B 477555 ’ * ‘._ ,. ., , __ gr 5 , r_r£t '- ‘ ‘,.kf,__,;_";J._; IF‘ Q‘-‘ ., ' V‘/w‘ .‘_ "*“-“'- \"'-\':""l'\‘\‘§\\\.3~.‘{§A\<‘§\ '- <\ " ~ ;~ ~ (:0 U ESS ~ ~' 0 1» WARWICK -\ \\\_\-‘I-.\‘_'-\" '-_,'‘‘\‘‘-I_‘ v "‘“7‘ ‘*5-"~>‘-?~“~"-‘.< \-'~v '\\\- . .-.~;.> in. ~ N “ ' ,.'|'5\'1‘|' 1. - . ', ‘ I ." ' A _ ._ I J U _ ll ‘ ' , -~ I V I . . - _.] )‘~ ‘I'‘_‘__‘ Il]I‘Q§\‘ _ l||1“ K (f~!l| \ Q=.===:-H-=;§=£:=-_-=5:-=5:--;_= :5-=-W-m=: ..OllI'l'-'Oll...lIIIIQIIIIIQIOIII .,. II I|Il L. I.I~dJfiuJ %afl LAM. :-==--==-.5---_--=-II---B-=--FM X ~~ WERSHYQEMQHEG ll. |l|l!!l!|!ll!l!!l!!.|ll!l|lu 'lifiil'ufiifi 1 l 3 |1fi|'flfn “ ' '@]F M " |'|||.|'|'|'|§|i'|-\i|"\.|||'i'|'|i\\'l1' 7' .. AERIS-P£N|N5u\_Al'\'A '\'|\'|I|'|flI|'|\'ni|'||'|'|I I .._m55=2==.==_.=_._m_.=.=_._=§.a==._==._==m_§q_m=E=mv_== 'g,uuum1uuu1uum DA mo .\/J3 wzfi WARWICK CASTLE AND ITS EARLS 7“? .¢'.-.1421»: Jumvén \’\ I -\-N f ‘ , ,2 x k \ I I I I \ AN D ITS EARLS FROM SAXON TIMES TO THE PRESENT DAY BY THE IIOIINTESS OF ‘WAI%\I/YI(LI< VVITH TVVO PHOTOGRAVURE PLATES AND 172 ILLUSTRATIONS VOL. 1/. LONDON I—II_ITCfHI\‘S(>L‘~3 6 Cf’). I‘#\.'TEI%?<(')S"l'“ER I%’C>‘\X/‘ ICI The House of Rich in the plantation of Virginia and the Somers Islands, who with the Virginia Company were directed to attend the Commissioners for examination into grievances and abuses of government, against an impertinent declara- tion, containing bitter invectives and aspersions upon the Earl of V\/arwick and others, styled his instruments and agents. Lord Cavendish, Sir Edwin Sandys, Nicholas and John Ferrar, of the Virginia Company, the chief actors in the inditing and penning thereof, to be confined to their several houses until further order, as guilty of a contempt of the commands of the Council Table.” Feeling ran so high that Warwick gave Cavendish the lie, and a duel between them was only prevented by the vigilance of the Government. An account of the occurrence is given in a letter to the Countess of \/Varwick, first printed in Notes arm’ Q2461/2165, from a MS. in the possession of the Duke of Manchester, in 1867. It runs thus :— “NOBLE LADIE, “I came yesterneight heither from the Court, ande founde here your ladyship’s letters, expressinge your great care of your absent lord. I likewise re- ceived the declaration made by Sr Dudley Carleton (Embassador at the Hage) of his receite of the lords Letters, and severall others from me, written to prevente the meetinge of the earle and lord Cavendish, and of his care, and directions geven for the staye of the Duell; of wh and the waye the earle tooke to gett 453 \Varwick Castle W into the Netherlands, I woulde have advertised your Ladyshipe this morninge, but as I was puttinge my penn to the paper, I was called to a meetinge of the lords at Whithall: And inquiringe of my noble friends what they had heard of the earle, l\/I“ Secretary Calvert told me that he went from England in a small boate laden wth Salte, apparalled like a marchant; and beinge inquired after by force of letters written to M“ Trumball (legat for his Matle att Brussells), he was found and stayd at Gaunt. W" Secretarye tells me that upon knowledge thereof he writ to such of his friends ther as woulde assuredly delyver it, to tell his lop that the Kinge requir’d him to make his retourne home; and thinkes he is upon his waye heyther: when he come, I wish his lop to repayr to his owne house, and by some of his friends to make knowne his beinge ther unto the Earle Marshall, and to receive his lop’S orders and directions before he come abroade; for the King expects information from his lop before his Matle will give further directions concerninge the Earle or the I. Cavendish. Now that your Ladyshipe knowes that your noble lord is so neare his retourne, you will I hope leave to disquite yourself as you have done by re son of his absence. \Vith my best wishes, I kisse your fayre hands, and am your ladiship’s humble and faythfull Servant. “ ARTHURE Cnrcnssrsn. “Hollbourne, the 12th of August, 1623. “To the right Honorable and most wourthy Ladye the Countisse of Warwicke.” 454 /w The House of Rich Decidedly, at this period of his career, the Earl of Warwick was very far from Puritanism as Puritanism is generally understood. But he learned sense, modera- tion, and discretion as he grew older. In 1628 and 1629, indeed, he was still privateering, and some of his captures involved him in litigation1 which dragged on for years; but there is evidence of increasing wisdom in the reports of some of his colonial pro- ceedings. He was now associated in these matters with Lord Brooke, who was more of an idealist, though not, perhaps, so strong a man; and the influence of Lord Brooke was no doubt salutary. The minutes of a meeting, at Brooke House, of the Company of Adventurers for Providence Island, on November 22nd, 1630, show reasonable perception, in advance of the age, of the proper methods of colonial administration. I extract it from the “Colonial Entry Book” :— “Lords V\/arwick and Brooke to undertake the 1There is the following reference to the suit in the Appendix to Report IV. of the Royal Commission on Historical MSS :— “I641, Aug. 26 ——Petition of Robert Earl of Warwick. In 1629 petitioner set out a ship with letters of marque, the mariners in which were to have shares of all ships and goods taken, which should PTO\6 prize A ship called the St. Augustine was taken, uorth £5,000, but Mr. VVilliam Langhorne~ claimed the ship on behalf of a Jew named Mezzola, and Sir Henr Marten, judge of the Admiralty Court, had the ship valued at £2,500 and declared her no prize. This sentence was reversed in the Delegates’ Court, but meantime Sir Henry Marten had allowed Langhorne to Bhave the ship on bail of 200 marks, so that petitioner lost all benefit of the capture, and has been unable to satisfy the ship’s company. Prays for satisfaction from William Langhorne and Sir Henry .\larten.” VOL. 11. 455 D \Varwick Castle W care of providing arms and ammunition for the Com- pany’s use. Each adventurer to obtain as many men and boys as are willing to be employed in the Company’s service; to report their number to the deputy, who is to take care that as many as are thought good to be shipped be ready by IO Jan. next. The first sort, labourers, to have half the profits of the land they cultivate, adventurers the other half; the second, artificers, to share also half their profits with the Company, or else be allowed meat and drink, and 5/. a year wages; and the third sort. the apprentices, above 14 years of age, to be taken for a term of years, and allowed meat, and drink, and clothes, during their apprenticeship, reason- able recompence to be given to those who ‘have any particular faculty.’ Artificers and labourers there to have the benefit of receiving such apprentices, upon paying for tools and clothes out Of the Company’s magazine.” The subject is one to which we shall have to refer again in the book dealing with the annals of the House of Greville. For the present we may leave it. Home politics, and the notable part played by Robert Rich, Earl of V\/arwick, in the struggle between King and Parliament, and the Civil VVar which was the outcome of that struggle, have, for the moment, a more urgent claim on our attention. 456 CHAPTER IV Warwick’s Opposition to the Policy of Charles I.——His Action in the Matter of Ship-money--Clarendon’s Opinion of him——The Scramble for the Fleet at the Beginning of the Cl\‘1l VVar-How the Earl of Wvarwick secured the Fleet for the Parliament—Ot'ficial Correspondence on the Subject-~Warwick as a Commander of Militia-—His Determination to have Good Discipline. T would be too long a business to enumerate here all the points that were at issue between Charles I. and his Parliament. The King was not, in inten- tion, a bad man; but he stood too much upon his dignity, and had a quite unconstitutional conception of his own importance. The Parliamentarians, on their part, were not, to begin with, truculent Repub- licans; but they were severely jealous of rights which appertained to them, not as privileged individuals, but as the elected representatives of the English people. This conflict of ideals and resolutions had existed long before Charles came to the throne, but it was then emphasised and accentuated. The King was more obstinate than his predecessors; and his Parliaments were less disposed than previous Parliaments to stand nonsense. It was as though express trains were running in opposite directions on the same line of rails. Eventual collision was inevitable; and it was also inevitable that the collision would be serious and disastrous. 457 \\’arwick Castle W Naturally men began to take sides before the quarrel had quite come to a head; and most of the peers were included among the Royal partisans. But there were some notable exceptions, of whom the most notable were Lords Stamford and Brooke, and the Earls of Essex and \Varwick. \Varwick was, for many years, in resolute opposition to the Royal policy. It would be difficult, indeed, to name any prominent department of that policy which he did not oppose. He opposed the revival of the Forest Laws; he opposed the Laudian Church policy. bestowing the livings in his gift upon Puritans; he was one of the seven peers who signed the letter to Scottish leaders in June, 1640, and was one of the signatories to the petition of twelve peers in the following September. Last, but not least, he fomented the resistance to the levying of ship-money in the county of Essex. Every school-boy is supposed to know what ship- money was; and no doubt every school-boy does know. But some grown-up people may have forgotten. For their enlightenment, therefore, an explanation may be volunteered. The trouble dates from 1634, when the King discovered that he wanted a fleet to fight the French and Dutch. Attorney-General Noy declared that it would be in accordance with precedent to call upon the coast towns to furnish ships. \Vrits for the purpose were issued, and the towns were told that they might, if they chose, pay money instead of 458 -M The House of Rich . L , 14/101‘ the /u'c!nre fly I hrzdyke in H? /osresr1'on 0_ftke AIarqm'.r ry'Sa:'i.rlm1jy. ROBERT RICH, EARL OF “'AR\\'1CK. supplying ships. Emboldened by his success, Charles issued a second writ in 1635, sending it this time, not to the maritime towns alone, but to every shire in England. “As all,” said the Privy Council, “are concerned in the mutual defence of one another, so 459 \Yarwick Castle W all might put to their helping hands.” The argument was sound, but it was met by the equally well-founded proposition that, as the occasion was not one of emer- gency, Parliament, and not the King, should judge whether the ships, and the money for the ships, were needed. So, though Charles obtained a declaration from the judges that the requisition was legal, a good many of the subjects, both prominent and insignificant, declined to pay. In our school-books we read chiefly of the recalcitrance of John Hampden. \\/arwick, with whom Hampden, as well as Pym. and Lords Brooke and Say and Sele, had been associated in the adminis- tration of Providence Island, was not less recalcitrant. He stood up to the King and reasoned with him, as is set forth in Professor Gardiner’s great history. “Charles,” says Professor Gardiner, “was hourly besieged with cries for war and a Parliament. He had no mind for either. He turned sharply upon \/farwick, in whose county of Essex the collection of ship-money was as backward as might have been expected in a district still under the lash of the Forest Court. In many places the money could only be obtained by the distraint and sale of cattle; and in one instance a horse which had been sold had been carried off by force from its purchaser by its original owner. Charles blamed \Varwick as a sup- porter of this insubordination of his tenants. VVarwick’s reply was couched in terms far plainer than Danby’s letter had been. His tenants, he said, were old men, and had been accustomed to the mild government of 460 »> The House of Rich Queen Elizabeth and King James. They could not bring themselves to consent, at the end of their lives, to so notable a prejudice to the liberties of the kingdom; nor were they willing voluntarily to deprive their posterity of those benefits which they had them- selves inherited from their ancestors as a sacred deposit, though they were ready, one and all, to sacrifice life and goods for his Majesty. If only the King would join France in a war for the Palatinate, and would maintain his own sovereignty over the sea, Parliament would gladly furnish all the supplies he neededf’ The man who had taken this line was a marked man. There could be no doubt on which side he would be found when the trouble came to a head. There could be less doubt, in view of the fact that. after the dissolution of the Short Parliament, he had been arrested, and his house had been searched by the King’s order. Already, in June, 1640, we find Lord Conway writing thus to Laud about him and his brother: “The Earl of V\/arwick is the temporal head of the Puritans, and the Earl of Holland is their spiritual; or rather the one is their visible and the other their invisible head.” But he was rather a political than a religious dissenter, though not, one conjectures, a less formidable opponent to the Royalist party upon that account. The description of him in the Duke of Manchester’s “Court and Society from Elizabeth to Anne,” as “a Puritan sailor of very unpuritanical manners,” is fully borne out by the .}6I \\”arwick Castle W thumb-nail sketch of him given by Lord Clarendon in his history of the Rebellion. He “was a man,” Clarendon tells us, “of a pleasant and companionable wit and conversation; of an unusual jollity; and such a licence in his words and in his actions, that a man of less virtue could not be found out; so that one might reasonably have believed, that a man so qualified would not have been able to have contributed much to the overthrow of a nation and kingdom. But with all these faults, he had great authority and credit with that people, who, in the beginning of the troubles, did all the mischief; and by opening his doors, and making his house the rendezvous of all the silenced ministers, in the time when there was authority to silence them, and by being present with them at their devotions, and making himself merry with them, and at them, which they dispensed with, he became the head of that party, and got the style of a godly man.” Such was the man to whom the Parliament looked for nautical assistance when the outbreak of hostilities became imminent. Before the King raised his standard at Nottingham on the memorable August 22nd, 1642, there was, so to say, a scramble between the two parties for the mastery of the fleet. On March 10th, 1642, the House of Commons passed a resolution that Northum- berland, the Lord High Admiral, should be requested to give \Varwick the command. The King, who had left \Vhitehall in the previous January, gave contrary 462 /M The House of Rich orders for the appointment of Sir John Pennington. Northumberland, however, yielded to the wishes of the Commons, and gave \Varwick his commission. He was in command on May ioth, for a letter of that date preserved among the Duke of Portland’s MSS. at \Velbeck Abbeyl speaks of “two men of war, part of the Earl of \Varwick’s fleet.” Charles, however, after a delay of three months, which I cannot account for, renewed the struggle. On June 28th he dismissed Northumberland from his office, and sent \Varwick a message calling upon him to resign. The House of Commons retorted on July 1st by passing an ordinance instructing \/Varwick to continue in command. \Varwick had now to decide which of the two conflicting authorities he would obey. He decided to obey the Parliament, and sent the King the following reply :— “ 1642, July 5.—Aboard the /ames in the Downs.— 1 “Sir Edward Ayscoghe, Sir Christopher I/Vray, Sir Samuel Owfield, and Thomas Hatcher to W/ilham Lenthall. “ 1642, May 1o-—Kingston-upon-Hull-On receipt of the order of both Houses yesterday we instantly hired two ships, and this day put on board half the cannon with a good quantity of powder. match and bullet, and prepared a considerable number of muskets to be shipped to-morrow morning with the rest of the cannon. VVe hope within a few days to have dispatched the greatest part of that which is most needful, having two men of war, part of the Earl of V\"arwick's fleet, ready to waft them to London. which arrived here on Sunday last, sent for that purpose. We have likewise given the Sheriff the opinion of the House concerning his warrants oflrestraint. There is much expectation of a great meeting at York on Thursday next by all the Gentry and Freeholders of the County, summoned thither by his Majesty's appointment and by a warrant of so unusual and high a strain that we have thought it good to send you herewith a copy.” Szlgum’. Seal. 463 \/\iarwick Castle W I have received your Majesty’s letter of my dismission to this service, and with it an Ordinance of Parliament for my continuation in this employment. I beseech your Majesty to consider into what a great streight I am brought between these two commands, as also of the weighty trust your Majesty’s greatest Council hath put me in for the defence of your Majesty and your kingdoms, wherein I shall ever be ready to sacrifice life and all I have to serve your Majesty. Yet, Sir, I most humbly beg your pardon that I did not lay down my charge, your Majesty’s command not coming by that way that it was imposed on me. And I hope your Majesty hath always been as well assured of my fidelity as of Sir john Pennington’s or any other. And therefore I shall humbly beg of your Majesty I may not be divided between two commands, whereby your Majesty will lay the greatest of favours upon your servant, that night and day prays to God for your Majesty/s long life and happiness.” His answer, not in the Royal hand, but in that of Sir Edward Nicholas, was as follows 1* “ 1642, July 13. Lordship’s request I have presented your letter to his Newark.—According to your Majesty, who I perceive is nothing satisfied with what your Lordship hath written, and commanded me to signify to you that his Majesty conceived that nothing could have induced your Lordship to commit High Treason.” Meanwhile. however, the scramble for the fleet had taken place, and, thanks to \\’arwick’s rapid action and 464 ._M_._Pm...M/H2’ .;~_.<>._.~_DOU HIE OFZ~ UZ_Q<>$_._.<.L 32¢ n.:-z:~_$ .~\e~§.\ \D\~\u....~.< nu . Q Rs ~\.\e.e%e.€~\\ 2. 3ekm\ \Varwick Castle W resolute energy, the Parliament had got possession of it. It is curious that the ordinary histories make so little of the incident. The reason of their reticence may be the expedition and tact with which \Varwick carried through the task entrusted to him. As a matter of fact it was the most important episode of the early days of the Civil VVar. If the Royalists had had the command of the seas, they might very well have beaten the Parliament by importing reinforcements. \Ve shall see later on what trouble they were able to cause when they did get possession of a fleet. Thanks to the Earl of \Varwick, however, they began the war without one. His report of his annexation of the navy for the Parliamentary cause is given in a letter to his friend John Pym, who presented it to both Houses of Parliament, by whose orders it was “forth- with printed and published.” It tells a story which deserves to be better known than it is. Therefore I print it here. This is the text :— “ Mnsrea Pm, “Before these shall come to your hand, I make no doubt but Master Nicholls of the House of Commons hath made both Houses at Relation of what hath passed here since I received his Majesties Letters for the discharging me of the command of the Fleet, whereby I was entrusted; Now I called a Counsell of \Varre, and acquainted them with his Majesties Letters, and likewise with the Ordinance of Parliament sent from the Houses for mee to continue 466 /w The House of Rich my charge, I confesse it was a great streight that I was put in betweene two commands that “have so much power over mee, but when I consider the great care which I have ever observed in the Parliaments of this Kingdome, for the good and safety of the King and Kingdome, and every mans particular in them, and that they are that great counsell by whose authority the Kings of England have ever spoken to their Subjects; and likewise that the trust of this Pleete for the defence of his Majestie and the Kingdomes was committed to me, by them, and knowing the integrity of my owne heart to his Majesty, and Parliament, I resolved not to desert that charge committed to my trust wherein God (blessed be his Name for it) hath made mee hitherto so successefull; but to continue it until] I shall bee revoked by that authority that hath entrusted mee with it; which having declared to my Captaines at the Counsell of Warre, all of them unanimously and cheerefully tooke the same resolution excepting five, which was the Reare Admirall, Captaine Fogge, Captaine Burley, Captaine Slingsby, and Captaine \Vake: All which five refused to come upon my Summons, as having no authority over them, and got together round that night to make their defence against mee, onely Captaine Burley came in, and submitted to me, whereupon in the morning I weighed my Anchors, and caused the rest of my Ships so to doe, and came to an Anchor round about them, and besieged them, and when I had made all things ready I summoned them, Sir John 467 \\I&l‘\\’lCl\' Castle W Mennes and Captaine Pogge came into mee, but Captaine Slingsby and Captaine \/Vake stood out, whereupon I let fly a gun over them, and sent them word I had turned up the Glasse upon them, if in that space they came not in they must looke for mee aboard them, I sent to them by my Boat, and most of the Boats in the Pleete. their answer was so peremptory that my Masters and Saylors grew so impatient on them. that although they had no Armes in their Boates at all, yet God gave them such courage, and resolution, as in a moment they entred them. tooke hold on their shrouds and seized upon these Captaines being armed with their Pistols and Swords, and strooke their Yards and Top-masts and brought them both to me; the like courage and resolution was never seene amongst unarmed men, so as all was ended without effusion of blood, which I must attribute to the great God of Heaven and Earth onely, who in the moment that I was ready to give fire on them, put such courage into our men to act it, and so saved much blood. I hope the Parliament will thinke of some course for all our Indempnities, and especially for the officers of the Navy, and principall for the Surveyour of the Navy. my Vice-Admirall, a very able and good man; For my selfe I doubt not but they that put me in this imployment will preserve me for serving them faithfully. “I pray you Sir, be a meanes to Sir Robert Pie, and Mr. Greene, that some money may be sent us, for it hath beene often promised. but we heare not of 468 »> The House of Rich it. The weather continuing stormy so long together, that we spend our Masts and Top-masts, or some determent or other fals upon us daily, so that we are in great extremity for want of money. Thus having nothing else to trouble you for the present, onely that you will be pleased to acquaint your House of Commons with our proceedings, here I bid you farewell, and rest “Your assured Friend, “ V\/ARwIc1<.” It is a notable letter from the pen of a notable man, and it prefaced considerable naval achievements Those were not the days, however, when men special- ised as soldiers or sailors, and it curiously happened that the Earl of Warwicl< began the Civil War with a command not in the navy but in the army. On October 2nd, I642, he was appointed Captain- General of an army which the Parliament contemplated raising in addition to that under the Earl of Essex; but when, on November 23rd, in the same year, it was decided to have only a single general, he resigned his commission and went back to the fleet. The real fighting had not yet begun; but he was able to render services of great importance in the maintenance of that discipline that was so essential to victory. The train-bands of Essex were not satisfied with their officers, and deputed one Captain Farres to make a complaint to \Varwick. “You have withdrawn from you,” said Captain Farres, “the hearts of the Essex 469 V\’arwick Castle W soldiers who came with willing minds to perform noble service; but the change of their Captains hath also changed their affections, neither will they be com- manded by any other but those worthy gentlemen in whose wisdom, courage, and fidelity they dare boldly confide.” And he added that “a captain so well beloved of the people can suffer no injury without mutinous repining, from whence doth spring the greatest danger of an army.” It was a delicate situation, but \Varwick was quite capable of dealing with it. He meant to choose his own officers, and he meant to have no mutiny. His answer. which I give, admirably combines tact and firmness. “ Captain,” he said, “your words are so farre from displeasing mee, that I love your free Speech, it being comely in a Souldier to deliver his thoughts without disguise of words, and to utter Truth in a plaine and cleare manner. If your Essex Souldiers be offended at the election of other Captaines, let them consider that the present occasion doth require men bred in warre, and experienced in those affaires; neither can the other Captaines grudge, that the Common-wealth should receive benefit by their service, since if this warre may thrive in the prosecution thereof, it matters not who have beene principall actors therein. Their love unto their Countrey de- serves highly to bee commended, and their cheerfull undertaking to assist this action, doth magnifie their brave resolutions. But give mee leave to say, that 470 -M The House of Rich those other Captaines nurst at the breast of \Varre, are growne exceeding quick-sighted in military discipline, and being long trained up in the Schoole of \Varre, deserve to bee ranked in the chiefest Pile of Honour. In Holland they have hazzarded their lives, and spent some blood to gain a perfect knowledge in all warlike Discipline; yet I preferre them not as men of greater ability, 1nuch lesse loyalty then the other Cap- taines; but antiquity of service ought to have some preheminence. Perswade therefore the Souldiers to be well affected to those Captaines: for you and all men ought to preferre the good of the Common-wealth before private respect, or any particular places in the V\/arre, since all our actions should move to one end, which is the defence of our King and our Countrey.” \\/arwick got his way and had no further trouble. It is as much to his credit as a victory on the field of battle. As a further proof of the Earl’s keen appreciation of the value of military discipline, Imay cite his pamphlet, published in the same year, entitled “ Lawes and Ordinances of Warre, Established for the better Conduct of the Army.” It is a species of “Soldier’s Pocket-Book,” and is included in the re- markable collection of Civil \\’ar Tracts in the British Museum. Its interest is so great that I give a facsimile of the title—page and a summary of its contents :-—- VOL. 11. 471 E Lezwes and Oraliizaizeer O F W A R R E , ESt2tl)lisl1€(l for the better Conduct OF THE ARMY B Y He's Exee//eieey The Earle of VVARVVICK Lora’ General! 0/ft/ze Fereer raised by the Authority of the Parliament, for the De- fence of the Citie of London and the Counties adjacent. Landon : Printed for L421;/"eizee C/zrz/‘J/221272. I642. To all the Ofl-icers ROBERT Earle of VVARVV ICKE Baron of Leez, 65¢‘. Captaine Generall of the Army raised by the Authority of Parliament, for the defence OF THE GITTIE OF LONDON and the COUNTIES ADJACENT. of the Army, Colonells, Lieutenant - Colonells, Serjeant — Majors, Captaines, other Oflicers and Souldiers of Horse and Foot, and all others whom these Lawes and Ordinances shall concerne. Which La.wes and Ordinances hereby published, all the said Persons respectively and severally, are Required and Comrnanded to observe and keepe, on the Paines and Penalties therein expressed. 473 \Yarwick Castle W The “ Lawes and Ordinances of \Yarre” proceeds to treat “ Of Duties to God—Of Duties in Generall —Of Duties toward Superiours and Commanders— Of Duties Morall-—Of a Sovldiers Duty touching his Armes——Of Duty in l\Iarching—Of Duties in the Campe and Garrison—Of Duties in Action——Of the Duties of Commanders and Officers in Particular—- Of the Dutie of the I\Iuster Masters—Of Yictuallers—— Of Administration of justice”; and ends :— “By 2'67’/1/6 of f/ze A212’/20/’z'f/e git/e/2 me by //ze O2'a’z'1za7zce of 1/26 Lords and C0//Z//ZOIZS 2'/L Ptz1'/zkzmezzl, I £0/izmrmrz’ 2‘/2550 U/’(iz'1za//ares Z0 ée oésem/‘rt’ and 0&6)/’a’ in [/26 A1’mz'e,- mm’ éy 1'/zese f1/t’s¢’2zz‘5 ,g‘2'z'e Order’ Z/zrzf [/26 same s/za// éc for!/zze/z'z% ,1§¢/z'72z‘ed a1m’p2zé/is/zea’. “Given under my hand this 19. of November 1642. “ \MAR\\‘ICK.” \IG.\AfUk’E OF ROBERT Rlt II, E/XRL OI' \\'\R\\'I(‘K. 474 CHAPTER V VVarwick as Admiral—The Importance of Sea Pon er during the Civil \Var ~The Interception of Supplies and Rcinforcements for the King— VVar\\ick’s Concern for the Victnalling and Paying of his Sailors—His Temporary Retirement—His Return to deal uith a Mntiny&The Success of his Later Naval Operations. FRONI \Varwick’s achievements as a general we turn back to his achievements as an admiral. It was not long before the importance of the Parliament’s possession of the command of the sea was manifested. The ordinary view is that the fate of England and of the House of Stuart was settled in a series of land battles, beginning with Edgehill and ending with Naseby. This, no doubt, is partly true; but it, as certainly, is not the whole of the truth. \\’e read very little in our histories of the attempts to send Charles supplies and assistance from abroad. That is, of course, because the attempts did not succeed. If they had succeeded, we should have heard a good deal of them; and we note here, with satisfaction, that the Earl of Warwicl< kept the schemes out of the books by nipping them in the bud. There are plenty of allusions to them, however, in those tracts of the times already referred to. Those tracts, be it observed, are not merely con~ troversial pamphlets, but the newspapers of the period, 475 '\\Iarwick Castle W printed for the purpose of circulating the latest intelligence from the seat of war. Sometimes they mingle comment with news, as is done in our modern leading articles. As often they give the news without any comment at all. Here, for instance, is a despatch headed “A True Relation of my Lord of \Varwick’s Encounter,” showing how a consignment of supplies for the Royalist army from France was intercepted :-— “Certain joyfull Newes is brought of my Lord of \Varwicks Encounter with 2 French ships, who after a long chase he took prisoners. and received from them great store of Ammunition, sufficient for 300 men, besides the store of field pieces, all of which it was thought was intended for His Majesties assist- ance against the Honourable Houses of Parliament. Likewise there were great store of Muskets and Pistols in the said ships, being hid in false Cabines. which by a diligent search were all found out and sent by his Lordships command to Northampton to my Lord of Essex.” Another despatch of approximately the same date relates “The Earl of \Varwicks great Victory over 50 Ships of the King of Denmarkes in the Narrow- ) Seas’ :—— “The King of Denmarke understanding by the manifold information of many, that his Brother the King of Great Britaine was disunited from the Parlia- ment, and his indignation being highly incensed, that he was resolved to make \Varre against his great Councell, and Supreme Court. began to assemble his 476 ROBERT RICH, EARL OF ‘\\'AR\\'lCK' VVarwick Castle W Subjects, desiring their assistance to ayd his Brother in the intended \Varre. And after great debate, and consultation thereabout, hee concluded immediatly to prepare certain ships which the King of Denmarke had in preparation. were ioo, and 5o of them already fitted on Sea. conducting with them in the said ships many Horses and Hay. as the information thereof was reported to the House of Commons by a Merchant, that was lately come from Norway. \Vhereupon the House of Commons without any further procras- tination or detraction of any longer time Ordered incontinently, that information should be sent with all expedition to the Earle of \\T’el1‘\VlCl\'€, Lord Generall for the Sea, desiring him to be very vigilant and careful] at Sea, lest any suddaine and unexpected invasion might rush in upon the Kingdome. “\Vherefore as soon as the Earle of \Yarwicke had received this particular intention from the Parliament, he presently set all the ships in readinesse, and began to be very cautious, setting streight watch every night, least unawares the Denmarks by some policy or Stratagem might invade the Land by night. “The ninth day of this present moneth the Denmarkes appeared in the Narrow Seas superbiously, comming to England with fifty ships loaden with great store of Ammunition, Horse and Hay, but as soone as the Earle of \\/Tarwicke perceived his sinester intents, he went against him with one and twenty ships, and most valiantly with an undanted courage let off thirty pieces of Ordnance 478 /h The House of Rich against the Denmarke, following very couragiously, insomuch that he made them almost recant, and turne Sayle. The Denmarks on the other side behaved themselves bravely at the first encounter, and gave the English above threescore and ten shootes, which had beene sufficient to have sunke some of our ships, but that they were placed so wisely, and craftily, that wee had a great advantage of them, because we had the V\/ind withall on our side. And the Lord Generall had regulated the ships an equall way, that at the second discharge they were compelled to turn Sayle and fiy, but two of these Ships were taken; wherein there was found great store of Ammunition, and the rest escaped by fiight.” One could quote more; but these examples suffice to show the importance of VVarwick’s achivements in this direction. Nor were these the only services that his fleet rendered. In 1642 it assisted in the defence of Hull and in the capture of Portsmouth. In 1644 it relieved Lyme Regis, though it failed to relieve Exeter, saved VVeymouth, and despatched help that was badly needed to Pembrokeshire. And it would probably have done even more than it did but for the dearth of money and supplies. It would be possible, if it were desirable, to fill many pages with extracts from letters and other docu- ments demonstrating \Varwick’s creditable anxiety that the men under his command should be regularly paid, and properly as well as regularly fed. Let me be merciful, however, and pursue this policy only in strict moderation. 479 \\’arwick Castle W On November 15th, 1643, for an example, we find him writing from the Downs to \\Iilliam Lenthall, com- plaining “that the ship keepers at Chatham have been without victuals for the last ten days, concerning Captain Hodges and his prizes, and forwarding the complaints of merchants of Dover and elsewhere that all their foreign letters have been opened at Rochester, and through the carelessness of the clerks many letters and bills of exchange have been ‘imbezilled’”; while on November 27th of the same year Sir Henry Mildmay reports to the same Mr. Lenthall the Earl’s apprehensions for the safety of Dover Castle and other strongholds, and his fear “lest some of them be eaten out by the sea this winter and the rest possessed by an enemy that will come and pay the soldiers.” Another letter from the Earl to Mr. Lenthall, dated two years later, shows how little attention was paid to his representations 2* “ 1644, October 29. Holborn.—After my several representations of the necessitous condition of the Navy during my absence at sea I hoped the House would have found time and means for the consideration and supply thereof. But on my return I found it in the same state, and therefore thought it my duty again to remind you of my representations in my letters of July 1st, and August 12th, concerning the defective stores and materials. \Vithout a speedy supply the \/Vinter Guard cannot be completed nor a fleet set forth next summer. I have caused an estimate——not including the gunner’s stores——of all the stores and materials 480 eh The House of Rich necessary for setting forth the \Vinter Guard and the next summer fleet to be made, amounting to £15,078. Great inconvenience arises from want of timely pro- vision of money, which causes not only ships after coming in to lie at the State’s charge in the river amounting lately to above £100 a day, but also a long interval between the coming in of the summer fleet and the going out of the \\/inter Guard. and hence the guard of the sea is neglected, the enemy’s ports opened, trade endangered, and the convoy of some of our own ships transferred to the Hollanders. Besides sellers are discouraged from giving provisions of proper quality by the non-performance of their contracts. The debts of the Navy, so far from being discharged. daily increase, and by the clamour attend- ing them the officers of the Navy are disabled from doing their duty without distraction, which is the more considerable. because the Customs, whereby the expenses of the Navy are to be principally supported, have been anticipated, and hence great sums have to be borrowed, and a great charge for interest incurred. By not passing an Ordinance for the Commissioners of the Navy to act under me, they are discouraged from further acting and resolved to desist from the same as by the inclosed will appear, so that the business of the Navy will receive obstruction unless some sudden course be taken. I desire you to repre- sent all this to the House.” How this neglect on the part of the House impaired his efficiency and impeded his usefulness is shown by 481 \Varwick Castle W one of \\/’arwick’s despatches of the same year, in which he reports his failure to intercept Queen Henrietta Maria on her way from Palmouth to France. “ By this narration,” he writes, “it will appear that on Sunday last the Queen with the assistance of ten ships and vessels made her escape. I am sorry I cannot give another account of this service. But if the numbers of ships in these parts be considered, and the manner of dispersing them, I suppose it will be easily admitted that I have done my duty, having here at that time only eight ships, whereof the ‘ Reformation,’ ‘Paramour,’ and ‘VI/arwick,’ being three of our best sailers, were sent to Falmouth; the ‘Dreadnaught’ and ‘Mary Rose,’ being but heavy ships, were em- ployed to look after Dartmouth, and not without some fruit, they seizing on two French vessels thence bound on Saturday and Sunday last.” The despatch also recounts the capture of another prize; and I continue to quote, as the story is a further illustration of the importance of the neglected navy to the Commonwealth. “My Vice Admiral,” the despatch proceeds, “brought in this day the ‘Golden Sun,’ belonging to the King of Denmark, lately returned from the East Indies, laden with pepper and sugar. In a friendly way I sent her into Portsmouth under con- voy of the ‘Dreadnaught,’ to which her commander willingly assented, she being very leaky and foul. I took this resolution in pursuance of your former directions, so that if you shall think fit to repair the 482 /h The House of Rich losses and miseries received from the King of Den- mark by our English merchants, this opportunity might not be omitted.” Finally, we note that \Varwick’s representations were not only general but particular. In a despatch printed in the Calendar of State Papers he goes into details as to his requirements, not only pressing for specific reinforcements. but asking for “hemp canvas and masts,” demanding that “about A/,3ooo be paid into the Treasurer’s office for petty emptions," that “the ordinances be perfected for pressing mariners,” and that “bread, beer, butter and cheese be speedily contracted for.” From all which it seems clear not only that VVarwick was a competent naval officer, but also that not the least of his services consisted in putting pressure on the Exchequer and keeping the Parliament up to the mark. Warwick, however, was something more than a useful man. It was presently to be proved that, for his own particular work, he was the one indispensable man. In April, 1645, his connection with the navy temporarily ceased in consequence of the Self-denying Ordinance, whereby every member of both Houses of Parliament was excluded from command in either fleet or army. He resigned his commission, express- ing his willingness to serve “the great cause of religion and liberty” in any capacity in which he could be useful. He had an opportunity of serving that cause on land in consequence of the alarm caused by the King’s capture of Huntingdon. 483 \Yarwick Castle W This is another of the episodes of the Civil \Yar which the smaller histories omit to mention. It was, in fact, an unexpected and alarming recrudescence of Royalism. occurring some two months after the crushing defeat of Naseby, and a good deal of trouble might have grown out of the enterprise if it had not been nipped in the bud. Sir Richard Everard, Sheriff of the County of Essex, however, and others wrote to the Committee of both Kingdoms expressing the desire that “our Lord Lieutenant the Earl of VVarwick be appointed to the command” of the forces of the Eastern Association. The appointment was made, and was justified by the result. A characteristic letter to Mr. Lenthall, with the usual reference to the important matter of the payment of the troops, gives all essential details about this brief campaign :— “ 1645, Sept" 5. Leeze.——-Upon this alarm of the enemies coming to Huntingdon I drew up all the forces of Essex, being 6,000 foot and 900 horse and 500 dragoons, towards Cambridge, as also 4,000 foot and 500 horse come out of Suffolk for the guard of Cambridge and the Isle of Ely. And upon the retreat of the enemy I dismissed them according to the order of the Committee of both Kingdoms, and sent 800 good horse of the Association and the 400 horse of Major Gibb’s Regiment, I was commanded by the House of Commons, to keep in the Newarkers from infesting the Association during the absence of Colonel Rossiter and his troops. I have caused the Counties to send a fortnight’s pay with them, lest for want of 484 /5. The House of Rich pay they should take occasion to disband. The 400 under l\Iajor Gibb there is a course taken by ordinance to pay them, but for the 800 horse of the Association under Major Haynes they rely upon the promise of the House of Commons for their pay. I pray, Sir, move the House to take present order in it. £3,000 per month will pay them.”1 For his services on this occasion \Varwick was formally thanked by a vote of the House of Commons. His public appearances during the next few years were not very prominent. From 1645 to 1647 he was Governor of the Channel Islands, which were in danger of being attacked by the Royalists. A letter addressed to him, on June 14th, 1646, by his Lieutenant—Governor, Colonel Robert Russell, sets forth that “the necessities of the soldiers in Sark are very urgent, and they very much in arrear,—supply of powder, match and demi-cannon and demi-culverin shot is desired with as little delay as possible.” Colonial affairs also occupied him during this period. He was 1 This question of the pay of the troops continued to preoccupy him for some time, as we see from the following letter, included among the Duke of Portland's MSS , addressed by the Earl of \Varwick and others to the Com- mittee of Lords and Commons for the Eastern Association — “ 1645, October 23. Chelmstord —Concerning the pay ofthe three regiments of horse sent to Newark in July, August, and September, which is due the end of the month or early the next month, desiring that the counties not of the Association who are charged with a portion of the pay and also those counties of the Association that are slow to pay should be quickened, and that arrangements should be made for the future pay of these regiments, and also that when the Parliament accepts a composition for a sequestration a portion of the composition should be paid to the county which had the benefit of the sequestration.’ 485 ’\\’arwick Castle W at the head of a commission of six lords and twelve commoners entrusted with the government of the Colonies, and bore the title of “ Lord High Admiral and Governor in Chief of all the islands and other plantations subject to the English Crown.” There is evidence that he favoured religious toleration and the conversion of the Indians to Christianity. Freedom of worship was decreed by him in the Bermudas on November 4th, 1645; and a settlement in the founda- tion of which he interested himself at Shawomet still bears the name of \Varwick. The navy, however, still had need of him. The year 1648 was a very critical year for the Parliament. being the year of what is known as “the second civil war.” Royalist insurrections—to some of which we shall have to refer again later 0n—blazed up in various parts of the country. Among other untoward incidents the greater part of the Parliamentary fieet in the Downs revolted to the King; and it was naturally felt that \Varwick was the one man capable of dealing with the mutiny and bringing the sailors back to their allegiance. Armed with the commission of Lord High Admiral, he hastened to the Downs to see what he could do. Unfortunately he was too late to do much. The nine ships lost to the Parliament could not be re- covered. But he set himself to organise a fresh fleet, and went on to Portsmouth, where he had a fresh mutiny to deal with. The trouble there was largely a question of pay; and \Varwick reports progress in an 486 .H.~\:.m4.u v_U_ .53/11>.» LO Ox <>PM DOD SIP gfik -N.C %%\kR-\ .3 a\\e.twe~2\\ Q =:t..\ .. ..w_.‘.... ;.. o\‘NQV VOL. II. \Varwick Castle W interesting despatch to the Committee of Lords and Commons for the Navy and Customs :— “ 1648, July 22. Aboard the Szf. George in Sea Road.—-I have received notice of some distempers amongst the seamen at Portsmouth. particulerly of those in the Gzzar/ana’ and the ‘/0/m. Uppon the first intimation whereof——being on Tuesday last~—I writt to the rere-admirall to discharge by ticketts such of the said two ships’ companyes as were ill affected, and the rest--—which seeme very fewe——to place aboard the other ships. Nowe I heare-—that being offred——they are resolved not to stir out of their ships, till they receive their pay. I have therefore, uppon consultation this day had with a councell of warr, resolved it to bee most convenient that they bee both paid off and discharged at Portsmouth. and that such of them as the captaines and officers shall approve of as well affected. bee invited to enter themselves aboard some of the other ships. I doe therefore recomend it to your Lordships, that a speedy provision of money may bee made for their pay accordingly, their con- tinuing under an expectation of it——considering their resolution not to oppose the revolted ships-—tending meerly to contract further charge, though after the re- ceiveing it, I feare there wilbee noe absolute security against their actings to the parlyamentes prejudice nor against the evill influences that their example may have uppon the other ships. I have signified to the Comissioners of the Navy my recomending of this to your Lordships, that they may attend and put in 488 /M The House of Rich execucion what you shall thereuppon direct. Wee have alsoe this day resolved-—as an expedient to the quicker manning of the fieete-—to sayle with the 51‘. George as high as Tilbury Hope, and to place the Adz/em‘ure and ./\/zkozz’errzzzs neere my selfe, the Urzzkorrze in the Medway betwixt the Hope and Gravesend, the Fe//ozos/zip; as high as Greenhithe, the fferfor at Northfleete, and the Greyéozma’ at Purfleete, for avoiding of some inconveniences which may otherwise present themselves; the ships, one with another, being not halfe 1nannd, the ./412’?/er/zz‘zwe and ./Vicoa’er/ms excepted.” Another letter, which I take from the Tanner Papers, shows how sadly discipline had been sapped during the time of his retirement, and what strong measures were required for its restoration :— “To the Committee of the Lords. Aboard the St. George, I Aug. 16./t8.