MEMOIR OF THE STATE S() UTHERN MARATH A COUNTRY. DRAWN UP FOR GOVERNMEN S —3-Q3D- With one Map and Two Genealogical Tables. —3>Q}<>- 'rice Rupees 5 As, 8 & ºfL. 9. ºr, *= © e rº e ‘... ſº /* * 60 # ‘s’ “o & (O .* & ſ } i | ! ; : i : | : ; i i tº:| l t| : } g i ! --> i ; i k i } º | I i - | - 4 ! ! SELECTIONS FROM THE RECORDs of THE Bombay GovernmeNT. Q No. CXIII.-NEw Series. *****-*-*-****-** *-* - -º-º-s-s-s--- A. MEMOIR OF THE STATES (OT THE O SOUT H E R N M A R A T H A G OUNTRY. DRAWN UP.FOR GOVERNMENT BY CAir. EDWARD W. WEST, OF THE BOMBAY stºff CORPS, AND ASSISTANT TO THE POLITICAL AGENT, KOLAPORE ANſ, O SOUTHERN MARATHA COUNTRY. O ; 3 #SSc O With one Map and two Geneological Tables. —ºsgå92 e-a-e- 35 0 m b tip : , - PRINTED FOR GOVERNMENT ... AT THE EDUCATION SOCIETY'S PRESS, BYCULLA. *sº 1869. Price Rupees 5 As. S. grad D5. H 85 , B 64 W5||, |849 22*, * # a £--0 .* 13°25 0638 ... rºs, as a , e. 2’ , r .# *.. º - 3. DT *...* 0 0 NT ENT S. *~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. --~~~~ INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . e o a e o e e s a tº a tº e º 'º e g tº e º e § - e. - • ^. List of Sirdars of the Southern Maratha Country . . . . . . . . . . . . tº a 6 tº The Eutawurdhuns under the Peshwas . . . . . . . . . .” e - e < e < e < e < e e tº e º ºs THE PUTWURDIWINS UNDER THE BRITISH- Sanglee * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * a tº e a e < a. º. º e º e º 'º e < * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * tº Meeruj (undivided) . . . . . . Q = e o 3 s e s o o e e < e s e e º e e tº e º e o 'º e s & Gº tº gº 55 divided, 1st share . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . X 5 53 2nd 33 • * * * * * * * * tº s o ºs o 'º e u e a s s a 1- o s e º 'o & © tº 39 2, 3rd , (lapsed) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • * - - - - - - - - 22 y 5 •4th X 3 ( 5 5 ) sº tº e º e º ſº tº tº a e º ºn e º 'º e is tº dº e º 'º º Jamkhundee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . gº tº e s p → ~ * > * > * * * * * tº e º 'º e s e º e a Chinchnee (ºpsed) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . * * * * * * * * * * e e tº e s = e s a e s a Y w º { Tasgºum (lapsed) . . . . . . . . º e º s e a s - - - - - - - - - © tº * * * * * * * * * * * * > * Koorundwar . . . . . . . • * * * * * * * * * * * * - - - - - § - - - - - - - - e dº e s w tº & sº e Supplement to do. (The Waree Estate) . . . . . . . . . . . . tº º & e º e s e gº tº O Shedbal or Kagwar (lapsed) . . . . . . . . . . & © tº e º ºs e e & Gº tº e º ºs e º sº a g o Moodhole e is e º ºs e e s is a s is b b e s e º 'o o e = w w s e s = e s © & e º o ºs © tº º t e º 'º e º sº. 6 º' is & gº O Pedigree of the Bhaway family . . . . . . . . . . e e º ºs e = * * * * * * * * c e º e s e e ºs The Bhaway family under the Peshwas . . . . . . . . & is tº s e < e < * * * * © tº e º o ſº THE BHAWAY &AMILY UNDER THE BRITISH- O Ramdroog tº º e º e º 'º & © e • * * * * * e e © e e s 6 e o e e s * * * * * * > * > * e a * * * * * * r O Nur Oond apsed e & e & e º 'º º e º sº tº e * . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A . . g|O (lapsed) O kittoor (lapsed) • a s e as 0 a tº 2 a e º e º a 9 tº a 6 .*. * G & © tº tº * * * * * g e g º e º & = g a g º º º Savanoor. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • * * tº a tº 3 3 a 5 & 2 * tº ; f, o f 5 & 3 tº 6 fi l?AC}} V Siv 177 I88 195 204 i PU iv . CONTENT$, © *A G#. - 'G Nepaumee (lapsed). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214 Revenue and other Statistics of the Southern Maratha Country . . . . . . 222 © O APPENDICES. Q gº O Appendix A—Tainat Zabta of Govind Row Hurree . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii. O © r - º & O * ~33. 22 B— , , of Wamon Row Gevind. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxxii ,, . 0– , , of Chintamon Row Pandoorung. . . . . . . . . . exv D–Terms granted to Chintamon Row in fê21 . . . . . . . . . . cxxvii. 32 © 5 E–Government Resolution regarding claims against the J) *> Putwurdhun Chiefs tº e º ºs " … " • - e o e = ** * * * o . • e o 'º e s w CXXX 95 F—Selections from the correspondence of the Honourable M. Elphinstone and Mr. Chaplin between A.D. . #8:S and 1820 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . * * * * ** a . . . . . ©xxx; INTRODUCTION. THE District known politically as the Southern Maratha Country corresponds nearly with the Maratha geographical division of the “Carnatic,” or country situated between the rivers Kristna and Tongbuddra “–a tract frequently referred to during the Maratha campaigns of the early part of this certtury as the “Doab.” It com- prises the whole or parts of the British collectorates of Belgaum, Dharwar, and Kulladghee, and the native States of Savanoor, Moodbrole, Sanglee, Meertj, Koorundwar, Jamkhundee, and Ramdroog.t. Kolapore also may be included in its limits, which indeed are almost identical with those of the State as constituted by the Treaty of 1730 between the two branches of Sivajee's family. - - O This tract of country came under the British, together with. the rest of the Peshwa's possessions, on the subversion of that prince’s dynasty in 1818-19. It was for some years administered and politically superintended by the Principal Collector at Dharwar under the instructions of the Commissioner in the Deccan, and the intention was to transfer it to the Madras Presidency when the necessity for a Commissioner should cease, thus ieaving the Warna the southern boundary of the Bombay Presidency, as well as of the newly-established State of Sattara. When Mr. Chaplin, . however, in 1826, vacated the Commissionership, he strongly deprecated the proposed arrangement, and after considerable correspondence between the Madras, Bombay, and Supreme -ā w * This is a loose definition adopted from one of Sir T. Munro's despatches. It agrees, however, with the present vernacular use of the word, the Politiel Agent in the Southern Maratha Country being termed in Marathi, the Political Agent in the Carnatic. It should be noted, that some of the Putwardiaun possessions lie outside this district, being situated so far to the north-east as Punderpoor. t The following States were formerly included, but have since become British territory, viz. Kittoor, Chinchnee, Nepaumee, Tasgaum, Shedbal or Kagwar, Nurgoogd, and two shares in Meeruj. ( vi ) Governments, it was finally decided by the Court of Directors that the Southern Maratha Country should form part of the Bombay Presidency. - After the abolition of the Commissionership the political charge of the Native States in this district remained for some years with the Principal Collector of Dharwar, but on the division of that collectorate in 1836, the Corſector of Belgaum became Political Agent, the States of Savanoor and Nurgoond only remain- ing under Dharwar. In 1843 this official was allowed a special Assistant for political duties, and, after the disturbances which took place about that period, was relieved, of the superintendence of Kolapore, which became a separate charge. For some years past the position of Political Agent has not been held by the Collector of Belgaum, but the political duties of the Southern Maratha Country have been discharged, in conjunction with those of Kolapore, by the Agent at the latter place. When the British possessions in the Deccan were formally *brofight under the Regulations it was found necessary to define to some extent the position of the Native nobility in that country, and accordingly Regulation XXIX. of 1827 was passed. By the enactment certain persons of rank were exempted from the juris- diction of the Civil Courts, and it was ordered that an Agent of Government should be specially appointed for "the puerpose of receiving, trying, and deciding all complaints against them of a civil nature, which would, under ordinary circumstances, be cognis- able by the Judges. The persons thus exempted were divided into three classes. Those of the first class were “individuals of the very first distinction and influence under the Peshwa's govern- ment, on account of their birth, their political importance, or the religious estimation in which they were held.” Suits against such persons, it was ruled, should be conducted and decided by the Agent, “, reference being had in the most ample degree to the privilegeš of the defendant by former usage and custom enjoyed, and to other peculiar characteristics of the case conformable to like usage or custom.” No decree against such defendant was to be enforced till the suit and all proceedings thereon had 5 5 ( vii ) been referred to the Governor in Council, an appeal to the JKing in Council being open to either party. The second class comprised “individuals not equalin conside- ration to those above adverted to, but of high rank and import- ance unter the Peshwa's government.” Suits against such persons were to be tried by the Agent, reference being had to the rank, of the defendant and other circumstances. An appeal in such cases lay.from the Agent to Government, and from Government to the King in Council. * In the third class were included individuals inferior in rank to those of the classes previously described, but still equitably entitled, on account of the privileges hitherto enjoyed by them, to a certain special degree of consideration.” Suits against them were to be tied by the Agent “in like conformity to usage and custom, with some relaxation of the rules of the General Regu-. lations, and some portion of attention to the points above specified for regulating his decisions in suits against individuals of the two superior classes.” These suits might be appealed to the Sudder . Adawlut, and from that Court to the King in Council. By Regulation I. of 1831 suits connected with land, its pro- dude and rent, in which persons of rank of the privileged classes WGT6 concerned, were declared cognisable only hy the Agent of Government, and by Regulations VII. of 1830 and XVI. of 1831, the Political Agent in the Southern Maratha Country was vested with the same powers as the Agent in the Deccan. As the names of the various Chiefs. in the Southern Marathan Country, with whom engagements had been concluded, were entered” in the first class without any specification to mark them from the other first-class Sirdars, it was supposed that suits against them were Čognisable according to the Regulations aboyeeſeferred to, and such suits were accordingly filed against them in the Poli- tical Agent's Court. On a case of the kind, however, being brought to the notice of Government in 1839, the Political Agent * With the exception of the Raja of Moodhole. ( viii ) was informed that such Chiêfs were not within his judicial cogni- Mr. J. P. Willoughby's ººº- though subject to his political control. letter No. 1245, dated “No doubt can exist,” the letter went on to 2nd July 1839. remark, “that as Political Agent the Agent has the power to interfere so far as te—require that justice may be done, for to do justice forms one of the bonditions of the Treaties. There can be no act of justite greater than that the Chief should himself pay his own just debts, and, on a Chief refusing to do so, the Agent would be justifiéd in re- monstrating with him, and ultimately the Government would have the power of requiring an arrangement by which any admitted debt might be paid.” O O The Jagheerdars of the Southern Maratha Country_always exercised the power of life and death in their own territory, and their power has been continued to them under the British Govern- ment. They can, however, try only their own subjects for capital offences without express permission.” ..The mode of procedure which used to be adopted by the * officer of the Agency when complaints were brought against a Chief, and which still, with some exceptions, prevails, may best be gathered from the following extract of a letter written by Mr. H. L. Anderson in 1843 for the information of the &\% Directors:— - O ...A “If it is ascertained on the petition being read that the com- plainant had sought redress without effect from the native authori- ties, it is despatched to the Vakeel of the Chieftain whose conduct is called in question, that the charge may be disproved or explained. $f the Vakeel’s report ji, unsatisfactory, and it generally evades the point at issue, the petition is forwarded to the Government Akhburnuvees,” with specific instructions as to the points he is to investigate. On the report of the Akhburnuvees being received, the complainant and the Chief's Vakeel are, if necessary, directed * Or newswriter, an official stationed in Native States, whose duty it was to keep the authorities acquainted with all of importance that was going on, and to make inquiries occasionally when trustworthy information was mot procurable from the authorities of the place. This class of functionary is now much less frequently employed than was the case formerly. ( ix ) Q to attend before the Political Agent or his Assistant, and the case being fully discussed, an opinion on its merits is expressed. Should that opinion be unfavourable to the Chief, a letter is addressed to him in which the incónsistency of his conduct with his office and dignity-º-pointed out, and a hope is expressed that his error will be speedily rectified. It should especially be borne in mind that the Politital Agent conducts these investigations in the capacity of an arbitrator or friendly mediator rather than that of a judge. In deciding on the merits of each case he is not guided by legal provisions, with which the Chiefs are unacquainted, but invariably respects the peculiar customs which may prevail in each country. His decisions are not enforced by any authoritative forms, but being suggested to the Chief, are acted upon by him as if they were his own opinions.” O At the period when Mr. Anderson wrote these remarks there were no Civil Courts in the Southern Maratha States. Since then, among other improvements, Civil Courts have been estab- lished, and complaints frequently assume the form of appeals. • In a case where the Sangleekur was concerned it was laid down by Government, in Resolution No. 2473, of the 2nd August 1867, that Article IV. of the Agreement with that Chief “does not authorise the Political Agent to hear appeals from his decisions, but that under this article the Political Agent may reasonably maintain the power of calling for papers, and reviewing cases in order to ascer- tain whether justice has been done. He should interfere, how- ever, as little as possible, and only in cases where there can be no question as to the injustice of the decision complained against.” It was directed that the Assistant Political Agent should not advise any of the Treaty-Chiefs to annul their decisions except under instructions from the Political Agent, and it was notified that Government will reject all petitions made to them against any decisions passed by the Chiefs with the concurrence of the Political Agent, and that only those cases will be entertained in which the Chief has declined to follow that. officer's advice. It was subse- quently ordered that, with regard to appeals from decisions of Courts in States under the direct management of the Agency O ( x ) from minority or other causes, one appeal only should lie to the Political Agent, for disposal by himself or his Assistant, in Small Cause Court cases up to Rupees 500 in value, and that in other cases there might be a regular appeal, and a Special appeal. In very gross cases of oppression and injustice the Govern- ment, as will be seen in the following pages, have warned the Jagheerdar that a continuance of sueh conduct if persisted in will lead eventually to the resumption of his jagheer. ..In some cases part of a jagheer has been attached, and in several instances fines have been imposed, which have been generally expended in works of public utility. - O When the Chiefs of the Southern Maratha Country came under the British Government they were for the most part bound to furnish contingents of horse as the condition on which they held their possessions. In 1848 this service was for many reasons commuted to a money-payment, the Jagheerdars, however, being warned that they would still have to serve in cases of energency, and the amount thus realised was applied to the support of the * Southern Maratha Irregular Horse. This corps was subsequently abolished, in 1864, and since that period the amount annually paid by the Moodholekur and Putwurdhuns (Rs. 52,047-9*) has not been devoted to any special object. O # There remain but few points affecting the Chiéfs generally to be noted here. It may be mentioned that it was found advisable in 1848, for the purpose of checking the increasing indebtedness . of the Jagheerdars, to issue a notification to the effect that the debts incurred by a Chief would only be chargeable on his estate during his lifetime. The-concession of the right of adoption also by Lord Canning in 1862 should be recorded, as the boon was one of vital importance to the Southern Maratha Chiefs, who had seen many estates resumed for want of natural heirs. Thé Sirdars' School at Belgaum may also be briefly noticed. This institution was set on foot in 1850, the funds being liberally O * The sum of Rs. 3,468-12 pail annually by the Ramdroog Chief is excluded from this amount as being a paymen; not in commutation of service, but as “Jagheer bab” on his share of Konoor, xi O supplied by the Chiefs, with the obječt of providing a good educa- tion for the children belonging to their States. It was hoped, too, that the Chiefs would send their own sons for the purpose of being educated—a hope which has been realised in very few in- stances. - The institution was not very successful at first, but after a time improved considerably. In 1858 it was made over to the charge ºf the Educational. Department, which incorporated with ſt a High School. The expenditure of the funds is controlled to some extent by the Political Agent, and the subscribers have the right of nominating free scholars, but in other respects the management of the School rests entirely with the Department of Public Instruction. • . Qne other matter may.here be adverted to in conclusion. In all the Treaties with the Southern Maratha Chiefs it is stipulated that they should receive Sunnuds from the Governor-General, and inquiry has been made more than once for these documents, which, however, were never bestowed. In 1824 the Honourable M. Elphinstone, in reply to an application, from the Chief of Jamkhundee, remarked that when the Sunnuds were promisede the Southern Maratha Country was under the Governor-General's immediate government, but as it had since been transferred to the Bombay Presidency, a Sunnud from His Lordship was no longer required. The Chief was accordingly informed that on presenta- tion of an authénticated schedule of all his lands he would receive from the Bombay Government a Sunnud in terms conformable to the agreement entered into with them. This the Jamkhun- deekur apparently did not find an easy matter, and so the * subject dropped. Mr. Chaplin, the Cºmmissioner in the Decca, appears to have made attempts to get authenticated lists of the Jagheerdars’ possessions with a view to drawing up Sunnuds, but to have been baffled by the difficulty of deciding on their title to all they chaimed. ii. ptſ - List OF SIRDARs. 3. LIST of the THREE CLASSES of SIRDARS in the SouTHERN MARATHA Country. à US UALLY RESIDE AT NAMEs, Town or Village. Collectorate. Date of admission into the List. - 2 . 3 7 8 - . 2 - - 9 |Parwutee Baee Sahib, widow of Trimbuk • " First Class. Buka Baee Sahib, widow of Bºlwunt Row, alias Baba Sahib Ghorepuray. Chummoobee, alias Chima Baee Salib, widow of Munwar Khan, Nawab of Savauoor. Dhondee Row Chintamon, alias Tatya Sahib Putwurdhun, Chief of Sanglee. . . Gumput Row Hurreehur, alias Bapoo Sahib Putwurdhun, of Koorund war. Gumput Row Gungadhur, alias Tatya Sahib Putwurdhun, Chief of Meeruj. Gunga Baee Salib, widow of Gungadhur Row Gunput, alias Balla Sahib Putwur- dhum of Meeruj. Lucheeuma, widow of Abdool Khair Khan, late Nawab of Savanoor. Luximon Row Mahadoo, alias Anna Sahib Putwurdhun, of Meeruj, Moodhole Savanoor . . . . . Sanglee e - 9 º' s a e - O Koorundwar Meeruj ° e O Ditto Savanoor Kagwad . . Row Putwurdhun Shedbalkur, º Meeruj . . . . . . . . Belgaum . . . ." . . . sº . Dharwar Belgaum . . . . . . . . Ditto . . . Belgaum . . . . . . . . . Dharwar . . . . . . . . * * * * * * * * • $ & v 25th May 1867 . . . . I}itto . . . . A © Under the Political jurisdiction of The Political Agent Soutlievin Maratha Country. The Collector Dharwar. of 21st October 1864 . . |2nd September 1865. 25th May 1867 16th October 1827 . . 13th April 1859. ... 25th May 1867 . . . . ll th Nowenbº 1846. The Political Agen Southerie Maratha Country. Ditto ditto. © º ... • Ditto ditto. Ditto ditto. O O O O The Collector ºf Dharwar. The Political Ageift Southern Maratha Country. Ditto ditto. REM A R K S. : *Died since List was pre- pared. - O Note.—Two names may perhaps be remarked as absent in this list, those, namely, of the Raja of Moodhole and the Nawab of Savanoor. The name of Ramchunder Row Gopal, alias Apa Sahib |Ram Row Narayen, alias Row Sahib Putwurdhun, Chief of Jamkhundee. Bbaway, Chief of Ramdroog, Rugoonath Row Keshow, alias Dada Sahib Putwurdhun, Chief of Koorumdwar. Radha Baee Sahib, widow of Keshow Row Putwurdhum. - Trimbuk Row Keshow, *alias Aba Sahib Putwurdhun. Venayek Row Kesheo, alias Apa Sahib Putwurdhum. Yeswuda Baee Sahib, widow of Chifitamon , Row Apa Sahib Putwurdhun. Yeshwuda Baee Sahib, widow of Keshow Jamkhandee . . . . Ramdroog Koorundwar O Dit to R)ittº Ditto O Sanglee Bow Ghorepuray. Inchulkurunjee Ditto Ditto Ditto . 21st October 1864. . sº- j6th October 1842 . . 10th November 1831. fitto c e º 'º 25th May 1867 . . . . O Ditto 25th May 1867 • O O Ditto • * * * Ditto ditto. Ditto ditto. • Ditto ditto, © e º e , , , , 9 Ditto ditto. Ditto ditto. Ditto ditto.. Ditto • ditto. O Ditto ditto. of the former is never inserted, apparently on account of his bearing the title of Raja, and the latter, father, so that his name has nºt been entered O O e 2nd Class. O Abdool Dulair Kham Khair Khan . . . . . . Anpoorma Baee Sahib, widow of Moreshwur Narayen Putwurdhum. Abdool Kassim Klian . Savanoor . . . . yet. Meeruj. . . . . . Abdool Kureem Khan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ditto . . Savanoor . . . . . . Dharwar Belgaum Dharwar . . . . Ditto O 21st February 1863. Ditto * a e , (16th November 1866. Ditto The Collector Dharwar. The Political Agent Southern Maratha Country. The Collector of Dhgrwar. l)itto ditto, who is auite a child, has only lately succeeded his 10 1 1 # dºº-- *- : * NAMEs. Usu ALLY RESIDE AT 10 l] 12 13 14 2nd Class-- continued. Abdool Raof Khan Abdool Deelawur Khan '*, * * * * * * * * * * Bhoj Raj Sindh Raj, alias Appa Saheb Powar. Budaybee Sahib, widow of Shumshair Khan Savanoorkur. Doolay Khan Abdool Khair Khan ". . . . . . Girja Baee, widow of Malojee Row Ghore- puray. - Godoo Baee Sahib, widow of Vishwambhur Pundit. * Juyapa Lingapá, alias Baba Sahib Dessaee Shirshingeekur. O Date of admission into the List. Chiºkolée tº e e º º is Shirshingee . . . . . . O Jeeoo Baee Sahib, widow of Bhim Row Moondurgee Moondurgee. Jywunta Baee, alias Ranee Sahib, widow Ditto . . . . Ditto . Dharwar . . . . . . . . Guj endragud . . of Dowlut Row Sahib Ghorepuray. ..|Kulladghee tº Q º G & & Ditto . 27th March 1860. . . . 25th May 1867 . . . . Ditto, Under the Political jurisdiction of REM A R K s. . . . The Political Agent Town or Village. Collectorate. Savanoor . . . . . . Dharwar . . . . . . . . 16th November 1866. The Collector of Dharwar. Ditto . . . . . . Ditto . . . . . . . Ditto Ditto ditto. Uthnee Belgaum, . . . . . . . . 16th October 1827. The Political Agent Southern Maratha Country. Savanoor . Dharwar . . . . . . . . 25th May 1867 . . . . The Collector of >: © O O Dharwar. * G - e º e º º P . Jamkhundee . . . . Sanglee . . . . . . . . Poona . . . . . . . . . . Belgaum . . . . . . Ditto ....... o O T}itto & Q & A 4th January 1827 . . . 25th May 1867 . . . . 4th January 1827 . . Belgaum . . . Ditto ... The Political Agent O Southern Maratha - Country. O O O Ditto . . . . . . . . 25th May 1867 Ditto ditto. Ditto . . . . . . . . 7th December 1867. Ditto ditto. Ditto . . . . . . . .25th May 1867 . . . . Ditto ditto. Ditto . . . . . . . . Ditto . . . . . Ditto ditto. Ditto . . . . . . e Ditto . . . . . Ditto ditto. At present Benares Ditto Ditto ditto. © O Dharwar , , , , , , , , |16th October #827 . . The Collector of The Collector Dharwar. *~- of The Political Agent Country. The e Collector .9f Dharwal." Ditto ditto. © Southern Marathal Dharwar. Wide Govern- ment Reso- lution No.” 3641 of 1868. 38 40 Date of admission | Under the Political REMARKs. into the List. jurisdiction of 4th January 1827 . . The Political Agent Southern Maratha Country. 25th May 1867 . ." . Ditto ditto. Ditto . . . . . Ditto ditto. © $4 16th Octobe”1827. The Cºllector of $4 Dharwar. of • T O 3 USUALLY RESIDE AT 5 c O NAME § 2. TN AM ES. 5. © Town or Village. Collectorate. C O - - 3rd Class—continued. - Q - - - - 10 Mahomeſ. Ukram Shaik Khan Sahib Hullullee . . . . . . . . [Belgaum . . . . . . . . Peewjadey. O f © 11 ||Muriumbee, widow of Mirja Moheedeem Bustwad . . . . . . . . . Ditto . . . . . . . . - Beg. O 12 Parwuttee Baee, widow of Nagopunt Mod-Sholapore . . . . . . . Ditto . . . . . . . . ghee. O 13 ||Raghvendru Amunt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hooleegole . . . . . . Dharwar . . . . . . . . © O - O 14 ||Ramchunder Bulwunt Daté . . . . . . . . . . . . Jamkhundee . . . . [Belgaum . . . . . . . . 15 ||Rama Baee, widow of Bodh Row Hum- FIooſeegºle . . . . . . Dharwar . . . . . . . . lm unt. 16 Radha Baee, widow of Govind Padhay ... Salwun . . . . . . . . Kolapore . . . . . . e 17 |Veerbhudrapp Slidappa Dessaee . . . . . . Chichudi . . . . . . . . Belgaum . . . . . . . . 18 Venkut Row Humumunt Dharwar . . . . . . . . • * s e e º e º e g º 0 ° tº Hooleegole . . . . . . 6th March 18 9. tº e 6 25th May 1867 . . . . Ditto tº º e a 4th January 1827 .. |al October 1827. . The Political Agent Southern Maratha Country. The Collector Dharwar. The Politigal Agent Sauthorn Maratha Country. Ditto ditto. O The Collector of Dharwar. XXI ºo!!!pOļļļCI *04ņſpOļņICI ºo!'ſ ſpOļļļCI °O}}|ſp • OļņĮGI © ‘0}}}pOļļļCI *04ņſpOļļțCI O* • • ºoļņſp.044țGI O*Á qumoO BųQUIBIAĽ u.10ųąmos \u0ży [eoſ]ſſoaſ atļJ, OļļțCI OļļļCI 044|(1 OļļĮGI . 044țCI LØSL Á temuſeſ g\} ' ' 09SI Įsmºjny q36 129I Á Iullueſ qąþ · omſq ‘ “ OļņICI ‘ “ OļļĪGI *;, 044!C! * * 04}{GI * ', OļņICI ** Qq}{CI • • Uumuºſºg ' ' OļļțGI. * * 044||CI © 0OļļļCI- ** 04ņICI O * * 0}}\GI • • ſ * * 0ļņĮGI O © ®OļļļCI º 'tutuºſºg • ！ 0 • • • • • • • • • • • •Imx{00 ſõuaeJOpoſſa · · · · · · *. 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Brain. _ | Brânch - - I T -. |Zºrzzzzzzº • - º - - * Zoº - e lº soa. - acº-ººoº- - 3”.5oz. * 6" & e -> - - - | | | | | | | - | - - - ſee/º ºr Aºze/aerº- | Gozz/ º ºad ºazºv” Zºrºazz |AVºzzzz Zºom. | Zºolºº | % % *% % º Zeow - 1. I T T O O - T - | - - - | l | | - - | | ad - | - Aºzºzºwº ºpº % Mºaz Azazza. Azzo - ºnzzaz ºozzaz ºr zºº Zºrrº. Azazoo * Zºnadº saac Aº Zºom- - Zºoar Zºo” Zºo” Zºrºazz Zºzz Zºotº º Zºolºº L. Z T * eace º _*_ Ö | | () - - Ö | - | - l º - - - Govzzazzar -. - - Gazzº Z)% ſº º/* º://www. **| |z2, … ºz. Pºzzºz. &zzºad/w/ Goaaz z/ - * 777/72&/º Lºw- * & Zºo” Zºo” Zºº Zºolº º Zºº º . - Zºolºº % - Zºo” i - w - I l º I |. Nº. Aºazzazzazz. Aſº // - º ºa. - - - - º/zoo Lºopz - T - * > . - - - O -- - - -- - - * - - - T º -- | | l - - - - - - - - - - T º. 1/zzaz Cºzzº º //wwºw * *%” Lºw- wº s - - - Zºolºº | - - I Aſes/too . &zzozz Zºº - * 5 zºº wºoz º.º. Zsº - - -------- Zºopa' V_l * — Zºstaze Zaased to Governmenz as/ada Zoº -T- - - - - - - - - | - - - - - - - º º - - - - - • ** *e e - - - - - - - • * —º- - - - - - - - - - - - THIHE” PUTwu RDHUNs tº NDER THE PESHWAS, - The Putwurdhun family—in many respects the most important one in the Southern Maratha Country—is at present represented by the Chiefs of Sanglee, Meeruj (2), Koorundwar, and Jumkhundee. Two shares in Meeruj, together with the estates of Chinchnee, Tasgaum, and Shedbal or. Kagwar, originally belonging to the family, have lapsed to the British Government, as will be herein- after narrated. - - The founder of the family was a Concanust Brahmin named Hur Bhutt bin Ballum Bhutt, of the village of Kotowra" in the ſilla of Rutnagherry. He was the father of seven sons waned fespectively Krishna Bhutt, Ballum Bhutt, Trimbuk Punt, Govind" unt, Mahadeo Bhutt, Ramchunder Punt, and Bhasker Punt. From the third, fourth, and sixth sons—Trimbuk, Govind, and Ramchunder Huree—are descended the Putwurdhun Chiefs. The other sons, with the exception of Mahadoo, who died in childhood, also left"issue, and their descendants are still extant in subordinate positions in their kinsmen's estates. - * O . Hur Butt distinguished himself by a long series of devotional * austerities at a well-known temple of Gunputtee, and was after- e * g a . . . . e. * e - - wards appointed “oopadhia’’ or family priest to. Naro Mahadoo # Seven beegas of land in this village were granted in inam in A.D. 1740 by Shahoo Maharaj to Hur Bhutt, which are still retained by the descendants of the latter. On the subversion of the Peshwa's dynasty it was intended to grant the whole village to the Putwurdhuns, but they differed so much about the way the grant should be made—the Sanglee Chief insisting that it should be made to him as the head of the family, and the other members objecting—that the intention was never carried into • effect. - - - 'l p w 2 O of Eenchulkurrinjee. In A.D. 1722 the son of this chief was married to Awoo Baee, daughter of Ballajee Wiswanath, the first of the Peshwas, on which occasion Hur Bhutt was brought into notice, and thus commenced the connection between the Peshwas and the Putwurdhuns. . Shortly after the marriage some of the sons of Hur Bhutt went to Poona, and Govind Hurree ere long got employment from the Peshwa, first as furnu wees and afterwards as commandant of a body of horse. Ramchunder also served with his brother. He died in A.D. 1740, leaving a son, Pursheram, destined to be the most famous of the Putwurdhuns, who was a minor at the time of his father's death, and was consequently kept undér the guardianship of his uncle Govind. Hur Bhutt, the progenitor of the family, died in the same year as his son Ramchunder. © Govind Row and his son Gopal took an active part in all the stirring events of Ballajee Bajee Row's reign. They supported the Peshwa against the famous Tara Baee when that aged but energetic lady got up a revolution, and they joined in the operations •which resulted in the capture by treachery of Dummajee Guicowar, the ancestor of the present Baroda chief. In the ºpºgº against Savanoor in A.D. 1756, when the Peshwa's forces and those of Sulabut Jung, were confederated against the place, Gopal Row was wounded, and heis said to have arranged the teſms of surren der. When half of the Savanoor territories were restored to the Nawab shortly afterwards he granted in inam to Govind Row the thanna Doodwar. The grant was confirmed by the Peshwa, and the place is still in possession of the family. . | • While his relations. Were thus occupied in Poona, Trimbuk, the third son of Hur Bhutt, was employed in the service of Futteh Sing Bhoslay of Akulcote, who granted him a surinjam, and gave him the position of moozoomdar at his court. By virtue of this latter office he held certain mokassa umuls in the villages of Khoombez and Jatagaum, which, though they were resumed with the surinjam on the death of Futteh Sing in 1760, were afterwards re-granted by the Peshwa and remained till recently in the posses. sion of the family. Through the influence of his patron, Trimbuk" f 3. O Hurree obtained from Shahoo Maliaraj in A.D. 1745 a piece of land in' Dewunhall and the hamlet of Kagwar. The grant was made out in the name of Hur Bhutt, and the land on which the village of Gunespoor or Guñeshwarra was subsequently built was divided by the grantee among his brothers and nephews, he himself retaining a moiety and the jurisdiction over the whole. s .*.*. * *- © Durihg the reign of Mahadoo Row Bullal, who succeeded Ballajee Bajee Row as Peshwa, the Putwurdhuns attained their zenith." The records for A.D. 1761 refer to the grant of the fort of Meeruj and other Surinjams to Govind Hurree, and he held some districts in komavis with Lüximon Konehere. In 1763-64 he had assigned to him Surinjamee lands of the annual * * rental of twenty-five lakhs of rupees for _ - --- the maintenance of 8,000 horse. His nephews Puisheram Ramchunder and Neelkunt Row Trimbuk were associated with him in the grant, and were bound to keep up 2,400 and 1,000 horse respectively as their shares of the contingent. This grant constitutes the original title of the Putwurdhuns to ...their possessions, and the three grantees represent the main branches." of the family, viz. Meeruj, Tasgaum, and Koorundwar. * . Pide Appendix A. i About the same time the family had assigned to them the districts of Chikpree and Munolee, of which the Peshwa had dis- possessed the Raja of Kolapore. These districts, however, did not remāin long with their new possessors, as they were restored to the Raja a few years afterwards. The Putwurdhuns played a prominent part in the politics of . Mahadoo Row's reign, and took a line that was afterwards vin; dictively remembered by the last of the Peshwas. Mahadoo Row being a young man at the time of his father's death, his uncle and guardian Ruggonath Row, generally known as Ragoba, looked forward to a long period of power. In 1762, however, the young Peshwa insisted on being admitted to a share in the Administra- tion. Ruggonath Row and the ministers of his party, offended - . Q * Koorundwar, however, was not in the possession of the Putwurdhuns at this time, but was granted in A.D. 1784 by Sivajee, raja of Kolapore, to the two grandsons of Trimbuk Hurree. at this, and imagining that the state could not be managed with- out them, resigned their appointments, which were immediately filled up by Mahadoo Row, and Gopal Row Putwardhun was ap- pointed to assist Trimbuk Row Mama, the new dewan. These arrangements, however, were but short lived. Ruggorath Row, assisted by the Moguls of Hyderabad, advanced against Poona in such force that the Peshwa, in order to prevent a compreſe divi- sion in the state, gave himself up to his uncle, and, though treated with much respect, was placed in confinement. - O One of the first Steps taken by Ruggomath Row on his return to power was the gratification of his revenge against Gopal Row by the attack and capture of Meeruj. The act was an impolitic one, ... Ruggonath Row's conduct drove Gopal Row and other sufferers to listen to the overtures of Vittul Soondoor, the Nizam’s dewan, and join the Moguls. Hostilities then commenced. Nizam Ali plundered Poona and the neighbouring districts, while Ruggonath Row attacked Hyderabad and plundered its suburbs. Owing to. the intrigues of the latter, Jánojee Bhosſay, of Berar, deserted the "Moguls in the battle of Taindulza which shortly ensued and in which Vittul Soondoor was killed. Nizam Ali was thus defeated, but by working on the weakness of Ragoba he made a new treaty on far more favourable terms than could have been expected. A general reconciliation then took place and Meeruj was restored to Gopal Row. - .# O - - O - - - In 1764 war broke out against Hyder Ali of Mysore, who had for some time been making inroads Qn the Southern possessions qf the Marathas. Gopal Row was sent in advance, but was defeated by Fuzzub Oolla Khait,”Hyder's lieutenant, and obliged to fall back on the main army, which was headed by Mahadoo Row himself. The operations against Hyder were successful, but Ruggonath, Row, who joined the Maratha army before their close, akowed Hyder more favourable terms than were generally approved of - * .. * Not long after these events the disputes between Ruggonath Row and , his nephew were resumed. The Peshwa insisted on ruling for himself, and offered his uncle a jagheer, which s 5 - O the latter pretended to accept, while he watched an opportunity to claim half the Maratha empire, and with this view gradually collected troops and intrigued with Janojee Bhonslay. Mahadoo Row, however, attacked and made him prisoner before his plans were completed, and then punished Janojee by invading Berar. Janojee made no attempt to defend his territories, Jout on being joined by his brothers pushed on towards Poona, on which Gopal Row Putwurdhun and another officer were sent after him with 30,000 horse. The family traditions of the Putwurdhuns state that on this occasion Gopal Row acted with great vigour and reduced Janojee to extremities. In Grant Duff's history, however, he is accused of having been in league with Janojee, and it is implied that the favourable, nature to the Peshwa of the treaty of Kunkapore, which was shortly afterwards concluded, was by no means due to Gopal Row's exertions. However this may be, no change seems to have taken place in the relations of Gopal Row with the Peshwa, for in the next year, when war was declared. against Hyder Ali, Gopal Row and his cousins Pursheram Bhow and Neelkunt Row were as usual sent on in advance of the main. army with a large body of horse. Mahadoo Row himself took the field and carried on the campaign with brilliant success, though Gopal Row's force was on one occasion surprised and put to flight by Hyder, but his health, soon obliged him to return to Poona. The force left behind under Trimbuk Row Mama signally de- feated Hyder and eves invested Siringapatam, but news of the Peshwa's increasing illness made the Maratha Sirdars anxious to return to their own territory, and a treaty was accordingly con-" cluded with Hyder. During this war.Neelkunt Row was killed ; Gopal Row returned to Meeruj only" to die in A.D. 1771, after entrusting his brother Wamun Row and Gungadhur Row with the superintendence of his surinjam." Gopal Row's father Govind Row, and Trimbuk Row, the brother of the latter, died in the same year. • * In 1774 a tainat zabta was issued continuing the surinjam to Wamun Row for the support, as before, of 8,000 horse to be kept up by him and his cousins Purshe- ram Ramchunder and Ruggomath Row Neelkunt. Translation of this document will be found at length in Appendix B. 6 In the next year the Peshwa, Mahadoo Row, died, having pre- viously been reconciled to his uncle, to whose care he recommend- ed his brother and successor Narrayen Row. The new Peshwa, however, soon quarrelled with and confined Ruggonath Row, but was himself shortly afterwards murdered, at the instigation, or with the connivance, of the latter. Ruggomath Row was then proclaimed Peshwa, and marched against Hyder Ali, who, according to his usual custom, had taken advantage of the disturbed state of the Maratha empire to encroach on its territory. He was accompanied by Wamun Row and the other Putwurdhuns, but the celebrated Nana Furnuwees and the other ministers gradually withdrew from his camp on finding that Narrayen Row's widow" was pregnant, and formed themselves into a council of regency governing in her . name. The news of this compelled Riggonath Row to execute a treaty hastily with Hyder Ali after some actions. • , Ruggonath Row soon found how little he could rely on the chiefs with him. He quarrelled with the Prithee Needhee, and ordered the Senaputtee to attack him, which, however, the latter refused to do. The same orders were given to Wamun Row and other leaders, but all refused to obey. Wamun Row showed his disposition in favour of the ministerial party more openly than the others, for when Ruggonath Row commenced his march towards Poona, the Putwurdhun force separated from his, waiting only for the arrival of three divisions that had been sent by the ministers from Poona to attack him. Ruggonath, however, fought a successful battle, which for a time revived his failing cause, and • might have won the day for him had he not suddenly retreated to Burhanpore. The birth of Mahadoo Row Narrayen, which took place shortly after, deströyed his last hope of becoming Peshwa. The ministerial party, however, had their hands full of work. Hyder Ali from Mysore, and Bussalut Jung from Adonee, entered the Maratha Country, and the latter plundered as far as Meeruj. Wamun Row Putwurdhun and Anund Row Rastia, who were detached for the protection of their districts, soon compelled him to retire, but they were spečdily recalled to Poona, where active pre- parations were being made to resist Ruggonath Row, who had allied himself with the English. 7 It would be foreign to the subject of this memoir to relate the events of the first Maratha war in which the English were engaged, which immediately ensued, as the Putwurdhuns took little part in them, having for a considerable time been occupied with hostilities against the Kolapore Raja. In 1773 Konhere Row Trim- buk, of Koorundwar, made two raids into Kolapore territories. On the first of these he was defeated by the minister, and driven back with the loss of two guns, but he repeated the incursions. towards the close of the year when he overran the country and invested Kolapore. It was on this occasion that he plundered a famous muth (a sort of monastery) in the Suburbs, notwithstanding the awe-inspiring maledictions. of the mahant or abbot, who buried himself alive at the village of Shengaum. “While these events were going on Hyder Ali pursued his usual policy of turning the troubles of the Marathas to his own advan- tage. Under pretence of being authorised to do so by Ruggonath Row he advanced for the purpose of taking possession of the whole country south of the Kisima, and by 1776 had pushed his conquests as far as Savanoor. The Putwurdhuns under Konhere Row were. despatched to dislodge his force from thence, but were defeated. Konhere Row was killed, and Pandurung Row Govind Putwur- dhun, the Second in command, was wounded and taken as a prisoner to Seringapatam, where he afterwards died, leaving two sons, the eldest.of whom, Hurry Hur Row, followed his father four years afterwards. The leadership of the Putwurdhuns then devolv- ed on Pursheram Bhow, who proved himself one of the most able generals the Marathas ever had, though his first operations against - Hyder in the next year were not successful. He soon, however, had to turn his arms against a new foe"With whom he was subse- quently intimately allied. The ministers at Poona had ere long began to quarrel among themselves. Nana Furnuwees excited the jealously of the English by encouraging an adventurer named St. Lubin, who pretended to be a French ambassador, to such an extent that they readily listened to the overtures of Moroba Furnuwees, one of the minis- terial party and a rival of the Nana, who proposed the restoration 'S of Ruggonath Row. The intrigues of Moroba were soon found out by Nana Furnuwees, who imprisoned him, but it was too late to - avert hostilities with the English. Thé Bombay government despatched a small forcé, which met with perhaps the greatest humiliation that ever visited the British arms in the conclusion, of the disgraceful convention of Wurgaum. The convention was, however, repudiated. General Goddard came overland with a force from Bengal, and, after some attempts 'at negociations, hbstilities with the Marathas recommenced. At first the scene of action was confined to Gujarat, but afterwards the campaign was trans. ferred to the . Concan, and Bassein was taken. After this the Governor-General commenced to treat with the Poona durbar through Moodajee Bhoslay of Berar. General Goddard thought to aid these negociations by making a demonstration in force. He accordingly advanced to Khandalla, but soon found he could effect nothing by staying there, and determined to retire to - Bombay. On his first advance, Pursheram Bhow—who had during the previous operations been occupied in taking the fort of ..Shahpore and fighting with the Raja of Kolapore at Akewat and Sherole, both of which places he took, besides getting posses. sion of the fort of Bhoodergur from some Kolapore insurgents, but had now come to Poona having concluded a treaty with the Raja—was sent with twelve thousand men into the Concan to ob- struct Goddard’s communications with Bombay. . This work he performed with great spirit and considerable skill. He very nearly, cut off two battalions that had been detached to escort a - O e * tº - - , convoy of gain, and seriously harassed a still larger detachment sent from the main force for the same purpose. Pursheram Bhow was now joined by the forces of Hurry Punt and Holkar, and the English troops were subjected to constant harassing attacks from vastly superior numbers. General Goddard atlast succeeded in fighting his way through to Bombay, but he did so, with very heavy loss, which was for the most part attributable to the activity and bravery of the Putwurdhun chieftain. * * * The conclusion of the treaty of Salbye in 1782 put an end to hostilities between the English and the Marathas, and the * " 9 • death of Ruggomath Row in the following year did away with one fertile cause of discussion. The Marathas then made demonstra- tions against Tippoo Sultan, and war, though temporarily averted by the conference at Eedgeer, was not long postponed. In 1785 Tippoo attempted to reduce the fort of Nurgoond, the chief of which had previously been made over as a tributary to his father. The Dessaye, ... however, had .influence with the Putwurdhuns, and Pursherām Bhow advanced to his relief. Tippoo's troops had in the meantime been compelled to raise the siege from want of water, but an insulting message sent to the Marathas brought on hostilities. Nana Furnuwees, though the attack had been made in contravention of his instructions, at once prepared to support. Pursheram Bhow, but at the same time left a road open for accommodation with Tippoo. The latter availed himself of it, and in consequence of his specious promises the Maratha army recrossed the Kistna. The Mysore prince, however, had only intended treachery. As soon as he was relieved of the presence of the Marathas he seized Nurgoond, following up the act by seizing the fort of Kittoor as well, and by various acts of persecu-. tion against Hindoos generally, characteristic of Mahomedan bigotry. e - • - On this, war was declared against Tippoo by the Marathas, with whom Nizam Adi allied himself. Operations in which the Putwur- dhuns were actively employed began by the capture of Budamee and lasted for about a year, when peace was concluded on terms favourable to the Marathas. O The peace, however, lasted but a short time, as Tippoo broke the treaty in the very next year, and cºmmenced military prepa- rations on a large scale, which the Nizam, the Marathas, and the English respectively regarded with alarm. In 1790 these three powers combined against Mysore, and Pursheram Bhow was ap: pointed to eommand the Maratha forces.” He was ageompanied ſh * He had on this occasion to raise troops in excess of his surinjamee quota, and for the repayment of the expenses thus incurred, the conquered districts, including Savnore, were at the close of the war assigned to him. The annual value of them according.to the accounts submitted by him was 13 lakhs. 2 PU & 10 by a British detachment under Captain Little. After various vexa- tious delays on the part of the Maratha commander the combined force broke ground and commenced the siege of Dharwar. The siege was long and tedious, as the English had no efficient battering train, and were not heartily supported by their allies. On one occasion indeed when they had taken the fortified petta with great loss of life, after making it 5ver to the Marathas under Appa Sahib, Pursheram Bhow's son, the latter gave it up almost immediately on sustaining an attack in which he had had rather the advantage. After nearly seven months the garrison capitulated and marched out with all the honours of war, only to be attacked afterwards, and have their commandant and others made prisoners by the Marathas, in consequence of a breach of the terms of capitulation they discovered. The capture of Qharwar was followed by that of the fort of Kooshgur and other places which placed the country completely in Pursheram Bhow's hands. He delayed for a considerable time in order to realise the revenue, but at last joined Hurry. Punt, the other Maratha commander, and moved towards Seringapatam, which was being besieged by the Fnglish under Lord Cornwallis. As the Marathas failed to con- vey intelligence of their approach to the British general he was compelled from want of supplies to raise the sigge before their arrival, and they found him in the neighbourhood of Seringaptam with a camp almost famished. Pursheram Bhow and Captain Little's battalions were, after a short time, detached from the main body for the purpose of keeping open the northern communica- tions. The Putwurdhun chief, however, preferred to utilise his time and avail himself of the aid of the British detachment in obtaining possession of the district of Bednore. The fort of Simoga was taken by the English, and Bednore was about to be invested when he was obliged to leave for Seringapatam, where the siege had been resumed by Lord Cornwallis. Although re- peatedly requested by that general to come to his aid as his cavalry would be of especial use, Pursheram Bhow delayed leaving Bednore till he found he was likely to be cut off by one of Tippoo's gene- rals, and he did not arrive at Seringapatam till after the armistice I I - O had been signed that preceded the treaty with Tippoo. After the conclusion of peace he returned with the heavy baggage and guns, and after a most distressing march reached his own districts. On his return to Tasgaum he occupied himself with attacks on Kola- x pore. At the commencement of these hostilities his son was defeated and taken prisoner at Alteh. Notwithstanding the kind way in which his son was treated and his immediate release, Pursheram Bhow, incensed at the defeat, carried on operations with such vigour that he was only prevented from taking Kolapore by the submission of the Raja, who agreed to buy peace for three lakhs of rupees, and to give hostages for the payment of the money. * O O , - . . . In the two years succeeding the events just described, Pursheram Bhow played a prominent part in supporting Nana Furnuwees against Mahadajee Sindia, who came to invest the Peshwa as wukeel-i-mootlug to the Mogul emperor. Sindia suc- ceeded in obtaining considerable influence over Mahadoo Row, and probably would have prevailed over Nana had not his intrigues been suddenly ended by death. It was after this that war broke out with Nizam Ali, and all the chiefs of the Maratha empire assembled for the "last time in concert under the standard of the Peshwa. Pursheram Bhow was appointed by Nana commander-in- chief of the gränd army, and under his command the battle of Kurdla was fought, which resulted in the total defeat of the Moguls. The commander-in-chief had a narrow escape on this occasion, as, when riding forward to reconnoitre, he was vigorously attacked by a body of Patans under one Lalkhan, who with his own hands unhorsed and wounded Pursheram Bhow. The life of the latter, however, was saved hy his son Hurry Pºint, who killed the Patan. It was in the same year 1795 that the last of the Putwurdhun, tynate zabtas was issued making over the surinjam to Chintamon Row. Pandu- rung Row, then about 21 years of age. With him were associated . Pursheram Bhow of Tasgaum and Ruggonath Row Neelkunt of Koorundwar. The amount of the surinjam was Rs. 25,52,100 annually, for which lands of the value of Rs. 21,93,277-6-6 were Wide Appendix Č. O 12 assigned, leaving an annual balance due of Rs. 3,95,822-9-6. The document, however, is informal, not being signed and sealed by the Peshwa as the others were. The close of this year was made remarkable by the suicide of the Peshwa–an event of tremendous consequence to Nana Turnuwees and all his supporters. The first step the Nana took was to send for Pursheram Bhow from Tasgaum, with every Iſla,II he could collect. He then, in concert with Tookajee Hokkar and some of the other chiefs, laid a plan for preventing the succession of Bajee Row Ruggonath by "allowing the widow of the deceased Peshwa to adopt a son in whose name.the government should be carried on. Bajee Row, however, learnt what was in contemplation and immediately secured the co-operation of Dowlut Row Sindia. Nana Furnuwees on this at once sent an express to Purskeram Bhow, who made a wonderfully rapid march from Tasgaum to Poona, traversing the distance of upwards of L20 miles in forty-eight hours. It was resolved on consultation to anticipate Sindia by declaring Bajee Row Peshwa, and accordingly Pursheram Bhow waited on that prince at the fort of Sewneree with proposals, which were accepted by Bajee Row, after the Putwurdhun, holding the tail of a cow, had sworn Solemnly by the Godavery that no deception was intended. The result of this move was that. Sindia marched his force to Poona, on which Nana Furnuwees, terrified at the ap- proach of personal danger, fled to Sattara, leaving Pursherām Bhow with the new. Peshwa. From this period dates the commencement of the rupture between Nana Furnuwees and his old adherent. Pursheram Bhow, at the instigation of Sindia’s minister, conceived the design of deposing "Bajee Row and getting Chimnajee Appa, the brother of the latter, adopted by Mahadoo Row’s widow, the administration being carried on by himself. The plan was com- municated to Nana Furnuwees, who approved of it, but cautioned Pursheram"Bhow to keep Bajee Row in his own hands, advice which, however, was neglected. Nana obtained from the Raja a khillut of investiture for the new Peshwa, but declined to trust himself in the hands of Pursheram Bhow, as he had reason to suspect that mischief was intended. The plot, however, was carried into effect. 13 Chimnajee Appa was suddenly seized and, much against his will, formally invested as Peshwa, and Bajee Row was kept as a prisoner in Sindia’s camp. • After the installation of the new Peshwa it was proposed that Nana Furnuwees should come and assume the civil administration, and he was invited accordingly. He requested that Pursheram Bhow’s.ston Hurry Punt ºnight be sent to him to arrange prelim- inaries, but on hearing that Hurry Punt was approaching with four or five thousand horse, he took alarm and fled towards the Concan. An open rupture now ensued between Nana Furnuwees. and the Putwurdhuns. Pursheram Bhow gave up Nana's jagheer lands to Sindia and appropriated his houses and property in Poona. Nana on the other hand made overtures to Bajee Row, and endeavoured to gain over Sindia by offering among other districts the jagheer of Pursherafin Bhow, and further injured his former ally by inciting the Raja of Kolapore to attack Tasgaum. Nana Furnu wees was com- pletely successful in all his schemes. Sindia espoused the cause of Bajee Row, and sent to arrest Pursheram Bhow. The latter got information of what was intended, from reading a note of warning. addressed to one of his associates of the same name as himself, and immediately fled, but was overtaken and made over to the charge of Anund Row Rastia.” Nana Furnuwees was restored to power, but was ere long treacherously seized by Sindia, with the con- nivance.of the Peshwa, and imprisoned. sº - Pursheram Bhow was not kept long in confinement. In the various intrigues that had been going on the Raja of Sattara had * been encouraged to assume some degree of power, and he accordingly levied troops and defeated Mahadoo Raw Rastia, who had been sent by the Peshwa to endeavour to obtain possession of Sattara. At this juncture Pursheram Bhow offered his services, which were accepted. He soon collected a considerable force, and by the dis- covery of 5 little-known ford was enabled to surprise and Cut up * The irregularities which afterwards caused such disputes between the Putwurdhums and the Peshwa commenced.at this period. The former in many"cases indemnified themselves for their losses by appropriating lands they had little or no title to, * - º 14 the Raja's force in Sattara. On the completion of this service he was desired to disband his troops, but he excused himself on the ground of inability to pay their arrears. As he was too powerful to be easily put down, Bajee Row consented to grant him a pardon on his agreeing to pay a fine of ten lakhs of rupees. • The liberation of Pusheram Bhow was speedily followed by that of Nana Furnuwees and the reinstatement of the latter as prime minister. He paved the way to a reconciliation with Purasheram Bhow by recommending that Appa Sahib, his son, should be ap- pointed to command the contingent intended to co-operate with the English in the war with Tippoo that broke out in 1799. After the reconciliation Pursheram Bhow offered to head the contingent himself on condition of his fine being remitted and certain places in the Carnatic given to him in jagheer. An English detachment was held in readiness to accompany him, but owing to the intrigues and duplicity of Bajee Row no Maratha contingent left Poona on this occasion. The force intended to ...have been sent against Tippoo was subsequently ordered against the Raja of Kolapore, who had for some time past been, at the instigation of Nana Furnu- wees, actively engaged against the Putwurdhuus and Dhoondoo Punt Gokla, the Peshwa's sursubedar in the Carnatic. The Putwurdhuns had suffered most severely, as Tasgaum had been pillaged and Pursheram Bhow's palace burnt to the gro und, besides which the fort of Bhoodergurh that had been held for ten years by the Putwurdhuns had been recovered by Kolapore. Inflamed by , these injuries pursheram Bhow did not wait for the reinforcements that were being prepared. Though directed merely to watch the Rāja of Kolapore and resbrån him as much as possible pending the assembly of the whole force at the Dussera, he kept the field all the rains and, recovered the garrisons between the Gutpurba and Mal- purba. In the month of September 1799 he encountered the Raja of Kolapore, aided by Chitoor Sing, brother of the Raja of Sattara, at the village of Puthankooree near Nepanee. The result was a complete victory for the Kolapore party, and Pursheram Bhow while rallying his troops was mortally wounded. The generally received report is that Wiswas Row, brother of the 15 infamous Row Ghatgay, took up the wounded chief on his horse and carried him before the Raja of Kolapore, by whose order he was cut in pieces. The story, however, was always strenuously denied at Kolapore, and for the credit of humanity it may be hoped that it was false. The obsequies of the fallen Putwurdhun were performed on the spot by one of the Kolapore sirdars, and a humble tomb still marks ſhe spot where rest the ashes of one of the greatest of the Maratha generals. v. Ramchunder Appa Sahib, the eldest son of the deceased chief, fled from the field of battle to. Poona, to implore aid from the Peshwa, which was readily granted, and a large force, compris- ing among other troops the forces of the Vinchoorkur, the Pritee- needhee, and five of Sindia's regular battalions, were sent against Kolapore. This army received a slight check from the Kola- pore forces' near Sherole, but being joined by strong reinforce- ments from the Putwurdhun’s territory,” it advanced against the capital, where, in an engagement under the walls of the city, it defeated the Raja's forces and drove them within the fortifications, which were forthwith invested. The Raja with his family atma a” portion of his forces took refuge in Punalla, but even there some of the troops that remained outside the fort were attacked by Appa Sahib and driven in with considerable loss. Kolapore was on the point of" being taken when an intrigue at Poona saved the state, and caused Appa Sahib to fly with precipitation. On the death of Nana Furnuwees, which took place in 1800, while the siege of Kolapore was going on, Bajee Row combined . with Sindia to ruin the adherents of the late statesman, and especially the Putwurdhun family, against which he had long vowed revenge. It was accordingly arranged that Sindia's batta- lions should attack the territories of the late Pursheram Bhow, qf which Sindia had long wished to possess himself, and it was the receipt of this news that caused Appa Sahib to leave Keolapore and betake himself to the Carnatic. His jagheer, thus left unpro- tected, was speedily overrun and devastated by Sindia’s battalions * Chintamun Row was engaged in this campaign, but it does not appear at what time he joined the besieging force. - I 6 under Siddojee Row Dessaye of Nepanee, who ravaged the whole country from Meeruj to Beejapoor. . ... • These were not the only disorders prevalent at this time. Dhoondia Wagh, a freebooter who had escaped from Seringapatam on the subversion of Tippoo Sooltan’s dynasty, and taken service with the Raja of Kolapore, found the times suited to his favourite pursuits, and accordingly commenced. to plunder the districts recently-acquired by the Company in the Carnatic as well as the Peshwa's districts in the same quarter. The British government obtained permission to follow up and destroy the marauder, who had assumed the high-sounding title of “king of the two worlds,” and 1)hoondoo Punt Gokla, the Peshwa's Sursubedar of the Carnatic, was ordered to co-operate with Colonel Wellesley (afterwards the Duke of Wellington),who commanded the British force. Dhooſidoo Punt was much perplexed as to the line of conduct that would be followed by Appa Sahib, whose districts he had been ordered from Poona to sequestrate, and, careful of driving the Putwurdhun to make common cause with Dhoondia, he determined to keep the order in • abeyance till the present troubles were over. The policy adopted seems to have been successful, for when Gokla was shortly after- wards surprised and killed by Dhoondia he had in tompany with him Chintamon Row Putwurdhun, who was wounded on the occasion. The latter after the death of his leader joined Colonel Wellesley’s camp at Sirhuttee, with his horse, nominally 3,000-but really 1,500 strong, together with the remnant of Goklass forces, and remained with the British throughout the subsequent operations.” The English leader does not appear to have been very favourably im- pressed at first with his new allies, as he writes a few days after- wards to Colonel Close, “thear that every body is deserting Dhoon- dia, and I believe it, as my Marathas are going out this night to attack one of his parties gone towards Doodwar. They were before very partial to my camp.” On several occasions also he complains of their dilatoriness and their terror of Dhoondia. They were perhaps equally disappointed with him, as they hoped to get him to join them in an attack on the Kolapore Raja, but he * The two sons of the late Pursheram Bhow also joined shortly afterwards. 17 declined to accede to all such propositions, impressing on the Putwurdhuns and on the Raja’s vakeel the necessity of peace between them, and prevailing on the latter to allow Baba Sahib, the * younger son of Rutsheram Bhow, to co-operate with the Raja’s troops against Dhoondia. At the same time he wrote to Colonel Palmer, the British resident at the Peshwa's court, to get Appa Sahib appointed sole zemindar or jagheerdar on the frontier, an arrangement which he cóirsidered essential for the public tran- quillity, in order to counterbalance Sindia's influence at Poona, and to prevent that chief from getting possession of the frontier dis- tricts. Bajee Row appears to have seen the necessity of a change of policy, as he sent orders to Bappoo Gokla, the nephew and successor of the deceased sirsubedar, desiring him to join him- self with the Putwurdhuns and settle the country, Appa Sahib at the same time receiving instructions to increase his forces to the utmost degree possible. The representations to the Raja of Kolapore were less successful, as he, it was believed at Sindia’s instigation, refused to listen to the Colonel's mediation. On the 10th September 1800 the British troops under their famous leader met Dhoondia Wagh at Conahgull and defeated him, “ the king of the two worlds” being killed and his troops utterly dispersed. . The Marathas were not engaged in the action, but they did good service in following the flying enemy and complet- ing thé rout. Colonel Wellesley intended to retire immediately after this event from the Maratha territory, but he was directed to remain where he was till the receipt of furthér instructions., He accordingly handed over the districts released from the grasp of Dhoondia Wagh to the Sons of Eursheram Bhow, to whom they had originally been assigned “as a payment for expenses in the former Mysore war,” and awaited further orders. He soon learned that the orders he had received were given in conse. quence of the position assumed by Sindia, and he was desired to advance northward, when the Peshwa either fled from Poona or was made prisoner. He was urged to move to the Kistna, and cause Sindia to evacuate the Putwurdhun jagheers of Meeruj and Tasgaum, of which he had recently taken possession, 3 PU • - ,- | S but he declined to do so as he heard these places liad actually been bestowed on him by the Peshwa, and he was anxious to avoid the appearance of supporting the Putwurdhuns against their sovereign. He was then informed that “the Peshwa had never signed the grants of these jagheers to Sindia, and that the Resident had strongly protested against the proceedings of the latter in taking possession of them. The duplicity, however, displayed in the matter by Bajee Row, who at one time stated he had been forced to surrender the jagheers to Sindia, and at another time declared he had never given them to him, left him in perpléxity as to what course to pursue in the matter. The difficulty was increased by the conduct of Sindia, who put a stop to the operations of his troops south of the Kistna, and manifested a disposition to be reconciled with the family of Pursheram Bhow and to withdraw his pretensions to the possessions of. that chief. This state of uncertainty lasted long, and the Putwurdhuns, in despair at the appearance of an intention on the part of Colonel Wellesley to withdraw, renewed a proposition which they had previously made, to the effect that they should be given an asylum in the Mysore territory and be allowed the charge of a district, a proposition which was seriously entertained and regarding which a reference was made to the Mysore ministers. After the English force had been broken up and Colonel Wellesley had returned to Seringapatam, they renewed another old proposal, namely, that the British should join them in attacking Kolapore. Nothing, however, resulted from either of the propositions, and the , Putwurdhuns for a time were left to hold their own as best they could. Their position was a difficult one. They were relieved, it is true, from the presencº of Sindia, who had been compelled by the success of Holkar to move northward, but Bajee Row at this period “ evinced,” to use the words of Grant Duff, “a malignant spirit of revenge towards all the great families whom he suspected of ever haying been the political opponents of himself or This father,” and commenced by treacherously seizing Rastia. The Putwurdhuns consequently remainded in sullen discontent, and when Holkar's deputy Futteh Sing Manay ravaged the Peshwa's district and **feated his troops, Chintamon Row was the only member of his 19 • family who joined the Peshwa's standard and he quitted it on the first opportunity. . Independently of his natural indisposition to fight very warmly in the cause of a prince who had treated his family so ill, he was busily engaged at this period in recovering his lands from his uncle Gungadhur Row. The latter on Pandurung's death had become the guardian of his nephew, and behaved with the proverbial policy of a paternal uncle under such circumstances by appropriating to his own use the property with which he was entrusted. Chintamon Row, before the expedition aganst Kola- pore, where Pursheram Bhow was killed, had managed to get . back some of his territory, but when he was wounded and defeated by Dhoondia Wagh, his uncle took advantage of the circumstance to resume his former usurpations. On the close of the war with Dhoondia, Chintamon Row's first care was to repossess himself of his jagheer. He carried on his operations with such vigour that Gungadhur Row had to take refuge in the fort of Meeruj, and would have been attacket had not the relations interposed and persuaded the uncle and nephew to agree to a division of the" jagheer and property. Deeds were accordingly drawn up and signed by both pārties, and it was arranged that the division was to be made up to the end of 1799, the year when the dispute arose. Towards the end of 1802 the Peshwa, driven to the last extremity by the successes of Holkar, threw himself into the arms of the English and signed the treaty of Bassein, in consequence of which preparations for a war to effect his restoration were imme. . diately made. One of the first steps taken by General Wellesley at Seringapatam was to inquire about the disposition of the Put- wurdhuns and the forces they had. He learned that though they had been acting in concert with Rastia against Gokla, they were on the whole disposed to aid in the restoration of the Peshwa. When the General moved into the Maratha. territory his name acted as a charm, and the Putwurdhuns expressed their readiness to give him the most cordial co-operation, and entreated him to secure for them the good offices with the Peshwa of the British Resident. General Wellesley met these advances in the . . 20 most friendly spirit. He relieved Appa Sahib from some diffi- culty by authorising him to take into the pay of the Peshwa a body of 3,000 Pindarries in the service of the former who had been subsisting on the plunder of Kolapore, and on his arrival at the Kistna in April 1803 he was joined by the Putwurdhun troops. He writes under date of the 7th April that Appa Sahib and one of his brothers, together with a son of Baba Sahib of Meeruj, had actually come to his camp, and that Chintamon Row was expected to arrive on the same evening, and he urges Colonel Close to persuade the Peshwa to make such arrangements as will “keep the southern Jagheerdars in good humour.” The General himself took steps to prevent the territories of those Jagheerdars who joined him from being attacked in their absence, and he en- gaged to the Putwurdhuns that the Peshwa would “admit of their return and pay all the troops (including Pindarries) extra of their quota” with which they accompanied the British, army. As the force approached Poona, however, some of the chiefs began to feel. alarmed at the prospect of appearing befose a sovereign from whom ...they. Iſad suffered so much, and a very few days after he joined General Wellesley, Appa Sahib sent to inform him of his intention of leaving him on arrival in Poona as he could not meet the Peshwa. The reasons he gave for this intention were two—“ the Peshwa's conduct to him on the subject of the Raja of Kolapore, and his general fears of the Peshawa’s suspicious and jealous disposition.” As, excepting this chief's family and those under his influence, few of any note had joined the British detachment, the General used all his influence to induce him to giye up this determination. He acknowledged, however, in writing to Colonel Closé"that the conduct of Bajee Row was such as to lead the southern Jagheerdars to regard him with distrust. After narrating some extraordinary proceedings on the part of the Peshwa, he goes on to write, “Another instance is his (Bajee Row’s) employment of the Raja of Kolapore to seize the person of Moroba Furnuwees, who,” he says in the letter he writes upon that subject, “is with the Putwurdhun near Meeruj. Will the art of man be able to convince the Putwurdhun of this one fact that the Peshwa will reconcile with them, and will make a 21 f •º #2 reasonable arrangement of their affairs with the Raja of Kolapore ?” With wonderful tact, however, the General induced the chiefs to accompany him to Poona, which he reached with his cavalry on the 20th April, after a forced march of 40 miles, to save the town from being burnt by Amrut Row, and Appa Sahib consented to remain in the neighbourhood of Poona “till his demands and claims (especially those relating to Kolapore) should be considered: but he refused to meet the Peshwa till he had some reason to be certain of his favour.” This resolution was arrived at after an intimation that his defection at such a crisis would have such an effect on the interests of the Peshwa, and those of the British government as connected with that prince, that it would place him in the position of an enemy to both governments. - On the 13th May the Peshwa entered Poona in state, and took his seat on the musnud. In an interview with him the next day General Wellesley pressed His Highness to relieve the distresses and attend to the requests of those chiefs who had come forward in his cause, and Bajee Row gave satisfactory assurances that he would immediately commence to settle with the different chiefs who had accompanied the General. The Putwurdhum family was specially mentioned, and “it was agreed that an assurance should be given to Appa Sahib that on the Poona affairs being finally settled His Highness the Peshwa would examine into his claims and proceed to arrange matters permanently on fair grounds between him and the Raja of Kolapore, who has gradually stripped the Putwurdhun family of a large part of their possessions.” Chrmtamon Row then visited the Peshwa, who received him “with some reserve,” and endeavours were made to induce. Appa Sahib to follow his example. Various negociations followed. The Peshwa offered to give Appa Sahib the juree putka, or national standard, on payment of a large nuzzer. Appa Sahib, however, declined to receive it unless “given with full confidence, power, and treasure.” For some time there seemed a probability of the matter being arranged satisfactorily, and Appa Sahib was induced to visit the Peshwa, but up to the end of May, when 'General Wellesley left Poona to meet the combined armies of Sindia and the Raja of Berar, nothing * Q 22 was done, and none of the sirdars accompanied the British force. The General wrote urgently on the subject, but was put off with continual excuses. At one time he was told the chiefs were waiting to take leave of the Peshwa and would then join him. Appa Sahib, to whom the other Putwurdhuns, looked for guidance, complained of the state of his health, and the General remarked 'that the more backward the sirdars were the higher they seemed to rise in the Peshwa's favour, as he observed in the papers that Chintamon Row was the constant companion of Bajee Row. On hearing that Appa Sahib had left Poona and was moving southwärd with the intention of returning to his residence, he addressed to him a strong letter of...warning and remonstrance, reminding him of his promises and the Peshwa's orders, and pointing out the disastrous effects to himself and his family of the crooked policy he appeared disposed to adopt. These well-meant efforts were all in vain. Except Bappoo Gokla and Appa Deesaye of Nepannee, no Maratha sirdar took a part in the campaign against Sindia and the Berar Raja; and though it was believed that the Putwurdhuns were really friendly to the English and would not turn against them unless in the event of some great disaster, it was necessary to keep such a check over them as to ensure their neutrality. Possibly in consequence of this they committed no act of hostility and refrained fºom any attempt to stop the British communications, though suspicion, was on more than one occasion excited by the .increase made in their forces. Chiptamon Row indeed offered to join Major Campbell's - troops in the south, but it was in the hope of getting assistance - against the Raja of Kolapore, between whom and the Putwurdhuns their old hostilities were renewed, in consequence, it is believed, of the Peshwa's intrigues. - - • J. The part played by the Putwurdhuns on this occasion nearly led to their ruin, for on the conclusion of peace the Peshwa, on the pretence of rewarding those who had taken part in the war and punishing those who had held back, determined to make over their lands to Gokla for the support of his troops. Against this General Wellesley protested in the strongest terms. The plan was com- • 23 O municated to him by Bappoo Gokla himself, who acknowledged that he was unequal to a contest with the Putwurdhuns unless aided by the English both with money and troops. The General declined stating whether such aid would or would not be given, as that was a matter for the Governor-General's consideration, but he pointed out the. difficulties of the question to Gokla, and strongly recommended him to try and get some other lands. He then wrote to the resident, Colonel Close, arguing that the scheme should be discountenanced. He pointed out that Pursheram Bhow's family were the oldest friends the English had in the Ma- ratha empire, and dwelt on the services"the Putwurdhuns rendered to the Peshwa by aiding in bringing about his restoration notwith- standing their personal disinclination to his cause. “This service,” he emphatically observed, “ought never to be forgotten by the Peshwa,” as, if the Putwurdhun chiefs “had opposed the advance, it must have been relinquished under the orders of His Excellency the Governor-General.” It was acknowledged that the family had kept alopf during the late war, but General Wellesley declared he was not astonished at their doing so under-the circumstances. The war was an unpopular one among the Marathas, and the only two Maratha chiefs who had accompanied him had done so without the orders of the Peshwa, who had given no assist- ance throughout. The Putwurdhuns at any rate remained neutral at a time when their neutrality was of the utmost importance, and that was more, it was observed, than could be said for some persons high in favour with the Peshwa. The Putwurdhuns were the most respectable of all the Peshwa's subjects, and were the Support of the system of order which prevailed on the Company's frontier. Even if the Peshwa had the power or inémation to establish any thing like a respectable government, it would be an act of doubt- ful policy to allow him to destroy this family, but as his “only, system of government was that of a robber,” it would be doubly inexpedient, especially as it was well known that the motive for their destruction was revenge for the acts of Pursheram Bhow during the political disputes at Poona. He therefore desired the Resident not to allow any part of the subsidiary force to be 24 - employed in attacking the Putwurdhuns pending the receipt of orders from the Governor-General. - In a despatch written about the same time to Calcutta the General detailed at length the conversation . that took place at an interview between himself and the Peshwa's, ministers in which he strongly deprecated the undertaking of a domestic war under such circumstances. In this despatch he drew attention to the part played by Bajee Row in inciting the ‘Raja of Kolapore to attack the Putwurdhuns’ districts, a fact which, he observed, the Peshwa's ministers scarcely denied, while the Putwurdhuns alleged it as the reason for not serving when called upon. He subsequently ad- dressed another despatch to the Governor-General recommending that the Peshwa's formal consent should be obtained to the British government acting as arbitrator between him and the southern Jagheerdars. After this, he remarked, the best made of settling the questions would be to ascertain what service the Peshwa was entitled to from the Jagheerdars, and to oblige them to perform it, at the same time protecting them from oppression, and guaranteeing there possessions as long as they served with fidelity. - The Peshwa was further exasperated against the Putwurdhuns at this time by their having given an asylum to..Baba Row Phurkia, who had gone off with the household troops and served with the Raja of Berar during the late war. General Wellesley strongly urged Chintamon Row to give him up, but though the latter professed his readiness to do so, he evaded compliance with the direction. The Putwurdhuns, however, were seriously alarmed about their situation and anxiously looked to the English as their hope. The Wellington despatches contain a long letter of the General’s O © giving an account of art interview he had with Hurry Punt Pur- sheram of Tasgaum, in which he pointed out to that chief that the , Peshwa had reason to complain of the conduct of the Putwurdhun family, and showed him how he might obtain forgiveness. Before leaving the Southern Maratha Country, General Wel- lesley had the satisfaction of receiving a letter from the Governor- General approving of his proposals for the settlement of the disputes between the Peshwa and the southern Jagheerdars. In accord- 25 O ance with the orders he received he' appointed Mr. E. Strachey to conduct the inquiries and negociate the proposed settlement. The instructions given to this gentleman were briefly as follows:– The Putwurdhuns were to be called on to render service for their surinjamee lands before their claims were taken into con- sideration. They were to refrain from hostilities against Kolapore, and to submit to their sovereign any complaints they might have to make against that state. After these indispensable preliminaries four propositions were to be made as the basis of settlement, viz. 1st, Mutual oblivion of injuries. Putwurdhuns to be guaranteed as long as they served with fidelity." 2nd, The Putwurdhuns to hold the lands inf their possession by virtue of sunnuds or legal grants, whether as surinjamee, or inam, or in jagheer. A list of such lands to be given in, and any objections made by either party to be considered and disposed of by the British government, which will then guarantee the possession of the lands. 3rdly, In con- sideration of the war and famine the Putwurdhuns not to be re- quired to keep up more than two-thirds of their established quota; one-third to be always at Poona under the command of one of the family. The number of the troops to be ascertained and decided by the British government. 4thly, The Putwurdhuns to restore all lands for which they had no sunnuds. In the event of their holding as comavisdars lands material to their safety or required to enable them to collect their revenues, the British government to make interest that.the comavis be continued to them on their furnishing security. a The scheme of settlement, however, failed for the time. It was received with disfavour by the Jagheerdars, especially by Chintamon Row, who at this time deliberately aided the Pritee Needhee in rebellion against the Peshwa. General Wellesley, before leaying India, advised that the settlement should be post- poned, chiefly on the ground of the disturbed state of the country which rendered it difficult to move a force to the Kistna in case of the conduct of the Jagheerdars making such a course necessary. He also argued that it was advisable to wait till the irritation produced on the mind of the Peshwa and Jagheerdars by mutual 4 PU O 26 injuries should subside before we endeavoured to establish the rights of the former over the surinjamee lands. After making some inquires Mr. Strachey returned to Mysore, assigning as reasons for his failure that the Jagheerdars did not think the terms proposed advantageous ; that owing to the weakness of the Peshwa and the moderation of the British, they imagined they had nothing to dread from either powers ; and that the Peshwa secretly opposed the settlement and excited suspicions of the good faith of the English government in the minds of the Jagheerdars. Had the Peshwa shown a readiness to forego old demands, and less vindictiveness against old political enemies, the settlement might doubtless have been effected then. After the conclusion of general peace the British government determined to abstain from interference between the Peshwa and his Jagheerdars, and an intimation to this effect was made to the Resident. The conse- quence was what might have been expected. The Putwurdhuns it is true, refrained from any general outbreak, in the belief that the Peshwa would receive efficient aid fºom the English in the eventref such a contingency, but they kept up a semi-indepen- dent position and only attended to the Peshwa's requisitions when it suited them. They served indeed on •one occasion in Savenore, but they refused to act against the Pindaries. Chinta- mon Row was especially violent. He harboured freebooters pursued by the Peshwa's forces, and actually attacked the Peshwa's districts. The attitude of the Putwurdhuns would have been much more formidable had it not been for their disunion among ... themselves. Chintamon Row still had claims on his uncle Gungadhur Row, and the settlement which had been made was not recognised by the Peshwa, so that the dispute in the Meeruj branch of the family was going on as actively as ever. It was probably owing to the violent conduct of Chintamon Row at this period, as well as to the muzzerama offered by Gungadhur Row, that the Peshwa, in 1808, approved of the division” of the Meeruj * The share of Chintamom Row was calculated at Rs. 6,35,178 and of Gungadhur Row at Rs. 4,79,798. Sanglee and Meeruj were respectively liable to a service of 1,920 and 1,219 horse The fort of Meeruj fell to Gungadhur Row's share, and a lakh of rupees was assigned to Chinfamon Row for the purpose of building a fort at Sanglee. 27 O position of the surinjam, confirming the settlement of 1799, and exempting Gungadhur Row from feudal allegiance to the elder branch. Besides the disputes in this branch of the family, one of the sons of Purshéram Bhow quarrelled with his brothers and endea- voured to get a judgment against them from the Peshwa. Bajee Row in the meantime strengthened his own position by crushing a number of the minor Jagheerdars, which possibly he would have been unable to do had the Putwurdhuns been united. This unsatisfactory state of affairs went on till the Honourable Mounstuart Elphinstone was appointed Resident. In 1811 this gentleman addressed an elaborate" despatch to the Governor- General, pointing"out the snecessity for some settlement of the disputes between the Peshwa and his Jagheerdars, and suggesting a scheme of settlement in a great measure identical with that of General Wellesley. The claims of the contending parties as stated by Mr. Elphinstone may be thus briefly summarised. The Peshwa claimed from the Jagheerdars—1st, The service for which they held their lands. 2nd, Certain lands and revenues which he said they had usurped. 3rd, That the Dhuri-ekdars appointed by himself to inspect the management of the surinjami lands"should be so employed. 4th, The payment of certain fees by the Jagheerdars to his ministers. 5th, A fine on the appointment of a new incumbent to any of the ministerial offices of which the salaries, were paid by government. 6th, A sum of money in con- sequence of a rule introduced by himself that a day’s pay should be stopped monthly from the sebundee and a month's salary in the year from the ministerial officers for his benefit. 7th, The arrears of ~ a contribution levied by him some years previously. Mr. Elphin- stone observed that the justice or otherwise of the Peshwa's claims could only be ascertained after the answers of the Jagheerdars had been heard, but he remaked that it was admitted on all hands that the first claim was just and reasonable. He pointed out that if matters were left in their present state a struggle"must sooner or later take place between the southern chiefs and their sovereign, which would be fraught with evil consequence to them and to us, and he urged the advisability of the British government interpos. ing to effect a settlement. Ç. \ 28 The plan thus proposed met with the concurrence of the Governor-General, who authorised Mr. Elphinstone to carry it. into effect. The Resident then submitted to the Peshwa the draft of the terms he proposed to offer, which were agreed to with some modifications. In July 1812 he accompanied the Peshwa to Punderpoor, and thence addressed the Jasheerdars” of the Southern Maratha Country individually, enclosing to each a copy -of the terms, and calling on him to come to Punderpoor and signify his assent to them. The terms thus offered ran as follows"— - “ARTICLE I. : “The British government engages that no notice shall be taken of past offences by His Highness the Peshwa, and also that the Jagheerdars shall not be molested by the revival of old claims of a pecuniary nature.f. On the other hand the Jagheerdars promise never to revive any former claims on His Highness the Peshwa. “ARTICLE IL. “The Jagheerdars engage to restore promptly all usurped lands without exception, and relinquish all revenues which they enjoy withôut sunnuds. Their sunnuds to be examined for this, pur- pose, and any grounds they may offer for mitigation to beºre. after investigated. Under this article all lands which are held in komavis are to be restored to the Peshwa. O - “ARTICLE III. O e “The Jagheerdars engage to serve His Highness the Peshwa according to the former practice of the Maratha empire as laid • down in the tainat Zabitas. - • :'. ARTICLE IV. “The Jagheerdars are to carry on no hostilities whatever unless authorised by the Peshwa ; and should any occasion arise for. º - - A O - * The Putwurdhun chiefs addressed on this occasion were Chintamon Row of Sanglee, Narayem Row of Meeruj, Ramchumder Appa Sahib of Tasgaum, and Trimbuck Row of Koorundwar. Gungadhur Row had died in 1809. - tº The only exception to this was in the case of Appa Sahib of Tasgaum, who was informed that he would have to repay to the Peshwa the sum of two lakhs of rupees collected at Savanore which he had promised through Mr. Russell to repay. 29 e private wars among themselves, they promise to submit their dis- putes to the Peshwa and to abide by His Highness's decision. • , “ ARTICLE V. “The British government pledges itself that the Jagheerdars shall retain undisturbed possession of their sunnudee lands as. long as they serve His Highness the Peshwa with fidelity, and - - O º e º - also promises to use its influence to induce His Highness to restore them to favour, and to treat them with due consideration on the Same terms. - “ARTICLE WI. “His Highness the Peshwa has entrusted all the negociations • affecting the preceding questions to the British Resident, who has been instructed by the Governor-General to carry them into effect, and to see that they are punctually observed.” In his letters to the chiefs Mr. Elphinstone pointed out forcibly the advantageous nature to them of these terms, and distinctly intimated that in the event of their being refused the British government would aid the Peshwa to reduce the recusants. He also insisted on the surrender of Baba Phurkia, who had been harboured, as abovementioned, by the Putwurdhun—a demand \ especially unpalatable to the chiefs. After some delay and attempts at evasion Mr. Elphinstone's object was achieved. Chintamon Row set the example by immediately surrendering the purgunna of Sewalah, and by August all the Southern Maratha Jagheerdars had signed the terms except the Tasgatimkur,” and Baba Phurkia was also given up. - The agreement thus concluded at Runderpoor did not lead to cordial relations between the parties chiefly concerned. The Peshwa, though dissatisfied at being unable to ruin the Putwur-, dhuns, showed indecent exultation at their submission, and could scarcely refrain from insulting them when they waited on him to pay their respects. He expressed a wish to abolish Surinjamee © - © © & e O f : \ g * Wide Aithchison's Treaties, vol. vi. p. 150, note. The records available for this memoir do not show why this chief was excluded or what were the results of his exclusion. - - e. 30 horse altogether with a view to resuming the lands granted for the support of contingents, and it was evidently from no good will to the Putwurdhuns that he at this period encouraged the partition of their estates. In 1811 a share in Tasgaum was given to Gunput Row, a younger son of Purshéram Bhow; and thus two separate estates were formed—Jamkundee, held by Ram- chunder, valued at Rs. 4,54,160, and sirbject to a serviče of 1,278 horse ; and Tasgaum, held by Gunput Row, valued at Rs. 2,08,776, g e tº O - and furnishing a contingent of 640 horse. In the same year was sanctioned the subdivision of the Koorundwar estate into two shares–Koorundwar, yielding a revenue estimated at Rs. 1,27,989, and subject to a service of 280 horse, remaining with Trimbuck Row Ruggonath ; while Shedbal or Kagwar, the value of which was calculated at Rs. 1,00,691, and which had to furnish a COIT- tingent of 280 horse, fell to the share of Gunput Row Konhere Row. The Koorundwarkur resisted the settlement for some time, but was compelled to yield, though under protest. - - O | * We hear nothing more of the Putwurdhuns till 1817, the year which proved so fatal to the Peshwa's dynasty. The beginning of that year found Bajee Row hesitating between the alternatives of open war with the English or submission to their demands, which were first the surrender within one month of the infamous Trim- buckjee Daingha, who, not without his master's connivance, had murdered Gungadhur Shastree, the Guicowar's envoy; and secondly, the immediate delivery of three forts as a pledge for the fulfilment of the first demand. Chintamon Row was with the Teshwa when the Resident’s formal demand was made, and when Bajee Row yielded on finding the city actually surrounded by , British troops, left his presence in indignation and stayed away in spite of repeated messages of explanation and apology. The other Putwurdhuns were at Poona on the same occasion, though they did not take such a prominent part as Chintamon Row. Whatever their conduct may have been, their interests were not neglected by Mr. Elphinstone, who in the draft of the treaty which was immediately afterwards concluded with the Peshwa inserted a special article which not only confirmed their position as fixed by / 3 | e the engagement of Punderpoor, but also made a new provision to secure them their right. The article runs as follows:– • “ARTICLE 10TH. O - “Whereas certain articles of agreement (six in number) re- garding the settlement of the southern Jagheerdars were presented. by the Resident at Poona to His Highness Row Pundit Prudhan Bahadur on the 6th July 1812 A.D., to which, after a modification suggested by His Highness and submitted to him on the seventh of the same month, His Highness gave his entire consent, those articles are hereby recognised and dečlared to be binding on both parties as much as if they farmed part of the present treaty ; and whereas various disputes have arisen regarding the muster of the troops of the said Jagheerdars and the manner and period of their service, His . Highness Row Pundit Prudhan Bahadur hereby agrees to be entirely guided by the advice of the British govern- ment with regard to those subjects, and to issue no orders to the Jagheerdars without full concert with the British government. His Highness hereby agrees to restore to the said Jagheerdars" any . of the lands included in their sunnuds which may now be in His Highness's possession.” - * * - No article of the treaty perhaps was more distasteful to the Peshwa than this? His minister when discussing the question with the Resident protested against the article on the ground that the Peshwa had never derived the advantages he was entitled to from the Jagheerdars, as the troops they furnished were equally deficient in numbers and quality, and that it was unfair under these circum- stances to demand additional sacrifices for them. In reply to this. the official note of the interview goes oi"to state, “Mr. Elphin- stone briefly stated that no new demands were made for the Jagheer- dars; that the Peshwa had given his entire consent to the terms ” of the Punderpoor settlement; that it was only introduced into the treaty to render it more binding on each party; that His Hfghness had derived all the advantages he expected from that agreement, the chiefs who formerly set his authority at defiance being now per- fectly obedient to his orders; and that he was bound to fulfil his part of the agreement which was comprised in restoring all the lands and villages for which the Jagheerdars held sunnuds.” With regard to the minister's remarks on the quality of the troops furnish- ed, the Resident observed that it was obviously Qut of the Jagheer- dar's power to furnish good troops to the number expected on the present rate of pay. This fact the ministers admitted, but •urged that it was incumbent on the British gövernment to lessen rather than increase the power of the Jagheerdars, and .to make them strve to the utmost extent of their means, to which Mr. Elphinstone replied that it would be contrary to custom “to make them apply the whole revenue of their jagheers in the manner proposed. A few days after this interview the Peshwa himself expressed his dissatisfaction with the 16th Article, on the ground that “ the terms of Punderpoor, though he had never agreed to them, were sufficient for all purposes.” Mr. Elphinstone, how- ever, was inflexible, and the article forms part of "the treaty, as finally concluded and ratified. - - - After the conclusion of the treaty of Poona, Bajee Row de- liberately commenced making preparations for hostilities with the English, and with this view endeavoured to conciliate the Jagheer- dars as much as possible. In October he summoned the Put- wurdhuns to join his standard, but before they arrived (the war between the Peshwa and the English had been commenced by the attack on the British Residency on the 5th" November 1817, which was immediately followed by the battle &f Kirkee and the complete defeat of the Peshwa's army. " Immediately after this event Mr. Elphinstone addressed letters Jo all the Jagheerdars" recapitulating the causes which led to the war, and stating that there was no quarrel between the British Government and the Jagheerdars. He argued that as the Peshwa's rhostility originated in the desire to screen the murderer of Gungadhur Shastree, it would be unbecoming in the chiefs to take part” in such a cause. He therefore recommended them to • *The Putwurdhuns addessed on this occasion were Chintamon Row of Sanglee, Mahadoo Row of Meeruj (Narayen Röw having in 1812 gone to Benares and died there), Mahadoo. Row of Chinchnee, Gopal Row of Jamkundee, Gumput Row of Tasgaum, Trimbuck Row of Koorundwar, and Gunput Row of Shedbal. 33 O recall their troops and stay quietly at home. The letters went on to remind the jagheerdars of the exertions the British govern- ment had made in their favour, and assured them that, in the event of their adopting the, course pointed out, they would retain their possessions on the same footing as that on which they then held them, and would suffer no loss under any settlement that might be made. . ... • • . - O O O - - The Putwurdhuns, however, for the most part joined the Peshwa "after the battle of Kirkee, at the same time that some of them sent wakeels to Mr. Elphinstone. The latter answered them with expressions of confidence, and strongly advised their leaving Bajee Row at the ‘first opportunity. He felt sure, as he wrote to the Governor-General's Secretary, that Chintamon Row’s “petulance and levity” would soon lead to quarrels between him and the leaders of the cause he had espoused, and finally to his separation from them, but far from trusting to this contingency, he begged Colonel (afterwards. Sir Thomas) Munro, who was in the ceded districts to the south, to march up towards the Kristna as soon as possible, so as to be able to seize the lands of the southern jagheerdars if necessary. He instructed that officer, however, “to treat the country immediately under the Peshwa and the jagheer of Goklaſas hostile, and that of all the other jagheerdars as friendly.” The effect of this stroke of policy was that not only were the Putwurdhuns and the others not alienated from us, as they would have been by the seizure of their lands, but also Bajee Row, seeing them treated by his enemies as friends, began soon to-suspect their fidelity to himself. . - * * Brigadier General Munro performed the task assigned to hit, with extraordinary success. With a force consisting for the most part of hastily raised levies of peons he not only conquered the country south of the Kristna but also realised its revenues. Tö him Mr. Elphinstone entrusted the task of settling the Southern Maratha jagheerdars, instructing him that the settlement was to be based on the terms of Punderpoor. He remarked that it would be as well to reduce the number Öf horse each chief was bound to furnish, as “in fact they never furnished more than two-thirds at 5 PU . . - - - - O 34 --> N. the utmost, even on the rare occasions when they exerted them- selves.” Mr. Elphinstone suggested giving a considerable addi. tion to the jagheers of those who came in first ongonditions of their agreeing to such modification of the old terms,áššgemed desirable, those who came in later being obliged to acge tºličje modifications, which were to include precautions for see frºg the administration of justice and the police of the country ºf the jagheerdars. “Con- sidering, however, the habits of independenče in which the chiefs had lived,” the negociation was not to be risked on this point. The chiefs were given till the end of February to come in (the letter of instructions is dated 21st January 1818°), and the return of a chief to his village, or his remaining in it if already there, was to be considered a sufficient sign of compliance, if “accompanied by a distinct renunciation of his connection with the Peshwa, and a promise to attend to the directions of our government and to withdraw his troops from the Peshwa's army without delay.” Any Chief who failed to make submission before the first of March was to receive merely such terms as were thought expedient, without reference to promises made in the letters sent at the same time to the various Putwurdhuns. In addition to the instructions above summarised, Mr. Elphinstone “entirely agreed” with General Munro “as to the policy of assuring the jagheerdars that their internal administration would not be interfered with.” The conduct of the Putwurdhuns on receiving the letters above referred to is described in the following extract of a letter from the Resident to General Munro, dated 7th March 181S : – “I take this opportunity of mentioning what I know of the Gonduct of the Jagheerdars. Gunput Row Putwurdhun of Tas- gaum appears to have remained at home ever since he promised to withdraw from the Peshwa. He has sometimes written to express alarm from the Peshwa's troops in his neighbourhood, and I fancy this conduct has all the effect of a real abandonment of the Peslfwa's cause. Gunput Row Conair Sherbaulkur has also * * The letter being an important one, and containing much information regard- ing the then position of the Putwurdhuns, is given at length in the Appendix—(vide Appendix F.) 35 O remained at his village but has never' communicated with me in any shape. His troops, I fancy, are still with the Peshwa. Go- paul Row of Meriteh left the Peshwa in January and has since remained at home, professing his readiness to comply with our demands, but till lately some of his troops combined with the Peshwa. Kaishoo Row of Koorundwar obtained leave to quit the Peshwa on account of the death of his father and has since remain- ed at his own village. He also professes his adherence to our cause, and also "has some men with the Peshwa. Chintamon Row answered my letter calling on him to submit to the British government by a declaration in intemperate language of his resolution to adhere to the Peshwa. He ston afterwards quitted Bajee Row on account of sickness, and has since sent to disavow his former letter, to assure me of his intention never to join the enemy again, and to promise that he would immediately withdraw the part of his troops he was obliged to leave in camp. Mahadoo Row Dadjee of Chinchnee has always professed a particular attachment to us, has never joined the Peshwa, and has kept up a constant communication with me since the beginning of the war, yet his son and .his nephew, and his ward Gopal Row, the chief of Jamkundee, are now the only persons of their family with the Peshwa. The maternal uncle of Gopal Row came to me at Singhur a fortnight ago and promised that he would instantly withdraw, and as the Peshwa's defeat (i.e. at Ashtah on the 20th February 1818) has since taken place, I conclude, he will have kept his word, and that most of the other chiefs will have withdrawn their parties. No one of these chiefs has so fully complied with any demands as to entitle him in strictness to the advantages promised to him; yet all of them, except Gunput Row Conair of Shefbaud, have done enough to injure the enemy by showing their indifference to his cause, You will probably think it advisable to continue their jagheers to: them, but you will be able to do it as a favour, and subject to such exchanges and other modifications as you may think"proper, and as may be practicable without subjecting the jagheerdars to loss.” © © O In acknowledging the receipt of this letter General Munro observed that though the Putwurdhuns “have not exactly -º- O . 36 complied with what was required, they have, I think, done all that could have been expected, and appear to be entitled to the continuance of their jagheers.” Though the Putwurdhuns had thus left Bajee Row they were most anxious to avoid the appearance of altogether forsaking his cause. They begged to be allowed to send a couple of hundred horsemen to him for the sake of appearances, and they earnestly recommended that three office of Peshwa-should be continued in Bajee Row's family to his exclusion. It was impossible of course to entertain these propositions for a moment, the British government having in the proclamation issued at Sattara in the previous February distinctly asserted its intention to occupy the possessions of the Peshwa after making provision for the Raja of Sattara. So strong, however, was the repugnance expressed by the jagheerdars to transfer their allegiance to the East India Company as such, that General Munro was induced to suggest, as “the easiest way of overcoming their prejudices and of rendering them itseful feudatories,” that the * Company should take on itself the office of Peshwa and issue all public acts as coming from the Punt Prudhan. This plan, however, was merely thrown out as a suggestion and seems never to have been seriously entertained. . . - * t Failing health and other reasons obliged General Munro to give up his charge before the settlements were completed. On re- signing he addressed to Mr. Elphinstone a remarkably comprehen- sive report on the state of the Southern Maratha Country (dated 28th August 1818) of which two paragraphs are here subjoined :- - . “17. The Putwurdhuns are the only great jagheerdars with whom an arrangement has not yet been made ; but as they are to receive and not to give, no difficulty is likely to be met with beyond what may arise from their discussions among themselves respecting their several shares of the additional allowances in money and land which may be granted by government. I have not stated to their wakeels the amount proposed to be given, but thèy are desirous that, "whatever it may be, the division should be left to be made among themselves. The Tasgaum, Chinchnee, and Koorundwar chiefs, from the disposition they showed at an .* 37 O early period to quit the Peshwa, are entitled to a greater propor- tion than the others, and it will therefore be necessary that we make the distribution, unless they themselves express a desire that it should be made without our interference. Two lakhs of rupees will, I think, be sufficient to satisfy all their expectations. This sum will be made up by a remission of the daishmook fees paid to ſhe sirkar, by a transfer of such sirkar villages as are in- sulated among the lands of the Putwurdhuns, and by making over a part of Rastia's resumed jagheer on the north bank of the Kristma. The amount of the daishmook is variously estimated at from fifteen to forty-five or forty thousand rupees. As soon as a correct account of it can be obtained, the lands required to make up the two lakhs of rupees will be granted. “18. All the branches of the Putwurdhun family are popular in the country. They treat the inhabitants with great kindness, and their lands are well cultivated. Their attention to their im- provement renders them averse to war. Their peaceful habits, the great value of their possessions, the facility with which we might seize them, and the benefits they have derived from their. connection with us, hold out the strongest security that they will discourage every attempt to disturb the tranquillity of the country.” Up to this point the Putwurdhuns have been treated of as a single family. ...As, however, the several branches were now recog- nised separately by the British government, which entered, as will be seen, into engāgements with the head of each, the various Putwurdhun states will be treated of similarly. Arr extract, how- ever, may here be inserted from the despatch of the Secretary with the Governor-General, dated .14th July 1818, to she address of Mr. Elphinstone, expressing the views entertained by Lord Hastings as the general policy to be adopted towards the southern chiefs:— w • - “43. The knowledge possessed by you and Brigadier General Munro of the interests and dispositions of the jagheerdars, with relation to the government and to each.other, and the manner in which their relations with us as well as among themselves can be simplified and improved for the benefit of all parties, will have * 38 enabled you to introduce the modifications that may be most con- ducive to those objects. The articles of Punderpoor and the tynat Zabitas, to which the former have reference, seem suffi- ciently to define the relations between the government and the jagheerdars, and it is not the intention or the wish of the Governor- General to extend over them any authority not countenanced by those engagements while they shall continue faithful and obedient. Above all His Lordship has no design of introducing into the territories of the jagheerdars our system of administration in any of its branches. His Lordship conceives the British government. however, to be entitled to require the establishment by the jagheerdars themselves of such an internal course of management as by maintaining the peace of their own districts shall prevent them from becoming dangerous to the tranquillity of the neigh- bouring possessions of the government. Some stipulations for preventing their lands from being converted into a harbour for offenders endeavouring to escape the wigilance of our police will be expedient and may justly be demanded.” - • . . . SANGLEE. The records at present available are too imperfect to admit of a detailed account being given here of the negotiations with Chin- tamon Row, which ensued upon the subversion of the Peshwa's dynasty by the British government. The departure of Brigadier General Munro from the Southern Maratha Country, as above narrated, delayed considerably the settlement with the various jagheerdars, as the multiplicity of business that devolved upon Mr. Elphinstone prevented his taking up immediately the questions thts left in abeyance. Tiſe latter gentleman, however, had the vakeels of the various chiefs in attendance on him at Poona, and discussed with them the conditions to be offered to their mästers. He was annoyed at the persistency with which Chinta- mon Row represented that it would be a dishonour to "serve the British government, and remonstrated strongly with that chief on the terms he used. This. annoyance was considerably increased when the Sangleekur's vakeels in December 1818 presented a letter from their master written in anything but a courteous style, 39 repeating the remarks complained of about the dishonour of serving the British government, and suggesting the restoration of the Peshwa. Feeling “ that these liberties if allowed to pass would encourage other chiefs to similar encroachments,” Mr. Elphin- stone at once wrote an answer couched in severe language. In it he reminded Chinfamon Row that by adhering to the cause of Bajee Row till it was desperate he had forfeited all claims of the English, notwithstanding which his jagheer was continued. Instead.of showing gratitude for this liberality he complained as if faith had not been kept with him, and it was therefore necessary to ask him plainly on what grounds government was to Continue his jagheer if he refused to serve. He was assured that the terms by which his service was to be regulated were similar to those of Punderpoor, and no practice would be introduced inconsistent with former.custom, but he was warned at the same time that no disrespect to the sirkar would be permitted. Mr. Elphinstone’s proceedings were fully approved by the Governor-General, who remarked that Chintamon Row's conduct possibly proceeded as much from the “characteristic petulance and irritability of his disposition as from any settled design to resist the authority or " deny the supremacy of the British government,” and expressed a hope that the tone of Mr. Elphinstone's letter would make the Sangleekur sensible of the imprudence and danger of the course he was pursuing. - - In the beginning of next year Mr. Elphinstone met Chinta- mon ROW at Belgaum and Dharwar, and endeavoured to remove his prejudices against serving the British government, informing him, among other arguments, that in the event of his adhering to his resolution, it would be impossible to bestow on him a new grant as had been thought of, and indeed decided upon. As the chief's prejudices were found insuperable, it was agreed that in lieu of the contingent of 450 horse—one-fourth of the number for the maintenance of which he held lands—the Sangleekyr should cede territory of the annual rental of Rs. 1,35,000, being Rs. 300 g for each horseman. This formed the first See Aitchison’s “Treaties,” ... "... • - &c. v. l. vi. p. 151, g article of the memorandum of terms # granted. The Second and third confirmed 40 the 5th and 4th articles of the engagement of Punderpoor, while in the remainder of the document provision was made for proper administration of justice and the continuance of all existing rights within the chief's territories, and the mutual randition of criminals. The two last articles guaranteed the maintenance of the chief’s rank and dignity, as also the due continuance of any possessions of his situated within the lands of British government. • wº O From Mr. Elphinstone’s letter No. 566 of the 18th May 1819 to Mr. Secretary Metcalfe, given at length in the Appendix,” it will be seen that Chintamon Row agreed to these terms. When, however, the memorandum was sent to him for sighature, in accordance with the usual custom, he not only refused to sign it, but issued a pro- clamation asserting his independence by declaring he held his ſands direct from the god Gunputtee, and claiming sovereignty over the other members of the Putwurdhun family. An act like this of course could not be overlooked. A paper was immediately sent for Chintamon Row's signature, acknowkedging his dependence on the. British government and renouncing his claim of sovereignty over his relations. On his refusing compliance a force under General Pritzler was at once—in October 1819–marched against him, and he was informed that he must immediately sign the paper and furnish a duplicate to the officer commanding the force or take the consequences, which were the seizure of his territory, and the deportation of himself to Benares. When the British troops approached Sanglee, the chief hastily signed and despatched the paper to Poona, accompanied, however, with a letter, in which he stated that he had merely .signed because there was no time left for reference, and reiterated the expression of his inability to per- . form service and allegiance. He also refused to deliver a dupli- Gate to General Pritzler, and sent to Poona a draft of an acknow- ledgment which he proposed to make in lieu of that sent, engaging to be trife and faithful to government. - *Appendix F. . Such submission as this was deemed of no value, and the governor considered it necessäry to insist upon the most strict compliance with the demands made upon Chintamon Row, who 4 1 C was accordingly directed to repair immediately to General Pritz- ler’s camp and deliver personally into the hands of that officer the duplicate aboye adverted to, under his seal and signature. He was informed at the same time that the draft he wished to substitute could not be admitted, and he was warned that he must submit immediately to the pleasure of the government. For-. tunately for himself the chief thought it wisest to submit, and the force was accordingly marched back to Belgaum. The document thus sigiſed and delivered ran as follows:– “I was a sirdar and subject under.the Peshwa. The Peshwa's government was set aside and that of the Company established. My jagheer has, with the other territories, come under the British government. I will serve the British government, as I may be directed, with fidelity and attachment, with such lands as may be graciously bestowed on me. I shall not maintain connexion with or dependence on the Peshwa. I shall not hereafter make any claims according to the former tynat Zabita. I relinquish the claim Iformerly made of my relations, the Miritchkur, Tasgaumkur, and Koorundwarkur sirdars, being under my authority. I accept only whatever jagheer the British government may be pleased to grant me, and I bég a memorandum for the continuance of it, by which I will permanently abide. This is the agreement.” This document, it may be here noted, the Bombay government in December 1830 authorised the agent for sirdars in the Deccan to return to Chintamon "Row at the request of that chief, it being considered that the agreement related to pretensions which Appa Sahib was not likely to raise again. The Governor in Council therefore was of opinion that it should be returned “as it could be of no value to government,” and its being retained was a source of great annoyance to Chintamon Row. © The details of the cession in lieu of service now remained to be settled. In January 1820 Chintamon Row made aver the purgunnas of New Hooblee, Turrus, and Burdole, the annual reve- nue of which he estimated at Rs. 1,38,995. Examination into the actual value of the cession, however, showed that the average net revenue of the districts in question amounted to little more than 6 PU * O … 42 Rs. 65,000. The Sangletkur was accordingly called on to yield sufficient additional territory to make up the amount due by him, and also to refund the collections made during the current year in the ceded districts. As compliance with this requisition was evaded on various pretexts, the principal col- lector was authorised to seized certain possessions of Chinta- mon Row's sufficient to make up the total required,. and also to resume temporarily certain other lands of his as security for the Rs. 1,35,000 due for the past year. These promptºmeasures soon brought about an arrangement, and in the early part of 1821 land of the required amount was formally ceded, comprising" the * See schedule given in Aitch- purgunnas of New Hooblee, Turrus, son's Treaties, vol. vi. Pºlº, Burdole, and Bomunguttee, the Sirdesh. gut of Gopunkop, and certain villages in the purgunna of Shahpoor. The latter purgunna was especially desired by the government on account of its proximity to the large cantonment of Belgaum ; but as Chintamon Row objected to give it up, certain stipulations were made to prevent spirit-dealing and coin- ' e . ing in the districts, which had already caused great inconvenience, as also to provide for the supply of bullocks and coolies required for military purposes. Ib. p. 153-54. \ A year had not elapsed after the completion of this arrange- ment before Chintamon Row again brought down on himself the displeasure of government, and was only saved from ruit by timely submission. On the breaking out of the war in 1817 two brothers of the name of Vaughan, one of them a captain in the Madras army, who were travelling between Bombay and Poona, *were seized by the Mai4thas, and, though they offered no resist- ance, most barbarously hanged by a Brahmin named Babajee Punt .Gokla. The perpetrators of this atrocity were of course exempt- ed from the amnesty given at the end of the war, and managed to congeal themselves for some time. In the beginning of 1822, however, the authorities who had heard of Babajee Punt Gokla being in the neighbourhood of Meeruj, learned that he had been made prisoner by the Sangleekur, who was immediately requested to hand him over to the political agent at Dharwar. This he 43 refused, in no very courteous terms, to-do, stating that it would be a reproach to him to give up a cow or a Brahmin, and remarking that the man had committed no crime, as he had only acted on the orders of his superiörs. In reporting the matter for the orders of government, the commissioner, Mr. Chaplin, observed that for some time past Chiatamon Row’s conduct had been such as to lead to the belief that he was either mad or feigning insanity. The orders of the Bombay authorities were prompt and decisive. It was pointed out that by the agreement with Chintamon Row offenders against the British government when in his jagheer were to be seized by the officers of government, and the chief was to render every assistance, and it was bbserved that it would be inconsistent with the authority of the ruling power to allow its subjects to decide who were offenders and who not. The Sangleekur was accordingly to be warned that if he failed to deliver up. Babajee Punt Gokla he would be treated as a rebel. - The character and previous conduct of Chintamon Row had been such that it was cºnsidered advisable when making the formal requisition to back it up with the presence of a force, which - was accordingly assembled at Dharwar and marched against Sirhut- tee where the chief happened to be for the celebration of the Hoolee. Finding the preparations made for his seizure in case he evaded the demand, Chintamon Row with a bad grace gave an order on his son at Sanglée for the surrender of the prisoner, who was accordingly made over to the British and confined for life in the hill-fort of Singurh, as it was not deemed necessary to punish himſ’ capitally for an offence committed so long before. The examination of the criminal, however, clearly showed that the guilt of the act lay with him alone, and that neither the Peshwa nor Bapoo Punt Gokla ever sanctioned or were aware of the atrocity he perpetrated. The idea was entertained for some time of making Chintamon Row pay the expenses of the force that had been assenbled, but ultimately the government took a more lenient view of the case, {lS it appeared that the conduct of the chief on the occasion arose rather from a false motion of honour than from any spirit of rebellion. It was, however, intimated to ('hintamon Row that in 44 --" ſº O - - future “any act, or even any language, inconsistent with his allegi- ance to the British government” would subject himself and his . family to the loss of his jagheer. ** e For some three or four years after the occurrence just nar- rated Chintamon Row remained tolerably "quiescent, -only from ...time to time sending lengthy letters to the governor dwelling on his various grievances and calling perempforily for a settlement of his disputes with his relations. Some of these communications were so extremely discourteous in tone as to draw on the thief the severe rebuke of the governor. In one of them too the Sanglee- kur, notwithstanding the distinct intimation that had been given him by Mr. Elphinstone at Dharwar in 1819, brought forward as one of his grievances the fact that he..had not like the other Put- wurdhuns received new assignments. ſº O In July 1826 the Sanglee chief, who had repaired to Poona to meet the governor, and, as he said, to remove the bad impres- sions avowed in his excellency’s letter of remonstrance to him, met with a great affliction in the death, at Ahmednuggur, of his only son Gunput Row. The widow of the deceased was en- couraged by some of the people about her to adopt a son whom ܺ - i. e • tº she named Venayek Row, and her father-in-law sent information of the event to the governor, requesting that the adoption might be sanctioned. He was informed in reply that sanction could not be given, and that the proceeding was so irregular" and in- subordinate that, were it not out of consideration of the plea that the measure" had been adopted to prevent a Suttee, such an act of impropriety on the part of the chief could not have been dverlooked. It was then...iven Qut that the widow was pregnant, but on the unlikelihood, if not impossibility, of this, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, being demonstrated, the story was dropped, and Chintamon Row urgently pressed his request to have the adoption confirmed. He declared his intention to accompany the governor to Bombay and stay there till his wish was granted, and he asserted his determination to proceed to Benares in the event of his prayer being refused. The governor, however, adhered to his resolution. He pointed out to Chin- 45 O tamon Row that in the agreement concluded with him at Dharwar the question of succession was purposely left open, and that even were it otherwise the chief by his subsequent conduct had for- feited all claims to the advantages of that agreement, as he de- clared his independence at a subsequent date and showed extreme contumacy. Mr. Elphinstone dwelt on the fact that under the Peshwa's government no adopted sons had ever been admitted to succeed to such estates as that of Sanglee, and, with reference to recent adoptions that had been sanctioned, observed that this favour had been granted in special cases to those who had distin- guished themselves by their loyalty and attachment to the British government, whereas Chintamon Row had on the contrary evinced a different spirit and shown disaffection, • At one of these interviews with Mr. Elphinstone, Chintamon Row asserted his right to adopt by virtue of a treaty which he said had been executed with him by Mr. Chaplin cancelling the articles agreed to at Dharwar. A paper purporting to be a copy of this document was read out to the governor, who expressed his surprise that any agreement should have been executed with his. knowledge. He said, however, that whatever Mr. Chaplin signed should, be adhered to, but that the matter required investigation, and he therefore called for the original document, which was said to be at Sanglee. • It does not appear to have been produced, and no referenge to it appears in the records till 1862 when Major G. S. A. Anderson discovered it at Sanglee and made a translation of it - which his given in the appendix." The ... treaty bears date the 25th January 1820 and is signed by Mr. Chaplin, but no cºrrespondence can be foupd either in the commissioner's duftur 'di' among the records at Sanglee showing under what circumstances it was negotiated,: and no report appears to have been ever made to government on the subject. The engagement corresponds almost exactly with that given in Aitchison’s Treaties, vol. v. p. 151. • *Appendix D. + In Mr. Chaplin’s letter No. 680, dated the 28th November 1819, given at length in Appendix F, he refers to the “new terms which are promised” to Chintamon Row. This letter was written immediately after the events narrated in page 41, and the “ terms” thus promised are apparently those given in Appendix D. f O 46 The question of adoptionſ was thus definitely settled for the present, and Chintamon Row, who was at this period much tried by domestic affliction, ceased for a time to agitate the matter openly. Sir John Malcolm, however, who succeeded Mr. Elphinstone as governor of Bombay, espoused the chief's cause warmly, and wrote tº the Court of Directors, earnestly reccommendiug that his prayer to be allowed to adopt should be granted. So cqnfident indeed was Sir John of the ultimate success of his representations that before leaving Bombay he addressed a letter to the Sanglee- kur informing him of what had been done, and assuring him of his conviction that he would be aflowed the privilege of adoption. It was under the governorship of Sir John Malcolm that the long-protracted disputes between Chintamon Row and the Meeruj branch of the Putwurdhuns were put in train of settlement. The deeds of division, subsequently confirmed, as above narrated, by the Peshwa, had not been fully carried into effect, and the restoration. of peace allowed Chintamon Row to devote time to the prosecution of his claims on Mahadoo Row Gungadhur, who on the death of •Narayên Row had succeeded to the guardianship of the son of the latter, and assumed the position of head of the Meeruj family. The Sanglee chief, after the establishment of the British power, kept pouring in a stream of remonstrance and demands to have his claims settled, not always couched in the most ceurteous terms, at the same time that he himself in many instances threw, obsta- cles in the way of settlement. At last, in the beginning of 1829, the government deputed Mr. W. R. Morris, first assistant to the resident at Sattara, to inquire into the long-pending disputes between the different members of the Putwurdhun family. Chinta- mon Row and Mahadoo Rºw, in a letter to Sir John Malcolm, agreed to abide by arbitration, and sent duly authorised vakeels to MFr. Morris, who thereupon commenced the investigation, the result of which may be thus summarised— O - - I. The Sanglee chief claimed a division of family property according to the deed of settlement drawn up in 1801. * This claim was dividéd into various heads, some of which—such as the division of books, cooking utensils, cattle, houses, gardens, clothes, &c.—were amicably settled on the spot, leaving no 47 . O ground for dispute. The heads requiring detailed notice are as follows:– - 1. Treasure, jewels, and debts claimed by the Sangleekur. To meet this claim. Mahadoo Row's vakeel produced the family accounts-up to the year 1799, which showed a balance due to Chintamon Row of Rs. 34,600, which was assented to by the latter, the Meprajkur's vakeel agreeing to pay the amount if at the end of the investigation the balance should appear against him. The accounts produced, however, showed the large sum of Rupees 32,47,478 entered under the head of “advance.” As the other party naturally objected to such a vague entry as this, the Meeruj wakeel bound himself to produce satisfactory accounts within two years, part of the expense of preparing the same being borne by the Sangleekur, and it was agreed that Mahadoo Row should make good any sum not satisfactorily accounted for at the expiration of the period fixed. e - 7. The balance of the store of grain kept in the fort of Meeruj. It was arranged that Chintamon Row should receive Rs. 2,500 on this account. &- " .. • 10. Inam villages, viz. Doodwad, rated at from Rs. 10,000 to Rs. 15,000, Erundole, about Rs 300, besides various grants of inam land in several villages, and the nargounda wuttun of nine villages in the-Meeruj district. - These should have been divided according to the deed of settlement, but Chinfamon Row had held the greater portion of them. His wakeel produced an account showing an excess of Rs. 83,264 received by his master, which Mahadoo Row's vakeel. agreed to accept, subject, however, to the production of accoupts for the last four years and the payment ºf any balance shown as due by thern. The parties could not come to an agreement as to the division of these . lands. The Sangleekur wished the management of them to be left with him, the proceeds being divided, or at least that the fort and thanna of Doodwad should be assigned to him. The Meerujkur on the other hand claimed a regular division, but both parties agreed to abide by the governor’s decision. Mr. Morris recommended that Chintamon Row as the head of the O 48 * * g . family should get Doodwad, and remarked that the village of tº \ e - * - Hurreepoor had been resigned to Mahadoo Row which might be considered a counterbalance. 16. Inam sunnuds and general accounts.’ The Sangleekur suggested that where imam villages were given over entire the sunnuds should go with them, and that otherwise they should remain with Chintamon Row as the head of the family. He claimed the custody of the accounts also as the elder in whose name most of them were written. Mahadoo Row, on the other hand, claimed them as the person by whom they had been for the most part prepared. Both agreed to abide by the governor’s decision. Mr. Morris thought the family records should be made over to Chintamon Row, or if that was not thought advisable, that they should be kept in the political agent's office. Government concurred with him, but directed the point to be settled afterwards in the event of an amicable arrangement not being arrived at. - O * * ..Iſ. The Sangleekur claimed Rs. 60,000, the unliquidated balance of a lakh of rupees given to him to buy a house. The justice of the claim was acknowledged, and the Meeruj- kur agreed to pay the amount if the general balance at the end of the investigation proved against him. O - III. The third claim of the Sangleekur related to a division of the paga horses, elephants, and animals of all sorts, together with their caparisons, &c., and the grain in store for their main- tenance. - *- © This was much dispºſed at first, but finally amicably settled. IV. The next claim was of a more serious nature, being for no less a sum than twenty-nine lakhs of rupees for non-perform. ance of service under the Sangleekur's flag on the part of the Meerujkler during the ſate Peshwa's time. In consequence of this neglect of duty Chintamon Row asserted he was put to extra expense for which he was not sufficiently remunerated by the revenues of a considerable portion of the Meerujkur's lands that he managed to hold during the period in question. 49 - O Mahadoo Row, on the other hand, asserted that he had performed service whenever called on by the Peshwa, and that even had he failed to perform service he was not liable to such a penalty as the forfeiture of all his districts. He also urged that from the wery first he was deprived of half his share, and there- fore was unable to maintain the usual number of troops. This claim was pressed with the greatest eagerness by Chin- tamon Row's wakeel, who declared that his master looked on it as the most important of all his demands. He professed his willing- ness to abide by the governor’s decisiºn on the point. s - In reporting on the question Mr. Morris stated that in his opinion much consideration was due to Chintamon Row on account of this claim, but hinted that the chief would willingly forego it if pressed by government and given hopes of being allowed to adopt. He observed that the amount claimed could not possibly be recovered,. and that it would be almost equally impossible to establish its correctness or otherwise. - V. The Sangleekur claimed the villages of Yelwuttee, Hol- lapoor, Madhullee, and Yetunhullee in the Meeruj share of the Luximeshwur talooka. - - w It appeared that in the division of the jagheer the district in question, which "was rated according to the tunkha assessment at Rs. 2,33,406, Wats thus apportioned— - To Chintamon Row . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rs. 1, 10,033 To Gungadhur Row. . . . . . . . . . . . . . , 1,23,453 As this was one of the districts withheld by Chintamon Row on the plea of Gungadhur Row's non-performance of service, no division took place till 1808, when Gungadhur Row, having with the Peshwa's aid got the ascendancy, made a partition founded on the receipts of 1773. Three months after making this division he possessed himself of the villages now claimed, thereby, it was asserted, causing a loss to Chintamon Row of Rs. 105000 per annum, which would have accrued to him had the division been made agreeably to the tunkha. Mr. Morris recommended that the deed of settlement be strictly adhered to, the tunkha amount of the several villages 7 PU - • . 50 being ascertained, and the deficiency in Chintam Row's portion being made up by such a transfer of the villages now claimed as would make his share up to Rs. 1, 10,033. * VI. The next claim requires little notice, being one for 18 koorums which had been settled some time before by Mr. Thackeray, a former political agent. - • . . º - VII. There was no dispute about the 7th claim for the village of Kerewadee which had been assigned to Chintamon Row, but by mistake entered in the sunnud given to Gungadhir Row. The right of the former to the village was fully acknowledged, and he merely required a letter from government confirmatory of it. tº O e VIII. The next elaim was abāndoned, and requires no further mention ; and the succeeding one, for the adjustment IX. of the accounts up to 1799, had been already settled by the arrangements made under the Ist head of the first claim. . X. XI. The 10th and 11th claims were also abandoned. XII. The Sangleekur next demanded that the Meerujkur should share the expense of supporting Kakoo Baee, the widow of * Gopal Row Putwurdhun. The justice of this demand was acknowledged, and after inquiry into certain particulars it was arranged that Mahadoo Row should pay Rs. 22,478. $ This having completed the Sangleekur's claims, those of Maha- doo Row on Chintamon Row were brought forward as under: — I. That Chintamon Row collected the revenues of the Meeru; share of the surinjam during 1808, and réfused to restore them though orderéd to do so by the Peshwa. The sunnud granted by Bajee Row exempting Gungadhur Row fibm serving under the Satgleekur was not issued till the middle of 1808. Chintamon Row argued that, as having performed service . . . during those six months, he was entitled to draw the revenues, the sum collected being carried to account to meet the claim for un- performed service. Mahadoo Row, on the other hand, urged that the Peshwa's order directing Chintamon Row to refund showed that the latter had no such right as he asserted. - Mr. Morris observed that this claim is too closely connected with the 4th claim brought forward by Chintamon Row to be considered apart from it. ** - 51. *. O II. Mahadoo Row next complained that Chintamon Row had stopped the allowance of one of his dependents and refused to restore it. tº - The allowance in question was part of Mahadoo Row's share of the Suripjam which he had made over to Scindia for the purpose of military service. The allowance was drawn from one of the Sanglee yillages, and as Scindia was indebted to Chintamon Row, the latter took advantage of the opportunity to pay himself by stopping the allowance. As, however, it was acknowledged that this was contrary to the custom of the country, the Sanglee wakeel agreed to pay Rs. 6,656 and to prové that Scindia had drawn the balance of the amount claimed, and this offer was accepted. III. The Meerujkur's vakeel next asserted that certain customs which had fallen to his master’s share in the division of the surinjam-had been collected by Chintamon Row as under— 1st.—The customs of the Meeruj district from 1812 to 1816. 2nd.— Ditto ". . New Pett at Sanglee. - 3rd.- . Ditto - inam village of Hurreepoor. With regard to the Ist point Chintamon Row admitted having made the collections, but asserted that he had only realised Rs. 19,207, whereas Mahadoo Row claimed Rs. 28,862. The latter agreed to take the sum offered, and to submit his proofs regarding the balance to Shreenowas Row Sheristedar for decision within three morfths ; after the expiration of that period no further agitation of the claim to take place. - 2. On inquiring into the 2nd point it appeared that although the whole of the customs of the district belonged to Mahadoo Row, Chintamon Row had on establishing a new market at Sanglee iſ 1806, in order to attract people to it, exempted them froãm all import and export duties, and only levied a small duty on cattle, This, it was urged, he was not justified in doing, and Mahadoo Row insisted on his own right to establish and collect duties in Sanglee. To avoid the disputes likely to be engendered by Mahadoo Row's enforcement of his unquestionable right it was proposed that Chintamon Row should pay him from 1815 (nine years’ exemption being granted) the sum of Rs. 600 annually. He was to bind himself to collect no more than at present, and in the event of his failing 5 } 2 to keep to his agreement the annual payment was to cease, and Mahadoo Row was to send his own customs officers to make collections. This proposal was agreed to, but unfortunately in drawing up the engagements a dispute arose abdut the wording of the documents, and the question was left over for the decision of the governor. Mr. Morris in reporting the matter strongly recommended that the settlement should be made in accordance with the proposed arrangements. 3. The 3rd point in dispute was finally amicably- settled. The Meerujkur claimed the customs of Hurreepoor, a small village founded by Govind Hurreč in honour of his father, the founder of the family, and given to Brahmins, Chintamon Row asserted that customs had never been levied in this village, and that even if the right existed it would be disgraceful to exercise it. After much vehement discussion, the village, which was one of those claimed by both parties, was made over to Mahadoo Rów, who agreed to forego all claims to customs in it. . . - IV. VI. The 4th and 6th claims were settled amicably, and (V.) the 5th claim, which related to the division of wuttuns and inams, had already been provided for in the arrangements made regarding the 16th article of Chintamon Row's first claim. VII. In his 7th claim Mahadoo Row demanded half the durbar khurch for 1799, and the amount drawn on the same account from his share of the surinjam during the succeeding nine years, amounting to Rs. 1,900. O The first part of this claim was to be included in the accounts to be rendered according to the first article of Chintamon Row's first claim. With regard to the second part the Sangleekur declared that he had made a reduction on account of these collections in his account of the amount due for non-performance of service by the TMeerujkur. j - VIII. The demand next brought forward for a "share of the money paid by one Jewajee Ramchunder to Chintamon Row, the debt being due to Mahadoo Row as well, was left to be settled by the accounts to be produced in two years as abovementioned. IX. The 9th claim settled by Chintamon Row agreeing to pay Rs. 25,000 and the 10th (X.) by his promise to pay Rs. 6,519. 53 O The next five claims (XI. to XV.) also were either withdrawn or immediately adjusted. Mahadoo Row next (XVI.) claimed a sum of 15 lakhs said to be due for revenue collected from his districts by Chintamon Row, acgording to a settlement made in 1807. This *-*. was intended as a counterpoise to the Sangleekur’s 4th claim, and Mr. Morris remarks that more was due to Mahadoo Row for the districts forcibly withheld by Chintamon Row than the latter seemed disposed to admit.` - . . . . XVII to XIX. The next three claims require no particular notice. - •. . XX. In his 20th claim Mahadoo Row demanded a share of the outstanding balances due at the close of 1799, and it was arranged that on the production of the accounts in two years all such balances shown should be divided, Chintamon Row receiving 55 and the heirs of Gungadhur Row 45 per cent. - XXI. The list then closed with the production of one more claim, which, however, had been disposed of. - Mr. Morris appended a statement to this list showing that, in the event of both parties proving their claims, a balahçe of. Rs. 6,432 would remain due to Chintamon Row. It was impossible, however, to say what was due pending the production of the accounts and the award of the governor on the reserved points g O 1 a gº tº • submitted for his decision. A copy of Mr. Morris’s report was immediately forwarded to the political agent at Dharwar, with instructions that he was to “consider it not only as a preliminary inquiry, but a settlement so far as the admissions and concessions of the different parties through their accredited agents are concern- ed;” and further that in proceeding to-settle the details of these • - - e .e. e.º - old disputes he was to “admit no deviation from the general rules and principles agreed to by the vakeels as the bases upon which the details of this settlement were to be hereafter conducted.” No opinion was given on the points submitted for the degision of the governor, except that noted above relating to the 16th-article of the Sangleekur’s first claim. - At the expiration of the two years fixed for the production of . the accounts the political agent reported that the accounts were not forthcoming, and that Mahadoo Row pleaded inability to produce 54 Q them on the ground of their having been destroyed—a plea which was shown to be manifestly false. In spite of the conciliatory and liberal conduct of Chintamon Row and the warnings of the authorities as to the consequences of his contumarcy, Mahadoo Row continued obstinate. Seventeen of his villages near. Dharwar, yielding about Rs. 25,000 per annum, were then attached in the hope of bringing him to reason. The political agent Mr. Nisbet, and, on his departure, Mr. G. W. Afderson, made an ex-parte investigation into the case, and on the 20th June 1832 forwarded a statement to Mahadoo Row as follows, allowing him to the 1st January 1833 to produce his accounts, and in default thereof order- ing him to pay the sum shown to be due to the Sangleekur:— Amount decided to be due to Chintamon RS- a. r. Row by Mahadoo Row. . . . . . . . . . . . 4,31,979 I-2 Sl Deduct—Amount due by Chintamon Row O to Mahadoo Row. . . . . . . . . . - . . . . . . . 1,35,684 12 68 ** **-** wºr-awa Balance due to Chintaifon Row. . 2,96,295 0 13 Chintamon Row in his 4th claim claimed the * amount of service from Mahadoo Row and also the revenues collected by the latter from his mahals; and Mahadoo Row in ſ his 16th claim claimed a certain amount from the former, and in claims J, 7, 19, and 20 Mahadoo Row shows that Chin-" tamon Row collected the revenue of his” . . mahals, which item is included in claim 16...Mr. Nisbet decided that because Mahadoo Row did not produce his ac- counts he should forfeit to Chintamon g * O Row the sum of... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3, 53,002 0 0 Chintamon Row in his 5th claim claims the village of Yelwuttee and 3 others of O Luxmeshwur purgunna, and because Mahadoo Row did not produce the accounts of these villages Mr. Nisbet decided that he should restore the said 4 villages and the collections amount- - ing to . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,25,060 12 81 to we e º a Total .... Rs. 7,74,357 12 94 55 O It was at the same time decided by Mr. Anderson that the village of Doodwar should be assigned to Chintamon Row, and that he should make over to Mahadoo Row villages yielding annu- ally Rs. 4,280, so as to give that chief altogether Rs. 6,232, the half of the aggregate revenue of the family inams. In the account of the Meeruj chiefs which succeeds a more. minute narration will be given of the various steps Mahadoo Row . took with reference to his dispute. It is sufficient to state here that as he persisted in withholding the accounts, notwithstanding warnings and frequently renewed periods of grace, the govern- ment confirmed the settlement reported by Mr. G. W. Anderson, requesting that gentleman; however, to use his good offices to induce Chintamon Row to waive his claim to the sum of Rupees 1,59,679-0-87 awarded to him in consideration of his 4th claim. and Mahadod Row's whole jagheer was sequestrated to pay off the debt. - - - - By 1844 Chintamon Row received in this way the sum of Rs. 4,44,624. In that year Mr. H. L. Anderson forwarded tº go- vernment an elaborate report reviewing the whole case and calling particular attention to two items of Mr. Nisbet's award. The first of mº the sum of Rs. 1,59,679, which it was supposed all along that Chintamon Row would waive his claim to, and the payment of which, Mr. Anderson contended, it was never intended seriously to enforce. The second was an item of Rs. 1,93,322, awarded in consideration of collections forcibly made by Gungad- hur Row from Chintamon Row’s share of the surinja'm. Against this item Mr. Anderson advanced the objections that in the first place the claim had not been made befºre Mr. Morris, though in the investigation before that gentleman the Sanglee wakeel stated he had produced all the claims his master had to make, and was thereby estopped from bringing forward any fresh ones, and in the second place that, independently of the first-objection, when Mahadoo Row in his 1st claim demanded Rs. 1,70,000 as the amount of collections forcibly made by Chintamon Row, the latter admitted having thus realised Rs. 1,50,000, which amount it was urged should have been placed to Mahadoo Row's credit in the account between the two chiefs. - O - 56 On his report being laid before government the first item WaS summarily struck out and deducted from the balance due to Chintamon Row, and the Governor in Council came to the con- clusion that from the sum of Rs. 1,93,322, awarded to the Sanglee- kur for forcible collections made by the Meerujkur. from his surinjam, should be deducted the amount of Rs. 1,50,000 which Chintamon Row admitted he had forcibly realised from Gungadhur Row’s .territory. The government subsequently reconsidered its decision on the second point, on the ground that as the settlement was a sort of compromise, a readjustment of one settled item would necessitate a reopening of the whole case. The Court of Directors, however, ir? 1846 &onfirmed the first decision, and remarked that as the balance due to Chintamon Row had been reduced by the disallowal of the first item referred to above, and by payments to Rs. 1,45,000, the reduction from the second item of Rs. 1,50,000 would actually show a balance due to Mahadoo. Row. This the Court did not insist on, but directed that no further paymentshould be made to Chiatamon Row and that “the transitction should be considered as closed.” The case, however, was not destined to come to so speedy a conclusion. The Court of Directors, on a further representation being made to them, agreed to the view taken by Mr. Anderson and the Bombay government, and allowed the lakh and a half to stafdon the ground that the amount, though undoubtedly collected “by Chintamon Row from Mahadoo Row’s jagheer, was callected at a time when Mahadoo Row was under obligation to render military service to Chintamon Row which he did not fulfil.” * Though this large itºl, was not struck out of the account, Mr. Anderson in 1848 made a minute inquiry into the amount of the balance due from the Meerujkur to the Sangleekur which enabled him to reduce it materially. In the first place it had been agreed on before Mr. Nisbet that Chintamon Row should pay to Mahadoo Row a stim of Rs. 600 per annum as compensation for the loss occasioned by the abolition of duties at Sanglee, and the amount was paid regularly till 1837 when transit duties were suspended. It was contended, however, by the one side and admitted by the other that the suspension of transit duties would not affect a claim 57 O for compensation for the abolition of import and export duties, and therefore Rs. 6,600, being compensation " for 11 years at Rs. 600 per annum, were . deducted from the amount due by the Meernjkur. Another sum of Rs. 13,335 was then deducted, being the amount less crédited by Chintamon Row on account of the Rs. 4,289 he was bound to pay in lieu of the share of Doodwar, and Rs. 932-1-9 were subtracted on account of certain huks (belonging to the Meerujkur but held by the Sangleekur)pending the finalsettle- ment of the disputes not having been collected and credited to the former. A similar deduction of Rs. 525-15 was made on account of some inam land given, by Chintamon Row Subsequently to Mr. Nisbet's decision, and the considerable sum of Rs. 20,891-14-8 was subtracted on account of the difference of value between the government rupees in which the payments were made and the Hookeree currency in which the debt was incurred. The sum of the deductions thus made reduced the amount due by the Meerujkur to Rs. 49,599-4-5. - - See Mahadoo Row 's cl III. head 2. s In the course of this investigation an objection was raised by Mahadºo Row's "vakeel, which was held by government to be reasonable. It has before been stated that the Sangleekur was di- rected to make over villages of the annual value of Rs. 4,280 in lieu of the Meerujkir’s share of Doodwar. Mahadoo Row, however, having the fear of possible resumption before his eyes, declined to receive Surinjam villages in lieu of his share of an inam posses. sion. He also declined receiving a mere money payment, as that, he considered, would put him in an inferior position. At last it was arranged that Chintamon Row should retain entire possession of Doodwar, and in lieu thereof transfer to Mahadoo Row the three small villages of Tunnoo, Erundole, and Hurreepoor, besidt's making to him a direct yearly cash payment of Rs. 5,000, and sharing with him the proceeds of the Nadgoundee wutturn, and in April 1850 the political agent had the satisfaction of forwarding to the government letters from thre Sangleekur and Luximon Row Anna Sahib (third son of Mahadoo Row and manager of his estate) 8 PU - - O 5S announcing that all disputes between them had been amicably arranged.” - - - - The recital of the facts of this important dispute has necessa- rily brought the narrative down to a somewhat ſate date. It now remains to resume the history from the point, where the digression took place. - O - Chintamon Row's wish for an heir, was gratified by the birth of a son, Moreshwur Row, in November 1833, but his hopes were blighted by the death of the child in the following May. The force of the above, however, was lessened by the concession of the long-wished for boon, the Court of Directors having in 1834, as a special mark of favour for the Sangleekur's loyalty and excellent government,f sanctioned the adoption of a son by the widow of the deceased Gunput Row. The chief was informed that it would be necessary for him to pay muzzerana; but while express- ing much gratitude for the favour conferred 6m him, he evaded all allusion to this subject, an omission which did not escape the notice of the authorities, who recorded a remark to the effect that the validity of the sanction to the succession of the adopted son" would depend upon the payment of the nuzzerana. The boy in question, however, was not destined to be the heir of his grandfather, as a son named Dhoondee Row was born to the latter in 1838, who escaped the fate of his brothers and still survives. After the departure of Mr. Elphinstone from Bombay Chin- tamon Row's conduct altered considerably for the better, and he refrained from urging complaints in a captious and insolent manner. Mr. G. W. Anderson, writing in 1832, observed the change and attributed it to the respect and attention with which the Sangleekur found hifirself treated by the British government. In 1830 when disturbances arose in Kittoor prompt and energetic co-operation was given by Appa Sahib's officials in the neighbour- * The family records, however, were not given up by Mahadoo Row, and they are presumed tº be now in the possession of his son Luximon Row Amma Sahib. f When the sanction was conveyed to Appa Sahib his wife was again enceinte, and the political agent contemplated the ppssibility of a natural heir being born to the chief, “an event,” he remarked in his letter to government, “that would supersede this adoption.” - 59 • hood, and afterwards when Suttee was formally abolished. Chin- tamon Row, though he protested against the enactment, exerted himself loyally to stop the practice in his territories. In 1844 he dismissed from offico his relative the mamlutdar of Sirhuttee, who had been guilty of grave misconduct in opposing the magistrate of Dharwar when the latter was in the execution of his duty. But his loyalty to the government was still more strongly displayed on the occasion of the Kolapore disturbances in 1844 when he rendered such cordial assistance that, as Mr. H. L. Anderson remarked, “his services can only be faintly represented by the record of government.” © . - It was in consideration of these services that Yelwuttee and Hollapoor were restored to the Sanglee chief. It will be remem- bered that these villages formed part of the subject of his 5th claim against Malvadoo Row of Meeruj. It was decided that he was entitled to the four villages claimed, but it so happened that in the subdivision of the Meeruj estate the two villages above named fell to the hare of Gopal Row, the fourth son of Gungadhur Row. On his death without heirs his estate lapsed to government, and was. incorporated in the collectorate of Dharwar. The collector, on examining the records of the estate, found that Yelwuttee and Hollapoor belonged to it, and accordingly claimed them. They were then after-inquiry resumed in 1844, but it was felt that the act was not a vary liberal or politic one. The government at first thought of restoring them as a “zat surinjam” for life to Chintamon Row to mark their approbation of his conduct, but on further consideration restored them to him without any qualifications. A further token of the high esteem in which his character and service were held was afforded by the presentation to the Sanglèe chief of a valuable sword sent out by the Court of Directors, “in testimony of their respect for his high character, and in acknow- ledgement of his answerving fidelity and attachment to the British government.” The sword was presented with great Cºremony, m presence of the Belgaum brigade, to Chintamon Row, who was much gratified by the attention. O There was one point, however, on which Sangleekur to the day of his death believed himself to be wronged by the government. - O 60 He persistently claimed the reversion of all the estates in the Putwurdhun family in default of natural heirs, and when Gopal Row's estate lapsed, he, in 1843, formally asserted his right to it, and complained that the treaty of 1819 had been forcibly exacted from him. Mr. Townsend, in reporting on the claim, argued that it was barred by the terms of the agreement above given which - Chintamon Row had to sign when Gºneral Pritzler's force was moved against him, and the government accordingly informed the chief that they could only recognise the claims secs red by the treaty of 1819. Notwithstanding this reply Appa Sahib four years after again revived his élaim. Mr. H. L. Anderson had on this" occasion to report on the matter. He observed that the Sangieekur was under the im- pression that the agreement of 1819 had no legal existence, the document having been, he alleged, returned to him by Sir John Malcolm, though there were no records to show whether it really was returned, and if so, on what grounds.” Mr. Anderson, how- ever, argued that, even independently of the agreement in question, the chief's claim was groundless, as the separation of the various ` branches of the family had been—recognised by government, and, even under the Peshwa, the Meeruj branch hat-bees-expressly exempted from feudal allegiance to Sanglee. Mr. Anderson, while strongly arguing against these pretensions, begged that Chintamon Row might be dealt with tenderly in replying to them, as the old chief had brooded over the subject of these claims till they had become a part of his nature. It was necessary, however, to intimate distinctly to the chief that his claims could never be recognised, and this the government did, expressing at the same time their regret at his 5é'sistence. - On the 15th July 1851 Chintamon Row, who had for some time béen in an imbecile state, died full of years and honours. To the last he had a somewhat overweening sense of his own dignity and importante, and kept up a state beyond his means, but his faults © * The document had been returned, as previously mentioned, in accordance with the instructions contained in a letter from Mr. Secretary Norris to the agent for sirdars in the Deccan, No. 1755, dated 3rd December 1830. 61 . O were for the most part those of a noble nature, and he inspired respect in all with whom he had to deal. His “great superiority, morally and intellectually, to all the other sirdars of the Southern Maratha Country” was generally acknowledged, and his frankness of manner and intelligence struck all who were brought into contact with him. He was a liberal landlord, and always showed himself. -- solicitous to secure the comfort of his subjects, with which view he constructed numerous tanks, wells, and other works of irrigation. He also, took great interest in horticulture, and prided himself much on the beauty of his gardens and the number of exotic plants he had introduced into the country. Though an active ruler, however, in other-respects he was by no means a good financial administrator, and allowed his karbharees to settle his monetary affairs much as they pleased—a trust which they abused for their own advantage, as will be shown hereafter. He prided himself especially as being "a soldier, but he was in later years a most bigoted conserver of all Hindoo prejudices. g An anecdote of Chintamon Row may here be introduced which \ is given by Sir John Malcolm as follows:– " .. • º “The character of the encouragements given by this chief to his subjects may be judged by the mode in which he is stated to have formerly granted a cowl or protection to the town of Hooblee. He took during the Hoolee feast a blank sheet of paper, and having dipped hſs hand into the red liquid used at that festival he made its impression at the top of the cowl, desiring the mer- chants who had petitioned for an exemption from certain duties to write what they pleased under a signature which must be held sacred by him and his heirs as long as they were true Hindoos.”. Two years before his death the Sanglee chief submitted to the political authorities a memorandum specifying his wishes as to the arrangements to be made after his decease. He stated it to be his desire that" his adoptive grandson Venayek Row Bhow Sahib should have an allowance of Rs. 21,000 from the estate, in addition to certain allowances (amounting to about Rs. 3,000 per annum) which had been enjoyed by his adoptive father, and should, in default of heirs, succeed his (Chintamon Row's) O 62 son Dhondee Row Tattit Sahib. He further proposed that during the minority of the latter the estate should be man- aged by his nephew Hurryhur Narrayen Lagoo, and Konehere * Row Bappoo Shapoorkur. In forwarding this representation to government, Mr. Reeves, the then political agent, first mooted the question whether Venayek Row should not be considered the legitimate heir of Appa Sahib, being,the duly adopted son of the latter's eldest son. He then proceeded to object to the managers nominated by the chief on the ground that they were creditors of the state, and concluded by suggesting that, in the event of Bhow Sahib mof being considered his adoptive grand- father’s heir, his allowance should be is cash and not in land. The pretensions of Venayek Row to succeed his adoptive grandfather were summarily rejected (a decision subsequently approved by the Court of Directors), but the government for the most Part endorsed Mr. Reeves's views, and declared its intention of managing the estate through the political agent in the event of Chintamon Row's death. On this resolution being communicated to º lattes he remonstrated strongly, but received a reply pointing out that the proposed measure was for his own interests, as minors were neglected and injured in the absence of due supervision. ' He was informed, moreover, that if he still wished to appoint managers he must satisfactorily prove their ability or consent to government exercising efficient control. O / * O On the death of the old chief, Mr. Reeves despatched his native agent” at once to take charge of the Sanglee state, and recommended a scheme of administration, the chief features of which were the appointment of a respectable government servant as karbharee, and the removal of the mamlutdars of the several districts, their places being supplied by others not creditors * This maan, who has played a very important part in the politics"of the Southern Maratha Country, was the son of Annajee Nursiw, a deshpanday in the Padshapoor talooka, who by his abilities raised himself from an inferior position to be one of the mºst influential men in the Carnatic. He was appointed karbharee of Sanglee in 1826, and on his death in 1843 was succeeded in his office by his son, who for his services during the disturbances in 1844-45 was created a second class Sirdar. ($3 O of the estate. Mr. Reeves further dwelt on the necessity for great economy, the debts of the late chief being calculated at fifteen lakhs of rupees. Of this sum the amount due to Bappoo Sahib was calculated at about two and a quarter lakhs, and that to Hurryhur Jagoo at a-lakh of rupees. The realisable revenue of the state was computed at Rs. 4,46,274, but the actual receipts. were stated to amount only to Rs. 3,00,000. Jº; - In the meantime the two men nominated as managers by Chintamon Row, and one Mahadajee Sudashiv Baput, also a cre- ditor, used every effort to induce the government to alkow the late chief’s wishes to be carried into effect. Konehere Row Bappoo addressed several letters to the governor, and wrote others in the name of the young chief and his mother to the same purport. On a reference being made to Mr. Reeves he pointed out that all the letters really proceeded from the trio above named, who had lent large sums to Chintamon Row, and had doubtless reimbursed themselves already to a considerable extent by taking advantage of the “notortous aversion of the late old chief to accounty” especially as they had had “the control of his affairs.” He argued that it was absurd to suppose that any good could come of the continued connexion of these men with the Sanglee estate, the welfare of which he considered depended on being divorced from them. - While the matter was under the consideration of government IV. T. Reeves was succeeded by Mr. J. D. Inverarity. who took a dišerent view of the question. The latter gentleman argued strongly against his predecessor's views, on the ground that the substitution of government native agency in lieu of the old ser: vants of the Sanglee estate would complicate matters, and increase the feeling of irritation already occasioned by the assumption of power by the agent whom Mr. Reeves had despatched to take charge. He most unaccountably under-estimated the amount due to Konehere Row Bappoo and Hurryhur Lagoo, and did not consider that the fact of their being creditors of the estate was any reasen why their experience and intimate acquaintance with its affairs should not be made use of, and therefore proposed entrusting the * O 64 administration of Sanglee to a board composed of these two men and a government servant of the name of Babajee Vittul, generally known as Baba Shastree. To ensure the board being completely under the eye of the political agent it was suggested that the “seat of Sanglee government” should be removed to Shapoqr, in which ..place it was proposed also that the young chief and the sons of Venayek Row should reside for the projecution of their education. Mr. Inverarity also reported that the debts of the estate only amounted to Rs. 8,36,439, for the liquidation of which Rºs. 75,000 per annum would be available. - wº O . - - In March 1852 the government approved of the new scheme, which was accordingly carried into effect. Before very long it was reported a failure. The government nominee did not get on . well with the Sanglee karbharees, and, in 1854, brought several charges of malversation against his colleague Bäppoo Sahib. These were inquired into by Mr. Bell, who reported that there existed no solid grounds for them, and considered that Baba Shastree showed want of tact and temper, and was too much wedded to a rigid adherence to the forms of our regulations. Babá - Shastree then tendered his resignation, which was accepted, and he was replaced by Hunmunt Row Soobajee, mamlutdar of Budamee. • * - - About this period a discovery was made whith reflected COIl- siderable discredit on those who had had the management of the Sanglee affairs previously to Chintamon Row's decease. In 1837 government had resolved on abolishing transit duties throughºut the country, and had caused inquiries to be made with a view to dwarding compensation. to those who suffered by the change. The Sanglee accounts relating to this subject were accordingly laid before Mr. Townsend, and it was decided in 1843 that the sum of Rs. 6,211-1-11 should be paid annually as compensation to the Sanglee chief, being two-thirds of the amount said to have been realised by him on account of transit duties, pending a more com- plete inquiry into his claims. This more complete inquiry was undertaken by Mr. Chapman, who conclusively proved to the satisfaction of government that the statements which had been 65 produced before Mr. Townsend were, fraudulent, and that those produced before himself, as the accounts on which the original statements were founded, were forgeries, in consequence of which an over-payment of Rs. 76,821-8-5 had been made by government. Mr. Chapman considered Bapoo Shapoorkur to be the principal culprit in this case. It is but justice, however, to Bappoo Sahib to add that, the then political agent Mr. Bell, and his successor Mr: Seton Karr, both considerød the evidence against him insufficient to prove his complicity in frauds which had been committed at a time when his father, and not he, held the office of karbharee. _O - © The Court of Directors, however, were by no means satisfied with Bappoo Sahib's conduct, and strongly recommended to the Bombay government that he should be removed from the board of administration, and a few months afterwards—having in the meantime received Mr. Down's report concerning the investiga- tion made by himself and Mr. Bell—they remarked that, though the charges brought against Bappoo Sahib by Baba Shastree had failed, yet there was proof from bther quarters of his untrustworthiness, and commented on the unsatisfactory state of the Sanglee accóunts, dwelling on the small amount paid in discharge of the debts, and the unaúthorised expenditure incurred by the karbharees. The Court concluded by referring to the opinion they had previously expressed, and declared that no good result could be expected from an administration of which Bappoo Shapoorkur was an influential member. An order for the removal of the karbharee was accord- ingly given to Mr. