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HISTORY
of the &
12IST NEW YORK
STATE INFANTRY
By
ISAAC O. BEST
G#)
1921
PUBLISHED BY
LIEUT. JAS. H. SMITH
3543 Cottage Grove Ave., CHICAGO, ILL.
Price by mail, prepaid, $1.15
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FOREWORD
IN compiling a History of the 121st Regiment of
New York Volunteers, the writer feels handi-
capped by two facts: He is not an original mem-
ber of the regiment, but was transferred from the
16th N. Y. in the spring of 1863; and after his
transfer, he did not serve in the regiment, having
previously been detailed for clerical duty in the
office of the Adjutant General of the Brigade.
Consequently he never had that close personal
relation with the members of the regiment that
would give to his writing the intimate character
of a fellow soldier.
On the other hand, however, his position gave
him the advantage of a close observer; for all the
orders from the higher authorities and all the re-
ports of the brigade and regimental commanders
passed under his hand, and he was able to esti-
mate more fully the character of the services
rendered, and the estimation in which those serv-
ices were held by the superior officers.
The several sources from which this history is
compiled are: the records of the regiment, the
reports of regimental and brigade commanders,
the diaries of several members of the regiment,
and several books already published covering the
same events. Of these the diary of Colonel Clinton
Beckwith, notes by Lieut. J. H. Smith, the
chapters in the History of Otsego County, prepared
by Colonel J. W. Cronkite, the letters of Chaplain
John R. Adams and the diary of Lieutenant Wood-
cock have been especially useful. Col. Beckwith’s
diary is as it professes to be, the “story of his own
V
army experiences, and of his comrades and of the
regiment from the enlisted man's viewpoint.”
That he has given permission to quote ad libitum
from it is very gratifying to the compiler, as it
will certainly be also to the readers of the history.
Col. Cronkite’s history of the regiment in the
History of Otsego County is a condensed sketch of
the most important facts connected with the serv-
ices and exploits of the regiment; but as it may be
be protected by copyright the facts and not the
words, are freely used.
The compiler bespeaks for his work the same
kindly regard that has been shown him by the
Regimental Association, in welcoming him to its
membership, and honoring him with this privilege
of writing its history.
The task assigned to Lieut. Jas. H. Smith of
collecting photographs of the officers of the regi-
ment, and of having half-tone reproductions made
of such as could be secured, for use in this volume,
he has found a very difficult undertaking. It will
be remembered by our surviving comrades that
photography during our service was just emerg-
ing from the daguerreotype, and the tintype, into
photographic prints on paper, and that practically
all photos made in those days were of the “Carte
De Wisete” size (2%).3% inches). Hence the
necessity for the diminished size of most of our
illustrations. -
It was found to be impossible to secure any con-
siderable number of photos of the line officers
(captains and lieutenants) hence we concluded
to omit all such, and confine our efforts to securing
for illustrations only those who served as com-
manders of our Corps, Division, Brigade and
Regiment, and the regimental field officers, and
some of the latter we are also obliged to omit, as
we were unsuccessful in every effort to secure the
VI
necessary photos. We wish, however, to thank all
those who by loaning to us such photographs as
they have, have thereby made our illustrations as
complete as we could have hoped for at the pres-
ent day. *
The red cross which appears on the cover of this
book was adopted in 1863 as the emblem of the
1st Division of the 6th Army Corps. It therefore
antedates by many years the Red Cross Society,
as well as its use as a hospital emblem.
vii
INTRODUCTION
AS each individual of a family is distinguished
-** from the rest by peculiar characteristics, and
each family in a community differs from every
other family, so nations and races are dis-
tinguishable in like manner, the regiments,
brigades and corps of an army acquire peculiari-
ties by which they can be distinguished from all
others. These peculiarities depend upon and are
developed by several conditions. The character
of the men composing the organization, the cir-
cumstances under which it was organized, the
ability and efficiency of the leaders, all combine
to produce an esprit de corps which is capable of
indefinite variety. In this respect the 121st was
especially fortunate. Its original members were
young men of fine personal character, the com-
panies were recruited from neighboring town-
ships, it was officered by the men who had
conducted the recruiting, and was assigned to a
brigade, division, and corps that had no superiors
in the army.
The Sixth Corps was commanded by Major
General John Sedgwick, the First Division by
Brigadier General H. W. Slocum, and the Second
Brigade by Brigadier General J. J. Bartlett. Under
these officers the brigade had acquired an efficiency
and reputation that immediately affected favor-
ably the newly assigned regiment. They were all
officers of marked military ability, who thought
little of mere display, and much of soldierly effi-
ciency, whose effort was not to make themselves
conspicuous, but to make the troops under them
ix
capable of the best service under every exigency
of war.
But the officer, to whom the regiment was most
indebted for the development of its brilliant indi-
viduality, was undoubtedly Colonel Emory Upton.
He came to it soon after its entry into active serv-
ice, a recent graduate of West Point, with a fine
reputation, attained by efficient service during the
previous campaign as an artillery officer. Eagerly
efficient, strict, yet just in discipline, wise in ad-
ministration, cool and fearless in danger, he was
able to win and hold the respect and admiration
of the men under him, and to mold them into
the model fighting regiment that they became. To
the present day, every surviver of the regiment is
proud to have served under the command of
General Emory Upton.
MAJOR GENERAL EMORY UPTON,
Who served as Colonel of the 121st N. Y. Volunteers
from October 23, 1862, to July 4, 1864.





COLONEL
EGBERT OLCOTT,
Commander
of the 121st N. Y.
Infantry from
July 4, 1864, to the
end of the war.
JAMES W. CRONKITE,
Major and Brevet
Lieutenant Colonel,
121st N. Y. Infantry.


CHAPTER I
THE ORGANIZATION OF THE 121ST NEW YORK
VOLUNTEERS
WHEN on July 2, 1862, President Lincoln issued
the call for 300,000 men, the war for the Union
had reached such proportions, and the military
situation was so critical, that the patriotic enthusi-
asm that had characterized the organization of the
volunteer army in 1861 no longer availed to pro-
cure the troops necessary to fill the quota required
from the State, and a systematic and earnest effort
was necessary. This effort developed in two direc-
tions: first, to fill up the older regiments with
recruits; and second, to organize new regiments,
one in each Senatorial District. Under the latter
plan the 121st was recruited in the 20th Senatorial
District comprising the two counties of Herkimer
and Otsego. To supervise the organization of the
regiment, Governor Morgan appointed the Hon.
Richard Franchot, and also a committee from the
two counties which should appoint County Com-
mittees to prosecute the work in the several town-
ships. The Senatorial Committee consisted of the
following named persons: R. Ethridge, Wm. Gates,
Ezra Graves, Amos H. Prescott, L. L. Lowell, H. H.
Pomeroy, Thomas Richardson and Volney Owen,
County Judge.
It has not been possible to find the names of the
County Committees, but under their direction
patriotic meetings were held in the several town-
ships, and recruiting officers appointed for the
separate companies.
1.
Headquarters were established at Herkimer, and
the enlistment was pushed so energetically that by
the middle of August a full regiment was assured,
and the recruiting officers were ordered to report
at headquarters with their men.
The townships from which the several com-
panies were recruited were as follows:
Company A. Manheim, Little Falls, Salisbury
and Dunbar.
Company B. Winfield, Plainfield, Litchfield, Ger-
man Flats, Columbia and Stark.
Company C. Fairfield, Russia, Herkimer and
Newport. -
Company D. Frankfort, Warren, Manheim,
Schuyler, Columbia and Salisbury.
Company E. Middlefield, Milford, Cherry Valley,
Hartwick, Springfield, Otego and Roseboom.
Company F. Edminston, Exeter, Unadilla, Otego
and Maryland.
Company G. Cherry Valley, Roseboom, Decatur,
Middlefield, Westford, Worcester and Herkimer.
Company H. Little Falls, Richfield, Salisbury and
Otego. +
Company I. Milford, Laurens, Morris, Worcester,
Pittsfield, Hartwick and German Flats.
Company K. Laurens, New Lisbon, Oneonta,
Burlington, Otego, Butternuts, Pittsfield and
Plainfield.
A camp for the regiment was selected across the
Mohawk River from Herkimer on German Flats,
and named Camp Schuyler.
The contract for this camp-site reads as follows:
HEADQUARTERS CAMP SCHUYLER
August 29, 1862.
This agreement, made this 25th day of July, A. D.
1862, between Albert Story, on behalf of the State
of New York, as Quartermaster, and Henry J.
2
Schuyler, witnesseth that the said Schuyler has
leased for the season certain grounds, being a por-
tion of his farm in the township of German Flats,
for the purpose of allowing the same to be used as
a military camp. -
The State has the authority and power to have
as much land as is necessary and as they desire to
occupy, and to put such fixtures on the ground as
may be necessary; and they are to pay for the said
land at the rate of $10.00 per acre. The State is
to fix the fences that may be necessarily removed,
and put them back as they were, or pay for the
same being done. The State has the right to re-
move the fixtures after this lease has expired.
H. J. SCHUYLER.
ALBERT STORY, w
Quartermaster 121st N. Y.
In presence of -
AMOS H. PRESCOTT.
There is nothing on record about the physical
characteristics or structural features of this camp
to suggest beauty or interest, and the stay of the
121st in it was so short after their muster in, that
nothing worth remembering by the men seems to
have occurred there.
By a partial agreement among themselves the
company offices were to be apportioned according
to the number each had enlisted; and this agree-
ment was so closely adhered to, that there was
little dissatisfaction when the order of the Gover-
nor was received, completing the organization of
the Regiment. -
3
GENERAL HEADQUARTERs, STATE OF NEw YoFK
ADJUTANT GENERAL’S OFFICE
Albany, August 21, 1862.
Special Order
No. 463
The several companies of volunteers enlisted in
the 20th Senatorial District of this State, in con-
formity with General Order No. 52 from this
department, having been duly organized, said
companies are hereby formed into a regiment, to
be known and designated as the 121st Regiment of
New York State Volunteers. -
The following persons are hereby appointed
field staff and company officers, and will be com-
missioned when the complete muster rolls of the
regiment thus organized shall have been filed in
the office of the Adjutant General of the State.
Colonel: Richard Franchot; Lieut. Colonel: C. H.
Clark; Major: Egbert Olcott; Surgeon: Wm.
Bassett; 1st Assistant Surgeon: N. S. B. Valen-
tine; 2d Assistant Surgeon: David M. Holt; Chap-
Iain : J. R. Sage; Adjutant: Alonzo Ferguson;
Quartermaster: Albert Story.
Company A. Captain, H. M. Galpin; 1st Lieut.,
Jonathan Burrill; 2d Lieut., George W. Davis.
Company B. Captain, Irvin Holcomb; 1st Lieut.,
H. C. Keith; 2d Lieut., George A. May.
Company C. Captain, C. A. Moon; 1st. Lieut.,
Thomas S. Arnold; 2d Lieut., Angus Cameron.
Company D. Captain, John D. Fish; 1st Lieut., D.
M. Kenyon; 2d Lieut., Charles E. Staring.
Company E. Captain, Douglas Campbell; 1st
Lieut., Theodore Sternburg; 2d Lieut., Harrison
Van Horn.
Company F. Captain, Nelson O. Wendell; 1st
Lieut., Byron T. Peck; 2d Lieut., Frank G. Bolles.
4
Company G. Captain, Edwin Park; 1st Lieut.,
Charles T. Ferguson; 2d Lieut., J. D. Clyde.
Company H. Captain, John Ramsey; 1st Lieut.,
W. F. Doubleday; 2d Lieut., Marcus R. Casler.
Company I. Captain, John S. Kidder; 1st Lieut.,
John D. P. Douw; 2d Lieut., Delavan Bates.
Company K. Captain, Sacket M. Olin; 1st Lieut.,
Andrew E. Mather.
By order of the Commander in Chief
(Signed) JNo. HILLHOUSE,
Adjutant General.
The regiment was mustered into service under .
the above named officers, and for a week occupied
Camp Schuyler, numbering 30 officers and 946 en-
listed men. Besides these there had been enlisted
117 men who on August 20th were discharged by
the Surgeon’s certificate for disability.
CHAPTER II
HE defeat of McClellan before Richmond, and
his retreat to Harrison’s Landing so uncovered
Washington to an advance of the Confederate
army, that it became necessary to rush additional
forces to the defense of the capital of the nation,
and only a week was allowed for equipment and
drill of the 121st at Camp Schuyler. On August
30th the regiment left camp under orders to pro-
ceed to Washington. The journey was made by
railroad to Albany, by boat to New York, and by
railroad through Philadelphia and Baltimore to
Washington. The events of this journey are
graphically told by members of the regiment.
Colonel Beckwith’s is the most explicit, and before
quoting from his diary of this and future events,
a sketch of his previous army experiences is almost
a necessity. At the age of fifteen he went to Albany
and enlisted in the 91st N. Y. Infantry, and with
them went to Florida where he was unable to en-
dure the climate, and was discharged for disability.
Returning to his home in Utica, he so recovered
his health that he determined to re-enlist, and after
visiting several recruiting stations decided to enter
the 121st. He was made a corporal in Company
B. He has entitled the story of his war experiences,
“Three Years with the Colors of a Fighting Regi-
ment in the Army of the Potomac, by a Private
Soldier.” Passing over the very interesting ac-
count of his previous experiences I quote from his
journal, beginning at the departure from Camp
Schuyler. “My life in camp at Camp Schuyler was
thoroughly enjoyed by me and I never pass it now
6
without recollections of a pleasant nature surging
to my memory. After we had been uniformed and
equipped, we were sent to New York and Wash-
ington, without special incident—feeding at the old
cooper shop in Philadelphia, and getting a tough
meal at Washington. We were marched with full
ranks, one thousand strong, in review past the
great martyred Lincoln, and received his kindly
commendation and warm approbation; and On,
out to the fort in the chain of defenses of Wash-
ington, called after him, Fort Lincoln, in the
vicinity of Hyattsville, Md., and near the famous
duelling ground of slavery days.” (The Colonel
was evidently not a participant in the melon-patch
episode just outside of Philadelphia, while the
train was waiting on a siding for other trains to
pass. Colonel Cronkite says that the tedium of
the wait was relieved by a raid on a neighboring
melon patch in which more than half of the regi-
ment participated; and that, led by an officer, they
returned to the train laden with a melon each.)
The regiment in box cars arrived in Washington
on Sept. 3d, in the morning and arrived at Hyatts-
ville in the afternoon. Major Olcott, having been
sent ahead to get instructions, was asked by the
commanding officer whether the regiment was
from the country and had good choppers in it.
The major answered that it was from an agricul-
tural and dairy section, and did not contain many
axemen. There the matter ended. This journey
from Camp Schuyler to Washington, made so
quietly and orderly, so soon after the muster of the
regiment, demonstrates the remarkable character
of the officers and the men composing it. They
were not adventurers, not mere enthusiasts, but
sober, earnest American citizens, who realized the
need of their services, and were patriotic enough
to give their best to the country they loved. Their
7
good conduct was not the result of discipline and
drill, but of the essential virtues of their character.
It was prophetic of the admirable service it was
destined to render, when perfected by months of
well directed instruction in the tactics and practice
of war.
To resume Col. Beckwith’s narrative, “Here for
a little time we busied ourselves with the duties of
soldiers in camp, and becoming familiar with com-
pany and battalion movements, when all of a sud-
den we were astonished by news that McClellan
had fallen back from Harrison's Landing, Pope
was falling back from Culpeper Court House,
Jackson was on Pope's flank, and Lee was par-
tially between Pope and McClellan, and Washing-
ton. Everything was magnified in the most out-
rageous manner.”
What really had happened was serious enough.
McClellan’s army was concentrated at Harrison’s
Landing, discouraged by defeat, the defeat of its
commander, not of its constituency, destitute of
equipment and supplies on account of the capture
and destruction of artillery and trains. Pope, with
the forces able to be gathered for the purpose, was
not able to resist the attack of the victorious Con-
federate army, in the series of engagements that
constituted the second battle of Bull Run; and
flushed with this further triumph, Lee was leading
his forces forward in an attempt to capture Wash-
ington. They were already in Maryland, concen-
trating in the vicinity of Frederick City. It was
necessary to interpose a sufficient force between
the advancing enemy and Washington to prevent
its capture, and defeat the enemy. In this effort,
little time was given to the newly enlisted regi-
ments for instruction and drill. They were
hurriedly assigned to organizations already in the
field. The 121st was ordered to report to the Fifth
8
Corps, then located in Virginia, south of Wash-
ington. When on the march to cross the Potomac,
it was met by General Slocum, who was a friend
of Col. Franchot, and by his influence the regiment
was reassigned to the Sixth Corps. It was by this
unexpected meeting of two old friends that in
going to the front the 121st was “put into one of
the choicest brigades of the army; and we were
marched out by way of the Tenallyville road, to,
and through Rockville, and by Darnstown and
Sugar Loaf Mountain, and joined the brigade com-
manded by Gen. Joseph J. Bartlett, with which
we remained till the war ended.” (B.)
By all accounts this march to the front was un-
necessarily severe. On the first day it was con-
tinued until late in the evening, and the men were
too weary even to eat, and as they had left their
knapsacks behind and had not yet been supplied
with shelter tents, the night was spent most miser-
ably, and in many cases the health of the men was
so shattered that they never recovered from the
effects of their excessive fatigue and exposure.
Many subsequent marches were longer and more
difficult, but they were made under experienced
commanders, with the men more inured to exer-
cise, and with facilities to better take care of
themselves.
The ambition of Col. Franchot to report at the
front as soon as possible, led him to resume the
march at 2 A. M. the next morning, thus giving the
men only three hours for rest and sleep. Many
who had not been able to keep up on the previous
day, were deprived of even that scant period of
rest.
Col. Beckwith continues, “We, in our inexperi-
ence, clung to our knapsacks, blankets, overcoats,
rubber blankets, and all the trinkets and ‘what-
nots’ we had brought from home, and these made
9
such heavy loads that they wore many a poor chap
out; and by nightfall he was many miles in the
rear, hurrying to catch up as best he could, gen-
erally with poor success. The weather was very
warm, and the dirt roads, cut deep with the artil-
lery, ammunition, supply and baggage trains, were
shoe deep with powdered clay, and dust of a dark
red color, and it would completely envelop a
column of troops marching on each side of the
roads, which were occupied by the cavalry and
artillery portion of the army, because the infantry
could go anywhere. So, loaded too heavily, and
unused to the work, the men would pluckily keep
up until overcome by heat, or choked with thirst,
smothered by dust, discouraged and exhausted,
they would throw themselves down, and many a
fine fellow perished in this way.
“In those days our ranks were full, our uniforms
bright, our faces clean and untanned. We had,
and wore, the sweetness of home. War, its suf-
fering, misery, wounds, sickness and horrors were
uncared for, because untouched.”
These were the days when the endurance of our
men was tested to the limit. We had no tents and
had to secure shelter nights such as the country
afforded, a night camp in the woods being the
best; a rail shed with brush or straw roof when pro-
curable, next; then again rolled up in our over-
coats and rubber blankets, with our knapsacks for
a pillow, we could get a good night’s rest. Two
days out from Camp Lincoln, the regiment over-
took the corps and took its place in the Second
Brigade. According to Col. Beckwith the reception
it received was not altogether pleasant. He says,
“Another source of annoyance and hardship was
the constant shouting and ridicule we received
from the old regiments. We were called “Paid
Hirelings,” “Two Hundred Dollar Men,’ ‘Sons of
10
Mars’; told we would get soft bread farther on
if we did not like hardtack; asked if we liked
army life, and a lot of stuff too foolish to speak of;
but to us it was excessively annoying. Our men
were an extraordinary body of troops and felt
keenly this ridicule, but they bore it patiently,
except now and then some hot blood would hit
out and resent the insult. Such outbreaks were
guickly quieted.”
Soon, however, a sincere friendship sprang up
between the 121st and the 5th Maine, which
deepened and ripened as the months went by and
was continued for years after the war closed by
the visits of delegates from each regiment to the
annual reunions of the other.
This attachment cannot better be described than
it was by Lieut. Philip R. Woodcock at one of
these reunions. He said, “Comrades, it is with
sincere pleasure I arise to respond to this toast,
“The 5th Maine.” However poorly I may do it I
shall always feel that I have been honored by my
comrades in selecting me for this pleasant duty.
“There has been a close fraternal feeling,
amounting to a strong tie, existing between the
5th Maine and the 121st New York since we
were brigaded together in September, 1862. It was
cemented in the mingled blood of the two regi-
ments as we went side by side, usually on the
front line, as we passed through the successive
campaigns of the war. The history of one is the
history of the other, except that the 5th Maine
commenced several months earlier, making a
grand beginning, while the 121st continued on
helping make history for the brigade, with an
equally grand ending; both returning to private
life with the highest achievements of honor, which
was most pathetically shown by the thinned ranks
of both returned regiments.
11
“This strong affection—and I may go farther and
as Major Strout expressed it to-day—love, has con-
tinued increasing as the years go on, and is even
stronger to-day than ever, made so by the presence
of the representatives with us to-day. It seems to
me a great privilege to exchange greetings with
them after over forty years since our separation.
Our ranks are still more depleted and we can not
muster in numbers by fifty per cent what we could
On Our return.
“We are growing old. Time is showing its mark,
and our bodies are getting more or less infirm,
and year by year, with increasing rapidity, our
comrades are dropping out and can not answer
the roll call at our annual meetings. Sad as this
fact is, there is an amazing amount of vigor and
vitality left in us yet, and our patriotism runs as
high as ever.
“We are glad to learn and hear something of
our comrades of the 5th Maine to-day. Their
representative assures us that we are not forgotten.
Conditions with them are about the same as with
us. At their annual reunions they speak of us,
as we do of them to-night. How well we remem-
ber the old days, and how pleasant to recall the
many thrilling incidents which connected us so
closely With our two regiments on the front line
facing the enemy, led by the gallant Colonels Upton
and Edwards, we had that feeling that the Japs
must have had when facing the Pussians in the
present Eastern war, ‘that we can whip everything
before us,’ and we generally did it, too.
We do not forget the life and services of the
faithful Chaplain, John R. Adams, who remained
with us after the return home of the 5th Maine.
The death of this honored officer only increases
our affection for them all. We love to let our
memories run back to those days and call up in
our minds those strong, sturdy Maine boys. By
2 -- &m.
12
reason of their few months’ previous service they
were in a position to be very useful to us, as we,
fresh from our homes, tried to get accustomed to
a campaign life. We learned rapidly from them.
They taught us just what a new regiment needed
to know. We discarded our company cook, and
they showed us how to do individual cooking, and
how to adapt ourselves to the strange circum-
stances. The marches were hard, we had some
superfluous clothing, which they, in the most kindly
and friendly manner advised us to throw away;
but I always noticed a 5th Maine man wearing it
the next day.
Time is much too short to speak further of the
close relations of our two regiments, but there is
one thing more I ought to mention, yet I blush
when I speak of it. Our regiment came from
home a cleanly lot of men, but a few days’ asso-
ciation with the 5th Maine, and we found that we
had caught from them that pest of camp life, “the
army Greyback.” This was a great trial, and we
wondered what to do; but here the noble, generous
spirit of the 5th Maine showed itself. They showed
us how to get rid of them, or at least to prevent
their accumulation and increase.
The 5th Maine men were true and loyal, in every
way, a credit to themselves and an honor to the
brigade. All honor to such a brave regiment, and
we feel proud and glad of our association with
them.”
A similar attachment developed in the Shenan-
doah Valley between the Sixth Corps and the Cav-
alry Corps which led Sheridan to ask for the Sixth
Corps in beginning his operations in the final cam-
paign against the defenses of Petersburgh.
In the advance of the army, to oppose Lee’s in-
vasion of Maryland, Col. Beckwith gives a vivid
and somewhat amusing description of a physical
prostration that he suffered.
13
It may remind others of a similar experience,
perhaps not with the same outcome. “The day we
marched around Sugar Loaf Mountain we were
the last division of our corps. The day was hot.
Wherever the road was in the open, a cloud of
dust obscured the moving columns from view.
We had passed through scrubby pine patches that
were on fire, which added to our discomfort. Along
in the afternoon the road ran along and around
the base of the mountain, a massive sugar loaf
shaped prominence. I had felt more than ordi-
narily well during the day, the perspiration flowed
from my pores profusely. We were talking and
joking as we moved along. Suddenly I felt a sort
of faintness come over me, the perspiration
stopped and I said to Benny West, who was march-
ing beside me, ‘I feel very strange.” He asked me
what was the matter, and before I could answer
him I felt the sky grow dark, the world whirl
round, and conscious that I was going to fall I
made a last effort to reach the road side, and lost
track of surrounding events. When I regained
my senses I found Rounds and Tarbell, of my
company, beside me and myself wet from the
liberal supply of water to my surface. After a
short time I began to feel better, and soon got all
right again, and we started to catch the regiment,
which I reached before the other two that night,
and I was subject to considerable criticism on the
part of Rounds and Tarball, who kicked because,
being left behind to take care of a dying man, he
came to, got well, and beat them to the camp the
same night.”
In his quick recovery and immediate return to
the regiment Comrade Beckwith was especially
fortunate, for according to Col. Cronkite, by the
first two days’ march, “Many strong constitutions
were wrecked, and many brave soldiers, stricken
with fever and other diseases, lost their lives from
exposure during the first week of service.”
14
LIEUTENANT COLONEL J O H.N. S. KIDDER


MAJOR GENERAL
JOHN SEDGWICK,
Commander of the 6th
Corps; killed in
battle at Spottsylvania
in 1864.
HORATIO G. WRIGHT,
Major General,
Commanding 6th Corps
from May 12, 1864,
to end of war.


CHAPTER III
A* the army advanced in Maryland, the mili-
tary situation became more clearly defined.
The Confederate army occupied the passes of the
South Mountain range, that is the continuation
north of the Potomac of the Blue Ridge and it
became evident that to get at the main force of the
enemy it would be necessary to wrest from him
the passes of this range of mountains. To the
Sixth Corps was assigned the attack upon Cramp-
ton’s Pass, the one farthest south and nearest
Harper's Ferry. The head of the column was
veered to the south, and passing through the village
of Jefferson on the 14th of September, halted a
short distance from the town. “Here the sound
of cannon from the direction of South Mountain
was heard by the men of the 121st. There was a
feeling over us all, that a great battle was impend-
ing. We knew from common report that Lee,
with as great a force as he could muster, was not
far away, and this conflict and the part we should
take in it was thoroughly discussed as we hurried
along. Of one thing we were determined, and
that was, that no matter what occurred or in what
position we might be placed, we would show the
men of the other regiments of the brigade of what
stuff we were made, and shame them for the
gratuitous ridicule and abuse they had heaped
upon us. At last the sound of cannon far off fell
upon our ears and a rumor came down the line
that the enemy held all the passes of the moun-
tains we were approaching. The sound of cannon
grew nearer and we seemed to quicken our steps;
15
and reports kept coming back to us that the enemy
was in force a few miles off. In our front, ex-
tending as far as one could see, from right to left
was a range of mountains, and between us and it,
a considerable valley, and nestling at its farther
side, near the base of the mountain, was a small
village, its tall church spire standing out clear and
white against the foliage of the mountain side.
Far away to the right, where the sound of the can-
non grew upon the ear, the smoke of the guns
became distinct and visible, and the faint rattle
of musketry was heard. Our road seemed
descending the side of a considerable declivity.
Very soon a cannon opened in our front, and it
was said to be a ‘Johnnie' battery and some of
the men pointed out the position of the enemy on
the mountain side. As we hurried down the side
of the valley we could see a line of our troops
filing off in the fields towards the village of Bur-
kettsville; and farther up the side of the hill, a thin
line of men, skirmishers, were moving towards the
wooded slope of the mountain side. These were
soon fired upon from the timber and returned
the fire, and we could see for a short time the puffs
of smoke from their rifles. A turn in the road
hid them from our sight, but we were interested in
another feature of the entertainment. The battery
which we had seen on the mountain crest farther
up, evidently had us in view, for in addition to its
report we heard a strange sound, a whistling, sing-
ing noise in the distance, and a solid shot flew
Over us and buried itself in the soft earth across
the creek along side which we were now marching.
Instantly many inquiries were made as to what
it was, and all about it, and we were told that it
was a shot from a Confederate battery fired at .
us, and that we were now under fire and within
range of the enemy’s guns, and might be struck
16
at any moment or instant, with one of those pro-
jectiles. One of our company said, ‘Be gad, there
couldn’t be much harm in ut. It sung just like a
little burro.’ A little farther along the road, one
of General Slocum’s staff officers came galloping
along and rode up to the Colonel of the 96th Penn.
and gave him some orders, and as we crossed the
creek and halted, this regiment moved on quickly
and passed us. We were front faced in line of
battle, and moved forward a short distance and
told to lie down, that we were in an enemy's
country, and also told to keep out of sight and not
expose ourselves to view, as the enemy were only
a short distance in advance of us; and a battle
would soon take place. We were also told that
because of our being new troops, and undisciplined
General Slocum had decided not to put us into
battle unless it became necessary; although Colonel
Franchot had appealed to him, to let his regiment
take the lead, make the charge and do anything
that brave men could be asked to do. Where we
were, we could see nothing. Troops were passing
along in rear of us in a steady, unbroken column;
and although there were guards posted in front
of us to prevent our moving forward, a lot of us
moved along with the column past the regiment,
attracted by curiosity and the increasing magni-
tude of the infantry fire. I went along with the
troops in the road as far as the village. A few
cannon shots were fired at the column but did no
damage.” (B.)
Of the part taken in this battle of Crampton's
Pass by the brigade, General Bartlett's report is as
follows: “My command after a march of nearly
ten miles arrived opposite the village of Burketts-
ville, and Crampton’s Pass, about 12 M. with the
96th Penn. Volunteers as skirmishers. The enemy's
pickets retired from the town, and he opened an
17
artillery fire from two batteries upon my line of
skirmishers. I was ordered by Major General
Slocum to halt until he could move his troops and
arrange the plan of an assault, that artillery was
of no avail against it, and that nothing but a com-
bined and vigorous assault of infantry would carry
the mountain. It being decided that the attack
should be made on the right flank of the road,
leading over the mountain, I was ordered to lead
the column under cover of the artillery fire, and
as secretly as possible, to a large field near the base
of the mountain, where the column of attack was
to be formed, i. e., each brigade in two lines, at
two hundred paces in the rear. About 4 o’clock
P. M. I Ordered forward the 27th N. Y. Volunteers
to deploy as skirmishers, and upon their placing
the interval ordered between the columns of at-
tack and their line, I advanced at quick time the
5th Maine and the 16th N. Y. Volunteers. My line
of skirmishers found the enemy at the foot of the
mountain, safely lodged behind a strong stone
wall. Their entire line, being now developed, ex-
hibited a large force. The front line advanced
rapidly and steadily to the front under a severe
fire of artillery from the heights and musketry
from behind the stone wall and the trees on the
slope above it. Halting behind a rail fence about
300 yards from the enemy, the skirmishers were
withdrawn and the battle commenced. By some
mistake, more than a thousand yards intervened
between the head of the column of General New-
ton’s Brigade and my own, and nothing but the
most undaunted courage and steadiness on the
part of the two regiments forming my line main-
tained the fight until the arrival of the rest of the
attacking column. On their arrival the 32d N. Y.
Volunteers and the 18th N. Y. Volunteers were sent
to report to me. The 5th Maine and the 16th N. Y.
18
having expended their ammunition, I relieved
them and formed them twenty paces in the rear.
The N. J. Brigade now arrived on the left and
commenced firing by the first line and the 96th
Penn. having joined my command, and been
placed by me on the extreme right, it became evi-
dent to all that nothing but a united charge would
dislodge the enemy and win the battle.
“A moment’s consultation with General Torbert,
commanding the New Jersey troops decided us to
make the charge immediately at a double quick, and
the order was passed along the line to cease firing,
the command given to charge; and the whole line
advanced with cheers, rushing over the intervening
space to the stone wall and routing the enemy.
The charge was maintained to the top of the moun-
tain, up an almost perpendicular steep, over rocks
and ledges, through the underbrush and timber
until the crest overlooking the valley beyond was
gained. The victory was decisive and complete,
the routed enemy leaving arms, ammunition,
knapsacks, haversacks and blankets in heaps by
the roadside. I have the honor to report the cap-
ture of one flag by the 16th N. Y. Volunteers.
“The action of my own regiments and of the 32d
and 18th N. Y. Regiments, who were under my
command, recommends them to the highest con-
sideration of their general officers.
Very respectfully,
(Signed) Jos. J. BARTLETT,
Colonel Commanding Brigade.”
The losses of the 16th N. Y. in this engagement,
was twenty enlisted men killed and one officer,
and forty enlisted men wounded. The unusual
percentage of the killed to the wounded no doubt
resulted from the fact that the enemy fired from
above and their bullets took effect in the head and
19
upper part of the body of any one who was hit.
It is worthy of note that in this battle, General
Upton (then Captain) was in command of the ar-
tillery of the division. At the close of the battle
the 121st was brought to the front and the task
assigned them of hunting up straggling Rebels and
guard duty. What the task of gathering up the
wounded means, is vividly described in General
N. M. Curtis’ History of the 16th N. Y. in connec-
tion with this battle. Lieut. Wilson Hopkins was
in command of the ambulance corps of the Divi-
sion and this was his first service in that capacity.
He wrote of it thus. “Most of our wounded were
brought to the hospital by dark. We began to col-
lect the wounded Confederates then, who were
found from the base of the mountain, increasing
in number as we ascended, to the very top. We
carried them to the field hospital till midnight.
“The surgeons, overcome by exhaustion, were un-
able to care for more. We then collected all we
could find and placed them in a group near the top
of the mountain, gave them food and water, built
fires to warm them, and I directed two Confeder-
ates, found hiding behind the rocks and uninjured,
to remain with their wounded comrades, attend
to their wants and keep the fires burning. At sun-
rise the next morning I went with my stretcher
bearers to the camp I had made for the wounded
Confederates and found the fires burned out, six
of the forty dead; and learned that the two men
I had placed in charge of them with direction to
keep the fires burning, had, soon after I left them
the night before, abandoned their charge and re-
turned to the Confederate army encamped in the
valley beyond. We carried the survivors to the
hospital, leaving a detail to bury the dead. This
was my first experience in gathering the wounded
from a battlefield after it had been won. Many
20
have visited such places and reported the sicken-
ing sights, but I can not describe their ghastly
realities. Later I became more familiar with such
scenes, yet I can never forget that dreadful night.
Its horrors overshadow all spectacles I witnessed
on other battlefields, and the memory of what I
saw there will remain with me to the end.” The
Union dead were usually sought out by their sur-
viving comrades by regiments, and buried together
in orderly manner, and their graves marked by
headboards, upon which were inscribed the name,
regiment and company of the person buried. The
burial of the Confederate dead at Crampton Pass
is thus described by Comrade Beckwith: “I went
over the line and position occupied by the Rebels
for a considerable distance and saw many of them
lying on the field dead. Those I saw had not
changed much from life, but they lay in all shapes
and positions. Many were shot through the head.
I came along to a burial detail. They had dug a
long trench on the mountain side. The dead
Rebels were carried to it and laid side by side until
one tier was made, when another was piled on top
until all the dead in the vicinity were gathered up,
when the earth was put back over the mound.”
During the first months of the war the care of
the wounded was left entirely to regimental medi-
cal officers. Each regiment was expected to gather
up its severely wounded and take full care of them,
until they were sent to general hospital. This
plan did not work well, because in every battle
some regiments suffered many casualties and
others scarcely any. Consequently some medical
officers would be overworked and others have
nothing to do. On this account a reorganization
had been made by which the medical force was
consolidated in brigade, division and army corps,
and thus the labor was more evenly distributed.
21
The hospitals were likewise established so as to
give first aid at the front, transport the sick and
wounded forward by stages, until they arrived at
the permanent General Hospitals for final treat-
ment. After a battle over ground so rough and
broken by woods and thickets as this, some of
the dead would not be found, and some would be
so far from the trenches dug, that they would be
covered where they fell, ever so lightly. Passing
over this field a few days after the battle, the
writer to avoid a bend in the road, took a short
cut up the side of the mountain, and in passing
by a thicket disturbed a young hog, which had
rooted through the dirt on such a grave and was
devouring the flesh of the man buried there. It
was the first experience he had of the horror of
war and prepared him somewhat for the terrible
sights that the battle of Antietam had left to chill
the blood of the one who passed over it, soon after
it had been fought.
The battle of Crampton’s Pass was evidently that
part of the Maryland campaign intended to relieve
the siege of Harper’s Ferry, but only two or three
days before the victory there, made it necessary
for the besieging troops to retire from their posi-
tion on Bolivar Heights, as General Miles had
cravenly surrendered. After the battle and victory
of Crampton’s Pass the 121st was left to guard the
Pass and prisoners, and collect the arms and other
munitions that had been left on the field. The rest
of the Corps was ordered to follow the retreating
enemy who were concentrating at Antietam, or
Sharpsburgh.
On the morning of the 18th of September, Cap-
tain R. P. Wilson, Asst. Adjt. Gen. of the
brigade appeared with orders for the regiment to
report as quickly as possible at Antietam. On
that date the battle of Antietam was fought, and
22
when the regiment arrived, it was detailed to col-
lect and stack the arms on the field, on the day
after the battle. Again quoting from the narrative
of Comrade Beckwith, “We reached Antietam bat-
tlefield on the 19th (of Sept.), and except some
fighting at the river where Lee’s army crossed,
and an attempt by the Fifth Corps to capture the
batteries covering the rear, resulting in the capture
of four guns, the great conflict was over. The
country around Sharpsburgh is admirably adapted
to military operations and affords fine opportunity
to maneuver troops under cover and near the front
excepting cavalry, the ground being too broken
for that arm of the service to operate successfully,
and for that reason, I think, large masses of our
infantry and the enemy's infantry came within
easy range of musketry before opening fire, being
concealed by the contour of the ground between
them. The consequence was that those who used
their arms most effectively and were the steadiest
were the victors; and as a rule, our men in the open
field were the victors. That the enemy suffered
terribly from our fire may be gathered from the
fact that for more than a mile I could have walked
on their dead bodies, while in some places they
lay in groups, and in others as many as fifteen lying
in line close together. Mounted officers lay under
their horses both dead. A great many dead horses
were on the field. Near the church in the edge
of the woods, by the sunken road and the edge
of the cornfield, the conflict by its results seemed
to have been the fiercest. All the dead presented
a horrible spectacle, and it would have been im-
possible to recognize a brother, they were so
changed from life. The weather being extremely
hot, the men, heated with passion, immediately
after death, decomposed rapidly, gases formed,
and the bodies swelled up to enormous propor-
23
tions. For instance, the eyes would bulge out
from their sockets and look more like small blad-
ders. Many had burst, so great was the pressure
upon their tissues. The remains of the horses
looked even worse than those of the men, and for
such carrion decent burial was impossible; and
so rude cremation was resorted to, and in many
cases the ashes of heroic men, dumb brutes and
fence rails mingled in one heap; and in the far-
off home of the dead hero no thought exists today,
but that their loved one sleeps in some National
Cemetery, to which his remains were removed
from the field where he fell.
I must confess that I had very serious com-
munion with myself in those days. I had before
these battles and their real story, no conception
of the vast number of soldiers engaged, or of the
magnitude of the battles, and how small an atom
one little chap like myself was in the great whole,
and what a very small loss my taking off would
be, in the general result. Everything seemed quite
different to me from what it did when hearing
the war speeches, and the deeds of valor enacted,
at home; and as I thought of the vast number of
dead I had seen lying unburied on the field, and
the myriads of wounded men, I felt the awful
horror of war upon me, and I again felt thankful
that we had been permitted to see and know what
we were coming to. The abandoning of the dead
seemed horrible to me, and I hoped if it should
be my fate to perish in battle, my comrades would
give me decent burial.
“We saw On the battlefield the 13th N. Y. Vol.
from our county, and a solemn and sad looking
lot of men they were. They had been in the
thickest and most fiercely contested part of the bat-
tle, and had suffered a terrible loss, and many of
the men who had fallen were well known to most
24
of our fellows. Joe Rounds’ brother, Armenius,
had been reported mortally wounded. He after-
ward recovered, although pierced through the body
and leg with Rebel lead. Joe belonged to our com-
pany and was a sergeant, and our visiting with
the 34th and our surroundings cast a gloom over
the regiment that was only removed by departure
to other scenes and new experiences. One inci-
dent I will relate in passing, connected with the
battle, because of its pathetic side, and the thought
that its like was experienced in many more homes,
both sides of Mason and Dixie's line. In going
over the battlefield picking up arms, we examined
the bodies and baggage of many of the dead. A
great many had plunder which they had gathered
from the rich and loyal country through which
they had passed. Some had Confederate money on
them—in demand there as souvenirs. One dead
Confederate officer, a general, lying near the cor-
ner of the fence by the cornfield had the gold braid
cut from his uniform. Away over on the right in
the woods, I came across a body lying near a tree
and partially supported by it. In the right hand
was a daguerreotype of a woman and a child, and
this Rebel soldier, his duty done, shot to death, had
made his way to this spot, taken out the picture
of his wife and child, and with his thoughts upon
them in their far Southern home, alone, the pangs
of death clouding his sight, giving them in his
terrible anguish, the unfathomable love of a dying
soldier. I did not take the daguerreotype, but some
one did; for passing back that way I saw it was
gone. Afterward I was sorry that I did not take
it, because some day it might have gotten to the
wife and child. Perhaps it did. I hope so.”
25
CHAPTER IV
“I WAS very glad when we left the vicinity of the
battle of Antietam, for its horrors sickened me.
We moved away and in the distance of a few miles
in the direction we took, no appearances of battle
were present. The country took on a peaceable
look. We reached our destination in the neigh-
borhood of Bakersville, also near Dam No. 4 on
the Potomac River, along the bluff bank of which
we picketed in our turn with the other regiments
of our Brigade.”
The encampment at Bakersville was protracted
until the last day of October. During this period
several important events occurred. First, the seeds
of disease which had been sown in the bodies of
officers and men by the overwork and exposure
of the previous campaign began to bear fruit. No
shelter tents had yet been provided for the men,
and no hospital tents for the sick. Shacks and
pens made of rails, and covered with straw and
brush was all the shelter they had been able to
obtain, and though such protection availed to ward
off the heat of the sun, it utterly failed when rain
came. Sickness increased, and death began to take
its toll. The death of the first man in camp is
thus described by the Adjutant’s Clerk of the regi-
ment, Charles W. Dean, in a letter to the Oneonta
Herald, dated October 26: “A man by the name of
Helon Pearsons died last night of typhoid fever.
He now lies back of the hospital tent covered with
a blanket under the protection of a guard. The
pioneers have made a board box and he is to be
buried after battalion drill.” Later he wrote, “The
26
funeral of young Pearsons just over. He was taken
to the grave about forty rods from camp, under
a large oak tree, escorted by three drummers and
one fifer with about three hundred of the boys.
In going to the grave the drums were muffled and
the music was solemn indeed. After a prayer by
the Chaplain the body was lowered into its
last resting place and covered with a shovel
full of dirt, then a volley of musketry was fired
over the grave and we returned to camp, the band
playing a lively tune. His death was caused by
exposure. In consequence of our sudden march
into Maryland, the regiment left their tents behind
and are destitute of shelter from rain and weather.
The hospital is made of rails covered with corn
stalks, likewise the tents in camp. Our medical
supplies have been short, and our First Surgeon
resigned.” Before any attempt was made to rem-
edy this condition of the regiment, on October 1st,
eighty men were sick in camp, over forty of whom
were too sick to help themselves, and Captain
Clark and sixty-one privates were absent on ac-
count of sickness. In thirty-eight days the regi-
ment had been reduced from 946 enlisted men and
thirty officers to a membership of 744. On October
30th the Adjutant’s Clerk, Dean, reported the con-
dition of the regiment as follows: Enlisted men
present for duty, 722. Enlisted men present sick,
123. Commissioned officers present for duty,
28. Commissioned officers present sick, 4. Absent,
4. Enlisted men serving in hospitals as nurses, 30.
Enlisted men absent without leave, 9. Absent sick,
28. One officer, Surgeon Basset, had resigned, and
another, Lieut. Davis, had died. Of the sick, both
officers and enlisted men, some died, some were
discharged for disability, and others returned to
duty with the regiment. -
The other important event during the stay in
27
camp at Bakersville was the resignation of Colonel
Franchot, and the appointment in his place of
Emory Upton. Colonel Franchot had shown abil-
ity in the enlistment and organization of the regi-
ment, and is to be honored for his patriotism and
zeal in his service for the country. But his educa-
tion had been wholly civilian; and military service
was entirely new to him. He wisely decided to
resign his command and return to civil life, and
resume his place in Congress, of which he was
a Representative. But before doing so, he used
his influence to have Captain Upton appointed
Colonel of the 121st, and for this he deserves the
approval and gratitude of every member of the
regiment. Colonel Upton was commissioned on
September 25th, and being duly presented to the
regiment was received with hearty cheers. The
regiment was intelligent enough to soon learn that
civilian officers were not generally fitted by educa-
tion or experience for command in active warfare.
After taking formal command Colonel Upton ob-
tained a leave of absence for a few days, which
left the command of the regiment to Major Olcott,
Lieut. Colonel Clark being absent sick. Near the
camp of the 121st was a large brick barn, the ap-
plication for the use of which for hospital purposes
had been refused. Major Olcott on his own author-
ity took possession of this barn, and moved the sick
from the cornstalk hospital into it. If over assump-
tion of authority is ever justified, it certainly was
in this case, and probably on that account Major
Olcott escaped censure for his act.
Immediately upon his return to duty, Colonel
Upton began the system of discipline, and drill,
that soon brought the regiment to the high effi-
ciency for which it became noted and which
placed it among the most reliable of the organiza-
tions of the Army. Colonel Upton was a young
28 - -
3 -
man, twenty-two years of age, a graduate of West
Point, who had won recognition for efficiency as
an artillery officer in the Peninsular campaign.
In discipline he was strict but just. In adminis-
tration he was efficient. In action he was prompt.
In danger he was cool. And under no circum-
stances did he show fear or lack of decision. To
these admirable qualities of an officer, he was
strictly temperate, and decidedly religious in his
conduct. He was not ashamed to keep a well worn
Bible on his desk, and his conversation was al-
ways clean and without profanity. It is therefore
not to be wondered at that he won and held the
regard and affection of the officers and men under
him, and that time has only served to enlarge the
esteem in which he is held by the survivors of the
regiment.
The advantages of a capable and competent
leadership were immediately manifest. The health
of the regiment was conserved by the regular daily
drills, they were well fed, and tents and overcoats
were secured for them.
On October 3d the Corps was reviewed by Presi-
dent Lincoln.
Of the experiences in this camp Comrade Beck-
with writes thus: “I think the regiment was
stronger and better for the experience it had gone
through—the weeding out of the unfit men, the
retiring of incompetent officers, and the acquiring
of a young, intrepid, and skilled officer for its
commander, who, with heroic purpose, unlimited
patience and matchless skill, made it one of the
best regiments in the army of the Potomac, and one
which in its long and bloody career, could always
be depended upon to strike a deadly blow against
the enemy, and whose every soldier, once told
what to do, pursued that course to its conclusion.
“At this time all sorts of stories were afloat, and
29
rumors circulated among the troops to the effect
that McClellan was to be removed or superseded
by Burnside, and a campaign inaugurated that
would not stop until our colors floated over Rich-
mond. Most of the talk I heard among the old
troops was greatly in favor of McClellan, and op-
posed to the War Department and the President,
because of the treatment McClellan had received
at the hands of the Administration. In our regi-
ment, while we had great admiration for McClel-
lan, we yet maintained the opinion, that the
President had acted with great skill, and we did
not share in the opinion so commonly expressed
among the battalions from the Peninsula, that
their Commanding General had been badly treated,
and so we did not enthuse for McClellan as did
the other regiments of the Brigade. Our Brigade
Commander, Joseph J. Bartlett, was an intense
admirer of General McClellan, and I think his influ-
ence was strong with the men of his command who
idolized him. It was a strange sight to us to see
these battle-tried veterans swarm to the roadside
and yell and cheer and run after McClellan. Gen-
eral Bartlett was a splendid specimen of a sol-
dier. He was nearly six feet tall, straight as an
arrow, of powerful build, with black eyes and hair,
and sat in his saddle as though horse and man
were one. He dressed in a tight fitting uniform,
low cap with straight visor. As he rode by on
his fine black horse, he gained the admiration of
his command and he deserved it, for he was a
splendid officer, skillful and brave, and there was
not a man of our regiment who would not have
followed him anywhere at this time.
Our new Colonel came to us at this time and he
made an instantaneously favorable impression.
He was quite a young looking man, with a light
mustache, rather high cheek bones and his cheeks
30
were thin and gave prominence to a strong square
jaw. His mouth was small and his lips being
rather thin, and tightly closed, made it look
smaller. His brow, full and broad, but rather low,
surmounted deep blue, deep set eyes, which seemed
to be searching all the time. His hair was a dark
brown, worn rather long, and his complexion dark
but pale, gave him on the whole, the appearance
of a man who was deeply impressed with the
seriousness of warfare and had mastered its
science. To this man was entrusted the for-
tunes of the 121st Regiment of New York
Volunteers, and its command, until he was called
to other and higher duties. He took command
without show or ostentation. From the day that
Emory Upton took command there was a change
for the better. The camp was newly ordered and
cleaned up, inspections were more rigid, and the
officers were promptly taken to task for any slack-
ness on their part.”
When orders came on the 30th of October to
march on the next day at 6 o'clock a. m., Company
C was in command of 2d Lieut. Bradt, Captain
Campbell was the only commissioned officer in
Company E. Company I was in command of Or-
derly Sergeant J. W. Cronkite. The following named
Company Officers were unfit for duty and in hos-
pital: Captain Moon, Fish and Kidder; Lieutenants
Bates, Van Horn, Cameron and Quartermaster
Story. Lieut. J. P. Douw had previously been
detailed to duty as Ordnance Officer of the Divi-
SIOI).
The movement ordered for the 31st of October
was the beginning of a campaign under General
McClellan to force General Lee back from the line
of the Potomac. It was conceived and begun under
the principle that had controlled all of General
McClellan's strategy up to this time, viz., that mili-
31
tary success consisted in strategic movements to
force the enemy to abandon the positions he had
occupied. If this could be done with little or no
fighting all the better.
This policy in so large a territory as inter-
vened between Washington and Richmond
amounted to little more than a game of hide and
seek, so far as final victory is involved, and gave
the defensive side all the advantage. When it
was to be carried on by a commander whose
imagination exaggerated the forces opposed, and
whose caution magnified the danger to his rear,
who never was willing to risk the use of all his
army in an offensive battle, but thought it neces-
sary to hold a large percentage in reserve against
a possible reverse, the ineffectiveness of such oper-
ations is to be expected. Avoiding a direct advance
upon the Confederate Army, the march began back
through Maryland, over the South Mountains to
the Potomac River at Berlin, Md. There the Army
crossed the Potomac into the same section of Vir-
ginia in which the two battles of Bull Run had
been fought and lost. Between the hostile forces
the Blue Ridge interposed, and the passes were
held by the Confederates. The advance was lei-
surely with frequent stops, the first at White Plains
where we rested for three days. Here for the first
time Colonel Upton's strict discipline began to be
felt. He ordered a Court Martial to convene for
the trial of certain offenders against military order,
and several men were convicted and punished ac-
cording to the decision of the court. In this pro-
ceeding he showed that he intended to enforce
order, not by arbitrary personal authority, but in
accordance with strict judicial procedure. It was
this equitable dealing with them that made his
men respect and honor him as a man, and readily
obey him as an officer. He could not have won
32
the loyal admiration of the regiment, as he quickly
did, if he had acted arbitrarily in his method of
discipline. The records of the regiment show his
manly self control, by the practice of which he
was able to control the unruly element in the regi-
ment, and win the approval of all, and their obedi-
€IlC62.
During the march into Virginia almost daily
firing was heard on the right where frequent efforts
were made to seize the gaps opening from the
Shenandoah Valley into the Mannasas plains, but
no general engagement occurred. On November
9th an advance of four miles was made, and the
Corps was reviewed by Generals McClellan and
Burnside. The command of the army had been
transferred to Burnside and this review was a sort
of farewell to the departing General. This transfer
of command had been made in spite of Burnside's
earnest protests but it was persisted in because the
authorities at Washington had become convinced
that under its former commander nothing definite
would be done as long as it could be put off. The
change was resented by many of the old soldiers,
and many officers, admirers of McClellan, resigned
and left the service. The regiment remained in
camp at White Plains ten days, during which a
severe snow storm occurred, rendering the move-
ment of troops fatiguing and difficult, but on the
15th camp was struck and the march resumed, first
to Cattlet’s Station and then to Stafford Court
House. Here a stay of about two weeks was made
during which Colonel Upton drilled the regiment
diligently. The day’s program was, Company drill
in the morning; Battalion drill at 1 p. m.; Dress
Parade at 4 p. m., and School of Instruction for
officers at 6 p. m. Under this régime the improve-
ment of the regiment was rapid and the officers
and men caught the enthusiasm of their leader
33
and became ambitious to become a model regi-
ment. It was no wonder that the regiment soon
became known as “Upton's Regulars,” and that
General Meade on a subsequent occasion seriously
inquired if they were regulars. During one of
the daily parades the first promotion in the regi-
ment was announced, that of Orderly Sergeant J.
W. Cronkite to be Second Lieutenant of Company
I. Other changes occurred during November. Dr.
E. S. Walker was appointed Surgeon in place of
Dr. Basset, resigned. Lieutenants Clyde and Fer-
guson resigned and were honorably discharged.
Lieutenant Cameron had died in camp at Bakers-
ville. Lieutenant A. E. Mather of Company K was
transferred to Company G, which by the resigna-
tion of its two lieutenants had been left without
a commissioned officer. Twenty-five men had been
lost on account of sickness, and the regiment now
numbered only 657 present for duty—not because
of any loss in battle, but from exposure, much of
it unnecessary, and the exhaustion of a strenuous
campaign, for which the men were not inured by
previous experience. But now the 657 men in the
ranks were physically fit for anything that might
be required of them. One day Colonel Upton set
the men to felling trees to build winter quarters,
but orders came to move the next day, at 6 o'clock,
with three days’ rations. The first day’s march
carried the regiment past White Oak Church, and
the next day to Belle Plain Landing. This last
day it began to rain as we left camp, became gradu-
ally colder and colder, so that the rain soon
changed to snow, the snow to sleet, and when we
reached the Landing a keen, strong wind was blow-
ing from the bay, and the halt was made and arms
stacked on an open plain, so level that water stood
in the hollows of the corn rows, with not a particle
of shelter or fuel, and with clothing covered with
34
ice, and bodies almost exhausted by the difficult
march, and quickly chilled to the bone by the
strong, cold wind sweeping unchecked from the
broad expanse of water. Colonel Cake was in
command of the Brigade, and when Colonel Upton
asked permission to take his regiment back to
the shelter of a strip of woods through which it
had recently passed, it was refused, and the men
were compelled to shift as best they could on that
dreary, desolate plain. The result was inevitable,
another list of sick and broken down men and
several additions to the death list. On this occasion
the 16th N. Y. fared better than the 121st, for
immediately after arms were stacked the Adju-
tant of the regiment rode up and said: “Men,
go anywhere you please, take anything you can
get except Government property, but report back
here promptly in the morning.” It did not take
long for part of the men to get back to that strip
of woods and to the low side of it, where a rail
fence was found, and soon a roaring fire, a com-
fortable shack, a warm meal and a comfortable
bed were prepared, and a most comfortable night
spent. On reporting in the morning we were told
that at least one man had died during the night
of the cold. The next day the men of the 16th
set to work to build winter quarters, and consid-
erable progress was made during the two days we
were there. Colonel Cronkite, however, says of the
121st, that they were compelled to lie in this exposed
position two days and one night without fires.
On the 9th of December orders came to return to
the Corps, and the Brigade marched back to the
vicinity of Fredericksburg and bivouacked for the
night with the rest of the Corps, not far from the
Rappahannock River. General Burnside had reor-
ganized the army of the Potomac into three Grand
Divisions, and placed General Franklin in com-
35
mand of the Left Division to which the Sixth Corps
belonged. The first corps also belonged to the
Left Grand Division. General Hooker commanded
the Central Grand Division, and General Sumner
the Right.
Of this Belle Plain experience Comrade Beck-
with has this to say, and in the discrepancies be-
tween his account and that of Colonel Cronkite,
the members of the regiment may decide which
is correct. “After a short stay at Stafford Court
House, we marched to Belle Plain, reaching there
at dusk of a day that will always linger in the
memory of every one of us who participated in
that march. First it rained hard, then it turned
to snow of the large, soft, fleecy flake kind. This
made the road deep with mud and slippery; and
by the time we had slipped and slid through the
miles we came over, we were wet with the rain
and snow outside, and steaming from the perspira-
tion of our bodies. As soon as darkness fell, the
wind rose and it grew cold rapidly, and we were
marched onto the low flat near the river, and
ordered to go into camp and make ourselves com-
fortable for the night. I was almost exhausted but
I started with some others to hunt for shelter.
There was no shelter except a few poplars and
sycamores, standing along the river bank. The
coarse, reedy grass of the low land came up
through the snow. Finally we found the trunk of
a large poplar, and cleaning away the snow from
the sheltered side of it, we soon had a fire going,
which soon augmented by the branches of wood
gathered by others, made a fine blaze and gave
out genial warmth which kept us from perishing.
Working for several hours a good many of us
succeeded in getting dry and cooking some supper.
One squad who had cleaned away the snow and
put up a tent on the other side of the log, was
36
burned out by the fire’s burning through under
the trunk and setting fire to their tent. They lost
some baggage and a cartridge box blew up without
hurting anyone. In the morning we were moved
some distance to the hillside in the timber and
there made ourselves comfortable with little ef-
fort. To this day, I believe the march from Staf-
ford Court House and the camping on the flats
by the river at Belle Plain Landing was the cause
of the breaking down of a great many men. The
misery of it is beyond description. I caught such
a cold that it made me sore all over and my joints
ached and creaked when I walked. The next
morning with some others I went down to the
landing where there was a great assemblage of
transports and supply boats, and on shore a moun-
tain of food supplies. Mule trains were being
rapidly loaded and moving off to their respective
commands. With a little well directed diplomacy
and strategy, and some of Uncle Sam’s currency,
I secured a supply of substantial food, and what
was then of more consequence, some whiskey. All
this came from the Post or Depot Commissary,
and the official who served me has a Captain's re-
ceipt for the articles furnished, which I regret
very much to say the Captain has never seen.
With a good load of provisions on my back I
started back to camp. I took some of the whiskey
that I had for my aches, some for my pains, some
for the good I thought it would do me, and some
to assist me with my load; and when I reached
camp I could give a very good illustration of a
man who had drank too much. Some of the men
of my company also partook of the Commissary
whiskey, and started to clean up the forest. One
well known member insisted on thumping the
whole crowd, and the next morning declared to
the doctor that he was crazy, but never knew one
37
of his father’s family to be crazy before. This
explanation of the previous day's eccentricities
was accepted, and the culprit was discharged with
a dose of whiskey and quinine to prevent a recur-
rence of the attack.” Of the return to the Corps
he writes: “We broke camp in the woods near
Belle Plain Landing, on the 10th day of December,
and took up the line of march toward Fredericks-
burg on the main traveled road. It had been so
cut up by wagon trains that our progress was slow,
and wherever it was possible to do so we marched
by the roadside.
“Long stretches of the road were covered with
round pine poles laid crosswise of the road and
covered with brush on which was thrown dirt
taken from the roadside. The poles were held
in place by longer poles laid lengthwise and pinned
down by long crotched pins driven deeply into the
ground. Most of the country through which we
passed was heavily wooded with all the varieties
of oak, and some of it very fine timber. Where
the country was open there was here and there a
patch of cornfield; but for the most part the old
fields were worn out, unused tobacco ground, cov-
ered with a growth of broom sage and old field
pine—neither of which have any value except to
make the corduroy roads described above, and fur-
nish a little softer bed than the ground for a night's
camp.”
38
CHAPTER V
THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG
“r THE weather was cool and the air crisp, render-
ing marching more agreeable, and we jogged
along in eager anticipation of something better
than that which we had left. We could see nothing
ahead of us, but about noon the report of cannon
was heard. During the afternoon we were passed
by a lot of men having in charge a balloon which
was up just above the treetops They were mov-
ing rapidly toward where the sound of cannon
came from. It was the first balloon we had seen,
and created a good deal of comment. It was said
that the balloon had been of great service to
McClellan on the Peninsula, enabling him to dis-
cover the movements of the enemy’s troops, and
locate their position, and that of their batteries.
The next day when we reached the flat near the
Rappahannock, we saw the balloon again up a
considerable distance and occupied by an officer
who was busily engaged in scanning the hills be-
yond the river with a glass. The Rebels fired sev-
eral shells at the balloon but they burst a good
way from it, and did not disturb its occupant at
all.
“Off to our right there was heavy artillery firing
and considerable musketry, and some also in our
immediate front. The Rebel batteries answered
ours occasionally but the range was evidently too
great for effective work. We could see the spires
of Fredericksburg and back of it a range of hills
which reached from right to left as far as we could
39
see. The flats on each side of the river are much
alike, and about the same width as those at Ilion
and Frankfort. A road runs along the base of
the hills toward Richmond, called the ‘Bowling
Green Turnpike.” Along this road and on the high
ground above, could be seen masses of the enemy
moving along. Their guns in battery on the heights
could be seen to be protected by earthworks and
on the fort, or redoubt, back of the city a signal
station was located, and the wigwagging of the
white flag with a square black center was con-
tinuous.”
In reorganizing the army Burnside had assigned
Major General Sumner to the command of the
Right Grand Division, Major General Hooker to
command the Central Grand Division, and Major
General Franklin to command the Left Grand Divi-
sion. These Grand Divisions consisted each of
two Corps. The Right of the Second and Ninth
Corps commanded respectively by Major General
Couch and Major General Wilcox. The Center
of the Fifth and Third Corps commanded by Major
Generals Butterfield and Stoneman. The Left of
the First and Sixth Corps commanded by Major
Generals Reynolds and W. F. Smith. In the Battle
of Fredericksburg the position of these Grand
divisions was, after crossing the river, in the order
of their names. The Right and Central Divisions
crossed the river directly opposite the city on pon-
toon bridges, which they had difficulty in building
because of the sharpshooters concealed in the
houses along the bank of the river. They were
finally dislodged by troops ferried across in pon-
toons, and the two bridges were completed on
which the Right and Central Grand Divisions
crossed. The Left Grand Division crossed a mile
and a half below the city at the mouth of a stream
called Deep Run, with little difficulty, and the
40
place was afterwards known as “Franklin's Cross-
ing,” and is so designated in all future references
to it. The First Corps crossed before the Sixth,
and the most vivid recollection the writer has of
that crossing, is the fact that the surface of the
bridge was carpeted with playing cards, and the
surface of the river was almost covered with cards
that had been thrown away by those who had
crossed on the bridges above. It was evident to
all that a bloody battle was to be fought and few
men wanted to go to certain death with gambling
devices in their pockets. Since that time the writer
has never doubted the essential wickedness of
gambling. With death as the chief arbitrator there
were no valid arguments in its favor. In the years
since that day he has seen nothing to change his
views on the subject.
After crossing the river the First Corps bore
off to the left and the Sixth advanced over the
level plain next the river and entered the deep
broad cut made by Deep Run, and followed it to
within gunshot of the foot of the hills. Here it
remained—or our part of it did—while the battle
raged on the right and left, with disastrous results
to the Union forces. The dreadful slaughter on
the right in the effort to carry the Stone Wall, the
repulse of Franklin’s feeble effort on the left, and
the repulse of Hooker's half-hearted attack on the
heights behind the city, have been often described
and much controversy as to the responsibility for
the failure has resulted. The fact that General
Mead's division of the First Corps broke through
the line of the enemy's defenses, and if properly
supported could have held the ground taken,
throws no little responsibility upon General Frank-
lin who tried to excuse himself behind the plea,
that his orders were not to press the attack to an
issue, but to feel of, and test the forces of the
41
enemy opposed to him. This General Burnside
positively denied, and declared that Franklin's
failure to press his advantage and General Hook-
er’s reluctant advance when ordered to do so, were
the real causes of the failure of the attack. The
part which the Second Brigade took in this battle
was comparatively unimportant.
The hills in front were too steep to justify an
assault, and the banks of Deep Pun furnished
shelter from the artillery of the enemy, so that
the chief duty of the regiments of the Brigade
was to do skirmish or picket duty. Of this duty
the 121st had its full share, as vividly described
by Comrade Beckwith.
“Our Brigade, as I remember, was commanded
by Col. H. L. Cake of the 96th Penn., General
Bartlett having another command temporarily,
and the Division was commanded by General
Brooks. We moved early on the morning of the
12th, which was Friday, up towards the heights,
crossing a deep gully along the bottom of which
a little stream ran towards the river. The Sun
rose and dispelled the fog, which was heavy and
thick and covered the flats of the river like a
blanket, also concealing from view the hills in our
front, at the same time screening us from the
enemy’s observation. Looking back towards the
river, there was a mass of troops in motion, in-
cluding infantry, artillery and cavalry, equal in
number to an army corps. In our front the fog
was slowly receding toward the heights and as soon
as it revealed some of our moving troops, they
were greeted with a shotted salute from the Con-
federate batteries in our front. Almost at once
Hexamer drove by on a gallop with his battery
of three-inch steel Rodmans, and their sharp, fierce
bark soon joined the chorus of other sounds; and
this splendid, energetic artillery officer with his
42
able command soon quieted his adversaries in his
immediate front. We remained several hours lying
in the ditch or hollow at the roadside, which
screened us from observation and sheltered us
from the artillery fire of the enemy. I should
think about 11 o’clock a battery of brass Napoleons,
twelve-pound caliber, with brass handles or trun-
nions, came rattling up the road. We were ordered
to fall in and moved out of the road, and the bat-
tery swung into position in front of us, on the
highest part of the rising ground immediately be-
fore us, and unlimbered and went into action, firing
rapidly and continuously for some time. To this
the enemy replied with equal vigor. I should
judge from the number of shot and shell that flew
over, around and about us through it all, that those
battery men worked with precision and regularity.
The officer, Captain McKnight I think, moved
among the gunners giving orders and directions.
Our Colonel, Upton, went up to the guns and had
some talk with the officer in command. All the
while we lay close to the ground, and we could
see very distinctly the working of the battery in all
its details and hear the commands. The fire of this
battery was replied to by the enemy, but I do
not think their fire did any harm to our battery.
Their shells seemed to burst nearer to us than to
the battery. Some of them flew away beyond us.
Each shell seemed to have a different note or tone
and none of them could be called musical.
“Some were fiendish and seemed to say ‘I’ve got
you, I’ve got you.” Several burst near us and the
fragments knocked up the ground considerably.
Finally a fragment from one struck Oscar Spicer
of our company in the head and killed him in-
stantly. I don’t think he realized what struck
him. We carried him back after the battery had
ceased firing, to the edge of the road, and near a
43
small cedar, a row of which grew along the road,
we dug a grave for him and gave him as good
burial as we could. I think Joe Rounds, Chet Cat-
lin, or Tarbell, read the Episcopal or Masonic
burial service, I do not remember which. Spicer's
death threw a gloom over us. He was a fine fellow
and well liked by all of us. At dusk we moved
back into the hollow by the roadside, got our supper
and slept on our arms. In the morning before
daylight we were roused up, told to get our break-
fast and get ready to go on the picket or skirmish
line. We had scarcely time to get a cup of coffee,
toast a cracker, and broil a bit of pork on a stick,
before we were ordered into ranks. Levi Doxtater
had gone for water and had a number of canteens,
among which was mine, to fill. He was late getting
back and his brother Jerome called to him “Hurry
up, Levi, we are going right away.” Levi said, ‘I
don’t care, I ain’t going to hurry. I am only going
out there to be killed anyway.” Sure enough, his
prediction or presentiment proved true, for he had
scarcely reached the advance line when he received
a mortal wound.
“We moved up the creek that runs through the
gully before mentioned, followed it a consider-
able distance toward the enemy until we came to
a point where it turned toward the right. Here,
under the bank it made, and the shelter it af-
forded, our picket reserve was posted. When we
reached this point it was daylight and objects could
be seen distinctly for some distance in the direc-
tion of the enemy, but a considerable fog still
hung over the low ground. We moved rapidly
past the reserve and out into the unsheltered field,
deployed as skirmishers from our left squad, which
was my squad, and ran forward on a double quick
to our line, which I could not see when I started,
but which we reached in going seventy yards. The
44
instant we got near them, the men on picket sprang
up and began firing, and as we advanced beyond
them they, the 15th N. J., which I remember
as being the regiment we relieved, ran back under
shelter, and we were left to face the enemy and
hold the line that they had held. Nothing had been
said to us, no orders had been given, and I doubt
very much if our officers knew what was expected
of them, or us. I stood where the Jersey men had
left me for a little time. I looked in front of me.
Along a sort of meadow ran a rail fence separating
it from a piece of woods. From this fence sprang
out puffs of smoke, and the instant hiss of a missile
in our vicinity told us that we were the object of
the rifleman’s attention. Almost instantly I saw
two on my right, Doxtater and Davis, tumble down
shot, and on my left heard Delos Doxtater cry
‘I am shot.’ I felt a fierce tug and numbness
run along my left arm and side and felt I had
been struck myself. Benny West sang out ‘Lie
down,” and seeing I had been hit, I dropped down
on my face and hands. In the brief time I had been
standing there I saw that we were in a bare, un-
sheltered place, and several men of the regiment
that we had relieved were lying in our front. I ex-
amined my arm and side, but found to my great
relief that excepting a numbness, they were all
right, and I immediately turned my attention to the
fellows in our front who were seeking to assist us in
shuffling off this mortal coil. We fired at them sev-
eral times, but they returned our compliments with
accuracy and earnestness. I got my tin plate out
of my haversack for a starter and soon scooped
out a hole which afforded some shelter from the
sharpshooters in our front. In the meantime Delos
Doxtater had crawled back to the reserve to have
his wounds cared for. Word was passed down
the line from my right that Levi Doxtater was mor-
45
tally wounded and Anabel Davis was killed, and
one of Company G named Wilson, was killed.
“Shortly after Colonel Upton rode along the line
and ordered some of the men and one officer up
to the line. The Colonel was fired at a great many
times, but rode along leisurely and showed no
concern or fear, and finally went out of my sight.
The fact is, my attention for many long, weary,
perilous hours was taken up by the attentions of
the devils down there in the edge of that timber.
Benny West and I fired at the puffs of smoke
many times in turn, but only succeeded in getting
the dust spattered about us where the balls struck
from the return fire, and the ping pang spoch
sounds made by the bullets were not pleasant to
the ear. A little way off one of our men, breathing
through the blood that was choking him to death,
made an awful sound. There were besides myself
in my squad, Charley Carmody, Joey Wormoth and
Benny West, all boys in our 'teens. I think I was
the youngest of the group, having just then com-
pleted my sixteenth year, and here we were doing
men's work and doing it well. I can recall now,
as the continual flight of musket balls around,
about and over us, and shells from the batteries
on both sides passed over us for a time, what
we did and said. First we wondered how long
this thing would last, whether we would have to
get up and charge those cusses in front, whether
the rest of the fellows were in as bad a place as
we were, and whether the battle would be fought
about us. Then our attention was attracted by
the terrific firing of all arms, both on our right
and left—the terrific crash of musketry, the yelling
and cheering of thousands of men, and the heavy
thunder of artillery. The hours dragged terribly
slow. After noon the firing in our front slackened
and finally stopped, and after a time we hung up
46
a handkerchief in answer to one from their side;
and we gathered and carried back our dead. Poor
Doxtater and Davis were taken back and laid be-
side Spicer near the Bowling Green Road. Of
course as soon as the firing ceased the strain under
which we had been so many hours was off, and
the future and its concerns occupied our minds.
I looked about me and got something to eat from
my haversack and talked with the other fellows.
Of course we lay low, for the reputation of the
gentlemen in our front was of such a character
as to prevent us from giving them too much of
an opportunity to kill us, and we all agreed that
we did not want any more picket or skirmish line
work, especially where the enemy was under shel-
ter and we were lying exposed upon a bare field.
We were too much in the position of the chicken
at the chicken shoot. Further along to the right
the line diverged and our fellows got along com-
fortably and had a chance for their lives.
“Now I have often been asked how it feels to go
into battle, and I think I can say without qualifica-
tion that it requires more, a heap more, nerve and
sand to occupy the position we young fellows did
on that bright December day, exposed to a deadly
fire from marksmen for many hours, than to
plunge headlong into the shock and din of any,
after, battle in which we participated. I am speak-
ing for myself and at a distance. Only two of those
five are now living, and the other can speak for
himself. (This was written over twenty years
ago.) *
“After the firing in our front ceased we got along
quite comfortably, to what we had experienced,
and took turns in looking after things in front
of us. Around us growing among the grass were
many little spears which looked like onions, but
were called leeks. This vegetable was pungent
47
enough so that when eaten by cows it tainted their
milk, and their flesh would taste of it when served
to us as beef.
“I had experienced the benefit of getting an over-
coat and haversack at Warrenton. I could have
gotten along much better during the day without
the overcoat which I had on, the sun pouring down
so fiercely. The knapsack with the blanket rolled
on top served as a protection for my head until
I could scoop up earth to reinforce it. When
night came, and the moon came up and the fog
rose from the marshy ground in our front and
along the creek bottom, I had none too many
clothes on to protect me from the penetrating chill
of the damp, cold air and fog. We took turns
watching the front. I do not think a sound escaped
our ears, and I was very much vexed at one of Our
fellows who was off duty snoring for a time. Major
Olcott went the round of the line and asked me
quite a number of questions when he visited my
post. I was on duty at the time.
“It was moonlight when the relief came, the 77th
N. Y., I think. They came up so quickly and
silently that I did not notice their approach from
the rear until they were quite near to us, and unlike
our friends of the previous morning, I briefly ex-
plained our position and gave them such advice
as I thought would afford them some benefit. As
we moved back and assembled in the rear of the
reserve I was very glad the day’s work was done.
By daylight we reached the ravine south of the
road and made ourselves comfortable for the ex-
change of the experiences of the day before, lis-
tened to tales of the battle and the terrible slaugh-
ter of our troops on the right and left flanks,
and the report that the battle would be renewed
during the day, and we had a part to take in it.
But this did not happen. On Monday morning
48
we were over the river and in a camp in the woods
back of the flats. While lying in the woods here,
a single shot from a Rebel battery fell in our camp,
and one of our boys got it so we all had a look at
it. I think that but for its weight it would have
been kept as a souvenir. The next day or two
we moved back towards Belle Plain Landing. We
were grateful when we filed off the road by the
church at the roadside among the massive oaks,
after which it was called ‘White Oak Church,”
keeping on the right of it till we reached the heart
of a dense oak forest and there formed our camp
and were told to build log shanties. We were
greatly pleased, and it was but a little time before
we had a fine camp with comfortable quarters
and the anticipation of staying there for the winter.
One of our company, Lonnie Coon, died in the
camp of the 149th Penn., and a number of us
went over there and buried him. Poor Lonnie
had died from hardship, exposure and home-
sickness. He never took kindly to army life, and
at home had not lived or toiled to fit him for a
soldier. During the winter his father came down
and took up his remains and carried them home
for burial. When disinterred he looked as fresh
as when he was buried, except that where the
blanket, which we had used to bury him in, had
touched his flesh, it left the impress of its texture.
“Here Our Sutler came to us. He was Sam Miller
of our own company. He had been First Ser-
geant, then Color Sergeant, then Lieutenant, and
then had been appointed Sutler after resigning
his commission. He had Henry Underwood
to assist him and we soon had a supply of
good things. Among these was “milk drink’
which was a combination of milk in an air-
tight sealed can holding about a pint, and
somewhere in the composition some whiskey
49
concealed. Through the leniency of Lieut. Geo.
A. May who knew of the great drought from which
we were suffering, and the suspension of rigid
orders by Sam Miller, and the currency with which
I was supplied, I secured a liberal supply of the
“milk drink,’ and it was so deceptive and exhil-
arating that I was soon suffering from a good
resemblance to a “milk drunk.” Its operation in
this way, made it more difficult to get after
that.” (B.)
In the Battle of Fredericksburg the 121st suffered
a loss of eleven enlisted men, four killed and seven
wounded. From Comrade Beckwith’s account the
most of this loss was in his company and squad
on the picket line of which they held the most
exposed section. That it was able to return to
camp with so little loss is an illustration of the
fact that up to this time battles had been fought
by only a small portion of the forces available.
The strategy of the Battle of Fredericksburg was
the same as that of all previous battles in which
the Army of the Potomac had been engaged. It
was a battle of divisions and not of the entire army.
Attacks were not made simultaneously, nor sup-
ported by adequate reserves. The result was a re-
pulse with great loss to parts of the forces engaged,
and few casualties among the rest.
That the failure to drive the Confederate Army
from the Heights of Fredericksburg was a bitter
disappointment to General Burnside, there is no
doubt, and it was no less bitter to the President.
It also had a depressing effect upon the Federal
army, which showed itself immediately after the
return to camp at White Oak Church. This was
felt even by the 121st although it had suffered com-
paratively little. Several officers resigned and
some of the men deserted. The first site for the
camp of the 121st at White Oak Church was not
50
satisfactory to Colonel Upton. Being in the middle
of a dense wood it did not give opportunity for
instruction and drill, so he had it moved to the
edge of the woods, looking out into an open field
upon which he resumed his careful system of drill
of the men and instruction of the officers.
The occupation of these winter quarters was in-
terrupted by the movement of the Army which
has ever since been called “Burnside’s Mud March.”
This began on the 19th day of January, 1863. The
weather was pleasant, and had been for several
days. The ground was frozen hard, and the roads
in fine condition. The evident intention was to
cross the river somewhere above Fredericksburg
and flank the Confederate army out of the strong
position on the hills behind the city. The move-
ment began auspiciously, but an immediate change
in the weather made a ridiculous failure of it.
Heavy rain, with a warm southern wind took the
frost out of the ground during the afternoon and
night of the first day, and artillery and trains the
next morning found themselves sunk hub deep
in the soft earth. By doubling up their teams they
could scarcely pull these guns and wagons out of
the fields into the road, and the roads were soon
so deep in mud that further progress was impos-
sible. The third day the question became im-
portant how to get the army back into camp. Long
ropes were used which, manned by men stationed
along the road in difficult sections, were attached
to the stranded gun or wagon to haul it upon
firmer ground where the team could handle it.
In this movement the 121st was one of the regi-
ments that reached the vicinity of Bank’s Ford,
where the crossing was to have been made, and
when the return to camp was ordered it formed
part of the rear guard left at the ford to cover
the withdrawal and observe the enemy. Every
51.
One who took part in that movement must remem-
ber the misery of the two nights spent in rain and
smoke, for the air was so full of water that the
smoke hung close to the ground and tortured the
eyes, and with what relief the army straggled back
into camps to shelter and rest. Of the condition
of the army immediately following the “Mud
March,” or, as the Rebels humorously character-
ized it on a barn door near the river, “Burnside
stuck in the mud,” the enlisted man’s view of it
is given in Comrade Beckwith’s reminiscences. He
says: “I with my squad was left behind (as guard
at Brigade Headquarters Q. M. Dept.), and the
first news we had of the result of the move-
ment was the coming into camp of Mike Hart-
ford, of my company, who gave us a description
of the movement and the roads. I saw the engi-
neers hauling the pontoon train by hand and soon
we knew that the whole army was mired; and in
a little while the worn out and exhausted battalions
of our brigade came straggling by and continued
to come for several hours. We made those of our
regiment who came to us as comfortable as pos-
sible. Only a few stopped, because it was only a
short distance to our old camp and they pushed
on for their homes, and in a short time the camp
put on an animated appearance.
“There is nothing on earth looks so dreary and
cheerless to a soldier as a deserted camp without
the white roofs on the shanties and the smoke
issuing out of the chimneys. These soon gave the
old camp a cheerful and comfortable appearance.
“This was the last attempt to utilize the two-year
men that winter, and we felt confident that no
further attempt would be made to inaugurate a
campaign until the roads got into good condition
again. Up to this time we had received no pay,
and some mischief breeding cuss circulated a re-
52
port that under the article, of war, troops could
not be held to their contract unless paid once in
four months. Five months had gone by and we
had not been paid, and some were punished for
refusing to do duty. When the officers became ac-
quainted with the state of affairs existing in the
ranks, the matter was soon subdued and we were
made acquainted with what we must do, and do
it without cavil. This made many disaffected, and
they, being sick of war, argued that the private
soldier could get no justice; the government did
not keep its contracts, therefore the soldier ought
not to fight; it was a blanked nigger war anyway,
and they were not going to fight for the negro,
or “nigger’ as they called him. Reports were cir-
culated that there were men who made it a busi-
ness to assist men north and would furnish them
with citizens’ clothes and money when once they
got to the Potomac; and so, their minds heated
with imaginary wrongs, filled with disgust for the
war, homesick, discouraged and desperate, many
deserted from the regiment, and made their way
north and into Canada, and their names are today
borne on the rolls of the company and regiment
as deserters. I knew of one party that went and
I was invited first, urged next, and damned
last, because I would not go with them. It was
said that one of them lost his life, being shot by
a cavalry vidette, and one came back to the regi-
ment, while the rest made their escape. While the
camp at White Oak Church was well located for
health, there was considerable sickness, many not
being able to adapt themselves to the hardships
of camp life, so that our regiment was greatly
reduced in number, having less than six hundred
men in the ranks. For example, my company,
as I recollect, had lost by battle Spicer, Doxtater
and Davis; by disease, John Murphy, John Bussey,
53
Whitmore and one other whose name I do not
recall. Seven were on detail duty, four had de-
serted and twenty-seven were away sick—leaving
only fifty-five men present for duty. To add to
our discontent, our officers who had been uni-
formly kind and considerate, resigned. First Cap-
tain Holcomb resigned, being followed by Lieu-
tenants Keith and May. We were exceedingly
sorry to have them go, and would willingly have
gone with them had we been permitted. But that
was out of the question. Colonel Upton had in-
stituted a rigid school of instruction, and subjected
the officers to severe tests based upon West Point
tactics and practices and the result was that very
soon a great many of the line officers of the regi-
ment resigned. Lieutenant-Colonel Clark also
favored us with his resignation and we got a new
lot of officers. Marcus R. Casler was made our
Captain, so long before spring we were trimmed
down fine enough to suit the critical eye of our
Colonel. He worked constantly to improve the
discipline, drill and military efficiency of the regi-
ment, both officers and men. The results became
so noticeable to the older regiments that they began
to call us ‘Upton’s Regulars’ and we soon became
the best disciplined and best drilled regiment in
the brigade. With the accession of ‘Joe Hooker,”
as he was called, to command in place of Burnside
there came a better feeling among the men.
Hooker's order assuming command was well re-
ceived, and the almost immediate activity through-
out the army betokened the business for which
we were there, and that another effort to crush
the enemy was soon to be undertaken.”
It is needless to write that Colonel Upton exerted
himself to the utmost to provide the regiment with
every advantage possible, both for comfort and
health. Food and clothing of good quality and in
54
sufficient quantity were insisted upon and the
regiment rapidly recovered from the effects of
the “Mud March” and during the rest of the win-
ter improved in every way. By persistent effort
the Colonel secured a promise from the state
authorities, that no officer not approved by him
should be appointed in, or assigned to the 121st.
The changes that occurred in the regiment during
the winter were as follows: Lieut. Col. Clark,
Captains Holcomb, Moon and Olin, and Lieuten-
ants Clyde, Ferguson, Staring, Park, Kenyon,
Bradt, Boole and May resigned and were honor-
ably discharged. Also later Captains Campbell
and Ramsay and Lieutenants Story, Kieth and Van
Horn. Asst. Surgeon Valentine was dismissed for
incompetency after trial by court martial. Cap-
tain Angus Cameron died of typhoid fever, Major
Olcott was promoted to Lieut. Colonel, and Lieut.
Mather and Adjutant Arnold to Captains. Cleve-
land J. Campbell of Cherry Valley was commis-
sioned as Captain in the regiment, and Henry
Upton as 2d Lieutenant. Lieut. Sternberg was pro-
moted to Quartermaster, and 2d Lieutenants Cas-
ler and Cronkite to 1st Lientenants. Lieut. Casler
was transferred to Company E, that company be-
ing without a commissioned officer present for
duty. Sergeants A. C. Rice, Charles A. Butts,
Thomas C. Adams, L. B. Paine, F. E. Ford, S. E.
Pierce and G. R. Wheeler received Lieutenantcies.
These changes had been made at different dates,
the last being the resignation of Captain Douglas
Campbell on April 28th from the hospital where he,
for some time, had been under treatment for sick-
IléSS.
Changes had also been made in the organization
of the army. General Burnside at his own request
had been relieved from command and General
Hooker appointed in his stead. The Grand Divi-
55
sion organization was abandoned and from that
time the names of Generals Franklin and Sumner,
no longer appear in connection with the Army of
the Potomac. General Burnside quietly and pa-
triotically resumed command of his old corps, and
continued to do splendid service to the end of the
war. The old corps formation was restored, and
General Hooker did excellent work in restoring
the efficiency and morale of the army. General
Smith was transferred to the Ninth Corps, and
General Sedgwick promoted to the command of the
Sixth Corps.
The letter by which President Lincoln trans-
ferred the command from Burnside is one of his
remarkable literary productions. It is easy to
read between the lines his deep anxiety, his
anxious solicitude, his fatherly sentiments toward
the officers of the army, and his keen appreciation
of the abilities and weaknesses of the different com-
manders to whom he had to entrust the military
affairs of the nation. The following is a copy of
that letter.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
Washington, D. C., January 26, 1863.
Major General Hooker,
My Dear General,
I have placed you at the head of the Army of the
Potomac. Of course I have done this, by what
appears to me to be sufficient reasons, and yet I
think it best for you to know that there are some
things in regard to which I am not quite satisfied
with you. I believe you to be a brave and skillful
soldier, which of course I like. I also believe that
you do not mix politics with your profession, in
which you are right. You have confidence in your-
self, which is a valuable, if not an indispensable
quality. You are ambitious, which within reason-
56
able limits, does good rather than harm; but I
think that during General Burnside’s command of
the army, you have taken counsel of your ambition
and thwarted him as much as you could, in which
you did a great wrong to the country and to a most
meritorious and honorable brother officer. I have
heard, in such a way as to believe it, of your
recently saying, that both the army and the gov-
ernment needed a dictator. Of course it was not
for this but in spite of it that I have given you
the command. Only those generals who gain suc-
cess can set up as dictators. What I now ask of
you is military success, and I will risk the dictator-
ship. The government will support you to the
utmost of its ability, which is neither more nor
less than it has done and will do for all com-
manders. I very much fear that the spirit which
you have aided to infuse into the army, of criti-
cizing the commander and withholding confidence
from him, will now turn upon you. I shall assist
you as far as I can to put it down. Neither you,
nor Napoleon if he were still alive, could get good
out of an army while such a spirit prevails in it.
And now, beware of rashness, but with energy and
sleepless vigilance go on and give us victory.
Yours very truly,
(Signed) ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
On a subsequent occasion, just before the spring
campaign began, in an interview with General
Hooker, General Couch being present, Lincoln ex-
claimed twice in admonition to Hooker, “Put in
all your men. Put in all your men.” This ad-
monition showed that the President had come to
realize that the strategy which uses only part of
an attacking force is not sound. It invites defeat
of the whole force in the defeat of its parts suc-
cessively.
57
CHAPTER VI
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN
THE Army of the Potomac as reorganized under
General Hooker consisted of seven corps, the
First commanded by General John F. Reynolds;
the Second, commanded by General D. N. Couch;
the Third, commanded by General D. N. Sickles;
the Fifth, commanded by General George G.
Meade; the Sixth, commanded by General John
Sedgwick; the Eleventh, commanded by Franz
Siegel; and the Twelfth, commanded by General
H. W. Slocum. All these were Major Generals and
had won distinction in previous campaigns. It is
safe to say that no army ever started out on a cam-
paign better equipped, better officered, or in higher
spirits than did the Army of the Potomac when,
on April 27, 1863, it broke camp and began the
Chancellorville campaign. General Hooker's order
to move was couched in terms of absolute con-
fidence. He was certain of sure and speedy vic-
tory, so certain that when President Lincoln read
it, he turned to those who were present and asked,
“Why is the hen the wisest of all animals?” and not
receiving an answer, said “Because she does not
cackle until after she has laid her egg.”
In carrying out his plan, in order to deceive
General Lee, Hooker ordered the First, Third and
Sixth Corps to demonstrate on the left three miles
below Fredericksburg, but not to bring on a gen-
eral engagement. Meanwhile he, with the rest of
the army, began the main operation on the right
with the intention of fighting the enemy to the
58
south and rear of Fredericksburg. The three
corps were under the command of General Sedg-
wick. Before daylight on the 29th of April the
First division of the Sixth Corps under command
of General Brooks crossed the river in pontoon
boats and drove the enemy from the rifle pits near
the river. A bridge was quickly thrown across and
the First Corps was soon over and took position
to the left of Brooks’ division. The other two
divisions of the Sixth Corps did not cross that day,
but when the First and Third Corps were ordered
to join the army on the right, they were ordered
to cross and the corps was united, and left alone
to hold the crossing and threaten the enemy hold-
ing the heights behind the city. The sound of the
fighting in the vicinity of Chancellorsville was
heard by us.
Up to this point in the campaign, everything
had gone prosperously. The enemy had evidently
been taken by surprise, and deceived as to the in-
tention of the movement. In supreme conſidence
of ultimate success Hooker ordered a message to
be sent to the Sixth Corps expressing the surety
of victory. The officer who prepared this message
referred in it to the Divine favor in the success of
the movement, but when it was read to General
Hooker he turned to those present and said, “God
Almighty can not keep the victory from me now.”
This was told to the writer only a few days after,
by one who evidently knew what he was talking
about. But before treating further of the general
affairs of the movement let us turn to the more
intimate story of the part so far taken by the
brigade and the regiments in it.
The duty assigned to General Brooks, to cross
the river in pontoons, was one that required cour-
age and secrecy, or great loss would be suffered.
Fortunately the night was foggy, and nothing could
59
be seen from across the river. Every precaution
was taken to avoid noise. Commands were given
in a whisper, the muskets were left unloaded and
without their bayonets. The teams drawing the
pontoons were left out of hearing and the boats
were brought down by hand and launched silently.
As silently they were filled with soldiers, and
rowed across the river rapidly. The first notice
the pickets on the other side had of them, was
when the boats grounded on the shore. Then a
scattering fire was begun which caught those of us
who were crossing in the second turn of the boats.
It was not a pleasing sound to hear the bullets
plumping into the water on all sides.
Those of the pickets captured said that a regi-
ment had been in the trenches along the river bank
all night and had just marched away when the
crossing began. The writer was in the first boat
of the second brigade that crossed, and on landing
followed closely after Colonel Seaver, who pushed
his way up the bank, and roughly commanded
several men who were crouching under the brow
of the slope, “Get out of the way of my men,” and
immediately upon reaching the top threw the ad-
vance companies into skirmish formation, and sent
us out after the retiring enemy as far as the edge of
the cut made by Deep Run—the same ground we
had occupied during the previous campaign.
The part taken by the 121st is best told by Com-
rade Beckwith. “We crossed the Rappahannock
at Deep Bottom, near the place of our former
crossing, and the movement of troops on the op-
posite side of the river from right to left made
our position a mystery. We occupied some earth-
works, and to our right and front there was con-
siderable picket firing and a number of our men
were hit by sharpshooters. The story went around
that a woman would come out of a house near the
5
60
Rebel picket line and expose her person to attract
the attention of our men who as soon as they
showed themselves above the rifle pits, would be
fired on by the sharpshooters and often hit. This
went on until an officer ordered the woman to be
shot, which was done by our men, and the en-
tertainment ended.
“On Saturday morning, May 3, 1863, long before
daylight we moved forward a little to the left.
As soon as it was light enough to see we moved
forward across the Bowling Green Pike and under
the shelter of a small stream flowing through it,
grown up with large and small timber, in front
of us a short distance, and we were put into posi-
tion. Hexammer's Battery came galloping up,
unlimbered in our front and began firing with con-
siderable rapidity. A little way in front, I should
think about a hundred and fifty yards, there was
a line of little pits in which the enemy’s skirmish
line was posted and they at once began to annoy
our batterymen who were busy firing at a Rebel
battery some distance farther back. Colonel Up-
ton, who was up by the guns, noticing this, came
back to our company and called for some good
shots, and soon had a squad firing at the puffs of
smoke from the rifle pits. I remember Sam But-
ton’s being complimented for a good shot he made,
which it was said quieted one grey-coated chap
who had been especially troublesome, and had
wounded one of our batterymen. On our left
there did not seem to be any business going on,
but on our right the musketry firing was lively
and the spherical case shot, crashing through the
heavy branches and foliage of the ravine, wounded
several men on the right of our regiment. On the
right across the ravine in the fields a heavy skir-
mish line of ours came falling back rather rapidly,
but in fair order, evidencing that there was plenty
6
61
of opposition farther up than they had been.
