, every perfon, who is not entirely di-
veſted of the capacity of reflection, will be con-
vinced, that we ought, before it is too late, to make
every exertion for putting an end to this calami-
tous war. But the question is, how this can be ac-
compliſhed; fince the pretenfions of the French
96
CRITO.
will naturally riſe in proportion to their aftoniſh-
ing fuccefs; and confidering, that they probably
entertain a mortal refentment againſt Britain, whom
they cannot fail to look upon as the chief author
and conductor of hoftilities profecuted with ſuch
implacable animofity and rancour?
That we ſhould accept of a difhonourable peace,
even in our diſaſtrous circumſtances, I hope no
Britiſh ſubject, whoſe opinion is worthy of the leaſt
attention, will ever propoſe. On the other hand,
that we ſhould obtain an advantageous one, can
hardly be expected. For this we must thank that
Miniſtry, by whoſe wretched policy in undertaking
the war, and by whofe incapacity in conducting
it, we have been brought into this perilous fitua-
tion. I am far from thinking, however, that the
French are not, as well as every reaſonable man
in this country, defirous of terminating the war;
and that even, if proper means are employed, a
peace may not be procured upon reaſonable terms.
The administrators of that country, if they are
guided by found views of policy, cannot furely en-
tertain a wiſh to difmember the Britiſh dominions,
or to infiſt upon fuch conditions as would hazard
that defperate effort which Britain is capable of
making in defence of her national exiſtence. The
French ministry may be fuppofed to have no far-
ther aim than the obtaining of fuch a treaty as is
likely to be permanent, and as may be expected
to fecure their new conſtitution againſt any future
attempts, upon our part, to overturn it. The idea
CRITO.
97
of univerfal fraternization imputed to them, if
ever it exiſted, has probably been long fince aban-
doned as impracticable. It would be the height
of madneſs to require that our government ſhould
be rendered exactly conformable to theirs, but
they may reaſonably, perhaps, demand, that we
ſhould give ſome evidence of our entertaining ſen-
timents which are not inimical to their conſtitution;
and that, for this purpoſe, the authors of our late
political meaſures, thofe who have conducted the
force of Britain in fuch a manner as to demonſtrate
an implacable hatred to the French Republic,
ſhould be inſtantly diſmiſſed from the helm. With-
out fuch a change upon our part, it is impoffible
that there ſhould be the appearance of a fincere
reconciliation; and the propofal of a peace could
lead to nothing more than a temporary armiſtice,
to be broken as foon as Britain has recovered her
exhauſted reſources. Whoever talks of a peace,
without this preliminary ſtep, is a mere party.
man, the adherent of that miferable junto by
whom the nation has been expoſed to fuch dangers,
and involved in fuch calamities.
In another letter, I fhall confider the expediency,
or rather the abfolute neceffity of this change,
from circumſtances relating to the internal ftate
and government of the country.
I am,
&c.
CRITO.
i
98
CRITO.
SIR,
LETTER XV.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRONICLE.
IN
In my last letter I obferved, that, if we
are in earneſt in wiſhing to conclude a peace, we
muſt make it appear that we are cordially recon-
ciled to the French nation; that our views are no
longer hoftile to their Conftitution; and that we
have no plan, at any future period, to act in con-
cert with other powers in diſturbing or undermin-
ing its eſtabliſhment. Confidering our behaviour
for fome time paft; confidering that, of all the
European powers, we have appeared the moſt in-
veterate enemies of this Conſtitution, it cannot be
expected that our profeffions, with regard to fuch
a change of ſentiments, will gain any credit, un-
leſs they ſhall be accompanied with a total change
of Miniſtry, and, as far as the French are concern-
ed, with a total change of our political conduct.
But a change of miniftry and of meafures is not
more neceſſary for enabling us to conclude a peace
with France, than for fecuring our own future
tranquillity, and for preferving the principles of
the Britiſh Conftitution. If the preſent Miniſtry
have fhown, as they certainly have, a moſt inflex-
ible refolution to deftroy the new form of govern-
ment, and to restore the ancient defpotifm in
France; if there be good ground to believe, as
there undoubtedly is, that they have not really
abandoned this refolution, but only give way to a
CRITO.