—I have discovered one or two ill affected p’fons amongst the Company of the St. George; the representing of whose temper, and Carriage, I refer to Mr Strickland and Mr Bence, or one of them. The spreading and acting of dangerous principles, amongst the Marriners, will not be easily prevented, Unles there bee some knowne rules estab- lished for their regulation; and punishmts authorized proportionable to their demeretts, that shall infringe them. I doe therefore recomend it to yoIr LoShlps to move the howses, that an Ordinance for Martiall Lawe at Sea may be speedily passed.” By the end of August, however, the new Lord 489 \Varwick Castle W High Admiral had restored order and was ready to act. He went to look for Prince Charles, who was with the revolted ships at the mouth of the I\/Iedway. A storm prevented the battle; and Prince Charles sailed back to Holland without fighting, as is recorded in another despatch,1 very pious in tone, but only partially decipherable, also included among the Tanner Papers. \Varwick followed him across the water, blockaded him at Helvoetsluys, and got back four of his ships. It was a very brilliant bit of work; and, like many other of \Varwick’s performances, probably had more effect upon the course of history than is generally admitted by the historians, a good many of whom have neglected even to mention it. 1 “To Edw. Earl of ll/Ianchester, Speaker of the House of Peers. “ It pleased God, notw“‘standmg all the counterworkings of the Kingdoms Enimies and the great chscouragmto that occurred in this ex- pedition, to enable us after some time, to get the ships (late in the River Thames) conveniently manned. This power and goodness to the Nation was further manifested, in giveing to the Companie of those, several ships, spirits unanimously to ingage theire Resolution . . . against those comon Enimies of the Kmgdome at Sea, that hath so. . . wickedly departed from theire Trust and duty, whereof we had a most glorious and season- able experiment, at that time, when the Enim . . . drew neare us with a fleet, above the proportion of that strenght wee then had. To the defeating and disappointment of con . . . of some, who foolishly boasted of the greatest share and interest in . . . affection. That mercie, the same power was pleased to second, causing those Enimies to turne theire backe, even when his arr . . . were but makeing ready upon the string, against the face of them. . . . Yet God, rested not there. But the next day after the Enimies retiremt he was pleased to bring into a happie conjuncon wth us the Portsmouth ships; whose companie had likewise testified the same spirit of courage, and unanimity for the Parliaments service. “5 Sep. 1648.” 490 CHAPTER VI Friction between Warwick and the Parliament-—His Friendship with Cromwell—His I)eath—His Funeral Sermon—-An Estimate of his Character and his Services to the State. T seems strange that, after all VVarwick’s services to the Commonwealth-—services the true value of which can, perhaps, be better understood by his posterity than by his contemporaries-—there should have been friction between him and the Parliament. So it was, however; and he was actually accused of treachery at the time when he was engaged in sweeping the last remnants of the Royalist fleet off the sea. He was maligned in a pamphlet entitled “A Declaration of the Earl of Warwicl<, showing a Resolution to join with the Prince if the Treaty take not effect.” His dignified reply, written on board the St. George, at Helvoetsluys, on November 11th, 1648, is printed as an appendix. Clarendon does, indeed, suggest that he was privy to certain of his brother’s schemes, of which it will be necessary to speak in a later chapter; but his whole conduct affords eloquent proof of his loyalty to his side. His open breach with the Parliament——so far as there ever was any open breach——was due to his reluctance to consent to the abolition of the monarchy 49I \Varwick Castle W and the execution of the King. His sympathy was with the Presbyterians rather than the Independents. The Independents secured the repeal of the Act making him Lord High Admiral, with the result that the naval victories of the Commonwealth were won, not by him, but by Blake; and he failed in his attempt to procure the pardon of his brother, the Earl of Holland. For a time, therefore, he withdrew, more or less in dudgeon, from public life. On Cromwell’s assumption of the Protectorate, how- ever, \Varwick gave him support and encouragement, bearing the Sword of State before him at his second inauguration on June 26th, 1657, and helping to invest him in his robe of purple velvet. Cromwell, it is well known, did not estimate men solely with reference to their religious opinions; and though he doubtless found Robert Rich somewhat lacking in congenial austerity, he understood his merits, and liked him. A further link was forged between them by the marriage of Warwick’s grandson Robert to the Lord Pro- tector’s daughter Frances. It was not a match that the Lord Protector quite approved of; but the grounds of his objection were reasonable. Robert Rich, junior, was not a very commendable young man, having, as it would appear, inherited his grandfather’s joviality without inheriting his grandfather’s solid qualities. This, and not Crom- well’s rumoured desire to marry his daughter to the exiled King Charles II., seems, from the family corre- spondence of the Cromwells, to have been the cause 492 /M The House of Rich of hisiunfriendly attitude. “If I may say the truth," wrote Mary Cromwell to her brother Henry Cromwell, From t/10 1$i'ctm'e in the 1\'aii0nal Portmit Gallery. Photo by IValkcr 6:’ C arkerzl/. OLIVER CROMINELL. “I think it was not so much estate as some private reasons that my father discovered to none but my sister Frances and his own family, which was a dislike to 493 \Yarwick Castle W the young person, which he had from some reports of his being a vicious man, given to play and such like things ;’ which office was done by some that had a mind to break off the match.” Still, the match was not broken off, but was celebrated in the chapel of \Vhitehall Palace, on November 11th, 1657, with pomp and gaiety. The Lord Protector himself is said to have unbent thereat to the point of throwing sack-posset and wet sweet- meats over the ladies’ dresses, and of pulling off the bridegroom’s wig and sitting on it; and Robert Rich, junior, seized the festive occasion for turning over a new leaf, and consulting his college tutor, Mr. Gauden, as to a course of reading and “the best method of living to the improvement of his mind and time both for God and man." The young man, however, had little time to carry out his good resolutions. He had always had a pre- monition that he would die young, and he died about three months after his wedding. Cromwell wrote Warwick a letter of condolence. Warwick’s reply is a eulogy of Cromwell’s conduct of public affairs. “Others’ goodness,” he wrote, “is their own; yours is a whole country’s, yea three kingdoms’, for which you justly possess interest and renown: with wise and good men virtue is a thousand escutcheons. Go on, my lord, go on happily, to love religion, to exemplify it. May your lordship long continue an instrument of use, a pattern of virtue, and a precedent of glory.” Nor did the Earl long survive his grandson. He 494 /‘M The House of Rich died, at the ripe age of seventy-one, on April 19th, 1658, and, according to Clarendon, “left his estate, which before was subject to a vast debt, more improved and repaired than any man who trafficked in that desperate commodity of rebellion.” His pious daughter-in-law, I\/Iary Rich, Countess of Warwick, records that his loss was to her “the most smarting and most sensible trouble I had ever felt.” His funeral sermon, besides the usual eulogies, gives some account of his habits of life. Therefore I quote from it :— “Let me tell you,” said the preacher, “that we have lost this day one of the best natur’d Noble-men in England, and one who had not only a good nature, but (as I verily beleeve) gracious principles, and religious inclinations, and dispositions. “In his conscientious observation of the Lord’s day, and in causing the Sermons preached to be repeated in his presence to the whole family. In his frequent attendance when he was at London upon weekly Lectures, and by his example and encourage- ment, drawing many persons of quality to our con- gregations. “ He was bountiful and Prince-like in his hospitality and house-keeping. “He was very merciful and charitable to the poor members of Jesus Christ. I have often and often been his Almoner to distribute considerable summes of money to necessitous and pious Christians. “He was a liberal and most loving master to his 495 \Varwick Castle W house-hold servants, and hath given competent pensions to all his old servants during life. “In a word: He was one who did not make use of religion for his owne private gaine and interest; he had no politick designe in professing godlinesse: his whole aime both by sea and land, both in Parliament and in private, was, to be serviceable to Church and State, and in this particular he was a true Nathaneel in whom there was no guile: he was a countenancer of religion in the worst times: he appeared for God and for his cause and servants, when it was both dangerous and disgraceful in the eyes of the leading men of the Nation; he received Mr. Burroughs (that eminent Minister of Christ) into his family, and protected him for a long while, till at last he was forced to fly out of the land. He was a very special friend unto that man of God of famous memory Dr. Sibbs. To summe up all in a few lines, as it is said of Socrates (as I remember) that he was so good a man that all that knew him loved him; and if any man did not love him, it was because they did not know him. So it may be said of the Earle of V\/arwick: All who knew him loved him, and if any man did not love him, it was because he did not know him.” And so we take our leave of him. He was a great man and a good man, who developed virtues as the time required them, and was able to employ them to the public good. He was a Puritan without being a fanatic, and left his mark upon the age without being 496 /M The House of Rich in the fullest sense representative of it. Of his force of character we have found many proofs. ¥Ve may regard him, perhaps, as the link between the Round- heads and the buccaneers. He was three times married: to Frances, daughter of Sir William Hatton; to Susan, daughter of Sir Rowe Rowe, Lord Mayor of London, and widow of William Halliday, alderman of London; and to Eleanor, daughter of Sir Edward Wortley and the Dowager-Countess of Sussex. His sons were Robert Rich, a scandalous man, who died soon after inheriting the title, and left no male heir; Charles Rich, who became Earl of Warwick, and whose fortunes must be followed separately; Hatton Rich, and Henry Rich, who died without issue in 1670. Of his daughters, Lucy Rich married John, second Baron Robartes; Frances Rich married Nicholas Lake, second Earl of Scarsdale; and Anne Rich became the second wife of Edward Montagu. 497 CHAPTER VII Henry Rich, Earl of Ho1land——I-lis Personal Beauty and his Success at Court—His Mission to France to negotiate the Marriage of Prince Charles—His Love Affair with Madame de Chevreuse-I-Iis Public Appointments—-He takes the Popular Side against Strafford. UR attention is next attracted by the chequered career of the Earl of \Varwick’s brother, Henry Rich, Baron Kensington and Earl of Holland, to which there have already been some anticipatory references. It was a dazzling career, though it ended tragically. There were times when the Earl of Holland, being skilled in the arts of the courtier, and having won the conspicuous favour of the King, seemed destined to climb higher up the ladder of ambition than his elder brother. But, though he was better looking than his brother, he was inferior to him in other respects. He lacked balance and fixed principles; and he lived in an age in which these qualities were badly needed by all men of exalted station. We shall see how, through the want of them, he came to grief, and also that his character illustrated, far better than his brother’s, the truths of the doctrine of heredity. He was pretty much the sort of man that one would expect him to be, knowing that his father was worthy but weak, and his mother brilliant but worthless. Henry Rich was born in 1590, and baptised at 498 ,_ The House of Rich the Church of Stratford-atte-Bow. One trusts that it learnt the French that sub- was not there that he sequently qualified him a diplomatic to undertake From :2 mz'm'ature by Samuel C oojer. HENRY RICH, EARL OF IIOLLAYD. mission to Paris, and make love to a French lady ic business. His intervals of his diplomat during the college was Emmanuel, Cambridge, and he di 21 499 VVarwick Castle W little fighting, as a gentleman volunteer, at the siege of Juliers; but his talents were those ofa courtier, and advantage came to him quickly. He was knighted in 1610, and elected Member of Parliament for Leicester in that year, and again in 1614 ; and James I. bestowed on him many gifts of money and other favours. He was made Gentleman of the Bedchamber to Charles, Prince of VVales, and Captain of the Yeomen of the Guard. It was, moreover, through the King’s influence that he married Isabel, daughter and heiress of Sir Walter Cope, of Kensington; and soon after his marriage he got his titles of Baron Kensington and Earl of Holland. Cope Castle came to him as part of his wife’s dowry. He changed the name of it to Holland House. It is the Holland House which still stands to remind us of the gorgeous life of the nobility in the days that are no more. What manner of man he was, at this period, we may gather from the contrast drawn between him and his brother by the contemporary historian Arthur Wilson. “Warwick,” says this candid writer, “though he had all those excellent indowments of Body and for- tune, that gives splendor to a glorious Court, yet he used it but as his Recreation; for his Spirit aimed at more publick adventures, planting Colonies in the VVestern World, rather than himself in the King’s favour: his Brother Sir Henry Rich (about this time made Baron of Kensington) and he had been in their youths two emulous Corrivals in the public affections, 500 the one’s browness being accounted a lovely sweetness transcending most men, the other’s features and pleasant aspect equalled the most beautiful Wonien; the younger having all the Dimensions of a Courtier, laid all the Stock of his Fortune upon that Soil, which after some years Patience came up with increase; but the Elder could not so stoop to observances, and thereby became his own Supporter.” As to his position, and his methods of increasing his pecuniary resources, we may gather something from the collection of letters entitled “The Court and Times of Charles I.” “My Lord of Holland, it was said,” we read in one letter, “should have the monopoly of ribands for baronets, and knights bachelors, but no man shall be constrained to wear them; and that they shall, as the nobility, be free from arrest. But how true, time will tell. “The Earl of Holland was likewise about to get a grant to have the exchange of all outlandish gold.” “My Lord of Holland hath,” says another letter, “by the industry of one Mr. Clifford, found out a rich booty, which will be worth £40,000, that lay con- cealed in the hands of Burlamachi, Calandrini, and other cunning merchants, being a thing called pirate- money, which was two in the hundred upon merchandise, collected first for setting forth of the Algiers fleet, and divers years after continued, and never accounted for till it was now brought in question.” Leaving these little details, we pass to Lord 501- Warwick Castle W Holland’s career as a public man. He first appeared in that character in 1624, when he was sent to Paris to pave the way for the marriage presently concluded between Prince Charles, afterwards Charles I., and the Princess Henrietta Maria. His personal success was immense. Of this branch of the subject there is a good account in M. Victor Cousin’s work on “Madame de Chevreuse and Madame de Hautefort.” “Lord Rich,” says M. Cousin, “afterwards the celebrated Earl of Holland, had come to the French Court at the end of 1624, or the beginning of 1625, to seek for the Prince of VVales, who soon became Charles I., the hand of Madame, the beautiful Henrietta, sister of Louis XIII. During the course of this negotiation the Earl of Holland fell in love with Madame de Chevreuse. It was, I believe, her first love-affair. He was young and remarkably handsome; she was charmed with him, and he got her to work in the English interest. Holland, who was frivolous, a man of pleasure and intrigue, persuaded her to engage her royal friend in a similar affair of the heart. Anne of Austria was vain and a coquette. She liked to please men, and with the taste of her country for gallantry, and in the neglect with which Louis XIII. treated her, she did not refuse to receive attentions from men. But here the game was not without danger; and the handsome, the magnificent Buckingham caused serious trouble in the Queen’s heart. It was not the fault of Madame de Chevreuse if she did not succumb altogether. Buckingham was enterprising; 502 /A The House of Rich the guardian was very complaisant; and the Queen had a narrow escape.” It was as the reward for the service thus rendered to Buckingham rather than for any service to his country that Henry Rich got his title of Earl of Holland. In the negotiations he proved himself a bungler, allowing himself to be talked over to the concession of improper demands. There is a growling letter, apparently referring to the subject, among the Warwick Papers; but it is very torn, very difficult to decipher, and without either cover or date. \/Vhat I can transcribe of it I print in a foot-note.1 All the credit acquired by the embassy was earned by his associate, Carlisle. Presently came the ridiculous expedition to the Isle of Rhé, intended really for the gratification of the ambition of the Duke of Buckingham, but ostensibly 1 “Noble Cosen, my promise unto you preseth mee more to wright when any conceyte I have to advertise you cd more then. What you may knowe before you receyve my letters. The K. beareth the businesse withoute anyfapprehension of error or danger. Amen. And the Counsell like wise will carrie it vvlh care love and dutie, whose thoghts and actions you shall knowe better then I can For the P. servants they are as full of griefe and amazment as they dare; beinge layd open to so many . . . are set downe in List to followe speedily and those who are appoynted to stay behinde labor with griefe, love and desier of the voyage to followe theyr P. for my lord admirall I heere no order for any of his to tollowe which makes mee coie . . . that he will returne before the bodie of ye Fleete goe for Spayne, for I can assure you he is expected as soone as he hath settled the P. there. Carlisle shall stay till the P. return. I doe feare yt the Primum . . . e of this designe was the P. himselfe: yealded unto by the K. case of an indulgente grace to geve satisfaction unto the desier of so lovinge and obedient a sone as he hath ever bene an so suffered hymselfe to be overcom by oportunity. Who helped the P. to turne VOL. II. 503 o Y\/larwick Castle W for the support of Protestants in peril at La Rochelle. Parliament had refused to vote supplies, and the money was raised by a forced loan-—an exaction which a great many people, including the Earl of VVarwick, refused to pay. The result was that there was not money enough forthcoming, and that the business was mismanaged from beginning to end; and Buckingham, not being reinforced in time, had to withdraw with the loss of more than 3,000 out of 3,800 men. The failure was currently attributed to the Earl of Holland. He had been appointed to the command of the fleet and army designed to support Buckingham, and he started so late that he met Buckingham’s ruined force returning. The better opinion is that the delay was hardly his fault. but was due to the general dis- organisation of the Government rather than to his slackness. One would have felt more certain of that, this wheele aboute I would I could nether imagen nor wright, what was the cause and If] effect of my lord Chwhesters journey you shall knovte latter . . . drawinge hymself . . . you- to the which nec . . . nott very willinge on a . . . of the departure of the P. officers and servants toward Spayne as to Andixer Leppington Wa . . , and Compton, with such necessaries as must be forthwith provided, for which two shipps must be prepared nr Cale wth certayrest . . . advertiser Sr Robert Carr George Corte and som other. The P. bedchamber preferred by his highness direction past over land and I myselfe will cross the country to bulone presently, where I will doe the K the best service I can, and obey what directions shall come from you lipps and yr societie and for yr owne perticuler uill he carefull to doe uhat belongeth unto “yr lopps lovinge “kinsman and fred “ W . . . . . . “Yf I have written so harshly that yr Lpp can scarse read my letters I knowne it yS in yr power to requite my cortesy which I pray doe.” 504 -I» The House of Rich however, if the command had been given to an abler man. \Vhen ‘Narwick was admiral, as we have seen, he triumphed over greater difficulties than ever baffled Holland. Let that pass, however. ‘What we have now to note is that Hol- l a n d _. t h 0 u g h afterwards a Par- liament man, was, in these days, a King's man, ac- quiescing in all the abuses of the misgovernment of Charles I. He did not, like his brother, resist the forced loan; and, in 1631, as Chief Justice in Eyre south of Trent, he was associated THE OLD MILL, \\'AR\\'ICK CASTLE. with the revival of the obsolete Forest Laws, whereby whole districts of land were claimed as part of the Royal forests on the strength of old and long-forgotten records, and noblemen and gentlemen were required to pay fines for the privilege of retaining their own estates. Conse- 505 \\'arwick Castle W quently he enjoyed many marks of the Royal favour, being made Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, Master of the Horse, Constable of \/Vindsor, Groom of the Stole, and First Lord of the Bedchamber. It was not, indeed, till towards the end of the long Par- liamentary struggle that he began to show sympathy for the constitutional cause; and even then he seems to have been more actuated by dislike to Strafford, against whom he gave evidence at his trial, than by any other motive. The Scotch wars at the end of the reign brought him somewhat to the front. The Scotch, it will be remembered, wanted freedom to worship in the Presby- terian fashion, and the withdrawal of the Books of Canons and of Common Prayer. “I will rather die,” the King wrote to the Royal Commissioner, “than yield to these impertinent and damnable demands.” So there was war——or, rather, there were two wars, known to history as the Bishops’ \Vars. In the first war——that of 1o3o——Holland served as General of the Horse, a post given to him instead of Essex through the favour of the Queen. The campaign was a failure, and he failed even more signally than other people. He marched to Kelso and hastily retreated thence, covering himself and his cause with ridicule. Once more there are those who allege that the failure was not his fault; but the fact remains that in the second war—-that of 1641--Conway was made General of the Horse instead of him. In the movement against Strafford—-“that grand 506 /M The House of Rich apostate to the Commonwealth,” as Lord Digby called him, “who must not expect to be pardoned in this world till he be despatched to the next”—Holland, as has been stated, took the popular side. It has also been suggested that personal dislike to Strafford was the probable explanation of his conduct. He was won back to Royal favour with the promise of the command of the army; and, as his principal task was to disband the army, he proved himself equal to his duties. But his allegiance was now sapped; when the King refused to grant him the nomination of a new baron, the quarrel came to a head. The King dismissed him. and he became definitely a Parliament man. Beyond question his proceedings were tortuous, and the end of their tortuosities was still a long way off. The history of his performances in the Civil Weir, however, is entitled to a separate chapter. 507 CHAPTER VIII An Excursion into English History to illustrate the Career of Henry Rich~— The Proceedings of Henry Rich in the First Civil \Var—And in the Second Civil \Var—His Abortive Rising on Behalf of the King-His Arrest, Trial, and Execution. I-IE chapter may begin with a little English history, necessary to the proper understanding of what happened to the Earl of Holland. Our starting-point is the attempt to arrest the five members——Pym, Hampden, Haselrig, Holles, and Strode——on the charge of high treason in the House of Commons. “ It was believed,” says a witness of the scene, “that if the King had found them there, and called in his guards to have seized them, the members of the House would have endeavoured the defence of them, which might have proved a very unhappy and sad business” They could not be arrested, however, because they were not there; and Charles withdrew sullenly, followed by cries of “Privilege.” Writs were then issued for their arrest; but the sheriffs disregarded the writs, and the train- bands of London and Southwark came and escorted the members back in triumph to Westminster. Then, on January Ioth, the King and the cavaliers left Whitehall, and made their preparations for the in- evitable civil war; and Pym took measures to blockadt: 508 -n The House of Rich the Tower and secure the two great arsenals of Ports- mouth and Hull. The Parliament appointed Lords Lieutenant of the Militia, and Charles levied forces by Royal Commission of Array. Matters came to a head when the King demanded access to the Hull arsenal, and Sir john Hotham refused to open the gates to From 1'/is A rmarrry nl H"ar1ul't'k Castie. OLIVER CROl\IwELL,S HELMET. him. Then Falkland, Colepepper, and Hyde, with thirty-two peers and sixty members of the House of Commons, followed by the Lord Keeper with the Great Seal, joined the King at York; while the Parliament enrolled the militia, secured the fleet, and opened a subscription for a loan. The next step of the Parliament was to make representations to the King. They demanded, in their 509 last petition, the power of appointing and dismissing the Royal ministers, naming guardians for the Royal children, and, as Green puts it, “virtually controlling military, civil, and religious affairs.” \\/hereto Charles returned the famous answer: “If I granted your demands, I should be no more than the mere phantom of a king.” This petition, humorously styled “The Parliament’s Petition to the King for Peace,” was presented by the Earl of Holland. His account of his reception is given in a letter to the Speaker of the House of Lords, which I extract from the Parliamentary History. He writes from Beverley, in Yorkshire, where the King then was :—- “ MY LORD; Our admittance to his maj. was very quick, for that very night we arrived here, after his supper, though he came home late from Lincoln, he commanded us to attend him; where we found him accompanied by many officers, but few lords; for most of them were absent, they say here, to put in execu- tion the Commission of Array, in those shires whither the king’s Commission had directed them.-—After we had read your Petition, his majesty told us, It was a business of great importance, and required time to advise of his Answer; yet then he remarked, with some sharpness, on some parts of the Petition, which I shall give my lords an account of in person.—I believe we may be dispatched to-day, or, at furthest, to-morrow; for his maj. goes to Nottingham and 510 -vs The House of Rich Leicester, to call those counties together, and to assure them to him; as, he believes, he has already done those where his presence hath been. His forces appear not to be so great as they are; for it is said here, and I believe with some truth, that he may, when he pleases, call a very considerable number together, that are ready, upon the least command, to move to- wards him: but this is declined on two respects; the one, until he hath received a direct Answer concerning Hull; the other, to ease his charge for the present. There are several troops of horse that have been raised by noblemen and gentlemen, which are quartered in this county.-—These generals are only proper to be delivered unto you at this present; when I attend you, which shall be with all the diligence I may, my lords shall have a very particular account of the knowledge and duty of Your, &c. HOLLAND. “Beverley, July 18, 1642.” Clarendon says that Holland was “transported from his natural temper and gentleness into passion and animosity against the King and his ministers” by his cold reception; but it is probable that his temper had already been severely tried by the peremptory order which he had received, some months before, from Lord Falkland, to return the key which was the ensign of his office as Groom of the Stole. However that may be, he was now definitely on the Parliamentary side. The petition, presented in July, reports, as we have seen, that the King was going to Nottingham 5II \Varwick Castle W to raise the county. It was at Nottingham that, on August 23rd, “on the evening of a very stormy and tempestuous day,” the Royal Standard was first raised. Essex marched out to look for him. The King first fell back on Shrewsbury, gathering supporters as he went. Then he started to march on London, and Essex left Worcester to confront him. The two armies met on the field of Edgehill, near Banbury. Tactically, it was a drawn battle, but the strategical advantage lay with the King. Banbury surrendered to him, though VVarwick held out; and Essex re- treated, leaving Charles free to march on London. On the receipt of the news the Earl of Holland exhorted the citizens of London to be strong and of a good courage. This speech, which is printed in the Parliamentary History, is as follows :—- “My lord mayor, and you gentlemen of the city; It is more by obedience than confidence, that I say anything to you at this time. That which I shall say to you, is to observe on the Relation that this noble lord hath made: in the first part of it what deliverance God hath sent you, that in a danger (and indeed such as, I am confident, all that were there believed the cause of religion, and liberty, and all lost) you saw what a present turn it had; such a one, as if it did not give us the victory, yet it gave us the advantage, that is certain; and truly a very great one, especially when it was taken from so un- happy a condition as we were likely to be in; wherein God hath showed us what a danger might have fallen 512 »> The House of Rich upon us: and certainly it is because every man should consider. in that danger, what he might have suffered, and what his cause might have suffered; and by this to give you all warning, that as he hath now begun to deliver you only by his hand, and by his power, he will expect that you will express such a thankful- ness to him for it, as now to make his cause your work; and to do it with your hands boldly and with courage.——For by this Letter that you have heard read now, you see what is threatened against you; the least that you must expect as to this great army of the king’s is, that certainly, by the disposition of those that command it, and have great power in it, they intend you no less (and that is to be believed) than the destroying of the city and your persons, and the preying upon your fortunes. This is not all; for you see if this doth not prevail, or be not powerful enough, an army must come from the “fest; you see the preparation of another in the North; from all parts of the kingdom the sword is drawn against you: and truly, having those ill intentions that they cer- tainly have, it is the wisest course they can take; for in your city is the strength of the kingdom indeed: it is not only the life but the soul of it: if they can destroy you here, the rest of the kingdom must all submit and yield; and, in that yielding, must give over the maintenance of all that is most dear to them.” Notwithstanding these exhortations, however, the King came on. He established his headquarters at 513 \Varwick Castle W Oxford, and captured first Reading and then Brent- ford. Never, in the whole course of the war, was he nearer to triumph than at that hour. It was the hour when john Wilton penned the famous sonnet, “written when the City was in danger,” in which he expresses the opinion that poets should not be called upon to fight. Happily, however, the population of the City was not entirely composed of poets. The train-bands marched out to Turnham Green. The Earl of Holland was with Essex, and advised him not to fight; but the general temper was martial. “Come, my brave boys,” said Skippon, who commanded the City forces, “let us pray heartily and fight heartily; remember the cause is for God, and for the defence of yourselves, your wives and children.” So, after the two armies had faced each other throughout the whole of a November day, the King shrank from the enterprise and ordered a retreat. Possibly——one may almost say probably—-if he had fought, he would have won; for the Parliament had not yet trained the New Model, or discovered a military genius. But he let “I dare not ” wait upon “I would,” like the cat in the adage, and so lost a chance that was never to return to him. So ended the campaign of 1642. The conduct of the Earl of Holland in the campaign of 1643 was equivocal, and not to his credit. The year had begun well for the King. Though he had lost Reading, he had gained ground elsewhere. Devonshire, Somerset- shire, Dorsetshire, \ViItshire, and the north of Hamp- 514 /M The House of Rich shire, as well as the city of Bristol, had fallen into his hands. So a peace party appeared in Parliament; and the Earl of Holland backed it, and tried to persuade Essex to back it with his army. If he had stopped there, one would have viewed his conduct as unwise rather than as improper. But he did not stop there. When the peace negotiations fell through, he rode off to join the King, and would no doubt definitely have become a Royalist if he had been taken back into favour and restored to his old office of Groom of the Stole. His refusal, however, to apologise for past acts of disloyalty barred the way. He attended the King to the siege of Gloucester, and charged in the King’s regiment of horse at the first battle of Newbury, in which Lord Falkland was killed; he failed to get the post he desired, and, finding that there was nothing to be gained at Oxford, returned to London. It is not easy to find language to characterise this behaviour. The irresponsible frivolity of it is almost beyond belief. One would dwell on it at greater length but for the fact that there is more frivolity of the same sort to follow. The amazing thing is that Holland’s double-dealing almost went unpunished. The only harm that came to him was the passing of an ordinance disabling him from sitting in the Upper House during the existing Parliament without the consent of both Houses, and the subsequent rejection of a proposal for an ordinance restoring him to his privileges. Moreover, he felt 515 VVarwick Castle W sufficiently sure of himself to apply to Parliament for pecuniary compensation for the losses which he had sustained during the war. Seeing that he had been First Lord of the Bedchamber at £1,600, had had two pensions of £2,000 a year each, as well as enjoying a share in the customs on coal worth £1,200 a year, and a legal office worth £2,000 a year, besides other smaller stipends, he felt that he could ask for a pension. The request was refused, and he once more went over to the King. The story quite justifies Clarendon’s scathing summary of his character :——- “He was a very well-bred man, and a fine gentleman in good times; but too much desired to enjoy ease and plenty when the king could have neither, and did think poverty the most insupportable evil that could befal any man in this world.” Holland’s active intervention on the King’s side belongs to what is known as the “ Second Civil \/Var” ; and, to make our narrative intelligible, we must once more summarise our English history. The year 1643, as has already been stated, began favourably for the King. The turning-point was the unsuccessful siege of Gloucester by the Royalists. If they had taken Gloucester, terms admitting the King’s main pretensions would almost certainly have been agreed to. But Essex relieved Gloucester, and the Parliament was disinclined to negotiate; and then, after the inconclusive battle of Newbury Down, fought with Essex on his way back from Gloucester, the Solemn League and Covenant was concluded: an 516 -M The House of Rich agreement whereby the Scots, in return for certain religious considerations which need not detain us, promised to help the Parliament. At the beginning of 1644, therefore, the situation was as follows: In the West Waller watched and more or less “contained” Prince Maurice, who had been gaining successes in Dorset and Devon. In the centre Essex watched the King at Oxford, prepared to follow him if he moved north. In the North a Scottish army under Leslie, Earl of Leven, came over the Border and besieged the Marquis of New- castle in York, with the assistance of Manchester and Fairfax, who had previously had a difficulty in holding their own in the county. Rupert of the Rhine came to the rescue of the Royalists from Oxford; and Oliver Cromwell, who almost alone among the Par- liamentary leaders had done well in 1643, came up on his part with his lronsides from the eastern counties. Rupert arrived first, frightened his enemy away, and rode into York without having to strike a blow. But Cromwell was hard after him, and forced him to give battle at Marston Moor. “It had all the evidence,” he wrote of that engagement, “of an absolute victory, obtained by the Lord’s blessing upon the godly party principally. \Ve never charged but we routed the enemy. God made them as stubble to our swords." The victory had saved a very critical situation. Elsewhere the King had gained successes. He had beaten \Valler at Cropredy Bridge, compelled the 517 YVarwick Castle W greater part of the army of Essex, who had ventured into Cornwall, to surrender, and commenced a second march on London which seemed to have every pros- pect of success; while Montrose, in the Highlands, had called the clans to arms on his behalf, and won for him the battle of Tippermuir. But, owing to Marston Moor, these successes led to no result. The march to London was intercepted by Cromwell and Manchester at Newbury Down; and this second battle of Newbury was a Parliamentary victory. It was be- cause the Earl of Manchester, who was in supreme command, would not suffer him to pursue and turn the defeat into a rout, that Cromwell induced Parlia- ment to pass that Self-denying Ordinance which, as we have already seen, compelled the retirement of the Earl of Warwick from the post of Lord High Admiral. The King's only hope now lay in the Scotch diversion. But for that he would have negotiated. He did, in fact, begin to negotiate, but changed his mind when he got a letter from Montrose, who wrote: “Before the end of the summer I shall be in a position to come to your Majesty’s aid with a brave army.” Then he broke off the negotiations and marched to join Montrose. Cromwell, however, met and defeated him at Naseby on June 14th, 1645, and that battle. save for the siege of a castle or two, ended the war at a blow, while a few months later Montrose was effectually dealt with at Philiphaugh. So ended the First Civil \Var. The Earl of Holland 518 had no part in it. -n The House of Rich We next hear of him. in September, 1645, as endeavouring to mediate between the Scottish commissioners and the English Presbyterian leaders, and suggesting through the French agent, Montreuil, t h a t the K in g should take refuge the Scottish army. is in It matter of history that the King did take refuge with the Scots, and that the Scots delivered him up to the Par- 21 liament in con- the payment of the sum of £400,000. The took him away from the Par- sideration of HFHIY liament; and in the course of the sub- sequent negotia- TIIE PLASTER CAST OF OLIVER CROMWELIJS FACE, TAKEN AFTER HIS DEATH. Now jfiresemed at lI’arruz1:/e C as-tie. tions, in which I-Iolland took part, between the Pres- byterian and Independent parties, the Second Civil War broke out. It was not really a civil war so much as a spon- taneous outburst of spasmodic risings in all parts of the country. One of the risings, as we shall see, interfered with the comfort of Mary Rich, Countess VOL. II. 519 H \’\/'arwick Castle u- of Warwick. Here we can only refer to the rising organised by the Earl of Holland. Perhaps I may be allowed to tell the story in the words of Professor Gardiner, who has so lucidly disentangled it from the perplexing pamphlets of the time. “The Earl of Holland,” the Professor says, “ac- companied by the Duke of Buckingham and his younger brother, Lord Francis Villiers, left London in the evening of the 4th and appeared in arms at the head of a party of Royalist gentlemen in the streets of Kingston. After ransacking the stables of the Parliamentarian gentry, they rode off with the horses they had thus acquired, leaving behind a decla- ration repudiating absolute monarchy, and declaring for peace and a Parliamentary constitution. Though their followers were for the present few in number, the highest estimate being five or six hundred, the course of events in Essex had shown how easy it was for a small force to swell into an army. “ Would the population of the southern counties give to Charles’s supporters in the field the credit for con- stitutional intentions which the House of Commons refused to himself? Unless this proved to be the case, Holland’s appeal to arms was doomed to speedy failure. Conscious of his own deficiencies as a soldier, he had obtained the assistance of Dulbier, the Dutch- man to whom all causes were alike, and who had in his time drilled soldiers both for the elder Buckingham and for Cromwell. Dulbier was probably attracted to the present enterprise by the young Duke of Bucking- 520 /’> The House of Rich harn, whose father he had served. In any case, even if he had been a far better soldier than Holland, he could not accomplish much with 600 horse. His hopes were set on a horse-race, which was shortly to be held on Banstead Downs, as from the concourse at- tending he could hardly fail to find recruits for the King. “In the meanwhile, horses and arms being still sorely needed, Holland dashed into Reigate on the 6th, hoping to secure the castle, which was at that time in the possession of a thorough-going Indepen- dent, Viscount Castlemaine, usually known in England as Lord Monson. The townsmen showed no incli- nation to rally to his side, and on hearing that some of Livesey’s troops were approaching, Holland with- drew to Dorking. On the morning of the 7th he attempted to return, but finding that Livesey had himselfarrived with reinforcements, he rode off hurriedly towards Kingston. “ Livesey at once gave the word to follow. Hol- land’s rear was overtaken at Ewell; and a skirmish on the top of the hill was followed by a chase into Kingston. The Cavaliers, to do them justice, quitted themselves like men. As soon as Surbiton Common was passed the horsemen, drawing up in the lane, kept the pursuing cavalry in check, whilst their own foot made their way in safety into Kingston. Lord Francis Villiers, like a gallant boy as he was, had thrown himself into the midst of the rear guard, which bore the brunt of the attack. His horse having been killed under him, he continued to defend himself vigorously 521 Yvarivick Castle W with his back against an elm tree which rose from a hedge, until an enemy dashed his steel cap off his head and slew him from behind. Few deaths in that blood- stained war struck the imagination of contemporaries with stronger pity than that of the high-spirited youth whose ‘rare beauty and comeliness of person’ wrung from Clarendon a lament such as might have beseemed a writer of ancient Greece. “ VI/hether the danger was at an end still depended on the temper of the City. Sanguine Royalists had expected that large numbers of citizens, perhaps even whole regiments of the trained bands, would make their way to Kingston and would declare for King Charles. On the day of the fight the Derby House Committee gave orders that all the boats of the horse ferries over the Thames from Lambeth to Shepperton should be placed at night under guard on the Middle- sex side, and that by day none should he suffered to cross except market people and persons employed in the service of the State. This state of uncertainty was soon brought to an end. Not only did no new recruits join Holland, but most of those already with him slipped away by degrees, seeking safety in conceal- ment. On the morning of the 8th Holland himself gave up hope. Accompanied by about 200 horse, amongst whom were Buckingham and Dulbier, he pushed on without any clear object in view through narrow lanes by Harrow to St. Albans, reaching St. Neots on the evening of the 9th. In the dark hours of the next morning, Colonel Scrope, despatched by 522 4, The House of Rich Fairfax to intercept the fugitives, burst into the little town. Dulbier was slain as he stood to arms. Hol- land, roused from sleep, took refuge in the archway of an inn, slamming to the iron gate which barred the entrance in the hope that he might gain time to effect his escape at the back. On this side, however, the broad stream of the sluggish Ouse stopped all passage, and the luckless commander of an abortive insurrection surrendered on condition that his life should be spared. Buckingham, more fortunate or more adroit, found his way safely out of the town in the darkness, and ultimately succeeded in reaching the Continent.” Such is the full account of this obscure and abortive rising. Holland, as it curiously happened, was im- prisoned at V\/arwick Castle, and the Lords and Commons passed the following declaration as to him and his confederates :—- “ Die Veneris, 7 Julii. I648. “Resolved. &c. “That this House doth Declare, That the Duke of Buckingham, Earl of Holland, Earl of Peter- borough, and all that have or shall adhere to them, have and do Levy \Var against the Parliament and Kingdom, and are Traytors and Rebels, and ought to be proceeded against as Traytors and Rebels. “Ordered, &c. “That the several Committees in the several Counties and places where there lies any of the Estates Real or Personal of the Duke of Buckingham, Earl of 523 Y\iarwick Castle @- Holland. Earl of Peterborough, or any other that have or shall adhere to them in this Action of Levying VVar against the Parliament and Kingdom, do forthwith proceed to the Sequestration of their Estates Real and Personal. “ H. ELSYNGE, Cler. Parl. D. Com.” At the beginning of the next year he was brought to trial. His plea that he had surrendered on con- dition that his life should be spared ought unquestion- ably to have been allowed. But the Court, at the instance of the army, overruled it, and he was sentenced to death. Both his brother and Fairfax tried to save him, but a proposal to reprieve him was rejected by thirty-one votes to thirty, and the execution took place on March 9th, 1649. A pamphlet of the period enables us to be present at the gruesome ceremony, and to hear his dying speeches. It is long, but I give a portion of it. Thus :-— Ho//aazd. Then the Earl of Holland embraced Lieut: Col: Beecher, and took his leave of him: After which, he came to Mr. Bolton, and havmg embraced him, and returned him many thanks for his great pains and affections to his soul, desu-ing God to reward him, and return his love into his bosom. l\Ir. Bolton said to him, The Lord God support you, and be seen 111 this great extremity; The Lord reveal and discover himself to you, and make your death the passage into eternal hfe. Ho/Zarzd. Then the Earl of Holland turning to the Executioner, said, Here my friend, let my Clothes and my Body alone, there is Ten pounds for thee, that is better then my Clothes, I am sure of it. 524 /n The House of Rich Execm‘i0ne1/. Will your Lordship please give me a Sign when I shall strike? And then his Lordship said, You have room enough here, have you not? and the Executioner said, Yes. H0//and. Then the Earl of Holland turning to the Executioner, said, Friend, do you hear me, if you take up my Head, do not take off my Cap. Then turning to his Servants, he said to one, Fare you well, thou art an honest fellow; and to another, God be with thee, thou art honest man: and then said, Stay, I will kneel down, and ask God forgiveness; and then prayed for a pretty space, with seeming earnestness. B0/Z012. The Lord grant you may finde life in death. Execuz’z'0ne1'. Lie down flat upon your belly : and then having laid himself down, he said, Must I lie closer? Executioner: Yes, and backwarder. H0//aizd. I will tell you when you shall strike; and then as he lay, seemed to pray with much affection for a short space, and then lifting up his head, said, Where is the man? and seeing the Executioner by him, he said, Stay while I give the Sign; and presently after stretching out his hand, and the Executioner being not fully ready, he said, Now, now, and just as the words were coming out of his mouth, the Executioner at one blow severed his head from his body. Such was his end——the very inglorious end of a thoroughly worthless man, who was the brother of one Earl of Warwick and the father of another. 