Farther along to the right and back of the city the
batteries kept up a constant fire, and about eleven
o'clock the cheering of our charging men, the
heavy volley of musketry, dying away into a con-
tinuous rattle, enlivened with a volley near the
end followed by a sudden quiet, told us that our
men had carried the lines and forts of the enemy
upon the heights, and we could see our flags flying
there and we cheered them heartily. In a little
while we were ordered into ranks and marched
toward the city along the Bowling Green Pike,
where Spicer and Doxtater and Davis and Wilson
were buried, and not a thought given that before
the sun went down on that day many a living,
breathing body of our number would be as inani-
mate as they were, without the privilege of sepul-
cher being given them by comrades and fellow
soldiers.”
The military exploit so briefly described was
one of the most brilliant of the war. The sphere
of operation was the same as that which saw the
disastrous defeat of the assaulting force in the
previous campaign. The same stone wall, the
same steep ascent, the same redoubts and forts
only strengthened, and the same determined re-
sistance to be overcome. The movement was in
compliance with an order from General Hooker
received at 11 A. M., on May 2, ordering Sedgwick
“to at once march on the Chancellorville road, and
connect with the Major General commanding, to
attack and destroy any force you may fall in with
on the road; leave all trains behind except the
pack mule train of small ammunition, and be in
the vicinity of the General at daylight.” The
order was promptly obeyed so far as was possible.
General Gibbons' division of the Second Corps,
still under Sedgwick’s command, was brought
62
across the river and placed on the right. And at
3 P. M. when all was ready General Newton’s
division of the Sixth Corps advanced at double
quick without firing or halting, drove the enemy
from his first line of works, the famous stone wall,
pressed forward to the crest of the heights and
carried the works in rear of the rifle pits, captur-
ing guns and prisoners. At the same time Gen-
eral Howe on the left advanced and gained the
crest in his front, also capturing guns and
prisoners. Gibbons’ division was sent in pursuit
of the enemy retiring southward, with orders to
hold the city.
Without delay the Sixth Corps advanced on the
road to Chancellorsville, carrying a succession of
heights without halting, until the vicinity of Salem
church was reached. Here a larger force of the
enemy was encountered, in strong position, on both
flanks of the church, the church itself being occu-
pied by sharpshooters for whom holes had been
made in its walls from which they could fire as
well as from the windows and doors. The enemy
had been reinforced by troops from in front of
Hooker, who at this time had abandoned all ag-
gressive action, and had drawn back his advanced
divisions to a defensive position. This virtually
left Sedgwick with the Sixth Corps to fight the
enemy alone. To reach the position now occu-
pied by the rest of the army he would have had
to break through the main Rebel army. Line of
battle was formed of two divisions, General Brooks
on the left and General Newton on the right. Two
attacks failed to dislodge the opposing forces, and
reinforcements rapidly coming up to the opposing
forces the battle was quickly turned into the de-
fensive. A division was sent by Lee to reoccupy
the Fredericksburg Heights, which compelled
General Sedgwick to throw his corps into the form
63
of a square, one side of which was filled by the
Rappahannock River and the other three by the
separate divisions of the corps. All day Monday
was spent in resisting the fierce attacks of the
enemy, and on Monday night the corps was safely
withdrawn across the river at Banksford. The
part which the Second Brigade took in this battle
began after the first effort to carry the position
had failed. The 16th and 121st N. Y. advanced in
line until within musket range when it was found
that a New Jersey regiment was in the immediate
front of the 16th. It was ordered to move by
the right flank across the road and advance
against the enemy. This brought the New Jersey
regiment between the 16th and the 121st, and
when the New Jersey regiment gave way and
the enemy advanced in pursuit, it resulted in
the exposure of the left of the 16th and the right
of the 121st to a raking flank fire. There were
no troops to the right of the 16th, so that it
was compelled to fall back to avoid being entirely
cut off from the rest of the division. It suffered
a grievous loss in killed, wounded and captured.
It entered the fight with 30 officers and 380 men.
It lost: 24 killed, 12 mortally wounded, 101
wounded, not mortally, and 17 captured.
It ought to be remembered to the credit of the
16th N. Y. that it entered this battle within a few
days of the expiration of its term of service; that
when it was proposed to send a commission to
speak to the two-year regiments appealing to their
patriotism, and urging them to enter their last
fight with their former valor, Colonel Seaver re-
fused to let anything be said to the 16th, on the
ground that it was not necessary, that the 16th
would do its whole duty to the last, without any
special urging to do so. Their conduct in this
battle showed that the Colonel had judged his men
64
correctly. This, however, was not the case with
all the two-year regiments. A portion of the 20th
N. Y., under the leadership of a sergeant, refused
to cross the river, and were courtmartialed and
severely punished for mutiny. At its farthest ad-
vance, the left of the 16th N. Y. was only the width
of the road across from the church, and they suf-
fered from the fire of the men in it, and the
battery near it. On the following day the 16th sup-
ported a battery with two companies on the
skirmish line, and when the withdrawal was made
in the evening, we of the two companies found
ourselves at the extreme left of the line with orders
to fall back gradually and hold the enemy in check.
The writer was the man on the very end of the
skirmish line, and when we got back to the plank
road we were utterly bewildered. All our line and
staff officers were gone, as was the case with the
27th N. Y. that was on our left, with the same
orders and in the same perplexity. We stood a
few moments in doubt when out of the darkness
came the voice of our Colonel, Seaver, “Where
are my men?” “Here we are,” was our eager re-
sponse. “Well, get out of this as quick as you
can,” and he set us the example by wheeling his
horse and galloping off at full speed. The left of
the line happened to be just at the junction of the
plank road and the road that led to Bank’s Ford,
so that the order “Right face, file right, double
quick” started us on the way to safety. But it was
a fagged out company of grateful men who late
in the evening fell utterly exhausted among their
waiting comrades, until their turn came to cross
the river in the early morning.
For the part that the 121st took in this cam-
paign, Colonel Beckwith’s account is both vivid
and full. It is very fortunate for the friends of
deceased members and survivors of the regiment,
65
that he has written so fully of these important
events in the history of the regiment.
He says, “When we reached the city evidences
of the fierce nature of the struggle just ended were
everywhere present. The street upon which we
entered the city was the continuation of the Bowl-
ing Green Pike, and along it the assaulting column
formed. Forming on nearly the same spot as
did French’s division at the battle of Fredericks-
burg, they charged over a portion of the same
ground, defended by fully as good troops, in fact
the flower of Lee’s infantry and artillery. They
carried everything before them and captured the
heights and their defenders, and among the other
batteries in the redoubt near Marye's mansion, cap-
tured the Washington Artillery of New Orleans,
the pride of the Confederate army. After a little
halt in the street we moved on, filing to the left
directly up the street and over the ground that the
center of the assaulting column had passed over.
At every step evidences of the deadliness of the
enemy’s fire accumulated and behind a ruined
brick building, just on the outskirts of the city, a
ghastly row of desperately wounded men had been
gathered. Scattered at very frequent intervals
from it, and until within a very few yards of .
Marye's Heights, hundreds of human forms dotted
the ground. The ambulances were up and the
stretcher bearers were bringing in the wounded.
The dead were in every position, just as they had
fallen. Reaching the redoubt occupied by men
of different regiments that had participated in the
assault, mostly men of the 6th Wisconsin and the
6th and 7th Maine, we heard the terrible ex-
periences through which they had passed, and the
struggle in the redoubt, for the guns. Looking
from Marye's Heights toward the city any soldier
standing behind the breastworks, as I did, would
66
feel his ability to destroy any number of foes ad-
vancing against him and I wonder that any of
that devoted column had escaped death; and I
ceased thinking of the pride and exultation which
the survivors manifested, to the exclusion of
thought for their comrades lying silent in death
on the bare slope over which they had safely
passed. Many times since have I thought of that
stirring scene and compared it in my mind with
other conspicuous deeds of valor recorded in the
annals of war, and always ended with the opinion
that it was as stout-hearted and cool-headed a
piece of work as ever was done.
All that I have described occurred in less time
than I can tell about it. We moved over the ground
without making any long halt. After moving up
the road a little distance a battery in our front
opened on us and a shot from it passed over us.
A few minutes later the popping sound of mus-
ketry in the distance attracted our attention and
we could see our skirmish line pushing forward
and the enemy’s line opposing it, but falling back
slowly. From here on we moved forward quite
slowly, and at the next halt filed off from the road.
Here we passed a staff officer whose horse had
been wounded through the thick of his hind leg
and the poor beast stood there with the blood
spurting out at each pulsation of his heart. This
officer stated that the enemy were deployed in
line of battle ahead of us, that he had no earth-
works and would not stand our advance in line
of battle. We moved across the fields a long dis-
tance in columns of fours and finally after getting
up pretty close to our skirmish line, which did
not seem to be pushing the Rebel skirmishers back
very rapidly, we were put in line of battle and
moved forward some distance by regimental front.
The skirmishers in our front, a New Jersey regi-
67
ment, with white canvas knapsacks, which I re-
member distinctly, were strengthened by the
picket reserve having deployed, and moved for-
ward to them, and they immediately moved for-
ward more boldly and pressed back the Rebels
who were then sheltered by the woods. In our
front the skirmish fire became steady and well
sustained, and the tone of the Rebel bullets in-
dicated that they were not a great way off. In a
few moments the Jerseymen disappeared in the
woods, and we moved up to the rail fence running
along the woods. This we quickly, by orders,
took down and laid flat. Glancing back I saw a
regiment coming up in line of battle, the officer
riding at its right being the Colonel of the 96th
Penn. I judged it was that regiment. To the right
I could see very little. Behind us there were no
troops coming up, but General Bartlett and staff
were a little way off. Captain Wilson, who was
General Bartlett’s A. A. General, and who for some
reason had been nicknamed “The Spook,” rode up
to the right of our regiment on a gallop, which was
his usual custom, and almost instantly we moved
into the wood, which seemed to be mostly second
growth and thickly grown up with underbrush of
the oak variety. I can remember now a strange
sort of quiet in the ranks. I had no idea, nor do I
think any one near me had any premonition of
any impending calamity. I was the extreme left
man in the ranks of the regiment. Joe Rounds, I
think, was the sergeant on the left of the company.
We moved at an ordinary step forward into the
woods perhaps seventy yards, with no sound ex-
cept a growl from Eli Casler because some one had
held a bush as he passed and let it fly back into
his face.
The firing seemed to be coming to us, and reach-
ing the distance I have named we came nearly
68
up to our skirmish line and they commanded and
received our admiration, for the plucky and per-
sistent way in which they did their work. The
officer commanding just in front of us was a brave
man and understood his business thoroughly. He
shouted to his men to move up and push forward
on the right, and fired his revolver at something
in front that I could not see. At that instant there
was a yell of pain and Arthur Proctor, a young
man from Mohawk, a little way up the line cried
out that he was shot, and Herringshaw took hold
of him and began to help him. A little farther off
another was hit and we were immediately ordered
to “fix bayonets and forward, double quick,
charge,” and we went forward on the run. What
became of those skirmishers I could not see. I
suppose they pushed their opponents as far as
they could, and then lay down and let us charge
over them. We moved forward on a run a dis-
tance of not more than one hundred yards until
we could see the clearing beyond the woods, when
suddenly as if by magic, a line of men rose up and
delivered their fire almost in our faces. The crash
seemed terrific. I was paralyzed for an instant
but continued to move on. Benny West who was
next to me gave a terrible bound and pitched
against me, shot dead. Hank King stuck his gun
up against the side of my head, as I thought, and
fired, and I pointed my gun at the men in front
of me and fired, all the time moving forward and
over a little ditch into the road. The men who
were in the ditch and behind the brush fence
through the gap in which I passed, jumped up and
ran, some to their rear and some to ours. I loaded
and fired up the road twice. Joe Rounds stood
beside me doing the same. The fire from the
enemy seemed to come from that direction, but
it was so smoky that I could not see much. A
69
little way off I remember a fellow standing, who
seemed to be holding something before him which
seemed like a blanket. Joe said, “Let’s get back
into the edge of the woods,” which we did. I then
saw the 96th Penn. coming up to our rear and left.
As I stepped back I saw Bill Wildrick and John
Steinfort lying shot, and a couple of men who
were wounded came there and asked to be carried
back. Just then John Dain said he was hit. He
mistook the water running from his canteen, which
a bullet had pierced, for blood. I remember I
laughed at the expression on his face at the time.
I kept looking and firing in the direction from
which the bullets seemed to come, and our fel-
lows kept crowding down among our company
to get away from the fire. After a time the smoke
cleared a little and I could see some buildings,
and from a brick building which we afterwards
learned was Salem church, came the fire which
was so destructive to us. There seemed to be
men in the church who were firing from the win-
dows, and our men were crowding away from it
toward us to escape being hit. In front of us and
to the left there were no Rebels that I could see.
How long we would have stayed there I do not
know, I suppose until we were attacked and driven
away. I realized how useless it was for us to stay,
but did not know enough to run, and it was well
that Captain Wilson of General Bartlett's staff
rode up and ordered us back, accompanying the
order with the inquiry, “D–n you, don’t you know
enough to fall back?” I started to go back rather
slowly. I think Yoeman and Pat McTague were
near me then. A lot of our fellows were lying
down. I remember Joe Rounds shouting, “Come
on, we’re ordered back,” and then seeing Sile Good-
rich and Benny West who had been shot dead, and
having the thought come to me, “Why, these men
70
are all shot and dead.” I went back through the
woods helping along a Company F man who was
wounded in the shoulder. Where I came out of
the woods was farther to the left, and near where
the 96th Penn. went in, and a little way out in
the field was a pool of water where we stopped
and filled our canteens. A great many men were
scattered about in the fields all going back. I
thought the 96th Penn. was still in the woods
behind us, but found it was not so, when Captain
Wilson came riding up and ordered us to go over
to a house some distance away where our regiment
was assembling. He said the enemy were now
advancing through the woods and if we remained
there five minutes we would all be captured. Well
now, the way we got up and moved away from
there must have convinced the Captain that we
believed him. I went across the fields toward the
house he had spoken of with a number of others,
one of whom was an orderly sergeant. We kept
to the left as the Rebels were firing some from the
right, and got a canteen of good water from the
spring near the house. A little while after I
reached the regiment one of Company H’s men
was killed and he was the only man shot while
we were there. The regiment looked but little
larger than a company had looked in the morn-
ing. After dark we moved back about half a mile,
and that night slept on our arms. The next
morning those who had got lost, and those who
had been back with the wounded and prisoners
came up and increased our number considerably,
but there was an awful gap in our company, more
than half had been killed and wounded. I had
very fortunately escaped, and with the exception
of a bullet hole through the visor of my cap tear-
ing the cloth and scratching my head, I had no
mark of the conflict upon me. There was great
71
inquiry for absent ones, and during the early part
of the day we became convinced that Benton
West, Silas Goodrich, Jacob Christman, John
Steinford, and William Weidrick had certainly
been killed and Frank Carron, Wilbur H. Cham-
pany, William H. Chapman, Tom Marriott, Wil-
liam Coady, Arthur Proctor, Chester Catlin, An-
drew Hubbard, Ed Yoeman, Levi Jones and Billy
Applegate were wounded, and some were missing
from whom we could get no report, but who, as
afterwards was found out, were killed wounded
or captured; because the wounded we left on the
field who were able to be moved were sent to us
by their captors, and then we got a complete
record of the terrible loss we had suffered, which
had seldom been equalled in the records of the
Civil War. We went into the fight numbering 453
men and of these lost 104 killed and mortally
wounded, a percentage of 21 to the hundred. Our
total casualties were 278. That is to say 61 men
out of each hundred were placed “Hors du com-
bat.” But we could scarcely realize the terrible
ordeal through which we had passed. Our dead
and wounded were lying over in the woods where
we were forced to leave them, and their terrible
plight could only be imagined by us. Our doctors,
hospital steward, and assistants were with them
and it was only after they were sent back to us
in our old camp near White Oak Church, that
the full realization of our loss came to us.
It should be noted also that only nine com-
panies of the regiment participated in this disas-
trous conflict. Company D was on duty on the
skirmish line, and a considerable distance to the
left, where it suffered no losses, at the time the
battle of Salem Church was fought by the rest of
the regiment.
In the morning we formed behind a battery of
72
three inch rifled cannon near the road and lay
there all day of the 4th of May. With the excep-
tion of some skirmish firing along our front and
some ways off, no struggle occurred near us. Some
distance away the sounds of battle, loud, con-
tinuous and approaching, which did not betoken
success. The congratulatory order from General
Hooker which had been read to us, stating that
he had intervened his army between Lee and
Richmond, and that Lee would have to fight him
upon ground of his own choosing had raised our
hopes: but the ominous sounds of approaching
battle, and the somber faces of our own officers,
always a barometer of success or defeat, filled us
with anxious forebodings. But the day wore
silently and listlessly away. Now and then the
gallop of staff officers would awaken some com-
ment and interest, until along about half past 4
o'clock, the opening of a battery and sharp mus-
ketry on our right, and the appearance of a strong
skirmish line advancing in our front, immediately
followed by heavier and continuous artillery and
infantry firing upon our right, caused us to spring
up and watch the scene before us. We soon be-
came aware that the Rebels were making a general
and vigorous charge along our whole line. Shortly
a line of battle came out of the woods where we
had gone in the day before, and the battery in
our front opened with every gun and fired as
rapidly as possible. We could see that the shots
about, around and through their line of battle
were making great gaps, but they closed up and
came forward again. Our skirmish line made a
fierce resistance and stubbornly contested their
advance, but we expected it to give way and let
the Rebel line come up and give us a chance to
revenge our loss of the previous day. We were
splendidly posted, although we had no shelter. A
73
deep ravine ran along our front, and no troops
could have reached us without an exhausting climb
down and up its steep sides. But we got no op-
portunity to fire at them, and had to be content
to see our skirmishers and artillery shoot them
down as long as they stood up and advanced. But
farther down towards Fredericksburg they were
making ground. They came out of the timber in
great masses, and charged our infantry and ar-
tillery with fierce intrepidity.
Here was posted General Howe's division,
White Cross men, among which were the Green
Mountain boys, the Vermont Brigade. A portion
of our line gave way down near Fredericksburg,
and shortly there was the rush of hurrying battal-
ions, with batteries on the dead run to strengthen
the threatened point. The yelling and cheering of
charging thousands. The continuous rattle of
musketry, broken by heavy volleys, and the in-
creasing roar of the artillery indicated deadly,
desperate work. The fever of battle began to
communicate itself to us. Our officers were
eagerly scanning the point of danger. Colonel
Upton among the guns of the battery giving direc-
tions and advice, seemed to be very much con-
cerned as his practiced ear detected the movement
of the battle, and as darkness began to make
more distinct the flash of our guns, the quick daubs
of light they belched forth at rapid intervals grew
brighter, and the little streaks of light from the
rifles grew more distinct, he said, “Thank God,
they will have to light candles soon.” And so it
was. A great peril had been passed. The Rebels
had massed a picked division of troops and hurled
it at “Pop” Howe's division, intending to crush his
left and interpose between us and the river and
make us fight our way to and across it, or sur-
render. But our gallant troops had successfully
74.
resisted the assault and driven them back, in-
flicting upon them a terrible penalty for their
temerity. Our losses were appalling, but nothing
like theirs.
Years afterward one of their officers who was
there and in the battle, told me that the troops
engaged in the attack upon our left suffered the
most terrible losses of the war upon the part
of the enemy. Be that as it may, as soon as the
sounds of battle had died away, we were ordered
in line, cautioned to keep silent, and moved back
toward the river. There was some firing on the
picket line, and quite a rattle of musketry up the
road on our right. We reached the high ground
near the river after several hours crawl through
the woods, no sound breaking the stillness except
the lonely screech of the owl and the doleful
screech of the “katydid.” There we found our
batteries posted, the guns so close together that
there was scarcely room to work them, and we
moved up close to them and lay down. After
some hours we moved across the river, a few
cannon shots bidding us a parting farewell. Our
whole Corps came across except those who had
been stricken in battle; and the gallant Sixth
Corps, with the noble Sedgwick at its head had
by its courage and gallantry, extricated itself from
the grasp of Lee's army, and had inflicted upon
it so terrible a blow that he was content to re-
linquish his effort to capture it. As for us we
began to feel the misery of our loss. Our dead
comrades, our missing friends, were more missed.
The absence of immediate peril gave time for
reflection, but they were gone and we should
never see them again. The Buck and Ball had
torn through our ranks beyond repair, and for
the first time we were complimented by the other
regiments of the brigade and received their sym-
75
pathy. We camped in the woods near the river
a day, and endured a heavy rainstorm. The storm
Over, we took up our march to our old camp and
on May 6th or 7th filed down into our company
streets with its row of log huts, where we im-
mediately realized the losses we had sustained.
More than half the huts were empty. We selected
and used the best, tearing down and using some
for firewood. In a few days we learned that
our wounded had been sent over the river to us.
From them, as we visited them in Potomac and
Aquia Creek hospitals, our worst fears were con-
firmed as to the missing. Very few had escaped
the bullets of the enemy, and those borne upon
the roll as missing were either dead, or wounded
unto death. But no time was given us for brood-
ing. We were put to work at once upon drill,
inspection and target practice. A round of steady
work each day kept us pretty well occupied.
Then the 16th and 27th N. Y. Vol. went home,
their time having expired, as did that of the
18th, 31st and 32d of the Third Brigade (New-
ton’s) of the 1st Division; and the recruits to
these regiments being held as three-year men,
were transferred to the 121st. They were a fine
body of men, thoroughly inured to army life in all
its phases. They made a sturdy fight against their
detention. Colonel Upton called them up, ex-
plained to them their position and the position of
the government, and his determination to enforce
a rigid compliance to orders, and at the same time
appealed to their pride and patriotism, and suc-
ceeded in winning them all to a cheerful return
to duty. After that they all worked with us, and
never kicked or flinched in any field. They num-
bered more than we did at the time of their join-
ing us, and again made a strong regiment of us.
They rivaled us in a friendly way in work and
76
duty, and soon many of them were wearing chev-
rons betokening sergeant and corporal rank and
a few had on shoulder straps.”
To give the facts in the case of the recruits to
the two-year regiments and their claim, a full
statement ought to be made. They were enlisted
under a definite promise and understanding that
they would be retained in the same regimental
organization or discharged with the rest of the
regiment. When the regiments were disbanded
both of these pledges were ignored and they were
ordered to report to the 121st at once. Their protest
against this action was submitted to a Board of
Investigation, and this Board reported in their
favor, so they were organized into an independent
battalion and assigned to duty as guard at Brigade
Headquarters, until the report of the Board should
be acted upon by the War Department at Wash-
ington. When it came before Secretary Stanton,
with his usual bruskness he dismissed the case,
saying, “Might as well disband the Army.” So
the report came back disapproved on the ground
that these men had enlisted for three years and
that the government was not responsible for the
illegal acts of its agents, or the false promises they
had made. Of the other question, as to the deten-
tion in the old regimental organization, nothing
was said. We had supposed that in joining the
old regiments we were doing the best we could
for the army and the country; that the plan to fill
up and retain the old organizations was the wisest
policy and would be adopted by the War Depart-
ment. In this, according to high military author-
ity, we were right, and it is now conceded that
the disbanding of the old regiments, and the or—
ganization of so many new ones was a military
blunder resulting in the unnecessary loss of thou-
sands of men who had to enter upon hard cam-
7
77
paigns and desperate battles with little experience
and slight training, and no encouragement of ex-
ample and precept from old and experienced com-
rades. Of this mistake the 121st is certainly a good
example. Raw men in companionship with vet-
erans and under experienced officers become effi-
cient soldiers much more quickly than can be the
case with new officers and new men learning new
things by hard won experience under unfavorable
conditions.
To resume Comrade Beckwith’s narrative.
“Our Brigade now reorganized and reformed con-
sisted of the 5th Maine, the 95th Penn. (Gosling
Zouaves), the 96th Penn. and the 121st N. Y., com-
manded by Joseph J. Bartlett.
“More than thirty years have elapsed since the
battle of Salem Church, yet some of its incidents
are as fresh and vivid in my memory as they were
on that bright Sunday afternoon when so many
of our fellows were shot near that little brick
church, which bears today the marks of our rifle
balls. All our dead it has been claimed were
gathered up after the war and laid in that beauti-
ful national cemetery near the city of Fredericks-
burg, but when I went over the ground and
through the cemetery a few years ago, I failed
to find any of the 121st recorded on the head-
stones, and except near the city from where the
Light Brigade charged, I did not see one familiar
spot. At home here I often see reminders of that
awful five minutes, in the persons of men who
were there, and whose shot scarred and crippled
limbs attest more plainly than words can the effect
of the enemy’s fire.
As before stated, the troops opposed to us were
Herbert’s and Firney’s Alabamians, composed of
four regiments, commanded that day by General
Herbert, who afterwards was a member of Presi-
78
dent Cleveland's cabinet. They were armed with
smooth bore muskets and used three buckshot and
a bullet to a charge. This at close range is as
effective as any ammunition in the world, and the
only wonder to me is that any of us escaped.
“Many years after the war I had occasion to go
to the room of the Committee on Appropriations
of the House of Representatives at Washington.
With me was a gentleman, who, having been a
newspaper man and a soldier also, had come in
contact and become acquainted with a great many
public men. As we entered the room the single
person present, a fine looking portly gentleman,
looked up and my friend said “Good morning,
General.’ He replied, “Good morning, Buell.” “I
was just looking over my mail, and I found among
it a card from a little boy in Michigan who wants
my autograph. Now I always like to please the
children, so I am going to write him at once.”
Buell said, “That is very kind of you, General. By
the way, you know my friend?” The general
looked at me intently a short time and said, “Why
I don’t seem to remember your face.” Buell spoke
up and said, “Why, General, do you not remember
one Sunday afternoon up on Fredericksburg
Heights, near Salem Church, during the war!” The
general rose up, and grasping me by the hand,
said, “Why, bless my soul, were you one of Upton's
men?' I said, ‘Yes, General!" He said, “Why I
didn’t know that any of you got away but Upton,
and he was as brave a man as I ever saw. Why,
he rode through our line and back, and though
we emptied a hundred rifles at him he escaped
unhurt. We killed his horse and his men. Why
We covered the ground with them after we drove
you back I interrupted him and said, ‘I
beg your pardon, General, but we were ordered
back.” “Have it so, he said, “perhaps that is the
79
reason any of you escaped. However, after you
had left, we gathered up your wounded and did
the best we could for them, with the aid of your
surgeons who remained upon the field. By the
way, Buell, I must recount that affair. We were
very short of entrenching tools, and so we utilized
an old icehouse to bury those dead Yanks in.
You know we constructed our icehouses, by sink-
ing a pit into the ground deep enough to store
the ice we needed; around the top we built a low
wall and over that a roof, and when we filled them
we used straw and chaff to pack the ice in. The
icehouse I speak of was convenient and empty;
so we took those dead Yanks and put them in the
pit as close together as we could. There was over
a hundred of them” (some of them must have been
from the 16th N. Y. who were on our right and
Iost heavily). “I thought if they were all together
they could keep each other company as they had
in life. The matter had passed from my mind,
when happening to pass by there on my way to
Gettysburg with my command I chanced to see
smoke coming out of that icehouse pit, and going
to it I found it was on fire, and undoubtedly so
from spontaneous combustion. The incident made
an impression on my mind and I wrote home about
it, describing it and saying that it was no use trying
to whip the Yankees; that you could kill them
and put them in an icehouse for a grave, and they
would come to and set themselves on fire to keep
warm. Our mail facilities not being good, some
time afterward, lying wounded between the lines
upon the Gettysburg field, I bethought me of that
letter, and expecting to fall into the Yanks’
hands, and believing they would search me and
find the letter and reading it, not receive it well,
I took it out and chewed it into paper wads and
threw them away from me. A little while after
80
some of your troops came up and I was taken back
and well cared for.” I said, “General, did you re-
gard the attack we made as well judged?” “Well
yes, it was timely but badly supported. I hardly
think there was a single line of troops in the Fed-
eral army that could have driven my men off,
finely posted and sheltered as they were. But
if Upton had had another line coming up fifty or a
hundred paces in the rear I think we must have
yielded, and if we had done so it would have been
a very serious blow, because our lines were
greatly extended and there were no troops near by
to succor us.” Continuing he said, ‘I knew the
troops attacking us were unused to battle by the
way they hung on. They ran over our line and
took fifty or sixty prisoners on the right of the
16th Alabama, and then stood and let us shoot
them down like sheep.” “Any difference in the
fighting qualities of Northern and Southern men?”
I asked. “Well, yes, I think the Alabamians better
than any other troops, but I must say that the way
the New Yorkers fought entitles them to the respect
of every soldier in either army. But after all the
world will never again see such fighting as Lee’s
army did from Bull Run to Appomattox. My
heart swells to bursting with pride and emotion
as I think of and recall its heroic achievements.
Think of the ragged, half starved, poorly armed
battalions from the South successfully resist-
ing for more than four years, all the efforts which
the wealth, bravery and skill of the world hurled
against them, and then at the last weeping and
crying to be led by their old chief in a last charge
to a glorious death. I think it the sublimity of
bravery and heroism. But your men were brave.
Yes, Grant was your best and most skillful general.
He pursued but one plan in Virginia, and that
was to keep his men in contact and wear us away
81
by friction, knowing that he had unlimited re-
sources to draw from, and we had brought Out
our last available forces, and the loss of one man
to us was equal to three of his, and that was the
way he beat us, by constant grinding. Another
war? Never, on any issue yet brought forward.
The South wants and will have peace, even if it
has to fight for it.”
“After I left the general I could not help thinking
of what he said about the burial of our men in
the pit of the icehouse, and I asked Buell if he did
not detect a tone of exultation in the general’s
voice. Buell answered, ‘No, I think not. He is a
splendid old fellow, as kind and tender hearted
as a woman. He has a fine record as a soldier,
which was cut short by his being disabled by
wounds.’”
The battle of Salem Heights, or Church, being
its first real encounter with the enemy, must be
vividly called to memory by this full and graphic
account of Comrade Beckwith, both in its experi-
ences and its results. And to all the friends of
the men who took part in it both living and dead
it will show that their ancestry who fought in the
Civil War, were the peers of the brave and faithful
of any generation.
As to the Chancellorsville Campaign in general—
its brilliant beginning, its gradual degeneration
and its final disgraceful collapse, several causes
have been given. General Hooker himself ascribed
its failure to the tardiness of General Sedgwick
in obeying his order, and the Congressional Com-
mittee on the conduct of the war so reported (after
Sedgwick’s death). Hooker's friends ascribed it
to the effect of a solid shot hitting the pillar
against which Hooker was leaning, and that has
been generally accepted, and appears in most of
the histories of the war, especially the school his-
82
tories. As to the first excuse, the simple reading
of the record of accomplishment of the Sixth
Corps, during the first twenty-four hours after
receiving the order to join the rest of the army,
is a sufficient refutation. An advance of two miles
in constant contact with the enemy, the fighting
of two desperate battles, the last of them against
great odds, and the successful withdrawal across
the river, after an all day’s conflict on the second
day shows that the part which Sedgwick and the
Sixth Corps took is the only really admirable
feature of the entire campaign.
As to the second excuse, the writer after the
war became well acquainted with the bugler at
Army Headquarters, and he ridiculed the idea
that the solid shot had anything to do with Hook-
er's condition at any time. He said that the brandy
bottle was the real reason for the fiasco. And,
certainly the simple fact that a brandy bottle was
frequently resorted to, is a more reasonable ex-
planation of successive developments of the con-
duct and decisions of the commander of the army
than any other can be. From energetic activity,
through the different grades of intoxication to
final incapacity, is the age old and certain effect
of too frequent resorts to the bottle. But those
were the days of ignorance of the real character
of alcoholic drinks. They were accounted good
and necessary by the great majority of people,
and were used freely as medicine, as a harmless
stimulant under trying circumstances, as an in-
nocent social indulgence and as a creator of
“Dutch courage” in time of battle. It was not
until the close of the war that a realization of the
harmful effect of the use of intoxicants began to
be felt.
83
CHAPTER VII
THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN
The reoccupation of its old position in the
vicinity of Fredericksburg by the Army of
the Potomac was of short duration. General Lee
made that impossible by beginning another ad-
vance toward Washington by way of the Shenan-
doah Valley and to defeat this movement, General
Hooker, who had recovered his energy, and had
spent the intervening time in refitting and restor-
ing the shattered morale of his army, began a
rapid movement northward, virtually over the
same ground on which the advance had been made.
The first feature of this movement was another
crossing of the river at the old place, called Frank-
lin's Crossing. This movement began on the 6th
of June, and the crossing was made by Howe’s
Division on the 6th with little loss. The 1st
Division crossed on the evening of the 6th, occupy-
ing about the same ground as on the previous
crossing. Rifle pits were immediately dug and
preparations made to resist attack. But none was
made. Several days transpired and then the Corps
recrossed the river and prepared for the march
northward by sending everything and everybody
that were not needed to Washington. In the race
with Lee’s army for Pennsylvania and Gettysburg,
the Sixth Corps brought up the rear and the rear-
most position was assigned to the 121st. It was
sent down the river several miles with orders
to establish a picket line from the river towards
White Oak Church. By the 14th of June it became
(84
BRIGADIER GENERAL
DAVII)
A. RUSSEL,
Commanding 1st
Division, 6th Corps,
when killed at
Battle of Opequon,
1864.
MAJOR GENERAL
J. A. BARTLETT,
Commanding
2d Brigade, 1st Divi-
sion, 6th Corps,
in 1862 and 1863.


MAJOR A. E. MATHER

evident that the Confederate army had crossed
the river and was pushing rapidly northward, and
the regiment was recalled and joined in the move-
ment northward. The position of rear guard is
always a wearisome one, because of the fact that
the uncertainty of the movement of the troops
ahead often leaves long distances between the
different corps which must be closed by forced
marching by those in the rear. But in this case
the disadvantage was increased by midnight start,
in pouring rain, and dense darkness, lit only by
vivid flashes of lightning with accompanying peals
of thunder. The roads were rendered difficult for
both man and teams, and for two days the march
was tedious and toilsome. To quote again from
Comrade Beckwith, “Abandoned and burning
camps along our line of march and the moving
of the general field hospital, indicated a general
movement, and our march was continued to Staf-
ford Court House, to Dumfries, thence to Fairfax
Station. Here a day’s rest was very grateful to
us, because we had been passing over ground
which had been the continual scene of march,
camp and battle, and had been stripped of every-
thing that would sustain troops. The roads were
deep with the red-clay dust which created a
choking thirst, as it rose in a thick cloud from
the tread of the moving thousands of all arms.
Water that was fit to use was scarce, and difficult
to obtain, and in consequence we suffered greatly.
To relieve ourselves we threw away all our bag-
gage not necessary to existence. The day’s rest
at Fairfax Station, and the rain of the night
and early morning greatly refreshed us, so that on
the 18th of June when we moved out again it
was with lighter steps and more cheerful feelings.”
The march that day was only continued until noon
and ended at Fairfax Court House, where a halt
85
of a week was made, and everything that could
be spared was shipped to Washington, and the
Corps was stripped to light marching order. On
the 25th of June the regiment was sent in skirmish
formation about three miles towards Leesburgh,
through a rather difficult country and returned
to camp very much fatigued. Colonel Cronkite
calls this a skirmish drill, but it was probably a
feeler to determine whether any large portion of
the Confederate army was in the vicinity. If it
was not near, evidently Lee had abandoned all
hope of interposing between the Army of the
Potomac and Washington, and had advanced into
Maryland. “Here (at Fairfax Court House) we
gathered some idea of what was going on from
the Washington newspapers. A lot of Rebel pris-
oners under a cavalry escort coming along, gave
us information of a cavalry fight and confirmed
the newspaper reports of Lee's movements. We
moved on to Germantown, to Bristoe Station and
Centerville, to Dranesville and on the 27th crossed
the Potomac at Edward’s Ferry and camped for
the night near Poolsville, Md., and the next day
marched beyond Hyattstown to near the defenses
of Washington and began making plans to visit
the city. But the next day, we moved rapidly from
camp by way of New Market to New Windsor.
On the next day we moved with quickening steps
from New Windsor to Manchester, and the first
indications of serious business began to show.
The men were urged and commanded to keep
well closed up and in ranks, and mile after mile
was passed over faster than a walk. Several
hours we covered a distance of five miles an hour,
as indicated by the milestones we passed, but
we were now seasoned and more comfortable
than at the beginning of the march. Jests were
passed along the ranks about the officers horses’
86
playing out, and frequently a song would be started
and taken up by several companies, and Swing-
ing along by its rhythm would make the distance
seem shorter and the time pass quicker. Few
thought of the morrow, or realized that our hur-
ried steps were taking us rapidly to the fated field
where the hopes of the South were to be shattered.
“Going into camp near Manchester on the eve-
ning of June 30th we prepared for a good night's
rest in the thick cool woods. We had our Supper
and spread our blankets, and were lounging about
and chatting till bedtime, when an order came to
pack up, and in a little time we moved out into
the road and started on the longest continuous
march we made during the war. About an hour
after we started, while resting in the road, there was
a noise in the direction from which we had come,
and someone said “Look out for Rebel cavalry.”
Instantly the whole column as far as I could see
or hear, made a rush for the side of the road, and
if there had been a squadron or two of Rebel
cavalry coming along, they would have owned the
road sure enough. On the evening of July 1st we
rested a few hours and then marched all night
long towards the field of Gettysburg. Passing
Winchester, where we heard rumors of the day’s
battle and its disastrous result, we stepped off the
weary miles which separated us from our com-
rades at the front. The night was dark so that
crossing a little stream I got my feet wet, and
soon they began to hurt me like the mischief.
The dust worked into the shoes and wet socks,
and irritated the blisters, and to me the miles grew
longer and longer and my misery more intense
and I longed for the daylight. When it came I
went to the first water I could find, washed my
feet, put on my last pair of socks and for a while
was more comfortable. As soon as daylight fairly
87
broke we began to see evidences of the battle in
men along the roadside who had run away from
the battlefield the day before; and reaching Little-
town we saw a great many men wearing the
crescent, the badge of the eleventh corps; and
some wounded men had reached there from the
field. From them we learned of the battle, of
the fearful loss of the First Corps, and the
skedaddle of a part of the Eleventh, and the saying
of one member of the corps, ‘I fights mit Siegel
but runs mit Howard,” seems to have been verified
in many instances on the first day at Gettysburg.
We were rushed and crowded along, no time was
given us to prepare anything to eat, and raw pork
and hardtack was our bill of fare that day.
Many men became exhausted and dropped down
from fatigue in spite of the energetic efforts of
the officers to urge them on. Orders were given
the officers to shoot stragglers, and every man was
impressed with the seriousness of the situation.
As we approached Gettysburg the sound of artil-
lery and musketry became more distinct, and from
its weight and volume we knew a terrific combat
was progressing. The roadside and fields along
our route were occupied by various trains of
wagons. Scattered along, there seemed to be a
vast number of stragglers, and the wounded among
them became thicker. Crossing a considerable
stream called Pipe Creek we shortly after filed
off the Baltimore pike to the left and in sight
of Cemetery Hill where we could see our batteries
at work. We moved over toward the left near
Little Round Top and had a long rest.” (B.) Not
till its arrival at Manchester did the men of the
Sixth Corps learn of the change of the commander
of the army, that General Meade had superseded
General Hooker. The change was a surprise to
most of the men and created no little discussion,
88
but looking back upon the affair from the view-
point of the present, it is not to be wondered at
that the Government at Washington could not
risk the destiny of the country, in so grave a dan-
ger as was involved in the battle of Gettysburg, to
a commander who had so signally failed in the
crisis of the previous battle, and the event proved
that the change was wisely made. The battle of
Gettysburg decided the issue of the war, and ought
to have ended it. The repulse of Pickett's charge
was virtually the downfall of the Confederacy and
insured its failure.
At Gettysburg the 121st occupied an advanced
position under cover of a narrow strip of woods,
along which were scattered a number of large
rocks. Behind these the men were comparatively
safe from the fire of the enemy, and its only loss
was two men wounded by stray bullets. “The
next day little fighting was done on the left of
the line but the culmination of the battle in the
charge and repulse of General Pickett was watched
eagerly by the regiment as by all the unengaged
part of the army; and with infinite relief they
saw the charging force, shattered and torn by shot
and shell, fall back in confusion.” (B.)
The next day, the 4th of July, was dark and
cloudy and the smoke of the previous day’s battle
settled down upon the field so as to hide the
movements of the enemy, and the retreat of Lee's
army was not observed. But on the 5th the Sixth
Corps began the pursuit, the First Division having
the lead, marching by the Fairfield road. The
rear guard of the enemy was soon encountered
and brisk skirmishing ensued, but no general at-
tack was made. General Sedgwick decided to
attempt to cut off the crossing of the Potomac by
the enemy, by a flank movement over South Moun-
tain and led the Corps by a steep and rugged pass
89
farther to the south. The march up the pass was
very difficult and was rendered more so by a heavy
rain, so that late in the night a halt had to be made
to give the men time to eat and rest. They were
worn out by fatigue and hunger, and could not
continue the ascent until rested and fed. The next
morning the ascent was completed and the corps
descended the western slope and in the vicinity
of Middletown rested and received the much needed
supplies. The advance continued until near Boons-
borough the enemy was again encountered. Prep-
arations for attack were made but the enemy
retired without fighting. Following at daybreak
the next morning the advance soon found the
enemy in position, and the 121st, or a part of it,
was thrown out as skirmishers, and in the engage-
ment that followed the enemy were driven back
with slight loss to our forces. On Sunday, the 12th
of July, the enemy was again found in the vicinity
of Williamsport, entrenched and ready for battle
with both flanks resting on the Potomac River. The
Corps advanced, passed to the left of Funkstown
from which the enemy had precipitately retreated
before our cavalry, and we soon found the main
body of the enemy. The deploying of the various
commands for attack took considerable time and
the little distance between the lines made the firing
of the Confederate skirmishers exceedingly annoy-
ing. They were located in a wheatfield behind
the shocks, and along a rocky ledge. Three strong
mortised fences and a field of standing wheat
separated the opposing forces at one point. About
5 P. M. Companies I and E of the 121st and a de-
tachment of the 5th Maine were ordered on
skirmish duty and Captain Cronkite, being the
senior officer of the detail, reported for instruc-
tions to General Wright then in command of the
1st Division. The General led to the nearest eleva-
90
tion and pointed to the position of the enemy’s
skirmish line, said, “Captain, the sun is now an
hour high, and you must occupy that ledge be-
fore sunset.” Some minor instructions followed,
and immediately after the line was deployed and
moved forward on the run with orders not to fire
until the last fence was passed. The men were
obliged to scale fences and run through the stand-
ing wheat and on reaching the last fence were
nearly exhausted. Here a halt was ordered to
correct the line and then a bold sally followed, and
the position was ours. Seven or eight of the 121st
were wounded, five in Company E. Three Rebels
were found among the slain. The above facts
are from Colonel Cronkite’s account of the affair.
The next day was spent in skirmishing, throwing
up rifle pits and preparing for an assault in the
morning. But when morning came no enemy was
there. General Lee had succeeded in again escap-
ing across the river with his shattered army in
spite of what seemed an insurmountable difficulty
on account of the swollen condition of the water.
A small detachment at Dam No. 4 was attacked
and captured.
Two changes were made in the staff of the regi-
ment during June. Chaplain Sage resigned and
was honorably discharged and Dr. John O. Slocum
was commissioned and assigned to the 121st, vice
Dr. E. C. Walker resigned. General Meade has
been considerably criticized for not renewing the
battle on the repulse of Pickett on the ground that
the Sixth Corps had come up and had not been
engaged in the battle, and so might have been
used to Lee's utter defeat.
To any Sixth Corps man it is sufficient answer
to their criticism that General Sedgwick advised
against such an attack, on the ground of the abso-
lute exhaustion of his men by the previous forced
91
marches to bring them onto the field at all. The
delay in attacking the Confederates at Williams-
port was necessary in order to bring up a sufficient
force to make the attack successful. Lee had his
army in the same formation which the Sixth Corps
held at Salem Heights: both flanks on the bank
of the river, the three sides protected by earth-
works of a formidable character, and manned by
veteran infantry supported by numerous batteries.
It is a serious matter to assail such an enemy in
such a position except with an overwhelming
force. When the necessary force arrived the foe
was gone as if by magic.
92
CHAPTER VIII
MEADE AND LEE’s GAME OF STRATEGY
This time however there was no long delay to
refurnish and recruit. Lee crossed the river
on the 15th of July. On the next day, the 16th of
July, the Army of the Potomac began its advance
into Virginia by the same route it had used after
the battle of Antietam. The 121st, now reduced to
fourteen line officers present for duty, with Major
Mather in command, took up the line of march
through Boonsborough, Middletown and Burketts-
ville to the old crossing of the Potomac, at Berlin.
Lieut.-Col. Olcott, Captain Gordon and Lieut. Bates
were left behind sick. Captain Galpin and Lieu-
tenants Paine and VanScoy with an escort of men,
were sent to Washington to bring a squad of con-
scripts to the regiment. Having crossed the river
at Berlin on a pontoon bridge, the advance con-
tinued past Lovettsville, Uniontown, Snickersville,
and on the 23d of July Ashby's Gap was reached.
The movement was continued through New Balti-
more to Warrenton where a rest of a couple of
days was enjoyed. Then the Second Brigade was
sent back to New Baltimore five miles distant from
the rest of the corps where it remained for some
time. Its location rendered picketing necessary on
all sides of the camp, as Moseby with his guerrillas
was known to be in the vicinity. An attack was
made which Comrade Beckwith graphically
describes.
“On Sept. 4, a squad of Rebel cavalry broke
through our picket line and attempted to capture
8
93
General Bartlett, who had his headquarters near
the picket line in the yard of a mansion about six
hundred yards from our camp. A farm road ran
from the New Baltimore Pike to this house and
continued to another house a quarter of a mile
farther on. We picketed this road between these
two houses. About one hundred yards from the
General’s tent, near the house, and to the left, the
brigade band was camped. In the orchard at the
right the headquarters tents were pitched. The
house and orchard were surrounded by a high and
strongly built fence. The attack was made about
two o'clock in the morning. The 96th Penn. was
on picket duty. The squad rode boldly up to the
picket on post. He halted them and asked who
they were and their reply was, ‘Cavalry men,
friends, returning from a scout.” He ordered them
to dismount, advance, and give the countersign.
The leader rode up quickly presented his revolver
at the picket’s head and ordered him to surrender.
Instead he leveled his gun and the leader fired into
his face, jumped his horse on him, knocked him
down, and with his company rode up to the house.