59*
temporary neceffity, and will take the first oppor-
tunity of reſuming their former meaſures, and of
creating new diſturbances in purſuance of the old
quarrel, it would be egregious folly in us to pay
any regard to their profeffions; and the height of
imprudence to permit that they fhould remain in
fituations where they may play over again the
fame ruinous game at our expence. It has, in-
deed, been always understood, and is confidered
as a maxim founded upon the nature of our go-
vernment, that every unſucceſsful war fhould pro-
duce a change of Miniftry. As our Miniſters are
in all cafes refponfible for their conduct, they
ought to be ſo more eſpecially in the direction of
a war, which, of all the meaſures in which they
can engage, is the moſt pregnant with danger and
calamity. From their fuccefs in the adventure,
the nation, who can have no other criterion of
their merit, muft form a judgment of their inte-
grity, or their capacity; and, if the iffue is ex-
tremely unfortunate, they may often deferve pu-
niſhment, but furely, in all cafes, muft forfeit the
truft and confidence of the public. It would be
an alarming circumftance, if, contrary to this na-
tural courſe of things, a fet of war-minifters, who
by their miſconduct had produced a ſeries of pub-
lic difalters, and had brought the nation to the
brink of a fatal precipice, were ſtill able to retain
their offices, and to proceed in their career. It
would ſhow that they were upheld, upon a deteſt-
I ij
100
CRITO.
able fyftem of favouritifm, and, by a fecret inter-
ference, threatening to fubvert the Conftitution.
The application of this remark to our preſent
eritical fituation is hardly neceffary. There furely
never was a war more unprofperous than the pre-
fent, undertaken from worfe motives, or carried
on in ſuch a blundering manner. There never
was a war, to which the people were excited by
ſuch a train of delufion and impoſture, or in which
their hopes were, from time to time, buoyed up,
and their paffions enflamed, by fuch a ſeries of
mifrepreſentations and falfehoods. If the Mini-
itry who planned and conducted this infatuated
enterpriſe fhall remain in power after the conclu-
fion of fuch a peace as Britain, in her untoward
circumſtances, must be contented to accept, we
can have no doubt that there is at the bottom
fome peculiar caufe of fe extraordinary a pheno-
menon, which requires to be inveftigated; fome
fecret malady, affecting the vitals of the Conftitu-
tion, for which a remedy cannot be too foon pro-
vided.
}
It is evident, that not only a change of Mini-
ſtry, but a total change of meaſures, has become
indiſpenſably requifite for the prefervation of our
liberties.
Whoever is acquainted with the principles of
our Conſtitution, and confiders the nature of the
Revolution-fettlement, in 1688, will eafily perceive-
that, from the courſe of public events, and from
the changes in the ftate of fociety, great altérations
CRITO.
ΤΟΙ
have, fince that period, occurred in our political
fyftem. By that great tranfaction, the boundaries
of the prerogative were aſcertained and fixed, in
fuch a manner as precluded all hazard from any of
thofe encroachments against which the nation,
from paft experience, had been taught to provide.
From this time forward, a new order of things was
introduced. The Houfe of Commons, no longer
jealous of the Crown, became hearty and liberal
in granting fupplies; and the expenfive wars in
which the nation was involved, occafioned a rapid
increaſe of taxes. Minifters, taking advantage of
the national fpirit, became proportionably daring
and rapacious; and when the expence of their
projects could not be defrayed within the year,
they ventured to borrow a capital, providing only
a fum for the annual diſcharge of the intereſt.
Thus the fyftem of funding, which from fmall be-
ginnings was gradually extended, and has rife to
fuch a monftrous pitch, taught the nation to en-
gage in military undertakings beyond their ſtrength,
and rendered her familiar with an endleſs accu-
mulation of public burthens..
It is unneceffary to obferve, that this augmenta-
tion of the public revenue, by creating a corre-
fpondent increaſe of patronage, has produced an
extenfion of influence, pervading all the different
branches of adminiſtration, and advancing without
end, like the fources from which it is derived.
The public revenue, immediately before the Re-
volution, amounted to about two millions. Sup-
I iij
102
CRITO.
pofing that the prefent war is terminated with al
poffible expedition, it is believed that our future
peace eſtabliſhment cannot be below twenty-four
millions. It would not be difficult to ſhow, did
the limits of the prefent letter admit of fuch a par-
ticular difcuffion, that this increafe of the public
revenue, during the period above mentioned, has
produced an extenfion of influence far exceeding
the proportion of that increaſe. But throwing
this confideration afide, it must be acknowledged
that, by the immenſe patronage arifing from the
diſpoſal of ſo much money; not to mention the
church livings in the gift of the crown, the ap-
pointments of the Eaſt India Company, under the
controul and direction of ministry, with many
other offices and places of emolument in their no-
mination, none of which are included in the fore-
going calculation of the public revenue, there is
produced an univerfal afcendancy in all the de-
partments of government, which often lulls afleep
and palfies our fenfe of duty, holds in derifion all.
pretences to public fpirit, and feems at length to
overbear and deſtroy all oppofition. With what
propriety the different powers of government are:
diſtributed and balanced, how beautiful the poli
tical machine may appear in theory, and with
what apparent nicety its various parts are adjuſted
to one another, is of little importance, if our mi-
niſters ſhall be poffeffed of a magical inſtrument,
by which they may fecretly tamper with all its
CRITO.