525 CHAPTER IX Mary Boyle Her Family H1story—The Success in Life of her Father, Richard Boyle, First Earl of Cork—Proposal of Marnage—The Suit of Charles R1ch—-The Obstacles that had to he surmounted-The Triumph of True Love——The Secret Marriage~Leighs Priory-The Civil \/Var—-The Reason why Mary Rich was at Le1ghs at the Time. ROM these stories of blood and slaughter on the field and on the scaffold we may turn for a refreshing change to a love story. VVe find one in the life of Mary Rich, the Countess of Charles Rich, the second son of the illustrious Robert Rich, who succeeded his elder brother in the Earldom. She is best known to the world as the pious author of a self- complacent diary, which has gained her admission to an interesting series of so-called saintly lives; and there is no doubt that her claims to special sanctity merit our very attentive and respectful consideration. The pious part of her life. however, may wait until we have dealt with the romantic part. Mary Rich was one of the less distinguished mem- bers of the distinguished family of Boyle. VVe may pause. therefore, to say a word or two about the House of Boyle and its founder. The name is said to be a corruption of the name de Biuvile, which is found in Domesday Book; but the link between the Biuviles and the Boyles is missing. Our only genealogical information is to be 526 /Q The House of Rich found in the “ True Remembrances” of Richard Boyle, first Earl of Cork. --.1 From the Picture at C/ratswort/'2. RICHARD BOYl.E, FIRST EAR]. OF CORK, FA'l'IIER OF MARY RICH, COUNTESS OI" \VAR\\'ICI~(. “ My father,” he writes, “ Mr. /i’0(g'ez' /)’0)'/e, was born in Herefordshire. My mother, 70:11: zVay/or, daughter to Reéerl 1Va~)'/0/' of Cam‘erbzzry in the county of lferzf, 527 V\’arwick Castle <¢- Esq., was born the 15th of October in the 21st year of King Henry’ VIII., and my said father and mother were married in Ca2zz‘e1'6zz1y the 16th of October in the 8th year of queen E/ziaaéet/2.” And further :-— “My mother never married again, but lived ten years a widow and then departed this life at Fever/5/2127/z aforesaid the zoth of March. 1586. And they both are buried in one grave in the upper end of the chancel of the parish church of Pi/esfozz; in memory of which my deceased and worthy parents I, their second son, have in amzo Domini 1629 erected a fair alabaster tomb over the place where they were buried, with an iron gate before it for the better preservation thereof.” Richard Boyle began life as clerk to Sir Richard Manwood, Chief Baron of the Exchequer. He threw up this position to seek his fortune in Ireland, and he found it there. Good introductions gave him good opportunities, and he made good use of them. He was one of the English “undertakers” who took up estates in the counties of Limerick and Waterford. The estates throve, and he bought more. For £i,5oo he acquired the property of Sir Walter Raleigh in Munster. He built bridges and harbours and “ works,” and engaged in various kinds of commerce. He ex- ported bar iron and lead and pilchards and herrings, and made salt and pipe-staves; and James I. made him Baron of Youghal in 1616, and Viscount Dun- garvan and Earl of Cork in 1620 He married 528 /a The House of Rich Katharine Fenton, lived principally at Lismore, and had many children, several of whom became distin- guished. One of them was the Robert Boyle who became so famous in connection with the foundation of the Royal Society. Mary was his thirteenth child and seventh daughter. In such leisure as trade and public affairs left him, the Earl of Cork arranged good marriages for his children. Several of them were affianced before they were in their teens——one of them at the age of thirteen months; and when Mary was only nine he proposed to betroth her to Mr. James Hamilton, only son of Viscount Clandeboyes. The courtship, however, was delayed until some years later, and Mary gives the following account of it :— “Soon after my father removed, with his family, into England, and dwelt in Dorsetshire, at a house he had purchased there; which was called Stalbridge; and there, when I was about thirteen or fourteen years of age, came down to me one Mr. Hambletone, son to my Lord Clandeboyes, who was afterwards Earl of Clanbrasell, and would fain have had me for his wife. My father and his had, some years before, concluded a match between us, if we liked when we saw one another, and that I was of years to consent; and now he being returned out of France, was by his father’s command to come to my father’s, where he received from him a very kind and obliging welcome, looking upon him as his son-in-law, and designing suddenly that we should be married, and gave him leave to 529 \Yarwick Castle W make his address, with a command to me to receive him as one designed to be my husband. l\/Ir. Hamble- tone (possibly to obey his father) did design gaining me by a very handsome address, which he made to me, and if he did not to a very high degree dis- semble, I was not displeasing to him. for he professed a great passion for me.” As to the result of this passion, she adds :— “The professions he made me of his kindness were very unacceptable to me, and though I had by him very highly advantageous offers made me, in point of fortune (for his estate, that was settled upon him, was counted seven or eight thousand pound a year), yet by all his kindness to me I could not be brought to endure to think of having him, though my father pressed me extremely to it; my aversion for him was extraordinary, though I could give my father no satis- factory account why it was so.” So the match was broken off, and the indignant Earl of Cork punished Mary by stopping her pin- money. “Since which tyme,” he writes, “for her dis- obedience in not marrying Mr. James Hamylton, the son and heir of the Lo. viscount of Clandeboyes, as I seriously advised her, I have from the 2rst of May, 1639, till this third day of June, 1640, deteigned my promised allowance from her, and not given her one penny.” But Mary still, she tells us, “continued to have an aversion to marriage, living so much at my ease 530 .HJPm .§§~\Q§....u Q ninth Ex» 5 M=.C§.§\ Q ~.§A..t\ \Varwick Castle W anything with him when he began to be passionate, though I was ever so much in the right. I was troubled, and begged God’s pardon for my foolishness.” And finally :— “After dinner got an opportunity of speaking to my lord about his soul’s concernments, and I did much beseech him to be more careful for his soul’s good, and told him of his offending God by his passions, and the sad effects of it. Afterwards my lord in a dispute fell into a great passion with me, upon which I found in myself a sudden violent eruption of passion, which made me instantly go away, for fear it should break out, and by so doing I was kept from having my lord hear me say anything; but to myself I uttered some passionate words, which though no other heard, yet, O Lord, thou didst: oh, humble me for it.” On the whole these entries convict the writer at least as much as they convict her “lord.” She must have been “ gey ill to live wi’,” as so many obtrusively pious women are—the more irritating because the religious talk of those days consisted mainly of talk about hell-fire. One’s heart goes out in sympathy to the poor man who, when he was already suffering temporal torments in this world, was continually warned to expect worse eternal torments in the next. Nor does one’s sympathy entirely disappear on hearing that, when;his Countess brought Anthony Walker, Doctor of Divinity, to talk to him about his soul against his will, he sat up in his bed and cursed the worthy rector of Fyfield roundly. 55° /M The House of Rich He invited Dr. Walker to pray with him, however, before he died, and the rector preached a very flatter- ing funeral sermon. He began by exalting the House of Rich :— “ The De/zgr/zz‘ of the Geizlry, the Pafa/on of the C/e1;g'y, the Da7/lzhg of the C017mz01za/2‘)/, and the Refres/mze1zz‘ of the Poor man’s B0206/S. Whose N06/e G1/ealness, and 06/z('g'z'flg [(2)/zdzzess and Bmmly, had almost engrost the Epithete of the Good Em//; My Good Lord of Warwzk/c. “This Line, I say,” he preached, “which for well near an Hundred and Fifty Years; by the Rzg/zt ffonouraa/67 Stiles and Titles of BARON RICH of LEEZ, and EARL of VVa7/wzbé, have been the B/essfzzg and Glory of this Neighbour-hood: And being fzrozzourea’ by Gad with much Ric/zes and P/@121)/, have fl/orzourea’ him again, and done much G000’ by their Bozmiy; and have waierea’, and made fat and glad the Vallies round about them, by shedding down that Dew, and Rain, which the Dz'z/£726 Bem('g1zz'z’y poured on the Heads of these Elevated Mountains. And have built their owne /I/fammzem‘ in this place, which will be Coewz/s with the Sun and Moon, in the famous F1/ee-Sr/Z00/, and AZ/225-Hozzse or H0spz'ZaZ, which they Founded; and so liberally, yea, Magnificently Indowed, in this Town.” And he enumerated the late Earl’s “/I107/al Ex- cellencies not few. As \/usz‘zke, T7/zzih, Afla6z'/2'!)/, Suém2'5sz'01z Z0 Rep;/00f. and Counsel, Acknowledgment of, and Se/f-Coizdemizalzion for his Fazz/is; Veneration for, Value of, Love to, soéer and ;bz'0zzs Persons; yea, voL. 11. 551 x V\/arwick Castle W if we consider his /oug, his z‘ea’ieus, and e.ryr/¢2'sz'z‘e Pains and Tryals, we must allow his Patience to have been considerable. His C‘/zai/zfy to the Poor, \Veekly at his Gates, annually to the Neighbouring Towns; and upon Extraordinary Occasions, as in the time of the Plague, to B7'az'7zz‘7/~y alone; He sent every VI/eek one Fat Oere, and many Weeks Two, to Feed the Poor; and Four or Five Pounds in Money, to pay a C/zz'1’m/g2'01z for attending of the Sick.” Surely, one feels, if all these things were true -—and the preacher explicitly claimed to have “escaped splitting or dashing upon that Rock of Flattery which is the Hazard and Reproach of Funeral Sermons”— the apprehensions of the Countess and her spiritual monitor for the eternal well-being of the departed Earl had been as exaggerated as they were un- questionably irritating. But one suspects that Dr. Walker was not quite sincere. There is a sting in the Epistle Dedicatory of the sermon, addressed to “his singular good lady.” “Your Honour,” says this somewhat spiteful intro- ductory note, “had a dear and loving Husband; but that Husband had his great, his heavy, and his long Affiictions; and that Gout which was so severe to him, was sometimes less kind to you and others, than his Natural Temper. So that you felt its pain, not only by sympathy, as you did always, but sometimes in other effects.” Evidently there were limits to the preacher’s belief in the maxim “ De mortuis nil nisi bonum.” 552 CHAPTER XI The Seriousness of the Seventeenth Century-—The Serious Friends of Mary Rich—-Anne Hyde, Duchess of York—-Lawrence Hyde~The Everards— The Maynards and Others-Mary Rich’s Letter of Good Advice to George, Lord Berkeley-—References in the Diary to the Plague, the Fire, and other Events of Public Interest. E return to Mary Rich, Countess of hVarwick. She was really a very interesting woman, though one cannot help feeling that one would rather not have seen too much of her. Her life, as we are able to study it from her diary, preserved in MS. in the Library of the British Museum, throws really useful light upon the conditions of English society after the Stuart restoration. One is apt to think of that society as wholly given over to frivolity and vice in its delight at the disappearance of Puri- tanical restrictions. There was, of course, a reaction which, in its extreme forms, was very striking. The King was a wicked man, whose chief pleasure was to surround himself with wicked men and wicked women; and there was a sufficient supply of wicked men and wicked women for the gratification of his wishes. The tone of the Court was bad, and the tone of the theatres reflected it, because the courtiers were the chief patrons of the theatres. But the tone of the Court and the playhouses was not the tone 553 \'Var\\'ick Castle W of the community at large. Not only were there plenty of serious people in the country; there were plenty of serious people among the upper classes; there were even some serious people among the courtiers. Nor was the seriousness confined to Puritans and Nonconformists. They, it is true, produced the best serious literature—since neither the Church of England nor the Church of Rome has ever produced a religious epic comparable with “Paradise Lost” or a religious allegory comparable with “The Pilgrim’s Progress.” But there was plenty of seriousness outside the ranks of Nonconformity, and not definitely associated with any specific form of religious belief. One of the Royal chaplains was “the famous young Stillingfieet,” as Pepys calls him. One of the great preachers of the period was the good Bishop Ken, the author of the beautiful hymn “Glory to Thee, my God, this night,” who has a certain collateral connection with the present House of \Varwick, owing to the fact that he was once rector of Little Easton, near Dunmow, and chaplain to Lord and Lady Maynard, of Little Easton Lodge. Mary Rich went to hear him on Easter Day, and “had there such sweet communion with him that I could say it was good to be there.” Moreover, besides the serious theologians, there were the serious men of science. The age of Wycherley, and Congreve, and Sir George Sedley, and the Earl of Rochester, was also the age of \Vilkins, and Sydenham, and Sir Isaac Newton, and the founders of the Royal 554 .m~w_ »SEOe SE50 5:. 20¢; H.E.w> 4-...<.x <\S.....\: .. : He ...§.e.§ e s€x Ki \\Ta1‘\vicl< Castle W Society. One of the founders of that society was Mary Rich’s brother, Robert Boyle. The diary men- tions several times that she had agreeable religious discourse with him. VVe must not make the mistake, therefore, of regarding Mary Rich as merely a religious recluse. She did not avoid society, though she did her best to avoid bad society. She did not attend the Court, but she had her considerable circle of friends and mixed freely with her neighbours. Her seriousness differed from theirs—or, at least, from the serious- ness of some of them—-in degree rather than in kind. It was only in self-consciousness that she conspicuously outshone them—-in that and in the passion for speaking words in season, and for putting on paper the record of the vicissitudes of the inner life. Her closest friends, both in London and in Essex, were members, as one would expect, of the best families of the time. Anne Hyde, then Duchess of York, daughter of Lord Chancellor Clarendon, was one of them. “At evening,” runs one entry in the diary, “went to see the Duchess of York; my heart was carried out much to compassionate her, and I wept with her.” Lawrence Hyde, Lord Rochester, often visited both \Varwick House and Leighs. Other friends were Sir Richard and Lady Everard, of Langleys, near Great \Valtham. “In the afternoon,” we read, “I had with me my old Lady Everard. I had with her good discourse, and did advise her, having had lately a fit of an 556 /M The House of Rich apoplexy, to look upon it as a call to prepare her for her death and to leave off all the folly things of the world, and now to be serious in giving liligence to make her calling and her election sure. She seemed affected with what I said, and resolved to follow my advice.” Then there was Mary Tracey, Lady Vere, of Kirkby Hall, widow of Sir Horatio Vere—“ my pious Lady Vere”—-a very congenial spirit. “ My sister Ranelagh and I alone,” says the diary, “went to see my lady Vere; and all the way, both going and coming, we had a great deal of holy dis- course. And when we were at my lady Vere’s, had with her much good discourse. She then told me that she had seen much of the world, being now above four score and seven years old, and that it was nothing worth, and that Christ was worth all.” Then there were Lady Manchester, widow of the second Earl of Warwick, and since married to the general who would not allow Cromwell to charge at Newbury, and Charles Rich’s sister Lucy, married to Baron Robartes, the Cornish peer, who had fought for the Parliament, but was now Lord Privy Seal, who brought her into frivolous company. “Sir H. S. (Sir Henry Sedley) dined there that day,” she says; “it was a great trouble to me to see him, for fear he should be profane, but it pleased God to restrain him, yet knowing how profane a person he was, it much troubled me to be in his company.” Next there were Lord and Lady Maynard of 557 \Varwick Castle W Easton Lodge. Lord Maynard, for his fidelity to the Royal cause, had been impeached for high treason in 1647, but at the Restoration had been made Comp- troller of the Household. Lady Maynard was Lady Margaret Murray, daughter of the Earl of Dysart. Ken’s funeral sermon represents her as a woman of much more than ordinary piety. She was one of the few serious people who, as has already been said, were to be found even in the Court. She lived. Ken says, “several years in the very Court with the abstraction of a recluse.” Finally, we must not forget George, Baron Berkeley, subsequently Viscount Dursley and Earl of Berkeley, who was another of the serious people about the Court. He had been a fellow-commissioner with Charles Rich at the Hague in i660, and associated with Robert Boyle as an original member of the Royal Society. His serious disposition is attested by the fact that in 1668 he wrote a religious work— “Historical Applications and Occasional Meditations upon Various Subjects ”-—designed to demonstrate the importance of religion from the experiences of cele- brated men, which elicited from Edmund \ValIer the complimentary quatrain :-— Bold is the man that dares engage For piety in such an age, Who can presume to find a guard From scorn, when Heaven’s so little spared? He was brought into connection with the Court 558 /a The House of Rich through holding an official position on the Council for Foreign Plantations, and Mary Rich addressed to him certain “Rules for a Holy Life,” advising him how to comport himself in the uncongenial company with which he was sometimes obliged to mix. The rules were not intended for publication; but one Nathaniel Ranew, a Presbyterian divine, living at Billericay, near Chelmsford, got them printed, apparently without permission. The Rules are many and various. Lord Berkeley is recommended “not to turn day into night," but to get up early and “pray with zeal and fervency,” etc., etc., etc.—the most interesting rules being those relating to amusements. Mary Rich, one is somewhat surprised to find, did not require the devout to be invariably glum. “I would desire you,” she wrote, “to be as cheerful as you can; and to that purpose I would recommend to you that gaiety of goodness, which will make you most pleasing to yourself and others.” Perhaps the aspiration after the “gaiety of goodness” is a little difficult to reconcile with the severities of the Protestant creed of those days; but others besides Mary Rich have effected the reconciliation, and she had as much right as the late Mr. Spurgeon to be merry while anticipating the damnation of the majority of mankind. She understood, too, that a man at Court must compromise, and might even have to gamble. Per- haps, if she had lived in our time, she would have put up with bridge, though disapproving of it, and 559 VVarwick Castle W advised her pious friends to go to Ascot, if the King went, but not to allow the turf to interfere with godliness. For this is what she says :— “VVhen you have thus spent your morning [in prayer, business, and the ordering of the household], then I am not so rigid as to forbid you all recrea- tions; no, I think them very necessary for diversion; but I must be so severe as to forbid you such as may put you into any passion or disorder, which may be hurtful both to soul and body. Therefore I would absolutely forbid you dice and cards too, unless it be sometimes, when you must keep these limitations; first, not to play all day long, as if you were made only to eat and drink, and rise up to play. For certainly God did not give us time, as we give children rattles, only to play withal. Remember what your good friend Dr. Taylor says. that ‘He that spends his time in sports, and calls it recreation, is as he whose garment is nothing but fringes, and his meat nothing but sauce. Therefore I shall advise you, that your recreations may be as your sauce, not as your full meat. The second limitation I would advise is, not to play for more than you care, whether you win or lose; remember that Mr. Herbert, in his excellent poems, says, ‘Game is a civil gunpowder in peace, Blowing up houses with their whole increase.”’ Leaving this branch of the subject, we may turn to see what light the diary throws upon the public 560 .§$m._.Q ~.\\€kME.3.€ Q =B.~.w\ \Varwick Castle W events of the time it covered. It is hardly of such interest either to the historian or to the general reader as the diaries, belonging to the same age, of Evelyn and Pepys; but it helps us similarly, albeit in a less degree, to see the period with the eyes of a contemporary. It began in 1666—-the year after the Great Plague, and the year of the Great Fire, and certain great battles with the Dutch. Let us see how the news of the Great Fire came to Leighs :—- “September 3,—Monday. After dinner much company came in: towards evening came the news of London being on fire, which much amazed and troubled me, and made me pray for that distressed place and people. The fire began the 2nd of September. “4,—In the morning my sister (Lady Ranelagh) went to London, and I retired into the wilderness to think of the sad miseries of poor London. After dinner came the news of half the city’s being burned down, and the fire still going on to devour. “5,—Fast-day. I got up betimes, and when ready went to meditate and to consider what I had in par- ticular done to provoke God to punish this nation. News came that Holborn was all on fire, and VVarwick- house burned. I thank God I found my heart more affected for the common calamity and suffering of others than for that, and was not at all disordered with the news, but bore it patiently. Then I went to the chapel to hear Mr. Glascock preach: his text was, Isaiah xxvi. 9, ‘When Thy judgments are in the earth, the inhabitants of the world will learn righteousness.’ 562 /M The House of Rich “6,——Thursday. In the morning, I went out into the wilderness to meditate; when I came in, I heard that \Narwick-house was not burned; for which I blessed God. In the afternoon, went out to hear the news, came not home till evening; then prayed again.” And how Lady Warwick went to London and saw the ruins :— “November zo,——Tuesday. In the morning, as soon as ready, prayed to God to go along with me in my journey to London, and then took coach to go, and by the mercy of God got safe thither without any misfortune. As soon as I entered into the burned city, my eyes did affect my heart, and the dismal prospect of that once famous city, being now nothing but rubbish, did draw many tears from me, and made me pity and pray for those who had their habitations burned, and beseech God to make up all their losses to them, and give them patience to hear them. When I came to Warwick-house to my lord, I found him, blessed be God, pretty well, but being weary and ill with the headache went to bed and there committed myself to God.” Another interesting note relates to the disgrace of Lord Chancellor Clarendon, with an incidental refer- ence to the temper of the Earl of VVarwick :—- “August 26. In the morning, as soon as up, I retired and meditated; and having the night before heard that the King had sent to the Chancellor to advise him to deliver up the seals, my meditations ran much upon the vanity and uncertainty of all 565 VVarwick Castle W worldly greatness, and how much better it was to put confidence in God, than in princes; I did then in prayer beseech God to sanctify this fresh example to me, and more still to wean me from all worldly things. Then I went to London to dine at Newport- house, and from thence went to see \Varwick-house, which I had not seen before since my lord began to build [make (Z/Z£’7’[ZZ707ZS—-\/VOOCII‘Off€]; whilst I was there the workmen, not having done what they should, put my lord into a passion, and made him swear very much, which was so great a trouble to me, that I took no joy in seeing the house, though it was very fine, but I got into a private room and begged God to forgive my poor husband his swearing, and to give him patience, that the house might be perfumed with prayers, and not profaned by oaths, and that God might like to dwell amongst us there.” And again:-— “August 3t. VVent with my sister to Clarendon- house to dinner, and to see my niece Hyde, having heard that the night before the king had sent to demand the seals from the lord chancellor, which were that night sent the king. After dinner, I went to see the duchess, with whom I had some mortifying dis- course of the uncertainty of all worldly glory: returned not home till late.” And also :— “November 5. Went to see my lord Clarendon; which was a loud sermon to me, not to put confidence in princes, nor in all the greatness of this world, to 564 -M The House of Rich see him that was so great a favourite left as he was. I returned not home till late in the evening.” Elsewhere there is a reference to the Duke of York’s great victory over the Dutch in Southwold Bay—a victory to which testimony is still borne by the harmless battery of captured cannon just outside the town. We are in 1671:-— “June 1. Having heard that on the 28th of last month the Dutch fleet and ours were engaged in a most dreadful sea,fight which still continued, I found my heart exceedingly affected to think how much Protestant blood was shed and how many souls were, as I feared, eternally miserable by it.” And so forth. The serene and sincere, but de- plorably self-conscious, piety of Lady Mary is brought out clearly in all these comments of hers on the stirring events of her time. The greater issues all passed unperceived by her—the greater religious issues no less than the others. Not being a Nonconformist, for all her Puritanism, she writes as though unaware of the religious persecutions of the reign, and of that stubborn resurgence of dissent which was presently to “fiing the burthen of the Second James.” Whatever happened she gauged by her religious emotions of the moment. She may be defined as a religious woman who saw no farther than her nose. CHAPTER XII Family Affairs—l\Iary R1ch’s Three Nieces and the Arrangement of their Marriages-—The VV1ll of Charles Rich and the Legal Business which it entai1ed—The Retirement of Mary Rich to Le1ghs——Her Last Years there and her Death—A Reconsideration of her Character. IT remains to avail ourselves of such light as the diary throws upon the family affairs and private fortunes of the members of the House of Rich. We may begin with the death of Robert Rich, Earl of VVarwick, Lady Mary’s brother-in-law. “In the year 1659," she writes, “on May goth, died at London my Lorcl’s eldest brother, then Earl of Warwick, and left no son, only three daughters, which upon his death-bed, I promised to have while I lived as great a care of as if they had been my own, and that promise I can truly say I have performed, for I have from the time of their father’s death, that I took them home to me, with the same care bred those three ladies, who were all left to my care young, as I could have done if they had been my own chil- dren, studying and endeavouring to bring them up religiously, that they might be good, and do good afterwards in their generation; and I am sure I have the affection of a mother for those three sweet, hopeful young ladies, which I beseech God to bless, of whom the name of the eldest was my Lady Ann, the name 566 -vi The House of Rich of the second my Lady Mary, and the name of the youngest my Lady Essex.” Mary Rich, in her own manner, was a good mother to the girls, as she had promised to be. She has re- corded how she used to chide them for their faults. For instance :—- “ Being much out of humour when I was chiding my Lady Essex, I did it too passionately, for which afterwards I was troubled.” f\nd agah1 —— “VVhilst I was discoursing with my Lady Mary, and telling her of her faults, I found a sudden eruption of my passion, which made me speak unadvisedly with my lips some passionate words.” She doubtless clung to them the more affectionately because of the early death of her only son. He lived to grow up and to marry, on September 2nd, 1662, Lady Anne Cavendish, daughter of the third Earl of Devonshire. According to the custom of the time, the husband, being no more than a boy, was sent to complete his education by a course of foreign travel, while the wife came to live with her mother-in-law at Leighs. The sad sequel is thus chronicled in the autobiography :—- “My son stayed not so long as he was designed to in France; but returned back to his wife, and they lived together with me till May 1664; and then, the eighth day of that month, my dear and only son fell ill. and it proved to be the small-pox, in which distemper of his, after I had removed his wife out of the house VOL.IL 567 L \Varwick Castle W from him to her father’s (for fear of her being in- fected), and had sent away my three young ladies to Lees, and got my lord to remove to my sister Ranelagh’s, I shut up myself with him, doing all I could both for his soul and body; and though he was judged by his doctors to be in a hopeful way of re- covery. yet it pleased God to take him away by death the 16th of May, to my inexpressible sorrow. He wanted about four months of being of age.” “It was so sad an affliction,” the bereaved mother continues, “that would certainly have sunk me had not my good and gracious God assisted me to bear it, and given me this comfortable cordial of seeing him die so penitently that I had many comfortable hopes of his everlasting happiness; he making so good and sober an end.” There was the usual funeral panegyric over “ the only son of an Antient Hereditary Earldom, by blood and marriage the Son of Two, and the Grand-child of Four Eminent Earls, and as many Countesses, and Nephew to more Peers than all Arithmetick hath Digits . . . a branch of Two Families: the one the grand nursery of Ancient Piety, the other the Happy Source of Newest Ingenuity, in a word the Son of two bloods which I may boldly call not the least ornaments of two great Kingdoms.” Thereafter Mary Rich had only her nieces to love; and she was equally attentive to their temporal and spiritual interests. She prepared them to receive the Holy Communion in a proper spirit: “After dinner, my Lady Essex being ready to receive, and 568 From a )6/iotograp/z by H. N. l\'infl'. THE WEST FRONT, wARwtc1~; CASTLE. \Yarwick Castle W she never having done it before, I did with her sister and her take much pains. . . . I did in discourse with the young ladies, especially with my Lady Essex, warn them to be careful to keep their engagements made to God at the Sacrament.” She also occupied herself in arranging suitable marriages for them. Her desire was that the Lady Essex should marry Mr. Vane. This gentleman, son of the Sir Henry Vane, who was executed in 1662, and elder brother to Christopher, Lord Barnard, “received my lord's full consent and mine, if he could gain Lady Essex to have her.” But the Lady Essex had a will of her own. The engagement was duly made. but we read under the dates of October 24th and October 27th, 167J :— “October 24. This day my Lady Essex broke the intended match between Mr. Vane and her against my advice and very much to my dissatisfaction, who counselled her to choose so good and sober a person, but after I had done so leaving her to herself to determine what she would do, she gave him a flat denial, which grieved me. W “ 27. In the morning I prayed, but was dull and distracted in the duty, my mind being this morning much opprest with trouble for Mr. Vane’s going from hence, upon my Lady Essex’s absolutely breaking off the match with him, he being so good a man I thought she would have been happy with him.” The autobiography records the sequel :—- “My Lady Essex Rich having, after my lord’s 57O /M The House of Rich death, broke off a match, which was treated of before my lord died, between Mr. Thomas Vane and her, I had several offers made me of matches for her, but they were disliked by me, because the young men were not viceless; and I had taken a resolution that no fortune, though the greatest in the kingdom should be offered me, should be accepted, where the young man was not sober, which made me instantly give flat denials to all the above-named proposals. But afterwards I had, from my Lord Keeper Finch, a match proposed for his son, Mr. Daniel Pinch, about which, when I had consulted with her own relations, and found they approved of it, as I also did, upon the assurance I had from all the persons that knew him, that he was an extraordinary both ingenious and civil person (which upon my own knowledge of him, I afterwards found to be true), I did recommend this match to the young lady, giving her, when I had laid the conveniences I believed was in it before her. her free choice to choose or not, to do as she liked or disliked; but after some time that he had made his address to her, she consented to have him, and was by Mr. \Nodrofe married to him in Lees Chapel, June the 16th, 1674, his father, my Lord Keeper, then being by the King made Baron of Dantry, being present, with a great many more of his and her relations.” The Lady Mary was more amenable. This is the brief note in the autobiography :— “About four months after my lord’s death, my 57I \/Varwick Castle W Lady Mary Rich, my lord’s niece, who I had con- stantly bred from the time of her father’s death, was married at Lees Chapel by Dr. \Valker, the Itth December, 1673. The match was agreed on before my lord’s death, but finished by me, much to my s'atisfaction, because it was a very orderly and re- ligious family, and there was a very good estate, and the young gentleman she married, Mr. Henry St. John, was very good-natured and viceless, and his good father and mother, Sir Walter St. John and my Lady St. John, were very eminent for owning and practising religion. And here, O my good God, let me return thee my praises for hearing the reiterated prayers I put up to thy Divine Majesty, for her being by marriage settled in a family where thy sacred name was had in veneration.” It does not seem quite clear, however, that Lady Warwick’s desire that her niece should breathe an atmosphere of piety for the remainder of her days was fulfilled as completely as she would have wished. At all events “my Lady St. John” became the mother of that Henry St. John, Viscount Bolingbroke, con- cerning whom the lady of light repute uttered the famous exclamation, “Twenty thousand guineas a year, girls, and all for us!” By the time she had thus got her nieces married, Mary Rich was nearing the end of her days. The complicated and multifarious bequests of her husband’s will occupied her with uncongenial work in “the sale of lands for raising portions and payment of debts.” 572 /w The House of Rich Nevertheless, she says, “though there was a great many several persons I had to deal with, yet I satisfied them all so well, as I never had anything between them and me passed that was determined by going to law, but all that was in dispute between us, was always agreed on between ourselves in a kind and friendly way; for which, O Lord, I bless thee.” At last, however, it was all over, and she could go home to Leighs to rest. She had many visitors there; and if they were in any way sinful, she never hesitated to refer to their sins and offer admonition. “I had,” she writes, “with my Lord Fitzwalter good discourse, and endeavoured to persuade him to give up a sin to which I knew him to be much addicted, and much I persuaded him to quit the company by which he was enticed to offend God.” And again: “Lord Ranelagh and Mr. Progers came from London to see me. I talked to Mr. Progers and pressed him to forsake his sins.” There is a temptation to smile at all this. Let us resist it and refrain. Or, at any rate, let us bear two things in mind while smiling. Let us remember, in the first place. that the conduct of all these gentlemen was such as to call for admonition: Lord Fitzwalter was a hard drinker; Mr. Progers was a gay good- for-nothing of the Court, the confidant of his Ix’ing’s illegitimate amours; Lord Ranelagh, Lady Warwick’s nephew, was an even more scandalous young man, who ended a career of pleasure-seeking by defrauding the Government of one million pounds in the capacity 573 V\/Iarwick Castle W of Army Paymaster, and being expelled from the House of Lords in consequence. Let us remember, in the second place, that these gentlemen were under no obligation whatsoever to go to see Lady Warwiclq and listen to her admonitions. They “ faced the music” of their own free will, riding thirty miles out into the country for the purpose. The inference is irresistible that they did not mind her sermons, though they did not profit by them, and that she had a tact, a gentle- ness, and a charm which her own confessions would not have led us to suspect. Dr. V\/alker, her biographer, tells us that it was so. “As we say,” he writes, “of some neat well-fashioned persons that ‘whatever they wear becomes them. and sits well,’ I must do her this right to testify I never saw religion become any person better. And it was hard not to approve and love a dress so decent and adorning.” We should not, perhaps, believe this on the strength of Dr. \Valker’s unsupported testimony; but the conduct of the dissolute gives evidence in corroboration of the view. To some extent these last peaceful years of hers remind us of the sojourn of the Christian pilgrims in the Land of Beulah. It is particularly so when we read the record of her meditations. For example :— “ July 15. In the afternoon I retired to a place in the park, where I had formerly had sweet communion with God. In that sweet solitary place, having found that tree to be like Zacch:eus to me, out of which I had had a sight of Christ, I was no sooner there but 574 4s The House of Rich I found my heart to pant and to follow hard after God, that I might converse with Him as I had formerly done in that place.” This, indeed, reads like a bit of Bunyan trans- ported to real life. One feels intui- tively, when read- ing it. that one will presently read of the passing of the river by a pilgrim whofindsthe waters shallow and the foothold firm, and clearly sees the shining ones, with outstretched hands, waiting ready to draw her to the shore, and take her to the King. And so it is. I n M a r c h , 1678, Lady \Var- wick altered her Cr'ESAR,5 TO\\‘ER. \VAR\\'IL‘K CASTLE. will and revised her legacies. “\Vhereas,” says Dr. Vt/alker, “she had before given many honourable Legacies in money to persons of great quality: she said she would alter them all, for this reason. because they were rich and money they needed not, but she 575 \Varwick Castle W would give it in something they might keep, as kind memorials of her; and when she had set down all their names in a paper, she also bethought herself what would be most acceptable to every one of them. For. said she, that renders a gift most agreeable, when it suits the fancy of the party to whom it is designed. And then, surveying her own store, she fixed on what to give to most of them, but not finding herself actually provided, of what she might bequeath to all, she re- solved to leave all to a Codicil, to be annexed to her VVill, and expressly said: I am now, God willing, going to London, when I have finished my \Vill, and then I will by discourse find out undiscerned what will be most pleasing to every one of them, and will provide accordingly” Almost immediately afterwards, and before she had time to go to London, she was taken ill. She seems to have felt that the end was coming, though other people thought the illness only slight. “VVell, ladies,” she said to some who were sitting with her, “if I were one hour in heaven. I would not be again with you, as well as I love you.” “Having then,” Dr. \Valker proceeds, “received a kind visit from a neighbouring lady, at her departure she rose from her bed to her chair, in which being set, she said she would go into her bed, but first would desire one of the ministers then in the house to go to prayer with her; and asking the company which they would have, presently resolved herself to have him who was going away, because the other would stay and 576 4» The House of Rich pray with her daily; and immediately be being called, and come, her ladyship sitting in her chair, by reason of her weakness~—for otherwise she always kneeled— holding an orange in her hand, to which she smelt, almost in the beginning of her prayer she was heard to fetch a sigh or groan, which was esteemed de- votional, as she used to do at other times. But a lady looking up, who kneeled by her, saw her look pale, and her hand hang down, at which she started up affrighted, and all applied themselves to help; and the most afflictively distressed of them all, if I may so speak, when all our sorrows were superlative, catched her right hand, which then had lost its pulse and never recovered it again.” And so she died; and in writing of her death I find that I have somewhat changed my mind about her. Her self-consciousness and her tone of spiritual superiority irritated me at first, as it unquestionably irritated her “dear lord.” But I also see—what be, perhaps, did not see—the transparent sincerity of her nature; and I can also see——what he did not live to see—the softening of her character under the chastening influence of loss and sorrow, and the pure beauty of the holiness that encompassed her at the last. Religion in those days. be it remembered, had crowned Death, the King of Terrors. People really believed in the Devil as a roaring lion going about seeking whom he might devour. The clear declara- tions of the preachers left little room for mystery or doubt, and still less room for the faint trusting of the 577 \Varwick Castle W larger hope. No one of them suggested that God would “make allowances,” or would judge men by their opportunities as well as by their actions and their creeds. It was the rule, not the exception, to be “afraid to die.” It was a grave question for every one whether he or she was “prepared to die.” And in that age, and in the midst of those beliefs, Mary Rich. Countess of VVarwick, looked the King of Terrors in the face with clear and fearless eyes, and saw that he was not terrible at all. It was a beautiful life and a beautiful death for those who have the sympathy and the imagination to see it; and I feel that I cannot better end the story than with the beautiful quotation which her biographer, Miss Palgrave, makes from“ The Pilgrim’s Progress”:— “At her departure the children wept. But Mr. Greatheart and Mr. Valiant played upon the well- tuned cymbal and harp for joy.” All the poetry of the religion of the seventeenth century is in that quotation, and in the story of the happy death of Mary Rich. CHAPTER XIII The Fortunes of Leighs Priory—Its Destruction——Other Earls of the House of Rich—Robert Rich-Edward R1ch—His Widow’s Marriage to Addison —-—Some Considerations on that Marriage-Edmund Henry R1ch—Poetical Tributes received by him—The Extinction of the House of Rich. WI'fPI the death of Mary Rich the interest of the House of Rich begins to wane. Her diary has told us of the death of more than one heir to the title: first, of her son Charles, who had no children ; secondly, of her brother-in-law, Hatton Rich. Her regret for the loss of Hatton Rich can hardly have been harrowing. “It was a very great aggravation of my loss of my son,” says the autobiography, “to think who would come in his room, if my lord died, and what a sad change would be made if my brother Hatton should come to Lees, who would, as himself said, alter the way of that house for the entertaining there those holy and good persons that came, who he was resolved to banish thence; but though he was very confident, as himself often told many of his com- panions, that he should be Earl of Warwick, yet God was pleased to disappoint his expectation by taking him away by death at London, on February the 28th, i67oY’ And the sorrow expressed in the diary was hardly more than perfunctory :— 579 \Varwick Castle W “March I, 1670-I. In the morning, as soon as I awoke, I was informed of the ill news of the death of my lord’s brother, Hatton Rich, which drew some tears of compassion from me. He died at London, about seven o’clock the night before. I was most of the morning with my lord and the young ladies, com- forting them. Got some time only to pray.” Under the will of Charles Rich, who had not been well disposed towards his cousin of Holland, the property ceased to go with the title. The estates were divided among the late Earl’s three sisters, the Ladies Mande- ville (Manchester), Robartes (Radnor), and Scarsdale, and his three nieces, the Ladies St. John, Barrington, and Finch (Nottingham). Leighs came into the posses- sion of Lord Manchester, who was thus, so to say, “inducted” by the courtier-like rector of Fyfield :_ “And for your noble lordship, who are now in- vesting yourself with her large and noble Mantle—— May Elijah’s spirit rest upon you, as well as his Mantle: that you may rise up an Elisha in her place and stead; that Leee may be Lees still: the Seat of nobleness and honour, the Hospital of bounty and charity, the Sanctuary of Religion and the fear of God. That so you may live, and may live longer, and as much desired, and when you die (as die you must, for Lees, though a Paradise, hath no Tree of Life), you may die later, and as much lamented as your Noble Predecessors.” The Montagus kept the place for about forty years. Then, finding that it was quite enough to keep up 580 /M The House of Rich Kimbolton, William, created Duke of Montagu, sold Leighs. in 1721, to the guardians of Edward Sheffield, Duke of Buckinghamshire. The Duke died a minor. and the property passed to his half-brother, Charles Herbert, who took the name of Sheffield. Presently it was sold again, this time to the Governors of Guy’s Hospital, to whom it still belongs. It was then pulled down, all but a portion of the servants’ quarters, retained to be transformed into a farmhouse, and the 1"mm a p:-mt after Va;1d_y/I'r:. - g['€-Flt gateways already 1'6- ELIZABETH COUNTESS OF \‘/ARVVICK. . . \VIFE OF ROIBERT, EARL OF \\'AR\\'ICK. to‘ cut up into farms. Such was the end of Leighs. Our business now is to follow the fortunes of the holders of the title. The Earl who succeeded Charles Rich was his cousin Robert—the fifth Robert—son of the Earl of Holland whose decapitation for high treason we have recorded. Born in 1620, he had been Lord Kensington since 1624, and Earl of Holland since 1649. He first married, in 164T, Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Arthur Ingram, Knight, of Temple-Newsam, in Yorkshire. She died in 1661, and he then married Lady Ann Montagu, daughter of Edward, second Earl of Manchester, who survived him, was buried at 581 VVarwick Castle W Breamor, and had her funeral sermon preached by the Bishop of Salisbury. The only part of the \/Var- wick property that came to him with the title was \Varwick House in Holborn and the living of Saint Bartholomew the Great. His motto—“ Rien sans devoir” —-—should have pleased Mary Rich ; but he was a person of no particular importance. He died in 1675, having only been Earl of Warwick and Holland for two years. Next comes Edward Rich, the son of the fifth Robert by his second wife. Born in 1673, he succeeded to the title as a minor, and did not take his seat in the Upper House until November 20th, 1694. In that year—which was the year of the defeat of William III. by the Duke of Luxemburg—we find his name in a letter from Robert Harley to Sir Edward Harley. This is the reference :— “ 1694, October 9.——-Several of our English Lords have come over from the King. Earl Rivers, and the Earls of VVarwick and Scarborough, the Duke of St. Alban’s and others narrowly escaped drowning, their ship having struck on a sandbank. They were forced to use the long boat.” For the rest he would appear to have been a young man of a character more violent than admirable. The age was one of swaggering blades who were always quarrelling and settling their quarrels lawlessly. Sometimes it was a duel with no too scrupulous observance of the rules of honourable combat. Some- times the high-placed desperadoes suborned murder, and sometimes they committed it. One may get 5 582 .4» The House of Rich IiD\\'ARI) RICH, EARL OF \\'AR\\'ICK AND HOLLAND. glimpse at their doings in Thackeray’s “ Esmond,” or in Macaulay’s History, or, better still, in any volume of memoirs covering the period. And in this evil age voi.. ii. 583 M '\lVarwick Castle w Edward Rich was the associate of desperadoes of the baser sort. This is what \/V. Snowe writes about him to Robert Harley :— “I697, Octr. 23.—Some time since Lord Mohun killed Captain Hill at the Rummer at Charing Cross belonging to the Foot Guards. His Lordship absconded, but yesterday he was taken out of Lord \Varwick’s house in Essex Street and carried before Chief Justice Holt, who took the Earls of Warwick and Macclesfield, Colonel Coote and Sir Robert Tyrrell for his bail in 3,oooZ. each.” “l\loscitur a sociis.” “Birds of a feather flock together.” The inference cannot be favourable. And from the annals of our criminal proceedings worse things transpire. Edward, Earl of Warwick, “was tried at \Vestminster Hall 28 March, 1699, for murder. The charge ran, ‘that your Lordship, together with Charles, Lord Mohun, Baron Mohun of Oakehampton Rich. Trench, gent., Roger James, gent., and George Dockwra, all of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, did, not having the fear of God before your eyes, but being moved and seduced by the instigation of the Devil the 3oth day of October in this tenth year, etc., of Will. III., etc., etc. . . . That the Earl of VVarwick and Holland slew one Richard Coote, Esq., J.P., with a sword made of iron and steel of the value of 5/-, and that the others aided and abetted/” The plea was “not guilty,” but the verdict was “guilty”-—of manslaughter; and the Earl of Warwick and Holland only escaped hanging because of his 584 -u The House of Rich privileges as a peer, and was, even so, warned that he would not be allowed to plead privilege a second time. It is a sad story of a misspent youth: one fears that it was only because he died young that Edward Rich did not also misspend his middle age. He died, in fact, on July 31st. 1701; and his widow -—-—Charlotte, daughter of Sir Thomas Middleton, Baronet, of Chirk Castle, in the county of Denbigh—— is a much more interesting person than he is. She is to be remembered as the Dowager-Countess of \Varwick who married Mr. Joseph Addison, The fact of the marriage hardly makes it neces- sary to interpose an essay on the genius of Addison. At the same time it does seem to me to be regretted that the great Dr. Johnson was so disloyal to the great profession of letters, of which he was himself, in his works, if not in his person, so remarkable an ornament, as to make the marriage an occasion for pompously censorious observations on the subject of ambitious love. Let us have the passage from the “Lives of the Poets” before us. Here it is :—- “ This year, 1716, he married the countess dowager of Warwick, whom he had solicited by a very long and anxious courtship, perhaps with behaviour not very unlike that of sir Roger to his disdainful widow; and who, I am afraid, diverted herself often by playing with his passion. He is said to have first known her by becoming tutor to her son. ‘He formed,’ said Tonson, ‘the design of getting that lady from the time when he was first recommended into the family.’ 585 V\/"arwick Castle 0- In what part of his life he obtained the recommenda- tion, or how long and in what manner he lived in the family, I know not. His advances, at first, were certainly timorous, but grew bolder as his reputation and influence increased; till, at last. the lady was persuaded to marry him, on terms much like those on which a Turkish princess is espoused, to whom the sultan is reported to pronounce, ‘Daughter, I give thee this man for thy slave.’ The marriage, if un- contradicted report can be credited, made no addition to his happiness; it neither found them nor made them equal. She always remembered her own rank, and thought herself entitled to treat with very little ceremony the tutor of her son. Rowe’s ballad of the Despairing Shepherd, is said to have been written, either before or after marriage, upon this memorable pair; and it is certain that Addison has left behind him no encouragement for ambitious love.” The whole paragraph is written in a style of studied insult; and no doubt some of the facts set forth in it are, so far as they go, correct. It does appear from all contemporary accounts that this Dowager-Countess of Warwick treated Mr. Addison with a disdain which he ought by no means to have tolerated. Some women will do that sort of thing if they are allowed, and Mr. Addison allowed it. He is said to have fled before it to the tavern to console himself among the wits for the chilly splendours of the domestic hearth. To say that, however, is merely to say that Mr. Addison did not assert himself as he 586 /Q The House of Rich should have done, and as a man of more vigorous character would have done, and that his Christianity, of which, as is well known, he boasted so complacently on his death-bed, went too far in the direction of meekness. My own v e r y strong opinion is that Mr. Addison c o u l d h a v e made out a very good case for the proposition t h a t t h e D o w a g e r - Countess o f \-Varwick had encouraged his advances, if she had not actually thrown herself at his head. As From the painting 1 Jervis. I I H Z51!-Y6’ jllsfgfifa‘ JOSEPH ADDISON, wno MARRIED CHARLOTTE, [F06 I16 might DO‘-\'AGER—COUN'1'E5S or \\'AR\\'ICK. certainly have laid upon the table, as I now do, certain “Stanzas to Lady Warwick on Mr. Addison’s going to Ireland," written by the contemporary poet Rowe. This is how the poet Rowe thought it becoming to address her on this delicate subject :— 587 Warwick Castle W I. Ye gods and Nereids who rule the sea! Who chain loud storms, and still the raging main! With care the gentle Lycidas convey, And bring the faithful lover safe again. II. When Albion’s shore with cheerless heart he left, Pensive and sad upon the deck he stood, Of every joy in Chloe’s eyes bereft, And wept his sorrows in the swelling flood. III. Ah, fairest maid! whom, as I well divine, The righteous gods his just reward ordain; For his return thy pious wishes join, That thou at length may’.st pay him for his pain. iv. And since his love does thine alone pursue, In arts unpractis’d and unus’d to range; I charge thee be by his example true, And shun thy sex’s inclmation, change. v. When crowds of youthful lovers round thee wait, And tender thoughts in sweetest words impart; When thou art woo’d by titles, wealth, and state, Then think on Lycidas, and guard thy heart. VI. When the gay theatre shall charm thy eyes, When artful wit shall speak thy beauty’s praise; When harmony shall thy soft soul surprise, Soothe all thy senses, and thy passions raise: VII. Amidst whatever various joys appear‘, Yet breathe one sigh, for one sad minute mourn; Nor let thy heart know one delight smcere, Till thy own truest Lycidas return. 588 -v> The House of Rich No one can deny that these lines are strong evidence for the prosecution. If poets could write thus to Lady V\/arwick about Mr. Addison without rebuke, the presumption is strong that Lady Warwick had herself advertised her inclination for that gentle- man. The poet would hardly have committed the indiscretion on the strength of idle rumour. Nor does it seem to me that Dr. Johnson was any more just than he was generous in calling the marriage “ambitious,” though it is true that it had all the ap- pearance of being advantageous. He was misled, no doubt, by the deplorably shabby condition of men of letters in the age in which he was himself so un- fortunate as to live. Even in that age, of course, some of the greatest men of letters belonged to society as well as to “the Club,” and were more at home in the drawing-room than in the tavern and the coffee- house. The historian of the Roman Empire, whom Boswell sneers at, and who was a Member of Par- liament, holding office, and a friend of Fox, and an intimate friend of Lord Sheffield, is an instance. But no doubt the typical men of letters were the men whom Johnson mixed with-—unwashed men, who waited in ante-rooms in shabby coats, drank punch in the Fleet Street taverns, lived, when they lived anywhere at all, at such addresses as Bolt Court or Gough Square, were the obedient, humble servants of the booksellers, put to strange shifts to pay their landladies, and altogether deplorable in their manners, however admirable by their talents. 589 VVarwick Castle W In the age of Anne, however, things were different. Though there was already a Grub Street then, the great men of letters had no need to live in it. They could make plenty of money by their writings, and they could pull plenty of the plums of patronage out of the pie of life. Pope's villa still exists at Twickenham to remind us of one case in point. Swift’s deanery is evidence of another. The poet Prior represented the Court of St. James at the Hague. The case of Mr. Addison was similar. He was well educated at Charterhouse and Mag- dalen College, Oxford. He had travelled; there have been many editions of his narrative of his grand tour in Switzerland and Italy. He had good friends; his most intimate friend, Sir Richard Steele, had been at one time in the Guards. He had given his proofs both in prose and poetry. Not only was the Speefator the most popular periodical of the day—his poem cele- brating the victory of Blenheim was the most popular of all the many that were written. It brought him not only applause, but official recognition——he was made a Secretary of State. In short, he was just the sort of man whom one would expect to marry well, especially if he did not marry with undue precipitation. He married well, though unhappily; but the cause of the unhappiness was personal, and not inherent in the difference between his station and his wife’s. She was too proud, and he was too weak and meek. That, I imagine, is the explanation of the matter. There was no social gap between them that tact and firmness should not easily have bridged. 59O /n The House of Rich The Countess’s son—the Earl of Warwick who had the advantage of tuition from Mr. Joseph Addison—— was Edward Henry Rich. It would seem that he had a high regard for his tutor and stepfather. On l\/Ir. Addison’s death the poet Tickell addressed to him a poetical lamentation. It is really very good. I quote from it :— To THE EARL OF W.\Rw1ci<, ON THE DEtTH OF MR. ADDISON. If, dumb too long, the drooping muse hath stay’d, And left her debt to Addison unpaid, Blame not her silence, Warwick, but bemoan, And judge, oh judge, my bosom by your own. What mourner ever felt poetic fires! Slow comes the verse that real woe inspires: Grief unaffected suits but ill with art, Or flowing numbers with a bleeding heart. That awful form, which, so the heavens decree, Must still be lov’d and still dep1or’d by me; In nightly visions seldom fails to rise, Or, rous’d by fancy, meets my waking eyes. If busmess calls, or crowded courts invite; Th’ unblemish’d statesman seems to strike my sight: If in the stage I seek to soothe my care; I meet his soul, wh1ch breathes in Cato there: If pensive to the rural shades I rove; His shape o’ertakes me in the lonely grove; ’Twas there of just and good he reason’d strong, Clear’d some great truth, or rais’d some serious song: There patient show’d us the wise course to steer, A candid censor, and a friend severe; There taught us how to live; and (oh! too high The price for knowledge) taught us how to die. Thou hill, whose brow the antique structures grace, Rear’d by bold chiefs of Warwick’s noble race, Why, once so lov’d, whene’er thy bower appears, O’er my dim eye-balls glance the sudden tearsl 59I VVarwick Castle @- How sweet were once thy prospects fresh and fair, Thy sloping walks, and unpolluted air! How sweet the glooms beneath thy aged trees, Thy noontide shadow, and thy evening breeze! His image thy forsaken bowers restore; Thy walks and airy prospects charm no more; No more the summer in thy glooms allay’d, Thy evening breezes, and thy noon-day shade. Nor was that the only poetical address received by the young man in an age when poetical addresses were the order of the day. The poet Rowe wrote lines which I will also quote, entitled “To Lord \Varwick, on his Birth-day”:— When, fraught with all that grateful minds can move, With friendship, tenderness, respect, and love; The muse had wish’d, on this returning day, Something most worthy of herself to say: To Jove she offer’d up an humble prayer, To take the noble Warwick to his care. Give him, she said, whate’er divmer grace Adorns the soul, or beautifies the face: Let manly constancy confirm his truth, And gentlest manners crown his blooming youth. Give him to fame, to virtue to aspire, Worthy our songs and thy informing fire: All various praise, all honours, let him prove, Let men admire, and sighing virgms love: With honest zeal inflame his generous mind, To love his country, and protect mankind. Attentive to her prayer, the god reply’d, Why dost thou ask what has not been deny’dP Jove’s bounteous hand has lavish’d all his power, And making what he is, can add no more. Yet since I joy in what I did create, I will prolong the favourite Warw1ck’s fate, And lengthen out his years to some uncommon date. 592 as The House of Rich Save for these poetical effusions we know little of the young man, and they have told us hardly anything. He took his seat on January 21st, 1719. He was made Lord of the Bedchamber to George, Prince of ‘Wales, in 1718, and Lord of the Bedchamber to King George I. in 1719. Under the date of August igth, I721, we find, among the MSS. of the Earl of Carlisle at Castle Howard, a letter from Lady E. Lechmere to Lord Car- lisle, telling us that “my Lord \Varwick is gone off very young; I hear he made no will, and A LEATHER FLAGON. Al‘ H/ar'ztii'c/I’ Castle. there is but 300 a year goes with the title, which will make a very poor Earl." The date of his death1 was August 16th. The “poor Earl " who succeeded was his cousin, 1 His Arms, I701-I721, were: "Quarterly, I. Gules, a chevron between 3 crosses botonée or, (Rich); ii. Sable, on a chevron engrailed or, 3 rnartlets gules, between as many demi-griffins segre-ant and erased ermine, (Baldrie); III. Argent, on a chevrori azure, between 3 roses slipped proper, as many fleur de lys or. (Cope); IV‘. Argent. on a bend vert, 3 wolves’ heads erased of the field, (Middleton). Crest: Upon a mount proper, above a wreath or and gules, a wyvern statant, wings elevated, argent, langued of the second. .S11f{p0I'z‘e;‘s.' Two reindeer proper, attired or. ./140110: Garde ta foy.” 593 \Varwick Castle W another Edward Rich, who was Cornet in Newton’s regiment of dragoons in 1715, Gentleman Usher to the Prince of Wales after 1716, a Commissioner to inspect the Courts of Justice and enquire into fees in England and \Vales in 1734, and a Governor of the Foundling Hospital in 1739. He died in 1759. By his marriage with Mary, daughter of Samuel Stanton, Esq., of Lynn Regis, in the county of Norfolk, he left no sons, but only a daughter. The title there- fore became extinct, and the family also became ex- tinct when the daughter, Lady Charlotte Rich, died unmarried in Queen Anne Street, at the great age of seventy-eight, on April 12th, 1791. Our task, therefore, of relating the lives and fortunes of the leading representatives of this family, at one time so great, but finally so unimportant, is now at an end. To generalise about them is not quite so easy as was the case with some of the other houses previously passed under review. The note is, perhaps, variety alike of talent and of temperament. \Vorse men than Richard Rich, the founder of the family, have seldom in this country occupied prominent positions in the State. On the other hand, better public men than Robert Rich, the second Earl of Warwick of his line, have not, if we may ignore the irresponsible piracies of his youth, been numerous. He shines in comparison with his brother Henry, who had much of his ability, but little, if any, of his solid worth, and also with his sons, who, whether virtuous or vicious, were of no particular importance. 594 /M The House of Rich Among the Countesses of VVarwick of the period, too, we find the same tendency towards extremes._ Reflection duly made, one feels, with every respect for her many admirable qualities, that Mary Rich, Countess of Warwick, was more ostentatiously pious than she need have been. On the other hand, it is not necessary to reflect at all in order to perceive that Penelope Rich was a great deal more light in her behaviour and a great deal more prone to yield to the amorous advances of comparative strangers than she should have been. The two women stand, so to say, at the opposite poles of human conduct. These are matters, however, which have all been dealt with already in their several places. The time has come to quit them definitely, and to proceed to our review of the house which next acquired and still holds the V\/arwick Earldom, and already possessed Warwick Castle while the Riches were in enjoyment of the title. 595 1"'r0m t/ta fainting by Paul van Samar in file National Partrait Gallery. Photo by lVa1ker 6}’ Car/cerell. KING JAMES L OF ENGLAND AND VI. OF SCOTLAND, \\’llO CREATED FULKE GREVILLE LORD BROOKE AND GRANTED TO HIM \\’AR\VlCI{ CASTLE. BOOK VI 7‘HE ff0USE OF GREVILLE CHAPTER I The House of Greville—John de Greyv1lle—William de Greyville—William Grevil of Campden—A Description of his House at Campden—The Acquisition of Milcot—The Greville Genealogy—Edward Greville- The First Fulke Greville. S we have seen, the title of Earl of VVarwick has belonged to the House of Greville since the year 1759. The title of Baron Brooke is older, having been bestowed upon Sir Fulke Greville in January, 1620-21, and in 1746 the Earldom of Brooke was created. \Varwick Castle has been in the possession of the family from a still earlier date; it was granted to Sir Fulke Greville by James I. in 1605. Sir Fulke Greville, is not to be regarded as the founder of the family, though he was the first Greville sufficiently famous to find a place in the ordinary biographical works of reference. He was grandson of a Sir Fulke Greville, a notable soldier of the reign of Henry VIII., and a great-grandson of a Sir Edward Greville, also a soldier, present at the storming of Tournai; and the family had, even in Sir 597 \Varwick Castle u- Edward’s time, been sufficiently prominent to have its lineage recorded in Camden’s roll. Camden, indeed, begins his roll with John Grevill, who died before the thirty-third year of Edward III.——that is to say, some time about I360; but research elsewhere brings to light records of still earlier Grevilles. We begin with a John de Greyville. There is a document, dated after St. Martin, 13oo, from which we learn that “Richard de \/Vodenor quit-claims to John de Greyville three obols annual rent-charge arising from a pasture called Petites Close and Bagge Croft, which Robert Le Som formerly held.” Another document, dated VVednesday before St. Vincent, 1313-I4, shows that this John de Greyville’s son and heir, William de Greyville, “grants to William Taleman and Alice h. w. Io/6 rent out of a messuage in Henton next Stepel Asshcome.” Then comes Camden’s John Grevill, who left, by his wife Margaret, a son, William Grevil of Campden. This William Grevil of Campden was a notable man, and we know certain things about him. Rymer’s “Foedera” tells us that, on August Ioth, 1397, he lent the King 2oo marks. He lived at Campden; and the following description of his house there has been compiled for me :— “The house is a building of six bays facing south, on the north side of the main street of Campden. It consists of two stories, built of roughly quarried stone with elaborate dressings. The main outline, one bay, and a doorway of the original house are intact; but 598 -is The House of Greville in the walls several windows of late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries have been inserted. “The westernmost gable is parallel with the street, and has a projecting half-hexagonal oriel of two stories, the lower with a range of transomed lights on its three sides, and corresponding lights adjoining in the main wall. The next bay has a pointed original door of three orders (quarter-rounds separated by broad fillets). The weather-mould is broad, and ends in flat circular drip-stones, each centred with an eight- THE EARLIEST DEED MENTIONING THE GREVILLE FAMILY. lobed rosette. The next bay has been much altered. It is of two stages, the lower a long rectangular transomed window of six lights, above one of four, succeeded by a gable with a sundial, which rises nearly to the level of the main ridge of the roof. The succeeding bay is richly ornamented and part of the original building. It is a half-hexagonal oriel, like the former, of two stages, the lower pierced with double cusped openings, the interior cuspings not coinciding with the outer, and thus adding to its richness of view from inside the room, yet further increased by the Hat ceiling to the window panelled with quatrefoils in circles. The VOL. X1. 599 N Warwick Castle @- pierced openings -are succeeded by a plain space richly panelled; the cusped and pointed bases of these panels form, with the arches of the window below, spandrels, which are carved with foliage. The upper parts of these panels are rectangular, and have rich cuspings. Above is a second tier of lights, also cusped, and the oriel Q Q» fifil'fl -M-..L THE HOUSE OF \\’lLLIAl\[ GREVIL AT CAMPDEN. terminates with a plain mould and two gurgoyles ; the gable matching the former is an addition. The suc- ceeding bay has a wide four-centred arch for a carriage- way. The final bay has also been considerably altered. The roof is slated with stone, and has one original chimney with well-executed cresting-mould." 600 /r. The House of Greville Such was the first great home of the House of Greville. Nor was it the only one. William Grevil also bought Milcot from Sir Walter Beauchamp; but I can offer no description of l\/Iilcot, since it was sacked and burned in 1639 by Puritans coming, by one of history’s little ironies, from Warwick Castle, to prevent the King’s forces from making it a garrison. The remains of it are now incorporated in a farm. The manor was settled by William Grevil on his heirs male by Joan his wife, with remainder upon John and Ludovic (or Lodowick), his sons by Margaret, his first wife, and their heirs male. William Grevil died on April 2nd, I4oI, and was buried in the chancel of Campden Church, where there is a handsome brass to his memory.1 His will 1 This consists of an almost life-sized effigy of the worthy merchant and his wife beneath a double canopy, with arms and the following marginal inscription. “ Hic jacet Willelmus Grevil de Campedene quondrh Civis London & flos rhcator lanar9 totius Anglie qui obiit fimo die mense Octobris An° Dfi 1° millmo cccc prho. I-Iic jacet 1\/Iariona uxor predicti Willelmi que obiit Decimo die mensis Septembris Anno Dfii Milhino ccclxxxvi Quor9 aia ppicietur Deus Amen.” VVilham is repre- sented with short hair, forked beard, and wearing the usual livery of a wealthy merchant—buckled shoes, long tunic, fastened with a leather girdle, from which hangs on the left the anelace. The sleeves of the tunic show beneath them buttoned mittens. Over this he wears the livery of his guild—a long ample gown fastened with buttons at the right shoulder, and a hood. His lady has an extremely simple costume—- a nebule head-dress with frills on the crown of the head, a long plain robe buttoned from neck to the feet, and a kirtle. The mittens are shown below the robe. The two figures are placed under canopies ornamented with cusped and crocketed ornaments. In the triangles of the canopy is the merchant’s mark of Grevil, and above, four times repeated, the shield of the family—7/2'2. on a cross engrailed, within a bordure of the same, five roundels; in dexter canton a mullet pierced. The word “ppicie” is lost. 6or \Varwick Castle W cannot be found; but we know from Edmundson that he left IOO marks towards the repair of Campden Church; £200 to maintain four chaplains there to say mass for ten years for his soul and those of his ancestors; his manors and lands to Joan, his wife, John, his son, and Richard Brothell, his executors; and made Roger Hatton, Abbot of Evesham, and Sir William Bradley, supervisors. John Grevile I. comes next. He was Sheriff of Gloucester in the reign of Henry IV. He was twice married: first, to Sibyl, daughter and heiress to Sir Robert Corbet, Knight; secondly, to Joyce, daughter of Sir \Valter Cokesey. He had a son, John Grevile II., and died in 1441, and was buried at Drayton. His arms were: “Sable, upon a cross engrailed, within a bordure of the same, ten annulets of the second; in first quarter a mullet gold.” John Grevile II. was a public man, though hardly a great man. He was a Knight of the Shire in five Parliaments of the reigns of Henry V. and Henry VI. He was a Justice of the Peace for \Varwickshire, a Sheriff of Warwickshire and Leicester- shire, and was knighted by Edward IV. His will, which was proved at Campden on August 23rd, 1480, directs that he shall be buried in the parish church of Weston-on-Avon, and bequeaths, among other legacies1:— ‘ His arms were: “Sable, a cross within a bordure engrailed; in first quarter a mullet or.” 602 -a The House of Greville To the Cathedral of Worcester, 65 8“. To the building of the Church of Weston, £50. To the four orders of Friars xxvi“ vin“, the chaplams of each to say mass for his soul for 7 years, for which each is to have I mark. To Thomas, his son and heir, £40. To his eldest daughter, Anne, £200. To his daughter Margaret, £100. To Sir Thomas Rutter, Vicar of Weston, for obits, 8 marks. To John \Valshe, 4 marks. The witnesses to the will were Sir Thomas Rutter and Sir John Aplene, Chaplain. Of Thomas Grevile, the son and heir of John Grevile II., there is not a great deal to be recorded. He was twenty-six at the time of his father’s death, and assumed the name of Cokesey in respect of his inheritance from his grandmother. His chief seat was Milcot. His public appointments were those of Sheriff for Warwickshire and Leicestershire, Commissioner of Array for sending Archers into Brittany, Justice of the Peace, and Justice for Jail Delivery. He was made a K.B. at the coronation of Henry VII., and a Knight Banneret for valour at the battle of Stoke. He married Elizabeth, daughter of William, Lord Herbert, but died without issue in 1499. On inquisition his heirs were found to be Robert Russell and Robert VVinter, who inherited lands of Cokesey; while the Grevile lands reverted to John, great-grandson of Lodowick or Ludovic, second son of William Grevil of Campden. 603 \Varwick Castle W We hark back, therefore, to Lodo- wick Greville, though we know little about him, that he rendered his except family the signal service of raising it to great wealth, so that they possessed the value of 3.300 marks per annum. He married Mar- garet, daughter of ~i Sir Giles Ar- derne, Knight, of Drayton—a con- siderable heiress, who bore him four He and his heir John de Greville are both buried at Drayton. I have been sup- SOI15. plied with the following descrip- tions of their ITIOI'IUTHGIItS I— * 100011111‘ ryotmt tllflbivilllllllllt rm Hf ma THE MONUMENT OF LODO‘\\‘ICK GREVILLE AND HIS LADY, I419, IN DRAYTON CHURCH. 604 -n The House of Greville MONUMENT OF LoDowicK GREVILLE AND HIS LADY, 1419. This consists of an incised slab of alabaster, much damaged. It was formerly the meme of an altar- tomb, but now lies in a corner of the tower floor, and has had coals piled upon it in the past, and is now damaged by the hob-nailed boots of the ringers. It ought to be removed to a safer spot. It represents two figures incised in an alabaster slab. On the right is a lady in a horned head- dress, with her head resting on a tasselled cushion. She wears a tight-fitting under-tunic, with an ample upper robe with large sleeves which reach nearly to the ground. Above are her arms and those of her husband, which partly retain their colouring: Sable, a cross within a bordure engrailed for Greville impal- ing Ermine, a fess azure for Arderne. There is also this second shield: Ermine, a fess azure. The effigy of her husband is in full plate-armour, with pointed bascinet, diagonal sword-belt, and miseri- corde. The upper part of the slab has this inscription :-— Hic jacet lodowic Grevell quondzi Diis de Dravton et Ma rgareta uxor eius filia et hered Diii Egidii de Arderne Qui quidem lodowic obiit xviii die mensis Augusti ann o Dfii m cccc xix qui [cuj ale] pacietur D's‘. 605 Warwick Castle w TOMB or JOHN GREVILLE, 1440. This consists of a plain altar-tomb with an incised mensa. It formerly stood by the wall of the south chantry, and originally, no doubt, in the centre of the chantry chapel before the altar. It is incised with the effigy of a knight in pointed bascinet, with his head on a tasselled cushion, and is armed in entire plate with rather unusual pauldrons. On either side of his head are the arms of Arderne, and a shield of Arderne impaling a chevron between three crosses crosslet. The marginal inscription is thus inscribed :— Hic jacet Johafies Grevell armiger fihus et heres Lodowici Grevell de Dravton qui quidem Jhafines obiit xviii die mensis Augusti /\nno Diii m cccc Xl cui aie pacietur DE Amen. And below is a seventeenth-century translation, rxzia. :— . . . Lodovic Grevil of I)rayton which John ched the 18th day of the month of August AnO Do1 1440 on whose soul the lord be favourable Amen. This John Greville married Anne, daughter of Sir Robert Frances, of Formark, in the county of Derby, Knight. He died in 1440, his successor being his son, Ralph Greville. Ralph Greville married Margaret, daughter and co-heiress of Thomas Poyntz, 606 -01 The House of Greville of Frampton-Cotterell, who brought to the family achievement the quarter- ings of Poyntz, Bardolph, Mallet, Clanebow, and Acton. Next in order of suc- cession come Ralph Gre- ville's son, John Greville, who also succeeded to the lordship of Milcot, on the death of the Thomas Greville who changed his name to Cokesey. A brass in \Veston-on-Avon Church preserves his memory. He is represented on it as bareheaded and bearded, in full plate-armour, with a tabard. bearing, quarterly, Greville, Arderne, and Poyntz. The SWOl‘(I IS WOI'I1 THE TOMB or JOHN C-REVILLE, 1440, AT DRAYTON cauacn. on the left side, the dagger on the right. Beneath the tabard is the shirt of mail, with “vandycked” edge, and over it the taces, showing the fastenings. The feet are in sollerets with spurs. The mound has conventional flowers and foliage. The space between the legs is coarsely cross-hatched. The crest from the helmet, on which his head rests, and the shields above and below the figure, are all missing. 607 Warwick Castle W The inscription reads :— Hie situs est Joannes Grevillus eques auratus Milcoti Olim I)ominus qui fatu implevit AnO redemptionis humanae Supra Millessimu quintesimu quadragesimo sexto Edwardi Vero sexti Angloi-it Regis Secundo Calendas Decembris. Which means 1-- “Here lies John Greville, Knight, formerly Lord of the Manor of Milcot, who died in the year of human redemption 1546, and in the second year of Edward VI., King of the English, in December.” The few facts that we know about this John Greville are that he was a Justice of the Peace and a Justice for Jail Delivery under Henry VII., that he was admitted to the Guild of Stratford-on-Avon, with Joan his wife, in I497-8, and that the said Joan was daughter of Sir Humphrey Forster, of Harpenden. \Ve next note his son, Edward Greville, the Ed- ward Greville who was not only present but received knighthood for his valour at the storming of Tournai. He was also at the siege of Terouenne, and attended the King and Queen to Canterbury, and thence to Calais and Guisnes. Henry VIII., as a mark of his favour, granted him the wardship of Elizabeth, daughter and co-heiress, and at last sole heiress, of Edward Willoughby. \Ve see him in his brass at V\/eston- on-Avon Church, where he is represented bareheaded and bearded, his head resting on a tilting-helmet with his crest—-on a wreath, a greyhound’s head gorged with a leather collar punched with five holes and fastened 608 4, The House of Greville by a ring-buckle. He is armed in a suit of plate over a shirt of mail, which is “vandycked” at the lower edge. Under his armour is seen the frilled shirt-collar, and at' the wrists are small ruffies. Over the armour is worn a short-sleeved tabard, with arms on the shoulders and in front, which have once been enamelled. They are: Quarterly, I and 4, Greville, '2/21'/:. Sable, on a cross engrailed, within a bordure also engrailed, or, nine ogresses; 2, Ermine, a fess checquey or and azure (Arderne); 3, Quarterly, per fess indented azure and argent (Poyntz). The sword is worn on the left, its pommel bound with wire and encircled with a spiral band The dagger is on the right. The large scolloped taces appear above the mail shirt. The legs are sheathed in greaves with circular genouilleres. The sollerets are large, the spurs small. The plate between the legs is left plain. The mound on which the effigy stands is roughly hatched to imitate foliage. Below is this inscription :-— Hic situs est Edvardus Grevellus, eques auratus Milcoti olim Dominus qui fato cocessit pridie natalis Christi An° Salutis humanae quinquagesimo nono supra Millesimft et quingetesimfi nnperante tum Anglis Serenissima Regina Elizabetha annuiam alterium. Vi/hich is, being interpreted :— “Here lies Edward Greville, Knight, formerly Lord of the Manor of Milcot, who died on the day before Christmas Day, in the 1559th year of our salvation, and the second of the reign of the most gracious Queen Ehzabeth.” The four shields, two above and two below, are lost. 609 VVarwick Castle W Edward married Anne, daughter of Robert Denton, Esq., of Armesden, in the county of Bucks. John Greville, of l\Iilcot and Drayton, was his eldest son. This John married Elizabeth, daughter ofJohn Spencer, Esq., of Hodnet, and was knighted at the coronation of Edward VI., but died in the following November. The only document relating to him that can be given is his will, which runs thus :— The VVill of SIR Jonn GREVYLL, of Myllcote, co. Warwycke, Kt.; dated 7 Marche i546[-7]. I desire to be buiied in the church of Weston, whereof I am very true and just patrone, purchased of King Henry VIII. I will that Edward Grevyll, my son and heir, be sole executor of all my goods I shall leave behind me at the day of my departing. All household stuff within the howses of Mylcote shall remain to my said son Edward; and all waynes, horses and oxen, etc., there shall remain to the heirs of Mylcote. All my servants shall have one year’s livery and wages, with their horses they customably ride. As touching my daughter Isabell Mesye, I will she shall have yearly 6li. 13s. 4d., to be paid by Edward Grevill until that Thomas l\Iesye shall take her, and so continually to kepe her the term of her life. The residue of my goods I give to my executor. And I heartily desire my brother, Sir Fulke Grevill, Kt., my brother Sir Thomas Grevill, with Mr. Willington, to take the paynes to be supervisors of this my last will. Thes men being witnesses the 20 day of November 1547: \YILLM WiLi.iNeToN; BASILL FYLDING; JOHN SOM9VYLL; GEFFRY IVIARKHAM, THOMAS GRIVELL; \\'iLL1Ai\i LOUND, clerke. (Signed) S1R JOHN GRIVELL. Proved 12 November 1548, by WILLIAH LOUNDE, clerk, proxy for the executor named. 610 /M The House of Greville The name in this document which at once strikes the eye is, of course, that of Sir Fulke Greville. He was not the famous Sir Fulke Greville, but he was his grandfather. Between him and the estates stood the son Edward of the will. This Edward Greville II. married Margaret, daughter and sole heiress of William Willington, of Barcheston, mentioned as one of the executors of the will. He had a son, Lodowick Greville II., who married Thomasin, daughter of Sir William Peters, Knight, by whom he had a son, Edward Greville III. This Edward III. married Joane, daughter of Sir Thomas Bromley, Chancellor of England, by whom he had a son, who died in his father’s lifetime, and seven daughters. Then Sir Eulke Greville, second son of Sir Edward Greville, and brother of Sir John Greville, inherited. And now we have reached the point at which the genealogical mists begin to lift, and personal biography is henceforth possible. This Fulke Greville had a love story, of which we can give an account from a MS. printed by Edmundson, and now at Vl/arwick Castle, written in 1644, and entitled “The Genealogie, Life, and Death of Robert Lord Brooke.” It runs as follows :—— “In the days of King Henry the Eighth I read of Sir Edward Grevill of Milcote, who had the wardship of Elizabeth, one of the daughters of Lord Brooke’s son. This knight made a motion to his ward, to be married to John, his eldest son; but she refused, saying that she did like better of Foulke, 611 Warwick Castle W his second son. He told her, that he had no estate of land to maintaine her, and that he was in the King’s service of warre beyond the seas and that his returne was very doubtfull. Shee replied, and said that shee had an estate sufficient both for him, and for herselfe; and that shee would pray for his safetie, and waite for his coming. Upon his returne home, for the worthy service he had performed, he was by King Henry honoured with knighthood; and then he married Elizabeth, the daughter of the Lord Brooke’s son.” This romantic marriage brought the family, among other estates, the Manor of Alcester. Sir Fulke settled at Alcester, at Beauchamp Court, and added largely to the property, buying lands in Coughton, Kinwarton, and Exhall. He was Sheriff of Warwick- shire and Leicestershire in the reigns of Edward VI. and Henry VIII., and died and was buried at Alcester. The following is the technical description given me of his altar-tomb:— “On a handsome tomb recline the effigies of the knight and his lady. The former is represented bareheaded, the head resting on a helmet with the family crest—a greyhound’s head gorged with a chain. The effigy wears plate-armour, with taces over shirt of mail, feet with broad sollerets resting on a lion. His lady is attired in a tight-fitting robe, the stiff folds of petticoat arranged uniformly about her feet. Over this is a loose outer robe, tabbed down the front, and with long lappets pendent from the shoulders and 612 . II \I‘|Y |l||‘|ll|||.|...|ll.|:|.\l1 -I \.~ §~\.=:=$:..-..‘~.‘.... . . . . . . . . . . 1 . . .. . 4 \\\‘\\§§\\_s\\s_‘_“:§~_.:~=_:--Q‘. \\\\\\\\A\\\*\\\\\\\ \\\\ \\ \\\\\\ \\\\l“. . 2 . He‘._ i‘ From a ,Mr0!0gYa)l: fiy L. C. Keighley Peach. THE TOMB OF SIR FULKE GREVILLE THE FIRST AND HIS \\"IFE ELIZABETH IN ALCESTER CHURCH- VVarwick Castle W ornamented with chevron-shaped tabs. From her waist hangs a chain and pomander, lawn ruffles appear at her neck and wrists, and upon her head is a close- fitting cap. Around the tomb is the following inscription :— “Here lieth the Body of Ffowlke Grevile Knight and Lady Elizabeth his wife, the daughter of Edward \Vil1oughbye esquyer the sonne and heyr of Robart Willoughbie knight Lord of Broke and Lady Elizabeth one of the daughters of the Lord Beauchamp of Powycke. Foulke dyed the x day of November afio dnii\tDL1x and the seid Lady Elizabeth hys wyffe deperted the — day of —— in the yere of or Lord God MDLX of whose soules God have mercy Amen. “At the west end are the arms of Greville, quarter- ing Arderne and Poyntz. and impaling the nineteen quarterings of Willoughby, all within a garter lettered ‘Dicens me dona patientia.’ About the sides of the tomb are effigies of their children, and on the cornice the separate quarterings of VVilloughby; while at the east end are the arms of Greville, Willoughby, and Beauchamp of Powick, and their respective quarter- ings, while above the tomb is the funeral helm and hatchment of the Knight.” Fulke Greville II. was a great Warwickshire land- owner, and Member of Parliament for his county in 1586 and 1588. Born in 1525, he married Anne, daughter of Ralph Neville, Earl of Westmoreland. His son, Fulke Greville, born in 1554, is the Fulke Greville who is famous. 614 CHAPTER II Fulke Greville, First Lord Brooke——His Friendship with Sir Philip Sidney~ The Favour of Queen Elizabeth—-His Travels and his Interview with William the Silent——His Great Position as Courtier and Man of Letters— His Abandonment of Literature and Devotion to Public Affairs. IR FULKE GREVILLE, first Lord Brooke-—- \ the famous Sir Fulke Greville—was born at Beauchamp Court in 1554, and at the age of ten was sent to the newly founded Shrewsbury School. He entered on the same day as Sir Philip Sidney, who was his intimate friend, both then and afterwards. For the sake of its quaintness, I copy the record of the two entries from the Registrium Scholarium. This is it :— Philippus Sidney filius et heres Henrici Sidney militis de pensarst1 in comit. Cantie et domini presidis confinium Cambriae nee non serenissimi ordinis garterii militis. foulkus gryuell filius et heres foulki gryvell armigeri de beachams courte in comit. Warvici. The two lads were probably the first of the long roll of brilliant scholars educated at the great school, afterwards so famous under the régime of Benjamin Hall Kennedy. They left school at the early age of 1 That is, of Penshurst. vor.. 11. 615 O V\’arwick Castle W fourteen, and were temporarily separated, Sidney going to Oxford, and Greville to Jesus College, Cambridge. There is a letter from Bacon to a Fulke Greville on his going to the university, giving advice about his studies; but this was apparently addressed to our Fulke Greville’s cousin, the father of the second Lord Brooke. The eminence of the writer, however, and the relationship of the recipient, justify a quotation from the recipient. It appears that this Pulke Greville desired to find some one to assist him in the composition ofa literary work, and sought the advice of the judicious Bacon as to how this could best be managed. Bacon replied that “he that shall out of his own reading gather for the use of another, must (as I think) do it by Epitome or Abriclgment, or under Heads and Commonplaces. Epitomes also may be of two sorts; of any one art or part of knowledge out of many books, or of one book by itself.” But he proceeds to throw cold water on the plan, and to discourage this kind of collaboration. “I doubt not,” he writes, “but in the university you shall find choice of many excellent wits; and in things wherein they have waded, many of good under- standing. But they that have the best eyes are not always the best lapidaries, and according to the proverb, the greatest clerks are not always the wisest men. A mere scholar, in state or military matters, will no more satisfy you than Phormio did Hannibal. Therefore to speak plainly of the gathering of heads 616 From tire picture at IVnrwick Crutle. SIR FULKE GREVILLE, FIRST LORD BROOKE, THE FRIEND OF SIR PHILIP SIDNEY \Varwick Castle W or commonplaces, I think first in general that one man’s notes will little profit another, because one man’s conceit doth so much differ from another’s; and also because the bare note itself is nothing so much worth as the suggestion it gives the reader. Next I think no profit is gotten of his notes that is not judicious in that whereof he makes his notes. “But you will say I exceed my commission; for instead of advice I do dehort. I do confess I would have you gather the chiefest things and out of the chiefest books yourself, and to use your other col- lectors in gathering arguments and examples to prove or illustrate any particular position or question. For they should like labourers bring stone, timber, mortar, and other necessaries to your building. But you should put them together and be the master-workman yourself; and instruction is easilier given and will be better followed in one point than in many.” This certainly is very sound advice, and I hope Fulke Greville followed it. To return, to our own Sir Fulke Greville. He and Sidney kept up their intimacy; and when Greville left Cambridge, Sidney’s father, Sir Henry Sidney, helped him by giving him a small appointment on the Welsh border, connected with the Court of Marches. He resigned it to come to Court, where he at once stepped into favour. The best account of his life and position there is given in Naunton’s “Frag- menta Regalia.” The quotation that follows is taken from Mr. Arber's “English Garner ” :— 618 /Q The House of Greville “Sir Foulk Grevil, since Lord Brook, had no mean place in the Queen’s favour, neither did he hold it for short term; for if I be not deceived, he had the longest lease, and the smoothest time without rub, of any of her Favourites. He came to the Court in his youth and prime, for that is the time, or never: He was a brave Gentleman, and honourably descended, from William Lord Brook, and Admiral to Henry the Seventh. Neither illiterate; for he was, as he would often professe, a friend to Sir Philip Sidney, and there are of his now extant, some fragments of his Poem, and of those times, which doe interest him in the Muses; and which shewes, the Queen’s election had ever a noble conduct, and its motions more of vertue and judgement, than of fancy. “I find, that he neither sought for, nor obtained any great place or preferment in Court during all the time of his attendance, neither did he need it; for he came thither, backt with a plentifull Fortune, which as himself was wont to say, was the better held together by a single life, wherein he lived and dyed a constant Courtier of the Ladies.” The sunshine of the royal favour, however, was not so entirely unbroken as this passage might seem to imply. Queen Elizabeth was an exigent mistress who desired to monopolise her favourites. Fulke Greville had the desire for foreign travel which is natural to young men. And in that age, as we have already seen in the case of Leicester’s son, Robert Dudley, people who wanted to travel had to get leave 619 VVarwick Castle W to do so. Fulke Greville, therefore, more than once set out upon a journey without permission, and was frowned upon in consequence. Once, indeed, he was stopped at Dover when on the point of embarking for the Low Countries to see the war that was being waged there. He managed, however, to accompany Sidney to Heidelberg, where he was charged to de- liver a friendly message from the Queen to the Princes Louis and John Casimir, and also to go with Sir Francis Walsingham to Flanders a few months later. But he was punished, being “forbidden the Queen’s presence for many months.” Another journey of more interest was that which he made in 1579 with Sidney’s friend and tutor, Languet, to Germany. On his way home, on this occasion, he was presented to the Prince of Orange. There is an account of the interview in his “Life of the Renowned Sir Philip Sidney.” I quote from it his description of that great Prince :— “His uppermost garment was a gown, yet such as (I dare confidently affirm) a mean-born student in our Inns of Court would not have been well-pleased to walk the streets in. Unbuttoned his doublet was, and of like precious matter and form to the other. His waistcoat (which shewed itself under it) not unlike the best sort of those woollen knit ones which our ordinary watermen row us in. His company about him, the burgesses of that beer-brewing town: and he so fellow-like encompassed with them, as (had I not known his face) no exterior sign of degree or deservedness 62o From the picture at lVar1uz'c/Q Cast/r. SIR PHILIP SIDNEY. \Varwick Castle W could have discovered the inequality of his worth or estate from that multitude. Notwithstanding I no sooner came to his presence, but it pleased him to take a knowledge of me: and even upon that (as if it had been a signal to make a change) his respect of a stranger instantly begat respect to himself in all about him: an outward passage of an inward great- ness, which in a popular estate I thought worth the observing. Because there, no pedigree but worth could possibly make a man prince, and no prince, in a moment, at his own pleasure.” So Fulke Greville’s youth passed. He was a man of fashion, to the fore in all fashionable diversions. Among other things, we find him, in 1581, together with Sidney, the Earl of Arundel, and Lord Windsor, organising a pageant and tournament at Whitehall for the entertainment of the Queen and the ambassadors who came to discuss the project of her marriage with the Duke of Anjou, and he was one of the courtiers who attended the Duke as far as Antwerp. He was also very much in the fashion in another important respect. The Court of Elizabeth was the most conspicuously literary Court that we have ever had in England. The Queen herself had a remark- able, if not always a just, literary taste. She rejoiced in poets and abominated fools; and the cult of the Muses was a ready passport, and sometimes even a necessary passport, to her regard. She encouraged the Italian literary influence, and dealt in that “ euphuism ” which one of Scott’s novels has ridiculed so delight- 622 -vi The House of Greville fully. “That beauty in Court which could not parley Euphuism,” writes a courtier of the reign of Charles I., “was as little regarded as she that now speaks not French.” And though euphuism presently went out of fashion, literature did not. Whatever the statesmen might be doing, the courtiers were always busy with their pens. Everybody knows how charmingly Sir Philip Sidney wrote both prose and verse. The author of the 7) “Faerie Queene was another courtier-poet, though the only profit that his poetry brought him was an estate in Ireland. And in this goodly literary company Fulke Greville worthily held his own. He, Sidney, and Sir Edward Dyer formed a centre of literary influence at the Court. They were members of Gabriel Harvey’s literary society called the Areopagus, and intended to introduce classical rules into English literature. Davison’s “Poetical Rapsody,” published in i6o2, opens with “Two pastoralls made by Sir Philip Sidney upon his meeting with his two worthy friends and fellow-poets, Sir Edward Dier and Master Fulk Grevill.” When Sir Philip Sidney died, trying to repair the Earl of Leicester’s military blunders, on the field of Zutphen, Fulke Greville not only wrote his life, but lamented his death in elegiac verse. Finally, when that distinguished stranger Giordano Bruno came to London, Fulke Greville welcomed and entertained him; and it was at his house in London that the eminent Italian conducted many of the dis- putations recorded by him in “ La Cena de le Ceneri.’ 623 \Varwick Castle W A pathetic letter to Archibald Douglas, included among the Marquis of Salisbury’s MSS., refers to Fulke’s sorrow at Sir Philip Sidney’s death, and his literary tributes to his memory :— “ 1586 [Oct.J.—-MY LORD,-——I go no whither, there- fore I beseech you pardon me that I visit you not. The only question I now study is whether weeping sorrow, or speaking sorrow, may most honour his memory, that I think death is sorry for. What he was to God, his friends and country, fame hath told, though his expectation went beyond her good. My Lord, give me leave to join with you in praising and lamenting him, the name of whose friendship carried me above my own worth, and I fear hath left me to play the ill poet in my own part. Well, my Lord, divide me not from him, but love his memory, and me in it. I shall not see your lordship so oft as I would do if you were yourself. It is enough I wish you honour and love you. From my lodge this night. “Your lordship’s friend, “ FoULK GREVILL. “P.S.—I was but gone to take air in the park when it pleased you to call.” Greville was one of the pall-bearers at Sidney’s funeral in St. Paul’s Cathedral, and one of the legatees between whom his library was divided. After Sidney’s death we find him beginning to take some part in public affairs. He had already arranged with Drake 624 /'5 The House of Greville to join his expedition to the West Indies for the purpose of singeing the beard of the King of Spain; but Elizabeth had sent the admiral peremptory orders to sail without him. A request that he might be allowed to go with Sidney to join Leicester’s army in the Low Countries had also been refused. He was now, however, allowed to serve in Normandy under Henry of Navarre, though he was forbidden, in 1597, to take part in the Islands expedition by convoying provisions to the Azores; and he was given employment in various other capacities. He was Secretary for the Principality of V\/ales. He sat in Parliament for Warwickshire in 1592-3, in 1601, and again in 1620. In March, 1597-8, he became Treasurer of the Wars, and in September, 1598, Trea- surer of the Navy. There was even talk of making him rear-admiral when the second Spanish Armada was anticipated in 1599; and on February 8th, 1600-1, he took part in the arrest of the Earl of Essex. We have glimpses of his life in various letters of the period. The following illustrates his reputation for gallantry, already mentioned in our quotations from Naunt0n:—- “25 Nov. 1588. . . . The Earl Bothwell shows me exceeding great courtesy for your sake, and hath offered me large kindness. I beseech you thank him for it. For Fulk Greville, my wife knows he hath offered her courtesy already, and will again, the rather if she seek him, but he is not for her credit. Yet let her do as she please, he will but deceive her, as he 625 VVarwick Castle W hath done others of her sex. He owes me 2o/., and therefore must show to favour my case, but he will not offend the Earl of Essex for a hundred such as I. It may be he will do my wife some pleasure. Let her take it. I never trusted him with a word of my mind or thought.” In the same year a- communication from John Greenway to the Privy Council shows him at a loss how to deal with a mutiny :-— “The soldiers which have complained that six months’ pay has been withheld from them by their officers, either cannot or will not make proof thereof, though oft required thereto by Mr. Fulke Greville, employed by her Majesty and your lordships for the full appeasing of all troubles here.” In 1590 he received “orders to take the view and musters of the horsemen and footmen in co. V\/arwick, and to put them in good array for the Queen’s service” ; and most of the original returns are included among the Warwick Papers. In 1594 and 1595 we find him in correspondence with Sir Robert Cecil. Here are three of his letters, taken from the Calendar of the Marquis of Salisbury’s MSS. :— “ I594-5, Jan. 22.—I do humbly thank your Honour for the comfortable message you sent me, by my uncle Edward, that Torrington was not passed, because it argues your favour to me and care of your word, but I have, since my coming to this town, enquired with all the credit and wit I have, and am very con- 626 /M The House of Greville fidently informed that it did pass the Great Seal upon Saturday last, and it seems by immediate warrant and grace, for else your Honour must needs have had notice at the Privy Seal of it. Our hopes and fears are like dead together in it, and though my brother have been at very great charge, both with the suit, wife and pretty children, yet this resolution hath cut off one, which is the law; for other help or comfort he must seek in heaven.-—This Wednesday.” “ 1594, Nov. 27.—-At your being at Sudeley you gave me leave to pray your favour when I had occa- sion. I am called to answer a complaint exhibited against me to the Privy Council by Sir Thomas Leighton. The matters are such, if they were true, as touch my credit very near, but I thank God I am innocent, and ifl have displeased him it is in doing my duty to her Majesty; and because God hath visited me that I am not able to attend their lord- ships, I have answered in writing. Be a mean to your father (on whom I only rely to be protected in doing my service to her Majesty) that either I may have the cause speedily examined before their lord- ships, or by some, by them appointed, that may make report according to the truth. This much I entreat the rather that I hear Sir Thos. Leighton is going down into the country and would defer the matter till next term, until which time I would be very loth my credit should hang in suspense. I doubt not but my answer would manifest the matters so on 627 \Varwick Castle @- both sides as there shall need no further trial.—— 27 November, 1594.” “ 1595, May 4.—I have, by grant from her Majesty, the keeping of the forest of Feckenham in \/Vorcester- shire, where the keepers have such slender wages and allowance as I have been driven for divers years past to augment the same out of mine own purse. Besides they have neither lands nor lodges, where- with when I acquainted your father at Sudeley he marvelled much thereat. I am now a suitor to his Lordship for some amendment therein, as also that he will give warrant for the delivery of such fee wood as heretofore hath been always allowed to the keepers out of Her Majesty’s woods in Hambury within the said forest, while it remained in her Highness’s hands, the manor being now granted in fee farm to Sir Thomas Leighton, and all the woods excepted.——From Beauchamps lane, the 4th of May, 1595. (Endorsed) “SIR FouLi The House of Greville intreate yor favour in this matter. I am to pay Sr Dauid Fowles 5oo1 at a verie short day, and haue noe other meanes to raise so greate a sume but by layenge all my plate to gage. I do therefore verie heartilie pray you to be a meanes to procure me such a some vppon a sufficient pawne of some good frend, whereby I may escape the rancor of the worlde, and leave my plate safe, eyther for three moneths or haulf a yeare. I will willingly geeve the vsuall consideracon, and take yt as a verie kynde favor at yoI hands. And thus wth my very harty cofiiendacons to yorself and Mrs. Hyckes I comit you to God. ffrom Harrold’s P’ke this xvth of July, 16o3. “Yo“ assured louinge frende, “FFULKE CrREVYLL.” That this appeal met with quick and generous response seems clear from the letter that succeeds :— “ Sr, I thanck you verie hartilie for the paines you haue taken about this Monie: wherein I was more willinge to troble you, becawse I am verie loth to haue my name in question amongst them that practise in this kynde uppon the exchange. And if there bee noe remedie but wee must use theire help, lett me I pray you be thus much more beholding unto you and your brother [in] law that my plate may remayne in your hands and custodie, and that betwixt you the lenders may haue such securitie as may content them w,hout notice of mee, or passage of my plate 629 V\/Tarwick Castle a- through unknown hands in this infectious tyme. So readie to deserue this kyndness in anie thing I may, I leaue you wth my hartie comendations to God's protection. Deptford, 18th July, 1603. “Your assured loving frend, “ FFULRE GREVYLL. “To my verie \vor“‘I‘°] frend, “Mr. Michael Hicks, &c.” There is no connected story to be constructed from any or from all of these letters; and much that it would be of interest to know concerning this portion of Fulke Greville’s life must remain a matter of con- jecture. Perhaps one may guess something from what one knows of the general line and tendency of the period. It was a period of change-—-of change, as it seemed, for the worse. The great outburst of energy that characterised the Elizabethan age at first began to slacken. Neither at home nor abroad did the tide of prosperity continue to flow steadily. On the one hand, intrigue was on foot, and favourites fell, and the headsman’s axe was busy. On the other hand, the Renaissance began to get the worst of it in its struggle with its old ally, the Reformation; and the Puritan temper that gained ground in the country jarred upon the cultured men of the old school. A gloom grew which is clearly reflected in our literature. Men had searchings of heart while they tried to take their new bearings and adjust themselves to their new environment. 630 »> The House of Greville The change in the tone of Shakespeare’s plays is the great illustration of this fact. Hamlet is the product of the age as well as of the dramatist. There is a personal note in the exclamation that “the times are out of joint.” It is a lamentation for the calamities of friends at Court, and for the advent of new ideals with which the poet was born too late to sympathise. He had to struggle hard, and pour out his soul in several bitter tragedies, before he recovered the com- parative serenity which distinguishes his latest work. And what Shakespeare felt other men of his time and temper must have felt too, though they left no splendid records of the crises of their inner lives. Surviving the gay days, and remembering them, re- minded of them by the loss of friends, and growing well into middle age without the consolation of any domestic ties, Fulke Greville, like many another in- articulate sufferer, must have felt a similar grief, not less acute because vague and difficult to define in words, at the passing of the glories, and a similar sense of the emptiness and futility of life. I take it, though he perhaps did not know it, that this was the inner reason why he abandoned the art of poetry, in which he was so well qualified to shine, and steadily devoted his talents to the public service. We shall see him, in the next chapter, reaping the reward of his services. Queen Elizabeth, though she smiled on him, was a mistress who did but little for him. James I. was a master who did much. VOL. II. 63 I P CHAPTER III The Accession of James I., and the Offices held by Sir Fulke Greville in his Reign—The King's Visit to VVarwick Castle—The Murder of Fulke Grev1lle—A Defence of his Character against Detractors. HE spacious days of Queen Elizabeth were no doubt Fulke Greville’s happy days. He was young, and the horizon of his hopes was wide. His talents were admired, and he was able to play the Maecenas. Speed, the annalist, thanked him for his release from “the daily employments of a manual trade"; Camden owed him gratitude for “extraordinary favours,” in- cluding the office of Clarenceux, King of Arms; he obtained the Deanery of St. Paul’s for Dr. John Overall, and the Secretaryship of the Navy for Sir John Coke; even Francis Bacon was indebted to him for seasonable words spoken in influential quarters. But Court favours and political advancement did not always go together in that reign. The Queen had a head as well as a heart. She did not expect statesmen to be poets, or poets to be statesmen. The men of real intiuence with her in grave matters were Burghley and Walsingham rather than Leicester or Essex, or any of the tuneful choir. And the Cecils, for whatever reason, seem to have stood some- what in Fulke Greville’s way. For full success in life 632 /M The House of Greville he had to wait for the reign of James I.; and the days of his great prosperity were the days of his old age. The King liked men of letters. Vi/‘as he not himself a man of letters, the author of a counterblast against tobacco, and other notable works, and a benefactor of Sir Thomas Bodley’s library? And, THE GATE-HOUSE BRIDGE, \VAR\\'ICK CASTLE. though he was a bad King in many ways, he was a good King to his friends. \Ve have seen how he served Henry Rich, Earl of Holland, making him money gifts, and putting him in the way of pleasant things in the way of embassies, and profitable things in the way of charges on the Customs. He also bestowed benefits upon Fulke Greville. 633 \/Varwick Castle W On the King’s accession Fulke Greville was made a Knight of the Bath. He was then Treasurer of the Navy, and continued in that office, a hard- working civil servant. Robert Cecil, Lord Salisbury, the chief obstacle to his ambition, died in 1612, and made advancement easier for him. He became Chan- cellor of the Exchequer in 1614, and Commissioner of the Treasury in 1618. He sat on the Council of War in 1624, and on the Committee of the Council to advise on Foreign Affairs in 1625. Nor was that all. Elizabeth had made him Master of \/Vedgnock Park in 1597. In 1605 James gave him the ruined Castle of Warwick, on which, says Dugdale, he “bestowed much cost, at least £20,000, beautifying it with the most pleasant gardens, plantations, and walks, and adorning it with rich furniture.” To that subject we will return. The Manor and Park of Knowle were also granted to him; and he was, in January, I620-1, created Baron Brooke——a title pre- viously borne by his ancestors the Willoughbys— with remainder to his favourite kinsman, Robert Greville. He had completed the embellishment of VVarwick Castle, though he had not yet got his peerage, when the Castle and town were visited by James I. in the course of one of his royal progresses. It is unfortunate that there is nothing about the visit in the “Black Book.” A local memorial of it, however, is preserved in the Leicester Hospital in the shape of a chair bearing the following inscription :-—— 634 /'5 The House of Greville This CHAIR is pointed out to posterity as that wherein K. JAMES I. sat when entertained in one of the Halls of this House by Sir Fulke Greville, A.D. 1617. And we have, too, the address of welcome to the King, spoken by Master Thomas Read, of Warwick. It has been printed before from the MS. which is still in the archives of VVarwick Castle. I give the translation of the original Latin made by the Rev. H. Hill, Head-master of the King’s School :- ‘‘Oration to King James, when he visited VVarwick on his return from Scotland, delivered by Master Thomas Read, Sep. 3rd, 1617. “ It is not a matter of doubt, August Prince, that they who have endured a night of six months’ duration rejoice greatly on the return of the Sun. The Sun of your presence set to us in the Spring, it rises in the Autumn: England may boast that at length a King has been granted to her whose happy influence has a ready road, such as was never opened to the arms of the Romans, even into the farthest corners of Britain. Now the Queen of the Islands, at length blessed with you for her husband, nourishes in concord, and like brethren of one family, her children, who, till this time, were never wont to meet together save for battle. Through you Britain has received again her own nature, and she can now be truly called one who from the beginning has been always torn to pieces- Therefore do all the cities eagerly hurry forth from their gates to meet you on your way. 655 \Varwick Castle W “But our city embraces not so much its King as its Good Fortune coming to it. For our Revenue and its Government of Thirteen and all our privileges are from your bounty. In sum, whatever public in- stitution we have is a pledge binding our gratitude to you. But that you may not seem to have expended your kindness upon the unworthy, hear (O most Serene King) our city speaking a few words for itself. ‘I am she who for 3oo years entertained with the hospitality of these Rocks the Bellona of the Ronans. From this place did the terrible eagles of so many legions threaten subject Britain. There was, there was a time when your Augusta Trinobantum herself [London] trembled at my name. Till the Romans were forced to retire from the world, I had no small power in the world. But I changed my master then, not my fortune; until at length, the Saxon having become tame, I received, instead of a military Lord, a Bishop, that I, who for ooo years had fought under Mars, might henceforth serve under the banner of Christ. Meanwhile, mindful of my renown, I brought forth heroes of uncommon fortitude, and more famous to my neighbourhood than was Hercules or Theseus to Athens. Of this let the witness be that Guy who, after he had filled Britain with the fame of his achievements, won for himself a way to heaven by penitence for his inordinate valour. The last and fatal storm burst on me from the Danes. Then my constancy was punished with destruction. VVhat I must have been, judge by this, that in so great 636 /M The House of Greville tempests I did not utterly perish. If in Greece you ask for Argos, Mycenae, or Lacedaemon, no traces of the names, much less of the cities, you will find.’ “You see (most serene King) the warlike boasting of our city. Our old age and weakness we are fain to console with the memory of past virtue and with words correspondent to our former fortune, and not inferior to these is the offering we present to you, our manifestation of good will, although in slender means. The Castle also, which now longs to receive you, of all Guests whom it has had the greatest. would utter not more humble words, did not its recent ignominy preclude loftiness of speech. Since it passed into the hands of a Gaoler, and changed the golden chain of its Nobles for the fetters of captives, and became a dwelling-place for night-prowling beasts, owls, and ominous birds, it blushes to speak before you. But he whom your unexhausted liberality has willed to be its Lord, whom the city has chosen for its Patron, and who of his own humanity is to me Lord and Patron, has testified by no slight expendi- ture and care, that nothing is to him more precious than your gift. Therefore, that the memory of your munificence might abide in the house for ever, he hath, in such manner as he could, restored it to its youth: if he could thus restore youth to himself, even to the length of Nestor’s life, he would yet think it short in proportion to that eternal duty which is owed not so much to your Fortune as to your Virtue. However, he deems that, of the life yet remaining to 637 \/Varwick Castle W him, the richest reward will be, if by love, by labour, by faith, he can attain to this end———that he may die yours.” For the rest we know only that “on the 5th of September, before leaving VVarwick, the King knighted Sir William Bowyer, of Staffordshire; Sir John Bodley, of Surrey; Sir VVilliam Cade, of Hertfordshire; Sir Francis Crane, Secretary to the Prince; Sir William Burlacy, of Bucks ; Sir Humphrey Ferrers, of Warwick- shire; Sir \Villiam Maxy, of \Varwickshire”; and that “the Royal Traveller then proceeded to Compton Winyate, the seat of William, second Lord Compton, afterward Earl of Northampton.” So much for the royal visit. It is deplorable that we have no picturesque information about it; but we have none. Even Nichols, in his “Progresses of James I.,” helps us no further than we have gone. Another visitor to the Castle, of a date which I cannot exactly fix, has left an interesting record of his impressions. This is Bishop Corbet. Let us quote from his “ Iter Boreale” :-— Please you walke out and see the castle? Come, The owner saith, it is a scholler’s home; A place of strength and health: in the same fort, You would conceive a castle and a court. The orchards, gardens, rivers, and the aire, Doe with the trenches, rampires, walls, compare: It seemes nor art nor force can intercept it, As if a lover built, a souldier kept it. Up to the tower, though it be steepe and high, We doe not climbe but walke; and though the eye 638 /a The House of Greville Seeme to be weary, yet our feet are still In the same posture cozen’d up the hill: And thus the workman’s art deceaves our sence, Making those rounds of pleasure a defence. As we descend, the lord of all this frame, The honourable chancellour, towards us came. Above the hill there blew a gentle breath, Yet now we see a gentler gale beneath. The phrase and wellcome of this knight did make The seat more elegant; every word he spake Was wine and musick, which he did expose To us, if all our heart could censure those. With him there was a prelate, by his place Arch-deacon to the byshopp, by his face A greater man; for that did counterfeit Lord abbot of some convent standmg yet, A corpulent relique: marry and ’t is sinne Some Puritan gets not his face call’d in; Amongst leane brethren it may scandall bring, Who seeke for parity in every thing. For us, let him enjoy all that God sends, Plenty of flesh, of hvings, and of friends. This gives us a very pleasant picture of the state in which Fulke Greville delighted to live in his old age. One wonders whether he was the happier or the lonelier for having no Eve to dwell with him in his Paradise. That he was a great local magnate as well as a great public man is attested by the fact that he held the local office of Recorder of Stratford- on-Avon—to the guild of which town so many of his ancestors had been admitted-—and that his name is of frequent occurrence in the records of the borough. Of his political career there is not a great deal that need be said. On the whole he was a useful 639 \/Varwick Castle @- supporter of the Government. One records with regret that he signed the warrant for the torture of Edward Peacham, a clergyman charged with writing a sermon derogatory to the royal authority; and he was also a member of the Committee of the Council appointed to enquire into the conduct of Coke in the pl/[e7/zzmire case. He had liberal tendencies, however; and, without being an orator, he was a weighty, and perhaps a somewhat sententious, speaker. We have Bacon’s evi- dence for that. “Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer,” he says in one of his letters, “spake finely, somewhat after the manner of my late Lord Privy Seal; not all out so sharply, but as elegantly.” In another letter we read :— “Sir Fulke Grevill in Parliament, when the Lower House, in a great business of the Queen’s, stood much upon precedents, said unto them; ‘VVhy should you stand so much upon precedents? the times hereafter will be good or bad; if good, precedents will do no harm; if bad, power will make a way where it finds none.” Another speech is reported by Bacon at even greater length. I give the passage from Spedding’s edition, for the sake not so much of the orator‘s eloquence as of his sound democratic views :— “After whom spake Mr. Chancellor of the Ex- chequer, who was not long. He began with an excuse of delivering his opinion in matters of so great moment; for that he had not been long acquainted with that table. He said he would rather move some questions than deliver his advice; one question 640 /n The House of Greville was whether their L'ps would hold it fit that every- thing that was vulgarly complained of were of necessity to be amended. All impositions were not unlawful; nor all monopolies: in all ages and in all states some of both kinds have been done and held warrantable. Another question was whether their L'ps would not AN ARQUEBU5. In [/10 Armour] af Wanuick Castle. think that many of those things which were moved for preparation were meet to be referred to Parliament and handled there. It was a pleasing thing and popular to ask a multitude’s advice; besides, it argued trust, and trust begat trust; and such a mutual confidence might perhaps dispose their minds to a greater freedom towards the King. For other matters, as well of debts 641 \Varwick Castle e- as of expenses. he would not dissent from what had been spoken before, especially by the Lord Chief Justice.” After living to a good age—he was seventy-four- Fulke Greville met with a violent death. A servant named Haywood, who had been called in to witness his will, and found that his own name was not mentioned in it, drew his sword and attacked him. We may read the sequel in a letter from Lord Brudenell to the Earl of Westmoreland, found among the Rutland MSS. :— “ 1628, October 2. Aldersgate Street. . “P0szfse7/z'pz‘.——l\Iy Lord Brooke dyed of corrupted fatt thrust into the wound of his belly in place of his kell, which putrifying, ended him, that fewer sorrowes then the D[uke], though not so many rejoyces. Some of his old inheritance fall to Sir Grivell Verney his nephew, but Warwik Castle his honnor and the greatest part of his estate to one Sir Fulk Grivell, his great uncle’s grandchild, his office to Sir Grivell Verney’s next brother and he himself descended as is conjectured.” This murder is the subject of a long disquisition in the “Biographia Britannica.” The writer there suggests that “the knowledge of this murder or the most prevailing motive to it has been endeavoured to be concealed and secreted from the public and posterity.” His reason for thinking so is that, in the first collected edition of Fulke Greville’s works, there is no introductory memoir relating to the circumstances 642 -95 The House of Greville of the tragedy, and that the copies of it that have passed through his hands “are all imperfect and deprived or mutilated of whatever introduction they had to them.” And he infers that “as no author, who has wrote of this nobleman or his writings, has hitherto taken any notice of, or made any remarks upon this deficiency, we must, till we have some better light to guide or help us to account for it, follow such as occurs from the most rational pro- bability, that there was some private discovery too expressly mentioned for the perusal of the public, therefore that his lordship’s executors, relations, &c., obliged the publisher to castrate such prefatory discourses, and suppress the same.” Next comes a quotation from a MS. conveying some very severe reflections upon the manner in which Fulke Greville treated his dependants. “A man’s plentiful possessions and pompous titles,” says this document, “may pass, in the eye of in- experience, for the capital attributes of a patron: but if his interest and inclinations are not proportionable, or his own generosity to support that character, he shall disable you by long suspense from finding it in another, and give you a sting at last, how desperately soever it may be returned, if you grow importunate to find the effects of that patronage in himself. Such disregardful treatment of superior attendants, has sometimes proved very fatal to men of dignity and fortune; whereof we have, besides what has been before exemplified, a pregnant proof in one of our 643 \/Varwick Castle W nobility, Fulk Grevil, Lord Brook, who was Under- Treasurer, Chancellor of the Exchequer, Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber, and of the Privy-Council to King James and King Charles I. A man of breeding, learning and abilities; liberal enough of his power and interest among distant acquaintance, to the com- modious accommodation of many learned and ingenious men, but too parcemonious thereof towards the daily attendants within his own walls; who by neglecting, as all authors term it, to gratify or make any suitable recompence to a gentleman who had withered away the greatest part of his life unprofitably in his personal service, and was soon likely to be destitute of all support, as his lordship had not himself, by the course of nature, long to live, and being severely reprimanded for reminding him thereof, or, not im- probably, incensed with more violent provocations, he drew his sword upon his Lord, and killed him, then withdrawing into another room, with the same instrument destroyed himself. Yet authors have been so superficial and indifferent in their relation of this desperate murder, or have seemed in a manner, so to stifle and hush it up, that those who have most distinctly related the untimely end of this nobleman, by that attendant, have not dropped so much as a refiexion in compassion of the one, or abhorrence of the other. Upon the whole therefore, when we consider how easily persons foreign to the service of this nobleman, were by his interest handsomely provided for, and that no provision was likely to be 644 -0. The House of Greville made for one who had so long and nearly served him; we may from hence, as well as from the many other examples before recited, be instructed to believe, that all actions or expressions from a menial servant, or any in this domestic and stationary dependency, are regarded but as the water of a standing pool; the owner, because he sees the surface every day, thinks he has also seen, and known, all that it contains, of what depth or capacity soever it be; and esteems every drop flat, and insipid, that comes from it: But the services of any free extraneous person, how shallow soever, who does not lie under the constant eye and command of a master, is thought ever fresh and grateful, like the waters of a running stream. Hence it is that the most superficial, and ordinary service from an independent person, so frequently meets with great thanks and reward; from a servant, with neither: for the greatest performances from such, are swallowed up, in the thankles, bottomles gulph of duty.” A similarly uncharitable view of Fulke Greville’s actions and attributes is taken in a rhyming elegy- “Epitaph-Lines upon the Death of Fulke Greville, Lord Brooke”——first printed in Huth’s “Inedited Poetical Miscellanies,” and reprinted by Dr. Grosart. I give the jingle :—- Reader, I’ll be sworn upon a book, Here lies Right ugly the Lord Brook, Who, as I have a soul to save, Did not deserve to have a gravel 645 VVarwick Castle 0- For, would I might neuer go further, He was accused of a horrible murther, Because ’twas thought he began To kill one Ralph Howard his man, Which for my part, by God’s lid, I believe he never did. Ill-natured he was, else let me never wag; For he was never known to lend his friend a nag; And ’twould make a man very sick To think how lll he rewarded his music. So costive he was, and wary in thrift, He would not help his friend at a dead lift; Nay, there be huge company think He wrote down few legacies for saving of ink. He called his executor ragamuffin For being [so] expensive to buy a new coffin: For I pray, quoth he, to what intent? Should the worms be well housed that never pay rent? And by this light, same light that shines, He thought it simple to pay tithes to dwines; And when he was to depart, he disputed at large Whether his soul might travel without charge: And just as his soul was about to be gone, ’Cause corn was dear, he ate brown bread at the communion. To save faggots in winter, by Dragon and Bell, Most are of opimon he went to Hell. Well would I might never stir out of this room, He’ll be very melancholy at the day of doom. Such was the voice of Fulke Greville’s enemies. So far as the case of the servant Haywood is con- cerned, we have no direct evidence to enable us to decide whether he was, or was not, treated ungenerously. Perhaps, however, common sense may guide us to a safe decision. Shall we put it that the man who commits a murder because his name has been left 646 /'5 The House of Greville out of a will is zfse fade proved to be a man unworthy of testamentary benefits? I do not think we can go far wrong in doing so. As to the more general allegations against Fulke Greville’s character, these, I think, can be adequately met by citing the testimony of his friends. These friends were nearly all men of mark, and they nearly all speak of him, not with perfunctory praise, but with enthusiasm, acknowledging useful service ren- dered to them. He helped Bacon when Bacon needed help, and continued to be his friend after his disgrace. It appears, from one of the letters printed by Mr. Spedding, that he complimented him on his History of Henry VIl., on which the King had invited his opinion before permitting it to be printed :— “Mr. Murray tells me, the King hath given your book to my Lord Brooke, and injoined him to read it, commending it much to him: and then my Lord Brooke is to return it to your Lordship; and so it may go to the press when your Lordship please. with such amendments as the King hath made, which I have seen, and are very few, and those rather words, as epz'a’e22zz'e, and 7/22'/a’ instead of a’eéozmair/e. etc. Only that, of persons attainted, enabled to serve in Parliament by a bare reversal of their attainder without issuing any new writs, the King by all means will have left out. I met with my Lord Brooke, and told him that Mr. Murray had directed me to wait upon him for the book when he had done with it. voL.Ii. 647 Q \Varwick Castle @- He desired to be spared this week, as being to him a week of much business, and the next week I should have it: and he ended in a compliment that care should be taken by all means for good ink and paper to print it in; for that the book deserved it.” Fulke Greville also defended Bacon eloquently when Attorney-General Sir Henry Yelverton sub- mitted to the Privy Council an information against one Maynham for libellously defaming him; and others of his friends acknowledge great indebtedness to him. Samuel Daniel, the poet, wrote that Greville Did first draw forth from close obscuritie My unpresuming verse into the light, And grac’d the same, and made me known thereby. And it was to him that Daniel dedicated his “ Muso- philus.” Another poet addressed the following sonnet to him :—- To THE vnnruous GENTLEMAN FULKE GREUILL EsoUiRE. Who can of learning treat, and you forget? Who may of vertue talke, and you neglect? Who would true fame from your due praises let? Who should not——knowing you—your love affect? I therefore forced am in this respect, To offer publikely for you, to reed The thing the which vncran’d you would protect, If~-by malignor’s blame—it stood in need: In diuerse, diuersely this worke will breed, I know, an humor in the censurer’s braine; The wisest, on the best contents will feed; The curious--for some scapes—count all but vaine: But of the better sort true prayse must grow; The prayse of some as meere disprayse I know. 648 /'5 The House of Greville Camden, for whom he procured the office of Clarenceux, King of Arms, was not less eloquent in prose. This is how he writes in his “Britannia’ under Warwickshire :— “This Sir Fulke Grevil doth so entirely devote himself to the study of real vertue and honour, that the nobleness of his mind far excels that of his birth; 3 for whose extraordinary favours, though I must despair of making suitable returns, yet whether speaking or silent, I must ever preserve a grateful remembrance of them." Let us go with the enthusiasts, who are the majority, though not considering ourselves bound to follow them into every extravagance of eulogy. Our conclusions will then be favourable without being fulsome. In politics Sir Fulke Greville never attained to actual greatness; but he was too much the man of affairs to attain that success as a poet which would have been possible to his talents, untrammelled by other interests. It might be going too far to speak of him as a poet among statesmen and a statesman among poets; but his position, in both departments of life, is somewhat that of the dilettante or amateur. The modern names that occur to one for purposes of historical parallel are those of “Owen Meredith” and Milner Gibson. Beyond all this, however, he must remain memor- able as one of the first of those, in England at all events, who have recognised the bond of the brother- hood of letters, without regard to social distinctions. 649 \Varwick Castle u- The proof of this has been given, and need not be repeated. Whatever his faults, Sir Fulke Greville was a good patron of letters—a patron who, unlike some patrons, was consistently beloved by those whom he benefited. In view of that fact, we may listen unmoved to the malicious gossip of his enemies. Few of Fulke Greville’s poems were published during his lifetime. That may be the reason why readers of poetry have tended to neglect him. This is the well-considered verdict on them of the writer in the “Dictionary of National Biography” :-— “ Brooke writes in his discursive memoir of Sidney with reference to his tragedies: ‘For my own part I found my creeping genius more fixed upon the images of life than the images of wit.’ This is a just criticism of all Brooke’s literary work. To ‘elegancy of style’ or ‘smoothness of verse’ he rarely aspires. He is essentially a philosopher, cultivating ‘a close, mysterious, and sententious way of writing’ which is commonly more suitable to prose than poetry. His subjects are for the most part incapable of imaginative treatment. In his collection of love poems, which, though written in varied metres, he entitles sonnets, he seeks to express passionate love, and often with good lyrical effect; but the under- standing seems as a rule to tyrannise over emotion, and all is ‘frozen and made rigid with intellect.’ Sidney’s influence is very perceptible, and some of Brooke’s stanzas harshly echo passages from ‘Astro- phel’ and ‘Stella.’ His two tragedies, ‘Alaham’ and 650 -n The House of Greville ‘Mustapha,’ very strictly fashioned on classical models, are, as Lamb says, political treatises rather than plays. ‘Passion, character, and interest of the highest order’ are ‘subservient to the expression of state dogmas and mysteries.’ ‘ Mustapha’ found an ardent champion in Edmund Bolton, who wrote of it as the ‘matchless Mustapha’ in his ‘Hypercritica’ (1622). In his ‘ Life of Sidney’ Brooke expounds at length his object in writing tragedies, and explains that they were not intended for the stage. But, despite its subtlety of expression, Greville’s poetry fascinates the thoughtful student of literature. I-lis views of politics are original and interesting, and there is something at once formid- able and inviting in the attempt to unravel his tangled skeins of argument.” He was buried, on October 27th, 1628, in St. Mary’s Church, VI/arwick. His epitaph, composed by himself, ran: “Fulke Greville, servant to Queen Elizabeth, councillor to King James, and friend to Sir Philip Sidney. Trophaeum Peccati.” 1 1 Dr. Grosart writes. “The meaning of ‘trophaeum peccati’ has been thought obscure. Julius Lloyd, M.A., in his Life of Sir Philip Sidney, interprets it as meaning ‘an honourable friendship is a trophy which holds up one’s faults to reproof’; and he recalls ‘In Memoriam’ — ‘All these have been, and thee mine eyes Have look’d on: if they look’d in vain, My shame is greater who remain, Nor let thy wisdom make me wise.’ ” 651 CHAPTER IV \/Varwick Papers—-Letters to Sir Fulke Greville on Various Subjects. IT is in connection with Sir Fulke Greville, first Lord Brooke, that we begin to be able to draw to some extent for our material from the archives of VI/arwick Castle. It is a pity that such papers as we have do not bear very much upon his personal and intimate life. Our good fortune would, indeed, have been great if we had been able to solve from them the secret of his obstinate celibacy. Our papers, however, are documents of more historical than private interest; and readers who care only for light reading may be earnestly enjoined to skip them. But it would be a dereliction of duty to omit them for the fear of being dull. Let me shake the dust off them, and send them boldly to the printer. Students may be glad of them, even if the subscribers to the circulating libraries are not. The first letter that I give is from Sir Isaac Wake at Turin. Turin, be it remembered, was in those days the capital of Savoy, and a convenient centre for the observation of the European storm-clouds. The time was when Europe was on the verge of the Thirty Years’ War, and the Spaniards were about 652 /'5 The House of Greville to march into the Palatinate. James I.’s son-in-law, Frede- Elector 'Palatine, and was, in the year of this rick, was letter, chosen King of Bohe- mia, in opposition to the Archduke Ferdinand, was already legally in posses- VVith this preface I leave the letter who sion of that crown. to speak for itself:—— “ RIGHT-HONORABLE, “The place. that your Hr doth hold. in his l\'la“” service, doth not permit me, to divert you often from your serious occupations. and the particular duty, stand bound unto you, for your honorable favours, doth wherein I inforce me to trouble you sometimes, with a thankefull acknowledgment of what I have already received, and an A SUIT OF PLATE ARMOUR. [/1 the Armougl at H"nr‘u'irk Castle. humble request, to be continued still in the honor of your good. opinion, from which I will never fall, by faintness in your service. If your I-I_r will suffer your- selfe to be entertained at any time, with the occurences of these parts, I shall be ambitious to serve you 653 VVarwick Castle @- therein as occasions shall present themselfes, and I have made bold at this present, to send you a tast of this poor commodity, that you may command, or forbid the sending you more, as it shall stand best with your owne liking. “I will begin at this present, as far as Naples, where the misterious proceeding of the Duke of Ossuna hath given occasion unto some to discourge, as if he intended to put of [sir] the vice and make himselfe king of that Country; and you cannot imagine how far, this frantique conceit hath found credit, even among wise men, who will needes have us believe, that the King of Spaine, fearing such a practise, hath sent Philibert, Prince of Savoy, with a potent fieete expressely to dispossese the Duke of Ossuna of that governement and to invest therein Don Odoardo di Braganza. But the Venetians are so far from making this an Article of their faith, that they doe suspect this rumor to be published by the Spanyards, expressely to coulour the comming of Prince of Philibert into the streights, with so many Gallyes, and that when he shal be arrived at Naples both those Armades will joyne together, and seeke to affront them in the Gulphe. This suspition of theirs doth argur in them more feare than judgment, and timorous men must be excused, if sometimes they do wander in their apprehensions, beyond the bonds of reason. For it is very unlikely, that the King of Spayne would employ the sonne of this Duke in any enterprise against those, who are so nearly allyed unto his father in a strict bond of con- 654 -n The House of Greville federation; or that Prince Phillibert could be persuaded to dishumanise so far, as to pierce the hart of his owne father, through the side of the Venetians, whose fall must by necessary consequence draw with it the ruine of the house of Savoy : Besides in so odious a designe, it is likely the Spanyards would serve themselfes rather of the Duke of Ossuna then of any other, that in case the attempt should not take effect as they cannot promise themselfes any assurance considering that [es ax/mes som‘ jomvza//z'e1/es they might discharge them- selfes upon the Duke of Ossuna’s vanity, whose actions the King of Spayne hath hitherto been so far from answering that he hath been contented to suffer his taking the Venetian Garter di Mercantia and another ship called Naur Rossi to be stiled paratical robberyes, without excepting against the Venetians for using the phrase in their complaints exhibited against Ossuna, unto the King of Spayne. This verbal injurie did not in the opinion of the worlde revenge sufficiently the real affront they had received, where- upon they have lately seized upon foure or five small vessels, which passed through the Gulphe, laden with Corne, imagining thereby both to have confirmed their jurisdiction in the Gulphe and to have righted themselfes in part against the Spanyards, from whose shoare in Calabria those ships did come. But when they will be pleased to summe up the reckoning, it will be found that they pay deare for that come: For whereas they have been suitors in Spayne a long time for the restitution of their merchants goods taken 655 \Varwick Castle W in the Gallyes and ship afour specified and had procured lately very express order to the Viceroy of Naples to deliver backe that price without further delay; Now upon the taking of these poore vessells by the Venetians he hath not only presued to disobey the execution of his l\Ias‘*S will, but (to put the Venetians out of all hope of ever having their subjects goods restored) he hath imbezzled the whole remainder of the fraight of those ships, and to despight them the more hath made Scarlets and such other merchandable commodities to be sold in Naples at the publique Imeanto. It is true that in Rome the Cardinal Borghia doth excuse this act of the Duke of Ossuna, by accusing him of folly and madness, and he promiseth the Venetian Amb" residing in Rome that if his Masters will renewe the suite to the King of Spayne, they shall have satisfaction given them, for as much as hath been taken from their subjects. But on the other side, the world doth take notice of some formal discourses, which are lately published, wherein is remonstrated unto the King of Spaine that the residence of the Duke of Ossuna is most necessary in Naples, to keepe the Venetians in awe, and that the service of the crowne of Spayne doth require that the question of juris- diction in the Adriatique sea, should be decided at this present by force of arms. “I have in my hands a manuscript discourse, written by a Spanish Friar, upon the apparition of the last Commet and addressed unto the King of 656 /'5 The House of Greville Spayne in the forme of a letter, wherein the astrologer doth assurantly affirme, that a famous Republique, whose metropolitan citty seated in the sea, had the first foundation laid in Riuoalto, such a yeare, day and houre, shall in the yeare 1619 fall under the sub- jection of the King of Spayne. Perhaps the Duke of Ossuna hath caused this prediction to be written and divulged, especially to intimidate the Venetians, but I rather thinke the Friars pen did run over with Madera or that some melancholy humor had gotten the possession of his brayne; for he doth not con- fine the Spanish conquest to Venice or Italy alone, but hath made bold, without asking his l\l.ate“ any leave, to bestowe upon the King of Spayne, the two crowns of England and Ireland, and to invest him in an universal monarchie, greater than any hath yet been in the worlde: If we or the Venetians should chance to excommunicate this Friar for raving, I doubt he would hardly get absolution in Rome, con- sidering, that he hath confidently prophecyed in this exstaticall discourse, the death of Paulus V in this yeare. “Since I have been brought to Rome, before I was aware, by this frantique Friar, before I leave that place I will tell your Hr, that of late there did begin to rise a difference of some important consideration, betwixt the families of the Borghesi and Ursini, which may likely to have drawne all the nobility of Rome into a formal decision; the ground of that difference was this: the yong Prince of Sulmona, having taken a liking unto the Lady Camilla Ursini, did honorably 657 \/Varwick Castle W require her in mariage of her friends, and received (as he doth pretend) a promise of being gratified in his suite by those who had the power to bestowe her. But two of her yonger brothers, misliking the motion, for the disparity of blood, persuaded the yong lady to avoide that mariage, by entering into a Monastery, and taking the habit of a Nunne: The whole family of the Borghesi accounting themselfes affronted with this proceeding, did so fare incense the Pope against the Ursini, that he did cite them to appeare before him in Rome, within the space of 24 days, upon paine of having their Feuda and Seigneuries confiscated, in case they should fayle to present themselfes: These gents were absent, the one in Venice and the other in Vienna, when this monitory was published against them, and in their absence, those who wish well unto the family, did first employ thernselfes to get a prorogation of the time of their appearance, as well knowing that Mai /24: tempo, /za ozk‘a, and that the Pope, though he be violent at the first, yet in time he doth relent much of his fierceness; when this was granted the friend of the Ursini, finding that there was no standing out with the Borghesi, during the raigne of the Pope, did retire into a treaty of re- conciliation, and finally by the mediation of the Duke of Plorrence and of the French and the Venetian Ambrs the Ursini are repatriated again, with the good liking of the Pope, upon promise of giving their sister to the Prince of Sulmona, who hath, and wil have an estate able in some sort, to match y8 658 -0» The House of Greville advantage of his great birth. Before I returne home I must let your H. know, that our neighbours, the Grysons, are in a very ill case by reason of their civil dissentions, and partialityes, which are very diligently and with no small expence main- tained among them by some bro- vilions whom I will not name. The French Ministers doe pretend zeale in their abetting the Catholique party, and the Venetians doe abett the contrary side, not for religion. but to maintayne the liberty of those people, which is like to be lost; and it is much to be doubted, that when this intestine flavour shall have throughly weakened the body of that state, the Spanyards will decide the controversy betwixt the French and the Venetians, and seize themselfes of that country par droit ale Men seanre when they shall find those poore people unable to make any resistance. At this present the good Patriot, who caused the last reforma- tion to be made and banished the ;~ l -sna-~;\\\\\\.\\'\\i|-~ PRINCE RUPERT’S traitorous Plante, have the worse TRUMPET, end of the staffe, which is a evident F”il”¢lfi§;Z-lfgZl§if.”/ signe, that the French crownes do weigh heavier than 659 \/’\’arwick Castle @- , the Venetian Zechini, and it is certaine that if they bee not speedily and potently relieved, the tables will be turned in that country. and the Reformers will be pro- claimed and proscribed as Traitors by those whom they had banished for betraying the liberty of their country. The Valesani are in danger likewise of drincking the same bitter cup of division, which Mons: Micron, the French Ambr residing at Solure, hath been brewing for a good while, and when that fire shall be well kindled, then we must expect to see Zurich. and Berne called to an account, for having refused, to submit themselfes to the commandements of such, as had no authority over a free people, as they are. Here they thinke of nothing at this present, but uppon providing to receive, the Prince of Piedmont and his Princesgs_,/,wi’th feasts, triumphs, tournays, triumphal arches, and all externall demonstrations of joye, that the wits of these Ports can invent, and that her passage over Mount-Senis may not seem tedious, they are building a banquetting house uppon the highest top of that hill and providing to make a Naumachia in the lake, the pleasure whereof may beguile the time and divert their eyes from ob- serving the horror of those craggy rockes and dangerous precipices. Halfe Turin is almost pulled down uppon the sodaine that the streets may be made more faire, large and uniforme, so that now a Mason and a Carpenter are as much in request as heretofore a Coronet and a Captaine; and I may truly say that our Swords are turned into Spades and our Speares 660 a The House of Greville into Mattockes, yet for all this our publique and open exercising arias ]§arz'5; without once thinking of future warre, our Neighbors of Mont-Serrat have lately taken a very great alarme at our proceedings here, and have not only fortefied, as well as they were able, all their townes confining with this state, but furnished Alba and their best places with men and ammunition, and abandoned San Damian and other indefensible townes, as if Hannibal were cm’ porlasz The reason of this pannique terror I find no other than that like dogs who have heretofore been well scalded with hot water, they seem now to be afrayde of a drop of raine, for all the feare hath no other ground. Then uppon a general muster, which the Duke of Savoy did summon of all his horse and foote on this side the mountains, not with any intent to make any innovation, but only to re- inforce his ordinary garrisons of Vercelli, Astoi and Chirasio; which were much weakened by the death of many of the presidiaries and the secret retreat of diverse to their houses, without leave. This muster was appointed to be held uppon the 25th of July, being St James’ Day, and Savigliano was appointed for the place of the general Rendez-vous, wherein I must confess there was a little mistery, for the Banditi being grown very strong and numerous on the confines of this state that way, and having committed very great and enormous excesses. under the countenance of some factious spirits in Mondovi, who did protect them by force against ye justice, the Duke of Savoy 661 \Varwick Castle 44/ did intend under the coulour of this muster, to intrappe some of those Assassini, and to put into Mondovi so strong a garrison, as might keepe those people in awe from abetting any more the Banditti in those parts, and his purpose was with the exemplary punishment of some fewe of the principall delinquents to range all the rest of that faction unto reason. But the wiser sort of those of Mondovi, forseeing the storme that was like to fall uppon their whole body, for the folly and impertinency of some few ill livers, have dispatched hither the Bishop of that citty, with commission to cast himselfe at the feete of this Duke, and to offer in the name of that communalty all humble submission to his will and pleasure, uppon which humiliation of theirs, the anger and indignation of the Duke hath been appeased in part, and uppon their promise of suffer- ing the justice hereafter to have his free course, and of conforming themselfes unto the lawes of the country, and accepting such taxes as are imposed uppon the othere townes and cittys of this state, he hath suspended that muster for a time, and sent all the Cavallerie and Infanterie unto their severall quarters. Those of Milan had taken the alarme, so hotly, uppon the news of this muster, that the Duke of Feria sent hither Sig. Scaramuzza Visconti in great diligence to informe himselfe of the intentions of the Duke of Savoy, but he is now very well satisfied with the good accueil that was given to his Ambr here, and having understood that the purpose of this Duke was only to exterpate the Banditi, he hath promised to 662 /01 The House of Greville assist him therein and to take order that they shall not have any safe retreat in any place of the state of Milan. “So craving pardon for the tediousness of this discourse I desire to rest MY Hr “Most faithfully to command “ lsaac VVAKE. “Turin ye 25th July) \_ 6 ‘,7 “4 AugustlI 19 Another letter on a subject of much interest belongs to the year 1623. This was the year, it will be re- membered, when Prince Charles and Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, were at Madrid, trying to arrange a treaty whereby the Prince should marry the Spanish lnfanta, and receive back the Palatinate as a wedding present. The scheme fell through, partly because the lnfanta did not want to marry a heretic, and partly because the match was displeasing to the English people. But the Prince, on his part, was very much in love; and at the date of the letter everything promised happily :— “RIGHT HONORABLE, “I have instantly received yor Lre and ac- quainted his Mat” therewth. And not onely for yor being att Rochester, but for yor power and knowledge To give order in things of this nature, his Matle finds it good to recorfiend to yor Lp. the care of diversifie- ing and transposing the ships and goods upon this change of Counsell, as they must be ordered, The intendment and directions being thus That the great horses Tilting preparac6ns and attendants on them are VOL. 11. 663 R Warwick Castle w to be stayed: The shipp wth the Huckines, wth the Trifiiings, attendants and apptenances to them must go on the journey, and be soe fitted as they may goe in the convoy of S“ Francis Stuart’s shipps, who is not now to attend the pavilion, or touch att Ports- mouth, But by yor Lp. to be cleared and hasted awaie wth all possible speed. There are likewise apparell and other furniture and servants of my 10. Kensingtons and Sr George Goring. Yor Lp. may be pleased likewise to give order that they may goe in the Shipp with the Naggs. Notwithstanding the haste, or how many other ways you may secure else have it, my duety bidds mee tell you The Prince and my Lo. of Buckingham (thanks be to God) are in health and the rest of or Court here. The Prince hath spoken wth his Mistresse, his Love infinitely multiplied towards her. The heart and affection of that King, his Grandees and the people inflamed by his virtues and no declara- tion of it left undiscovered: The dispensation hourly expected And the time sett for their coming hither Midsomer. The fleet must be hastened and his Matle requires you to doe him an acceptable srvice by giving and advising all expedition in that worke. I have wrote soe long that I have wearied my selfe and (I feare) yo“. Yett I pray you vouchsafe to receive this cheerfull offer of my affection to serve you as I am and am bound to be “Yor Lopps “Loving Cousen att yr Coriandement “ EDW. CONWAY. 664 4. The House of Greville “I understand from Sir Henrie Fane that he hath sent money to Capt. Wilbraham to defray those that are appointed to goe for Spaine wth the pacing Naggs, to whom yr Lp. may be pleased to give order for the Srvaunts and Trunkes of my Lo. Kensington and Sir Geo. Goring. And if there be any money to be dis- bursed by them I wilbe answerable for it to the end there may be no default. “ IVindsor 20 Aprill 1623.” (Warwick Papers, 2696.) [No cover.J Another letter which may be printed here—though I am not quite clear how it came into the Warwick archives—-is one from Lewis to Lord Conway, written in 1626. It throws light upon the intrigues which led up to the ridiculous expedition to the Ile de Rhé:—— “ Lewis to the L0: Conwey April 22 I626. “The Duke de Chevreux did specially advise Mr Lewis to write into Englande, that Mons" Bleinville doth interprett his late satisfaceon, and reparacon of hono9 in England soe much to his owne advantage as to make them a meanes of continuinge his Imploymt as if those honers had ben done to his ,pfon, not to his qualitie, and to him, not to his maister: and upon thei’d grounds hee doth wth importunitie sollicite the french kinge, and his ministers to continue his imploy- ment or at least to retard his revocacon assuring them 665 V\/arwick Castle <4- that hee is in power, and upon point of doinge his maister some necessarie and remarkable services. And the D. de Chevreux gives assurance that the Am- bassador indeavors his stay in England wth much passion, on purpose to continue his ill offices to the state, and particularly against the Duke of Bucking- ham and to sacrifice to his owne vengeance wch may be fisarved the rather because it appeares by a Lie written from England, that the Catholickes there are very much affected at the newes of the departure of Monsr Bleinville whoe had served them wth soe much zeale and affecc6n: and yet they hoped hee might have continued. Mr. Lewis by the D. de Cheureux advise moved the Cardinal and the . . Schomberg towchinge Bleinvilles returne, and both of them assured him that the revocacon is absolut and that his returne shall be hasted. The payment of the freight of the marchants’ shipps pro- missed upon theire returne is delayed by Mareillac Superintendant of the finances untill Burlamachies arryvall in Paris. The main Levee’ is not executed upon fitence that litle . . . . . . . . to the French in England and that a late stay is made if a French shipp come from Spaine. Yet the Chancellor hath written Lies to the Kings Comissary gone of purpose to Rouen to hasten him (as . . . . faith) to execuciin. “The Kinge is as slowe in retreatinge the army navall from before Rochell or the Souldiers from the fort, as hee is industrious in buildinge the 3 Forts in the Island of Rhe (whereof one is sayd to bee as bigg 666 4 The House of Greville as Blois) contrarie to the faith given to his Matle Ambassadors. “The parliament of Tolouze used soe much ficiph tac'6n wth that gentleman of Monsr de Rohan who had ben sent by him only in ceremonie to giue the Kinge of Spaine thanks for offers as they con- demned him on Easter Day, executed him the day followinge, and deferred the verrifying of the peace till the day after his execucdn. Madame de Rohan is at Fountainbleau where shee hath obtayned the Lycencing of the Troopes in Languedoc and for that fQcipitateis sentence of Toulouse shee contents her- selfe wth the diversion of further ,pceedings against her Husband who was the_marke the spleene of that Parlament reached at. “The extraordinarie Ambassador from the States is gone home havinge concluded nothinge. Only the Treaty of Compeigne wch was for 3 yeares is continued for 6. But the condicons desired by the French are such, vizt to assist the K. wth 20 shipps in all his neces- sities etc. as hee would resolve nothinge about further order from the States. “There hath been strict search and inquisition made in Castres after the papers of some of the D. of Rohans servants: and the D. Deputies at Paris is told that some of his spies written in character are taken. “Some Catholick propositions have been made by pticular ,psons to the French Kinge to nourish distaste betweene the twoe Crownes, and they . 667 \Varwick Castle w the fisent greevous oppression of the Catholicks in England: their considerable nomber: The discord between the Parlament, and his Matle and the D. of Buck and the Parlament, that the House of Rohan hath an assured retrait and the Rochellors as sure a proteccon in his Matle favour, That the last assistance from France to the K. of Spaines purposes in the necessities, disadvantages, divisions and feares England is in at this time would easily be . . . the distresses of the Catholicks. and . . . iniuries. The D. de Cheureux assures that such pernicious ouvertures have been made, and though the authors bee not knowen, yet is it to bee iQsumed that a Jesuit is at one end Villeau Cleves at the other, and Blienville at both. “ Upon assurance from the Secretarie that the King had accorded 18"‘ livres to the K. of Bohemia Mr. Lewis reflsented the debts to Monsr Mareillac and desired a cleere assignat6n who promised to speake Wth the Kinge this weeke, and then to despatch. But for the 25”‘ livres due to the K. of Bohemia’s mother they will neither give hope nor promise for it. “Mr. Lewis desires to have an authenicall relac6n sent unto him of what hath ben clone in England in the point of restitut6n of French goods, to meete Wth and oppose the partiall reports of particular men. But there can bee noe other issue hoped for of the main Levée, but that they should render in the same measure as they shall bee informed restitutfjn is made to the French in England: and men shall not be . ever to have the release of seizures absolute, while 668 /'1 The House of Greville there can bee a frenchman found coveteous or litigious enough to clayme any more. For while the ministers governe themselves by the reports of their owne marchants, and that there are such querulous and litigious particulars engaged in the business as will receave noe satisfacciin, there can bee noe end expected soe long as they will clayme and wee render. “Monsr the Kings Brother was on Tuesday last admitted to the Councell, to divert him (they say) from debauche and acquaint him wth affaires. The . . hath a breefe of suspenc6n against the Bp. of Chartres for that Sentence of the Clergie wCh hee . Yet makes hee noe haste to execute the suspension but searcheth all wayes of accomodatinge that quarrell. “ Hee sends a confirmacon of the Sentence of the Sorbonne by the whole Boddie of the Universitie in censure of the pernicious doctrine of Sanct Troilus the Jesuit . . . . . . . . . . . Gondomer to bee estab- lished in Flanders.” (V\/arwick Papers, 2698.)1 And here we may, for the present, leave our archives. The chapter containing them has, I fear, seemed dull to the majority of readers; but that cannot be helped. Important papers have for the first time seen the light in it. 1 The MS. of the above is a copy, not the original letter, and is stained with damp and in places torn. 669 CHAPTER V The Restoration of Warwick Castle by Sir Fulke Greville--Architectural Details-—The Main Building—The Chapel—The Gilded Dining-Room--- The Armoury Passage—-Other Buildings. ANOTHER subject connected with Sir Fulke . Greville on which it is necessary to animadvert is his restoration of VVarwick Castle. This chapter, too, I fear, is destined to be dull, except for those who desire to know the facts. It will consist of a careful description of the Castle, drawn up for me by a technical expert, to whom I express my gratitude. It does not as a rule attempt to distinguish between the embellishments made by Sir Fulke Greville and those introduced by his successors. To do that would be to dwell excessively upon points of minor interest. I feel sure, however, that many readers of this book, and especially such readers as may hereafter avail themselves of the opportunities offered of going over the Castle, will be glad to have an account of it more complete and accurate than they are likely to discover in their guide-books, excellent though many of these are. The Saxon Castle, the Norman Castle, and the Edwardian Castle have already been separately de- scribed. It may be necessary here and there to refer back to these descriptions, but in the main they are 670 /'5 The House of Greville assumed. What follows relates to the Castle as it now stands.1 VVe begin with THE MAIN BUILDING. This consists of an ancient undercroft, and on the river side a good deal of original walling: on the court side it was largely added to and rebuilt by Sir Fulke Greville. At the western end there are seven bays of various projections, rising to three stories, and lighted by rectangular windows, with transomed mullions and cusped headings of the early seventeenth century, all surmounted by a battlement with plain merlons. The sixth and seventh bays form a tower of five stories, the westernmost of the two having three angles and an entrance at the basement. The other is also of the same number of angles, but has plain window-openings. These bays seem entirely the work of Sir Fulke. The succeeding two bays have in the basement two blocked arches of wide span, rising from a central hexagonal column and half-hexagonal piers—-the original main entrance to the basement. The windows, of which there are two tiers, are transomed, and have cusped heads: the lower light the long corridor. Part of this wall is at least as old as the fifteenth century. On the interior at this point there is a pointed 1 “VVarwick, so remarkable on many accounts, is especially so for the skilful manner in which it has been made suitable for modern habitation without materially obscuring its ancient parts” (Clark, “Med. Mil. Arch.," P- 7)- 671 VVarwick Castle w door to the left of two orders (the door once opened inwards, zle. towards the house); while there are two entrances, the one east and the more important, the other west of this door, both leading into the beautiful groined hall, which is arranged in a double aisle, divided by three piers (consisting of three quarter-columns placed back to back, with bases and capitals and their responds), and connected with groined vaulting of great beauty, the springers of the side- walls rising from corbels. Light is obtained from the deep embrasures of three windows overlooking the river, the fourth being occupied by the fireplace. This hall is Edwardian. West of this room, and now used as a servant’s bedroom, is a vaulted apartment of one bay, separated from the hall by a massive wall, in which are two irregular openings, formerly doorways into the central ball, but now mere recesses. West, again, is yet another apartment, used as a scullery, and opening to the kitchen by a door of the time of Fulke Greville. The kitchen1 lies beyond, and is entirely of his date. In the north-west corner is an ancient chamber at a lower level, reached in part by a flight of twelve steps, the lowermost of which are a portion of a newel stair. 1 “The kitchen was a very important part of an Edwardian Castle. The Norman cookery was probably very simple, and few of their keeps have any discoverable kitchen. The later kitchen was often a great feature in the Castle. The oven was often of large size” (Clark, “Med. Mil. Arch.,” P- 164)- 672 From a p/miograj/z by L. C. lx’ezlg/11¢] Pear/1. THE CHAPEL, \\'ARWICK CASTLE. V\/Iarwick Castle - Here is an interesting leaden tank, with the arms and crest of Greville, Lord Brooke, and the date 1082. Next comes-— THE CHAPEL or ALL SAINTS. This is mythically said to have been founded by Saint Dubritius, and to have been his cathedral before it became the chapel of the Castle. It was granted to the College of St. Mary by Roger de Newburgh. It occupies a projecting rectangle east of the bay last described. On the western side is a double bay, separated by the angular turret of a stairway leading to the leads. Against this, which has pointed windows. is built a modern stair, leading from the courtyard to the “ Armoury Passage,” and downward to the kitchen. The square formed by the north-west of the building forms the main entrance from the courtyard to the chapel, and is reached by a flight of twelve steps lead- ing to the large four-centred doorway. The chapel, on the exterior, occupies the three suc- ceeding bays, the two eastern of which contain narrow pointed windows with rather elaborate tracery-——these seem modern: an original window lighting the ante- chapel is left between these and the doorway. There is also a pentagonal turret leading to the leads, which also gives access from the undercroft to the dining- room through a small lobby built on an arch between these windows. Inside the chapel is divided in two by a modern carved stone screen. The exterior of the ante-chapel is reached from the long corridor and by 674 -n The House of Greville the newels already mentioned. The window recess on the west has shallow panels, and is filled with medallions of glass, chiefly from the Low Countries. The roof is a flat ceiling, with beams ornamented with rosettes. There is an interesting headless statue ofa pilgrim with book and wallet, said to represent Guy in palmer’s weeds. The eastern window of the chapel contains a good deal of ancient glass, and also these ariiis-—r/2'5. Greville impaling, Quarterly, 1 and 4 Gules, three five-foils or (Hamilton); 2 and 3 Argent, a lymphad sable (Arran); 2 and 3 Argent, a human heart gules crowned or, on a chief azure five mullets of the field (Douglass). Greville alone. And the inscription :— Ex dono Brownlow Cecil Exomae Comitis A.D. 1759. The window is disappointing, the general effect being very good; but it is merely a collection of small, mainly very small, fragments. The figures themselves are patchwork. In the upper tier the central figure is the most perfect; it is that of a beardless man in albe (or surplice) and cope, the latter with a rich border. He has a nimbus, and holds a crown in his right hand. The lower part consists of a very voluminous robe, non-ecclesiastical, and a fragment of an inscription :—- 0 0 + 0 — c lfl+ 675 \/Varwick Castle @- The figure on the left is perhaps in part that of a palmer. A green cloak and wallet ornamented with gold tassels are seen, and worn over a white full robe, with the cap of a doctor oflaws. The broken inscrip- tion reads :—~ ha glur . . . 8: brltm. That on the right is again fragmentary: a bearded head, white robe. and green wallet on a background of an indescribable nature. The second series is more perfect. On the left is an angel in surplice and stole, with head arranged in an unusual manner, with a curious cross ornament in front resembling the middle part of a tiara. The hair has a corona of feathers. The nimbus is plain, and behind are fragments of wings. In the centre is the effigy of an archbishop in mitre and pallium, holding in his left hand a patriarchal cross, and the same broken lettering. On the left is a demi-angel with wings, in albe, amice, and cope. Beneath the chapel is a double room. That to the east is a small room of one bay, with groined roof, and is entered by a newel stair; a door from it leads to the larger room. The second room is of two bays. and groined. The exterior staircase tower is built over a basement of two divisions: one rect- angular, with a door in its north wall, opening in the court; the second opening from it, an irregular hexagon. Between this and the main corridor are the base of a staircase and a small square room. 676 /h The House of Greville THE GILDED DINING-RooM forms another rectangular projection from the main building, to which it was added by Francis, Earl of VVarwick. It consists of three bays of building of two stories’ height. The two western bays constitute the dining-room; the third forms an open porch, in which is the principal entrance to the Castle, approached by a flight of steps. The whole is uniform in design with Greville’s work. This building hides from sight the Great Hall, an imposing room, formerly approached through an entrance passage and wooden screen, above which was the minstrels’ gallery, and having the pointed doors leading to the pantry, buttery, and kitchen on the left; while at the other end of the hall was the entrance into the Solar, or retiring-room, also pointed. The dais was, of course, at this, the western end. The undercroft below the Great Hall occupies four bays. The three eastern have groining rising from a central circular pier and two responds, dividing the room into a double aisle. A strong partition wall separates this part from the two western bays, which lack the piers, but are divided by slight partitions into two compartments. The south wall is all along very thick, and contains garde-robes and fighting- chambers in its thickness. The open porch mentioned above as constituting the third bay of the building of Francis, Earl of 677 VVarwick Castle w \Varwick, incorporates and conceals the vaulted rectan- gular substructure of the original porch, which projected a bay from the main building, and is vaulted below, with a flight of four steps to the corridor. in the angle formed by it and an eastern extension (itself of a single bay) is a turret stair leading from the basement to the leads. This constitutes the extent of the early work in this direction. It must not be forgotten that this end of the Great Hall was anciently occupied by the kitchen. pantry, and buttery, which buildings may or may not have entirely covered the ground now occupied by the rooms described later. Along the south wall of the Great Hall and in its thickness is a gallery, with pointed openings into the hall. In its windows, of which there are four, are some interesting fragments of stained glass. Counting from the west :— (1) Badge of the red rose, ensigned by a royal crown, and lettered H. R. A medallion of foreign work with a bacchic scene. A foreign shield—r/212. Per pale argent and sable, a chevron checquey of the first and second, between three wolves’ heads erased or. C1/est: On a wreath argent and sable a castle proper encircled by a snake or, and thereon a cock gold. Dated 1622. (2) German medallion, Jacob obtaining Esau’s birthright. A1/ms: Tierced in pairle. In chief, Argent, a fess dancetty gules; in chief, three lions’ heads sable. In base, on the dexter, Argent, 678 /M The House of Greville a fess between three lozenges of the field; on sinister, Argent, a chevron between three martlets sable. (3) Return of the Prodigal Son. A1/2/25: Barry wavy of four gules and or, per pale counter-changed; on each half-bar a fieur-de-lis and a lion’s face, also counter-changed (or four fleurs-de-lis and as many lions’ faces, disposed alternately and counter-changed). These shields are of foreign workmanship. (4) A portcullis ensigned with a crown. Arms.‘ Sable, on a cross engrailed between four (imperial) eagles displayed argent, five lions passant of the field, all within a garter inscribed :—- HONI. sovr QVE MAL Y. PENCE. The windows overlooking the river were filled with heraldic glass by the present Earl as follows :— The easternmost window has: Quarterly, I. Argent, two bars gules (Mauduit); II. Checquey or and azure a chevron ermine (Newburgh); III. Lozengy or and azure, on a bordure gules, fourteen plates (Beaumont); IV. Gules, five crosslets in saltire botonée or . .?); V. Argent, two bars gules, in chief three fleurs-de- lis of the second . .5’); VI. Argent, a lion rampant azure, a chief gules (Waltheof). In the centre Beaumont. On the sinister: Quarterly, I. Gules, a fess or (Beauchamp); II. Beaumont; III. Newburgh; IV. Mauduit; V. Per pale or and gules, three roundels counter-changed (Dabitot). VOL. 11. 679 s \Varwick Castle W Second window :— Quarterly, I. France (modern); II. England; III. Beauchamp; IV. Newburgh. over all a label argent, on each point a torteaux (Plantagenet). Quarterly, I. Argent, on a fess gules three lozenges argent (l\Iontagu); II. Or, an eagle displayed vert (Monthermer); III. Gules, a saltire argent, over all a label azure (Neville); IV. Per bend azure and or, a lion rampant counter-changed (Frances). Quarterly, I. Or, a lion rampant vert queue- fourchée, armed and langued gules, a crescent of the last for difference (Sutton-Dudley); II. Barry of six. argent and azure, in chief three torteaux, a label argent, having in the centre a crescent gules for difference (Grey); III. Gules, a lion rampant in a bordure engrailed or, a crescent for difference (Talbot); IV. Or, a saltire between four martlets sable (Guilford). The third bay is occupied by the fireplace. The fourth window contains: I. Sable, on a cross engrailed or, five pellets within a bordure also engrailed gold (Greville), impaling quarterly, I. and IV. Argent, a fess azure within a bordure tressure fiory counter-flory gules (Charteris) ; II. and III. Or, a bear sable . Greville impaling Argent, a chevron azure between three hands couped gules (Maynard). In 1830-31 the original ceiling of the hall was replaced by one designed by Poynter. The red-and- white marble floor was made in Venice in 1831. The Gilded Dining-room is not remarkable for any- thing in its structure, save the chimneypiece of white 680 I’ ‘ .. -‘From a)i1ot0gra;$k lvy_'L. C . Keig/zley Pear/z. THE ARMOURY PASSAGE, \VAR\VICK CASTLE. \Varwick Castle W marble carved in low relief, with the eagle of Jupiter and the thyrsus and wine-fiagon of Bacchus. It is Italian work. The walls of this room are panelled in white and gold, and the ceiling corresponds. It was built by Francis, Lord Brooke. THE AR.\1oU1 -1 ,: ' " .:!’ ‘ 7 Q l ‘f ; , . J’ I ' j‘)£‘}l‘5 K '3 \‘1 ‘ i If DL ‘ 1"“ i , , 'r‘ "V '- v IZAAK 1WA]..'1‘C)N,S MARRIAGE-CHEST. New at lVar-zvick Castle- VVe may begin with an interesting letter from Lord Newport, which deals only with personal matters :— “Eyton 5. Oct. ’62. “ MY LORD, “ I am the more sollicitous to make an earlye acknowlegdmt of yr Ldgs great fauvurs in some measure for y8 incapacitye that is upon mee of making any 725 VVarwick Castle <41 proportionable returne, eythr by way of expression or otherwise: To remedy one part whereof I have made as diligent a search as I could for some of those Elegant Epistles I have formerlye received from y° Gent. wee last spoke of, with intent thence to have taken an Example, but wanting that advantage am altogether desperate more then of yr Ld,ps goodnesse not to repent you of Layinge obligations on soe emptye a Person. My Lord happinesse comes upon you soe fast in this world that I much doubt wt will become of yu in the next, and it is not considerable wt my Liies bring you, when another by the same messenger makes even Spadillio y‘ suppliant; Goddesses sue to come und‘ y‘ roofe, and least yu should not ascende thither will bring Heaven downe to you. Sure yu are something more than mortall that Divinitye soe haunts you, that you can put both worlds into One, and, as my friende Ben Johnson [sic] sayes-— Make Fate Wlnle shee tempts ours to feare her owne estate. Of this new Creation a little further evidence would bee noe lesse agreable to little Sr Charles then to yr Ldp, myselfe and others that are not of a rambling humour and would not bee allwayes hunting after strange worlds. If the Govenor of New England bee with you fQsent my service to him; but I wish him noe benefitt by it, for hee that rambles soe much while he yS alive will not be well settled when hee is dead. I hope y" Ld,p does not keepe him there in expectation 726 @OQ~MQ HZ? 70v~h S-:,m¢.U MOE.» z<>... 42. e......\ >..s\~\M~.s.< U .Q E _>\e.§..e n0- .; Eek e ~.§§..\ VVarwick Castle w of or coming to VI/arwick, for my wife will not go before they goe back. Spadillio says shee will goe from us on Fryday, and then how desolate a place this bee y" Ldp will imagine; but ’tis possible shee may goe to Brookehouse, the consequence of which I doubt will bee that y" Ldp will bee troubled with many Law- sutes this winter. Nay, I cannot tell. My Lord, by this little . . . yr Ldp must take noe measure of ye resolutions of my heart for yr service, being much greater then more roome then this will give me leave to tell yu from “My Lord, yr Ldps most affectionate H. servant “ FRAZ NEWPORT.” (VVarwick Papers, 2817.) In October of the same year we find an important official communication. giving instructions for the sup- pression of an obscure insurrection which the histories as a rule leave unmentioned:——— “After our very hearty Comendacions to yr Lopp. Wee having received Informacon that very many Persons wickedly design to disturb the Peace of this Kingdom, And as much as in them lyes to destroy his Mathes happy Government wCh \/Yee cannot be too carefull to prevent. To wCh end \/Vee do earnestly recomend to yor Lopp the speedy setling the Militia under yor Lopps Lieutenancy in such manner as is directed by the late Act of Parliament, if it be not already done, And that you give his Matie and this Board a speedy Account thereof. And further that 728 /m The House of Greville yoI Lopp give imediate order to yor Deputy Lieu- tenants to search for and seize all Arms and Amu- nition which shall be found in the Custody of any suspected Persons. And to disarme all such who are known to be of factions and seditious Spirits, and in any kind disaffected to his Matic and his Government. And to give Order unto them to cause fitt and good V\/atches to be kept in his Highways, with direction to disarme such Persons as travell with unusuall arms and at unreasonable howers. And to apprehend and secure such as cannot give satisfactory Accompts of themselves, and their good affection to his Matle and his Government. All these particulars Wee cannot but seriously comitt to yo“ Lopps care and direction, the effectual and vigorous execution whereof doth so much conduce to the preservation of the Peace of this Kingdom. And so VVee bid yor Lopp very heartily Farewell. From the Court at Whitehall the 3ist day of October 1662. “ Yo" Lopps very loving friends “CLARENDON, PORTLAND, CARLISLE, LAUDER- DAILL, W. COMPTON, CHA. BERKELEY, WiLL I)/IORRICE, HENRYE BENNET, Enw. Nici-ioLAs. E. G. YVATKER. “ Stafford, Ld Brook.” “ To Our very good Lord the Lord Brooke Lord Lieutenant of the County of Stafford.” (Warwick Papers, 2787.) 729 \\"arwick Castle w In December there is an important letter on the same subject from the King's Secretary. leading us to the conclusion that there was serious apprehension of internal danger at a date when the throne is usually believed to have been secure :— “ Cnanuss R. “ it trusty and Rt vvellbeloved.-\Ve greet you well. VVhereas in the act for orderinge the forces in the Severall Counties of this our Kingdome. it is pro— vided that in case of apparent danger to the Govern- ment wee shall and may raise such sume and sufiies of money dureinge the space of three yeares -from the five° and twentieth day of June last past, not exceed- inge the sufiie of seaventy thousand pounds in one whole yeare for the defrayinge the whole or such part of the l\lilitia as wee shall find ourselfe obliged to employ in order to the quiet and security of this nation and whereas the aforesaid danger is made most manifest and notorious by the professed diss- obedience and dissatisfaction which many discontented and mutinous spirits dayly avow against the Govern- ment as more particularly appeared in the late plot and contrivance within this our City against our Royall Person which if not timely prevented had dispersed its Contagion-throughout the whole Kingdome by their malignant conspiracies, whom no Lawes how severe soever have hitherto been able to restraine from tumultious and seditious meetings, to sfippresse 73° 4) The House of Greville and disipate which it will not bee allwayes fitt or con- venient to assemble the whole standing Militia for the charge and trouble the Country will receive therby \\/ee takeinge this into our most serious consideracion and weighinge well that ther is noe other expedient left of more Universall ease then for some time to keepe on foot part of it to secure the peace and quiet of our good subjects whoe live in a perpetuall apprehention of beinge made again a Prey unto them doe hereby in pursuance of the aforesaid Act charge and command you forth“th to raise, or order your Deputies within your Lieutenancy to raise one monthes Assessment after the rate of seaventy thousand pounds pm’ 772672361” for the defrayinge such part of the Militia as wee either at [once P] doe employ or shall judge necessary to bee employed until the five and twentieth day of June next ensuinge, In the raiseinge of which you and your Deputies are exactly to observe such rules and directions as are given and expressed in an act of parliament for the raiseinge of eighteene monthes assessement after the rate of seveanty thousand pounds per 772672567/Z; and you are to direct that the said money soe Levyed and collected bee paid unto the Sherriffe of that our County in whose hands it shall remaine, Untill by our warrant hee receive order from us to disburse it for the use abovesaid and for noe other whatsoever. For which these our Letters shall bee unto you and your Deputies a sufficient warrant. Given at our Court at Whitehall this 19th day of 73I VVarwick Castle - December 1662 in the foureteenth yeare of our Raigne. “By his Matles Coiiiand “ HENRYE BONNER.” “ To our Rt trusty and wellbeloved “Robert Lord Brooke Ld “Lieutenant of our County of “ Stafford.” (VVarwick Papers, 2788.) A letter of the beginning of the following January affords evidence of Lord Brooke’s zeal in the execu- tion of his orders :-— “Whitehall Jan“ 4th 1663. “ l\/IY Loan, “This is in acknowledgement of yo“ Lopp of ye 31St past, wherein was an Informacon of Collonll Lanes, of words spoken to Mr Moncton by some disaffected persons, All which I have -— communi- cated to his Ma”, who approves very much Yor Lopps care in his Service, and wishes you will proceed further in y“ enquiry, wch is supposed may be perfected by gaining ye said Mr Moncton tho’ till now their one witness can be had agt yr seditiony persons, it will be needless to strive any thing against them nor on yor Lopps part to doe any thing more, than to 732 -u The House of Greville keep yor selfe in a condition of mastering any trouble that may arise in y8 country from those ill rumours which by what yo" Lopp heard from Ireland were not without foundation. As any thing more of this kind comes to yor knowledge I beseech yor Lopp to impart it to me, and to command me in all things as “My Lord, HYOI‘ Lopps “ most humble servant “HENRY BENNETT. “Ld Brook.” [The wrapper of this is lost.] (Warwick Papers, 2793.) The following refers to the raising of funds for the payment of the expenses of the militia :— “After our very hearty comendacons to yor Lopp according unto the Returnes received from yo" Lopp of the Estate of each Peere of this Kingdom within yor Lieutenancy, Wee have in pursuance of the Act of Parliament for setling the Militia assessed and Charged horses on each of them proportionably. The numbers whereof wee herewth transmitt to yo" Lopp to the end you may take effectuall Care that their horses may be ordered to be in readynesse upon all occa- sions for his Maties Service. Whereof not doubting, 733 Wee bid yor Lo” very heartily Farewell. From \Vhitehall the 22rd day of July 1663. “ Yo" Lopps very Louving friends “SUFFOLKE “ALiiEM.-\itLE, PORTLAND, BICRKELEY “ DORSETT, BRIi>ei3w.~i'ri;R. “ ‘Wee have thought fitt to leave the Bishopps estates (if any in yor Lieutenancy) to be assessed by yor Lop and ye Deputy Lieutenants. Lord Brooke Ld Lieutenant of ye County of Stafford.” “ To Our very good Lord the Lord Brook Lord Lieutenant of the County of Stafford. “At VVarwick Castle by Coventry pacquett.” (VVarwick Papers, 2 794.) The year 1665 also produces some interesting letters. One has to suppose that in that year the Great Plague and the Dutch divided and monopo- lised the attention of the Government. The fol- lowing communication from Salisbury, whither the Court had removed, proves that they also had other burdens on their minds :— “ CHARLES R. “Right Trusty and \Yellbeloved and Trusty and V\/ellbeloved. VVe greet you well. Though it might 734 /a The House of Greville have reasonably been expected in such a conjuncture as this of warre abroad and a spreading contagion at home, while we employ our Armes and Trea~ sure in y0 defence of our Trade and Navigation and Honour and Almighty God is pleas’d to visit us with so greate sicknesse and mortality. that all ye People of this King-dome of how different persuasions soever, should be awakened into a more yn ordinary care of their minds, and hold themselves obliged by all yE bonds of conscience and duty, rather to stifle and quench that restlesse spirit of Faction and Rebel- lion then to sow new seeds of tumult and disorder, taking advantage from our present engagemt and ye calamity wch threatens to much vain and destruction. Yet since we receive dayly information from all Parts, both of Country and City, that ye implacable malice of our enemies at home is now more than ever active to involve us again in confusion and blood, against all ye methods of our mercy and clemency, as well as God’s manifold dispensations towards us and his heavy judgmts wCh hang so terribly over our heads. WVe think it therefore necessary at this time to require your particular and extraordinary care and \Vatchfull— nesse over ye Persons, actions, meetings and con- federacies of all such in ye County who by their former practices or present seditious temper shall give you just cause of suspicion, causing those among them of more especiall note to be imprison'd and others to give security for their good and peaceable demeanour; and upon any beginning or jealousye of stirre and 735 Warwick Castle I4- commotion that you draw ye Volunteer Troops or such parts of ye Militia together as may be least burthen- some to ye People during their Harvest, taking care that y8 Captaines and officers be ready when they shall be called upon to do their duties, and provided with powder, match and bullets; and by all meanes whatsoever yt you preserve ye Peace and quiet of ye Country, and advertize us from time to time or our dearest Brother ye Duke of Yorke so long as he shall remain in ye north, of all things and accidents wch may conduce or be contrary thereunto. And soe we bid you farewell. Given at our Court at Salis- bury ye 15 day of August in yE 17th year of our Reigne 1665. “By his Maties Command “ ARLINGTON.” “To our right Trusty and \/Vell Beloved “Robert Lord BrookS Lord Lieutent “of our County of Stafford “And in his absence to the Deputy Lieutent “of the sd County.” (VVarwick Papers, 28o3 Shorter but hardly less important letters bearing on the same matters are the following :—- 736 .- C’. . ..’.-:5... F ran: a photograph by L. C. 1t'e{g/tley Pear/z. QUEEN ANNE’S BEDROOM, \\'AR\VICK CASTLE. \Yarwick Castle w “ MY LoRI>, “Received yor Lopps of the 2oth instant and the enclosed List. I know non of the psons men- cened in itt, butt George '\Vhite who is a naughty fellow. and I desire he may bee continued in hold. The rest yo may dispose of yo" Lopp shall think fitt either to secure them or take bayle. Col. Crompton and Capt. Backhouse are already prisoners in Chester Castle. “I Remayne “ Yor Lopps very “humble servt “ ALBEMARLE. “Cockpitt 25th 7"‘ “ I665 ” “ To the right hoble Robert Lord Brooke Lord Lieutent of the County of Stafford these “ att “ VVarwick Castle.” (VVarwick Papers, 2 806.) “RIGHT HONBLE, “According to y" Lordjjs late L?e we have this day dismist both horse and Foote from further service, theire fourteene daies being out; and though we have noe purpose to draw more of the Militia 738 /h Tinzllouse of(lnndhe upon this occasion without further cofiiand; yett we have given strict order to those not yett employed to be in a readiness. VVe have likewise taken security of most of the suspected psones, brought into this place, some few of them that either would not or could not give security, being left in the custody of the Provost Marshall untill we heare further from yr Lord§p whose coiTiands shall ever be observed with the exactest care and obedience of “ Yor Lordps Faithfull servts “ E. BAGOT “ E. LITTLESTON ‘* W: CIIETWYNI). “SUdRHd Septembzom “i665P “These “ To the Right Honble Robert Lord “ Brooke Lord Lieutent of ye “County of Stafford at “ \Varwicke Castle. “ Present. “Post is paid.” (Warwick Papers, 2804.) “Sarun1 7ber 11m 1665. “ l\IY Loan, “I have your Lords,ps of the 6th‘ with a list of those Prisoners you have taken and secured pur- suant to his Matles Letter of y6 15"‘ past, of which I have given his Matie account, who bids mee thanke 739 V\/Tarwick Castle w your Lppe in his name for your care and zeale in his service, and orders that you detaine ye same persons still all or some of them as you shall conclude them more or less dangerous, sending a list of their names to my Lord Generall who will bee able to tell you which of them he hath found upon his examina- tions and from his universall knowledge of that party bee able to distinguish them, towards which I have in my Liie prepared his Grace and will not make this longer then to assure your Lfnp of my being with all truth “ My Lord “Your Lpp’s “Very humble servant “ARLINGTON.” [Wrapper lost] (V\/arwick Papers, 2805.) Finally, in 1666, we have a letter relating to the apparent calming of the trouble :——— “After our very harty comendations to your Lopp. It haveing pleased God to blesse his Majtles fleet with a glorious victory over his enemies at sea whereby this Kingdom is for the present secured from the Danger of an Invasion, and his l\/lajtle being unwilling to continue the Militia Horse which were drawne out of your Leiutenancy to the Rendezvous at Northampton a day longer upon Duty to the charge of the Country than is necessary especially at this 740 /'5 The House of Greville season of Harvest, and haveing given orders that they be imediately dismissed and comanded to retire to their respective Habitations. We are by his Majties Comand to signifie the same unto you, and to pray and require your Lopp to give directions that an exact accompt be taken, how many daies the said Horse have been upon Duty, and what moneys each Trooper hath remayning in his hands of the moneths pay that he brought with him, and to cause the said remainder to be restored to the respective owners. And of your proceedings herein you are desired to give an accompt to this Board to the end his Majtie may be informed what proportion of the said moneths pay hath been disbursed in this service and what remaynes to be restored to the owner. And soe wee bid your Ldpp very heartily farewell. From the Court at Whitehall the goth day of July 1666. “Your Lo’pps very Loving ffriends “ MANCHESTER LAUDERDAILL “ FITZHARDING “\/VILL Monroe ARLINGTON HoLLEs “ Srxrroan JOHN NIc1IoLAs.” “To our very good Lord the “ Lord Brooke Lord Lieutenant “of the County of Stafford.” (VVarwick Papers, 2812.) These letters and others like them, which I have omitted, tell us all that it is possible for us to know 741 \Varwick Castle tr about the fourth Lord Brooke. They do not prove very much, but leave a great deal open to conjecture. The one thing that does clearly result from them is that this Robert Greville lacked the character and calibre of his father. He was only locally a leader of men, and he contributed nothing to literature or philosophy. Prob- ably. not being a Nonconformist, he felt that the perse- cution of Noncon- formists, though not an end in itself, was prefer- able to the devasta- tions of a fresh civil war. A good many quite respect- able people were then ofthat opinion. _IACK- BOOTS. AL‘ II'ar"wickCa:z‘1¢'. Very a good many respectable people are of that opinion now. Perhaps, too, he would have ended in opposition if he had lived. James II. would have given him good reason for so doing. But this is an idle specu- lation. He died in 1676, and, leaving no children, was succeeded by his younger brother, Fulke. 742 CHAPTER IX Fulke Greville, Fifth Lord Brooke--The Last Lay Recorder of VVaruick-- The Great Fire of I694-—The Visit of William III. in I695—FL1lk€ Greville, Sixth Lord Brooke. ULKE GREVILLE, who succeeded as fifth Baron Brooke. was not. any more than his brother, a notable man. though certain notable things happened in his time. A contemporary estimate of his character describes him as “a man of pleasure with a very good capacity.” Like his brother, he turned his back upon the stern principles of his father. On his appointment as Recorder of the Borough of \Varwick. he signed the Declaration against the Solemn League and Covenant on April 5th. 1677. I give a copy of the declaration as signed by him in the declaration-book :- “5th Aprilis, I677: .\v1i Car. 2 d1 R. “I ffoulke Lord Brooke doe declare that there is noe obligation upon me from the oath comonly called the solemne League and Covenant and that the same was and is in it Selfe an unlawful oath imposed upon the Subjects of this Kingdom against the knowne lawes and liberties of the Kingdome. “ FULRE BROOKE, “Recorder of the Borough of VVarwick.” VOL. II. 743 Y \/Varwick Castle w He was also Member of Parliament for VI/arwick from 1664 to 1677; but there is little else to be said about him, except that he was Lord Brooke and owner of \Varwick Castle at the date of two in- teresting events—the Great Fire. and the visit of \Villiam III. I take my account of the former from the history of the town and Castle of \\/Tarwick by the Unitarian minister Mr. William Field—an excellent work. published in 1815:- “In the same year. 1694. happened the GRE.\'i‘ IJIRE, which left more than half the town a heap of smoaking ruins. On the 5th of September in that year, about two in the afternoon. it is related, as a person was crossing a lane. with a piece of lighted wood in his hand, a spark flew from it, and fell on the thatch of an adjoining house, which was soon in flames. Thus commencing near the south-western extremity of the High Street,1 the fire rapidly spread, aided by a most violent and boisterous wind, utterly destroying both sides of that street. and extending 1 The following is taken from the Harl. MS 6839, It‘ 342, in the British Museum.— “ An account of the dreadfull ffire at \Varwick, wluch happened the 5th Instant, at 2 in the afternoone. “ This irresistible fire in live hours time consumed all the High Street, Church Street, Ship Street, the Great Church, many Lanes, and other Buildings: the howses are numbered at present at 460 1b.; the damage at the least amounts to 120,000 lb ; this account was sent yesterday to our BISHOP, with a particular of the money already sent for their Reliefe Coventry, 2oo lb. Birmingham, ioo lb. Lord Bnooxe, 40 lb Lord COVENTRY, 30 lb in all about, 600 lb. and wee are just going to make a collection lor the support of the miserable Inhabitants.—VVorcester, Sept. 10, 1694.” 744 ,4: \ N ‘ \ ,5 -*2 *"I4 ,1: -7 a0” From a jfifciurc at !Vru 1012"? Castle. fi4/v//@;- FULKE GREVILLE, FIFTH LORD BROOKE. \Varwick Castle e- thence some way down Jury Street. It then changed its direction, and advancing up the Church Street, it entirely consumed the eastern side; and extended on the western, with destructive fury, as far as the Market Place, great part of which was laid level with the ground. Some houses in Sheep Street were also destroyed; and the flames were unfortunately com- municated to St. Mary’s Church, from some half-burnt goods which were conveyed into it. as a place of safety. The body of that venerable structure was burnt down; but happily the chancel, the chapter-house. and the Beauchamp chapel escaped. In the short space of six hours, the habitations of no less than 25o families were entirely reduced to ashes; and the damage was esti- mated at above ,5,-12o,ooo. Subscriptions for the relief of the wretched inhabitants were immediately set on foot at Coventry, Birmingham. \/Vorcester, and other places; and further relief was speedily obtained, by means of briefs,1 from all parts of the kingdom. The town was afterwards rebuilt, by Act of Parliament, in a more commodious and handsome form, partly of freestone. from the rock, on which it stands. This calamity, therefore, as in many other similar instances, however dreadful at the time, has greatly contributed, in the result, to the regularity, the beauty, and the con- veniency of the town; and thus to the health, the accommodation, and the comfort, of all its succeeding inhabitants.” 1 One of these briefs, which bears date December 9th, 1694, still remains in the possession of VVilham Staunton, Esq, of Longbridge. 746 /n The House of Greville The visit of V\/illiam III. took place in the following year. That King had some desire for personal popularity, which, indeed, was a desirable barrier against the plots of Jacobites. To make himself popular, he engaged in royal progresses; and it was in the course of one of these that he came to Warwick and sojourned at the Castle. The account given of the visit is as follows :--— “ It was then the eve of a general election, and by the advice of his ministers, in order to recommend himself to popular favor, of which that great and glorious monarch never enjoyed a share equal to his extraordinary merits, he was induced to set out on a tour, through the country; and to visit the seats of the nobility. After having witnessed the diversions of Newmarket, he honored with his company the Earls of Sunderland, Northampton and Montague; and afterwards went to VVelbeck, the seat of the Duke of Newcastle. Thence he proceeded to \Varwick; and took up his residence at the Castle, which was at that time the seat of FULK Lord Brooke, posthumous son of the accomplished and patriotic ROBERT Lord Brooke, who was killed at the siege of Lichfield. From \Varwick, the king proceeded to Eye Fort, the seat of the Duke of Shrewsbury; and, after having visited the university of Oxford, returned to London.” Fulke Greville married, on January 12th, 1664-5, at the Church of Saint Bartholomew-the-Less, London, Sarah, daughter of Francis Dashwood, Alderman of London, by Alice, sister to ————— Sleigh, also Alderman 747 \Varwick Castle u- of London. He died in his sixty-eighth year, on October 22nd. I710, at Twickenham, where he had a house, which he bequeathed to his son Dodington Greville and his heirs. He was buried in the family vault at St. Mary’s. His other sons were Francis, who married Lady Anne VVilmot, daughter of John. Earl of Rochester, and widow of Henry Baynton, Esq., by whom he had Fulke and his brother \Villiam. both in turn Lords. but he died eleven days before his father; and Algernon, who married Mary, daughter of Lord Arthur Somerset. by whom he had two daughters, Mary, wife of Shuckburgh Broughton, Esq., and Hester, and also a son, Fulke Greville. of VYilbury, co. \Vilts, author of “Maxims and Characters," of which there are copies at the Castle. This Fulke Greville married Frances, daughter and co-heir of James McCartney, who wrote “The Ode to Indifference,” by whom he had five sons, Algernon, \Villiam Fulke, James, Henry Francis, and Charles, and one daughter, Frances Anne. The Fulke Greville who became sixth Baron did not live long to enjoy his honours. He matriculated at University College, Oxford, on December 1st, 1710, and died at the same College on February 24th. 1711. The title passed to his only brother. William, whose life was also a short one. He matriculated at \Vadham College, Oxford, on January 5th, I710-II ; was created M.A. on November 4th, 1712; married at Leweston Chapel, Dorset. Mary, second daughter and co-heiress of the Honourable Henry Thynne, who died March 29th, I720; died on July 28th, 1727; and was buried 748 /'5 The House of Greville in St. Mary’s Church. He had three sons: \\"illiain, baptized April 2nd, 718, aged four months; Fulke, baptized April 1st, 1719, who died aged twenty-two weeks and six days; and Francis, Earl Brooke. Ba “Ha i "73.,’ 0 0- ' ‘C '0' Q Q ‘L Q :- ' I . _‘,'_.§ \,_'I"‘,\,O ‘1::~“i Yamwtor ' A 0 . r ~"¢'ry,t' 07'0"". guy ,,__(s;. ‘L; " - QUEEN ANNPFS TRA\'EI.LI;\'G"I‘RUNK. 1Vow at I I 'nrzvz'r/t‘ Cast‘/c. But about Francis, Earl Brooke—the first of the Grevilles to be granted the title of Earl of \-\~i"’arwicl~;— there is so much to be said that the subject cannot properly be broached at the end of a chapter. 749 CHAPTER X Francis Greville, First Earl of VVarwick~—Extracts from his Correspondence ——Other Warwick Papers. F RANCIS GREVILLE succeeded as eighth Baron Brooke of Beauchamp Court on July 28th, 1729. As was usual with the heads of his family, he held the office of Recorder of \Varwick, to which in 1749 was added that of Lord Lieutenant and Custos Rotulorum, retained until I757. He was created Earl Brooke of V\/arwick Castle in 1746, and a Knight of the Thistle in 1753. On April 2nd, 1760, he had a grant of the crest anciently used by the Earls of \Varwick1 for himself “and his lawful descendants, being Earls of 1 I/ll:/. “A bear erect argent, muzzled gules, supporting a ragged staff of the first.” His motto was “Vix ea nostra voco.” Mr. J. Horace Round remarks that the grant is based on the precedent of a similar one to the Dudley Earls of Warwick, by whom the well-known bear and ragged staff was borne as a crest; and calls attention to the fact that the “Bear and Ragged Sta/f “ as 72/ll‘ the Crest‘ of the Beauchamp Earls of VVarwick (which was an entirely different one), but their Badge and the 51¢/mm’ of their coat of arms.” With respect, how ever, to Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick, the case seems very different, as he was not only a descendant, but the smz'0r 7'r’p7'csc7zz‘az‘z'7/e of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warxaick, and was (Id!/r///3’ m 7'e;2zaz'/zdcr 2'0 2‘/10 Earldom of II’a/rwic/a, granted, in 1450, to Richard Neville, the said Earl Richard's son-in-law. It is to be observed that the crest 01 Beauchamp (7112 the demi-swan, issuing out of a crest coronet) was early adopted, in hen of that of Grenlle, by the Lords Brooke. The Earldom of Brooke was created in the reign of George II. 750 /vi The House of Greville \/Varwick.” On February 3rd, 1767, he presented a petition to the House of Lords that he and his heirs should be enabled to use the title of Earl of \Varwick1 only, with the rank of the patent of July 7th, 1746, 0227. that which conferred the Earldom of Brooke of V\/arwick Castle.2 He is the “little Brooke’ letters. He married, on May 16th, 1742, Elizabeth, ! of Horace Walpole’s eldest daughter of Lord Archibald Hamilton (a younger son of \Villiam, Duke of Hamilton, by the Lady Jane Hamilton, daughter of James, Earl of Abercorn). He had three sons and four daughters. The sons were George, who succeeded him; Charles Francis, who died unmarried in 1809; and Robert Fulke, who married Louisa, Countess of Mansfield, and was the father of Captain Robert Fulke of the 35th Foot, who died in 1867, Georgiana, who married Lieutenant-General the Honourable George Cathcart, and died in 1871, and Louisa, who married the Honourable and Reverend D. Heneage Finch, and died in 1866. The daughters 1 It was natural enough that the owner of Warwick Castle, whose ancestors had possessed that Castle above a hundred years, should desire to be made Earl of that county; and, moreover, he was, as stated in Nicolas and Courthope, “unquestionably a’asce1m’eri from Walter Beauchamp Baron of Alcester and Powyck, brother of VVilliam Earl of \/Varwick.” George III., who had now ascended the throne, and was very particular about such matters, thoroughly approved of the petition being granted. It may be mentioned that his father, Frederick, Prince of Wales, visited the Earl at \Varw1ck Castle about 1768. 2 See “Lords’ Journals.” No further proceedings appear to have been taken in the matter, which, inasmuch as the family call themselves “Earls of lVam/1'6/J ” (only), though they take precedczzce as “Earls Brooke,” would, if granted, remedy that anomaly. 75I \Varwick Castle w From afictrlre at t/re Castle. FRANCIS GREYILLE, FIRST EARL OF \VAR\\'ICK OF THE HOUSE OF GREVILLE. were Louisa Augusta, married in 1770 to VVilliaiii Churchill, Esq., of Henbury, Dorsetshire; Frances Elizabeth, who married Sir H. Harper, Baronet; Char- lotte Mary, who married John, eighth Earl of Galloway ; and Anne, who died unmarried in 1783. 752 /0) The House of Greville Historically, Francis Greville, first Earl of \Varwick of his family, is not important ; but the \\/arwick Papers of his period include some interesting letters. \Ve may begin with a letter from George Greville to his uncle. He is only fourteen, and writes with a schoolboy’s vivacity :— “Edinburgh, Argyll Square, Jan. I, I760. “Don’t imagine we live luxuriously, no! no! A muckle great piece of Beef boiled has lasted the whole Family these fifteen days past for dinner and supper, it was finished and sliced fairly to the Bone yesterday, and then given to the Bearns to suck. . . . Pray tell me some newes, for I assure you there are not greater Politicians at the Smyrna or Mount in London than there are in the New and St. John’s Coffey houses in Ed“. I have seen Dr. Pitt up all night to wait for the Post, to hear of the K. of Prussia’s victory. “Yours most affectly “ GREvII.LE.” In another letter from “the same to the same” we have a sprightly description of the Edinburgh family with which George Greville is residing :— “Mrs. Robertson is a busy good round Dame, in stature I believe she does not want a great many inches of being five feet. I must say she does not rule much in the Family, only over a certain Cup- board in the Dining Room, well stocked with Punch, wine etc. in order that if any of her guests should have 753 \Varwick Castle W a desire to taste any of the above articles. they may be at hand, for she does not often attack it herself. “Her Sister is a young Lady by name Miss Nisbey of about fifty or sixty years of age, something like Mrs. Symmer but cut about a foot shorter. NB she sings Psalms to Perfection. They keep one man or rather a monkey for to judge by his face he is nigh related to that animal and her maids who never put on shoes or stockings but on High Days and Holydays. “Your most affectionate nephew “ GREVILLE.” In a letter of the same year. the Honourable Louisa Greville imparts information about births and marriages, and incidentally expresses her candid opinion of Lady Sarah Lennox—the Lady Sarah Lennox who was loved by George IlI.—and of Ealing. It will be seen that her opinion of Ealing was more favourable than her opinion of Lady Sarah Lennox:—— “Ealmg Farm Aug‘it 3o“‘ I760. “I should not have deffer’d so long informing you that you have got another Neice but that I have been every morning in Town to see my l\Iother, and her, she was born on Tuesday morning, my l\Iother had not been well the whole day before, and was really ill from about eight in the Evening till near Ch is a monstrous while. I six in the Morning, w believe that without being in Danger she could not be worse; however she is now and has been as well 754 /'5 The House of Greville as is possible. and the young Lady also She is not big, but has a face like an Apple, large blew Eyes, and very dark hair, they say it will be pretty I really cant say for my part that I can determine yet, it will be a great favourite. It is to be Christened on Sunday because I believe my Father and my B" go to \Varwick Castle on Monday, the Godmothers are Ly \Veymouth and If Cathcart, and LC1 Exeter the Godfather (he is in Town, and the Countess etc. to meet his Brother who they have sent for and who they say wont come) but she is not to be call’d after either of the L55 because Prances is Elizth and that we dont like Jane, so she is to be Anne.—-Prances and I are to stand Proxys——~Having done with our own news, I must now desire to know why I hear from you so seldom, it is now above a month since I have had a letter, and I want to know how you do. when I shall see you etc. etc. I was told about a fortnight or three weeks ago that llamilton was to come up to wait, but I have heard nothing of it a great while. I suppose you wont be much longer at Colby, but then you will be going Althorp or Goodwood or some other Visit. that It will be towards \\/inter before you will be in this part of the \Vorld. I hope Ham. has had better fishing this Summer than he had the last. In our Journeys to Town I have met Ly Sarah Lennox very often who is so much handsomer than in the winter, you can have no notion, I fancy’d it was her Riding Drefs that became her, but I\I" Amyand tells me that it is the same in any other, 755 \/Varwick Castle w she is vastly pretty. but she does not improve upon acquaintance, I find I never could make her my Freind. I have seen more of Miss Beauclerk this summer than I ever did, and like her prodigiously. she is odd and singular. but she is vastly clever. It is surprizing how exactly her manner of living and mine agree, with the difference that Ly Vere is a good deal worse temper’d than my Mother her Ly and Mr Beauclerk are gone to Drayton, my L(1 and Miss B were here the other morning.——There is going to be a wedding between l\I“ McLean and Mrs Anne, it has been suspected some time. I own I had my doubts but since my Mother and her Sister have been gone, Docr Damainbray has been employed to tell my Father of it, she has told nobody not even her Sister to whom she has the greatest obligations, and tho’ I have given her several opportunitys she has said not a word to me, I am sorry for it on all accts not to say angry. As to prudence there never was any thing more contrary to it, and tho’ I have to be sure no right to find fault with any Fool whatever, yet I think that she has behaved very strangely in this affair, it is really a distress to me, for tho’ she has a monstrous spirit, and very obstinate, I was used to her, and she is very handy so that I could have gone on very well with her, and I think nothing so disagreable as a stranger about one—I am sorry that I have no news of greater consequence to send you, one has heard of many Victorys this year but I cant find that any one but the Hereditary Prince gains any advantage 756 From a pfl.-tun: in fire Castie by Sz'r_/aslum Reynolds, P.R..-‘I . FRANCIS GREVILLE, EARL OF \VARWICI{. (Ana!/ter Portrait.) V\/arwick Castle @- by them. They talk of one gained by the K. of Prussia but I suppose like many others. it will come to nothing—I am taking a great deal of pains to grow thin, but I dont think it succeeds. I have ever since I came here taken three long walks a day. and I eat a vast quantity of fruit, I have been obliged to leave off my first walk wch was from seven till nine because the weather is so bad and the Grass is so wet, that it is disagreeable I never in my life knew a place so dry. I beg pardon for this contradiction wch really is not one, and I think it the more extra- ordinary as we have a good deal of Brick Earth in the neighbourhood, and indeed we have one field that is rather that way inclined, but as to the rest tho’ we have had perhaps the worst August that ever was yet in this month that I have been here, there litterally has been but one day that I have not been all round the Fields. V‘/e are all as fond of it as possible. It is surprizing the prejudices one contracts for, or against places, without ever having seen them this side of the country to be sure is not fashionable, and I myself could not believe that I should like it till I saw it, the case of Richmond is, that it was originally as fine a situation as could be. but it has been so much admired and lived at, that it is spoilt and as to Country Privy Garden is to the full as much so, but I am afraid I shall make you expect too much, therefore I desire you will think I am prejudiced—My father will stay about a fortnight at W. C. tho’ I believe it will depend a good deal upon the \Yeather and indeed if it is very bad he 758 & The House of Greville will not go at all I shall be here, for tho’ I have offer’d to stay with my Mother she will not let me, and as to my own pleasure I like this better, as I shall have four Horses and the Coach left to go to see her; I own for my part I should not be able to be so long without speaking to any one tho’ C-——- is in Town but she cant see him yet, and I doubt whether she lets any one else within the doors. It really is beyond my comprehension, how any one can bring themselves to like such a creature, and with what composure she speaks of him to my Father, and that any one can not only suffer him to come into the House, but be extremely civil to him. I vow if she was my wife it should not be so I am scolded almost every day, because I cannot for my life be civil but perhaps I have said too much already. at least I am afraid I have tired your patience therefore only beg of you to give my kindest love to Ham, and tell him I am not sure that I shall be satisfied with his good wishes mzly next winter but-— “Adieu ever Yr most truly “L. G.” (Louisa Greville.) Finally, I give three letters written by the Earl of Warwick himself. The first, from which I only take an extract, is addressed to Mrs. Hamilton, the first wife of the future Sir William Hamilton, our ambassador at Naples. Her name is scarcely so well known as that of her successor. It laments a death :— VOL. II. 759 z V\/arwick Castle w “ 6 June 1766. “ \Ve were at the Kings birthday which was very full, and had the pleasure to see Lady Spencer in high beauty both her Lash and Lord Spencer looked in the best health. You will see in the Prints the death of a Dear friend and favorite of mine. Lady Sutherld, occasioned by her attendance and anxiety during a fever of above Six VVeeks, in which her Lord still continues, without knowing his loss, and I humbly hope he never may, that one grave may unite them, and put an end to this tragedy, leaving a pleasing impression upon the minds of all, who shall ever hear of them, but most especially upon those who knew and loved them, saw them together, and were acquainted intimately (which was our case) with all the circumstances of that fatal illness, which has robbed us of one and made Death the most desirable thing for the other. \Ve dread his recovery: There is an Infant daughter about a year old who we hope will represent them both and prevent the title from going to a collateral line. “ Madame Hamilton “Naples, Italie.” The next letter expresses a strong opinion on a political matter. The reference is obviously to the proceedings of John Wilkes; and the tone is hardly the tone that would have been taken by the earlier Grevilles :— 760 /a The House of Greville LETTER FROII LoRD \V.\Rw1cx To 111s BROTIIER CHARLES. [Extract] “The Spirit of Faction has done its worst it will consume its abettors and upholders as soon as us. we have lost as the newspapers say that Fz'1zz's/zed C/zaz/acfer Lord Mayor, a few more out of the world what leaders have they? Remonstrances and petitions are wore out, yett ministry ought to be careful and prudent. what from my elbow chair to advise I know not but I see by experience too much Lenity produces Insolence, and is interpreted Timidity. in my opinion Power if not used when Proper is more an Incumberance than a Good to those who are averse to make use of it. hence comes abuse and every continuation of Impertinence as allso all Sub- ordination obliterated or understood. I am no violent man you know it, but I hope Spirit is not yett quite over with me, yett had I to have had my will for the Dignity of Parlt. and example those members the Lord Mayor etc. should have suffered for what they said and all would have been better and the mobbing less. Have they been less violent and Insolent since? No surely. “ \/VARWICK. “Tuesday June 26th 1770.” The next letter is to Sir VVilliam Hamilton. It seems to result from it that this Earl of Warwick is entitled to claim the credit, for what it may be worth, of having been the first of his family to explore the 761 \Varwick Castle e- Riviera. One hopes he had a pleasant time there; but one fears he did not. Nice, as he might have learnt from the literary Scotch physician Dr. Tobias Smollett. was neither a clean nor an agreeable residence in those days:-— “S‘ James’s Square 17“‘ May 1771. “I shall be very glad to see you and l\Ilg Hamilton when you come over as I shall leave it in autumn and go to Nice there to try what better air than this next \Vinter will do to brase up a relaxed Habit in this relaxed Country for was it not for that I should go on very well now as my Surgeon at \Varwick told 1ne I was not likely to dye but a piece of walking Catgut affected by every cloud which is too true. I have tryed Bathing in Salt VVater and walk the Streets all Seasons yett all this will not do neither the Cold of Snow or the Heats of Rain agree with me. I look upon myself quite at Liberty to do what I like and it would be hard if I was hindered because everyone now makes use of that Privilege. But as Ld G is married and settled much to his and my satisfaction he is now a family man and may spare rne. Charles and his brother are in a good tract in what they choose to pursue and yr old acquaintance Lady Louisa being also settled and a l\Iother of a fine a Boy as ever was seen what have I more to wish for or care for here. There when you return I will say no more #0215 so/zzmes pas eomzoisaéles and everything round us the same em‘re now, it is no 762 From a ;$m'ntz'ng by /. B. Vmzluo, 17 53, at l>Vnr'wz'ck C aslle. FREDERICK, PRINCE OF ‘WALES, ‘WHO VISITED \VAR\VlCK CASTLE ABOUT I768. V\/Iarwick Castle W joking matter or what will be the end thereof is impossible to foresee, we must be in fault. our Good King never would hurt us in any degree and if he is more than what is deemed right, self presentation will make it which we have a Right to expect somewhere. I scarce fear from the Popular. your Etruscan Anti- quities as to shape are thrown about us by \/Vedgwoods imitations but allthro by what you see he does vary in General yett that old shine the Orginals have he cannot in the copys express or find out how to do it but I hope by time this allso will be remedyed for his looks very dull without it. I should have been glad to have heard from Mrs Hamilton as in yours you said she intended writing. hVe have all whilst they were strove to be grateful to the P and Pss Giustiniani for favors read by our Sons and Friends from there. They are both very amiable and agre- able and much liked here by every one. They might have been on a better footing here had it been well understood; however all went off well and they seemed pleased. Porter is allways at yr commands. “Yrs most affecaltely “ WARWICK.” The Earl’s health could have derived no permanent advantage from his winter abroad; for he died on July 6th, 1773, and was succeeded by his eldest son, George. 764 CHAPTER XI George Greville, Earl of VVarwick, the Virtuoso—-The Improvements effected by him at the CastIe—~The Warwick Vase—Correspondence on this Subject—-Correspondence on other Sub]ects—The Visit to the Castle of George, Prince of \/Vales, and the Duke of Clarence. EORGE GREVILLE was Earl Brooke of \\/arwick Castle and Earl of \Varwick from 1773 until his death, at the age of seventy, in 1816. At his baptism on October 6th, 1746, George II. was, by proxy, one of his sponsors. He matriculated in 1764 at Christ Church, Oxford, and afterwards at Edinburgh. From 1768 to 1773 he sat in Parlia- ment as Member for Warwick. In 1771 he was made one of the Lords of Trade——a sinecure office, not long afterwards abolished. and then also enjoyed by Gibbon, who was engaged on his “History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire,” and with whom he must have had many tastes in common. In 1794 and 1795, when there was some reason to apprehend a French invasion, he was first Lieutenant- Colonel and then Colonel of the Warwickshire Pen- cibles, and in the last-named year he was Lord Lieutenant of the County. His claim upon our interest, however. is quite independent of his public services. He was the great virtuoso of his house, and he did more for the 765 Warwick Castle w embellishment of the Castle than any other of its occupants since the time of Sir Fulke Greville. He made this his life’s work, in fact, as may be read in “A Narrative of the peculiar case of the Late Earl of \Varwick from his Lordship’s own Manu- script. London, 1816.” “Employed as I was,” he writes, “in reading, chiefly on farming concerns, in hunting and planting, I saw great temptations to improve Warwick Castle, and for the greatest part of my life I steadily pursued this object”; and he adds that the estate, by a fortunate accident, provided the means for its own improvement, for “It happened that a most valuable coal-mine had been discovered by Mr. Vancouver on my VVarwick Estate.” Everything, when George Greville came into his inheritance. was out of repair. He tells what he did not only to put it in order, but to enhance its natural beauties by the help of art :—- “ The floors, the windows, the ceilings, the chimney pieces, the wainscots, the furniture are all put in by me, and they are the most beautiful in the kingdom. “I collected a matchless collection of pictures by Vandyke, Rubens. etc. “The marbles are not equalled, perhaps in the kingdom. “ I made a noble approach to the Castle, thro’ a solid rock; built a porter’s Lodge; made a kitchen garden and a very extensive pleasure garden. a book room. full of books, some valuable and scarce, all well chosen. 766 -0. The House of Greville “I made an armoury; and built walls round the courts and pleasure garden. "I built a noble greenhouse, and filled it with #3 beautiful plants. From a picture at lVarzu:'r/Ir Casfle fly Sir for/ma Reynolds, P-.R.A. GEORGE GREYILLE, EARL OF WAR\\'ICK, \VHEN A BOY. “I placed in it a Vase, considered as the finest remains of Grecian art extant for size and beauty. 767 \/Varwick Castle W “I made a noble lake, from three hundred to six hundred feet broad and a mile long. “I built a stone bridge of one hundred and five feet in span, every stone from two thousand to three thousand eight hundred pounds weight. “I gave the bridge to the Town.” The vase above referred to, known to all students of ancient art as the VVarwick Vase,1 is the object of the curiosity as well as the admiration of all visitors to the Castle, so that some exact information about it will, no doubt. be welcomed. It was found, says that excellent little guide-book “V\/arwick Castle and Town,” “in I770, during excavations carried on in the bed of a small lake. called Pantanello, over- looking the Vale of Tempe, near Tivoli, sixteen miles from Rome. How it came there is not known. Hadrian’s villa was occupied by the Ostro-Gothic 1 The following extract from a letter by SII William Hamilton to Mr. Milne relating to the vase is given in Spicer's “History of VVarwick Castle " .-— “The great marble Vase, of which I believe I gave you an account, and which was found in fragments at the bottom of a lake at Adrian’s villa, I have had restoied, and Piranesi Is engraving three views of it. There is nothmg of the kind so beautiful, not even at Rome. It has cost me above £300 in putting it together. I mean to offer it to the Museum, paying my costs, but if they refuse it, I will not take less than £600 for it. Keep itI cannot, as I shall never have a house big enough for it. Adieu, yours sincerely, (Signed) “W. HAMILTON.” The greenhouse in which this exquisite monument of antiquity is kept was built expressly for the occasion by an architect of Warwick; the front is executed in stone, and the area of the building is of such size as to afford abundant light and space to view the noble proportions of the vase. 768 King, Totila, 540 A.D., when he laid siege to Rome, and the vase may have been cast into the lake to save it from the invaders. The villa was finished about 138 A.D., but this work is of an earlier date, and is attributed to Lysippus of Sicyon, a Greek artist of the close of the 4th century B.C., when the beautiful or elegant style began to replace the noble severity of Phidias and his school. The vase is of white marble, and is circular in form. It is 5 ft. 6 in. high and 5 ft. 8 in. in diameter at the lip, and is placed on a square pedestal of modern construction. The handles are formed of pairs of vine stems, the smaller branches of which twine round the upper lip. and, with drooping bunches of grapes, form a sym- metrical frieze. The lower rim is covered by two tiger or panther skins, of which the heads and the forepaws adorn the sides of the vase, while the hind legs interlace and hang down between the handles. Arranged along the tiger skins are several heads, all except one being those of Sileni, or male attendants of Bacchus, and the single exception being a female head. probably that of a Bacchante or Faun. Between the heads are Z/Z)/7'52’ or bacchic staves twined round with ivy and vine shoots and Zz'z‘zzz', or augural wands, used in taking omens.” The capacity of the vase is 163 gallons, and it has been disputed whether it was meant for festive or merely for decorative purposes. It has been restored, and the work, including a head, is prob- ably the work of Nollekens—at least that opinion 769 VVarwick Castle <¢/ has been advanced, by competent judges. The in-- scription runs thus :— HOC PRISTINA5 ARTIS ROMANAZQ. MAGNIFICENTJE MONUMENTUM RUDERIBUS VILLEE TIBURTIN-~E HAIJRIANO AUG. IN DELICIIS HABIT.l*), EFFOSSUM RESTITUI CURAVIT EQUES GULIELMUS HAMILTON, A GEORGIO III. MAG. BRIT. REGE. Al) SICIL. REGEM PERDINANDUM IV. LEGATUS; ET IN PATRIAI\[ TRANSl\IISSUM PATRIO ROMARUM ARTIUM GENIO DICAVIT AN. DOM. MDCCLXXIV. Sir VVilliam Hamilton was of much assistance to the Earl of \/Varwick in the formation of his unique collection of works of art. Reference to these mingle with references to other matters in their corre- spondence. The reference to Fox in the first letter is interesting :— Lonn \/YARWICK To SIR VVILLIAM HAMILTON. “Jan. 5. 1775. “Your Venus is in my House in Charles’s apartment. “The great failures of late in Holland as I am told will draw terrible consequences after them and do not only private Houses great mischief but also affect the whole Living above what one can afford and launching out into other concerns than our own 770 From a 15/rofagrqfi/I by L_. C. 1i’eig'/11¢] Peach. THE GREAT VASE,'\VAR\VICK CASTLE. VVarwick Castle W concerns Produces Ruin of Late Years every where and yett so many examples does not make us wiser. “Lord North is invisible to those he is sure of the others he cannot help seeing. this taking it of Charles Fox has been too refined a stroke of Politicks for me to unravel it has done a deal more harm with the publick than I can express. Jealousy I believe of Lord Gower’s friends being an overmatch for him prevailed but I do not see the least con- fidence he can have from Charles Fox who already has established a character. “Yours most affectly VVARWICK.” The second letter deals solely with the improve- ments:-— “I am going on by degrees to furnish other Rooms at VV. Castle. It is an expensive work and must be done with care as I should spoil the whole was I to put in light modern Furniture. But what I put in must be handsome tho’ in a par- ticular style——Fine Portraits are what I particularly desire to have, and some very fine ones I now have but not enough, should you ever see any well painted agreable head or half length in old dresses I should be much obliged to you to purchase them for me. . . . I am at present at VV with my little Boy he is perfectly well and I really have very little to wish in regard to him and hope to convince you that he has no inconsiderable taste for the arts; tho’ I must own that notwithstanding his turn for Music 772 /A The House of Greville and Painting that his favorite pursuit is Carpentership in which he is a proficient. “Westdean. Aug. 20 I779.” The third is mainly on the same subject. It is written after a visit paid to the Castle by Sir William Hamilton during the Earl’s absence :— LORD \/VARWICK TO SIR \/VILLIAM I_I.-\MILTON. “I am glad you have been at VV Castle even tho’ I was not so happy as to be your conductor. I am flattered by your opinion of it and that it did not appear to you that I had done anything to spoil it. The Effect wh I want to produce must in a great measure depend on time for young Plantations do not seem to belong to that old Castle which should have Forrests of ancient Timber to accompany it. . . . I have now furnished the House except that I want chairs for the Cedar Room and what we used to call Dogs for the fire places. perhaps at Paris both these may be had. I have velvet which I had made from the Pattern of the Chairs in the first Room and which was very old. Crimson Black Green and White. The Richest thing I ever saw. . . . I can assure you it is almost worth while a Journey here to see my youngest daughter, I am sure you would think her one of the most perfect creatures in looks and manners you-ever saw. “Worthing Steyning “Aug. 21 I779.” 773 VVarwick Castle @- Other Greville letters. of various dates. and relating to various subjects, belonging to the period which seem worth publishing are the following :-— [Extract. undated letter.J Lono \YAR\\’ICK TO ms Bnornnn CHARLES. “ I was yesterday at the Leve'e and had an oppor- tunity of speaking to his Majesty, who expressed a great regard to us——and spoke of Rob". I (tho’ contrary to form) then mentioned the wish I had of his being in the Guards to which many of his Friends have advised him and the K. added he had a great regard for him and his brothers——I thought I had gone too far and could not make any more demands. I have no object but to keep etc. in a proper manner and I assure you that I cannot spend the money in any way so agreably to myself as in con- tributing to your satisfaction. . . . I have several pictures which will do admirably with the little ones at W. C. But my difficulty is what to hang them on. I have had the statue extremely well attended to not only the hands but one of ye legs by a very clever young man from Rome. “Yours most sincerely “ VV./\R\\’Ic‘I\’.” CHARLES F. GREVILLE TO ROBERT F. GREVILLE. [No date] “ The idea of building ships of war was not 774 4 The House of Greville known and talked of till Saunder and Barralleur were lately with me at Milford, when I marked on the ground all the Dockyard and Batteries. The minute my Back was turned to C. Howard, a Vigorous opposition to my Plans was set on foot reference to naval people for opinions etc. The particulars I know not, but you may suppose how much plague I saved myself by my conducting the whole asl have done, and tho I knew the delay at the Admiralty to be due to the hurry of business leaving such articles in the baskett, yet the delay certainly gave time for ill nature and counteraction to work I now am clear. I am beyond all reach of interception and have wrote to Sr A. Hammond Comptroller of Navy (who has uniformly been very civil) and to Ld. Spencer. The Frigate is to be 'called Lavinia the 74 Milford. . “Yrs affly “C. F. GREVILI5.” ROBERT GREVILLE TO I—IIS BROTHER CHARLES. “ By yesterday’s Papers I see that Lord Gage is dead. This of course will make a vacancy for Warwick; which in all human probability will not affect either you or me. You I am sorry to think certainly not, and to myself, tho’ barely possible, yet my prospect approaches a shade only nearer. “Friday 14 Oct. 1791.” VOL. 11. 775 A A ~ w“ W f’l/~/k"3\1‘(\31Jl‘ Awfìuw W U(r’b\\]/Q [9 M M m}; L/à/MWW “p” m“ WWW fE/[Y “MM m“ WLW jbvfl/L \N\ MMLMM W2/Ki (Li W \/\/I/ Z£M.DU b0 .r_.r;> $2.: .....5.C .32 E. .<§:_= u.-.~_KQ.¢e Q ~..E.$~ iii]! -.A .. P. V\"ar\vick Castle W \Yarwick Castle by staying there at the time of the Agricultural Show. Between these two auspicious events, however, another event of a very different, and indeed a very lamentable, character had occurred. On the morning of December 4th, 1871, the Times contained the following startling item of ( ll€VVS I— “ DESTRUtTI\'E FIRE AT \V.-\11~: %EAUL‘11AM1*, of Emley. co. \Voreester, s. of . . . dc Beau- been buried in the Nunnery of Cokehill, where was champ, of . . . . , by . . h \v., (12111. of . . . , of an mserrption to her memory. . . . lle d . . . W111 dated 7 ]an., I268-9. Before I270, l\lAUl>, \v1do\\ of Gerard de Furnival, of Shefiield, eo. York, srster and eo-h. ofR1cha1‘d Tr: VVILLIAM DE 11EAUCHAI\IP, 9th Earl of l*‘1t/John, Lord l*‘1tz]ohn, and dau of John F11/alohn Flt/.Geofferey, of Berkhampstead, co. \/Varwick;b. 111 1237; d. gjune, I298. 1Ierts: d. I300. T1ro\1\s Bl£AUClIA.\1l’, 11111 Earl of War-\\1ek: b. in \\’a1\\~1ek Castle 1313 ;?1r1 1337, 1~lA'1‘HER1NE, eldest dau. of Roger, Earl of March, by kmghted I Jan , 1330, I{.G. 23 April, 1344, d. at Calars 13 Nov, 1369. Will Joan, dau and h of Peter de Geneville, or Joinvrlle. Will dated dated 6 Sept., 1369. Burred 111 St. Mary’s, \Varwick; elligy and rnserrption 4 Aug, 1369. 1-iurred at St. Mary’s. Warwick (monument). there. I - ._,_22_ oo l\) ' 0° GUY REALM IIAMI’, 10th Earl of War-uielc ; b 1278; knighted F before 28 Feb , I310. Alrce (wrdow of Thomas Leyburne), dau. of Ralph de Tom, 25 March, I296 ; (1. IO Aug . 1315, at \/Varwick Castle ; buried and sister and h. of Robert, Lord Toni. She mar as her 3rd husband VVi1ham at Bordesley Abbey, eo. Worcester. W111 dated 25 July, 1315. Zoueh, Lord Zouch de Mortrmer, who d. rn 1337. She (1.111 1324. S111 GUY DE l>‘rc.\1rurA1\11>, or de Warwick ; knighted Trrorms BF.AUQl1AI\l1', 12111 Earl of Warmck ; : before April, 1380, 1\/I/\1MuNi) DUDLEY. Baroness Lisle. JOHN DUDLEY, Viscount Li-le, 19th Earl of \Varwick of \Varwick, Earl of Albemarle; b. at Salwarp, co. Worcester, 28 Jan., I381-2; K.B. 12 Oct., 1399; K.G. 22 July, 1403; created Eail of Albemarle for life I42I; d. at Rouen 30 April; buried 4 Oct., I439, under his tomb in the Lady Chapel of St. Mary’s, Warwick. l IIENRY BEAUCHAMP, 14th Earl of=",—-in I434, CICELY, 2nd dau. of \/Varwick and Ist Duke of War- wick; b. 21 March, 1424-5; (1. .i~.p. at Hanley Castle, where he was born, II June, 1446, and was buried at Tewkesbury Abbey. Admon at Lambeth 17 June, I447. I ‘ A\‘NE, b. at Cardiff, Feb., I442-3; d. at Ewelme. co. Oxon, 3 Jan., 1448-9, and was buried at Reading Abbey. Ist, Sept., 1393, EI.IZABE'lII, dau :RICHARD BEAUCHAMP, 13th Earl¥2nd, Nov., 1423, ISABEL, widow of his cousin, Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Worcester, sz/0 /2/re Baroness Burg- hersh, and dau. of Thomas, Lord Despencer, Earl of Gloucester, by Constance. dau. of Edmund Plan- tagenet, Duke of York, 5th s. of Edward III. She d. 26 Dec., I429; buried beneath a slab inlaid with her effigy in the choir of Tewkesbury Abbey. VVIII dated I Dec., I439, proved 4 Feb. following. Richard Neville, Earl of Salis- bury, by Alice, da. and h. of Thomas Montacute, Earl of Sahshury, she mar. 2nd, after July, 1446, John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, who w as beheaded 18 Oct., 1470; she d. 28 July, 1450. Before 1434, ANNE BEAUCHAMP, F RICHARD NEVILLE, 16th Earl of \Varwick, s. and h.-apparent of Richard, Earl of Salisbury, by Alice, dau. and only dau. and co-h.; d. 8 Feb, I492-3. l ISABELL NEVILLE :1; II July, 1469. Geoige, Duke of Clarence, 17th Earl of \/Varwick; I). 21 Oct., 1449; attainted 15 Jan., I477-8. EDWAR1) I’LAi\l'l‘AGEN ET, 18th Earl of Warwick ; b. 21 or 25 Feb, 1474- 5, at Warwick Castle ; knighted 8 Sept . I483; executed 24 Nov , I499; buried at Bisham Abbey. ( * C0/zizzzz/edfrom ]§l'6’7/i02!.S‘ fags.) h. of Thomas Montacute, Earl of Salisbury: b. 22 Nov., I428; created, 2 March, 1450, Earl of Warwick; slain at the battle of Barnet 14 April, I47I ; buried at Bisham Abbey. I ANNE NEVILLE : Richard, Duke of Gloucester. l\/IARGARET PLANTAGENET, Countess of Salisbury. APPENDIX B TO BOOK II The Will of RICHARD BEAUCIIAMP, Earl of \Varwick and of Aubemall, dated 8 August 1437. I will to be enterred in the church collegial of our Lady in Warwyk, where I will that in such place as I have devised, which is known well, there be made a chapel of our Lady, well, fair and goodly built, within the middle of which chapel I Will that my tomb be made; in the meantime my body to be laid in a clean chuich [sir] before the altar that is on the right hand of my lord my fathei’s tomb. I will that my executors give and amortise to the divine seivice in the said church, sufficient livelihood of lay fee or advowsons to find four priests and two clerks for evermore over and above the number now therein, to be vicars, not corporal by themselves, but members of the church of the college. I will that every day during the world, in the chapel to be new made, as above said, three masses be said, to perform which I will there be amortised thereto 4IlI. of good and clear hvehhood, that is for every of the foresaid four priests 10 marks by the year, and for either clerk, 5 marks; and to depart as well among the said four priests as among the other six yicars of the college, to increase their yearly salary by equal portions. I will that 30 marks of good hvehhood be given to my college of Elmele, to find a priest for evermore. I will have a mass said for me every day, &c., in the abbey of Tewkesbnry. The feoffees of my manors of Grossebury and Langeley shall make an estate thereof to my executors. I will that in the name of heriot to our Lady there be given to the church of our Lady in Warwyk, mme image of gold of our Lady, there to abide for evermore. My wife shall have all manner of silver vessel and household stuff that I had with her; also two dozen dishes of silver, twelve 830 /M Appendices pieces of silver of one sort with the enamel of mine arms in their bottoms, and other plate. Also the great “ paytren ” that was bought of the Countess of Suffolk, which sometime was the Earl of Salisbury’s. I will there be made a godly tomb of marble on my wife’s grave, that dead is, in the abbey of Kingswood; and all the remnant of livelihood that faileth yet for my chantries at Guy’s Cliff, shall be made sure to the same; and I will that the chapels of Guy’s Cliff be built as I devised, and dwelling houses for my priests there as they may reasonably, wholesomely and goodly dwell therein. If God will I have another son, my executors shall make an estate to him of my castle of Bathkyngton and the manor of Gronebury in tail male. My wife shall an estate in the manor of Langley for her life, with remainder to my son Harry in tail, or, in default, to my daughter Anne. I give the reversion of my manor of Shenston, co. Stafford, after the death of Richard, Lord Strange, and Constance his wife, to my son Harry. All the manors and lands which the Lady of Bergavenny had by her life, jointly with mine uncle, of my lord my father’s gift, shall remain to my younger son, if God will that I have any, in tail male; otherwise to my daughters Anne, Margaret, Eleanor and Elizabeth. I will that all the “quilettes ” that I have puichased in my days, over those that I have above disposed, shall remain in such manors as they lie and be in, as members to the said manors for evermore. My son Henry shall have the cup of gold, with the dance of men and women, and all the residue of my vessels of silver and gold. My e.\eciitors shall ordain four images of gold, each of them of the weight of 2oli. of gold, to be made after my similitude, with mine arms, holding an “ anker ” between his hands; so figured, to be offered severally at the shrine of St. Alban, the shrine in the cathedral church of Canterbury, at Bridlington, and at the shrine in the church of St. Winifred in Shrewsbury. Executors :—Lord Cromwell; the Lord Typtoft; John Throk- marton; Richard Curson, Thomas Huggeford; William Baikeswell, priest; and Nichol Rody, by the oversight and assent of my wife. Proved, 26 October 1439, by John Throkmarton and others of the executors. (P.C.C. Rous, I9.) 831 APPENDIX C TO BOOK II The Will of Dame ISABELL, Countesse of \/VARREWYKE, made at London, I December 1439. I bequeath my body to be buried in the Abbey of Tewkesbury, in such place as I have assyned, and that my grete templys with the Baleys be solde to the utmost pryse and delyuered to the sayde Abbat and the howse of Tewkesbury, so they groche nozt with my lyenge and with such thyngs as y woll haue done abowt my body; and my Image to be made all naked and no theyng on my hede but myne here cast bakwardys, and of the gretnes and of the fascyon like the mesure that Thomas Porchalyn hath yn a lyst, and at my hede Mary Maudelen leyng, my handes a crosse. And seynt John the Evangelyst on the ryght syde of my hede, and on the left syde seynt Anton, and at my fete a skochen of myne armes departyd with my lordys and two Greffons to bere it uppe, and all abowt my tumbe to be made pore men and women in their pore array with their bedys in their hands. Allso I woll there be made of myne grete sharfe a chaleys and offryd to our lady in our lady chapell of the howse of Tewkesbury. Also I woll our lady of Cauersham haue a crowne of gold I made of my cheyne that weyth 25li., with yn my panyer, with other broken gold that is ther yn, and two tabelottes the tone of seynt Katryn and the tother of seynt George, and the stonys that bene in hem to be sett in the saide Crowne. Allso I woll the tabelet with the Image of our lady with a glasse to for h1t be offered to our lady of Walsyngham and my gowne of grene alyr cloth of gold with wyde sleves and a tabernacle allso of sylver lyke as the tymber is in maner ouer our lady of Cauersham. Allso I woll the grete Image of wax that is at London be offred to our lady of Worcester, and my wedding gown and all my clothes of gold and clothis of silke without furres euerychone, I woll the howse of Tewkesbury haue hem, save my Russet vellewet, I wolle Seynt Wynfryde. Allso I woll that all my stonys and Perles be solde 832 em Appendices to performe my wyll And all myne other syluer vessell and godys saue that is profitable for pore folkes. Allso I W011 that euery man and person that hath estate in my land by way of grant of feoffment to nryn use or in my name make an estate of all hit or Relese all hit to such personys that I W011 and ordeyn to haue the execucion and bene the executours of this my last will and testament. Allso I woll that Jane Newmarch haue 2oo marks in gold and I to bere all eostes as for her bryngynge yn to seynt Katrens or where euer she woll be elles. And allso I woll my sone Harry haue myne oyche with my grete diamond and my noych with my Boleys. Itm. I woll Elysabeth Keston haue four score marks paid to Norman Watcheborne for her marriage. And yet he gouch therewith the mater so to be laboryed and selvyd that he be constreyned ther to do hit. Allso I woll the saide Elrsabeth haue for the labor sche hath had abowet: me yn my sekynysse 20 marks. [Legacies to other servants] Allso I woll there be fownde a prest syngyng for me by yere at Mary Maudelens of the holt. Allso I woll ther be delyvered to the Bishop of Herford roo marks, and more and hit nede be, to performe such thynges as I haue pra) ed hym to do for me. Allso I woll that myne executours enmortese unto the howse of Cewkestern roo marks of gode lyvelode to fynde certayne prestes, sertayne alrnes and sertayne observaunce that I woll haue done for me in the sarde howse. . . . Allso I W011 and ordeyne to execute and to done thrs my present will Sir “'rllram Mountford, john Nanfan, ]ohn Norreys and Willram Menston. Proved 4 February 1439 [-40] by the executors named. (P.C.C. Luffenam, 27.) APPENDIX TO BOOK III The \Vill of Dame Jane Neville, widow, dated 2 October 1470. I desire to be buried in the Chapel of our Lady, within the College of Warwick, where the body of Sir Henry Neville, Kt, late my husband, lieth buried. I bequeath to the said College for my burymg there, and that the Dean and Chapter devoutly pray for my soul, &c., two gowns of blue velvet, thereof to make a vestment and copes, as far as the said gowns wol stretch, one of which gowns belongeth unto the body of my said late husband, and the other to myself, with 10 marks in money. Furthermore I wol, if the said gowns wol not suffice to make a chesyple, two tonicles with one cope, auter clothes and frontell, that myn executors buy as moche plain blewe velvet as woll suffice. My executors shall find a priest to sing in the said chapel for three years after my decease. /\s touching the Ioli. due under an obligation of IOO marks, in which my good and gracious lord and father is bound unto Sir Robert Danby, to be disposed about the performing of this my testament, and the 941i. due of my jointure at I\’IlCI]£t€Il1]t‘tS last, I bequeath to Philippe Godmerston, my gentilwoman, a long black gown, furred with black boge, a black girdle of damask work harnessed with silver overgilt, and a floure of gold with an emerald. [Other legacies to servants] I give to my good and gracious lady and moder, a ring of gold with a great diamond. Item, to my brother Sir Humphrey Bourgchier, I{t., a ring of gold with a floure de lis of rubies. To my brother Sir Thomas Ilourgchier, an ouche of gold made like a trmke, with a diamond, two rubies and two perles. 834 /0 Appendices I bequeath to Dame Elizabeth, Lady Wellis, my sister, a floure of gold with a ruby and two half pearls. To my son Lord Latymer, my wedding ring. Residuary legatees and executors :—Sir John Bourgchier, Kt. ; Lord Berners, my fader; Dame Margerie, his wife, my moder; Thomas Bourgchier, my brother; and John Bradshaw, my servant. Furthermore I wol that Sir William, which I now find at Oxenford, be there found still with my goods for two years. I bequeath my crimson gown of fine thread and lawn, to the College of Warwick, to be disposed for a corporas, and my crimson cloth of fine thread to the church of the hospital of \Velle, to serve for a corporas; and I Wlll that two corporas cases be made for the same. I bequeath to Thomas Nevill, my son, my great primer. Proved, 16 October, in the year above said, by Lady Margerie Berners, with power reserved, &c. (P.C.C. Godyn, 31.) 835 APPENDIX A TO BOOK IV Grant of the Guild Halls at \Varwick to Robert, Earl of Leicester, to found a Hospital To all faithful Christians to whom this present writing may come the Bailiff and Burgesses of the Borough of Warwick in the County of Warwick send greeting. Whereas the most noble Lord Robert Earl of Leicester Baron of Denbigh Knight of each Order of St. George and St. Michael Master of the Horse of our lady Elizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England etc. and one of her Privy Council of his good will charitable intention and by his own free gift has determined to found and endow with all speed (God willing) a hospice or hospital within the Borough of Warwick aforesaid for the help and maintenance of poor people. Know therefore that we the aforesaid bailiff and burgesses etc by our unanimous assent and consent have given granted enfeoffed and confirmed and by these presents for ourselves and our successors do give grant and confirm unto the aforesaid Lord Robert Earl of Leicester his heirs and assigns for the object use and intent aforesaid all that our house or hall known by the name or names of the Burgess Hall or the Guild Hall in \Varwick aforesaid together with our orchard or garden adjoining the same house and all other houses structures buildings and easements whatsoever situate and being below the entrance or outer gate of the same house or hall. And also all that our late Chapel known as the Chapel of St. james situate built and standing above a certain entrance or gate called the West gate of the borough aforesaid with all the appurtenances which aforesaid premises were formerly part of the possessions of the late Guild of the Holy Trinity and St. George in Warwick aforesaid and are now in tenures or occupation of the aforesaid bailiff and burgesses and one john Fisher and Thomas jenks or their assigns To have hold and enjoy the aforesaid house or hall 836 /0 Appendices orchard garden and chapel aforesaid with all and every the aforesaid buildings edificies and easements whatsoever unto the aforesaid lord Robert Earl of Leycester and his heirs to the use and intent aforesaid for ever holding of the chief Lords of that fee by the services therefor due and of right accustomed. And we the aforesaid Bailiff and Burgesses by these presents will warrant and for ever maintain the aforesaid house hall chapel and other premises to the aforesaid Lord Robert Earl of Leicester and his heirs to the use and intent aforesaid against us and our successors. Know moreover that we the Bailiff and Burgesses have nominated ordered constituted and in our place appointed and by these presents nominate order constitute and in our place appoint our esteemed and faithful John Fisher gentleman our true and undisputed attorney giving and granting to our said attorney full and sufficient power right and authority to enter for us and in our name into the aforesaid house or hall orchard garden chapel and other premises or any part thereof and thenceforth to take seisin. And after such seisin so taken and had to give over and by these presents to deliver full and peaceful possession and seisin of all and singular the aforesaid premises to the Lord Robert Earl of Leicester or to his Attorney or attornies for this purpose for us and in our name according to the tenor force form and effect of this present gift or grant holding and ready to hold ratified and confirmed all and everything which our said attorney may do in this behalf. In witness whereof we have to this present writing caused to be affixed our common seal. Given 26th day of December in the 14th year of the reign of the aforesaid Lady Elizabeth by the Grace of God Queen of England France and Ireland Defender of the Faith etc. 837 APPENDIX B TO BOOK IV A Latin Acrostic. presented to Queen Elizabeth on the Occasion of her Visit to \Varwick in 1572. ('3 r—l(D. Girlington. He (1. 24 March, 1618-9; buried at Felstead. She d. at Hackney, but July, 1607. legit. 3 April, 1606. W8 was buried with him 15 Aug., 1634. ROBERT RICI1, Earl of Warwick, eldest son by 1st w.; b. May or June, 1587; KB. 24 June, 1603; M.A. '-as 1st, 12 Feb., I604-5, Camb. 1624, Oxford 25 Aug., 1624: mar. 2nd, Susan, widow of \Vrlliam II-alliday, Alderman of London, and ‘ at Ilackney, Fran- da. of Sir llenry Rowe, Lord Mayor, by Susan, da. of Thomas Kighley, of Gray"s Thurrock, Essex; bap. at ces, da. and h. of Ilackney 19 Sept., 1582; d. at \Varwick I-Iouse, Holborn, 16 and buried 21 Jan., 1645, with her Ist hrrsband SirWilliamlIatton, in St. Laurence Jewry. He mar. 3rd, 30 March, 1646, at Hornsey, in Highgate, Eleanor, widow of Edward formerly of New- Radclylfe, 6th Earl of Sussex, and formerlyof Sir Henry Lee, Bar-t., 4th da. of Sir Richard VVortley, of \\’orrley, port, by Elizabeth, co. York, by Edward Boughton, of Cawton, co. \Varwick. He died at \Varwick House, 19 April, 1658, and da. and h. of Sir buried at Felstead. \Vill dated 12 July, 1653; pr. 17 May, 1658. His widow mar. July, 1659 (her 4th lr.), Francis Gawdy. Edward Montagu, 2nd Earl of Manchester, who d. 5 May, 1671. She was buried at Kinrbolton, co. llunt.s, She died Aug, 31 Jan., 1666. Will dated 5 _June, 1665; pr. 2 Feb., 1666-7. 1634. . | . . _ . 1st. 9 April, 1632. at : RORERI‘ (Rrerr) 24th Earl of War- at 2nd, at Fryarne, 3 Oct., CI].-\Rl,l<1SRICll', 25th Earl 11,: rn. privately, at Slieppertoir, co. Battersea, co. Sur- wick; b. 28 June; bap. 13 July, 1645, ANNE, widow of Warwick, hr. and Middlesex, 21 July, 1641, rey, ANNE, only da. 1611, at Ilackney; K. B. 2 Feb., of Richard Rogers, of h. m. ; b. 1616; M.l’. MARY, 7th da. of Richard of William Caven- I625-6; M.P. for Essex 1629 and Bryanstone, Dorset, for Sandwich I045-52, Boyle, Earl of Cork, by his dish, 21rd Earl of 1640-1; summoned to Parliament da. of Sir Thomas and for Essex 1658-9; 2nd w., Catherine, da. of Sir Devonshire, by as Baron Rich 26 Jan., I640-1; Cheeke, by his 2nd w., Earl on death of his (,i‘eoff-ery Fenton; b. at You- Christian,da.ofEd- D.C.L. of Oxford 1 Nov., 1642; Essex, da. of Robert br.; d. .s‘.f>. III. at ghal,co. Cork, IINov., I624, ward Bruce, 1st Earl of Warwick 18 April, 1658; Rich,Earl of Warwick. Lees, co. Essex, 24 or 8 Nov., 1625; d. at Lees, Lord Kinloss;d.24 d. 29 May, 1659; buried at She was living 20 Aug.; buried 9 Sept., 12 April, 1678; buried at Aug.,1638,aged27. Felstead. April, 1647. 1673. at Felstead. Felstead. ! _ r r ANNE RICI-I ; MARY ; EssEx ; CHARLES : m. at Roehampton Chapel, in l’rrt- Al\'N, I..trcv; FRANcEs ; m. 8 Nov., m. at Lees, m. at Lees RICH ; ney, co. Surrey, 2 Sept., 1662, 2nd w. of m. John iii. Nicholas 1664, at Lees, 11 Dec., 1673, Chapel, b. 28 Sept., ANNE. da. of VVilliam Cavendish, Edward Robarte.s, Leke, Thomas Henry 16 June, 1674, 1643; d. r.j>. 3rd Earl of Devonshire. She nr. r\lontagu, Earl of Earl of Barrington, St. John, Daniel Finch, 16 May, 1664; 2nd (license 4 May. 1670) John 2nd Earl of Radnor. Scarsdale. Bart. 1st Viscount 2nd Earl of buried at Cecil, 5th Earl of Excter, who d. l\laiiclre.ster. St. John. Nottingham. Felstead. 29 Aug, 1700. She d. 18, buried 20 June, 1703, at St. Ma.ry’s, Stamford. EDWARD HENRY RICH, only s. and h. ; b. ]an., I698; d. unm. of a fever in Albemarle Street 16, buried 21 Aug, 1721, at Kensington. M.I. Admon. 12 June, 1736, and 15 June, 1748. CHARLOTTE, d. unm. in Queen Anne Street ‘I2 April, 1791, aged 78. M.I. O0 4; U1 HENRY RICH, 1st Earl of Holland and Baron Kensington, 2nd s. of Robert Rich, 22nd Earl of \/Varwick. -1: ISABEL, da. and h. of Sir Walter Cope, of Kensington. 1st, 8 April. 1641, at I<€I1Sil1glOI1,’—F ROBERT RICH, 26th Earl of War-;2nd, ANNE, 2nd da. of Edward Mon- ELIZABETH, sister of Henry, lst ' Viscount Irvine, da. of Sir Arthur Ingram, of Temple Newsom, da. of Sir Henry Slingsby, Bart.; 1675. buried at Iiensington 17 Sept., 1661. HENRY R1cH, Lord Kensington; b. about 1642; buried at Kensington 22 April, 1659. Earl of Warwick; b. I673; d.3I July, buried6Aug., I701, at Kensington. wick; b. Holland 9 March, 1648-9; Earl ,, of Warwick co. Yorks, by his Ist w., Elizabeth, “ buried at Ix'ensington 16 April, about 1620; Earl of 24 Aug, 1673; EDWARD RICH, 27th 3: Feb., 1696-7, CHARLOTTE, da. and h. of Sir Thomas Middleton, 2nd Bart., of Chirke Castle, by his 2nd w., Charlotte, da. of Sir Orlando Bridgman. She d. at Kensington 7]uly, buried 12 July, I731. Will dated 29 May, 1728. tagu, 2nd Earl of Manchester, by his 2nd w., Anne, da. of Robert Rich, 23rd Earl of \/Varwick; buried at Kensington 9 July, 1689. :2iitl, 2 Aug., 1716, at St. Edmund the King, Lon- don, the Ilunrr IioN. JOSEPH ADDISON, the author, who d. at Holland House, Kensington, I7, buried 26 June, 1719, in Westminster Abbey. Corr: Rrcn :7- EDWARD Rrcn, ff A b o u t Earl of \\’ar- wick; b. I695; d. s./>. m. 7, buried I5 Sept, 1759, at Ken- sington. M.I. 1712, MARY, da. of Samuel Stan- ton, of King’s Lynn, Norfolk; d. 7, buried I4 Nov., 1769, K ensingto n. M.I. APPENDIX c TO BOOK v A DECLARATION OF THE Earle of Warwick, Lord High fldrnirall OF ENGLAND : In Answer of a scandalous Pamphlet, sadly reflecting upon his Lordships Honour and Proceedings. Having this day seene a Letter from LONDON, dated the third of this instant November, importing, That there is a Pamphlet printed intituled; A Declaration of the Earle of Warwick, shewmg a Resolution to joyne with the Prmce if the Treaty take not effect. I thought myselfe bound to take notice of it, having so horrrd a reflection upon my Honour, and wickedly aspersing mee with a supposed Resolution one so repugnant to the Trust, which I hold under the PARLIAMENT, And therefore I doe hereby declare, That as both Houses of Parliament have been pleased to intrust me with 846 /'5 Appendices the Charge of the Fleet, so I have endeavoured to improve that Authority committed to me, with a faithfull, and inviolable respect unto my duty. When I first undertooke this great Charge, I was really sensible how much the Cause, Truth, and glory of God, the settlement of my Countries Peace, and the preventing of the bloody, and desperate designes of the Enemies thereof, depended upon the management of this Expedition, and how much I was obliged in Conscience and Honour to omit nothing that might have a tendency to those ends. That Obligation I have (according to my best Reason and Judge- ment) faithfully discharged, and by the blessing of Heaven have received this fruit (notwithstanding the many obstructions and difficulties that intervened) that the Honour of the Parliament by Sea is cleared, the Fleet commited to my charge preserved in a condition of Honour and safety; The affections of the Sea-men setled; the designe of those wicked Revolters, that perfidiously betrayed so considerable a part of the Kingdomes Navie broken, and such as associated with them either rendered or reduced (other then those few that for a while have basely sheltered themselves within the Sluce at Helver, and one that was out of this Harbour when I came into it.) And as to the pretended Resolution of my joyning with the Prince, in case the Treaty should not take effect, falsly charged upon me, by that Phamphlet, I doe professe, in the presence of God, who knowes my heart, and waies, that it never entred into my thoughts, and that my soule abhors it, as inconsistent with my Duty, prejudiciall to the Parliament, destructive to the Kingdomes Peace, and unworthy of a free borne English man; being confident that the Parliament will omit nothing on their part, to make the issue of the Treaty (by Gods blessing) successefull, and happie. And therefore, as I have hitherto beene faithfull to the Kingdome, and to the Parliament, where I have the Honour to sit as Peere, so I do and shall scorne to sacrifice my conscience, and those publique and deare concernments of my Country, wherein I have a portion, to the mis-led fancie of any person of what ranke, quality, or condition soever; And while I have a heart, and a hand, I shall not faile (by Gods assistance) to have them, on all occasions, lifted up, for the Service of the Parliament; and common Interests of England, with my uttermost integrity, and to my highest hazard; And my actions shall confute the lyes and jealousies as well 847 Appendices w of that false Author, as of any other who (either from an ignorance of my proceedings, or perhaps from a sense, of their owne guilt) dare take the freedome (in these times, wherein the Tongue and Presse assume so luxurious a latitude) so unjustly to bespatter my Honour and Intentions; To vindicate the sincerity whereof I shall commit my selfe to him that judgeth righteously. \\'-\Rw1ci<. A Board the St. George in Helver Sluce, II. Novemb. 1648. FINIS. 848 APPENDIX A TO BOOK VI The Will of EDWARD GREVYLL; dated 12 December 1436. I desire to be buried in the parish church of Cherdelynch. I give to every priest in the funeral office, 12d. To every clerk celebrating mass there, 6d. To the minor clerks, 4d. To the fabric of the parish church, 3li. To the chapel of St. john the Baptist de Godlaigh, 4 marks. I bequeath to Sir Stephen Chapman, rector of Cherdelyng, to celebrate for my soul, 40s. To Brother Thomas of the order of St. Augustin, Bristol, to celebrate a trentale for my soul, 5 marks. I give to the said Thomas, 35. 4d., for his labour spent on me. Item, to the Convent of the Friars Minor of Briggexvater, 10 marks to celebrate for my soul, two complete years. I give to the Convent to St. Augustin’s, Bristol], 40s. to celebrate for my soul. To brother William Stowrd, to celebrate for my soul, 2 marks. I bequeath to John Curtenay, my gown of scarlet with hood of musterde-vybeis and a silver baselard. To Leonard Stepylton, my blue (blodia) gown furred. To William ap Thomas, my gown of murrey engreyned and one flat piece without a cover. Item, to Mary my sister one gown of green colour formerly my Wife’s. I bequeath to Richard Martyn, 5 marks and one sorel horse and my sword with one jakke of defense. To John Scherlond, 5 marks with one black horse and saddle and bridle and one wood knyffe. 849 Appendices W Item, to Katherine Hullond, 5 marks. To ]ohn Payne, zos. Other small money legacies to Elys Deyeman, ]ohn Newman, _Iohn Ratsworthy, ]ohn Hullond and john and Thomas his sons, William Trayleman, john Fammell the younger, Anastasia, wife of Richard Martyn, and John Bercoin. I bequeath to the Bishop of Exeter, one horse called “ Irell.” To my brother, Richard Grevyll, my seal. To my mother, one ring and all the apparatus of the hangings in my hall. I give to Thomas Spencer, one goss-hawk. Item, to Isota Hullond, one hake. To my brother, Stepilton, one striped hood. I will that the lordship of Batheneston shall be sold to have a mass In the parish church of Chardelynch for my soul and the soul of Isabel my wife. Residuary legatees and executors: SIR PHILIP THORNBURY; WILLIAM AP THOMAS; JOHN CURTENAY and RICHARD MARTYN. Proved 5 February in the year above written. VVi1l of Robert Grevyle Gentleman dated 7th February 1548. My soul to Almighty God and my body to be buried in the parish Church of Charlton Kyngs. I give to the High Altar for trthes forgotten 4“. The Residue of my goods not bequeathed my debts paid I give to ]one my wife whom I make my sole Executrix. Richard Gotheryge Gentleman to be my overseer. Witnesses RICHARD ELBOROW NICHOLAS GOLDER WILLIAM PECK. Proved I548 [no day of the month]. 850 .@ Appendices The VI/ill of Robert Grevell of Eburton GloS Gentleman. Dated 4”‘ September in the third year of the reign of Edward VI. (1550). My soul to Almighty God and my body to be buried in the Chancel of Eburton nye unto my wrfe. I bequeath to Dorothie my daughter xx“ in money and all my land within Hereford during her life and after I will the same to remain to my son Thomas Grevell and his heirs for ever. I bequeath to Anne Neyvell my daughter and John Neyvell her son xx marks in money. I bequeath Heline Ingles my friend one calf. To John Kelinge for my wife’s lying and mine with her, 1n the chancel of Eburton aforesaid, Vicar there, xd 10/- The residue of my goods moveable and immoveable I give to Thomas my son whom I make sole Executor to bestowe them as God shall put him in mind to and for his own furtherance and to and for the wealthe of my soul and all Christian souls. The overseers I make my two ZVezu'es Fouke Grevell Knight and Edward Grevell Gentleman desiring them to advise my sard son Thomas Grevell in all rightes. Wrtnesses JOHN KELINGE Vicar RICHARD ETTE & JOHN OKELEY. [No date of proof] The Will of THOMAS GREUELL, dated 5 January 1558 [-9]. I bequeath my body to be buried in the chappell of our Ladie within the parishe churche of Seynt Gyles without Creplegate of London, where I am a paryshenere, neare unto my pewe there. I will all my goods be divided into two equal parts according to the custome of the citie of London; whereof one part I bequeath to ]one my wife. Out of the other part, I bequeath to the high aulter of St. Gyles aforesaid, 2s. 851 Appendices W To my sister, Jone Lacye, widow, 6li. 13s. 4d. To John Lacye of London, brewer, 20s., and to his wife other zos. To Alexander Lacye, brother to the same John, and to his wife 1os. I give to the two daughters of the said Alexander zos. apiece at their ages of 21 or marriage. Item, to John Burton the younger and Elizabeth Burton his sister, the children of John Burton, brewer, 40s., at their ages of 21 or marriage. To Richard Hollylande, wax chaundler, zos. Item, to Margaret my woman servant, now dwelling with me, 20s. To Bryan Myrfin, mine apprentice, 2os. To Robert Aldrich my late servant, 2oli. I give to the company of wax chaundlers of London of the livery, for a drinking or repast, 20s., and the like to the company of fletchers of London. I bequeath to Emma Grevell, a mayden child whom I have brought up of charitye from her youth, 511. at her age of 21, or mairiage. Residuary legatee and executrix: My wife Jone. Overseers: my friends Richard Roper, baker, and John Hillyarde, Goldefyner. (Signed and sealed) THOMAS GREUELL. Witnesses: WiLL.\i. ASSHETON; RIBERT ALDRICHE; RICHARDF. HOLLYLANDE and RICHARDE REASON, servant to Thomas Pierson, scryvener. Proved 26 January 1558-9 by the relict and executrix named. (P.C.C. Welles, 27.) The \Vi1l of Tnonas GREVELL. Thomas Grevell of Stocke Lysley in the dioceese of Oxon, declared his testament nuncupative the 25th daye of July in the firste yere of the Raigne of Queue Mary, by the which he gave to Elizabeth his wyef all his goodes, saying expressly that all his 852 4» Appendices goodes he had by his said wyef, and therefore to her he leaveth them. These being witnesses: EDWARDE SOMERFEILDE, Esq.; STEPHEN CORDIE and LAWRENCE YATES, parson of Hardewicke. 5 May 1561 commission issued to William Holte, executor named in the Wlll of Elizabeth Grevell, late relict of the above named Thomas Grevell deceased, to adrninster the goods 8:0. of the said deceased. (P.C.C. Loftes, 15.) The Will of ELIZABETH GREVELL, late the wyef of Thomas Grevell of Stoke Lysley, co. Oxforde, widowe; dated 3 and 4 Philip and Mary. I bequeath my body to be buried in the parish church of Stoke. I make William Holte, my eldest son, my full and whole executor and gixe unto him all my goods not given or bequeathed by this my last will. I give to Francis Holte, my other son, roo shepe rateable, 10 beasts, one feather bed, &c. &c., provided always that these legacies be not prejudiciall to the annuity of 15li. a year to the said Francis. I bequeath to Ellen Becley, my maid, 2o nobles, so that she be ruled by my executor. I give to Thomas Holte and Anne Holte, my son William’s children, IOO shepe, to keep them at school yf God should do his will by their father. Item, to Thomas London, 3 shepe. To so many of my godclnldren as my executor shall think fit a shepe apiece. Witnesses: RICHARDE BENNET, parson of Bucknell; WILLIAM GENNINGS, with others. Proved 5 May 1561, by the executor named. (P.C.C. Loftes, I5.) 853 Appendices W The \Vill of Anne Grevell of Ebrington GloS \Vidow. I bequeath my soul to Almighty God and my body to be buried in the church or churchyard of Ebrington. I give unto my son in law ]ohn Grevell one cow and unto Robert the son of the said John Grevell £5 and unto Elizabeth the daughter of the said John Grevell 53/- and unto Thomas the son of the said John Grevill 53/- and unto William ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, 53/- and unto ]ohn ,, ,, ,, ,, ., 53/- Unto sundry poor inhabitants of Ebrmgton 6“. Unto my servants and house men and maidens I give 7“. Unto my Godson John Davis 20/- ., ,, ., Richard Harbaye 6/8 .. ,, ,, Thomas Harbaye the son of john Harbaye 6/8 ,, the two daughters of John Alnsieby named Ehzabeth and Dorothy 2/-. Whereas my husband Thomas Grevell bequeathed 13/4 to be employed and bestowed towards the repairs of the church whereof I have paid the churchwardens. I give 5/- to be bestowed on things necessary for the repair of the Church of Ebrington by the discretion of Thomas Gales Elder Vicar there. The rest of my goods for the natural lives of Margaret Elizabeth and Anne the daughters of my son in law with Robert Grevell to be enjoyed. I give unto the above named Elizabeth and Anne with Robert Grevells daughter to be equally distributed and payed in the day of their marriage. I will that Margaret the daughter of the said Robert Grevell shall share in my goods with the s‘1 Elizabeth and Anne. I make the said Robert Grevell sole Executor. Overseers my brother in law John Davis and Wm Tomlyns. Dated 15 May 1593. Witnesses THOMAS GILES the Elder. JOHN THOMAS Stew. ANNE DAVIES. DORATHIE W1I.soN. Proved 12th July 1594. 854 APPENDIX B TO BOOK VI Inscriptions on Coffin Plates in the Vault beneath the Chapter House of St. Mary’s Church, \/Varwick. Here lyeth the body of the Right Honbl Francis Lord Brooke Barone Brooke of Beauchampe Court eldest sone of the Right Honbl Robert Lord Brooke who died on the xxiii year of his age at Chiswicke in Middlesex upon the xix day of Novemb MDCLVIII and was here intered the xxi day of December folloing. Robert Grevill 2d Son of ye Right Honbl Robert y6 2(1 Lord Brooke by y8 Lady Ann his Wife Sole Daughter and Heir of john Dodington of Bremore Esq. Borne at Hackney May ye 13th 1664 and Died yc II of June followmg and Buried ye 16 Day After. john Grevill 3 Son of ye Right Honbl Robert y6 2d Lord Brooke by y6 Lady Ann his Wife Sole Daughter and Heir of John Dodington of Bremore in Hampshire Esq. Borne at Hackne-y June ye 15, 1665 and Died at Warwick August y8 30, 1667 and Buried here y0 Day After. The Body of Sarah Lady Brook wife to y° Rt Honblc Foulk Lord Brook who dyed ye 20th September I705 in y8 58 Yeare of her Age. The Honblc Francis Grevile Eldest Son to the Rt Hon“0 Fulk L‘1 Brook Died Octr I1“‘ I710 In )6 43“ yeare of His age. The Rt Honble Fulke Lord Brooke Baron Brooke of Beauchampe Court in the County of Warwick Dyed at his House in Twickenham in y8 County of Midd‘ on Sunday the 22d of October I710 in the sixty-eighth year of his age. The Honble Mrs Diana Grevile Daughter of the Rt Honble Foulk Ld Brooke Died April }° Ilth 1715. VOL. II. 855 F F Appendices W The Hon“ Fulke Grevile Esqr Second Son of the Rt Honblc \Villm Lord Brooke was Born y8 22 Day of Oct and Dyed y6 24th day of March 1718 Aged 22 Weeks and 6 Days. The Honblc William Grevile Esqr Son of The Rt Hon"'° \\'illiam Lord Brooke died March ye 26th 1718 Aged 5 Months. The Honble Sarah Grevile Fourth daughter of the Rt Hon. Fulke Lord Brooke Deceas’d who died the 1t of Jan: Anno Dom‘ 1719 in y0 46lh year of her age. Mary Lady of The Rt Hon. William Lord Brooke Daughter and Coheiress of The Honble Henry Thynne and Grand Daughter of yC Rt Honble Thomas Lord Viscount Weymouth: Departed th1s Life March ye 29th 1720 in ye 19”‘ Year of Her Age Leaving Issue Francis Her Son. The Honble Algernoone Grevrle Fourth Son of the Rt Honble Foulke Lod Brooke who dred 28th Apr1 1720 Aged 46 years. The Rt Honble Wrlliam Grevile Baron Brook of Beauchamps Court in y8 County of Warwick Dred ye 28‘11 July 1727 in ye 33‘‘ year of his Age. NOTE.—-The Vault contarns twenty-eight coffins in all, but as these are laid one upon another (three deep) 1t was only possible to copy the inscriptions upon the upper ones. The three earliest in date given above are cast leaden inscriptrons with rarsed letters soldered to the leaden coffins. I have rubbrngs of these. LL01 D CHADWICK. 856 APPENDIX C TO BOOK VI llbebigree of Jfiaron "tltllillougbbp be :iBroke (F/'0//1 Ba/zfs “Dar//za/2! and Exz‘z'/zcz‘ Bar0nez‘age,” vol. z'z'., 15. 609) SIR RICHARD VERNEY, ¥ l\IARGARE’l‘, sole daughter and heir of Knt. Sir Fulke Greville, and heir to her brother, Fulke Greville, first Baron Brooke. SIR GREVILLE VERNEY, Other issue. eldest son. GREVILLE VERNEY. Z Joan, 5 (2nd) SIR RICHARD VERNEY, Knt. ' ob. znfazzs. 1 Allowed on claim the Barony of \Villoughby 5 de Broke, anno 1695-6. 06. 1711. GREVILLE VER.\‘EY. L WILLIAM, only son ; died, unmarried, I669. 857 [I JOHN VERNEY, Clerk, Rector of Bredon, Dean of APPENDIX D TO BOOK VI llbebtgree of lDerneg (From t/zc ll//10/zz'rzaz‘ed Parr/11/1612! B00/e at C0m,2>z’0n Verney.) WILLIAM DE VERNAI, /e////>. IIen. I. SIMON DE VERNEY. ROGER DE VERNEY, le//1;). Hen. II. WILL. DE VERNEY. ROGER DE VERNAI, of Bromshulf. SIMON DE VERNAI -T— AGNES, sister of IIervicus dc Bagot. l l I SIR HENRY DE VERNAY, 1'0///p. I-Ien. III. SIMON, s. Simon and Agnes. RALF DE VERNAY. I—IERvIcus DE VERNEY, /e//z/I. Edw. I. SIMON DE VERNAY, 7 Edw. I. RICHARD, of Madeley, 7 Edw. II. Prrir~.m. SIMON DE VERNEY, of I\Iadeley. SIMON DE VERNEY, 41 Edw. III. VVII.I.I.M\I DE VEENEY, 42 Edw. IIL? EI.I'/.AIII£'I‘II. I JOHN DE VERNEY, fr’?/zp. Hen. IV. and V. ? ALIDE. RICHAR1) DE VERNEY, I\'t., ? ELEONORA, da. and h. of John Loudham, of North- Lichficld, Supervisor of the Earl of VVarwick. 29 lIen. VI. ; (1. I490. I ampton, Kt. EDMUND VERNEY, Esq., F.scheator of cos. of Warwick '—‘f—‘ in 1457, EI.I7.., da. of Sir \V1n. and Leicester; d. 4 Feb, I494. Fielding, Kt. Al\'l\'l£, wife of Simon (or Ric.) Montfort, Kt. 858 l I l | *'_ I ~77 I — -I1 I LEONARD. RICHARD VERNEY, =1: ANNE, da. of EL17.., wife of of Compton, Esq., Wm. Danvers. Thos. Grey, l\IICiIAEL. ab. 27 or 28 Sept., of Enville. 1527 lMmr“EEEHMW___u_ THOMAS VERNEY, Kt ; —-_T: ALICE, sister and co-h. of Tho. Tame, I ANNE, wife of Edw. Odmgsels, d. 1537. of Fairford, co. Gloucester, Kt. of Long Itchington. I ~ i ~ , . . ~ I '> PETER. RICHARD —T— It RANCES, da. of George Raleigh, of Farnborough, co. VVar\\'1Cl<. TI.\IO'l‘HY. . , i I I)oRo'1‘11v, RICHARD. I If INHVII GEORGE VERNEV, :1: JANE, da. of William Lucy, JOHN. STEPHEN. ELEANOR, 00 mar. Danvers. d. 8 April, 16 Eliz. ‘ of Charlecot, Esq. mar. Roydon. Ln to I RICHARD VERNEY,?l\'IARGARE'I‘, da. of Fulke Greville, b. 1563, (1. 1630. I Lord Brooke, of Beauchamp Court. I I GREVILLE VERNEY, ? CATHERINE, da. RICHARD, d. single. JOHN, mar. Elizab. Berkeley, of MARY, mar. Ric. Samwell, of (1. 12 May, 1642. I of Robert -— Cotheridge. Upton, Northants. Southwell, of GEORGE, mar. Tryphena, ANNIE, mar. John Bretton, of | Wood Rising, da. of Edmund, Norton, CO. Northants. ——— co. Norfolk. Lord Mulgrave. EI.IZAEETI-r, (1. unmar. I MARGARET, mar. Shirley. l l GREVILLE V ERNEY, ¥ ELI’/.ABE'1‘II, da. of Thomas, GEORGE. ELIZABE'l‘II, mar. Edw. Peyto, d. 1648. Viscount Wenman. of Chesterton, Esq. MARY, da. of John Prettiman, : RICHARD, admitted to the = 2nd, FRANCES, da. of Thomas Dove, of Ledingstone, co. Leicester, dormant title of Lord of Castleacre, co. Norfolk, Kt. and Bart. Willoughby de Broke. and Upton. of Sir W'alter Cokesey, Kt . and sister and heiress of Hugh Cokesey ; died 1473-4- l 2nd, Jovcn, da. ZJOIIN (iRE\'II.I.E, of? 1st, SIBIL, da. WIi.LiAi\i l\lARY,11i:tl'. EDWARD (iiRli‘.VllLli1, Campden and Sei- ' and h. of Sir —— sincote; Sheriff for of Gloucester I427-8, and of the his wife; (I. Marches of \Vales CO. APPENDIX E TO BOOK VI (Che llbatn iLtne of the ibouse of Q3rei>ilIe WILLIAM (iREYVVl.E, of Inglethwaite and Awaldtofte, :. . co. York; d. I294. JOIIN DE GREYVILE, held land in Soulhwick, co. Wilts; alive in —— I297-8. (Warwick Papers) J_'-.- \VILi.IA.\i ])lC GRF.Y\II.l.E, holding land at llcnton, "Tr (?) Lucv . co. Bucks; alive I3I3-4 ; probably Lord ofCl. ; living in Ludlow Dec , I446;proved 1420-1. 5 Feb. following. John Giffaid. of Cherdelynch, — mar Isabella Sta- pleton, but d. if. .\IARioN.\, da. of . (Brass at Campden, co. Gloucester.) . ; (I. I0 Sept , 1386. at \VlI.l.IAAI GREVIEL, Woolstapler, 1 JOANNA, sister of Sir of London, Lord of Chipping Campden, and reputed builder of the church; after I398 Lord of I Milcot, co \/Varwick. vVill dated Philip Thornbury, and eventually his heir; d. s./> ; Lady of Manor of Mil- | at Campden 2 April, I401: d. cot, through her I ()ct.. I4oI. (Brass in church.) husl iand’s will, dated I449-5o. I.tiDovIc Gi 29 OCI-3 1582, Alcestelk of Tllorpe Chr15lOl)he1' of Milcot. J Bromley, Kt , Lord Chan- created Sir Richard 8 Oci., Latinier, Copley, Cellor of England ; ]1]{L1‘I]:£1g() Baron Verney, son and ‘I592, co. Lincoln; of Sprot-~ hcence datcd 2Q May, 1583_ Brooke, of h. of George Edward bur. at borough, Beauchamp’s Veiney, Esq , of Reade. Alcester I co. York. l i I i I I Court, Compton Verney, 16 July, ‘ MARTIIA, CA'I‘HAR1NE, Jovca, I)/IARGAREI‘, JANE. ,3O Jan ’ CO Wmlvlck’ by SCONSOLAFE’ 1632' i mm‘ Slr man mm, mar. __ 18 James I ; Jane his wife, mar. at 1 Arthur . . . \Villiam Edward ELIZABETII. Smlfibed da Ofwmmm Alcefter’ ‘ Ingram, of Ingram. \\/hitacie, Pennel, 30 Sept" , Ifucy’ of _ 27 1\8OV" I \Velford, Esq. Esq. CONSTANCE. I628 ’ Cm‘ ecot’ LS9‘ ’ I5 7’ Kt d. unm. she d. 26 March, Walter ' I631 (Effigies at Basset. ‘, Compton Verney.) / Z98 ROBERT GREVILLE, Lord Brooke, b. in 1607; ed. at Cambridge; 7-‘ Lady CATHERINE, eldest da. of M P. for Warwick 1628; succeeded as 2nd Baron 30 Sept., 1628 ; Recorder of Warwick; Lord Lieut. co. ¥Varwicl< 28 Feb , I642; Col. of the “ Purple Coats” 1642, and of a Troop of Horse 1642 ; Maj.-Gen. for cos. Warwick and Stafford 7 Jan., 1643; lulled at L1chfield 2 March, I643. Francis, 4th Earl of Bedford, by Catherine his wife, da. and h. of Giles, 3rd Lord Chandos. l i FRANcIs, Lord ROBERT, Lord Brooke, b r-' ANNE, da. and I EDwARD ALGERi\ON FULKE GREVILLE, b. after :1: SARAII, Brooke, b. before 4 Jan., I638; bap. at co-h. of GREVILLE, GREVILI E, 2 March, I643; succeeded da. of I639;succeeded as NVarwick 24th; succeeded Sir William (I. s.j>. ; d. s. /1. ; as 5th Baron Brooke I3 Alderman 3rd Baron2l\IaIclI, Nov., 1658 : Lord Lieut Dorington, bur. at War- bur at War- Feb., 1677 ; Recorder of Dashwood, I643 ; Recorder of of co. Stafford 20 Aug., of Bremer, wick 25 Oct , ruck 6 Aug., Warwick and Coventry ; of London; \Varwick;d. Nov., 1660; High Steward of I-Ieits, I655. 1662. died 22 Oct , 1710; bur. bur. at I658; bur. at War- Stafford I674,andofStrat- Bart. at VVarwick 3 March. \Narwick wick 21 Dec , ford-on-Avon I674 : J.I’. ; 3 Oct., 1658. d. 13 Feh., I677 : bur. at 1705. \Varw ick 20 March. 00 ‘ "D-""'*——— -"r—"‘" P"---"" * JOHN. ANNE, da. and FRANcIs I ANNE, eldest ALGERNON -T~ MARY, da. of DORINGTON ROBERT FOIILKE, ——- co-h., mar. (iRI<)VII.I.E, da. of John GREVILLE, I Arthur Som- GRE'\'II.I.E, GREVILLE, b. II Dec., FRANCIS. VV1lham b. I July, and sister bur at l erset, 5th son 31d son, I). I9, bap. bap. 9 Jan., —— Pierrepoint, bap. 24 July, and co-h. of Warwick 1 of Henry, (1. unmar. 20 April, I670 ; bur. CI-IARLEQ, Earl of 1667 ; CharlesWil- 6 May, l Duke of 1738. I674 ; d. 6 March, bur. at War- Kingston. d. II Oct., mot, Earl of I720. l Beaufort. beyond the 1681-2. wick 12 June, 1710. Rochester, I seas in 1663. DORINt;'l ON, and widow I France; bur. —— 2nd da. and of Henry l at Warwick ROIIERI‘. co lI. ; b. 20, Baynton, of | March 12, — bap.2IFeh., I672 ; Spy I’-ark, I700-I. VVILLIAM. mar. Charles co. Wilts, -———- Montagu, Earl of Esq. FULKE. Manchester. /l\ I I I I _ CATHERINE, mar. Ist, W1-iothesley ANNE, b. 29 Aug , ELIZABETH, h. and SARAII, b. 29 MARY, DIANA, HENRIET'l‘A, mar. Sir Noel, Earl of Gainsborough; bap. 27 Sept., bap. 6 Oct., May, 1672 ; bur. at bur. at James Long, of 2nd, John Sheffield, Duke of 1668; bur. at I669; mar. Francis, bur. I3 Warwick Warwick Draycote, co. Wilts, Buckingham, Vvarwick Earl of Guilford. Jan., I719. ZI May, 20 April, Bart. 7 Dec., 1692. I714. I715. I Ist, Thellou. GEORCIANA = GEORGE GREVILLE, Earl Biooke and E.1rl:F 2nd, 9July, 1776, The Hon CIlARI,ICS FRANCIS GREVlLl.E,l). l’i~:ACHEY, only da. of James, Ist Lord Selsey, I Apul, I771; she d. April, 1772, and was bur. at Warwick I2 Apul, I772. July, 1749, June 24, 1757 ; ’ she (I. 24 Feb., 1800. created Earl of \\"arwick 13 Nov., I759; d. 6July, I773; bur. l at Warwick 18 July following. ! l of \Varwick, b 16 Sept, I746; 1*‘.R.S 17 Dec., 1767; F.S A. 14 Feb., I768; l\I.P. for \/Varwick I768-73; Loid of Trade Vernon, Esq., The Hon. ROBERT FULKE (iREVIl.I.E, b. 26 Jan., 1771 ; Lieut.-Col. commdg. VVar- by Evelyn his 3 l“eb., I751 ; F R S.. F.L.S., Groom of wick Fencible Cav. 23 Way, I794; Lord wife, da. of the Bedchamber; m. Uct.. I797. Louisa, Lieut. of co. \Varwick 14 Jan., 1795; d. 2 John, 1st Earl Countess of Mansfield; died 27 April, l\Iay,I8I6; bur. at VVarwick 12 May, 1816. Gowei. 1824; bur. at VVaI\'vick 7 May, 1824. llENRiE'i‘i‘A, 12 May, I749 ; d. unm. 23 April, 1809. da. of Richard _L-_iAI”2i”Ir__,_D,___,_i____ /l\ OO O\ JR FULKE, Lord Brooke, b. 1693; ed. Univ. Coll., Oxford ; succeeded as 6th Baion Biooke 22 Oet., 1710; d. 24 I“eb., 1711. The Ilon. LOUIsA ;\UGUSTA, I). I4 April, 1743; m. 23 April, I770, William 1764, Sir I-Iany Iolarpur, Churchill, Esq , of Hen- bury, co Dorset. WIi.LIAM GREVILLE, Lord Brooke, ; MARY TIIYNNE, da. of b. I694; ed. Wadham Coll., Ox- Thomas, Ist Viscount ford; succeeded 24 1*‘eb., I7II; Weymouth, by Frances, Recorder of VVarwick; M.A. Ox- da. of I-Ieneage, Earl ford 4 Nov., I712; d. 28 July, of \Vmchilsea; bur. 8 1727; bur. at \Varwick II Aug., Apiil, I720. I727. l£i.i7.AiiE'i‘iI. CATIIERINE, mar. to Charles Egeiton, Esq., son of John, Earl of Bridge wal er. l I __ The Hon. WIi.i.1Ai\i , , The Ilon. FULKE FRANCIQ (}REvii-I.E, Earl Brooke. :1: 16 May, 1742, ELI7A- GRE\'ii.i E. GREVILI.E. b. IO ()ct., I719; Recoriler of BF.'I‘II, grand—da. Warwick; cieated Earl Brooke of VVilliam, 3rd 7 July, I746; Loid Lieut. 6 Duke of Ilamilton; l I i Thellon 1*‘RANCEsEi I7./\BE'llI, The Hon. Cl~IARLlO'l"l‘l§ MARY, l). The Hon. IsAnEI.i.A, The Hon. ANNE, b. 11 May,I744;mar I7July, 6 July, 1745 ; mar. 14 Aug , b I March, 1748; d. b.26 Aug.,I760; 1762, John, Lord Garl1es, son the same day. d.26May, 1783. to the Earl of Galloway, and d. 31 May, 1763. Bart. ; she d. 7 April, 1825. E I GEORGE, d. young; bur. II May, 1786. —-WILLIAM HAl\III.'l‘ON GRE\'ILi.E, bur. I 4 April, 1801. '.——Sir Ci-IARLES, K.C.B., Major-General; I Lieut.-Colonel 38th Foot; M.P. for WVarwick. ————EI.IZABE'l‘H, d. 23 Jan., I806. --— HENRIETTA, m. 3 Feb., I805, Thomas Scott, Earl of Clonmel. I——CAROLINE. ; ~~—~CHARLO'I‘TE. I~——-AUGUSTA. IIENRY RICHARD GREVILLE, Earl Brooke and Earl of War- F mar. 21 Oct., 1816, SARAH, wick, b. 9 March, 1779; Capt. Warwick Regt. of Gentry da. of John, Earl of Mex- 7 Sept., I797; Col. Loyal Birmingham Regt. of Volunteers borough, Dowager-Baro- 20 I“eb., I779; M.P for Warwick 1802, I806-7, 1812, I816; ness Wonson; d. 30 Jan., I).L. co. VVarwick 21 Sept., I803; Recorder of \Varwick 185I. I816-32; Lord Lieut. co. \Varwick 5 July, I822; K.T. 10 May, 1827; D.C.L. Oxford IO June, I834; (1. 10 Aug., 1853; bur. at Warwick 19 Aug., I853. I GEORGE GUY GREVILLE, Earl Brooke of Warwick Castle, Earl Of¥mar. I8 Feb., 1852, Lady ANNE CIIARTERIS, 2nd da. of Warwick; A.D C. to H.M. Queen Victoria; Col. Warwick Yeomanry; b. 28 March, 1818; d. at W'arwick Castle 2 Dec., 1893; bur. at Warwick 6 Dec. 4th da. of Richard, 2nd Earl of Lucan ; b. Francis, 8th Earl of Wemyss, and Lady Louisa Bingham, 29 July, I829. FRANcIs RICHARD CHARLES ¥ mar.atWestminster The Hon. ALWYN '-,—— mar. at St. Paul’s, The Hon. Louis 7- mar. (?) at St. I George’s, l GUY GREVILLE, 5th Earl Abbey 30 April, I-IENRY FULRE Kmghtsbridge, GEORGE GRE- I Hanover Square, mi of Warwick; D.L. and 1881, FRANcEs t}REvII.I.E, b. 8 Aug., 1888, VILLE, See. at July, I887, LILY. da.I CC. for Warwick; Hon. EVELYN, da. of 9 Feb., 1854; “ABEL, only Tokio; b. 2 ofI. H. Gordon, Esq ,' Maj. of Warwick Yeom.; Col. the Hon. hap.IMay,I8—; da. of the late Jan., 1856. of Wetcombe Lodge,I Governor of Rugby School ; Charles Henry E\tra Equerry to Ernald Smith, ,I\ \Vimbledon. b. at 7, Carlton Gardens Maynard, son I-I.R.l-I. Duke /I\ Esq. I 9 Feb., I853; bap at VVar- ofViscountMay- of Edinburgh; ‘ wlclx 31 Jan" I853. 23651;;/I-1Z[:: Ist The Hon E\\/A if mar. at St..Margaret's, The I-Tor}! SII)NE}' da_ of Hemy Rlfle COrPS_ SARAH LoUIsA. I \V€StI1111]St€J, 2O ROBERI ‘REV.I.LLIi., FHZRO ESC Lady- In-Wa1t- July, 1895, I*RA.\IR C.B., Equeny to y’ ‘1' ing to H.R.H DUGDALE, Esq., H.M. King Etl— LEOPOLD GUY FRANCIS MAYNARD, I I the Princess of Wales; I). 13 March, I860 /I\ The Hon CI-IARLEs ALGERNON 2nd son of James Dugdale, of VVrox— hall Abbey. The IIon. Lord Brooke, b. at Grosvenor Square, London, IO Sept., 1882. MARJORIE BLANCIIE EVA, 1). at 7, Carlton Gardens 26 Oct., 1884. CROMARTIE, b. at Easton 22 Nov., 1885; d. at Easton 28 March, I 887. I898. ward VII.; b. 16 Nov. I865. MAYNARD GREVILLE, b. at Easton 2 March, I898; bap. at Warwick Castle 7 May, 98 U1 APPENDIX F TO BOOK VI ZDescerrbants of 1Robert, SL016 Jfirooke - 1 1 I RANCIs, Lord Brooke, 1). ROBERT, Lord Brooke, b. 1638, F ANNE, da. and EDWARD, FUI.I~IE, b. after 2 —-J=SARA11, da. before 1639, succeeded as succeeded Nov., 1658; Lord Lieut. co-II. of Sir bur. at March, 1643; suc- ofAlderman 3rd Baron 2 March, I643 ; of Staffordshire 20 Aug. , I660 : Willram Dor- VVarwick ceeded as 5th Baron Dashwood Recorder of War wick, High Steward of Stafford 1674, and ington, Bart., 25 Oct., 13 Feb., 1677; of the City where he was bur 21 of Stratford-on-Avon I674; J.l’.; of llremer, co. I655. Recorder of War- of London; Dec., I658. d. 13 Feb.; bur. at VVa1-wrck 20 IIerts. —— wick and Coventry; bur. at March, I676-7. ALGERNON, d. 22 Oct., 1710; Warwick I bur. at bur. at \Varwick 3 Oct., J J J J J \Varwick 3 March following I705. JOIIN. CIIARLES, bur. at \\'arwick ANNE, da. and co-h. ; mar. 6 A11g-, —— 12 June, I663 \\’m. Pierrepoint, Earl of 1662- I<‘RAI\'I‘Is. —— Rrngston. —-—- \\'11.I.1AM. ROBERT. b. 4 Jan . bap. at ——— DORING'ION, b. 20, bap 21 \\"arwick 24 Jan., 1672. FULKE. Feb., 1672; mar. Charles Montagu, 4th Earl of Manchester. 1 I 1 FRANt‘1s —-(1 ANNE, eldest AIoERNoN, ———' l\IARY, da. of DoRINo"IoN, ROBERT, FUI.I