Coming to the band tents and mistaking them for
the General’s, the attackers fired into them and
one shot pierced the bass drum. Others of the
party discovering the mistake rode round in front
and made the General’s tent their target. Roused
by the firing he jumped up, seized his revolver,
and running out into the orchard began to return
the fire. By this time the camps were aroused and
the long roll sounded. We all tumbled out and
on a run made for headquarters, but the Rebs
had made good their escape. General Bartlett,
ready and intrepid soldier that he was, had seized
his revolver instead of his pants, and fought his
would-be captors in the uniform nature had fur-
nished him. He got scratched up some with briars,
94
but next day laughed heartily over the adventure.”
As a participant in this affair the writer feels
justified in correcting somewhat the Colonel's
version of it. The officers’ tents were located just
behind the first row of trees in the orchard, three
or four yards from the fence. The guerrillas did
not any of them get inside the fence but fired into
the tents from the outside. The General and
several of the other officers took position behind
the nearest apple trees and returned the fire. Cap-
tain Richards, the odd genius of the staff, the night
before, having declaimed his usual speech, “Han-
ni-bul and Skipi-Ö were two great com-pe-ti-ters.
They passed over into Af-ri-ca and wag-ged war
against each other,” took out his revolver and laid
it on the stand at the head of his cot, exclaiming,
“There, I am ready for the guerrillas when they
come.” His revolver spoke more than once in
welcome to the raiders and in louder tones than
did that of the General, who the next day lamented
the smallness of his weapon, and declared that at
every shot he felt more like throwing the weapon
at them than firing it again. The writer was
roused from sleep by the firing and driven out of
his tent by a bullet passing through it, and with an
orderly ran down to the yard where the horses
were kept, and got there just as two of the raiders
rode up to the gate. A couple of shots from the
orderly’s revolver convinced them that they did
not want the horses, and they joined the band as
they rode away. Whether any of the band was
wounded we never knew; but the man on picket
and one of the band were wounded. Two attempts
were made to capture some of the guerrillas, but
without success. In one of these expeditions
Moseby’s home was visited, located on the side of
the mountain between Thoroughfare Gap and the
New Baltimore Pike; and some of his turkeys were
95
captured, but severely settled for by Colonel Ol-
cott’s orders.
The seven weeks spent at New Baltimore were
improved by daily drills and tactical exercises.
It was here that Captain Wilson obtained the
young puppy that afterwards became a feature of
Brigade Headquarters, and attached himself to
General Upton whenever he started out on any
movement.
On the 15th of September the army advanced
beyond Culpeper to Stony Mountain, and after sev-
eral days, to Cedar Mountain. Lee had retired
behind the Rapidan where he remained until the
beginning of October. On the 5th of October he
began a movement to interpose his army between
the Army of the Potomac and Washington by
crossing at Germania Ford and pushing on rapidly
to Centerville, the key to the old Bull Run battle-
ground. - -
To counteract this movement Meade maneuvered
as if about to cross the river farther up. The
Sixth Corps was ordered to build extensive fires
as if a large force was concentrated at that point,
but the corps was to be held in readiness to move
at a moment’s notice. The next night the fires
were rebuilt, but the corps moved rapidly toward
Culpeper, a force of cavalry being left to bring up
the rear. All night long the march was continued,
and with only a short halt for breakfast, was con-
tinued to Rappahannock Station where at noon it
crossed the river, and joined the rest of the army,
advantageously posted for any attack that might
be made upon it. The rear guard of cavalry was
closely followed by a large force of the enemy. But
no attack was made and thus the first move in the
strategic game was won by Meade. General Lee,
however, turned the head of his army to the left
and attempted to pass the right flank of the Union
96
army in an attempt to thus gain the vantage point
at Centerville. Meade crossed the Sixth Corps
over the bridge at Rappahannock Station and it
advanced toward Brandy Station in line of battle.
This was the most spectacular movement the
writer saw during the war. The country was open,
and nearly level, the morning was fine and the sun
shone brightly. The line of battle, extending about
three miles, advanced slowly and steadily, the flags
floating in the gentle breeze, the sunlight flashing
from their arms, and the batteries in regular
formation following close behind the infantry. In
front of the advancing line a force of cavalry were
in almost constant conflict charging and repelling
the charges of a like force of Rebel cavalry, but
constantly advancing until Brandy Station was
reached. The writer followed closely after the
cavalry, and was equally interested in watching
the frequent charge and recharge of the cavalry
and the steady advance of the beautiful line of
battle. In the morning however he was wakened
by a squad of cavalry, to find the brigade gone,
and he alone of the foot soldiery at Brandy Sta-
tion. The return to Rappahannock Station that
he made was much more rapid than the advance
had been. Meanwhile Meade had divined the
purpose of General Lee and began a rapid race
back to Centerville along the line of the railroad.
The infantry used the railroad track as a road,
leaving the dirt road for the trains and batteries.
The route lay through Bristoe Station, Manasses,
and Bull Run, and the head of the army filed into
the old fortifications of Centerville just before the
advance of the old corps of Stonewall Jackson
came in sight of them.
Colonel Beckwith tells of several experiences of
this march that will interest other members of the
regiment. We “passed Bristoe Station about 3
97
o'clock and crossed a stream, called Broad Run,
on the high trestle that carries the Orange and
Alexandria Railroad over the stream. I had an
experience crossing that bridge that I shall never
forget. We marched in double file, stepping from
tie to tie. Now and then the ties would be close
together, making a gap of several feet to the next tie.
This would make the men hesitate until the two in
front had gotten fairly across and out of the way
before the necessary jump was made, and those
behind would crowd up to the waiting men. I got
on all right for a time, but suddenly felt myself
getting dizzy, and knowing that I should certainly
fall to the ground and be crushed if I advanced
farther, I crouched down to the track and placed
my musket across the gap in the ties and made up
my mind that I would stay there until I could go on
safely again. The fellows behind were not suited
with my partial obstruction of the bridge, but I
paid no attention to their orders to get up and go
on. After remaining there a short time and accus-
toming myself to the distance, I got up and went
on without trouble, thankful at my escape from
sure death. It was reported that night that sev-
eral persons had fallen and been killed. Ordina-
rily I could have gone over all right, but the lifting
of the foot of the man ahead confused me and I
lost power to judge the distance. Just after cross-
ing the bridge a considerable battle broke out in
our rear and the musketry firing indicated that a
large infantry force was engaged. This battle was
between the Second Corps and the pursuing Reb-
els, and resulted in their defeat. We encamped
near a deep railroad cut, and one of the men ran
headlong over it while escaping from a friend
upon whom he had been playing some prank, and
plunging down to the bottom was badly injured.”
The arrival of the Army of the Potomac at Cen-
98
terville, before it was seized by the Confederates,
was the second victory of Meade over Lee in
the strategic game. Lee withdrew and on the
19th of October Meade began again to follow
him, moving out toward Thoroughfare Gap,
New Baltimore and Warrenton, which was reached
on the 22d, and a halt of over two weeks was
made. Camp was broken on the 7th of No-
vember, and an advance made to the Rappahan-
nock River, where Lee was found occupying a
strong position along the south side of the river
and with a considerable force on the north bank,
at Rappahannock Station. The Sixth Corps
arrived opposite the position at the station, and
found the enemy stationed as follows:
A strong redoubt on the bluff, at the point where
the railroad had crossed the river on a high bridge,
was occupied by a battery and a full complement
of soldiers for a garrison, a line of rifle pits
extending up the river until a bend in the river
interrupted it. A pontoon bridge spanned the
river just above the ruins of the former bridge.
These entrenchments were occupied by the 5th, 7th
and 54th North Carolina regiments and a Louisi-
ana brigade formerly commanded by Stonewall
Jackson, and a famous New Orleans battery. The
railroad approached the river by an embankment
of considerable height. The writer stood on that
embankment and watched the battle as long as it
was light enough to see. The charge upon the
redoubt was made before it was really dark, and
the approach of the attacking brigades under the
partial protection of the railroad embankment,
the rapid formation of the assaulting column, the
desperate conflict on the ramparts and in the fort
itself transpired under his full view. The assault
on and capture of the breastworks to the left of
the fort were revealed only by the flashes of the
99
guns. On the next day he had the pleasure of
examining the records of the regiments and the
battery that had been captured, and retained pos-
session of several documents that seemed espe-
cially interesting.
The part taken by the 121st in this battle was
this: General Sedgwick, determined to storm this
position, had selected the First Division for the
duty. The column of attack consisted of the
Third and Second Brigades. General Russell
commanded the Third and General Upton (then
Colonel) the Second. General Bartlett had been
assigned to temporary duty with the Fifth Corps.
General Russell was to attack the redoubt and
Colonel Upton the rifle pits. The men of the
Third Brigade advanced late in the afternoon,
protected somewhat by the railroad embankment,
until within the immediate vicinity of the fort,
when the conflict became hand to hand; and the
fort was taken at great loss to the assailants, and
to the utter surprise of the defenders, who had
boasted that it could not be taken from them. The
Second Brigade was delayed somewhat by the
character of the ground to be passed over, a strip
of woods, a depression containing water, and a
marshy hollow. As soon as the ground permitted
the front line was formed, consisting of the 5th
Maine on the right and the 121st on the left, con-
necting with the line of the Third Brigade. Com-
panies B and D were deployed as skirmishers
under command of Captain Fish. Comrade Beck-
with gives the best close-up account of the fight
thus: “We moved forward briskly and soon dis-
covered the Rebel skirmish line. They waited a
good while, an age I thought, before they fired on
us, and I knew somebody would get hit. Finally
they let go and we started on a run after them,
and they skedaddled. One fellow waited until
100
Jack Marden, one of our boys, got close to him,
and then fired and hit Jack. But the ball, striking
something in Jack’s pocket, glanced off. The Rebel
shouted, ‘I surrender,’ but Jack shot and wounded
him badly. He said that he belonged to the 6th
Louisiana, Hays' brigade, Early’s Division, Ewell’s
Corps, and his name was Slidell. The artillery in
the fort was now firing rapidly and the cannon
shots flew over us and went after our fellows who
were coming up behind. The Reb skirmishers kept
falling back, but kept up a sharp fire. We con-
nected on our left with the 6th Maine, and in half
an hour after starting we drove in their skirmish-
ers, they jumped over the breastworks and we
busied ourselves firing at them. Just at sunset
the reserves came up, the 95th and 96th Pennsyl-
vania, and joined the line of battle behind us. As
they started to advance Captain Fish ordered us
skirmishers to charge, and going forward on a run,
with a yell, we came to the rifle pits, and jumping
on them the Rebels in them began to run. We did
not fire until we got inside the rifle pits, and the
fire of the enemy was not very severe. Captain
Fish ordered everybody to surrender. Almost at
the same time our regiment, and the 5th Maine,
came up on our right and just ran over the troops
in the pits. We were ordered to go to the bridge
and prevent the Johnnies from crossing. We
Quickly ran down to the river and found the
bridge and halted the Rebs as they came up. In
the meantime our fellows got around them on the
right, and the whole crowd surrendered. Our cas-
ualties were Captain Casler, shot through the arm,
and Orderly Sergeant Joe Rounds, shot in the
arm. Hawley Platt, one of the finest fellows in the
regiment, a member of Company D, was killed.
Our entire loss was four killed and twenty-two
wounded. Major Mather was in command of the
101
regiment and gained the high opinion of the men
for his coolness and ability. Colonel Olcott was
away, nursing the injuries he had received from
falling off his horse some time before.”
It has always been a mystery to me why those
Johnnies did not kill every one of us, and how any
of us escaped. Colonel Upton not only encour-
aged his own men, but instilled fear into the hearts
of the enemy by the little speech he made before
ordering the final charge, after the short halt near
the breastworks. He said: “Men of the 121st New
York, your friends at home and your country
expect every man to do his duty on this occasion.
Some of us have got to die, but remember you are
going to heaven. When I give the command to
charge move forward. If they fire upon you, I
will move six lines of battle over you and bayonet
every one of them.” The colonel of the 54th North
Carolina regiment, who was captured, said that
the Yankee officer who led the charge in his front
was a smart fellow and fooled them. They
thought there was a column in mass moving on
them, as they had seen a great body of troops
formed and moving on them before dusk. Some
years ago the writer visited the flag room in the
capitol in Albany and heard a like story from an
officer of one of the Louisiana regiments. He was
visiting the capitol on some official business and,
having some time to wait, fell into conversation
with the curator of the flag room, who was one
of Upton’s men in the battle. The officer told him
that they were utterly discouraged by Upton’s
speech, and believing it was true, surrendered
without much resistance.
One of the 16th men told the writer of his expe-
rience in this action. He was a skirmisher and as
he leaped upon the embankment of the pit one of
the Rebels fired at him, exclaiming, “I got you,”
102
but missed, and the next moment was impaled by
the bayonet of the intended victim.
A second feature of the battle that deserves
notice is the slight loss to the assaulting column.
This seems to be due in large measure to the fact
that the first volley of the defenders at the skir-
mishers who first leaped upon the earthworks was
fired almost perpendicularly and did little execu-
tion, and before the rifles could be reloaded the
main line was upon them. The confusion of it all
was described to the writer by Colonel Edwards
after the battle. He said that as he with a few men
were gathering up the prisoners, and had more of
them than of his own men, he came upon
a Rebel colonel with his men drawn up in
order. Upon his demand for the surrender of
the regiment the colonel hesitated until Edwards
turned to the motley crowd following him,
and shouted, “Forward, 121st New York and
5th Maine!” Upon this the Rebel surrendered.
Too much credit cannot be given to the regi-
ments of the Third Brigade for this victory.
It was their magnificent valor in assaulting and
capturing the fort and battery on the left that
made the rest of the fighting so comparatively easy
and bloodless. The loss of the 5th Maine in the
affair was ten killed. Eight regimental flags were
captured, four by the 5th Maine and four by the
121st New York.
In this battle Capt. Robert P. Wilson was
wounded, a bullet passing through one of his
wrists, but he came out at its close carrying one of
the captured flags and riding a little iron grey
mare, so familiar a sight to our men on every bat-
tle field in which the brigade was engaged up to
this time. This was his last battle, however. He
returned to brigade headquarters after the wound
had partially healed, but only to resign his office
103
and his commission and retire to private life.
Comrade Beckwith says that the men nicknamed
him “Snoop,” but adds that he did not know why,
and speaks of his profanity at Salem Church. But
in both instances it is evident that the captain had
risked his own life to rescue men who were not
conscious of their own peril. The writer was inti-
mately associated with Captain Wilson, as clerk
in his office at brigade headquarters for over a
year and a half, and had good opportunity to learn
his nature and character. He was always kindly
and considerate of others, was never profane or
vulgar in his conversation. While not a strict
abstainer, I never saw him intoxicated in the
slightest degree. He was a quick and capable busi-
ness man, and not a small part of the efficiency of
the brigade as a fighting unit was due to his cour-
age and cool-headedness. His weird signature
was a revelation of the unusual character of the
man. His equal did not succeed him as assistant
adjutant-general of the brigade, though Capt.
William P. Roome ran him a close second. Cap-
tain Wilson entered the service as second lieuten-
ant of Company D, 16th New York, was made
adjutant September 20, 1861; promoted to captain
and assistant adjutant-general of United States
volunteers March 11, 1863, and afterward com-
missioned as major of the 121st, which he
declined. He resigned from the service February
18, 1864, and died October 18, 1886. His grand-
father was with General Washington at Yorktown
on October 19, 1781, and to him was assigned the
duty of transferring twenty-eight flags from their
British bearers to American sergeants, and when
the Army of the Potomac was in that vicinity in
1862 Captain Wilson invited General Bartlett and
the other brigade officers to accompany him to the
field where this transaction had taken place.
104.
The importance of the victory at Rappahan-
nock Station is revealed by the fact that a special
order was issued by General Meade expressing his
own and the President’s admiration and gratitude
for the exploit, and especially mentioning the
brilliant and successful charge made by the First
Division. It is couched in these words: “To
Major-General Sedgwick and the officers and men
of the Sixth Corps participating in the attack, par-
ticularly to the storming party under Brigadier-
General Russell, his thanks are due for the gal-
lantry displayed in the assault on the enemy’s
entrenched position at Rappahannock Station,
resulting in the capture of four guns, 2,000 small
arms, eight battle flags, one bridge train and 1,600
prisoners. The commanding general takes great
pleasure in announcing to the army that the Presi-
dent has expressed his satisfaction with the recent
operations.”
Gen. John B. Gordon of the Confederate Army
says that he was sitting on his horse, not much
more than a stone’s throw from the river, when
the charge upon the entrenchments began, and
that neither General Early nor any other of the
officers standing there expected the “brilliant suc-
cess” of the charging force. Their confidence no
doubt was based on the fact that the regiments in
the fortifications were all veterans of many bat-
tles. The North Carolina regiments had been in
Pickett’s famous charge at Gettysburg, and the
Louisiana troops had won the title of the “Louisi-
ana Tigers” by their previous savage fighting.
On the same afternoon the Third Corps, a little
farther down the river, had succeeded in forcing
a crossing of the river and occupied the earth-
works of the enemy with the capture of 400 pris-
OIléI’S.
The Fifth Corps, on the right of the Sixth, came
105
up to the river in time to prevent any escape in
that direction, and it is worthy of note that the
division of the Fifth Corps that connected with the
Sixth was commanded by General Bartlett, whose
transfer to that corps soon became permanent.
A few days after the Battle of Rappahannock
Station, November 9, a detail of ten men from each
of the four regiments that had taken part in the
assault, was made to carry the captured flags to
army headquarters. Colonel Beckwith was one of
the ten from the 121st, and thus graphically
describes the event: “We went to army headquar-
ters and presented the captured colors to the gen-
eral commanding, George G. Meade, who receiving
them commended us very highly for the great serv-
ice rendered the country and the gallant and bril-
liant achievement of the assaulting column. He
ordered ‘Rappahannock Station’ inscribed on our
colors, and assured us that another opportunity
would be given us to distinguish ourselves. This
last remark was the subject of some comment, and
I heard a number of our men say that they were
not particularly anxious to get into another such
scrape, believing that the next time they would not
escape so fortunately. From Colonel Upton's talk
to us, from the newspapers, and from the inquiries
of soldiers of other commands, we came to know
that the affair at Rappahannock Station was
thought to be a very brilliant one, had given us
great renown, and many of our men were inclined
to boast of it.”
In this third event in the game of strategy Gen-
eral Meade certainly gained a decided success.
The next day when the corps crossed the river
and advanced to Brandy Station the opposing army
had withdrawn behind the Rapidan, leaving its
partially built winter quarters in our hands. The
haste with which they had left their position was
106
indicated by the finding of freshly killed beeves not
yet cut up. The estate upon which the 1st
Division encamped at Brandy Station belonged
to John Minor Botts, one of the rare Union men
of the south. One day he approached the head-
quarters of the 2d Brigade, but being clad in
citizen’s clothes, Captain Wilson's dog refused to
let him approach, and had to be called off with
stern reproof.
The encampment at Brandy Station was main-
tained only long enough to repair the railroad
back to Centerville and bring up needed supplies,
when another advance began. General Lee had
distributed his army south of the Rapidan River,
in positions favorable for winter quarters, and
General Meade thought that by a rapid advance,
he might attack and defeat the division that was
encamped along Mine Run. In this movement the
3d Corps, commanded by General French, moved
very slowly and made several blunders as to
roads, and so obstructed the 6th Corps following,
that the 121st bringing up the rear of the corps
did not cross the Rapidan until after daylight on
the 27th. This delay enabled General Lee to con-
centrate his forces behind the defenses of Mine
Run, and greatly strengthen them. It was after
sunset of the next day before the Sixth Corps
occupied its allotted position in front of the Con-
federate entrenchments. A council of officers was
called, at which General Sedgwick expressed his
confidence that he could successfully assault the
works in his front. But in the morning when
the attack was ordered to be begun, General War-
ren who was to begin it, hesitated, and waited
for further instructions from General Meade, who
revoked the order for the assault and directed
the return of the army to its former camp on
Hazel River. The position occupied by the Second
107
Brigade was a very pleasant one and the winter
was passed without further effort to attack or
repel attack.
The Mine Run campaign though it did not
result in the expected heavy fighting was not
without incidents of great interest to the mem-
bers of the 121st. When the Third Corps unex-
pectedly encountered a portion of General Ewell's
corps and a lively little battle ensued, the First
Division of the Sixth Corps was sent to the support
of the troops engaged, and the Second Brigade,
leading the Division and moving up to the position
designated, was waiting for further orders. General
Sedgwick with his staff rode up a little distance
from the regiment and dismounted for a few
moments’ rest, reclining on the grass. The bat-
tle was raging in front and presently two men
appeared, bearing on a stretcher an apparently
wounded man. Just as they were passing the
general, a shell burst killing one of the bearers
and wounding the other. The one on the stretcher
leaped to his feet and ran to the rear. This was
an illustration of the craft displayed by some men
to escape going into battle; but it also emphasized
the fact that thinking men soon learned that the
safest place for a man to be was where he ought
to be; that the effort to escape danger by craft
and cowardice was not often successful, and was
likely to bring its penalty in some unexpected way.
In maneuvering for position the location of the
Sixth Corps was on the extreme right and on the
night of the 30th it was moved very quietly under
cover into a woods and formed into four lines.
The Second Brigade was the first line, the place
of honor but also of extreme danger. No fires
were allowed and the night was very cold, so
that the men had to keep themselves from freezing
by running round and round in the snow. Colonel
108
Beckwith gives his personal experience. “We
stacked our traps and left a guard over them. As
soon as it was light our batteries opened, and the
Johnnies replied showing that they were on hand
ready for business. They threw a shot just over
us, and we got it and examined it. It was a fine
piece of English workmanship, nicely varnished
and evidently of recent manufacture. We heard
that General French had advanced, and found
Mine Run too deep to ford, and that he had given
up the attempt, and we went back to our original
position. When I got my knapsack from the pile
it had been opened, and with other things my
diary was gone. I mourned its loss greatly because
it had a full account of the events in the regiment.
“That night I was wakened and detailed to go
on picket. Barr and Baldwin were also on the
same detail, and we went out and relieved some
fellows who were nearly frozen, lying in the skir-
mish pits without fire, and with very ljttle to eat.
As soon as daylight came several shots in our
front and bullets flying close to us, gave
warning that our foes were alert and knew our
exact position. So without fire, all through that
cold winter day, watching for an advance, and
dreading an order to drive their skirmishes, we
lay there and suffered, and hailed with joy the
friendly darkness of night, which permitted us to
rise up and stretch and pound ourselves to restore
our chilled circulation. Finally at midnight or-
ders came to march silently, and assemble on our
left. We were so benumbed that we could scarcely
move. At last we reached the road and began
moving toward the river. I kept along with the
column until we came to what appeared to be
a tannery which had been burned and was still
a great mass of embers. Seeing it I made a bee-
line for it, and the way I soaked up heat was a
9
109
caution. Lying down on some bark I got a good
nap before a cavalry man woke me up and said,
“Get out of here, the Johnnies are coming and will
gobble you up.' I started down the road and in
a short distance, not more than a mile and a half,
came up to our rear guard. Passing our picket
line and reserves, and continuing I joined the com-
pany in camp just across the river in the woods.
On the next day we went to our old camp. While
on the march a general rode by, and someone in
the column set up the cry “Hardtack,” which was
taken up all along the line. This angered the
general, and attaching blame to our regiment, we
were severely reprimanded and given some extra
picket duty.”
On the 23d day of December General Bartlett
rode into the camp and was greeted with cheers
and made a speech which Comrade Woodcock re-
ports as follows:
“Soldiers and Comrades in Arms:
“It is with great pleasure I meet you here tonight.
I have, even amid the cares of my office, often
thought of the brave and gallant 121st. You have
won laurels for yourselves and for our noble Em-
pire State. From the first time you met the enemy's
infantry in a fierce engagement and received that
fearful baptism of fire and blood, I have ever
thought of you as a regiment that can be relied
upon. Your heavy loss at that time attests your
bravery. Two hundred and seventy-three of your
companions disappeared, some never again to re-
join you, others to suffer in our hospitals. Certain
death seemed imminent to you all, still with the
valor of veteran soldiers you manfully stood your
ground; only yielding when driven by superior
numbers and at the point of the baynet.
“When you first became identified with my
110
brigade you were untried, and at the first fierce en-
gagement with the enemy I withheld you, and it
was with a good deal of fear and anxiety that I
awaited your first hour of danger. For the honor
of our State I was anxious until you proved your-
selves worthy of the State to which you, and I, be-
long. I should not hesitate now, should I be called
upon, to place you at the post of danger. Where
I would trust an old and well-tried regiment I
would trust you. Under any circumstances I would
rely on you. The enemy acknowledged your
superiority and all concede your efficiency as a
regiment. But I have little time to speak. When
I left the brigade, on that very day, under Colonel
Upton, you won a name that will be imperishable.
Your courage stood a stirring test, but you were
not wanting. I allude to the battle of Rappahannock
Station. You placed yourselves almost upon the
very pinnacle of glory. You accomplished there
what few regiments ever did. I was with you. I
have but the gleanings left. Would to God every
regiment would do as much ! This accursed re-
bellion would soon be put down.”
Three cheers and a tiger were given for General
Bartlett, also for Colonel Upton, who protested
saying, “Steady, steady men, place it where it
belongs, upon General Bartlett.” Three more
cheers and a tiger were given to both General Bart-
lett and Colonel Upton, and the men dispersed to
their quarters in the best of spirits.
Another event that deserves consideration was
the breaking up of the Third Corps and the as-
signment of the regiments to the Sixth Corps.
The conditions of life in a winter camp are so
well described by Comrade Beckwith that his de-
Scription ought to appear in the history of the
regiment. He says, “We passed the winter of 1863
111
and 1864 in camp near Hazel River. We picketed
out toward White Sulphur Springs, and our pickets
connected with the cavalry pickets a line of which
extended for many miles to our right and rear,
covering the railroad which was our source of
supply. Soon after our return from Mine Run, we
got nicely and comfortably fixed in camp, and
whenever the weather permitted some duty or
drill was the order of the day, to keep the men
occupied and fit. Our mails came regularly, and
sutlers had an abundant supply of all sorts of
good things. An amusement hall was built and
an amateur troop gave interesting entertainments.
Checkers, chess and cards were favorite amuse-
ments in camp, and the festive and alluring game
of poker, though forbidden, was extensively en-
gaged in, the stakes being small on account of
the scarcity of money. Many of our wounded and
sick were returned to the regiment and it began
to look like the old time solid battalion of the
preceding winter. Boxes of good things from
home, made life pleasant and cheerful, and camp
life in winter quarters was voted by all the best
thing yet in army life. So the winter passed away
in pleasurable employment and amusement. The
regiment became expert and noted for its efficiency
in drill and discipline, and its dress parade had
a large number of spectators from the neighboring
commands.”
Hazel Run is a brook of considerable size that
rises in the ridge of hills that form the watershed,
between the Rappahannock and the Rapidan, and
flows into the Rapidan about half way between
Mine Run and the junction of the two rivers. Gen-
eral Meade retired from Mine Run across the
Rapidan, and established winter quarters in the
angle made by the rivers, the Sixth Corps being
located along Hazel Run. He might easily have
112
retired down the left bank of the Rapidan and
occupied the heights behind Fredericksburg, but
that movement was forbidden by orders from
Washington.
On the 27th of February the Sixth Corps was
ordered to support Custer’s cavalry on a recon-
naissance in the direction of Charlotteville. A
disagreeable storm made the expedition a very
trying one and the four days’ absence from camp
made the return to its comforts very enjoyable.
But who of that weary muddy company will ever
forget the sight of the innumerable mass of crows
that had taken possession of the camp, and were
literally covering the ground, in spite of the guard
left to protect it from marauders!
It was at this camp too that Chaplain Adams of
the Fifth Maine became a familiar figure to the
members of the 121st. He had previously minis-
tered at the funerals of different members of it
when asked to do so since the resignation of Chap-
lain Sage, near Gettysburg, but now he was asked
to conduct services regularly. The Fifth Maine
had built a fine chapel and an invitation was given
the 121st to worship with them. When the Fifth
Maine was discharged soon after, Chaplain Adams
received and accepted an invitation to become
chaplain of the 121st, and after that the religious
features of army life in the regiment were admin-
istered wisely and efficiently, to the great advan-
tage of the moral and spiritual interests of all.
Doctor Adams’ appointment was made by Gov-
ernor Fenton at the earnest request of all the offi-
cers of the regiment.
During the winter also the regiment lost several
of its commissioned and non-commissioned offi-
cers, who were transferred to colored regiments
and to higher commands. Major Mather and Cap-
tain Hall were transferred respectively to the 20th
113
and 43d regiments of U. S. C. regiments as Lieuten-
ant Colonels. Captain Campbell and Lieutenant
Bates were made Colonels and assigned to the
command of the 23d and 30th U. S. C. regiments.
Lieutenant Gary and Sergeant Major Andrew
Davidson were made captains in the 23d and 30th.
Sergeants W. Ward Rice and Nathaniel Gano were
also commissioned for service with the colored
troops. These commissions were all granted after
an examination by a board appointed for that
purpose, and the result was creditable to the regi-
ment and its commanding officers. Colonel Camp-
bell’s examination was so creditable that he was
made a member of the Board of Examiners. Lieu-
tenants Henry Upton and Henry B. Walker re-
signed on account of wounds and were honorably
discharged. Captain Fish and Lieutenant Morse
were detailed to staff duty at brigade headquarters.
114
CHAPTER IX
UNDER GRANT IN THE WILDERNEss
WH. the winter was over and the campaign of
1864 began the regiment was officered as fol-
lows: Colonel Upton commanding the brigade;
Lieutenant Colonel Olcott commanding the regi-
ment; Major, H. M. Galpin; Surgeon, John O.
Slocum; Asst. Surgeon, D. M. Holt; Adjutant, F. M.
Morse, serving as Aide-de-Camp to Colonel Upton;
Quartermaster, Theo. Sternberg.
Company A. Captain Jonathan Burrell, First
Lieutenant Wm. H. Tucker, Second Lieutenant
Samuel B. Kelley.
Company B. Captain M. R. Casler, First Lieuten-
ant Thomas C. Adams, commanding in the ab-
sence of Captain Casler, wounded.
Company C. Captain Lansing B. Paine, Second
Lieutenant George W. Quackenbush, on special
duty with Ambulance Corps.
Company D. Captain John D. Fish, A. A. Gen. on
Brigade Staff, First Lieutenant Daniel D. Jack-
Son, commanding company.
Company E. Captain James W. Cronkite, Second
Lieutenant James W. Johnston.
Company F. Captain A. M. Tyler, on Division
Staff, First Lieutenant Silas E. Pierce, command-
ing company.
Company G. Captain Frank Gorton.
Company H. Captain Charles A. Butts, Second
Lieutenant H. C. VanScoy.
Company I. Captain John S. Kidder, First Lieu-
tenant Frank W. Foote.
Company K. Captain John D. P. Douw, First
115
Lieutenant Lewis C. Bartlett on Brigade Staff,
Second Lieutenant Sheldon J. Redway.
The many vacancies among commissioned offi-
cers were fully compensated by the character and
efficiency of the non-commissioned officers, who
in the coming campaign were destined and proved
capable of upholding the honor and reputation
of the regiment.
The 6th Corps as reorganized, under the com-
mand of General Sedgwick consisted of three
divisions. But in the breaking up of the 3d Corps,
the regiments received from it were made the 3d
Division of the corps, and the brigades of the
old 3d Division were transferred to the 1st and 26
Divisions. The brigade transferred to the 1st
Division was commanded by General Shaler.
When orders came late in April that all unneces-
sary baggage should be transferred to Washing-
ton, every one knew that the anticipated move-
ment would soon begin. On the 4th of May,
reveille was sounded at 3 o'clock and an hour later
the march began from the camp over the Hazel
River on a pontoon bridge and pushing rapidly
towards Germania Ford, where the Rapidan was
crossed in the afternoon and the corps went into
camp about two miles beyond. The next day the ad-
vance continued on the Old Wilderness road, and
the 2d Brigade was thrown out on the right flank
on a road leading to Mine Run to protect the troops
from a flank attack while passing that point. The
5th Corps was in the advance and soon came in
contact with the Confederate army posted in a
dense thicket of second growth timber. General
Lee had divined the intention of General Grant to
pass his right flank and had disposed his army
to thwart the effort. His army as usual con-
sisted of three corps commanded respectively by
Generals Longstreet, A. P. Hill and Ewell. The
116
5th Corps had struck the middle corps, A. P. Hill's,
and was checked by its stubborn fighting. The
6th Corps came up and formed on the right of the
5th, thus coming into opposition to General Ewell’s
corps, and the 2d Corps passing on to the left of
the 5th, faced Longstreet’s corps. The new 3d
Division of the 6th Corps was on the extreme right
of the Union line of battle. The severest of the
fighting on that day was by the 5th and 2d Corps
until nearly sundown, when a brigade of Ewell’s
corps struck the right flank of the 6th, and caused
considerable loss and more disorder. General
Gordon in his reminiscence of the Civil War states
that he was in command of the brigade which
made this charge, and tells the circumstances un-
der which it was made so successfully.
Early on the morning of the 5th of May he was
informed by his scouts that the right of the 6th
Corps was exposed to attack without a picket,
vidette or skirmisher to give warning of danger.
He doubted the statement until he had made a
personal investigation. Working his way through
the bushes, until in full sight of the Union line,
he found it to be true and immediately disposed
his brigade, which extended two regiments beyond
the right of the 6th Corps, so as to attack both on
front and flank. It was just such an opportunity
as Stonewall Jackson created, and took advantage
of at Chancellorsville. Gordon had his disposition
all made for attack by 9 in the forenoon, and
urged General Early who commanded the division
to let him make it. But Early refused on the
ground that he was sure General Burnside with
the 9th Corps was close at hand and the attack
would be disastrous. It was not till towards
evening that General Lee came to that part of the
line, and hearing General Gordon's report, ordered
the attack. Gordon states that the result would
117
have been more disastrous to the Union troops if
there had been a little longer daylight—that he
had to stop the advance because the flanking regi-
ments in the darkness came under the fire of those
attacking in front. He, with an orderly, rode into
the confused mass of the Union troops and heard
officers calling to their men to rally on certain
points. He was discovered and fired upon but
escaped by throwing himself by the side of his
horse and galloping away. His orderly also
escaped. *
The part which the 121st took in this affair was
brief. At the outbreak of the firing General Upton
had faced the brigade to the right, when Colonel
Duffy of the Division Staff rode up, and called
for a regiment to go with him. The 121st was
ordered to follow him, and he led it so rapidly
that it became scattered in the thicket and a por-
tion of it ran squarely into the ranks of the enemy.
One of the party, Baldwin, told the writer that in
turning to escape, his foot struck a root and he
fell flat upon the ground. He had presence of
mind to lie perfectly still, and a Rebel passing
kicked him saying, “He’s done for,” and passed
on. But very soon the Reb and his companions
came running back, and Baldwin escaped unhurt.
During this scattered condition of the regiment
a squad of five or six of Company D suddenly
came face to face with about the same number of
Confederates. The nearest of them were only
about three or four yards away before they were
seen by our men through the thick underbrush.
Both squads halted when they discovered each
other. Then the foremost of the Rebs deliberately
dropped the butt of his gun to the ground and
said, “Surrender, Yanks! We promise to treat you
well. There is no use of resisting for there is a
full line of battle just back of us.” The Second
118
Sergeant of the company happened to be in the
squad, but made no reply, also J. H. Smith then
ranking as Fourth Sergeant who promptly said,
“Don’t surrender, boys,” and at once fired upon
a Confederate who stood a little to the rear of
their spokesman in a threatening attitude. This
action resulted in the surrender of three of the
Rebs who were taken to the rear by Frank Piper
and another comrade. The others “retreated.”
Before the attack was checked, however, the
headquarters of General Sedgwick had been
nearly reached. It is related that an officer rode
excitedly to General Grant and told him that the
6th Corps had been cut to pieces and routed. His
reply was a quiet, “I don’t believe it”; but after-
wards when he first saw General Wright he
greeted him with the exclamation, “Why, I heard
that you had gone to Richmond.” After the
fighting ceased Colonel Upton collected the scat-
tered members of the 121st and re-formed the
brigade.
When this attack began the 121st was engaged
in throwing up earthworks and the arms of half
the regiment were stacked while the men worked.
The other half stood under arms. When the alarm
was given, the men at work were ordered in line,
but before they could get to and seize their guns,
the armed men were rushed to the scene of action.
Colonel Olcott attempted to prevent this division
of the regiment and did all he could to keep it
together. Arriving at the point of danger, he faced
the left companies to the front and rode to the
right to get the right companies into line. But he
was shot from his horse, a bullet striking him in
the head, and was taken prisoner while uncon-
scious. Captain Paine of Company C and Cap-
tain Kelley of Company A in their effort to rally
their men were made prisoners. Having rallied
119
on their colors, and being re-formed by Colonel
Upton, the regiment charged the enemy and retook
part of the earthworks. They held them till
withdrawn, and formed on the right flank of the
corps to prevent any farther advance of the enemy
on the right and rear. About 10 o’clock the order
came to move to the left, and the morning found
the brigade in the vicinity of the Wilderness
Tavern, where rifle pits were immediately con-
structed.
To give the human touch to this day’s affair, the
experience of Colonel Beckwith will suffice. “Soon
after daylight on May 4, we were in line and
marching toward the enemy having the advance
of the corps. The 5th Corps was ahead of us.
Soon after we started, picket firing and skirmish-
ing told that the enemy had been found. We
moved along very slowly and off to the left of
the road for some distance until toward noon,
when the sound of the firing told that large num-
bers of theinfantry were engaged. We then marched
in column of fours, the regiments being far enough
apart so that we could swing into line of battle
rapidly at the word of command. The 95th Penn.,
our extreme left regiment, struck the enemy in the
thicket and Colonel Carroll who was leading, and
some distance in front of his men, received their
fire and was instantly killed. A portion of his
regiment swung into line and charged, capturing
twenty-five or thirty of the enemy. They also
secured a good position and connected our corps
with the right of the 5th, but the ground held
was some distance in front of the 5th Corps’ line.
They had fought over this ground, and a good
many wounded were scattered through the woods
and thickets, which were on fire in front and on
both sides of us. Many wounded on both sides
must have perished in the flames, as partially
120
burned bodies were seen scattered about on the
burned-over ground. The balance of our division
was formed on our right, and by night our lines
were formed. We lay in line of battle upon our
arms, and shortly after dark when the firing
slackened, the cries of the wounded between the
lines, which were not far apart, was something
terrible to hear. Some prayed, some cursed, some
cried and some asked to be killed and put out of
their misery.
“We had notice to have our breakfast and be
ready to attack at daylight the next morning. I
unpacked my knapsack and took out what was
absolutely necessary. I took off my shirt to put
on a clean one, and just as I was putting it on a
volley ran down the Rebel line and I thought they
were about to charge. Well I hustled all I could
to get that shirt on, but it seemed to stick over
my head and shoulders and I was in a predica-
ment. The men fell in but the enemy did not
advance and in a little time I was dressed and
ready for them.
“I made my belongings into a roll and wore it
across my body. In addition to being easier to
carry, it afforded some protection, because a bullet
would not have much force after passing through
it. We were up and ready for business in the
morning, but the order to advance did not come,
and all day long the skirmishers and sharpshooters
had their innings, and quite a number of men
were hit, one of whom I remember was Michael
Fitzjames, whose hand was badly torn by a bullet,
causing him excruciating pain. Just before dark
heavy firing to our right indicated trouble over
there, and in a very short time, Colonel Duffy rode
up and ordered us to move to the right and restore
our lines, which had been broken. The firing in
that direction was pretty well maintained, showing
121
that the enemy was meeting with steady resistance.
Colonel Olcott was at the head of the regiment
and we hurried along moving by the right flank
in column of fours. I do not know how far we
went, but it was not a great distance when we
came in contact with the enemy. They seemed
to be coming from the direction in which we were
going. I thought there were some of our troops
in front of us, but instead we ran slam bang into
the enemy. They ran over some of our fellows,
and I fired into them. A bunch of them ordered
us to surrender and fired a volley into us, which
hit a number among whom were Dennis A Dewey,
John H. Reynolds, and Wm. MacElroy. They
immediately advanced and ordered us to sur-
render and go to their rear. There was a general
scattering. Some of our fellows stopped to take
care of the wounded, and it seemed to me that
some more of our fellows were coming up behind.
The Rebels seemed to be in a hurry to get back
and hurried us up. It was now quite dusky and
you could not tell a man's uniform a little ways
off. I ran a short distance in the direction the
Rebs wanted me to go, expecting every instant a
volley from one of our regiments. Finally some
one, a Rebel officer I suppose, said, “Throw down
that gun.” I had it in my hands and dropped it. I
went only a little distance farther and threw my-
self down on my face. I expected to be punched
every instant, but the balls were flying pretty
thick, and it being near dark I was unnoticed.
As soon as I thought it safe I jumped up, went
and picked up my gun, and started right back
the way I came, until I saw some of our men
going to the rear; and following in that direction
a few moments, I came to the edge of the woods
and saw Goodman of our company leading Colonel
Olcott's horse, and a Company G man told me
122
that the colonel was shot in the head, and a
prisoner. As I came out of the woods a little way,
I saw a line of battle was formed and the men as
they came up joined it. I loaded my gun which
I had fired only once during the affair. The men
I had seen as I came back must have been Rebs
hurrying to their lines. In this affair Matteson,
Proctor, Tieny, Young, Conklin and Beals were
taken prisoners, and were sent to Andersonville.
They were not exchanged for months and did
not return to the regiment until after Lee's sur-
render. Shortly after we had formed in the field
by the batteries, we were moved back into a line
of entrenchments. About 10 o’clock the same night
we marched back to the road, and following it
some distance to the rear, moved off it again and
went into line of battle near Wilderness Tavern,
and threw up entrenchments. The same morning
we marched to Piney Branch Church, and were
given time to get breakfast. Here it was found
that something like a hundred of our regiment
were missing, and one-half of them were dead or
wounded. Quite a number of the missing turned
up that day and the next. I thanked my stars that
I had escaped from capture, and pitied the fellows
who were caught, especially Dewey and Reynolds,
whom I knew to be wounded.”
The responsibility for the exposure of the right
of the 6th Corps on this occasion, without scout,
picket or vidette was never ascertained. Probably
it was never investigated for the guilty officer was
probably among the killed or captured. It was
one of the usual misfortunes of the 3d Corps fol-
lowing it into the 6th. But it is certain that it
Was never repeated, and the like had never oc-
curred before.
123
CHAPTER X
THE TENTH OF MAY
FROM the 5th to the 10th of May the regiment,
with the brigade, occupied several positions
of importance, covering the left wing of the army,
and on two occasions came into skirmish action
with the enemy, and suffered several casualties.
On the 10th of May the regiment formed a part
of the first line of an assault on the entrenchments
of the enemy, which was brilliantly successful and
ought to have resulted in the utter rout of Lee's
army. -
The account of this sanguinary assault is best
begun by quoting Colonel Upton's official report
of it: “The point of attack was at an angle near
the Scott House, about half a mile from the
Spottsylvania road. The enemy’s entrenchments
were of formidable character, with abatis in front,
and surmounted by heavy logs, underneath which
were loopholes for musketry. In the re-entrant
to the right was a battery, with traverses between
the guns. About one hundred yards to the rear
was another line of works, partly completed and
occupied by another line of battle.
“The position was in an open field, about two
hundred yards from a piece of woods. A wood
road led from my position directly to the point
of attack. The ground was looked over by General
Russell and myself, and regimental commanders
were also required to see it, that they might un-
derstand the work before them. The column of
attack consisted of twelve regiments formed in
124
four lines of battle, lying down in the piece of
wood as soon as formed. The lines were formed
from right to left as follows: First line 121st N. Y.,
96th Pennsylvania and 5th Maine. Second line:
40th Pennsylvania, 6th Maine and 5th Wisconsin.
Third line: 43d N. Y., 77th N. Y. and 119th Penn-
sylvania. Fourth line: 2d, 5th and 6th Vermont.
“Our position was so close that no commands
were to be given in getting into position. The
pieces of the first line were loaded and capped,
those of the others were loaded only. Bayonets
were fixed. The 121st N. Y. and 96th Pennsyl-
vania were instructed to turn to the right, and
charge the battery. The 5th Maine was to wheel
to the left and open an enfilading fire upon the
enemy. The second line was to halt at the works
and engage the front. The third line was to lie
down behind the second and await orders. The
fourth line was to advance to the edge of the wood
and await the issue of the charge. All officers
were instructed to repeat the command ‘Forward’
constantly from the commencement of the charge
until the works were carried. -
“At ten minutes before 6, Captain Dalton brought
me the order to attack as soon as the column was
formed, and stated that the artillery would cease
firing at 6 P. M. Twenty minutes elapsed before
all preparations were completed, when at the com-
mand the line rose, moved noiselessly to the edge
of the woods, and then with a wild cheer rushed
for the works. Through a terrible front and flank
fire the column advanced quickly, and gained the
parapet. Here occurred a deadly hand to hand
conflict. The enemy sitting in their pits, with
pieces loaded, and bayonets fixed, ready to impale
those who should leap over, absolutely refused
to yield the ground. The first of our men who
tried to surmount the works fell pierced through
10
125
the head by musketballs. Others seeing the fate of
their comrades, held their pieces at arm’s length
and fired downwards, while others, poising theirs
vertically, hurled them down upon the enemy,
pinning them to the ground. The struggle lasted
but a few seconds. Numbers prevailed, and, like
a resistless wave, the columns poured over the
works, quickly putting hors de combat those who
resisted, and sending to the rear those who sur-
rendered. Pressing forward and expanding to the
right and left, the second line of entrenchments
and the battery fell into our hands. The column
of assault had accomplished its task. The enemy's
lines were completely broken, and an opening had
been made for the division that was to have sup-
ported, but it did not arrive.
“Reinforcements arriving to the enemy, our front
and both flanks were assailed. The impulsion of
the charge being lost, nothing remained but to
hold the ground. I accordingly directed the officers
to form their men outside the works and open
fire, and then rode back over the field to bring
forward the Vermonters in the fourth line, but
they had already mingled in the contest and were
fighting with a heroism which has ever charac-
terized that élite brigade. The 65th N. Y. had also
marched gallantly to the support of their comrades
and was fighting stubbornly on the left.
“Night had arrived, our position was three-
quarters of a mile in advance of the army, and
without prospect of support was untenable.
“Meeting General Russell at the edge of the wood,
he gave me the order to withdraw. I wrote the
order and sent it along the line by Captain Gor-
don of the 121st N. Y., in accordance with which,
under cover of darkness the works were evacuated,
the regiments returning to their former camps.
“Our loss in this assault was about one thousand
126
in killed, wounded and missing. The enemy lost
at least one hundred at the first entrenchments,
while a much heavier loss was sustained in his
efforts to regain them. We captured between a
thousand and twelve hundred prisoners and sev-
eral stands of colors. Captain Burhans of the
43d N. Y. had two stands of colors in his hands,
and is supposed to have been killed while coming
back from the second line of entrenchments. Many
Rebel prisoners were shot by their own men while
going to the rear. Our officers and men accom-
plished all that could be expected of brave men.
They went forward with perfect confidence, fought
with unflinching courage, and retired only on re-
ceipt of a written order, after having expended
the ammunition of their dead and wounded com-
rades.”
In this engagement the 121st had one officer
and thirty-two men killed and a large number
wounded. Captain Butts was wounded in the ad-
vance upon the works, and while being assisted
to the rear was again hit and instantly killed.
Major Galpin, Captains Kidder, Jackson and Cronk-
ite and Lieutenants Foote, Johnson and Tucker
were wounded. Lieutenant Foote was wounded
while trying to turn the guns of the battery just
captured upon the enemy. He fell into the hands
of the enemy, and was for a long time supposed
to have been killed. Lieut. Jas. W. Johnston, on
mounting the parapet, had a bayonet thrust
through one of his thighs when raising his sword
to strike down the Confederate who had thrust
the bayonet through him. The Rebel begged for
mercy, was spared, and sent to the rear a prisoner.
The reason given at the time among the soldiers,
why the supporting division did not arrive as ex-
pected was that the commanding officer was
intoxicated. Whether the report was true or not,
127
it is certain that he did drink to excess, for on
another occasion he was so under the influence of
liquor that an enlisted man slipped up behind him
and cut the roll of blankets from his saddle and
got away with it. The writer heard the story from
the man himself.
Colonel Beckwith’s account of this affair, gives
the enlisted man’s side of it. “About 5 P. M. we
moved over the works down into the woods, close
up to our skirmishers (the 65th N. Y.), who were
keeping up a rapid fire, and formed in line of
battle. Regiment after regiment came up and
formed in line, we being in the first or front line
and the right of the column, the 96th Penn. On
Our left and the 5th Maine On the left of the 96th.
Behind us was the 49th Pennsylvania, behind it
the 43d N. Y. and behind it the 2d Vermont. Be-
hind the 5th Maine were in order the 5th Wis-
consin, the 119th Pennsylvania and the 6th Ver-
mont. The Rebel rifle pits were about two hun-
dred and fifty yards in front of our skirmish line.
They had no skirmishers out, ours having driven
them in, but they were firing from their breast-
works, on top of which they had logs to protect
their heads. Our batteries (one on the right and
three in the rear of us) were belching away at
them, and they were answering but feebly. Oc-
casionally the hum of a bullet and the screech of
a shell gave notice that they were on the qui vive.
“As soon as we were formed Colonel Upton,
Major Galpin and the Adjutant came along and
showed to the officers and men a sketch of just
how the Rebel works were located, and we were
directed to keep to the right of the road which
ran from our line direct to theirs. It was a grass
grown farm road leading to the main or Catharpin
road, which was the road we wanted to get and
hold. We were ordered to fix bayonets, to load
128
and cap our guns and to charge at a right shoulder
shift arms. No man was to stop and succor or
assist a wounded comrade. We must go as far as
possible, and when we broke their line, face to our
right, advance and fire lengthwise of their line.
Colonel Upton was with our regiment and rode
on our right. He instructed us not to fire a shot,
cheer or yell, until we struck their works. It was
nearly sundown when we were ready to go for-
ward. The day had been bright and it was warm,
but the air felt damp, indicating rain. The racket
and smoke made by the skirmishers and batteries,
made it look hazy about us, and we had to raise
our voices to be heard. We waited in suspense
for some time. Dorr I. Davenport with whom I
tented, said to me, “I feel as though I was going
to get hit. If I do, you get my things and send
them home.’ I said, ‘I will, and you do the same
for me in case I am shot, but keep a stiff upper
lip. We may get through all right.” He said, ‘I
dread the first volley, they have so good a shot at
us.” Shortly after this the batteries stopped firing,
and in a few minutes an officer rode along toward
the right as fast as he could, and a moment after-
ward word was passed along to get ready, then
‘Fall in,’ and then “Forward.’ I felt my gorge
rise, and my stomach and intestines shrink to-
gether in a knot, and a thousand things rushed
through my mind. I fully realized the terrible
peril I was to encounter (gained from previous
experience). I looked about in the faces of the
boys around me, and they told the tale of expected
death. Pulling my cap down over my eyes, I
stepped out, the extreme man on the left of the
regiment, except Sergeant Edwards and Adjutant
Morse who was on foot. In a few seconds we
passed the skirmish line and moved more rapidly,
the officers shouting ‘Forward’ and breaking into
129
a run immediately after we got into the field a
short distance. As soon as we began to run the
men, unmindful of, or forgetting orders, com-
menced to yell, and in a few steps farther the rifle
pits were dotted with puffs of smoke, and men
began to fall rapidly and some began to fire at
the works, thus losing the chance they had to do
something, when they reached the works to pro-
tect themselves. I got along all right and there
were a number of us in the grass-grown unused
road, and several were shot, but I could not tell
who, because I was intent upon reaching the
works. We were broken up some getting through
the slashing and the abalis. By this time the
Rebels were beginning to fire the second time,
and a rapid but scattering fire ran along the works
which we reached in another instant. One of our
officers in front of us jumped on the top log and
shouted, ‘Come on, men,” and pitched forward
and disappeared, shot. I followed an instant after
and the men swarmed upon, and over the works
on each side of me. As I got on top some Rebs
jumped up from their side and began to run back.
Some were lunging at our men with their bayonets
and a few had their guns clubbed. Jim Johnston,
Oaks and Hassett, were wounded by bayonets. One
squad, an officer with them, were backing away
from us, the officer firing his revolver at our men.
I fired into them, jumped down into the pits and
moved out toward them. Just at this time, our
second line came up and we received another
volley from the line in front of us and the battery
fired one charge of cannister. Colonel Upton
shouted ‘Forward’ and we all ran towards the
battery, passing another line of works, and the
men in them passed to our rear as prisoners, or
ran away after firing into us. Continuing we ran
over the battery taking it and its men prisoners,
130
and on beyond, until there was nothing in our
front, except some tents by the roadside and there
was no firing upon us for a few moments, of any
magnitude. I looked into the ammunition chest
of the battery to see if I could find something to
put in the vents of the guns to prevent their being
fired again in case we had to leave them. There
were several of our company there. I remember
Jesse Jones and Dorr Davenport, Johnny Wood-
ward, Judson A. Chapin and I think they took the
wheels off one of the guns, and I broke off a twig
in the vents of two guns, but we were ordered to
go to the works and moved to the right. While
moving as ordered, some Rebel troops came up
and fired a volley into us. We got on the other
side of the rifle pits and began firing at them
and checked their advance. It was now duskish
and it seemed as though the firing on our front
and to our right became heavier, and the whistle
of balls seemed to come from all directions and
was incessant. I said to the man next to me “I
guess our men are firing from the first line. We
had better go back there. I don’t believe our men
carried the works on the left.” (We had been told
that Mott's division and a division of the Ninth
Corps were to charge immediately after us if we
carried the works in our front.) He answered
“The fire is all from the Rebs..” In a moment a
battery opened upon us and we fell back to the
first line over which I got and came across some
of the regiment. There were also some from the
5th Maine and a number of other regiments.
We continued firing. We could now see the flashes
of the guns and knew they were coming in on us.
A great many of our men were shot in this locality,
but I thought the wounded would all have a chance
to get back. I knew that we could not stay there.
The wounded between us and the Rebs were in
131
terrible plight, and must all have been shot to
pieces by the fire from both sides.
“Colonel Upton asked for volunteers to make a
rush on the Rebel battery, but did not get any. The
undertaking looked too desperate. He asked for
men from the 121st New York, saying, ‘Are there
none of my old regiment here?' But there were
only a few of us there and our cartridges were
running low. I do not know how long we re-
mained there firing. It seemed like an hour, but I
don’t suppose it was. Finally word was passed
along to fall back quietly to our skirmish line
and back we started. Getting back into the open
field, it was covered with dark forms lying on
the ground, and many more moving back. I came
at once across a group and recognized Tom Par-
sons of the 5th Maine. He was shot through the
wrist, both bones were crushed and he suffered
terrible pain. Between him and another man was
a wounded captain and Parsons said ‘For God’s
sake help us back with him.” Giving the man my
gun, I stooped in front of the captain, and catching
him by the legs hoisted him as gently as I could
upon my back, carried him to the edge of the
woods, and under shelter of our skirmish line,
and there left him with some of his regiment. I
kept on trying to find some of our own fellows.
“Reaching the works we started from, I found
one of the company. Back of the works a little
ways, in the edge of the pines where our men
were assembling was the 95th Pennsylvania. Occu-
pying these works less than an hour we began to
get some idea of the awful loss we had sustained.
I looked around for Davenport, made inquiries,
but could get no tidings of him. I went to the
brigade hospital, and saw many of our regiment,
shot in all shapes, but Dorr was not with them.
Just as I was starting back, a Company I man
132
said, “One of your company is lying in the woods
just where we started to charge.’ I went out to
the skirmish line again. There was some firing
on the line by the Rebels. There were some
wounded men out in the field, as we could tell
by their cries and groans, and I went out a little
way, passing several dead men, and helped bring
in a badly wounded man. Realizing how hope-
less it was to find Dorr, I came back, tired out and
heartsick. I sat down in the woods, and as I
thought of the desolation and misery about me,
my feelings overcame me and I cried like a little
child. After a time I felt better and went back
to camp. I found the men, and talked over the
charge for a long time.
“On the morning of the 11th we mustered barely
a hundred men. Captain Gordon I think was in
command of the regiment. We changed our posi-
tion a little on the 11th and as we glanced along
the terribly thinned ranks and upon the shattered
staff and tattered colors, we were filled with sor-
row for our lost comrades, and deep forebodings
for the future. A splendid regiment had been
nearly destroyed without adequate results. In
but a week's time, since leaving our pleasant camp
on Hazel River, pitiless war had destroyed our
bravest and best men. The loss of General Sedg-
wick had been keenly felt. He had ever been a
source of pride to us and his calm courage and
masterly military skill was an anchor of hope,
and an abiding confidence in our ability to whip
the foe!” (Here it may be well to tell what the
writer knows of the death of General Sedgwick.
His brother was on the skirmish line and within
a few feet of the general when he was shot, and
heard his last words. The sharpshooters of the
enemy were firing at the battery, when General
Sedgwick came up as he passed the battery he
133
said: “Don’t dodge, men. They couldn’t hit an
ox at this distance.” He stepped forward a few
paces, raised his glasses to look and immediately
received the fatal shot that ended his brilliant
military career, to the loss and sorrow of the men
who had served under him.) Colonel Beckwith
continues his narrative thus: “The weather too
became bad, raining steadily, and increased the
wretchedness of our physical and mental condi-
tion. I think at this time we were consolidated
into a battalion of four companies. Colonel Upton
had been made a brigadier general upon the field
by General Grant, and a popular and hard won
promotion it was; and at this time after years of
mature reflection I know of no officer, who ever
came within my knowledge, for whom I have a
more abiding admiration and respect. He was
in my judgment as able a soldier as ever com-
manded a body of troops, and I never saw an offi-
cer under fire who preserved the calmness of
demeanor, the utter indifference to danger, the
thorough knowledge of the situation, and what was
best to do, as did Colonel Upton. Since the war
I have had the pleasure on many occasions of
meeting the gallant soldier, who was chief of Gen-
eral Wright's staff at the time of this assault at
Spottsylvania under General Upton; and the fol-
lowing account of the inception, organization and
execution of the battle is from his own lips. It
was told me by him recently in answer to some
inquiries I had been making of him, why the as-
saulting column was not better supported after it
had carried everything in front and swept the
enemy’s lines on each of its flanks for some dis-
tance. He said, ‘I’ll tell you why. On the 9th of
May I rode with General Wright to army head-
quarters. When we arrived there we found Gen-
erals Grant, Meade and several others, and shortly
134
after our arrival General Meade informed General
Wright that he had ordered a general attack along
the whole line for 4 o’clock on the following day,
and ordered him to attack on his front at the same
time. But he wanted him to organize a column
of assault, consisting of twelve or fifteen picked
regiments from the Corps, making the attack at
the point which he should select, and point out to
him. He would carefully reconnoiter the enemy's
line and have an engineer officer locate the most
favorable point of attack. General Wright was
informed that Burnside’s Corps, Mott's division,
and a portion of the Fifth Corps would coöperate
with him on both his flanks, and to seize any oppor-
tunity his success might afford to crush and drive
out the enemy in his front. With this order and
understanding General Wright rode away to make
the necessary arrangements for the attack. He
selected General Russell to take general charge of
the entire movement, and at his chief of staff’s
suggestion chose Emory Upton, then colonel of the
121st New York Volunteer Infantry, commanding
the Second Brigade of the First Division, to lead
the assaulting column. After selecting twelve
regiments from different brigades and divisions
of the Corps, he ordered his chief of staff to send
for Colonel Upton to report to him early in the
morning for orders and instructions. Colonel Up-
ton reported promptly and the chief of staff met
him, and taking from his pocket the list of regi-
ments selected handed it to Colonel Upton, and
said, “Upton what do you think of that for a com-
mand?” Colonel Upton took the list, ran his eyes
over it and said, ‘I golly, Mack, that is a splendid
command. They are the best men in the army.”
He said “Upton you are to lead those men upon
the enemy’s works this afternoon, and if you do
not carry them you are not expected to come back,
135
but if you carry them I am authorized to say that
you will get your stars.” Colonel Upton in reply
said, “Mack, I will carry those works. If I don’t
I will not come back.” The staff officer then
told him of the troops and batteries that
would coöperate with him in the attack, and
of the general attack of the whole army. He
described how enthusiastic and pleased Colonel
Upton was, with the duty assigned him, and also
said that he was one of the most enthusiastic sol-
diers he ever knew. As Colonel Upton rode away
he said, “Mack, I’ll carry those works. They can-
not repulse those regiments.”
“After Colonel Upton rode away, I was busy
getting batteries into position and moving troops
to positions assigned them, and everything in our
Corps was going smoothly and as arranged, and
all our reports, received from regiment, brigade
and division commanders of the Corps, indicated
that they were fully alive to the requirements of
the occasion, and ready for the duty assigned them.
Finally we opened our batteries on the Rebel lines,
concentrating a number upon the point of Upton’s
attack, and I rode out and saw his column moving
into position in the woods just in the rear of our
skirmish line, which a little while before had
driven, by a determined advance, the enemy’s skir-
mishers into their works. Riding back to General
Wright I met Colonel Tompkins, chief of the Corps'
artillery, and the general instructed him to con-
tinue the fire of the batteries till 5 o'clock, which
would give Colonel Upton ample time to form his
column and prepare for the assault.
“At the appointed time the attack began along
the entire line and the thunder of the artillery and
the crash of musketry was heavy and incessant
on our right and left, but Burnside's men had not
come up. Telegrams were sent to headquarters,
136
and staff officers dispatched to know the cause of
delay, and ascertain where they were, but without
success; and like all movements where the field
telegraph was used, and written orders given, there
was delay in their execution, and precious time
was rapidly passing. It had been arranged with
Upton that when the batteries stopped firing, he
was to attack at once and the time had been set
at 5 o'clock. As it was near 5 o'clock, officers were
sent to delay the attack and continue the fire of
the batteries, delaying as long as possible so that
other dispositions could be made. As it became
evident that we could not wait longer for them,
and orders coming from headquarters to send
Upton in, I rode out by prearrangement with
Colonel Tompkins, and at a point where I could
see him and Colonel Upton, I took out my hand-
kerchief and waved it. Both Upton and Tomp-
kins answered my signal, and rode—one to his
batteries and stopped their firing, the other to
the head of his column to set it in motion—and
in a very little time the crash of the Rebel volleys
and the cheers of our men told that the work was
under way, and immediately the swarms of Rebels
from the captured works rushing to our lines
under a heavy fire, told that Upton had succeeded
and the works were ours. I immediately galloped
to General Wright and reported that Upton had
got through and taken a large number of prisoners,
and it was telegraphed to headquarters. At the
same time General Wright received a dispatch
stating that the attack had failed all along the
lines. Shortly after, another dispatch was sent
to headquarters, saying that Upton had broken the
enemy’s line, taken his men, works and guns, and
asking if we should pile in the men and hold them.
As this dispatch was on the way, another was
received saying, that, as the attack had failed at
137
other points, you had better withdraw Upton, and
the order was given to him to withdraw his men.
Shortly after another order was received, saying,
‘Pile in the men and hold the works.” But it was
too late as the previous order had been partially
executed and the opportunity lost, which would
have resulted in our holding the works, forcing
the enemy to fall back to a new line, and made
unnecessary the assault of the 12th (two days
later), and its terrific struggle and losses, without
compensating results. Upton’s formation, arrange-
ment and conduct of the assaulting column was
superb. There was not a single miscarry in the
whole affair. The men behaved with splendid
courage and skill, which had made them famous
throughout the army. The Rebels fought desper-
ately and were accounted as good as there were
in Lee’s army.
“That night after we had corrected our formation
and put our lines in order, for an anticipated
counter attack, I met Upton at Corps headquarters,
and found him much depressed over the result,
of what had promised such a brilliant success, and
he ventured the opinion that with a fresh com-
pact body of troops, on each of his flanks, he could
have swept the enemy’s lines for a great distance
each side of where he had broken through. He
was also greatly grieved at the great loss his regi-
ment and brigade had suffered. He took a special
pride in his regiment, in which he placed unlimited
confidence, and believed he could accomplish any
undertaking with them. After some further talk
he rode away. As I bade him goodnight I said,
‘Come over in the morning, Upton, I want to see
you.”
“After he had gone I hunted up a pair of brigadier
general’s shoulder straps, and wrapping them up
carefully, put them in my pocket. I then went
138
to General Wright and said to him, ‘General, you
remember when Colonel Upton was selected to
Iead the charge it was the understanding that if
he took the works he was to win his stars. Now
I think he ought to have them. So with his per-
mission, I telegraphed to General Meade, asking
if he would not request the commanding general
to promote Colonel Upton to brigadier general.
The general responded, “Certainly, and wired
Washington that night and received a reply from
the President, that his commission was made out
and signed. In the morning when I saw Upton, I
said, ‘Upton, you remember when I told you that
you were assigned to lead the charge, and if you
succeeded you were to have your stars, and if you
did not you were not expected to come back?” He
replied, ‘Yes, I remember.” “Well,” I said, taking the
stars from my pocket and unrolling the paper,
‘Here they are.’ He took them in his hand, looked
at them, and at me in an inquiring way (as though
I was joking), for some seconds. Seeing that he
was incredulous or uncertain about my meaning,
I repeated to him what had already been done
by the president and commanding general of the
army, upon hearing which his pleasure and grati-
fication was funny to see. He remarked how proud
and glad his men would be to know that their
efforts had been so distinguished, and his pale
face lighted up with animation, as he went over
some of the incidents of the previous night, and
he spoke of the desperate work of his men as
they reached the enemy’s entrenchments. He cut
off his eagles and we got some thread and had the
stars sewed on his shoulders, and he rode directly
to his command to show them his preferment.
The next day at the Bloody Angle he showed the
stuff he was made of. He would not have been
sent in there, but his brigade was in the advance
139
of the Corps, and the emergency was great, as the
enemy had rallied, and with fresh troops had
driven our men, in some places, away from the
captured works. He saw the importance of imme-
diate and rapid action, and double quicked one
of his regiments right up and into the danger cen-
ter, and immediately strengthened it with the rest
of his command. There all day long, with bulldog
courage and terrible slaughter, he held his ground
against all attacks—the whole Corps at one time
and another being engaged there. It was a great
service he rendered that day, enough to win a
field of stars. But Upton was easily the ablest of
all the young West Pointers, who were just at that
time distinguishing themselves.”
140
T. S. ARNOLD,
Adjutant and Captain
of Co. H.
F. E. LOWE,
Adjutant.



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CHAPTER XI
THE BLOODY ANGLE
THE angle in the fortifications of the enemy was
obtuse and turned back from the ridge along
which the line to the left ran. This ridge con-
tinued for some distance to the right from the
apex of the angle. A tree of considerable size
stood at the angle, and from it in both directions
traverses were built at frequent distances along
the rifle pits to protect their occupants from a flank
fire. The works were of the most formidable char-
acter, with the log on the top to protect the heads
of the defenders while they were able to fire under
them in comparative safety. Early on the morn-
ing of the 12th under cover of a dense fog, the
Second Corps had assailed and carried these
entrenchments with comparatively little loss.
Their defenders were so utterly surprised that
many of them did not fire a shot, and the entire
division occupying them was taken prisoners. Gen-
eral Lee had made provision for just such an attack
and had placed General Gordon with his brigade of
Georgians, in the center of a circle within the
angle so as to be equally distant from the sides,
with instructions to be ready to attack and repel
any successful assault that might be made on any
portion of the line. When the Second Corps men
were advancing with exulting shouts, confident,
and disorganized, they were struck unexpectedly
by this veteran brigade, and hurled back in con-
fusion to, and in some places, over the works,
they had so recently carried. It was this brigade
11
141
of Georgians that had on the 5th struck the left
of the Sixth Corps so staggering a blow, and now
with quickly gathered reinforcements was attempt-
ing to retake their captured works. General Upton's
report of the all-day battle is as follows: “May
11th the brigade made some unimportant changes
of position. Early on the 12th it moved with the
division toward the right flank of the army but
to the left again at 7 A. M., arriving in the rear
of the Second Corps at 9:30 A. M. The right flank
of this Corps being threatened, General Russell
directed me to move to the right at double quick
to support it. Before we could arrive it gave way.
As the 95th Pennsylvania Volunteers reached an
elevated point of the enemy’s works, about six
hundred yards to the right of the Lendrum House,
it received a heavy volley from the second line
of works. Seeing that the position was of vital
importance to hold, and that all the troops had
given way up to this point, I halted the 95th
Pennsylvania, faced it to the front and caused it
to lie down. Its left rested near the works con-
necting with the Second Corps, while its right
lay behind a crest oblique to the works. Had it
given way the whole line of entrenchments would
have been recaptured, and the fruit of the morn-
ing's victory lost; but it held its ground till the
5th Maine and the 121st New York came to its
support, and the 96th Pennsylvania passed on to
its right. Shortly after, the Third and Vermont
brigades arrived. A section of Gillis’ battery of
the 5th U. S. Artillery, Lieutenant Metcalf, came
up and opened fire, but was immediately charged
and lost nearly every horse, driver and can-
nonier. The enemy charged up to his works within
a hundred feet of the guns, but a well-directed
fire from the infantry, behind the crest prevented
his farther advance. At the point where our line
142
diverged from the works the opposing lines came
in contact, but neither would give ground. And
for eighteen hours raged the most sanguinary con-
flict of the war. The point remained in our pos-
session at the close of the struggle, and is known
as “The Angle.’”
During this all-day conflict, the tree, a
red oak, standing at the angle of the works was
cut down by the bullets fired from both sides,
but mostly by men of the 121st. Colonel Upton
noting that the enemy kept seeking shelter be-
hind it from which to fire upon the battery and
our troops, ordered Captain Weaver with a part
of the regiment to keep up a constant fire upon
that point, and thus prevent the Rebels from put-
ting their heads above the works. After keeping
up this fire for several hours the men saw the
tree begin to waver and it soon after fell with a
crash upon those near it, inside the enemy’s rifle
pits. A section of the tree in the ordnance depart-
ment at Washington is labled as having been “cut
down by musket balls in an attempt to recapture
the works previously captured by the Second
Corps, Army of the Potomac, May 12, 1864. Pre-
sented to the Honorable Secretary of War by
Brevet Maj.-Gen. N. A. Miles, commanding
First Division, Second Corps, Army of the Poto-
mac.” The dimensions are given as 5 feet high
and 22 inches in diameter. So this must have
been the stump of the tree below the point where
it was cut off. The inference from this label is
that men of the Second Corps are to be credited
with the cutting down of the tree. But the fact
is that the Second Brigade of the First Division
of the Sixth Corps, occupied the position directly
in front of the tree, and Captain Weaver and his
men fired for hours directly at the Rebels seeking
shelter behind it, until it fell.
143
For the particular part which the 121st took in
this affair we may turn again to the narrative of
Colonel Beckwith. “It rained all night and by
the smoky pine fires we could scarcely boil our
water for coffee, or scorch our pork for our break-
fasts. Then we moved some distance to the right
and halted in the pines. At this place an officer
rode up with a yellow tissue paper in his hand,
and as we stood at attention, he read a congratula-
tory order from the general commanding; and we
were informed that a Rebel division and twenty
cannon had fallen into our hands that morning.
While the men were cheered at the news, there
was but little cheering. In a few moments we
moved back, our company leading the regiment,
passing on beyond our former position and in the
direction of the heavy timber. Some of the boys
said, ‘D n those yellow paper orders. That
means more fight,’ and about 9 o'clock we came
under fire again. Moving quickly forward we
passed over an elevation that was swept by bullets,
and rushed down to a line of works occupied by the
95th Pennsylvania of our brigade. The fog, rain
and mist, loaded with smoke, obscured our view
partially. The enemy's fire came from our right
and front, but we were partially protected by their
works and we kept up a continuous fire. This
was the point where the Second Corps had carried
their works early in the morning. Where we
were, the works were V-shaped, the point or bot-
tom of the V being toward us. We held the works
from the point down the left side of the V as it
faced us, and the Rebs held the right side and the
works beyond towards where we charged on the
night of the 10th. The Second Corps had been
driven out just as the 95th Pennsylvania came
up and held the works, until our regiment and
the 5th Maine came to their support. The ground
144
on which we were was boggy and swampy, and
we sank in the mud up to our ankles. Here all
day long we kept up a constant fire. The wounded
had to take care of themselves, officers as well as
men, and many were killed. Captain Adams of
our company lost an arm, and several others of our
officers and men were wounded. A little after we
went in, the Third brigade of our division joined
us, also the Vermont brigade and the 49th New
York and the 119th Pennsylvania. Some of the
Vermonters came in where we were, and a line
behind us fired over our heads. Every time we
were reinforced the Rebs seemed to put in a new
line, and the firing would break out more fiercely.
We nearly shot away the head logs on the works.
A section of a regular battery, the 5th U. S. Artil-
lery, commanded by Lieutenant Metcalf, came up
on a run, unlimbered, and ran the pieces as close
to the Confederate works as they could be used
effectively, and opened fire upon the crowded
mass of Rebels in the angle with cannister. The
Rebels elated by their success in forcing us back
for a short space from their captured works,
vainly endeavored to take the guns, and for a
time withstood the terrible slaughter of the com-
bined infantry and artillery fire, but finally gave
up the attempt and sullenly retired. Not however
until they had shot the men and horses, and in
fact disabled the guns themselves with musketry
fire.
“It was at this time that Capt. J. D. Fish of Com-
pany D, 121st, then acting as acting adjutant gen-
eral to General Upton, was killed while engaged in
bringing up cannister to the guns of the battery.
It was also at this time that the works on both sides
were crowded with combatants and the killing
and wounding of the closely crowded men was
awful. The smoke from the guns and bursting
145
shells mingling with the mist and rain sometimes
obscured the view of the Rebel works, close as
they were. The accumulation of the dead and
badly wounded increased the horror of the situa-
tion and added to the desperation of the com-
batants and their efforts to bring the battle to a
conclusion. Where we occupied the reverse side
of the breastworks, men would load and stick their
guns over the head log and raising the butts of
their pieces, fire down into the mass of men hud-
dled on the opposite side. Now and then a soldier
or an officer, crazed with excitement, would jump
upon the parapet and fire down into the enemy,
but they speedily paid the penalty of their reck-
less daring, by being shot, and falling to one side
or the other.”
“Batteries behind and in front of us kept the
air full of the shrieking noise of their projectiles,
and a mortar battery behind us sailed shell after
shell over us, and dropped them on the massed
Rebels in the trenches. The rain fell continu-
ously. Occasionally a lull would occur in the
firing for a little time, and many Rebels, taking
advantage of it, would raise a white flag and sur-
render themselves as prisoners. An incident of
this kind would be followed by a burst of firing
again, usually better directed than the preceding
one, and so we stopped the white flag business,
the last squad of surrendering Rebels, about thirty
of them, getting the fire of both sides, nearly all
being shot. So the battle continued. Ammunition
was brought up on pack-mules, and served to us.
Some of it would not fit our guns and the boxes
with other emptied boxes, filled with dirt and
placed in front of us, made some protection.
“After noon the Rebels finding it useless to at-
tempt to drive us back to our works, slackened their
fire somewhat, but it was not till dark that the firing
146
diminished below the roar of battle. It was a
day never to be forgotten for its fierce fighting,
bulldog tenacity and terrible slaughter.
“Just before dark we got word for Upton's men
to assemble behind our rifle pits in the rear, and
many went back, but I waited until after dark,
preferring to stay where I was, than to run the
gauntlet of the rain of bullets, that swept the
ground up to the crest, or rise, in our rear.
“This was the worst day’s experience I ever had,
and it thoroughly disgusted me with war. Finding
the regiment after a short search, I found Baldwin,
Chapin and Tucker of my company and several
others were there also. Being nearly starved we
got some hot coffee and cooked some pork and
crackers. We were all covered with mud and pow-
der and smoke and grime, hands parboiled with
rain, and our clothing loaded with moisture. We
presented a very tough appearance, but being very
near exhaustion it was possible for us to huddle
about the smoky pine fire with our rubber blankets
over us and get some sleep, even though bullets
and shells flew in close proximity to us, at frequent
intervals during the night.
“In the morning the Rebs were found to have
fallen back from the “Bloody Angle during the
night, and the firing had almost stopped, but sharp-
shooters kept the curious, and carelessly inclined
reminded of their skill.”
The writer though not a combatant, visited the
scene of conflict during the 12th, and for a time
watched the working of the mortar battery, of
which Comrade Beckwith speaks. It was com-
manded by a Frenchman who appeared greatly
excited. He was never still. Dancing around the
guns while they were being loaded, and spring-
ing upon the parapet, when each was fired to
observe where the shell fell, he seemed the incarna-
147
tion of activity. After visiting brigade headquar-
ters, and not having anything else to do, I retired
to a safer place and waited for the result. In the
morning I went to the angle and surveyed the
field. The wounded had been removed during
the night but the dead lay strewn thickly over
the ground, on our side of the breastworks, and
along the ridge to the right. On the brow of this
ridge, early in the day, Captain La Mont of the
96th Pennsylvania I think, had fallen and all day
from both sides bullets had been fired across the
ridge, and there did not seem to be a square inch
of his body that had not been penetrated by a
bullet. But horrible as was the sight on our side
of the works, that on the other side was far worse,
for the gray clad bodies were piled in the trenches
from three to five deep. Our loss was terrible but
that of the Confederates was far greater; and if
the importance of the victory of the morning is to
be measured by the desperate effort made to retake
the position captured, it certainly was a decisive
victory.
148
CHAPTER XII
FROM THE ANGLE TO COLD HARBOR
THE 121st came out of this engagement with
four company officers and 185 enlisted men
present for duty, and was held in reserve with
the rest of the brigade during the 13th of May,
but on the 14th the brigade was ordered to cross
the Nye River and occupy Myer's Hill, an eleva-
tion to the left, and in front of the Fifth Corps.
At this point quite a sharp engagement occurred.
The position was occupied easily, but being at-
tacked sharply by a force large enough to flank
the troops engaged, they were compelled to fall
back a little distance until reinforcements arrived,
when the enemy in turn retired and the hill was
reoccupied and the picket line extended to the left.
Colonel Cronkite who was not present, having
been wounded on the 10th, speaks very briefly of
this affair, but Colonel Beckwith describes it quite
minutely. “On the morning of the 13th we moved
to our left and early in the morning of the 14th
crossed the Nye River, a narrow, sluggish, deep
stream where we crossed, and moving a short dis-
tance came to a brigade of regular troops which
we relieved. We moved forward a short distance
and were deployed in a heavy skirmish line, tak-
ing down a rail fence and making a protec-
tion of the rails as best we could. A little
way in our rear was a line of log cabins
formerly occupied by the slaves. On a con-
spicuous eminence, called Myer's Hill, was
quite a large mansion, and our line of battle
149
ran in front of it. On the right our line
ran into the timber. In our rear a short
distance, fringed with timber, ran the Nye
River, dark and silent. As soon as we got our
rail protection completed we began to build fires
and get breakfast, and had gotten it nicely under
way when word was passed along from the left,
that the enemy was advancing. We rapidly got
into our rail barricades, and swallowing what we
could of our food in a hurry at the same time, we
watched for the Rebs to appear. We knew we
would be the first to be attacked because a piece
of woods in our front reached to within 600 feet
of our position, and the rail fence running along
it would conceal and shelter the advancing force
until they came up to it. In a few minutes word
was again passed from the house, that the Rebs
were advancing in skirmish line, supported by a
line of battle with artillery accompanying it. In
a few minutes their skirmishers appeared in our
front and opened fire, which we returned so effec-
tively that they seemed reluctant to come on out
of the woods and into the open, where they would
offer a fair mark. At the same time their battery
opened on us, a few shells bursting very near
but not hitting any of us. While we were attending
to the enemy in front, the 96th Pennsylvania moved
out in line of battle and advanced toward the
woods. We expected to continue this advance, but
the 96th had scarcely disappeared in the woods
when they met the enemy, and immediately the
battle broke out. The Rebels charged and drove
our men out, their advance reaching to our front.
The troops on our left gave way, and we ran back
toward the river. Some of our men jumped into
it to wade across, but the water was too deep and
they were fished out, wetter and wiser men. Jack
Schaffner was one of the waders. Moving along
150
to the right parallel with the river, we were met
by Lieutenant Redway who ordered us to rally.
A shell just then bursting near us, stopped his ef-
forts, and we continued down the river. In a short
distance we met General Upton who directed us
to move onto the road and down to the bridge,
cross to the other side and rally on the colors
which we would find in the field beyond. The
Rebels in the meantime had occupied the posi-
tion we had just vacated, and were throwing shells
into our ambulance train, which was hurrying back
out of range of their fire. Just at nightfall we
moved forward and reoccupied the position under
cover of our artillery and skirmishers without
serious resistance. The 15th and 16th we re-
mained at Myer's Hill (dubbed by the men ‘Upton's
Run”). Just before dark on the 16th we moved
forward in line of battle a long distance into the
woods in our front, but did not find the enemy.
Returning to our lines we were marched to our
right, reaching and forming line of battle just
to the right of the “Bloody Angle.”
“A little after daylight glancing around we saw
that a heavy column was massed there, and saw
troops on all sides of us. Heavy skirmishing in
our front and a brisk artillery fire continued for
some time and then died down. This gave notice
that there was a hitch in the program, and a little
later we learned that the enemy’s position and
works were of such a nature as to render the result
of an assault doubtful, and it had been given up at
that point.
“An incident occurred while we were lying in
line of battle, illustrating the pitiful fate of dumb
animals under fire. A mounted officer had fas-
tened his horse by the bridle reins to a stump so
that the animal stood side to the front. A cannon
shot passed under him cutting the covering of
151
his intestines, letting them run out. The poor brute
stood for some little time looking pitifully around,
until the officer, coming up looked at the wound,
drew his revolver and killed him, removing his
trappings after the death struggle was over.”
General Gordon in his reminiscences, speaks of
this affair as a desperate effort of the Second and
Sixth Corps to break through the Confederate
line, and a disastrous repulse. The brigade moved
back to Myer's Hill in the evening of the 18th and
the next day moved to the right and rear of the
Fifth Corps and threw up entrenchments. The day
after it relieved a portion of the Third division
of the Second Corps. General Ewell made an ef-
fort to attack the right of the army by a flank move-
ment, but ran into a regiment of heavy artillery
that was coming to the front and was so badly
handled by them that he gave up the attempt. The
opportune arrival of these fresh troops, saved the
brigade from another encounter with the enemy.
On the 21st, the brigade again returned to Myer's
Hill, and here the 2d Connecticut Heavy Artillery
joined the brigade. It was a magnificent body of
men, more than 1,800 strong and containing many
veterans who had reenlisted. At about 11 P. M. Of
the 21st another movement to the left was begun.
and the brigade marched by long and tedious
stages, to Guinie Station, Lebanon Church, and ar-
rived at Jericho Ford on the North Anna River
about midnight of the 23d. In the morning of
the 24th the Corps crossed the river and took posi-
tion in line of battle on the right of the Fifth Corps.
The most of the day was spent in tearing up and
destroying the railroad. Colonel Beckwith de-
scribes the method of destruction in this manner:
“We would form on the uphill side of the track,
and taking hold and lifting turn the track com-
pletely over, and removing the ties stack and cord
152
them, and setting fire to the piles, place the rails
on top of the ties thus piled. The fire would
heat a portion of the rails in the middle red hot.
Then we would take the rails off the piles and
wind them around trees or stumps or bend them
double, and so effectually prevent their further
use.”
The army of General Lee was found posted in
an advantageous place, and strongly fortified, so
that no attempt was made to assail him, and on
the 26th another movement to the left was made.
The division in this movement guarded the trains
to Chesterfield Station, where Sheridan had ar-
rived after his brilliant raid around Lee’s army
in which he had defeated the Confederate cavalry
under Stewart at the outer defenses of Richmond,
and inflicted an irreparable loss to the Confederate
cause by the death of General Stewart, the most
able and efficient leader of the cavalry of the
South. Sheridan was in dire need of the supplies
we brought him, both of food and ammunition.
Resuming the march in the evening we reached
and crossed the Pamunky River in the morning
and pushed on by what seemed to be forced
marches to Hanover Court House, and now having
joined the other divisions of the Corps, we marched
to Atlee's Station on the 30th and the next day ar-
rived at Cold Harbor.
153
CHAPTER XIII
COLD HARBOR
Cº. HARBOR is one of the points near Rich-
mond which General McClellan reached during
the Peninsular campaign and from which he was
compelled to retire at the beginning of his retreat
to Harrison’s Landing on the James.
It is situated about directly northeast of Rich-
mond, and almost within sight of the city. Gen-
eral Lee having correctly interpreted the design
of General Grant, had transferred his army to this
point and was found occupying works advan-
tageously located and very strongly constructed.
The Sixth Corps arrived at Cold Harbor about
noon of the 30th and at 5 o'clock in the afternoon
was formed in line of battle, on the left of the
Third division and the 121st were deployed in
close order as skirmishers, and relieved the cav-
alry skirmishers, who had suffered quite heavily.
Let Beckwith tell the rest. “Word was sent
along the line that the enemy’s line was in the
farther edge of the old field-pine thicket in our
front, and that we should charge this line on the
dead run as soon as we got into striking distance
and run the Rebs into their rifle pits. This we
did. They broke as soon as they saw us begin
to charge and we kept them on a dead run until
they reached their works. We continued firing
at anything in sight on the pits, and also shot the
battery horses as they galloped up with the Reb
guns going into position. Lying down we were
screened from sight by the clumps of scrubby pine
154
and broom sedge covering the old fields, but
were very much exposed to the bursting shells
from both sides, poorly timed and bursting prema-
turely. Two men were wounded in this way, and
several more on our right were hit near a cabin
by the roadside. Among these Frank Lowe, after-
wards our adjutant, who was shot through the
body. We kept up a brisk fire upon the Rebel
breastworks, and our batteries made it lively for
them, the cannon shot throwing up the dirt in
front of them very often. In about twenty minutes
up came the line of battle behind us in beautiful
order and four lines swept over us at a quickstep,
and just beyond us the front line started on a
running charge toward the breastworks, obliquing
to the right where the Rebel breastworks were on
a little eminence in the edge of the pine woods.
The formation of our brigade was in four lines,
the 2d Connecticut forming three of the lines.
The 95th and 96th Pennsylvania, the 5th Maine,
and the part of the 121st New York not on the
skirmish line formed the fourth line. As soon
as they passed us we were ordered to act as rear
or provost guard to prevent any but wounded men
from going to the rear. As soon as the heavies
began to charge, the Rebel works were bordered
with a fringe of smoke from the muskets and the
men began to fall very fast, and many wounded
began going to the rear. A little in front of the
works there was a hollow, and as the column went
into this it seemed to pause and the rear lines
closed up. The Rebel fire was very effective and
it seemed to us from where we stood that our poor
fellows would all get shot. The ground over which
they had passed was covered with men. We could
see them fall in all shapes. Some would fall for-
ward as if they had caught their feet and tripped
and fell. Others would throw up their arms and
155
fall backward. Others would stagger about a few
paces before they dropped. To us the suspense
was horrible. We could not understand the pause
before reaching the works and we said to one
another, “What are they stopping for? Why don’t
they go on?' But the agony was soon over. Their
colonel had halted to bring his men into line for
the final rush, and as soon as they closed up and
filled the gaps in the line, they gallantly moved
forward, and again met the devastating fire of
the sheltered Rebels which they could not over-
come. They were forced back after getting up
to the works and their right crossing it and cap-
turing some of its defenders, who were North
Carolinians.
“Our men could not get up to their works in
line of battle because the trees had been cut and
so piled together that in places men could not
get through. In some places gaps or lanes had
been left in the slashings, and it was in these places
that our men reached the works. After a deter-
mined and desperate attempt to take them they lay
down in front of them and General Upton took
a portion of the command to the right where the
works had been carried, and moving down to the
left, drove the Rebels out of the works in front
of which our men had been repulsed, and were
lying in their front. Here, occupying the outside
of the Rebel works that had been captured, an
incessant fire was kept up, for the enemy seemed
determined to retake the works and kept up a
scorching fire until after midnight. They inflicted
but little loss upon our command, and finally fell
back upon a second line of works, and we at once
turned and strengthened the captured works. In
this charge the 2d Connecticut lost their colonel,
Kellogg, killed, and 386 men killed, wounded and
missing. Although a new regiment they sustained
156
themselves without support on either flank for
many hours. After the enemy had given up their
attempt to regain the works, the 96th Pennsylvania
went into the front line, supported immediately in
the rear by the 2d Connecticut. Then came our
regiment, then the 5th Maine. (The dead were
buried where they fell in shallow graves.) We
skirmishers assembled, and returned to our regi-
ment, as soon as the charge was over, and lay on
our arms in line of battle during the night. The
next day we relieved the 96th Pennsylvania whose
commanding officer, Major Lessig, said that in the
continuous fire they had fired 90,000 rounds of
ammunition.
“We continued the firing, the Rebel line being
but a short distance in our front, and we could
plainly see any movement on their side. We fixed
head logs on the works and built sheltered out-
looks with ammunition boxes filled with dirt,
rigged decoys for the Rebels to fire at and would
fire at their puffs of smoke. This firing was kept
up day and night. At night someone in a tone of
command would shout ‘Forward, double quick,
charge,’ and a volley would run along the Rebel
rifle pits in our front in answer. The men not in
the trenches lay in line of battle in rear of the
works. In the pines occasionally a man would be
wounded by a ball striking in the top of a tree
and glancing down. One of our men, Webster, of
Company I was wounded in this way. He was
lying on his back against a pine, reading his Bible,
when a bullet struck him in the eye, destroying
it and passing through the roof of his mouth into
it, from which he spat it out. Another was struck
on the brass plate of his cross belt and seriously
hurt. A number of others received lesser injuries.
On the third of June we formed for a charge.
We were in the trenches when Generals Wright
12
157
and Russell, and some staff and engineer officers
passed along the line of works and attracted con-
siderable attention from our men as well as from
the Rebels who frequently sent lead messages to
them as they exposed themselves. They spent con-
siderable time in the trenches to the left of us talk-
ing to General Upton. Shortly after they went
away, word was passed along that the order to
charge had been countermanded at this place.
Generals Russell and Upton deeming the position
too strong to be taken. This was very welcome
news to us, because had we charged a majority
of us must inevitably have been shot. Every inch
of that ground in front of us was commanded by
sharpshooters and our works being farther ad-
vanced than those on either flank we would have
received a partially enfilading fire. On the 4th
of June we made an effort, and got all we could
of the poor fellows, who had been lying wounded
between the lines, since the previous day's battles.
But many were left, it being impossible to get them
on account of the fire of the sharpshooters. The
poorly interred corpses of our men within our
line, and the dead lying between the lines had now
become decomposed and putrid, and made an
awful stench. The water was very poor and a long
way off, and many of the men complained of
being sick. On the 7th of June under a flag of
truce we gathered the wounded between the lines
that were still alive and buried the putrid bodies
of the dead that threatened a pestilence to the
living. The wounded were in a horrible condi-
tion. One officer of the 106th New York I think,
had a wound in the thigh that was infested with
maggots. All the wounded yet alive could have
survived but a little time longer. They had ex-
hausted their water supply, and sucked their moist
clothing to get the rain and dew from it. They had
158
scooped out holes in the ground to shelter them-
selves, and put moist clay in their mouths to pro-
long life. Imagine, if you can, their horrible pre-
dicament, lying on a bullet-swept field, without
ability to crawl, their wounds infested with mag-
gots, and existing five days or more before being
succored, and you can get some idea of the hor-
rors of war. I think it was the 8th of June that
the enemy brought up some Coehorn mortars,
and began business with them. The first shot
landed in the 5th Maine regiment and killed and
wounded several men. They continued this prac-
tice while we remained in the entrenchments, and
we were kept busy watching and dodging the flight
of shells. Fortunately we escaped being hurt by
them.
“The term of service of the 5th Maine had now
about expired, and they were ordered to the rear
for muster out. They had served three years, and
had performed gallant and distinguished service
on many battlefields, and we regarded them with
a strong feeling of affection and pride. There was
no elaborate leave taking. We were glad that
they were going, and yet sorry because we should
miss their gallant and effective support and cóop-
eration, in the future as in the past. And we real-
ized that we should never see them again. If the
State of Maine holds for them the pride and affec-
tion that their comrades of the 121st New York
have, it is something of a gratifying nature to have
brought from the war. They went away, and
the 2d Connecticut Heavy Artillery were installed
in their place, with us. On the 10th of June a
young engineer officer, Lieut. R. S. McKenzie, took
command of the 2d Connecticut. When I saw him
I immediately recognized him as the officer who
had led us to the position from which we charged
on the 10th of May at Spottsylvania. Being a very
brave and skillful officer he soon won the confidence
159
and respect of the regiment, which had now be-
come reduced to the size of an ordinary infantry
regiment, by losses in battle and by the hard cam-
paigning to which they were now accustomed.
After the first few days, during our stay at Cold
Harbor, we received fresh beef, soft bread and
vegetables, of which we were in great need. This
was possible because our base of supply had been
changed to White House Landing.
“On the night of the 12th of June orders were
given to draw out of the lines. The utmost caution
was enjoined. The picket lines kept up a con-
tinuous fire to drown the noise of the withdrawal.
The artillery wheels were muffled to prevent the
rumble of their wheels being heard. Thus silently
we moved away from the lines which had cost
so many lives of brave men on both sides, to assail
and hold. Our losses had been much greater than
those of the enemy, as they had the advantage of
entrenchments. At daylight we were some dis-
tance from the works, the brigade all together,
except those left on the picket line and the 5th
Maine on its way home, and at dark we were across
the Chickahominy, crossing on a pontoon bridge
at Jones’ Bridge. We had not been followed by
any force of the enemy, and no firing of any ac-
count was heard until afternoon, when the faint
sound of cannon and musketry told that the John-
nies were after our rear guard, which consisted of
Wilson’s cavalry and the Fifth Corps. We were
all glad to get away from Cold Harbor.”
Several personal incidents may be of interest
to the reader. The writer’s brother was a member
of the 106th New York Volunteers, and was on the
skirmish line at the opening of the first assault.
He was severely wounded, a bullet having shat-
tered the bone of his right thigh. Word was
brought me that he was in the Corps hospital and
I went to see him, taking a roll of blankets for
160
his comfort, I saw him placed in one of the baggage
wagons for the journey over long stretches of
corduroy road to White House Landing. He told
me afterwards that several men died on the trip.
Returning to headquarters I passed behind the
house in which the surgeons were caring for the
wounded. It was built on a side hill, the ground
dropping away a full story to the rear. Out of the
two back windows the amputated members were
being thrown and the two heaps had already
reached to the windows, and were continually
being added to.
I had a few days before stood on the dead strewn
field of the “Bloody Angle,” and been deeply af-
fected by the sight there presented, but nothing
struck such a chill to my bones as did those
two heaps of mangled arms and legs. In returning
to the front, I reached the works a little to the left
of brigade headquarters, and in walking along
just behind the entrenchments, on a little rise
where a battery was located, a Rebel sharpshooter
in a tree made me a target and his bullet barely
missed my head, and struck the enbankment be-
tween two men who were digging a pit for ammu-
nition. They turned and looked at me a little
wildly, and I passed on out of range. Cold Harbor
was the only battlefield on which I heard the shriek
of a wounded man. To the right and front of
brigade headquarters a man had fallen near the
Confederate works, and when night came his fre-
quent cry of anguish pierced the air with a weird,
heart chilling effect. Gradually it died away,
growing fainter and fainter until it was a relief to
think that the poor fellow was dead and out of
pain. In our army this was a strange thing. Usu-
ally our men endured the greatest pain with
stoicism, muttering perhaps, and groaning, and
grinding their teeth. If an outcry was made it was
usually in the voice of a foreigner.
161
CHAPTER XIV
FROM COLD HARBOR TO PETERSBURG
IT is generally conceded that General Grant's
purpose in the movement from Cold Harbor
was not anticipated by General Lee. All his other
movements had been accurately divined so that
he was able to get to the position most advan-
tageous to him before the advance of the Union
army had reached it in sufficient force to hold it.
This movement to the James River seems to have
left Lee in perplexity as to where the Army of the
Potomac was, and where it was going. The part
which the 121st took in it, is of interest to us. The
regiment, reduced by deaths, wounds and sickness,
now numbered about one hundred men of the
healthiest and hardiest of its members. But in the
marches that followed these were tested to the
utmost. The way was through a low and swampy
country, the weather was exceedingly hot, the
water was poor, and the roads thick with dust.
To the brigade was assigned the duty of protecting
the artillery trains. This made us the rear guard
of the corps and the march was made with flankers
thrown out on both sides to guard against any
possible attack from either flank. The march con-
tinued steadily till the 15th when the James River
was reached at Wilson's Wharf. The brigade
formed a line guarding the position on the river
until the 17th when it was transferred by boats
to Bermuda Hundred. Beckwith says, “Here we
saw the first colored troops. Some of us going out
after something to eat, found the roads picketed
162
by colored cavalry men, who good naturedly took
our chaffing.”
The brigade disembarked at Point of Rocks and
marched thence to Bermuda Hundred. We found
that our Third division had already preceded us
and were massed ready for rapid movement. In-
stantly a report was circulated that we were to
assault in front of Butler’s lines and take and hold
the Richmond and Petersburg Railroad. We
found the line occupied by Butler, elaborately for-
tified—covered ways and bombproofs for the pro-
tection of the men, redoubts and forts covered with
mantlets covering the embrasures, and rapid fire
guns in battery, the first of the kind we had seen,
as well as many brass and rifled cannon. The
place looked formidable. The lines were manned
by Ohio State Militia, enlisted for 100 days. They
were heartily sick of the job, and told us that they
had not enlisted for fighting at the front, but to
guard points held by old troops, so that the old
troops could be sent to the point of danger. They
told us that they were ordered to sleep in the bomb-
proofs. Of course our talk with them did not
improve our feelings. Many of our men were
prejudiced against Butler, and thought it unjust
for us to do his fighting for him, and that it
wouldn’t hurt the Ohio Militia to get a little touch
of war. After dark we were moved out in front
and formed in column, our brigade being on the
right. The Johnnies drove in Butler's pickets, and
General Foster who commanded in our vicinity
called for help, and Ricket's division was sent to
his assistance, but the attempt to retake the posi-
tion was postponed, it was reported, until we had
formed. Then a rush was to be made to seize and
hold the railroad. As we after dark moved out
to form in rear of the skirmishers, the militia
stood by the side of the road which we passed out
163
upon, and we envied them their good fortune.
Hour after hour passed away after we had formed.
We could hear the sound of axes and the falling
of timber in our front, the passing of railroad
trains, and all indicating the arrival of troops,
and we knew that we had a tough job before us.
Just before daylight orders to charge were coun-
termanded; and we returned inside the fortifi-
cations, pleased that we were not going blindly
into the crash of battle, without knowing anything
of our position. Afterward we learned that the
Johnnies had evacuated their works in front of
Bermuda Hundred, on the Bermuda Neck. When
our men discovered that fact they advanced and
took possession of them, and also went out and
took possession of, and for some distance, tore
up the R. and P. Railroad, and the advance line
occupied the Rebel works. But in the evening
Longstreet’s men came up and promptly attacked
the feeble force holding the works and drove it
out, and instantly set to work to repair the mis-
chief inflicted upon them. We should have oc-
cupied their works immediately upon our arrival,
and awaited their attack upon us in them. After
they had recovered the position and retaken their
works, to attack would have been to assail strong
fortifications manned by veteran troops with the
same result as before. The line of assault had
been formed with General Terry’s troops in ad-
vance, our Second division supporting him and
the Second brigade on the right to act as a flanking
column.
As we marched out in rear of the works a Sutler
had just come in from the landing with some
supplies, and although we had little money we
began purchasing his wares. None of the men in
the camp were awake and about, and after several
deals not satisfactory to him, the sutler said he
164
would not sell any more goods, they were for the
men of the regiment of which he was sutler. This
did not suit some of our people, and in a moment
each man who could get into the shanty was acting
as clerk for himself, and it took but a few moments
to clean out the whole outfit. The sutler begged
to be left a comb to comb his hair with, but I doubt
if his petition was granted. I secured some hot
pies and some canned goods. An effort was made
by some officers to discover who had perpetrated
this outrage, as it was called, but without any suc-
CeSS.
“We remained at Bermuda Hundred waiting an
order to attack. It was reported on the 18th that
General Wright and General Butler had quarreled,
but it had no influence upon our movements.
“On the morning of the 19th we crossed the river
and marched to the Petersburg front, to the
vicinity of the Petersburg and Norfolk Railroad,
which position we occupied, relieving some of
General Martindale’s division of the Eighteenth
Corps. At daylight on the 20th firing began on
our front, and a battery just to our right kept up
a continuous fire. Shortly after sunrise a Rebel
picket came into our lines. He had a number of
canteens and seemed to be confused and lost, and
was greatly surprised when he jumped over the
works.
“During the day of the 20th a Rebel mortar bat-
tery opened upon us, and for a little while made it
very lively for us. Where we were posted the
railroad had been torn up, the ties used to face the
inside of the breastworks with a tie standing on
end against the facing and another placed brac-
ing the upright tie to hold all in place. The
third mortar shell fired, I discovered, was
coming into the works and I shouted ‘look out,
it is coming right into the works.” There was a
165
scampering to get out of the way by the men who
were crowded around Hank King and Ben Jones
who were issuing a cooked ration. The shell
dropped close beside a sergeant of Company
F who lay with his back against the breastwork
and his legs sprawled out, fast asleep, unconscious
of the danger. I jumped behind the upright tie
and crowded myself into as Small a space as pos-
sible, and glanced around. I saw the shell sizzing
away, and the men about it and the sergeant asleep.
It seemed as though it would never burst, as though
it were spellbound. Finally it went off and the
sergeant was badly hurt, being hit by many of
the balls it contained. Ben Jones also received a
wound in the seat of his pants, and it spoiled our
rations which were upset by the rush to cover.
The Rebs continued their mortar practice for some
time longer, but did us no more mischief. Several
men were hit by sharpshooters during the day,
among them Captain Mather, a rifle ball passing
through his head, inflicting a serious but not fatal
wound. A large body of colored infantry passed
by us going toward our right. They had been re-
lieved by our troops. Some of them had been in
battle the previous day and had lost considerably.
As they passed by us, they kept up a running fire
of talk. One old fellow had his pants torn and I
asked him how it was done. “Oh, dere’s war I
got picked wid a piece ob shell.”
“On the night of the 21st we were relieved by
some troops of the Eighteenth Corps, and marched
to the left of the army, taking position on the left
of the Second Corps, in the thick woods covering
the country. Just at evening we advanced a con-
siderable distance to the front of our entrench-
ments, and finally began to get careless, thinking
as we had gone so far, the Rebs had left our front.
Coming to a large tree that had blown down, its
166
roots with a large mass of earth attached formed
a shield, reaching considerably above our heads,
the trunk lying from us and obstructing the road.
Lume and I passed to the right, and Barr with the
96th drummer to the left. I had scarcely got
around when I saw a Reb on a horse with his
carbine leveled at me. Instinctively I crouched
and shrunk myself together as he fired and missed
me. I was so rattled when I fired that I missed
him as he galloped away, the drummer on the
mule in pursuit. The Reb vidette, for such he was,
had dropped his Mississippi carbine as he fled.
We rushed forward and in a hundred yards more
came to the edge of the timber, and before us was
a field of grain in which were picketed some Rebel
cavalry, upon whom we opened fire. The way
they hustled and got onto their horses, and gal-
loped away was lively. We had fired but a few
rounds when Colonel Lessig and his adjutant rode
up and forcibly ordered us to cease firing, and fall
back. This we did without any loss, except it
was claimed that a man named Cotten was left
behind, or taken prisoner. We reached our lines
without other loss, bringing the vidette's carbine
with us. I shuddered afterwards when I remem-
bered the scare that Johnnie gave me. He was
probably nervous because we were on both sides
of him, and that affected his aim.
“Returning to camp we made ourselves as com-
fortable as possible. We had a hard task to get
water. We had to dig wells or trenches quite
deep in the clay into which the water would per-
colate very slowly, but by digging a good many
holes we managed to get a sufficient supply, of a
milky color. The weather was beastly hot. The
2d Connecticut Heavy Artillery was camped on
our right and its regimental headquarters were
back in the pines. We had cut down a wide strip
167
of pines in the rear of our works, and our shelters
were in this opening. A guard patrolled up and
down in front of the camp of the 2d Connecticut.
As I lay in my tent I heard a groaning and dis-
covered that it came from one of their men who
was tied up by his thumbs to a pine tree. The
poor devil was in awful agony and just ready to
collapse. I stood it as long as I could and then
said to one of our fellows, “I am going to cut him
down.” He said, ‘You had better not,” but I took
out my knife and getting as close to him as I
could without attracting attention, when the
guard’s back was to me I ran up and cutting his
cords said, ‘run for the woods,” but the man just
sank down in his tracks, as I bounded away to my
tent for shelter. That caper cost me the corporal’s
stripes I wore, and some extra picket duty. I some-
times think one of the fellows told who did it, but
was never certain. For a number of days we
were idle, but on the 29th of June we moved out
to Ream's Station to help out Wilson’s cavalry,
who had been out on a raid, and had been cut
off by Hampton, Lee, and some of Pickett’s troops.
We did not meet the enemy, but some of Wilson’s
men came to our lines, and we learned from them,
that he had been badly used up and many of his
men and guns captured.
“On the 30th we returned to our old camp on the
Jerusalem plank road, from which we returned
on the 2d of July to the position on the left of
the 2d Corps. Our sutler, Sam Miller, came to us
here and we rapidly filled up with the stock he
brought, among which was some alleged Herkimer
County butter and cheese, the former in tin cans
was melted and the latter soon developed
skippers.”
168
DR. JOHN TR. ADAMS
The universally honored and beloved chaplain of
the 121st N. Y. Infantry, from Sept. 16, 1864, to the
end of the war.

REV.
J. R. SAGE,
Chaplain,
1862 to
September 16,
1864.
THEODORE
STERNBERG,
Quartermaster,
from January 5,
1864, to end
of war.


CHAPTER XV
FROM PETERSBURG TO HARPER’s FERRY
THE Fourth of July was duly celebrated along
the lines in front of Petersburg and Rich-
mond by a shotted salute of all the cannon along
our extended line. It must have been a day of
seriousness to the Confederate authorities and
people. The war was evidently going against
them, and the old flag was floating over the camps
that were constantly encroaching on their narrow-
ing lines of defense; and on the vessels closing all
the seaports of Rebeldom. To break the tightening
grip of Grant upon the defenses of Richmond,
General Early had been sent down the valley of
the Shenandoah to make a raid into Maryland
and towards Washington. To meet the raid Gen-
eral Lew Wallace gathered all the troops he could,
but they were not sufficient to stay the advance
of Early. It was determined to send the 6th Corps
to the defense of Washington.
On the 6th of July the 3d Division of the Corps
marched to City Point and boarded transports
and steamed away. On the 8th of July the rest of
the corps followed. The night was very dark,
and the first part of the march was through the
cut over ground from which wood had been pro-
cured, and the walking was execrable until the
road was reached.
The method by which a barrel of onions was
secured from the pile guarded by a colored sen-
tinel, the rough and tumble row between men of
the 121st and 96th Pennsylvania on the boat to the
169
different sides of which they were assigned, needs
no more than a mention in the history of the regi-
ment; the living participants will no doubt recall
both transactions vividly. Colonel Beckwith did
not forget any feature of it in writing his remem-
brances. The name of the transport was the
Transylvania and the speed she made caused a
refreshing breeze which the men on board enjoyed
exceedingly. The next day Washington was
reached and the men of the corps, rested and re-
freshed by the trip, but very hungry, disembarked
at the Sixth Street wharf, and were quickly formed
in rank and hurried up Seventh Street. Beckwith
writes, “As we passed along we were greeted with
clapping of hands, waving of handkerchiefs, and
many remarks such as ‘Bully for you,” “Hurrah
for the 6th Corps,’ and we soon learned that the
enemy were attacking the line of defenses on the
Seventh Street road out near Brightwood, known
as Fort Stevens, and that our advance brigade,
Bidwell’s of the 2d Division was already at work.
Every man was ordered to keep in the ranks, and
as we passed along water and ginger beer were
given to the men and hundreds of people anxiously
cheered us. The negroes were very demonstrative
and saluted us with many quaint remarks one of
which was, “God bress Massa Lincum for the Six
Co.,’ and another, “Dey’s done got to clear
out for dem red cross sojers. Wee's all saved
now.’” President Lincoln was riding to the front
while the 6th Corps was marching up Seventh
street and was soon joined by General Wright, and
together they went on to Fort Stevens, on the ram-
part of which the President stood surveying the
scene until urged almost imperatively by General
Wright to leave that exposed position.
Colonel Beckwith gives the best account of what
immediately followed that I have seen. “The day
170
was exceedingly hot and that made the marching
in the thick dust very hard after we had left the
pavements of the city. When the sound of
musketry reached us just before reaching Bright-
wood, we saw General Wright stopping by the
road side with a gentleman whom we immediately
recognized as President Lincoln. He answered
our greeting and cheers by raising his hat. In-
stantly afterward we heard the sing of a bullet
and we knew that the President was under fire:
Moving up to the fort and deploying to the left
in rear of our line of works, we found them swarm-
ing to suffocation, with all sorts of people, invalid
reserves, convalescents, clerks, citizens, marines,
any and everybody who could or would be able
to fire a gun. Among them was Hank Johnson, a
Company D man of our regiment. He ran over
and saluted his friends in that company. As soon
as we were deployed, before in fact, General Bid-
well rushed forward with the 7th Maine, the 61st
Pennsylvania, 43d, 45th, 77th and 122d New York
regiments, and swept back the troops of Rodes’
division of Ewell’s corps, then under Early,
and pushed them down across Rock Creek and
beyond Montgomery Blair's residence at Silver
Spring, losing quite heavily at the outset, but in-
flicting a greater loss upon the enemy. Under the
eyes of President Lincoln, Secretary Stanton and
a vast multitude of soldiers and civilians stand-
ing upon the works, where they had for many
hours fearfully awaited the advance of Lee's
choicest troops, the superb veterans of Bidwell
rushed upon their old time foes and pushed them
from our front, under a devouring fire of mus-
ketry, but stimulated by the cheering of the spec-
tators. We were proud of our comrades, and
glad that the President had an opportunity to wit-
ness something of the terrible reality of war.
171
Bidwell’s success, and darkness coming on, ended
the day’s fighting, and we were not engaged. The
next morning we went down the road and over
the ground where the severest fighting had taken
place, and saw many of our gallant fellows lying
cold and stiff in death, as they had fallen. Their
dead also lay scattered about thickly showing the
determination of our advance and the courage of
their resistance. The wounded had been gathered
up, and taken to the hospital. Our loss amounted
to nearly three hundred killed and wounded. The
killed were buried in an enclosure to the right
of the road in front of Fort Stevens, now a national
cemetery, over which float the colors for which
they gave their lives.”
General Gordon says that the objects of this
movement under Early were two, first, to draw
some of Grant’s troops from in front of Lee, and
second, the release of the Confederate prisoners
confined at Point Lookout. The capture of Wash-
ington was not contemplated, and Early was per-
plexed as to what to do, when his troops reached
the outworks of the city. He might have entered
before the arrival of the 6th Corps, if he had
desired to do so, for a portion of the works in
his front was bare of defenders. But all the facts
seem to point to a different conclusion. Gordon
goes on to say that the first of these objects was
attained, but it was found impossible to free the
prisoners, and no attempt was made to reach them.
In the affair at Fort Stevens only two divisions
were engaged. The 3d Division, which started
from City Point the day before the rest of the
corps, was disembarked at Baltimore and ad-
vanced from that city to Frederick City, where it
joined the forces of General Lew Wallace, and
took part in the battle of the Monocacy. In this
battle the small force of General Wallace, by suc-
172
cessful maneuvering and stubborn fighting, delayed
General Early an entire day, and thus gave the
time necessary for the 6th Corps to arrive at Wash-
ington, before the Confederates could enter.
General Early afterwards said that when he saw
the banners of the 6th Corps in the works at Fort
Stevens, he gave up all hope of taking the city.
One of his officers said, “Damn the 6th Corps, we
find it everywhere.” These were the men whom
the corps had fought at the Wilderness battle at
Spottsylvania, on the 10th and 12th of May, and a
part of it at the Monocacy. Gordon's Georgians
had had a conspicuous part in all those terrible
battles, and they knew the metal of which the 6th
Corps was made.
The day following the battle of Fort Stevens,
the corps advanced and found that the enemy had
retreated. This was rendered necessary from the
fact that General Wallace had restored the morale
of his defeated army, and was threatening Early’s
rear and flank. The advance continued through .
Rockville and Seneca on the river road to the
vicinity of Poolsville, the 1st Division having the
lead. At Poolsville the enemy was found, but gave
way before the attack of our cavalry. The corps
encamped there for the night. The next day by a
long and dusty march, the cavalry leading, Ed-
wards Ferry was reached. On the 16th the river
was crossed and the advance reached Leesburg,
and passed beyond to Clark’s Gap. Here the 3d
Division under General Ricketts rejoined the corps.
They showed the effect of their hard fight at Mon-
ocacy. Of them Beckwith says, “They gave us an
account of their fight there, and spoke of the con-
fidence with which the Rebels charged them, until
they found out what troops were in front of them.
Prisoners said that the Rebel officers told their
men, that the troops in front of them were only
13
173
militia and did not know how to fight, and would
run at the first charge, but as soon as we fired our
first volley, they knew mighty well that, “You uns
wan’t no militia, and the first thing they asked
when they saw the crosses we wore, was, “Where
did you uns come from ? Is you everywhere?”
They told us that they were outnumbered and
outflanked, and the new troops did not hold their
ground. They made as good a fight as possible
under the circumstances, (a fact that General
Gordon fully acknowledges). If we had been
there, we could have whipped the Rebels, and now
that we were together again we were anxious to
get at them and show them that we could.”
Part of the 19th Corps under General Emory
joined us at Clark’s Gap and a cavalry engagement
of some importance was fought in our front. We
advanced again on the 17th along the Snickerville
Pike through the gap and to Snickerville Ford on
the Shenandoah River. Here the 19th Corps, un-
der General Emory, joined the army. Twice the
regiment crossed the river and advanced without
serious opposition some distance into the valley.
The result of these observations convinced Gen-
eral Grant that Early had been called back to
Petersburg, by General Lee, and he ordered the
6th and 19th Corps to report as soon as possible
at Petersburg. This left the 8th Corps under
General Crook in the valley.
While the two corps were resting and being pro-
vided with new clothing at Georgetown, Crook at-
tempted to advance up the valley from Harper's
Ferry, and was met with a stubborn resistance by
a superior force and driven back. It was soon
evident that Early with an increased force was still
in the valley and bent upon more mischief. The
6th and 19th Corps were therefore ordered back
through the villages of Maryland, north of the Po-
174
tomac to Frederick City. A short halt was made,
near the Monocacy battlefield, but the march was
resumed and continued all night until Harper's
Ferry had been passed and camp was made at
Halltown.
175
CHAPTER XVI
WITH SHERIDAN IN THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY
Soº of the troops of General Hunter after his
disastrous defeat by Early, had by a circuitous
route arrived at Harper's Ferry, and with the two
corps returned there, constituted considerable of
an army. General Hunter resigned and General
Sheridan was sent to command the department
constituted as the Middle Military Division, and the
army was designated as “The Army of the Shenan-
doah.” It was Sheridan's first independent com-
mand, and he was cautioned against attempting
any general engagement until his army had become
unified in operation, and more developed in
morale. He took command on the 7th of August.
The army consisted of the 6th and 19th Corps, and
the army of West Virginia under General Crook,
Averill’s cavalry and the cavalry divisions of Tor-
bert and Wilson, sent from the army of the Po-
tomac. In all about thirty thousand men.
A glance at the map, will give some conception
of the conditions under which the succeeding
operations were carried on. From Harper's Ferry
the Potomac River bends to the northwest until
only a narrow strip of Maryland lies between it
and the border of Pennsylvania. Then it bends
slightly southwest to the western limit of the state.
This conformation of the country gave to the Con-
federate army south of the river an advantageous
field of Operations. Under cover of the river,
movements could be freely made to threaten Mary-
land and Pennsylvania, and Early was a master
176
of strategy. He had the example of Stonewall
Jackson’s previous successful campaign, and the
troops with whom it had been made. His army
consisted of three divisions of veteran troops, com-
manded by Generals Breckenridge, Rodes and
Gordon, and they were operating in a friendly
country, on familiar grounds. The task before
Sheridan was three fold, to prevent another raid
into Maryland, to keep so close to Early’s army
that none of it could be dispatched to Lee, and
to keep from a general engagement. These three
facts are needed to explain the complicated and
erratic movements of the period from the 7th of
August to the 19th of September. The itinerary
of the brigade is given in a report made by the
Adjutant General of the brigade as follows:
August 10: Marched at 6 A. M., camped at Clifton,
fifteen miles.
August 11: Marched at 5 A. M. and camped six
miles from Winchester, southeast.
August 12: Marched at 7:30 A.M. in rear of trains,
camped at Middletown.
August 13: Crossed Cedar Creek at 7 A. M., halted
eleven and one-half miles from Strasburg.
Enemy found in position at Fisher’s Hill. Re-
crossed Cedar Creek at 10 A. M. and camped on
old ground.
August 16: Commenced march to Winchester at
10 P. M. -
August 17: Continued march, passed through
Winchester at 8 A. M. Camped on Opequon
Creek at 4:30 P. M.
August 18: Marched at 6 A. M. via Berryville and
camped two miles from Charlestown.
August 21: Enemy appeared at 8 A. M. Skir-
mished all day.
August 22: Retired at 2 A. M. toward Harper's
Ferry. Camped on former ground. At 12 M.
177
moved to Crook’s left and remained in reserve.
August 28: Marched at 1 A. M. and camped eleven
and one-half miles from Charlestown, in posi-
tion held on the 21st inst.
September 3: Marched to a position near Clifton
and remained until Sept 19.
September 19: Broke camp at 3:30 A. M., crossed
the Opequon Creek at 9 A. M.
To fill in the incidents of this period of appar-
ently erratic movement, resort must be made to
Colonel Beckwith’s narrative. He writes, “While
at Halltown, Colonel Olcott and quite a number of
men, who had been away wounded and sick, re-
turned to the regiment and increased its strength
and appearance materially. On the 16th we started
back down the valley, marched all night and
passed through Winchester at 8 o’clock in the
morning and got some pies and eggs with jewelry
advertisements which the inhabitants mistook for
greenbacks. On the 21st the enemy drove in our
pickets and we were sent out on the skirmish line
and skirmished all day. On the way out, when
some distance, as we supposed, from the line,
Captain Van Shaick commanding our (4th) com-
pany, and Bob Topping were wounded, the Cap-
tain seriously, and Bob slightly. Both were greatly
surprised however, as none of us heard the shots
fired that struck them. Going out in regimental
front, we were deployed on the run in heavy
skirmish order in front of a wood and advanced
some distance to the middle of a field from which
the wheat had recently been cut. In front of us
were some farm buildings, stacks and rail fences
along which the Rebs were posted, and they kept
up a rapid fire as we advanced. We were finally
told to lie down and hold the position. General
Upton rode along the line and said to us, ‘I want
you to show the army, that no Rebel line of battle
178
can drive this regiment from its position.” We
held our ground all day long, firing all the time.
Wilbur Champany of our company was instantly
killed by a sharpshooter posted near the stacks
before mentioned. We had warned him to be
cautious, as they had placed several balls very
close to us, one lodging in the blankets of one of
the boys, and another in Hank Cole’s gunstock.
But Wilbur said, “I’ll have another shot at him
any way,” and was in the act of aiming when a ball
pierced his head. He was a fine, fearless soldier,
and had not been back with us long, having just
recovered from wounds in both legs, received at
Salem Church. At dark we carried him back and
buried him. At 2 o’clock in the morning we were
assembled and marched back to our old camp.
After we had gotten some sleep and a meal we
marched out to our left and lay in reserve behind
Crook’s West Virginians, the remainder of the
day.”
On the 16th of September, General Grant visited
Sheridan and after listening to his plans and ap-
proving them, gave him the laconic order, “Go in,”
and returned to Petersburg, confident that Sheri-
dan would give a good account of himself and his
army. Nor did he have long to wait. On the morn-
ing of the 19th of September at daylight the army
drew out of camp in front of Berryville and took
the pike leading direct to Winchester. Wilson
with his division of cavalry was leading, followed
by the 6th Corps in double column flanking the
pike which was occupied by the artillery and
trains. The crossing of the Opequon and the suc-
ceeding battle is described, so far as the 121st and
the brigade took part in it, more accurately by
Colonel Beckwith than by any other writer so far
read. He says, “We were well armed, carried ex-
tra ammunition, four days’ rations in our haver-
179
sacks, and had had a good long rest. Wilson’s
division of cavalry had crossed the creek and
pushed the enemy back, fighting continuously over
two miles of rough ground. The 3d Division of
our corps moved up, relieving the cavalry. The
2d Division following formed on the left of the 3d.
The 19th Corps (Emory’s) was formed on the right
of the 6th. Our division was moved to the
left of the pike and massed in reserve, ready for
instant movement to any point. All this under a
heavy fire of musketry and artillery. These dis-
positions occupied a long time and it was nearly
noon before a general advance was ordered. The
roar of cannon and musketry told that it had be-
gun, and the battle was on. For a time, things
seemed to be going our way, and the enemy had
been driven back a considerable distance by both
corps. But in advancing, a gap had been opened
between the right of our corps and the 19th which
Getty’s division could not close. Seeing this weak
spot and an opening in our line, the enemy massed
some troops of Rodes' division and made a gallant
and desperate charge upon the left of the 19th
Corps. It was at this time that we were sent in,
moving by left of regiment at quickstep across
the pike and for some distance through a field into
a wood. There we were ordered to lie down, Gen-
eral Upton riding out some distance to hurry the
broken troops behind our line. The 65th and 67th
consolidated New York passed to Our rear and
right and formed. The 2d Connecticut formed to
the right of the pike a little to the rear. We could
see the enemy coming up in line of battle, and some
of the men said it was our own troops, and others
said, ‘No, they are Rebs.’ I remember Wilbur
Phillips making several such statements before
being convinced. To our right we could see our
line advancing and the enemy in retreat both fir-
180
ing, the color sergeants waving their standards to
encourage the men. But our attention was fixed
in that direction but a moment, yet that was of
great encouragement to us. We could see a great
gap in our line to the right and knew that we were
at the point of danger and that perhaps the fate of
the battle rested with us. General Upton ordered
us to fix bayonets and not to fire until he gave the
command, and the word was passed along the line.
At last the enemy reached to where there could
not be any doubt of their identity, and General
Upton gave the order, ‘Ready, aim, fire,’ and crash
went that volley of lead, and down tumbled those
brave fellows. ‘Forward, charge, rang out Upton's
short, incisive command, and away we went.
Reaching the point where their line had stood we
saw many of them lying there, not all shot how-
ever. Some of them had dropped down to escape
death and became our prisoners. But those who
could get away fled for their lives, not stopping
on the order of their going. At once out rushed
our companion regiments in fine order. The 2d
Connecticut advancing and firing, was compelled
to withstand a severe fire from the right as well as
front, and suffered severely. We reformed and
were immediately moved forward and placed on
the left of the 37th Massachusetts to close up a gap.
This splendid regiment, armed with Spencer re-
peating rifles, had charged in on the charging
Rebels in the nick of time, and had saved our
(Stevens’) battery near the road, while we had
reached their front and poured in our volley. It
was about this time that we lost another of our
famous and gallant commanders, Gen. David A.
Russell, commanding our division. He was killed
by a shell while moving up with his old brigade on
the charge His command devolved upon General
Upton, who shortly after 5 o'clock was also dis-
181
abled by a severe shell wound, and compelled to
leave the field. The command of the division fell
upon Colonel Edwards of the 37th Massachusetts.
Captain J. D. P. Douw was commanding the regi-
ment. Some little time after we had formed on
the left of the 37th Massachusetts, the 15th New
Jersey formed on our left and some other troops
formed in our rear. We continued firing some
until about 4 o’clock, and the 37th, being in the
open, kept up a continuous fire. We being
screened by small trees and brush, could not see
anything to fire at, but we kept a few men in ad-
vance a little distance to keep any one from steal-
ing upon us. About 4 o’clock we advanced about
a third of a mile to some heavy timber, where the
enemy opened a heavy fire upon us. But we
charged them on the run, and they did not stop
running away from us till they got to the village
of Winchester, and we advanced to the railroad.
After leaving the last piece of woods they kept us
dodging their cannon shots, from two batteries
playing upon us as we advanced. It was a splendid
sight to see our troops coming up on the right—
Crook’s and Emory’s, I think they were, and the
cavalry on the left closing in on them and charging
over the open field, with their batteries on the hill
back of the town, glistening in the rays of the sun,
blazing away at our charging columns. To the
fact of our drawing four days’ rations and my
haversack's, being full I owe my life. On that day
just as we reached the road, a shell burst in front
of us (I was on the color guard), I just felt a shock
and tumbled forward. A piece of shell had struck
my haversack, passed through it and my rations
of pork, hardtack, sugar, coffee and tin plate.
Then it struck my folded knife, fork and spoon
in my pocket and glanced off. In running up the
haversack had swung around in front of me and
182
so received the piece of iron. I rolled over on my
back surprised. Several of our fellows stooped
over me and asked how badly I was hurt and if
they should help me back. I said I would see,
and very, very carefully felt for a wound, but to
my great delight could not find one, and so told
them, and that they could go on, I could get along
all right. Except a numbness and a bad bruise, I
was unhurt and soon got over it. I was somewhat
lame, but managed to keep on the march, getting
to our camp by the roadside shortly after the regi-
ment. Our total losses of the day were two men
killed, and one officer and 12 men severely
wounded, several having slight wounds not being
reported. As I remember, Charles Carmody was
the only seriously wounded man from our com-
pany.”
There is no doubt that the crisis of this battle
was the check given to the charge of Rodes’ divi-
sion of the Confederate army, upon the left of the
19th Corps. If Rodes had succeeded in driving
through to the head of the ravine from which
the road debouches, the army of Sheridan would
have been cut in two, and the result would have
been disastrous at that stage of the battle. Gen-
eral Upton’s quick perception of the danger and
his prompt disposition of the brigade and es-
pecially of the 121st New York not only checked
the advance of the charging column, but also threw
them into such confusion that they did not recover
from it during the rest of the conflict. Due credit
was given to General Upton, and the 121st New
York in the official report of the battle. But Loss-
ing, in his Pictorial History of the Civil War, gives
the credit to General Emory instead of Upton and
to 131st New York instead of to the 121st New York.
The death of General Rodes at this crisis of the bat-
tle was a severe blow to the Confederates, as was
183
that of Russell to us. Captain Weaver in giving
an account of this special affair at the crisis of
the battle says that Captain Cronkite rushed out
alone and captured a Rebel flag. Neither Beck-
with nor Colonel Cronkite mentions this in their
accounts of the affair. Of the result of the battle
Colonel Beckwith says, “We were all greatly en-
couraged by the splendid victory we had won. We
knew the men we had been fighting and we con-
sidered them as good as any, if not the best, in
Lee’s army, but they were no match for us on open
ground. It was voted a luxury to be permitted to
fight on a fair field instead of in the jungle we had
been in, from the Rapidan to the James, and it did
us great good. We knew that the Louisianians of
Rappahannock Station were there, the Alabamians
of Salem Church, the Virginians and Georgians of
the Wilderness, and Dole’s and Battle’s men of
Spottsylvania, and we did not fear them with a
fair chance. But we were deeply depressed by the
loss of Generals Russell and Upton. While it was
reported that Upton’s wound would not perma-
nently disable him, we feared it would.”
Of all the battles in which the brigade had been
engaged since the writer was detailed to duty at
brigade headquarters, this was the first in which
he had not been under fire. In crossing the field
later in the afternoon he came to a point where the
two lines of battle must have stood for some time,
steadily firing at each other. Between two thickets,
probably twenty rods apart there was a row of
blue clad dead lying close together, and fairly
touching each other; and only a few yards in front
of them a similar windrow of gray clad dead, lying
as closely and straightly aligned as were their
opponents of a few hours before. The wounded
had all been removed.
This battle cost the enemy, besides their dead
184
and wounded, 2500 prisoners, 15 battle flags and 5
CallIl OIl.
Sheridan's report of this engagement written in
Winchester was, “We have just sent the enemy
whirling through Winchester and are after them
tomorrow. We captured 2500 prisoners, 5 pieces
of artillery, 9 battle flags and all the Rebel dead
and wounded. Their wounded in Winchester
amount to some three thousand.”
According to promise the pursuit was taken up
the next day, and on the 22nd of September Early
was found twenty miles south of Winchester in a
very strong position on Fisher’s Hill. Sheridan
immediately disposed his army to assail the enemy.
He placed the 6th and 19th Corps in front of the
Rebel works and sent the 8th Corps by a concealed
and circuitous route to concentrate on the left
flank of the Rebel works. When this was accom-
plished, late in the afternoon the command was
given to charge, and while the main force of the
enemy was engaged in resisting the attack in front
the 8th Corps broke over the works on their left
flank, and another route, more disastrous than that
at Winchester, resulted. The writer had found a
good position from which to view as much of the
scene of battle as possible, and with a companion
was watching eagerly the battle, when a Rebel
battery, evidently thinking him and his companion
persons of distinction and authority, sent three
shells in quick succession at us, but without se-
rious effects. The fragments fell uncomfortably
near us however and we moved down out of sight
towards the front.
Of this fight Colonel Beckwith gives the part
taken by the 121st New York. “About 2 o’clock
of the 22d we moved farther to the left, and then
forward through some woods down a hill. Com-
ing out of the woods we came to the railroad, and
185
could see across a ravine, the Rebel works. The
gulf was spanned by a trestle work and a number
of us started to cross it, but we had gone only a
few steps when we discovered a gap burned in
it, and we had to go back and go down the bank,
cross the stream (Tumbling Run), and climb up
the steep bank on the other side through the brush
and briars. We used them to pull ourselves up
by, but going up we were protected by the extreme
steepness of the hill, from the Rebel fire. When
we reached the top they were on the run, having
left their breastworks, thanks to Crook’s operation
on the left. I do not think we could have carried
their works in our front by assault. The ground
was so rough that we could not have reached them
in any sort of order, or in sufficient numbers at
the same time, to have driven them out. Besides
they had fine breastworks to protect them. That
they expected to give us a very warm reception,
was evidenced by the fact that they had arranged
cartridges along their breastworks for rapid use.
They did not take time to gather them up. They
also left several cannon behind. We captured
several prisoners and had only two men hurt in the
whole affair. As soon as we got over their works,
we formed and moved forward in pursuit. About
this time Generals Sheridan, Wright and others
with their staff officers rode onto the field near us
and engaged in some congratulatory talk. We all
believed that Early’s army was completely broken
up and pushed on after them with eager steps.”
General Gordon says of this battle that the posi-
tion at Fisher's Hill was considered impregnable,
and the battle was lost by the fault of an “unpro-
tected flank.” That term covers a large number
of strategic disasters. At Chancellorville it was
the cause of Hooker's disaster. In the Wilderness
it made the 6th of May a sad date for the 6th Corps.
In many other engagements it wrought evil to the
186
Union forces, and now in the valley it had twice
brought disaster to the army of the Confederacy.
And it was destined to nearly wreck the brilliant
career of the army of the Shenandoah within
another month after this battle of Fisher’s Hill, lost
and won because of an exposed flank. In other
words the strategy that discovers and takes ad-
vantage of the exposed flank of the opposing army
is apt to be the successful strategy.
To take up again the itinerary of the army of
the Shenandoah from Fisher’s Hill to Cedar Creek.
September 22: Pursued the enemy all night.
September 23: Halted near Woodstock to issue ra-
tions at 8 A. M. Marched again at 12 M. and
camped at Cedar Creek.
September 24: Marched at 6 A. M. Found the
enemy in position at Mt. Jackson. Formed line
preparatory to an advance, when the enemy
withdrew. The brigade held the advance, con-
stantly skirmishing with the enemy, till 6 P. M.,
when it camped for the night six miles beyond
Newmarket.
September 26: Marched without interruption to
Harrisonburg, and camped on the hills east of
the town.
September 29: Marched to Mt. Crawford.
September 30: Returned to camp near Harrison-
burg.
October 5: Marched to Mt. Jackson. Camped at
6 P. M.
October 7: Marched to Strasburg, camped on
Shenandoah River at 1 P. M., and remained in
camp till Oct. 11.
October 11: Marched to near Front Royal, camped
at 4 P. M.
October 13: Moved to Millwood, camped at 4. P. M.
October 14: Marched at 2 A. M., reached our pres-
ent camp near Middletown at 4 P. M.
In this advance up the Shenandoah Valley and
187
return, frequent skirmishes with the enemy oc-
curred. The country was beautiful and fertile, and
the men lived high on what they were able to
obtain in one way or another, but sometimes with
not very pleasant results. Beckwith relates an
experience he had which will stand for the manner
in which like conduct was treated by some of the
officers, not all of them : “On the 29th we were
ordered into camp, and the officers had their tents
put up. I thought I would take a stroll into the
country and see if I could not gather some more
of the luxuries with which it abounded, when we
first got to a new field. So with Goodman who was
a first rate forager, I went out to a little place called
Bridgewater and secured a fine supply. We were
not gone over two or three hours, but when we got
in sight of the camping place I saw that the troops
had moved. Going to where the regiment had
camped we found Our traps, and getting them on
we started to catch the regiment, loaded down with
our commissary supplies. We got to Harrison-
burg and found the regiment in camp at its
former location. We were pretty well tired out,
but managed to get a hearty meal and a good
night's sleep. The next morning at roll call the
sergeant, Duroe, ordered me to report to Captain
Douw, where I found several others. After read-
ing us a sermon on the enormity of leaving camp
without orders and enquiring about where I had
gone and what I got, he said he must punish me
severely as an example to other men and to pre-
vent foraging. So my corporals cheverons were
again taken from me, and I was compelled to do a
lot of police work, which was clearing up the litter
made by other men. It was pretty tough, but I
stood it without a murmur. I made up my mind
that when the opportunity came I would get even,
but I never did, for in a short time I was promoted
to corporal again.”
188
CHAPTER XVII
WITH SHERIDAN IN THE SHENANDOAH WALLEY
(Continued)
CEDAR CREEK
Th; Army of the Shenandoah settled down in
its fortified camp behind Cedar Creek with
perfect confidence that it was secure from any suc-
cessful attack by the forces under General Early.
But that doughty warrior thought otherwise and
planned to make one more attempt to win back
his laurels as a fighter and strategist. His first
plan was to make a surprise attack upon the right
flank of the Union army. But General Gordon per-
suaded him to make the attack on the left.
Gordon led his men by a narrow path along the
front of the mountain Front Royal, very quietly
single file, in darkness and fog, and at dawn of
day was ready to assail the unprotected flank,
while yet the defenders were fast asleep. Of the
confusion that followed and the utter rout of the
8th and 19th Corps, many persons have written
and our narrative involves only the story of the
part, a portion of the 6th Corps took in the affair.
It is enough to say of the entire corps, that it was
not at any time disorganized, that it fell back to
a more favorable position in good order, that
General Wright had succeeded in rallying a large
portion of the 19th Corps and considerable of the
8th, and that there had been no serious fighting
for two hours, when General Sheridan came up.
No doubt his presence and words were cheering
14
189 -
and inspiring to the entire army. A tried and
trusted leader is always a source of courage and
determination to an army, even in a time of ex-
treme hazard. But the reputation and work of
General Wright, commanding the army in the ab-
sence of General Sheridan, have not received the
credit that was really due him.
Comrade Beckwith writes very interestingly of
the condition of affairs in the camp on the night
of the 18th. His description of the feeling of
security and gaiety that prevailed among officers
and men, reminds one of Lord Byron's descrip-
tion of the care free gaiety in Belgium’s Capital the
night before the battle of Waterloo.
He says, “In the interval between the 14th and
the 19th we lay in camp at Cedar Creek. I went
out one day with the teams for forage, and in ad-
dition got some honey, apple butter, butter, apples,
and mutton, also visited a cave in the vicinity and
explored it with several others.
“On the 17th we were paid, as I remember, and
on that day, all who were voters had the privilege
of sealing up their votes and sending them home.
Each party had a representative in camp. I don’t
know how the vote stood in our regiment as I never
heard it announced, except that it was said that
President Lincoln had a majority. We also drew
clothing and shoes, and the sutlers came up and
opened a tempting display of their goods, which
were eagerly sought after. Supplies and mails
from home, and the exhilaration of our late vic-
tories made life as pleasant, if not more so, than
we had known it while in the service. The weather
was delightful, the days bright, warm and pleasant,
the nights cool, making a blanket comfortable. I
remember. I was corporal of the guard that day
with but light duty, three guards in a relief, one
at Colonel Olcott's headquarters, one at the com-
190
missary and one at the sutler's. One of the men
in my relief had just come back to the regiment,
and he entertained me with his experiences while
away. When my relief was off, instead of going
to sleep I played penny ante with Rowle Booth-
royd, Judson Chaplin, Baldwin and some others
until nearly time to go on my relief. There was a
party also at the headquarters of the 65th New
York or the 2d Connecticut, and our colonel was
over there and they were having a jolly time. It
was a bright moonlight night. Off toward the
crock a streak of fog was rising, which in the dis-
tance looked like a long, narrow streak of snow
against the side of the mountain. Our camp was
located to the right and rear of the army, between
Meadow and Middlemarsh brooks, two small
tributaries to Cedar Creek, which is quite a good
sized creek, and is tributary to the north fork of
the Shenandoah, emptying into the river a little
Over a mile from the left of the entrenchments, in
front.
“The entrenchments extended from this point to
the right and to the Middletown and Strasburg
turnpike. From this pike extending to Meadow
Brook was entrenched the 19th Corps. A division
of the 8th Corps occupied the entrenchments on
the left flank of the army, commanded by General
Thorburn. In rear of this division camped on the
pike was R. B. Hayes’ division of the 8th Corps.
Pickets and videttes covered the flanks and front
along the North Fork and Cedar Creek. General
Gordon says that the cavalry videttes were sta-
tioned in the river itself and could be heard splash-
ing through the water while traversing their beat.
But the dense fog obscured their vision.
“At 5 o'clock on the morning of the 19th I was
called to stand my trick. The entertainment of the
night before, had robbed me of some needed sleep,
191
and I was reluctant and slow about turning out.
Finally I got out, rubbed my eyes and shook my-
self, looking round to get my bearings. Everything
was quiet, except the snoring of the men in the
tents. I walked to the fire and crouched around
it to get warm letting the corporal I was to relieve,
growl for my not hurrying up. The rest of the
relief by this time were up and ready, so we
marched around and posted them and the relieved
guard turned in. I asked where the officer of the
day, and the officer of the guard were, and think
that I was told that they were at the headquarters
of the colonel of the 65th New York. I filled and
lit my pipe and sat down by the fire, thinking I
would take a walk over there as soon as I got warm
and see what was going on. I had been smoking
a few minutes by the fire and was getting sleepy.
“This won’t do,” I thought, and got up and
stretched myself and took a look about. Looking
towards the Belle Grove House, General Wright's
headquarters and extending my gaze to the right
over the line of camps, I noticed they were hid
in a bank of fog, and that the moon had gone down
or was obscured. The time could not have been
over half past five, and all was as peaceful and
quiet as though no sign of war would ever be seen
in that peaceful valley again. Sheridan's army lay
in quiet upon the beautiful fields, oblivious of the
fact that a Rebel host in battle array was close
upon it, and in an hour one of the most remark-
able battles in the annals of war would be in pro-
gress.
“As I turned to the fire again, I heard a few shots
down to the left. Then a few shots followed by a
volley, then a volley to the right. Instantly I
thought that some of Moseby’s bushwackers, as
we called them, had attacked our cavalry outposts.
Immediately another volley was fired. I im-
192
mediately ran to the tents, and kicking the feet of
the sleepers, yelled, “Get up. There is an attack
on the line.” On the left two or three came run-
ning up, and I sung out, “Wake up the drummers.
Call the Colonel and the Officer of the Day.” In a
moment the men came swarming around. In the
mean time more musketry was heard, and the
noise of the awakening camps grew on the ear, and
the long roll of the drums broke out in the different
regiments. The men rapidly got on their accoutre-
ments, the officers came up, and before the long
roll had ceased we were mostly in line, with our
arms, ammunition, blanket-rolls, haversacks and
canteens slung, waiting for orders. The roar of
the battle increased, growing nearer rapidly. We
moved a short distance in the direction of the
sound, then filed abruptly toward the left and to-
ward the Middletown pike, the left of the regi-
ment in advance. For some distance the fog was
so dense nothing could be seen, but enough could
be heard to warn us that some dreadful calamity
had befallen the army. Finally we were halted,
faced to the front and advanced a short distance.
The 2d Connecticut was on our left towards the
pike, the 65th and 67th New York (consolidated)
on our right and the 95th and 96th Pennsylvania
(now consolidated) on the right of the brigade.
“By this time the first gray of dawn began to
show, and up from the fog in our front came men
moving rapidly toward us, the continued noise and
tumult of conflict growing nearer all the time. The
first men to reach us were partially clothed and
without arms, and pausing an instant under orders
of our officers to halt and rally, they told us that
they had been fired upon in bed, and had run
away to prevent being taken prisoners, not having
time to dress or get their arms. Following these
came a disorderly mass of men, officers and
193
privates, as helpless and panic-stricken a crowd
as ever was seen. They evidently had been aroused
from sleep, and grabbing whatever they could put
their hands on, had rushed away from the foe
they had not seen, and kept on running until they
struck our line. Our officers made strenuous ef-
forts to check and compose them, but with no
success. Colonel Higinbotham of the 65th New
York begged and pleaded with them to shake off
their fear and be men, but without avail. They
were simply insane with fear, and so cursing them,
we permitted them to continue their flight. And
it was well that this was done, because they would
have been of no use with us. They belonged to
many commands and were only partially armed
and clothed and there was nothing to organize. It
was pitiful to see men who had behaved gallantly
on other battlefields and performed heroic service,
so lost to all sense of reason. But I suppose that
almost any body of troops under like circum-
stances, ſired into as they were, while lying asleep
in their beds, would have been panic-stricken and
stampeded.
“Finally our officers, seeing that there was no use
in attempting to rally them, rode out in front into
the fog and hurried them back behind the lines,
so that they would not impede our action in check-
ing the advance of the Rebels. We could hear the
artillery and wagon trains along the road and near
headquarters, rushing away in disordered haste
to our left to reach the Winchester pike and get
to the rear. The whistle of bullets began to be-
come distinct in our vicinity. We were close to
the road that runs from the pike to Hortle’s Ford
on Cedar Creek. There were no troops to the left
of our brigade toward Middletown. It was re-
ported afterwards that a brigade of the 19th Corps
had been posted on our left when we first formed.
194.
If there was we never saw them. At this time it
was possible to distinguish a man fifty paces off.
We had been in this position a short time and the
men from the surprised camp had about all passed.
A few brave fellows coming back kept firing as
they retreated. We moved towards the rear a
short distance, our regiment being posted along
the top of a little ridge, with the other regiments
in the road. Battery C (Lamb's) 1st Rhode Island
was posted along the ridge with us. As the enemy
came up we opened fire, and the onward career of
Gordon's division was checked. His division con-
sisted of Evans’ (Georgians), of Terry's (Vir-
ginians), of Hays and Safford’s (Louisianians)
whom we had met at Rappahannock Station. The
tide of battle was stayed for a time, but they
poured a withering ſire upon our little brigade, and
Lamb’s gunners and our men were falling fast.
We maintained our position for nearly half an
hour, until the fog lifted and revealed our posi-
tion to be perilous in the extreme. To our left the
enemy had advanced past our rear, and on the
right our line sagged away back to our old camp.
As the fog lifted the enemy in our front saw the
exposed position we occupied, and the fewness of
its defenders, and charged for the guns of Lamb's
battery. But our well-directed fire drove them
back, and we, receiving orders to retire, withdrew
in good order and brought the guns with us, haul-
ing one by hand.
“Here we lost heavily, Captains Douw and Bur-
rell being desperately and fatally wounded and
Lieutenant Johnston severely. W. H. H. Goodier
was shot by my side. We made an effort to get
our wounded back but the enemy was so close
upon us that we were obliged to abandon the ef-
fort and they fell into the hands of the enemy.
However, Wilber M. Phillips of Company D, who
195
here lost a leg, was saved by comrades from fall-
ing into the hands of the enemy. Falling back
across the open ground we made a stand in a belt
of timber about 800 yards distant and kept up a
fire on the enemy to our left who were nearest us.
Those in our front did not press us, evidently re-
luctant to face any more of the music we had been
giving them. To our right the enemy were push-
ing our men back, and to our left, even after fall-
ing back, we seemed to be as far advanced as any
portion of our line, and we had a splendid view
each way. We had no confusion in our ranks nor
sign of demoralization. The stampede of the other
troops and the spectacle they presented, I think,
stimulated every one of us to do his share, and
their's too if possible. Our officers had exhibited
great heroism and daring, offering too fair a mark
for the enemies’ rifles, and many of them in the
brigade had been shot down. After remaining a
little while in the woods firing upon a battery
which the enemy placed near the place vacated
by Lamb's Rhode Island battery, an officer rode
up and ordered us back, and we formed again in a
field to the rear and right of the timber we had
vacated, without the enemy's coming up to rifle
range, although they still continued their artillery
fire. We remained in this position for some time,
and Colonel McKenzie of the 2d Connecticut took
command of the brigade in place of General Ham-
blin who had been wounded. Colonel McKenzie
then deployed our regiment in heavy skirmish or-
der, and we moved back again slowly for a long
distance. The enemy did not follow us closely,
and we advanced again about the same distance
and formed line of battle in a piece of woods. Our
brigade and the New Jersey brigade were formed
in two lines with the 65th New York, the 95th
Pennsylvania and the 2d Connecticut in the first
196
line, and our regiment and the Jersey brigade in
the second line. Here we remained until about
3 o'clock when we were ordered to advance. At
this time General Sheridan rode upon the field and
along the line from our left. There were a number
of officers with him, among whom I saw Colonel
McKenzie and Colonel Olcott. He rode rapidly
along, making some remarks I did not hear, but
we cheered him enthusiastically. A few moments
after he had passed the order to advance was given
and forward we moved. As the first line reached
the edge of the woods they received a heavy volley
and halted. Colonel McKenzie rode out in front
and cheered them forward and they moved forward
again some distance and again were checked. We
were then ordered up and reaching our front line,
charged forward and drove the enemy from the
hill in front, and occupied it. Colonel McKenzie
being wounded, Colonel Olcott took command and
we held the crest for some time and kept up a
continuous fire upon the Rebels who were posted
behind some stone walls running nearly parallel
to our line, about two hundred and fifty yards in
front. The enemy opened some guns upon us from
a high hill behind their line of battle, making our
position very uncomfortable. Here James Jenks,
our color sergeant, received his death wound. He
was kneeling with the color staff in front of him
when a shell burst and a fragment tore away the
lower part of his face and lacerated both hands.
Eli Oaks said, ‘Carry him back, he is a dead man,”
but the gallant fellow raised himself up and at-
tempted to unbuckle his body belt, but we did it
for him. Doctor Slocum said he had the greatest
nerve of any man he ever saw, and if he had been
in a hospital where he could have had extra good
care, he believed he would have recovered. But
he was so terribly wounded that he died several
197
days later. The noble fellow had lived through
all the battles of the regiment and had borne the
colors to the front on every field, ever since he had
taken them from the hand of Sergeant Bain at
Salem Church. No better soldier ever lived. The
enemy along the stone wall kept up a severe fire,
and a good many were hit here, and John Rowland
of Company D was instantly killed by a solid can-
non ball. One of those hit was Swartout, of Com-
pany F, through the shoulder. He used to be our
fortune teller. His predictions were all good
whether they came true or not. After remaining,
it seemed to me an age, we were ordered to charge
and drive the enemy from his position. It looked
like death to us all, but the moment we jumped up
and advanced over the crest, the devils behind the
wall broke and ran as fast as they could, and it
was a race without any order, after them all the
way to Cedar Creek. But before we reached it,
the cavalry came in on the left. I stood on the
bank and fired at the last of them, as the cavalry
swarmed down upon them, and continued the pur-
suit on horseback which we had begun on foot.
They kept up the pursuit until they had driven
the fugitives that escaped behind the fortifications
of Fisher’s Hill. All the captures of the morning
except the prisoners were retaken and as many
more of men and cannon. In the last charge Lieu-
tenant Tucker was killed and Major Galpin and
Lieutenant Howland were wounded. Our losses
for one day had been one officer killed, two mor-
tally wounded (Captains Douw and Burrell) and
two wounded, nine men killed and thirty-eight
wounded, seven mortally, out of a total of eight
officers and two hundred and twenty-one men
present for duty in the morning, nearly one-fourth
of the entire command. The other regiments of
the brigade had suffered equally. So in a blaze
198
of glory had ended the battle of Cedar Creek. The
appaling disaster of the morning had been re-
trieved and a brilliant victory won from the tried
veterans of General Early. His beaten and dis-
organized army, in apparently irretrievable dis-
order was pursued by our relentless cavalry far
up the valley, toward their mountain fastness and
hiding places.
“Coming back from Cedar Creek after the cav-
alry had taken up the pursuit, we went over the
ground the Rebels had taken, and it was an awful
sight. They had stripped our dead and wounded,
and many of their wounded still lay where they
had fallen, although the ambulance corps men
were gathering them up as fast as possible. Going
to where we had the first fight in the morning, I
saw several of our regiment dead and nearly
naked. I remember Cady of Company A because
he had a peaceful look on his face and appeared
as natural as life. Captain Douw had an awful
experience. He had on a pair of fine high top
boots, and they had pulled off the one on his
sound leg and attempted to do the same from his
wounded leg, but could not because it had swollen
so, and it caused him terrible pain. Finally a Rebel
officer came along and made them desist, and
covered the wounded leg with some straw. Both
Captains Douw and Burrell were gallant soldiers
and great favorites with the men, Captain Burrell
especially so. We buried our dead with simple
ceremonies and visited our wounded at the division
hospital on the 20th. We slept in our old camp
the night of the 19th. It had been fought through
and was a wreck, several dead men lying in it
when we returned.
“Much has been said and written about the bat-
tle of Cedar Creek, but none of the Union writers
have given to General Horatio G. Wright, our
199
corps commander, and the commander of the army
during that trying and terrible day, the praise
and credit due to his superb courage and skill
which saved the army from utter defeat.”
(General Gordon, however, gives to General
Wright the credit of having restored the morale of
the demoralized corps and bringing the army of
the Shenandoah into readiness to renew the battle
before the arrival of General Sheridan.)
“Buchanan Read’s poetical description of Sheri-
dan’s ride from Winchester to the army on that
day seems to have hidden the deeds of our grand
corps commander, and deprived him of his just
mede of praise. His own corps knew what he did
and what they did, and gave him his just reward,
by their admiration for the heroic part he per-
formed at the battle of Cedar Creek on October
19, 1864.”
After returning to the former location and again
pitching his tent and setting up the desk of the
A. A. General, the writer noticed a body lying un-
buried a little way off and went to see why it had
been left unburied. A bullet had torn the scalp
from the top of the man’s head and from the
wound his brains were oozing out, but he was
lying absolutely still and breathing as regularly
and quietly as an infant. Another visit in the
morning and again in the afternoon disclosed no
change in his condition except a weaker action of
his lungs; but the next morning he was dead, and
, they buried his body.
General Gordon in describing the battle of Cedar
Creek, says that when he arrived with his division
in front of the 6th Corps he made preparation to
attack it, but was restrained by General Early who
assured him that the corps would soon retreat, and
that he answered, “General, that is the 6th Corps,
and it will not leave the field without a fight.” But
200
Early was certain of a complete victory already
won, and did not want to lose any more of his
men in what he considered unnecessary fighting.
He exulted in the conviction that he had avenged
his defeat of a month before at Winchester.
The cavalry pursued the retreating Rebels, fol-
lowed and supported by the 19th Corps as far as
Strasburg and Fisher's Hill. The cavalry pushed
on to Edenburg keeping the Johnnies on a jump
and gathering prisoners and spoils of war at every
step.
This virtually ended the services of the 121st in
the valley of the Shenandoah.
201
CHAPTER XVIII
BACK TO PETERSBURG AND WINTER QUARTERS
THE corps remained in the camp near Middle-
town until November 9th, the men doing only
picket and guard duty. Then it retired to Kerns-
town where a slight skirmish with the enemy oc-
curred on the morning of the 10th. Picket and
guard duty continued until the 1st of December,
when the corps broke camp and marching to
Stevenson’s Station entrained for Washington. The
next day it embarked on steamers and arrived at
City Point on the 4th. There cars were taken to
Parke’s Station. Here the railroad was left and
the corps or a portion of it, relieved the 3d Divi-
sion of the 5th Corps, and occupied their finely
laid out, and well constructed winter quarters
near the Jerusalem plank road, the position we
had left five months before. The regiment now
numbered not far from 175 men and was com-
manded by Colonel Olcott. On the 9th of Decem-
ber a reconnaisance was made to the vicinity of
Hatcher’s Pun. Pain and then snow made farther
operations impossible, and the corps returned to
camp and went into winter quarters.
Of these weeks of rest and recuperation, Beck-
with writes: “We passed the holidays in pretty
good shape, but the first lot of boxes of goodies
that were permitted to be sent us had been rifled
of their contents, much to our discontent, and it
would have gone hard with the thieves, if we could
have gotten hold of them.
“However, others soon came, which consoled us
202
SURGEoN JOHN O. SLOCUM,
Who served from July 1, 1863, to
the end of the war.
D. M. HOLT,
Assistant Surgeon,
from September
2, 1862, to October
16, 1864.


CLINTON BECKWITH,
From whose writings many
extracts are used in com-
piling this history.
REV.
ISAAC O. BEST,
the compiler and
author of this
history.


for the loss of the first. Some socks and mittens
came to us from the Sanitary Commission. There
were plenty of sutlers with the army, so we
managed to pass the time away. The weather as
a rule was bad and picket duty the toughest work
we had to do. We had to keep on the lookout for
the Johnnies constantly. Quite a number of North
Carolinians came in and entertained us with a
description of the condition of the Rebel forces.
Their bill of fare, their clothing and their personal
appearance bore out the startling stories they told.
They seemed glad to get away, and swore that they
would not fight any more secession battles. The
Union and the Old Flag was good enough for them;
but they had been conscripted and forced to come.
The months of January and February were but
repetitions of December, without special incidents.
Many men came back to the regiment, who had
been sick, wounded and on detached duty, and on
dress parade we made a very tidy looking
battalion.”
At this point in his narrative Colonel Beckwith
gives a very amusing account of his experiences
while on ſurlough granted on the 25th of April,
which he managed to prolong to the 14th of March.
During the winter an effort was made to fill up the
regiment so that the officers who had been com-
missioned, but could not be mustered in, because
the number of enlisted men was below the required
standard, might receive their full rank. These
were Lieutenant Colonel Olcott, Captain Cronkite
and Captain Kidder, who had been commissioned
respectively Colonel, Lieutenant Colonel and Major.
Several recruiting officers were sent home to Herki-
mer and Otsego Counties to obtain recruits, but
their offorts did not avail to fill the regiment and
the 1st of March found the regiment still deficient
in numbers. Application was then made to the
203
Secretary of War for the assignment of four hun-
dred recruits to the regiment. This application
was endorsed as follows: By General McKenzie,
commanding the brigade. “Approved,” by General
Wheaton, commanding the division, “I think it
greatly for the interest of the division that the
121st New York Regiment be filled. Its services
have been most marked and conspicuous, not sur-
passed by any regiment I can name, and its gallant
commander is entitled by continuous and valuable
services to be mustered as Colonel, he having held
the commission for more than a year, and has fre-
quently commanded a brigade in battle, and with
great credit.” By Gen. H. G. Wright, commanding
the corps, “Respectfully forwarded, with urgent
request that recruits or drafted men sufficient to
fill up this regiment be promptly assigned to it.
And I hereby endorse all that has been said by
Generals McKenzie and Wheaton in regard to the
services and standing of the regiment, and the
merits of its commander.” General Meade for-
warded it to Washington with this endorsement:
“It is especially requested that this regiment may
be specially designated to be filled up by assign-
ment of men to its ranks, in consideration of its
gallant reputation, and the distinguished services
of its commander.” This application, thus en-
dorsed received consideration by the War Depart-
ment, and four hundred additions were ordered
to be sent to the 121st; but they did not arrive
until after the surrender of Lee, and while the
corps was at Burksville Junction. Then the officers
were duly mustered.
During the winter also changes were made in the
field and staff, by appointment and promotion.
Dr. James P. Kimball was commissioned Assistant
Surgeon. Vice Dr. Holt resigned. Frank E. Lowe
was promoted to be Adjutant, Sergeant Major J. L.
204
Morthon, Sergeant Newber, N. A. Armstrong,
Thomas J. Hassett and Philip R. Woodcock were
promoted to lieutenants. Morris C. Foote, of
Cooperstown was also commissioned as lieutenant.
Lieut. E. C. Weaver resigned on account of sick-
ness and Lieutenant Kelly died of disease.
The ordinary duties of camp life, drills, picket
and fatigue, in trenches and forts, was broken
once when in February 5th to 8th the brigade
was sent to support the 5th Corps on an expedi-
tion to Hatcher’s Run. At one time the line of
the 5th Corps was broken and some of the troops
fell back in confusion. The brigade restored and
stiffened the line and became lightly engaged. It
crossed the Run to the front twice and lost seven
men wounded. The weather was very bad, and
the return to camp was a great relief. Perhaps
some of the surviving members of the regiment
remember what happened when they were sent on
St. Patrick's day with the teams to get pine poles
to be used for strengthening Fort Fisher, and failed
to get past the Irish Brigade that was celebrating
the day with races and games of all sorts. They
had an enjoyable day, but the toting of a log of
cord wood all night, and extra picket duty some-
what cancelled the pleasant remembrance of it.
Major Cronkite then in command of the regiment,
did not escape denunciation by the transgressors.
General Grant says in his memoirs that at this
time he was in great anxiety lest Lee should leave
his position protecting Petersburg and Richmond,
and leaving only a thin line for the purpose of
deception send or take the greater part of his army
to the assistance of Johnston and overwhelm
Sherman in his advance through the Carolinas. If
he should do this before the roads became passable
for artillery and trains, a great disaster to the
Union cause might result.
15
205
But General Lee determined to make one more
desperate effort to break the vice-like grip that
the Union army had on Petersburg; and so directed
General Gordon with a chosen force to attack, and
if possible break through the besieging forces at
Fort Steadman. This attempt was made on the
morning of the 25th of March. Fort Steadman
was taken, but immediately was retaken by the
Union forces in the vicinity.
Upon the breaking out of the tumult of the at-
tack on Fort Steadman, the 6th Corps, or the 1st
Division of it, was ordered out and advanced
rapidly towards the point of attack. But before
it reached there, the affair was over, and the divi-
sion returned to the rest of the corps. We had
become familiar with one feature of General
Grant’s strategy, the relieving of an attack on one
portion of his line, by an attack on some distant
portion of the enemy’s line, and were not surprised
therefore when orders came to form line of battle
and advance on the works of the enemy. Let
Colonel Beckwith tell what was done. “About
noon we marched back to camp, and then moved
to the left and formed line of battle and charged
the skirmishers in front. We ran Over their skir-
mish line for some distance, taking some prisoners.
We then advanced on their main works, getting
up to the house near them, under a heavy fire of
artillery and musketry. We occupied this position
until ordered back to the enemy’s former skirmish
line, but after a short time went forward to the
top of the knoll and threw up breastworks. At
midnight we returned to camp, leaving some of the
regiment on picket in the new line we had built.”
Colonel Cronkite then in command of the regi-
ment gives a fuller account of this affair. The 2d
Brigade was on the right of the corps, and the 121st
on the right of the brigade. The advance carried
206
the regiment to within seven hundred yards of the
main work of the enemy, and the right of the regi-
ment was exposed to a severe fire from front and
flank. When the line had fallen back and thrown
up the breastworks, it was within a hundred yards
of the Rebel fortifications and the right flank was
still exposed to an enfilading fire of artillery and
musketry. An effort by a body of the enemy to
turn the right flank of the corps was met by the
two companies on the right changing front and
opening fire on the advancing enemy, which drove
them back to the shelter of their works. Beckwith
continues: “The only man killed was Lieutenant
Duroe, who commanded our company. He was the
largest man in the regiment, and a brave and im–
petuous officer. We brought his body to camp
and gave him a soldier’s burial.
“We reached the conclusion that the enemy’s
lines were thinly held, else he would not permit
us to peaceably hold the strong position we had
taken and entrenched, within easy striking dis-
tance of his main line.”
207
CHAPTER XIX
THE CAPTURE OF PETERSBURG BY 6TH Corps
THE 31st of March was spent by the 121st on the
skirmish line, and on its return to camp, or-
ders were received to hold itself in readiness for
moving at a moment’s notice. On the 1st of April
firing was heard off to the left, and it was rumored
that the 5th Corps had already begun the antici-
pated attack upon the enemy’s works.
At 10 o'clock of April 1st the 6th Corps, under
orders to leave all unnecessary accoutrements un-
der guard in camp, and to move as quietly as possi-
ble in light marching order, moved quietly out
of camp and formed in column of assault in the
rear of our picket line. This was done so silently,
as not to be detected by the pickets of the enemy.
The position occupied by the corps was the one
captured on the afternoon of the 25th of March,
behind the picket line then formed, not more than
two hundred yards from the works of the enemy.
A fierce artillery fire had been opened along the
whole line to cover the point of attack, and the
roar of the cannon from both sides, and the flight
of the shells distinguished by their burning fuses
made the night one long to be remembered by
those who saw and heard the grand duel of the
artillery. The time set for the assault was 4 A. M.,
but on account of the darkness and fog the order
was not given till 4:45.
Colonel Olcott's report gives the part of the 121st
in it: “The brigade being in two lines, the
121st New York was on the right of the second
208
line. When the order to advance was given, the
regiment moved rapidly forward, maintaining a
good line till within about 200 yards of the enemy's
works when the second line was moved a short
distance to the left and then forward again. This
together with the darkness and the character of
the ground, divided the regiment somewhat. Most
of the men with the colors entered the works
farther to the right than intended and captured
two guns. One of these was immediately turned
upon the enemy, loaded and fired by Sergeant
Redfield M. Dustin, Company F. Sergeant Dustin
served for nearly two years in the 1st Massa-
chusetts Battery, and is a skillful artillerist. These
guns were carried off and receipt obtained for
them. The portion of the regiment engaged in
taking the guns mentioned, with a part of the 95th
Pennsylvania, 2d Connecticut and 95th New York
advanced along the enemy’s works for nearly a
mile, capturing all the artillery in them and hold-
ing the works until ordered to join the part of the
regiment to the left. The regiment in this charge
captured about two hundred prisoners.”
The more circumstantial account of this affair
given by Colonel Beckwith, is as follows: “About
midnight we moved out of camp and marched to
Fort Fisher, near the lookout tower, and moved
out of the works. The strictest silence was en-
joined. As we approached the line taken by us on
the 25th of March, we formed in line of battle in
rear of the 2d Connecticut and had scarcely gotten
into position when we were ordered to lie down.
At the same time the pickets began firing, as we
Supposed, to cover the noise of our forming, and
we were treated to the sensation of lying upon a
field for a long time exposed to the fire of the
enemy's skirmishers without any shelter. Every
Once in a while some one would get hit with a ball,
209
and we could hear his cry of anguish as the lead
tore through. Finally our men, by stopping their
fire and crying, “April Fool, Johnnies,” restored
quiet, and for a long time we lay perfectly quiet,
waiting for the time to come when we could move
forward. The night was cold and damp and we
were chilled and numb. There was some firing
away to our right but not more than usual. Word
was passed along, that when the battery opened
at Fort Fisher it was the signal to charge. We were
to advance without further orders and as silently
as possible. It seemed to me as though that bat-
tery would never open. Anson Ryder, who lay
beside me, said “I would rather charge than lie
here in this suspense and misery.” As the first
gray dawn began to show, out belched the guns,
and we could mark the course of the shells as their
fuse left a dim spark passing to the Rebel works.
We were up in another moment, in closed ranks,
feeling for the man on our right we plunged for-
ward in the darkness. In another instant the Reb
skirmishers delivered their fire and their battery
in our front opened. Almost its first shot cut
Jimmie Hendricks of Company A in two. A little
farther on, and the Rebel works were marked by
the jets of flame from their rifles as they fired upon
us. Another instant and we were up to their abatis,
and we got into a tangle looking for a place to get
through. Finally some fellow to our left sang out,
*Here’s a road,” and a lot of us made for it and
followed it on a run to the Rebel works at that
point a fort. Climbing up the sides, it being now
light enough to see a few paces ahead, I went in
through the embrasure of the guns, one of which
had been firing on us. The Johnnies had run back
among the huts and were firing back at us. We
ran down toward them and they ran back into
the field. Quite a number hid in the huts, and our
210
fellows hunted them out. Afterwards a lot of us
fellows charged over the field to the road, and
fired into the running Rebs, and also into some
wagons which were passing. We also twisted off
the telegraph wires with our bayonets, continuing
our firing at everything in sight. The Johnnies
made it too hot for us in the road, as there were
but a few of us, and so we went back to the house
where a good many of our men had gathered and
from which we were directed to move to the right
along the enemy’s lines. This we did for a long
distance without much opposition, until we came
to a fort, which commanded and enfiladed the line
on which we were advancing. Our advance was
checked until a division of the 24th Corps came up
from the direction we had come, and word was
passed along for the 2d Brigade men to move back
and assemble, which we did. Getting back to Fort
Fisher we found the balance of the regiment and
the brigade. Some of the regiment had gone to the
left when they got into the works. The friendly
darkness had destroyed the Rebels’ aim, and by
reason of it many a man’s life had been spared,
but we had lost enough. Anse Ryder had been
hit in the leg near the thigh, Robinson had lost
One arm, Frank Lowe had been hit, and a number
of others, I do not now recall. We had taken a
lot of Johnnies prisoners, had killed and wounded
Some, and taken their guns; but we did not stop
to bother with them—just told them to get to the
rear and hunt up the provost marshal, which they
were apparently very glad to do, and without
escort at that. We dumped the brass guns over
the fort and ran them towards our line to guard
against accident. The wounded were carried back
to the hospital near the observatory where we
found Anse Ryder. Doctor Slocum said it would
kill him to amputate his leg, and that he would
211
die if it was not done, and Anse wanted to die with
it on; so the doctor fixed him up and sent him to
the hospital, and he is living to-day with the Rebel
bullet and the bone of his leg cemented together
like old friends.”
“The brigade as soon as assembled was ordered
to the right to support a portion of the 9th Corps.
In this movement it passed by its camp, but was
not permitted to stop for the accoutrements left
there, but was hurried on to the vicinity of Fort
Sedgwick and passing through entered the first
line of the enemy's works that had been captured
by the men of the 9th Corps, but they had there
been checked. Many of the dead and wounded were
still in these works, and it was by no means a
pleasant duty to occupy them the rest of the day
and during the night, until 3 o'clock, when the
brigade was formed in skirmish order and ad-
vanced on Petersburg. It thus happened that the
2d Brigade of the 1st Division of the 6th Corps was
the first organization of the army of the Potomac
to enter the city of Petersburg, and unfurl its flag
on a public building there. About the same time
an officer of another corps had ridden in and
placed a flag on another building, but he was not
accompanied by a body of troops. It was with
him an individual adventure, but our flag was
raised in the regular course of official service.”
Our flag was unfurled on the Court House, the
other on the Post Office. Beckwith continues:
“We secured a lot of Confederate currency and
postage stamps, and routed out a lot of stragglers
and sneaks, hid about the city. At the Com-
missary we secured some nice hams and some
apple jack that was quite smooth, and under its
softening influence we forgave a good many of our
foes. Some of the women, whose houses we en-
tered, to get the Johnnies the darkies told us were
212
hidden there, gave us a startling exhibition of their
ability to blackguard us. About noon we were in
line again and on our way to our old camp. Pass-
ing along through the city we saw President
Lincoln and General Grant, and gave them a
marching salute. Soon reaching camp, we slung
our traps, and the same night reached our division
fagged out, but ready to push on after Lee's broken
columns. On the morning of the third we were
on the road from Petersburg to Burkesville. Our
progress was not very rapid and we saw but little
evidence of Lee's retreat. During the day we
heard firing in our front but as we advanced it
seemed to recede. After a ten-mile march we
went into camp by the roadside near an old
church.”
The 4th and 5th of April were passed in march-
ing, sometimes slowly, at other times passing along
rapidly as if to meet an emergency, and all along
were evidences of the disorganized condition of a
large portion of the enemy and the straits he was
in. But General Longstreet’s corps, which had
occupied the works north of the James River, and
therefore had not been engaged in the previous
disastrous battles, had come up and now formed
the rear guard of the fleeing army. His troops
were still capable of strenuous resistance and
maintained a bold front against attacks of cavalry
and infantry. General A. P. Hill had been killed
and his corps assigned to the two other corps mak-
ing the corps of Longstreet and Ewell by no means
insignificant bodies of troops. Ewell had the ad-
vance, and Longstreet brought up the rear. Ewell's
corps was the one that suffered the most, because
it was Grant's purpose to cut off the retreat of
Lee and compel a surrender. The 2d and 6th
Corps up to this point had been following the rear
of the retreating Confederates. General Sheridan
213
had asked for the 6th Corps to be sent to him at
Five Forks, but the 5th was nearer, and was sent
instead.
Lee’s intention was to take his army to Danville,
to which place Davis had removed the Capital of
the Confederacy, and he was expecting to retain
the control of the railroad to that point. But at Jet-
tersville, a station on the railroad, he found tha.
Sheridan had anticipated him. Quite a severe
battle was fought at Jettersville in which the
Rebels were defeated, and were compelled to turn
the head of their column toward Appomattox.
Of the next day’s march Beckwith says, “On the
morning of the 6th we marched at 6 o'clock in
rear of our 26 Division, and in the expectation
of hearing musketry firing break out in our front
at any moment. For several miles we moved
through the woods over a very rough country,
crossing deep ravines, and streams through
swampy bottoms and dense thickets, but did not
find the enemy. About 10 o’clock we moved out
to the road. We followed our 3d Division by way
of Jettersville toward Deatonville. Everything
and everybody now seemed to be in a hurry.
Everything on wheels was halted in the open places
except the artillery and ambulances, which were
making desperate efforts to keep up with the in-
fantry, and it became evident to us that at the
rate we are going we should soon catch up with the
enemy. Crossing Flat Creek we kept on with our
rapid march, the sound of musketry and artillery
increasing in our front. Finally coming to an
open place we could see a road in our front cross-
ing the road upon which we were marching, and
we were told that it was the road along which the
enemy was retreating, and that our cavalry had
overtaken them and captured a portion of their
wagon train and many prisoners, and that we were
214
close to Lee’s infantry. As we came out of the
woods into the open field that stretched down to
Sailor's Creek, we could see the troops in our
front, the 3d Division, deploying in line of battle
to the right of the road and moving forward.
Beyond on the opposite hillside we could see across
the valley about a mile away, the enemy’s line of
battle formed and awaiting our attack. We in-
stantly realized the work we had to do, and a
tough job it looked to be. Rushing along we were
soon in line of battle, with the 37th Massachusetts
on our right and across the road along which we
had come. The troops on our left had deployed
first and we had to run to get into line with them,
but we were on good ground and got along all
right until we came into the vicinity of the creek
and into the range of the enemy’s fire, which now
was rapid and heavy, but on account of the con-
formity of the ground not very destructive. Here
after halting for a short time to reform we were
ordered to charge, and drive the enemy from their
works. Forward on a run we went as rapidly as
the steep hill would permit, and in a moment we
were up to, and over their slight earthworks, the
occupants offering no further resistance, after
emptying their guns in our faces. On our right the
37th Massachusetts did not get on as well. They
were more exposed, had a farther distance to go
and suffered very heavily. Colonel Olcott, find-
ing the ground in front of him clear and the enemy
holding on to the works on the right, half wheeled
the 121st to the right and moved lengthwise and
partly in the rear of the enemy’s line and they im-
mediately abandoned their works and surrendered.
These last troops we encountered were Marines,
or land sailors, and had never before been in battle.
They were mostly boys and were commanded by
G. W. Custis Lee who fell into our hands with a
215
large number of prisoners and several stands of
colors. One of these was a beautiful silk banner
belonging to the 8th Savannah Guards, whose or-
ganization dated back to 1804. This was captured
by H. S. Hawthorne of Company F and by him
turned over to Colonel Olcott. The inscription on
this flag was as follows:
“‘To the Defenders of Our Altars and Our
Hearths. Presented by the Ladies of Savannah,
Ga., to the Eighth Savannah Guards.”
“This indicates how complete was the miscon-
ception at that time on the part of its donors, of
the objects and purposes of the Union Army. It
indicates that they regarded us as marauders,
with no high or patriotic purpose, but bent upon
the destruction of the sacred things of the family
fireside. Our captures numbered at least 500, and
our little regiment had again covered itself with
glory. Our losses had again been very severe and
left a great gap in our already thinned ranks. Our
captain, TenByck Howland, than whom no more
intrepid soldier ever faced a foe, had fallen dead
into the arms of his men, his heart pierced by
a musket ball. Lieut. Tracy Morton had also been
killed. My friend, Jimmie Norris, had suffered
a like fate. The total casualties were two officers
and seven enlisted men killed, and one officer and
twelve enlisted men wounded, nearly one-fifth of
those who entered the battle. After the battle we
assembled on the top of the hill up which we had
charged and stacked our arms in the open field,
just outside of the woods. Here we built fires and
some of us took off and wrung out our wet and
muddy pantaloons. It was dark and we did not
expect to move again until daylight. But I had
just got ready to cook my supper, and had my
pantaloons drying by the fire when a mounted
officer rode up and enquired for Colonel Olcott.
He not being present at the moment, Major Cronk-
216
ite announced his presence, and as being in com-
mand of the regiment during Olcott’s absence, the
officer ordered the regiment to be moved to the
right following the 65th New York loud enough
to be heard. I said to Lume Baldwin who was
at the fire with me, ‘Did you hear that?” He said
‘Yes.” “Well,” I said, ‘I am not going any farther
to-night, at least until I get my breeches dry, and
something to eat. They will only move a little
way to form a line and spend half the night to
do it. We can catch them in the morning in a
little while.” So I ran over to the stacks that were
about fifty yards away, and feeling among the
guns, found mine and took it out to take back to
the fire. As I did so Major Cronkite had called
for his horse, mounted and ridden around in
front of the stacks and ordered, “Fall in.” Just
then there was a flash and a report to my right,
and a cry from Major Cronkite that he was shot.
Instantly men ran towards and surrounded him,
and it was learned that he was seriously wounded,
his leg afterwards having to be amputated. It was
a very lamentable occurrence. Major Cronkite had
borne a conspicuous part in the regiment, and
was a gallant and skillful soldier, and this terrible
accident to him was deeply regretted by all the
men of the regiment. The accident was explained
by the supposition that some man in taking his
gun from a stack had knocked it down and one
of the guns had been discharged inflicting the
wound upon the Major.”
The report of Colonel Olcott of this battle is
essentially the same as the account given by Com-
rade Beckwith, except that he was given command
of the first line consisting of the 121st New York
and the 95th Pennsylvania, leaving Major Cronkite
in command of the regiment. He also states that
an effort of the enemy was made to get into the
rear of the brigade, which was defeated by the
217
second charge of the 121st. Longstreet’s account
of the battle verifies this statement. He says:
“Anderson crossed Sailor's Creek, closely followed
by Ewell. As Anderson marched he found Mer-
ritt’s cavalry square across his route. Humphreys,
who was close upon Ewell, waited for the arrival
of the 6th Corps. Ewell deployed his divisions,
Kershaw on the right, G. W. C. Lee on the left.
Their plan was that Anderson should attack and
open the way while Ewell defended the rear. As
Anderson attacked, Wright’s corps came up.
Humphreys had matured his plan, and the attack
of Anderson hastened that of the enemy upon the
Confederate rear. Anderson had some success at
first, and Ewell received the assaults with resolute
coolness, and at one moment pushed his fight to
aggressive return, but the enemy, finding that there
was no artillery with the Confederates, dashed
their batteries into closer range, putting in ar-
tillery and infantry fire, front and flank, until the
Confederate rear was crushed to fragments. Gen-
eral Ewell surrendered, as did also General G. W.
C. Lee. General Kershaw advised such of his men
as could to make their escape, and surrendered
with his division. General Anderson got away
with the greater part of B. R. Johnson’s division
and Pickett with 600 men. Generals Corse and
Hunton and others of Pickett’s division men were
captured. About 200 of Kershaw's men got away.”
General Lee being informed of this disaster
rode back, with a portion of Mahone’s division
and when he saw the confusion of the retreating
Confederates, he exclaimed, “My God, has my
army dissolved?”
The effort of Ewell to push “his fight to an ag-
gressive return” was the fierce attack on the 37th
Massachusetts, which was defeated by the flank
attack of the 121st, by the right half wheel under
the direction of Colonel Olcott.
218
CHAPTER XX
APPOMATTOx AND AFTER
THE battle of Sailor’s Creek to the 6th Corps was
of special interest, for it settled by the capture
of General Ewell and the remnants of his corps
a long succession of bitter conflicts between them.
They had met during the previous year, in the
Wilderness, May 5th and 6th, again on May 10th
in the charge led by General Upton that broke
through their works. In the all day fight of the
12th of May they had again been antagonists. The
campaign in the Valley of the Shenandoah had
been waged against Early’s division of Ewell's
corps, and now at the very close of the war the
final conflict between them had resulted in the
destruction of the corps, so long led by the veteran
general of Lee's 3d Army Corps.
The result was disastrous also to the Army of
Virginia. After the loss of Ewell's corps no other
route was left open for the retreat of the Con-
federate army except to recross the Appomattox
River at High Bridge, and make for Lynchburg.
This was done and the bridge was burned behind
the retreating Confederates. The 6th Corps fol-
lowed at once but was compelled to wait at Farm-
ville until a new bridge could be thrown across the
river. The corps was massed in bivouac just out-
side the village, and when the bridge was com-
pleted it was about midnight, a dark moonless and
starless night. When the corps drew out of its
bivouac and had fairly entered the village, all
the houses of which were closed and dark, a band
219
in the van struck up, “John Brown's body lies
mouldering in the ground, but his soul goes march-
ing on.” The other bands took up the tune and
the soldiers joined in the song; and such a volume
of triumphant music has seldom waked the mid-
night echoes of any town.
The next day the pursuit was halted and our
brigade bivouaced in the rear of the Confederates,
several miles from Appomattox Court House. It
was rumored that Lee was surrendering and the
brigade waited in eager anxiety for certain in-
formation. Late in the afternoon General Ham-
blin was seen coming towards the camp, his
splendid black horse on the dead run, his hat in
his hands, his cheek bloody where he had failed
to escape the limb of a tree, and as soon as his
voice could be heard he shouted, “Lee has sur-
rendered.” And then what a tumult broke out
among the troops. Cheers, shouts, laughter, hats
and countless other things flung into the air. Some
were too affected to cheer and stood with tears
running down their faces. The excitement com-
municated itself to the animals. The mules brayed,
the horses neighed and the author's dog leaped
up and with his fore paws on his breast barked
joyously. It seemed as though all nature was
glad. It meant to us all, no more fighting, no more
long, weary marches, home, friends, peace, a saved
country, a triumphant flag. *
But the 6th Corps was not permitted to see the
surrender of the Confederate Army. It was
marched back through Farmville and thence to
Burksville Junction on Richmond to Danville rail-
road. There the 121st received the 400 drafted
men and substitutes that had been promised it,
and the officers that had been holding commissions
for over a year were mustered into the service.
Lieutenant Colonel Cronkite immediately resigned
220
his commission in order that Major Kidder might
be commissioned as Lieutenant Colonel.
The itinerary of the march from Appomattox
to Burksville was as follows: April 11th through
New Store and Curdsville to the vicinity of Little
Willis River, April 12th through Farmville to
Sandy River. April 13th past Rice's Station on
the South Side railroad to Burksville. It was at
Rice's Station that the battle was being fought at
the time of our fight at Sailor's Creek, and being
won by our forces, and which cut off any possible
escape of the Confederates in that direction, after
the surrender of Ewell.
Colonel Beckwith gives his experiences with the
citizens of Virginia in a very interesting manner:
“We met a great many more of the citizens of the
country than we had in the pursuit of Lee, and
had opportunity to talk with them. They claimed
that they had been impoverished, had no negroes,
no stock and no seed to put in a crop, and saw
nothing before them but starvation. Many of
them availed themselves of the generosity of the
government to draw supplies from our commis-
saries. Most of them had been at one time or
another in the Confederate army, and some had
been disabled by wounds or broken down by dis-
ease contracted in camp. These men were the
most steadfast in their allegiance to the Rebel
cause. Some went so far as to predict a renewal
of the war, saying that the South was not con-
quered, but worn out.”
A large and motley company of colored people
assembled at Burksville Junction and these also
were dependent upon the government for their
Sustenance.
On the 13th of April the corps began an advance
to Danville, one hundred miles south of Burksville
and on the border of North Carolina. The object
16
221
of the movement was to interpose between John-
ston’s army and Lynchburg. A great portion of
the journey was made along the railroad track.
It was a primitive form of railroad. Long sleepers
were mortised into the ties and on the top of the
sleepers heavy straps of iron were spiked, on which
the cars ran. This march was one of the most
remarkable the corps ever made. In four days
and four hours from the time the head of the
column drew out of camp at Burksville it entered
the streets of Danville. While on the last day’s
march news was received of the assassination of
President Lincoln and his death. “A thrill of
horror and rage ran through the ranks, and it
would have fared badly for any armed Rebels
who fell into our hands at that time.” (B.)
Danville was a village of considerable impor-
tance. A Confederate prison camp and hospital
were located there, and it was one of the centers
of supply for the Confederate army defending
Richmond and Petersburg. Consequently there
were gathered there large stores of every thing
needed for the support of the army, the hospital,
the prison and the inhabitants. All these fell into
our hands, and the city was delivered up to Gen-
eral Wright by the civil authorities to whom it
had been turned over by the military officers.
Johnston’s surrender, rendered our stay at Dan-
ville no longer necessary, and only three or four
days were spent there.
The 6th Corps arrived at Danville on the 27th
of April. Johnston surrendered the same day
and on the 1st of May the corps began its march
northward to Washington and home. The 121st
was ordered to take the train leaving Danville at
8 A. M. for Burksville and there await further
orders.
The march from Burksville to Richmond
222
seventy-two miles, was made in four days and
camp was pitched near Manchester. A delay of
two or three days gave the officers and men an
opportunity to visit the city and see its condition
after so long a siege. The worst feature of it was
the havoc produced by the fires set by the retreat-
ing Rebels. Libby Prison and the Prison Camp on
Belle Isle were places of special interest to those
who had experienced their horrors.
The regiment arrived at Manchester on the 16th
of May and remained in camp seven days. On
the 23d it began its march from Richmond to
Washington and arrived near Hall's Hill on the
2d of June, about five miles from Washington,
and just outside of Georgetown.
Hall’s Hill will always be associated with the
121st New York because it is the place given on
the muster out rolls of the regiment. This part
of the journey homeward was hard and tedious.
Reveille sounded every morning at 3:30 A. M. and
sometimes the march was prolonged till after dark.
It rained frequently and the most of the streams
had to be forded. The march was through the sec-
tion over which the corps had fought during the
entire war, past the battle fields of Cold Harbor,
Chancellorville, Spottsylvania, The Wilderness,
Fredericksburg, Bull Run–names that recall terri-
ble experiences and bloody scenes. Chaplain
Adams tells of a visit he made as follows: “I left
the column while on the way and visited the battle
ground near Spottsylvania Court House, where
the terrible fighting occurred on the 12th of May.
It still bears the marks of the conflict. It was at
this point that two trees, one of twelve inches and
one of twenty-three, were cut off by our minnie
balls, for we had no batteries in play at that time.
The trunk of one of these trees is now in the Patent
Office at Washington. The trees in the vicinity
223
are dead, killed by the poison of the lead. I will
not describe the appearance of the field as our
men found it when they entered the works. I
do not wish to recall the sights, they are too shock-
ing. The 5th Maine and the 121st charged at that
point; they fought bravely, but lost heavily, as
they did also on the 10th, a mile farther to the
right, near the spot where General Sedgwick was
killed.”
From the 2d of June when we reached Hall’s
Hill till the 27th the time was spent in making
out the muster out papers of the men and the trans-
fer of the men whose term of service had not ex-
pired to the 65th New York Veteran Volunteers.
The total number of men discharged at Hall's
Hill was 320, of whom 275 were original members
of the regiment and 45 recruits and transferred
ITQCIl.
The review of the corps took place on Thurs-
day, the 8th of June, in the following order:
1st: Major General Wright, Staff and Escort.
2d: The 1st Division, Major General Wheaton
commanding
3d: The 2d Division, Major General Getty com-
manding.
4th: The 3d Division, Major General Getty com-
manding.
5th: The Artillery Brigade, Brevet Major General
Andrew Cowan commanding.
6th : Detachment of 50th New York Engineers,
Brevet Major Van Brooklin commanding.
Leaving camp at 4 o’clock in the morning,
marching the five miles to Washington over Long
Bridge, up Maryland Avenue to mass at the foot
of the Capital grounds, was the first portion of
the long and tedious process of the review.
Then at 9 o'clock passing down Pennsylvania
Avenue at wheeling distance, past the reviewing
224
stand before President Johnson, General Grant
and other dignitaries, and crossing Acquaduct
Bridge march back again to camp, was the second
part of the proceeding. All this on a hot day in
July made this review an experience more pleas-
ant to look back upon than to participate in. I
have never heard an enlisted man enthuse over
the memory of that review.
On the 27th of June the regiment took the cars,
baggage cars mostly, for New York, reaching there
on the morning of the 30th and spending the rest
of the day, Sunday, in the old armory, corner of
Center and Grand streets.
Beckwith says, “On Monday, July 1st, we
marched up Broadway, having with us the stands
of Rebel colors we had captured at Rappahan-
nock Station and Sailor’s Creek. We received a
great ovation.” -
Arrangements had been made and permission
obtained from Washington for the regiment to go
to Little Falls to participate in the celebration of
the Fourth of July. This home-coming reception
is described as follows by Lieut. Jas. H. Smith:
“Most of the members of the regiment were in
line, with their arms, and with the seven Con-
federate regimental flags which they had captured
during the preceding three years, and which the
War Department had granted them the unparal-
leled privilege of carrying as trophies of their
valor, and their sacrifices, to this reception, given
by the parents, wives, sisters, brothers and friends
of this brave remnant of that noble band, nearly
1000 strong, which they had bidden goodbye, and
God speed, in 1862. At that time they heard their
country’s call, they realized its danger, they ac-
cepted the personal responsibilities and duties of
citizenship, with all its hazards, and all the sacri-
fices due to the Republic from every loyal citizen.
225
Their work had now been done. The country’s
flag again floated freely as the undisputed emblem
of authority throughout all our broad domains.
“Before we took our departure from Camp
Schuyler in August, 1862, we were presented with
a beautiful flag, by the mothers, wives and sisters
of our boys. It was presented with the admonition
that it should be carried forward, victoriously
and unsullied, that it should never be permitted to
fall into treasonable hands, and that we bring it
back an emblem of victory. How faintly did the
donors of that flag realize the terrific cost, in
suffering and in blood, which was involved in
carrying out their admonitions.
“We now bring back that flag, with every re-
guirement of its donors for its care and defense,
literally fulfilled. Shot and shell have pierced
its folds, and its staff, until it can no longer be
unfurled, but it has never been desecrated by the
touch of treasonable hands. Would that we might
also have brought back to this reception, every
young man who three years before had marched
forth, bravely and hopefully, in its defense. This
volume tells us on the pages giving a list of our
engagements and their losses that in following our
flag through the conflicts where duty called, that
275 of our men were called upon to pay that “last
full measure of devotion,” which is the glory of
those who fall upon the battlefield for a righteous
cause. Beside these there were 121 others, equally
brave and devoted, who had died as a result of
exposure and disease. We thus have a total of
396 fatalities. Our ranks were still further de-
pleted by the 450 wounded, a large proportion
of whom were discharged for the disabilities they
had thus suffered, and these added to the number
discharged for disease made a total of 420 dis-
charged.
226
“The value to our country of the services of
the 121st New York Infantry is measured not
alone by its losses in battle, unequalled tho they
were, by those of any regiment from the state,
and exceeded by but three of the more than 2000
regiments which served in the Union Army during
the war, nor in the seven Confederate regimental
flags which it had captured, and which it carried
as souvenirs of its valor, at its home-coming re-
ception, but is based as well, upon its having cap-
tured approximately 1500 prisoners from the ranks
of the enemy. The exact number of these prisoners
it is impossible to determine, but it is beyond
doubt that they exceed the entire enrollment of the
regiment prior to Lee's surrender. It had made
for itself a record which its survivors believe was
unsurpassed, if not unequalled by that of any
other regiment which served in the Union Army
during the Civil War. And here in Little Falls,
New York, this small but devoted remnant of
the 121st Regiment after parading through its
streets with its original flag unfurled as far as its
battle scarred condition would permit, and with
its captured Confederate flags as trophies of its
devotion, stood shoulder to shoulder, and after
a bountiful banquet and addresses lauding its
heroic services, gave a parting salute to the flag
they had followed for three long years and for
which so many of their comrades had fallen.”
The return to Albany and the final payment of
all dues was the occasion of the dissolution of the
regiment, the men as soon as paid slipping away
alone or by squads to their homes, regretful at
parting, but glad that for them there would be no
more of the toil and danger and suffering and
violent death that are the every day experiences
of war.
To the writer these last weeks of service brought
227
no relief from work in the line to which he had
been accustomed. At Hall’s Hill he was set to
making out muster out rolls, and at Albany his
time was employed in work on the pay rolls of
the regiment. The day spent at Little Falls was one
of the dreariest he ever endured. He had no
musket, was not in the ranks, knew very few of
the men of the regiment, and those he knew were
eagerly visiting with their friends who had as-
sembled from the two counties; and so alone and
friendless, he wandered around, feeling like an
Ishmaelite in a strange country.
In spite of this, however, he could not help be-
ing proud that his name was enrolled among
those who had made the regiment worthy of all
that was then and has since been said about it.
As the years since that day have passed and he
has become personally acquainted with so many
of the “Onesters,” his appreciation of, and pride in
the regiment has been steadily increased, and the
study of its records in the preparation of this
history has aroused his admiration and made the
work a “labor of love.” To be in any manner
associated with men who did so much and did it
so valiantly, who suffered so much and suffered it
patriotically, is an honor not to be despised.
228
APPENDIX
The regiment left Fort Schuyler with 30
officers and 946 enlisted men or a total of . . 976
It received by transfer: From the 16th New
York, 125; from the 18th New York, 31;
total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
From the 27th New York, 3; from the 31st
New York, 2; total. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
From the 32d New York, 33; from other
Organizations, 63; total. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
Recruits, including officers and men to Jan-
uary 1, 1865. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
Recruits, including conscripts and substi-
tutes, after Lee’s surrender in 1865. . . . . . . . 413
A total of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1815
A careful study of the records in hand convinces
the author that an accurate list of the number be-
longing to the regiment cannot now be made. The
lists made differ so radically, both as to names
and number, that it is impossible to reconcile them.
For instance, the number transferred from the 16th
New York differs from 125 to 137. But General
Curtis in his history of the 16th gives the names
of only ninety-nine who were transferred to the
121st. Some on the other lists had been killed
in previous engagements, some were among the
missing in battle and some had been transferred
to other organizations.
The report of the Adjutant General of the United
States for 1903 gives the names of 1897 enrolled.
But this includes the names of 413 who joined the
229
regiment at Burksville after Lee's surrender; and
therefore do not really belong to the fighting record
of the regiment. The only advantage of their
connection with the regiment was that their pres-
ence enabled the officers who had been commis-
sioned a year before, to be mustered into their
full rank. In the published report of the 300 fight-
ingregiments, the number enrolled in the 121st New
York is given as 1426. This is twenty-four more
than the above table justifies if the 413 added after
Lee’s surrender are not counted. But for purposes
of comparison let the figure stand at the latter
number (1426), as the author believes it to be
approximately correct.
In the following table the casualties are given
in the twenty-five battles in which the regiment is
given credit in the army records at Washington
as being present. The list of these twenty-five
battles is given on the regimental monument on
the battle field of Gettysburg, and is found under
the head of the “Dedication of the Monument.”
The following is the list as taken from the records
of the regiment.
Mortally
Name of Battle Killed Wounded Wounded
Off. Men Off. Men Off. Men Total
Fredericksburg 4 12 16
Salem Church 6 98 1 15 3 155 278
Gettysburg 2 2
Rappahannock Station 4 3 1 17 28
Wilderness 2 34 6 1 30 73
Spottsylvania 3 46 2 12 8 84 155
Cold Harbor 1 6 7
Petersburg 1 8 9
Fort Stevens 5 2 1 18 28
Charleston 2 1 4 7
Opequon (Winchester) 4 1 14 19
Fisher’s Hill 5 5
230
Mortally
Name of Battle Killed Wounded Wounded
Off. Men Off. Men Off. Men Total
Cedar Creek 1 14 2 3 2 35 57
Newtown 1 1
Hatcher’s Run 1. 3 4
Fort Fisher 1 3 4
Petersburg (Capture) 1 1 24 26
Sailor’s Creek 2 6 1 12 21
TOTALS 15 220 5 45 20 530 734
Adding the mortally wounded to the killed in
action, the total fatalities amount to 20 officers and
265 enlisted men or 285 in all.
In making this estimate the number reported
“Missing in action” is included in the list of the
“Killed in action,” on the ground that the battles in
which they were lost were fought on fields retained
by the enemy or immediately vacated by our
troops, and as none of the missing reported, nor
were reported as wounded or prisoners, and have
never since been heard from, it is only right to in-
clude them among those known to have been
killed.
It is possible that ten of them may be rightly
deducted from the number in the above table,
leaving the aggregate forty instead of 50. That
would leave our fatalities in action at 275.
Of the New York regiments included in Fox's
300 fighting regiments of the Civil War, only one,
the 69th New York, is reported as having a greater
percentage of loss than the 121st. The record is:
The 69th : enrolled, 1513; killed, 259; percent,
17.1.
The 121st: enrolled, 1426; killed, 226; percent,
15.5.
But giving the 121st due credit for its actual
fatalities would put it among the very first of all
231
the regiments of the Union Army during the Civil
War. Enrolled, 1426; killed, 275; an actual per-
centage of 19.28.
In making this statement there is no intention
to take the laurels from any other fighting regi-
ment, but simply to claim for the 121st, the stand-
ing that rightfully belongs to it. Present in twenty-
five battles, bearing the brunt of the fighting at
Salem Church, The Wilderness, Spottsylvania on
May 10, Opequan, Cedar Creek, the successful
assault on Petersburg and the final battle with
Lee at Sailor's Creek, suffering losses in eighteen
different engagements, counted by superior officers
the equal of any regular regiment, its surviving
members are not willing to abate a jot from its
rightful credit, and they glory in the fact that
its place in every exigency of battle was in the
front line from which it was never driven nor
retired, except at command of its ranking officer.
The officers of the regiment and their terms
of service are given as follows:
Colonels: Franchot, July 19 to September 25, 1862;
Upton, October 23, 1862 to July 4, 1864; Olcott,
April 18 to June 25, 1865. w
Lieutenant Colonels: C. A. Clark, August 23, 1862
to March 24, 1863; E. Olcott, April 10, 1863 to
April 19, 1865; John S. Kidder, May 22 to June
25, 1865.
Majors: E. Olcott, August 23, 1862 to April 10,
1863; A. E. Mather, May 3, 1863 to February 4,
1864; H. M. Galpin, March 31 to December 21,
1864; J. W. Cronkite, December 24, 1864 to June
25, 1865.
Adjutants: A. Ferguson, July 21 to August 30,
1862; T. S. Arnold, August 30 to October 19,
1862; F. W. Morse, January 5 to July 29, 1864;
F. E. Lowe, December 31, 1864 to June 25, 1865.
Quartermasters: Albert Story, July 21 to Decem-
232
ber 30, 1862; Theodore Sternberg, January 5,
1863 to June 25, 1865.
Surgeons: Wm. Bassett, August 23 to September
30, 1862; E. S. Walker, October 22, 1862 to April
1, 1863; John O. Slocum, July 1, 1863 to June 25,
1865.
Assistant Surgeons: S. P. Valentine, August 29,
1862 to January 21, 1863; D. M. Holt, September
2, 1862 to October 16, 1864; I. W. Hotaling, April
8 to August 22, 1863; J. P. Kimball, January 16,
1865 to June 24, 1865.
To this list must be added the following promo-
tions for which commissions were granted, but
muster in was delayed until the close of the war.
By an act of Congress after the war, all officers
were remustered from the time of their commis-
sion, and these officers are fully entitled to the rank
to which they were commissioned.
Lieutenant Colonels: James W. Cronkite and
Henry M. Galpin.
Majors: Lewis C. Bartlett, John S. Kidder, Francis
W. Morse and Robert P. Wilson.
COMPANY A
Captains: Henry M. Galpin, August 4, 1862 to
March 31, 1864; J. Burrell, April 18 to October
26, 1864; S. J. Redway, November 30, 1864 to
June 25, 1865.
First Lieutenants: J. Burrell, August 4, 1862 to
April 18, 1864; W. H. Tucker, March 31 to Octo-
ber 19, 1864; S. J. Redway, September 11 to
November 30, 1864; G. H. Snell, November 18,
1864 to June 25, 1865.
Second Lieutenants: G. W. Davis, August 4 to
October 20, 1862; J. W. Cronkite, October 21,
1862 to April 10, 1863; J. D. Gray, June 5 to July
21, 1863; S. Burdett, January 1, 1864 to March 1,
1865 (Lieutenant Burdett's name is not found in
233
the list of the Adjutant General of the State);
Wm. H. Tucker, March 30 to March 31, 1864.
COMPANY B
Captains: E. Holcomb, August 13, 1862 to January
20, 1863; M. C. Casler, May 3, 1863 to October 14,
1864; Ten Eyck C. Howland, January 24 to April
6, 1865.
First Lieutenants: Henry C. Keith, August 13, 1862
to January 28, 1863; M. R. Casler, January 28
to May 3, 1863; T. C. Adams, May 3, 1863 to May
10, 1864; T. C. Howland, May 12, 1864 to January
24, 1865; G. H. Snell, December 20, 1864 to Jan-
uary 1, 1865; F. W. Morse, March 23 to June 25,
1865. w
Second Lieutenants: G. A. May, August 13, 1862
to February 26, 1863; C. A. Butts, January 4 to
April 10, 1863; T. C. Adams, April 10 to May 3,
1863; F. C. Piper, April 17 to June 25, 1865.
COMPANY C
Captains: C. A. Moon, August 23, 1862 to January
17, 1863; C. J. Campbell, April 22, 1863 to March
20, 1864; J. W. Johnston, November 18, 1864 to
June 25, 1865.
First Lieutenants: T. S. Arnold, August 23 to Aug-
ust 30, 1862; A. Cameron, August 31 to Novem-
ber 9, 1862; F. Gorton, November 10, 1862 to
January 28, 1863; C. M. Bradt, February 20 to
April 9, 1863; H. Upton, May 3, 1863 to February
27, 1864; J. A. Heath, July 25, 1863 to December
12, 1864; F. W. Morse, December 23, 1864 to
March 23, 1865; J. T. Morton, March 25 to April
6, 1865; Eli Oaks, April 30 to July 24, 1865.
Second Lieutenants: A. Cameron, August 23 to
August 31, 1862; C. M. Bradt, August 30, 1862 to
February 20, 1863; S. Miller, February 20 to May
13, 1863; H. Upton, April 15 to March 3, 1863;
234.
G. W. Quackenbush, May 29 to July 9, 1864;
J. W. Johnston, July 9 to November 18, 1864;
J. H. Smith, April 29 to June 25, 1865.
COMPANY D
Captains: J. D. Fish, August 23, 1862 to May 12,
1864; D. D. Jackson, May 23, 1864 to May 17,
1865.
First Lieutenants: D. M. Kenyon, August 16, 1862
to March 22, 1864; A. C. Rice, April 10 to Sep-
tember 20, 1863; D. D. Jackson, February 27 to
June 23, 1864; F. E. Lowe, May 23 to December
31, 1864; L. C. Bartlett, June 22, 1863 to June 25,
1865.
Second Lieutenants: Chas. E. Staring, August 23,
1862 to June 14, 1863; G. R. Wheeler, March 25
to May 15, 1863; J. W. Johnston, May 14 to Sep-
tember 30, 1863; D. D. Jackson, September 20,
1863 to February 27, 1864; N. Post, April 16 to
June 25, 1865.
COMPANY E
Captains: D. Campbell, August 23, 1862 to April
27, 1863; J. W. Cronkite, May 3, 1863 to Decem-
ber 24, 1864.
First Lieutenants: T. Sternberg, August 18, 1862
to January 5, 1863; J. W. Cronkite, April 10 to
May 3, 1863; L. B. Paine, May 3, 1863 to March
4, 1864; F. W. Morse, July 29 to December 23,
1864; L. Burton, December 21, 1864 to June 25,
1865.
Second Lieutenants: H. VanHorn, August 18, 1862
to January 7, 1863; L. B. Paine, April 10 to May
3, 1863; D. D. Jackson, June 20 to September 20,
1863; J. W. Johnston, September 20, 1863 to July
9, 1864; G. W. Quackenbush, July 9, 1864 to April
20, 1864.
235
COMPANY F
Captains: N. O. Wendell, August 23, 1862; H. S.
Hall, June 10, 1863 to March 20, 1864; L. B. Paine,
March 21 to December 19, 1864; A. M. Tyler,
June 5, 1863 to June 25, 1865.
First Lieutenants: B. F. Park, August 23, 1862 to
March 18, 1863; A. C. Rice, April 10 to September
20, 1863; S. E. Pierce, January 26 to May 13, 1864;
H. C. VanScoy, May 3, 1864 to January 1, 1865;
C. H. Barr, January 1 to June 25, 1865.
Second Lieutenants: F. G. Bolles, August 23, 1862
to January 30, 1863; S. E. Pierce, April 10, 1863
to January 26, 1864.
COMPANY G
Captains: E. Clarke, August 23, 1862 to January
12, 1863; A. E. Mather, January 4 to May 3, 1863;
F. Gorton, May 3, 1863 to October 4, 1864; H. C.
VanScoy, January 24 to June 25, 1865.
First Lieutenants: J. D. Clyde, August 23 to
November 24, 1862; F. W. Morse, December 15,
1862 to January 5, 1863; A. E. Mather, December
20, 1862 to January 14, 1863; L. C. Bartlett, June
22, 1863 to —; S. J. Redway, July 25 to
December 11, 1864; W. H. Tucker, April 17 to
October 19, 1864; H. C. VanScoy, January 1 to
January 24, 1865; M. C. Foote, March 26 to June
24, 1865.
Second Lieutenants: C. T. Ferguson, August 23
to November 12, 1862; Henry Upton, March 11 to
April 15, 1863; F. W. Ford, April 15 to May 3,
1863; H. B. Walker, May 4, 1863 to January 8,
1864; E. Oaks, December 24, 1864 to April 20,
1865.
COMPANY H
Captains: J. Ramsey, August 23 to October 20,
1862; T. S. Arnold, October 19, 1862 to May 18,
236
1863; A. M. Tyler, June 16, 1863 to July 21, 1865;
C. A. Butts, April 19 to May 10, 1864; T. C.
Adams, May 10 to October 14, 1864; L. B. Paine,
December 16, 1864 to June 25, 1865.
First Lieutenants: U. F. Doubleday, August 23,
1862 to May 3, 1863; C. E. Butts, April 10, 1863
to April 19, 1864; H. C. VanScoy, March 15 to
May 13, 1864; E. C. Weaver, May 19, 1864 to
February 14, 1865; J. H. Heath, February 17 to
June 25, 1865.
Second Lieutenants: M. C. Casler, August 18 to
December 31, 1862; S. Miller, February 20 to May
13, 1863; H. C. VanScoy, May 20, 1863 to March
15, 1864; E. C. Weaver, May 3 to May 10, 1864;
N. A. Armstrong, February 10 to June 25, 1865.
CoMPANY. I
Captains: John S. Kidder, August 18, 1862 to June
22, 1865.
First Lieutenants: J. D. Douw, August 23, 1862 to
April 23, 1863; D. Bates, May 4, 1863 to March
15, 1864; F. W. Foote, March 16 to September
24, 1864; J. H. Heath, December 24, 1864 to Feb-
ruary 17, 1865; P. R. Woodcock, February 22 to
June 25, 1865.
Second Lieutenants: D. Bates, August 18, 1862 to
May 4, 1863; F. W. Foote, July 20, 1862 to March
16, 1864; J. A. Taft, April 29 to June 25, 1865.
COMPANY K
Captains: S. M. Olin, August 18 to December 27,
1862; J. D. P. Douw, April 24, 1863 to November
11, 1864; T. J. Hassett, April 29 to June 24, 1865.
First Lieutenants: A. E. Mather, August 18 to
December 20, 1862; M. C. Casler, December 31,
1862 to January 28, 1863; F. Gorton, January 28
to May 3, 1863; L. C. Bartlett, ;
H. Duroe, October 25, 1864 to March 25, 1865;
17
237 .
T. J. Hassett, March 21 to April 20, 1865; S. J.
Redway, June 1 to July 25, 1864.
Second Lieutenants: F. Gorton, August 18 to
November 20, 1862; A. C. Rice, January 23 to
March 13, 1863; S. J. Redway, April 19, 1863 to
June 1, 1864; W. H. H. Goodier, May 22 to June
24, 1865.
To the list of line officers the following named
are to be added as by act of Congress:
Captains: F. W. Morse, Erastus Wheeler.
First Lieutenants: John D. Gray, Charles Ham-
man, Wm. H. House, Edward P. Johnson and
Daniel Stark.
Second Lieutenants: Dennis A. Dewey, John M.
Edwards, Joseph H. Heath, Edward P. Johnson,
John V. N. Kent, Elias C. Mather and Charles F.
Pattingill.
On September 15, 1865, the following brevets
were granted for distinguished conduct on dif-
ferent occasions: Major James W. Cronkite to be
Lieutenant Colonel; Captains John S. Kidder,
James W. Johnston, Daniel D. Jackson and Hiram
S. VanScoy to be Majors; Lieutenants Frank E.
Lowe, Morris C. Foote and Thomas J. Hassett to
be Captains.
On June 24, 1865, six officers and 448 enlisted
men are reported as transferred to the 65th New
York Veteran Volunteers. The officers were Sur-
geon Kimball and Captains Hassett, Tyler, Bart-
lett and Hall, and Lieut. Eli Oaks.
Undoubtedly no event in the history of the regi-
ment since the war has been of so much impor-
tance and interest as the erection of the monument
on the battle field of Gettysburg. An account of
it belongs naturally in a published history of the
regiment.
238
In 1886 an act was passed by the Legislature of
the State appointing a commission to determine
the location and the movements of the eighty-two
organizations from New York that participated in
that battle, and the next year another act was
passed appropriating $1500.00 for the erection of
a monument to mark the spot each organization
had occupied.
The commission requested that a committee be
appointed from the 121st to assist in locating the
position held by the regiment. This request was
sent to Colonel Cronkite who passed it to the
president of the Regimental Association, and he
appointed a temporary committee, consisting of
Comrades John S. Kidder, James W. Cronkite,
Clinton Beckwith, Douglas Campbell, Frank E.
Lowe and George McClean. This committee re-
ported at the next meeting of the association, and
a permanent Gettysburg memorial committee was
appointed as follows: John S. Kidder, James W.
Cronkite, Clinton Beckwith, Timothy Dasey, An-
drew Davidson, Elias C. Mather, Douglas Camp-
bell, Herman I. Johnson, Frank E. Lowe, J. K.
Tyler and J. M. Lovejoy. This committee met on
October 7, 1887 and organized by electing as offi-
cers, President J. W. Cronkite, Treasurer J. S.
Kidder, Secretary Frank E. Lowe, Corresponding
Secretary J. M. Lovejoy. Executive committee,
Comrades Cronkite, Kidder, Beckwith, Lovejoy,
Davidson and H. I. Johnson.
The work of this committee was so energetically
and efficiently done in canvassing for additional
funds, that the monument might be worthy of the
fame of the regiment, in selecting and contracting
for the monument and in locating the position it
should occupy, that the day of dedication was fixed
for October 10, 1889.
The location is on the north west slope of Little
239
Round Top. The monument stands on the spot
where the flag of the regiment was placed. Two
granite markers fix the position of the flanks of
the line, and from the location a view of nearly all
the battle ground is obtained.
The monument is composed of four pieces of
the best Quincy granite, surmounted by the figure
of a soldier seven feet in height, made of American
standard bronze. The base is six feet square and
the entire height is fourteen feet and three inches.
On the front is the legend, “The 121st New York
Infantry (Colonel Emory Upton), 2d Brigade, 1st
Division, 6th Corps, held this position from the
evening of June 2d, until the close of the battle.”
There are also on the front the 6th Corps cross,
and the coat of arms of the State of New York.
The reverse side has a life size medallion of
Colonel Emory Upton in bronze. On one side a
bronze panel contains the inscription, “Organized
in Herkimer and Otsego Counties; Mustered in
August 23, 1862; Officers 30, Men 910; Casualties,
killed and mortally wounded: Officers 14, Men
212 (This total of killed and mortally wounded
should be 275 as shown by preceding record);
Wounded: Officers 27, Men 596; Died of Disease:
Officers 4, Men 117; Discharged for wounds, dis-
ease, etc.: Officers 37, Men 283; Transferred to
other commands: Officers 12, Men 262; Mustered
Out June 25, 1865, Officers 25, Men 283.”
The bronze panel on the other side contains the
list of the battles for which the regiment is credited
in the military archives at Washington as follows:
“Crampton's Pass, Fredericksburg, Mary’s Heights,
Salem Church, Salem Heights, Gettysburg, Rap-
pahannock Station, Mine Run, Wilderness, Spott-
sylvania C. H., North Anna, Totopotomy, Cold
Harbor, Petersburg, Fort Stevens D. C., Summit
Point, Winchester (Opequon), Fisher's Hill, New
240
OUR REGIMENTAL Mox UMENT,
Located on the northern slope of Little Round Top, Battlefield
of Gettysburg. Photo by Lieut. Jas. H. Smith.



THE ORIGINAL FLAG of THE 121st N. Y. INFANTRY,
Presented by the ladies of Herkimer and Otsego counties.
Photographed about thirty years after the war
by Lieut. Jas. H. Smith.
THE GUIDONs of THE 121st N. Y. INFANTRY,
Photographed about thirty years after the war by
Lieut. Jas. H. Smith.


Market, Cedar Creek, Hatcher’s Run, Petersburg
(Fort Fisher), Petersburg (Assault), Sailor's Creek,
Appomattox C. H.”
At the Dedicatory Exercises held on October 10,
1889, music was furnished by the Gettysburg band,
prayer was offered and the benediction pro-
nounced by the Rev. J. R. Dunkerly of Gettysburg.
The monument was unveiled by Mrs. Maria Upton
Hanford, an Oration was given by the Hon. A. M.
Mills of Little Falls and an original poem was read
by Prof. A. H. J. Watkins.
Colonel Cronkite, who presided, read letters
from Generals H. G. Wright, H. W. Slocum and
Colonel Cowen, who commanded the battery fre-
quently mentioned in the history. He also read
a short speech made by General Upton when he
entered Augusta, Georgia, on May 8, 1865.
“Soldiers, four years ago the Governor of
Georgia, at the head of an armed force, hauled
down the American flag at this Arsenal. The
President of the United States called the nation
to arms to repossess the forts and arsenals that
had been seized. After four years of sanguinary
war and conflict, we execute the order of the great
preserver of the Union and liberty, and to-day we
again hoist the Stars and Stripes over the Arsenal
at Augusta. Majestically, triumphantly, she rises.”
The company that assembled at the dedication
of the monument consisted of ninety-eight persons,
comrades, their wives and sons. A picture of them
clustered around the monument was taken. It
may be well to add that the number of surviving
comrades of the regiment at that date was re-
ported to be 163, and the contributors to the
monumental fund numbered 581. The cost of the
monument and the two markers was $2,000.00. It is
accounted one of the finest regimental monuments
on the battle field of Gettysburg.
241
The surviving members of the regiment so far
as known to the secretary at the date of this writ-
ing are:
Quartermaster Theodore Sternberg, Major U. S.
A., retired, Kanopolis, Kans.
Lieut. N. A. Armstrong, Warren, N. Y.
Lieut. G. P. Borden, Brigadier General, U. S. A.,
retired, 330 W. 95th St., New York City.
Lieut. Charles M. Bradt, M. D., St. Charles, Mich.
Lieut. Dennis A. Dewey, Captain 108 U. S. C. T.,
West Winfield, N. Y.
Lieut. Francis N. Piper, 148 Webster Ave., Syra-
cuse, N. Y.
Lieut. G. W. Quackenbush, 2746 S. Lincoln, Engle-
wood, Denver, Colo.
Lieut. James H. Smith, 3541 Cottage Grove Ave.,
Chicago, Ill.
NONCOMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND PRIVATES
COMPANY A
Thomas Barnaby, West Chazy, N. Y.
Rev. Isaac O. Best, Broadalbin, N. Y.
H. S. Burnham, 507 Park Ave., Woonsocket, R. I.
J. W. Chapin, 1731 Columbia Road, Washington,
D. C.
Albert H. Clark, Council Bluffs, Iowa.
Lewis Dupee, East Beekmantown, N. Y.
Jeremiah Gratton, 190 Webster St., Malone, N. Y.
Lewis Gratton, West Constableville, N. Y.
W. H. Jones, 407 Ballinger St., Herkimer, N. Y.
Oliver King, Mooers, N. Y.
Rev. Eli P. LaCell, 1404 4th St., Santa Rosa, Cal.
George M. McCourt, London, Wis.
Smith Pine, Keeseville, N. Y.
Warren P. Smith, West Coxsackie, N. Y.
Georga A. Vossler, 39 Harrington St., Pough-
keepsie, N. Y.
242
A. Walrath, Atkinson, Neb.
John H. Warmouth, Box. 83, Oneida, N. Y.
COMPANY B
Col. Clinton Beckwith, 108 Mary St., Herkimer,
N. Y.
C. C. Catlin, Melvin, Kan.
Mydret W. Gardner, 1614 W. 19th St., Sioux City,
Iowa.
Philip Goodman, Soldiers’ Home, Hampton Roads,
Va.
R. A. Jackson, Boonville, N. Y.
Josiah King, Soldiers’ Home, Bath, N. Y.
Ira D. Warren, Zumbrota, Minn.
Leonard Ward, R. F. D. No. 3, Oneonta, N. Y.
Damon O. Yates, R. F. D. No. 33, South Dayton,
N. Y.
W. W. Young, R. F. D. No. 1, Ilion, N. Y.
Thomas H. Yoemans, Soldiers’ Home, Bath, N. Y.
COMPANY C
O. B. Austin, Norwood, N. Y.
M. H. Doland, Milburn, N. J.
William Joyce, County Hospital, Astoria, Ore.
Timothy Kavenaugh, Middleville, N. Y.
Edward Mabey, R. F. D. No. 1, Johnstown, N. Y.
William Myers, 86 John St., Little Falls, N. Y.
A. T. Orvis, Cold Brook, N. Y.
James H. Smith, Philadelphia, N. Y.
James B. Schaffner, 213 Mohawk St., Herkimer,
N. Y.
Thomas Topper, Avonlea, Saskatchewan, Canada.
COMPANY D
Fred Bryce, Ilion, N. Y.
H. W. Cadwell, Jordanville, N. Y.
William Dubois, Atwood, N. Y.
M. D. Elwood, 1109 City St., Utica, N. Y.
243
A. A. Gilespie, Duke Center, Penn.
George H. Gilbert, Reed City, Mich.
Levi Helmer, Dodgeville, N. Y.
J. W. Hartley, Waterville, N. Y.
J. H. Leonardson, R. F. D. No 7, Canastota, N. Y.
Charles Rice, 36 Winter St., West End Station, Me.
Burrell Rice, Salisbury Center, N. Y.
C. Thurston, Belfast, Me.
Milo B. Tanner, 1046 Emerson St., Sheldon, Wyo.
COMPANY E
James T. Clark, 37 Robinson St., Schenectady, N. Y.
C. A. Farr, Osborn, Mo.
E. M. Irons, Hartwick, N. Y.
E C. Irons, Crandall’s Hotel, Binghamton, N. Y.
George M. Lemon, 12026th Ave., Watervleit, N. Y.
Joseph Lockwood, R. F. D. No. 1, Alleghany, N. Y.
W. G. Palmer, Lisle, N. Y.
J. H. Smythe, VanHornsville, N. Y.
Orville O. Seeger, 14 Beech St., Cooperstown, N. Y.
Lorenzo Smith, 425 E. Lincoln Way, Kearney, Neb.
Hiram Vanaram, Ausable Chasm, N. Y.
J. H. Walrath, Johnstown, N. Y.
W. H. Waffle, Kendall, Wis.
Abram Woodruff, Springville, N. Y.
Rev. Henry Wood, 215 E. 25th St., Kearney, Neb.
COMPANY F
Fred Albright, Unadilla, N. Y.
Otis B. Flanders, R. F. D., Woodstock, Ill.
S. D. French, Nashua, Iowa.
David R. Harris, Delhi, N. Y.
W. A. Johnson, Schuyler Lake, N. Y.
Hiram Krill, 19 Austin St., Rochester, N. Y.
W. G. Lobdell, Unadilla, N. Y.
H. E. Morgan, Clarkton, Mich.
Adelbert J. Reed, Oviedo, Fla.
Edward Tillinghast, Box 686, Camden, N. Y.
244
COMPANY G
G. M. Boorn, Richmondville, N. Y.
C. M. Butterfield, St. Charles, Mich.
J. H. Brandon, Prairie Depot, Ohio.
Perry F. Cole, Afton, N. Y.
Henry M. Delong, Soldiers’ Home, Milwaukee, Wis.
Harrison Hadsell, South Valley, N. Y.
E. M. Hunt, Roseboom, N. Y.
J. E. Hoover, 1514 Sunset Ave., Utica, N. Y.
Joseph D. Lamb, Santa Rosa, Cal.
John W. Manzer, Bellevue, Mich.
H. W. Martin, Bedford, P. Q., Canada.
J. L. Merrit, Cattaraugus, N. Y.
Henry V. Redington, Sidney, Neb.
David H. Randolph, 325 E. Seneca St., Ithaca, N. Y.
S. H. Sherman, Millford, N. Y.
Peter Simmons, Cherry Valley, N. Y.
David Wright, 56 Third St., Ilion, N. Y.
COMPANY H
Warren E. Dockman, Lytle, Colo.
Henry O. Eason, Schuyler Lake, N. Y.
Willard P. Foote, Fremont, Neb.
C. I. Haines, R. F. D. No. 2, Box 15, Ossining, N. Y.
Joseph Lumbra, Montgomery, Vt. ſ
Wilson Van Auken, Bushkill, Pa.
Charles VanHousen, Soldiers’ Home, Bath, N. Y.
COMPANY I
James Baker, 54 Upson Ave., Winstead, Conn.
Robert Brundage, North Wolcott, N. Y.
Edwin Butler, Box 168, Springfield, Vt.
William H. Cole, Hobart, N. Y.
H. J. Goodrich, Worcester, N. Y.
G. W. Hubbard, Tustin, Cal.
Ransome C. Luther, 2002 Madison St., Madison,
Wis.
245
C. N. Merrill, East Worcester, N. Y.
Charles Nichols, Morris, N. Y.
Gilbert Olds, R. F. D., S. New Berlin, N. Y.
Peter Russlo, Gatineau Point, P. Q., Canada.
A. S. Tanner, Groton, N. Y.
Austin Tiel, 147 Buena Vista Ave., Yonkers, N. Y.
C. J. Westcott, 40 Elm St. Oneonta, N. Y.
Charles Wilsey, Worcester, N. Y.
COMPANY K
Hugh M. Brown, Bethel, N. Y.
John Brucher, Bethel, N. Y.
G. W. Wallace, Clay Center, Kan.
The secretary reports thirty-nine others whose
residences and condition are not known to him.
The invitation given to all surviving members
of the regiment to send the story of their lives
since the war, so that a sketch of events that would
be of interest to all might be given in the Appendix
to the history, has not been responded to as fully
as was hoped and expected. The author has not
been acquainted with the political and economic
history of the 20th Senatorial District, and so has
no personal information to give of those who have
risen to distinction, as private citizens. Therefore
this feature of the history will be of meager in-
terest.
Sergeant Robert Chatterton responded to the
request by sending a very interesting article about
Robert E. Lee, and giving a fine picture of him as
he appeared when a young man and an officer in
the U. S. Army.
An interesting letter from Mrs. Lillian Water-
man Brady gives the record of her father's service,
Perrin Waterman, and of his standing in the G.
A. R. Post, of which he held all the offices in its
gift. But the special item of interest in the story
246
is that he drove the ambulance in which the body
of General Russell was taken from Winchester to
Harper's Ferry. The wound in his hand received
at Spottsylvania, disabled him from handling a
gun, and he served in the Ambulance Corps to the
end of the war. Colonel Solomon W. Russell was
in command of the party, under orders to take
the body of General Russell to his home at Salem,
New York, for burial. A cavalry escort accom-
panied the ambulance.
W. W. Young wrote from the National Soldiers’
Home, Virginia, that his health is very much shat-
tered. Since the close of the war he has been
Justice of the Peace, Post Commander, President
of the Regimental Association, Delegate to the
National Encampment in 1901, Delegate to the
State Encampment three times, five times A. D. C.
on the Department Staff, is a member of the Na-
tional Association of Ex-prisoners of War and has
a medal of honor given by the State of New York.
It will be a pleasure to the readers of this history
to learn of the after-war history of Colonel Beck-
with whose narrative constitutes so large a part
of the compilation made by the author. Politically,
Comrade Beckwith is a Democrat, and in 1894
was appointed by Governor Flower, Assistant State
Engineer with the rank of Colonel, his commission
being dated November 12, 1894. He was also ap-
pointed by Governor Flower, a member of the
New York Monument Commission on which he
has served ever since. He “has had charge of the
erection of a number of monuments and has
designed several, among which are General
Webb's of the “Bloody Angle” at Gettysburg, and
General Wadsworth at Gettysburg and Generals
Doubleday’s and Robinson’s at Gettysburg, one
at Knoxville, Tennessee, one at Vicksburg, one at
Antietam, Maryland and a number of monuments
247
at other points on the battle fields of Gettysburg,
Antietam, Lookout Mountain, Chicamaugua and
in the vicinity of Richmond, all of which are an
honor and credit to the State of New York.” Com-
rade Beckwith was also a member of the National
Democratic Conventions which nominated for
President Grover Cleveland, W. J. Bryan and Alton
B. Parker. He was a member of the State Demo-
cratic Committee for twenty-five years and when
he retired he was the oldest by service of any
member of it. He has been by occupation a con-
tractor, and been engaged in some important
works, as for instance, the Washington Aquaduct
Tunnel and the New York Aquaduct Tunnel from
Croton to shaft 12 B on the Jay Gould estate near
Tarrytown, Westchester County and in many
other places, where with partner, John V. Quacken-
bush, were engaged in the construction of the
four-tracking of the N. Y. C. & H. R. R. R. and in
the construction of the West Shore, or N. Y. &
Buffalo R. R. and many other contracts for the
State of New York and the city of Boston. In
civil life he has been Supervisor, President of the
village of Herkimer and recently has been busy
in public works. “Now, having reached the allotted
age of man and being tired, I have retired from
active service, having done my share, I think.
But as long as there is anything for me to do of
service to my country and people, and I am able,
I will undertake it.”
Captain Davidson, after serving in the U. S. C. T.,
30th Regiment and earning a medal of honor,
became editor of the Otsego Republican and after-
wards was made Commander of the Soldiers’
Home at Bath, N. Y.
Dennis A. Dewey in the spring of 1864 went
before General Casey's board and was examined
for a commission in the U. S. C. T. He passed
248
with the grade of “Captain of the First Class,”
but when the order came to report to his regiment,
the 108th U. S. C. T. in Tennessee, he was a pris-
oner, having been captured in the battle of the
Wilderness. Being paroled and in precarious
health, he made application for the commission
earned and it was granted. He was commissioned
as Captain by special order of the War Depart-
ment, and mustered in as Captain of the 108th
U. S. C. T. and immediately resigned, and was
honorably discharged from that regiment. He had
been previously commissioned as Second Lieu-
tenant in the 121st, but not mustered. The act of
Congress afterwards passed, declared all such com-
missioned men to be mustered into the service
and entitled to pay from the date of their com-
mission.
The other transfers from the 121st to the colored
troops were:
Delevan Bates to the 30th Regiment. This regi-
ment under the command of Colonel Bates dis-
tinguished itself at the “Battle of the Crater” in
front of Petersburg and Comrade Bates was
awarded a medal of honor. Some of us remember
his description of that fight, given at a recent
reunion of the Association.
Major A. E. Mather was transferred to the 20th
Regiment, U. S. C. T., as Lieutenant Colonel. He
had served in the 121st as first lieutenant, captain
and major.
First Lieut. J. D. Gray was transferred to the 23d
Regiment, U. S. C. T., as Captain. He had served
in the 121st as private, sergeant, second and first
lieutenant.
Elias C. Mather was transferred to the 20th Regi-
ment, U. S. C. T., as Captain. He had served in
the 121st as sergeant and second lieutenant.
Cleveland Campbell, Adjutant of the 152d In-
249
fantry, was transferred as Captain to the 121st
April 22, 1863 and on March 20, 1864, was trans-
ferred as Colonel to the 23d Regiment, U. S. C. T.
His examination was so excellent that he was in-
vited to sit on the board of examiners.
Lieutenant James H. Smith was mustered out
with the regiment at Hall's Hill and with his sons,
is now located at 3541 Cottage Grove Ave., Chicago,
Illinois, manufacturing Victor Photographic Spe-
cialties. He, at this writing, is commander of the
Loyal Legion of Illinois, also of the Geo. H. Thomas
Post of the G. A. R., the largest in the state. At
the last reunion of the regiment he gave a very
interesting lantern slide exhibition of the National
Parks of the United States, of views, many of
which he had himself taken, and therefore was
enabled to vividly describe. The collection and
reproduction of the illustrations of this history are
his work, and the author wishes to express his
appreciation of the help and encouragement he
has received so generously from Comrade Smith.
Lieutenant Philip R. Woodcock was mustered
out with the regiment at Hall’s Hill and became a
successful business man in Rochester. As long as
he was able he was a faithful attendant at the
reunions of the 121st, and it became his recog-
nized duty on each Memorial Day to place a wreath
of flowers upon the grave of General Upton, in
the name and at the expense of the Association.
There are no doubt many other comrades of
the regiment whose records would be interesting,
and would add to the completeness of the History,
but the compiler does not know them personally,
nor can he divine the prominent positions they
have held, or the noble work they have done; but
he is confident that the men who met so bravely
and unflinchingly the exigencies of war, have not
failed to meet the demands of peace, with like
fortitude and success.
250
In 1876 an Association of the Veterans of the
121st New York Volunteer Infantry was organized
and last year at its forty-fourth reunion at Ilion,
the action was taken which assigned to the author
the duty of compiling a history of the regiment,
to be reported upon at the next meeting of the
Association. The task has not been an easy one,
nor has the time been sufficient to gather all the
information that might be considered important,
but the work has been intensely interesting to the
writer and he hopes that it will be received with
kindly tolerance by the veterans and their friends.
In order to distribute the responsibility, he has
requested Comrades Clinton Beckwith, C. J. West-
cott and James H. Smith to act as a committee to
examine and criticize the manuscript, ascertain the
cost of publication and report to the association
at its next meeting.
251
INDEX
CHAPTER PAGE
I 20th Senatorial District—State and County
Committees Appointed by Governor—Town-
ships in Which Companies Were Raised—
Camp Schuyler—Muster of Regiment . . . 1
II Ordered to Washington—Col. Clinton Beck-
with’s Story to Be Used—Reviewed by Pres-
ident Lincoln—Assignment to Brigade—The
5th Maine and 121st N. Y. . . . . . . 6
III. The Military Situation in Maryland—South
Mountain Range—Battle of Crampton's Pass
—At Antietam the Day After the Battle . 15
IV Colonel Franchott Succeeded by Colonel Upton
—Upton’s Previous Service and Character—
IForward Movement under McClellan—Up-
ton’s Discipline—Burnside Succeeds McClel-
lan—Reorganization by Burnside . . . . 26
V The Battle of Fredericksburg—A Day on the
Skirmish Line—The Mud March—Burnside
Relieved by Hooker—President Lincoln's Let-
ter to Hooker . . . . . . . . . . . 39
VI Reorganization of the Army by Hooker—Cross-
ing the River in Pontoon Boats—the 6th Corps
at Fredericksburg—Capture of Marye's
EHeights—The Battle of Salem Church—Suc-
cessful Withdrawal to Bank’s Ford—The
Brandy Bottle in War . . . 58
VII. The Final March to Gettysburg—Position of
121st at Gettysburg—Prompt Pursuit of Lee 84
VIII Brigade Headquarters Attacked by Moseby—
The Battle of Rappahannock Station—Adjt.
Gen. R. P. Wilson—The Importance of the
Victory—Mine Run—General Bartlett Visits
the Regiment—His Speech—Life in Winter
Quarters at Hazel Run . . . . . . . .
IX. Regimental Organization in May, 1864—The
Wilderness Campaign. Begun May 4–Lee's
Army Organization—The Battle of the Wilder-
ness—The Right Flank Turned—Restored by
the 121st—The Woods on Fire . . 115
253
92
CHAPTER PAGE
X May 10th Assault—Capture of Enemy's Works
—Failure of Support—Orderly Withdrawal
—Responsibility for Failure—Colonel Olcott
Wounded and Captured—Upton’s Promotion
to Brig. Gen’l.—The Bloody Angle . . . 124
XI The Angle Described—Upton's Report of Battle
—The Tree Cut Down by Bullets—The Ap-
pearance of Field Next Morning . . . . 141
XII Meyer’s Hill Affair—Jericho Ford—Destroying
R. R.—Sheridan's Raid Around Lee's Army 149
XIII Charge of 2nd Conn.-Withdrawal—Shriek of
Wounded Man . . . . . . . . . . . 154
XIV General Lee Mystified—At Bermuda Hundreds—
A Sutler Comes to Grief—Arrival at Peters-
burg—A Mortar Shell . . . . . . . . 162
XV Ordered to Washington—Reception at Washing-
ton—At Fort Stevens—Lincoln and General
Wright—Pursuit of Early to Snickersville
Eord—Early Advance . . . . . . . . 169
XVI. Sheridan Takes Command—Itinerary of Brigade
in Valley—The Opequon Battle—General Rus-
sell Killed — Upton Wounded — Battle of
Fisher's Hill—The Exposed Flank . . . . 176
XVII General Gordon's Strategy at Cedar Creek—The
Successful Attack—Advance Checked — The
Enemy Routed . . . . . . . . . . . 189
XVIII Return to Petersburg—Hatcher’s Run–The
Attack on Ft. Steadman—A Successful Charge 202
XIX The Brigade Sent to 19th Corps—Skirmishes
into Petersburg—The Pursuit of Lee—Bat-
tle of Sailor's Creek — Colonel Cronkite
Wounded . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208
XX Lee's Surrender—Sixth Corps Sent South to
Burkesville and Danville—Receives Recruits
and Officers Mustered to Full Ranks—Returns
to Washington and 121st Is Mustered Out at
Halls Hill, Va. . . . . . . . . . . . 219
APPENDIx—The Number of Men in Regiment Uncertain
—Table of Losses—List of Officers and Their
Terms of Service—Transfers to 65th N. Y.
Vet. Wols.-Gettysburg Monument—Roster of
Surviving Members — Personal Mention —
Transfers to U. S. C. T.-Regimental Associa-
tion—Historical Committee . . . . . . . 229
254
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