103
operations, and controul or direct all its move-
ments!
翳
​It was this view of our political ſtate which, in
the courſe of the American war, extorted the me.
morable declaration from the Houſe of Commons,
"that the influence of the Crown had increaſed,
"was increaſing, and ought to be diminished."
It was the fame view which, upon the conclufion
of that war, produced, among men of all ranks, a
very general attention to a circumstance of great
importance in the government, (though formerly
it had excited little concern or uneafineſs) the un-
equal repreſentation of the community in the
Houſe of Commons. While the fecret influence
of miniſtry, from the limited ſtate of the revenue,
was inconfiderable, this deviation from the origi-
nal principles of our government, which, in a
courſe of time, had proceeded from various cauſes,
was attended, perhaps, with no great.inconveni-
ence; but, in conſequence of the vast extenfion
of miniſterial patronage, it came neceffarily to be
regarded as a defect, of the utmoft magnitude, in
the conftitution of the legislature.
Notwithstanding the prodigious progreſs of Mini-
fterial influence and corruption, there ſtill remain-
ed one check upon the conduct of every Admini-
Atration, which had always been confidered as the
great fafeguard of our liberties. Though the doctrine.
of abfolute confidence in Miniſters had been ex-
alted to a wonderful pitch, and though their mea-
fures could, in ordinary cafes, be carried into exe-
ION
CRITO.
cution with nearly the fame facility as in the moft
defpotical government, it was always expected,
that, upon extraordinary occafions, when thoſe
meaſures had become extremely unpopular, thè
interpofition of the House of Commons, by a peti-
tion to the Crown, would infallibly produce à
change of Miniftry, and a confequent change of
fyftem. This ultimate controul, it was thought,
might prove a terror to evil doers, and might pre-
vent the executive power from ſhutting its ears to
the loud voice of the nation. But the tranſactions
in the year 1784 put an end to that expectation;
and demonftrated, that if ever the Crown, from a
fingular concurrence of accidents, fhould loſe a
majority in that Houſe, its Miniſters might fafely
venture upon a diffolution of Parliament as an in-
fallible expedient for fupporting their intereft. A
great majority of the Commons being, in the pre-
ſent ſtate of the reprefentation, returned by the
intereft of a ſmall number of individuals, a diffolu
tion of Parliament; as far as related to that Houfe,
was not, in reality, an appeal to the nation at
large, but, in a great meaſure, an appeal to fuch
of the nobility and gentry as had acquired the di-
rection of rotten boroughs, or of certain political
diſtricts. After this leading experiment, it be
came now evident to all the world, that a reform
in the mode of electing the national repreſentatives
was indifpenfably requifite, for counteracting the
effects of that great influence acquired by Mini
#
CRITO.
*105
fters, and for maintaining the free exercife of thoſe
powers eſtabliſhed at the Revolution.
It was by expreffing great zeal in the purſuit of
this object, and by profelling various opinions of a
fimilar tendency, together with the poſſeſſion of a
pompous and plaufible eloquence, that our Prime
Miniſter had acquired fuch popularity as rendered
hira, at the time alluded to, a neceffary ally to
that collection of the adherents of prerogative
which came to be placed at the helm. He conti-
nued, when in office, to make fome feeble and auk-
ward attempts for promoting a parliamentary re-
form, but foon acquiefced in the negative which
was given to that meaſure, chiefly by his minifte-
rial friends. How far he had been in earneſt in
thoſe attempts became evident in 1792, when a
motion for the fame purpoſe was brought, from
another quarter, under the confideration of Par-
liament, and countenanced by a fociety of gentle-
men, whoſe rank and character afforded a fuffi-
cient pledge of their good intentions; upon which
occafion, this verſatile ftatefman not only oppofed
the meaſure with all the weight of ministerial in-
tereſt, but endeavoured to hold it up to the pub-
lic as calculated to promote the defigns of repub-
licans and levellers. It was, in fact, to diſap-
point the meaſures propofed at that time, as I
formerly obſerved, that the war with France was
undertaken. Had a temperate reform been then
carried into execution, the ſyſtem of alarm, which
has been fo artificially fpread over the kingdom,
106
CRITO.
would have been fuperfeded; this ruinous war,
with all its dreadful confequences, would have
been prevented; and the national profperity would
have rifen to a height without example in any for-
mer period.
But if it was, at that time, a meaſure of fupreme
necellity to counteract the tendency of miniſterial
influence, by correcting the inequality of the na-
tional repreſentation, how much more fo muſt it
appear at prefent; when, in confequence of the
war, that influence has been fo wonderfully ex-
tended; and when the terrors which were excited,
and the malignant fufpicions which were inftilled
into the minds of men, have contributed to arm
our minifters with fuch new and unprecedented
powers? What an implicit faith in thoſe Mini-
fters has been inculcated? With what an abfo-
fute dominion over all ranks and orders of men
have they been invefted? What diſcretionary
powers have been committed to them on pretence
of guarding the public fafety, though at the ex-
pence of perfonal liberty; and what abuſes have
been made of thefe powers by the profecution and
oppreffive treatment of innocent perfons? What
reftraints have been impofed upon the liberty of
the preſs, that neceſſary inſtrument for checking the
encroachments of prerogative? What reftraints,
what prohibitions have been laid upon the meet-
ings of the people for the defence of their privi-
leges? In a mixed government like ours, is it not
the privilege of every British fubject to petition.
CRITO.
107
the Sovereign; to petition Parliament, whenever
he conceives his rights to be invaded? Is not this
privilege fecured exprefsly by the Bill of Rights,
that facred and fundamental law of the kingdom?
But how are men to know when encroachments
are made upon their rights; and how are they to
petition with any effect for redreſs, if they are
not allowed to meet and converfe together upon
political fubjects? And with what fort of freedom
can they communicate their thoughts, and procure
mutual information, if they are, liable to be filen-
ced, impriſoned, and puniſhed, at the difcretion of
an officer, appointed by that very executive power
of whofe oppreffion they may have occafion to
complain?
When a parliamentary reform was propofed, im-
mediately before the commencement of the war,
the chief objection, which any perfon chofe to
avow, was founded upon a ſuſpicion that the people
would not be contented with an amendment of
the defects particularly fpecified, but, in imitation
of the French, were, in reality, defirous of a to-
tal revolution. It is hoped the experience we
have had, fince that period, of the temper and
moderation of the people in all parts of the iſland,
will be fufficient entirely to remove this objection,
and to fatisfy us that the lower orders are in ge-
neral firmly attached to the Britiſh Conftitution.
They have undergone a fevere fcrutiny. Their
conduct has been ſtrictly watched. No political
offences, however trivial, have been overlooked.
108
CRITO.
No pains have been fpared to convict offenders;
and the law has not withheld her utmoit feverity
from fuch as were convicted. Nor has the con-
duct of Adminiſtration, with refpect to the popu-
lace, been of a conciliating nature. But notwith-
ſtanding the mortifying fufpicions which have been
caſt upon them, notwithſtanding the neglect which
their humble petitions in behalf of their favourite
object have conſtantly met with, notwithſtanding
the invidious diftinctions which have unneceffarily
and injudiciously been held up between them and
the fuperior ranks, they have never been betrayed
into violent or unconftitutional meaſures; they
have never teftified any marks of refentment
againſt the ruling powers; and, under the preffure
of uncommon difficulties, even in procuring their
daily bread, they have waited with patience the
iffue of a war which they could not approve of,
and againſt which they had in vain remonſtrated.
Of the many who were capitally profecuted for
political offences, all have been acquitted by the
verdict of a Jury, except two obfcure perfons in
Scotland, of whom the principal was a noted fpy,
that had received a bribe upon the part of the
Executive Government.
Upon the whole, if meaſures are not ſpeedily
taken to procure a peace, and to avert the im-
pending evils, it will be impoffible to entertain a
doubt, that the national profperity and happineſs
are facrificed to the power of the prefent Mini-
fters, and to the advancement of that minifterial
CRITO.
109
influence and corruption which they have fo ftea-
dily and fuccefsfully cultivated.
It is now time, Sir, that I ſhould conclude
thefe remarks, with expreffing my fincere grati-
tude for your politenefs in giving them fo indul-
ging a reception in your entertaining and uſeful
repofitory. I am not vain enough to think that I
was capable of throwing any light upon fubjects
which have already been fo much canvaffed by
men of the greateſt abilities; but I wiſhed to
correct ſome miſtakes, and to remove ſome pre-
judices, which frequently occur in perfons expoſed
to the want of fufficient information; a misfortune
of which their fuperiors are fometimes difpofed
to take advantage.. If I have, in any degree,
fucceeded in this attempt, my intention is com-
pletely anfwered.—I am,
SIR,
Your much obliged humble fervant,
CRITO.
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
3 9015 03478 9183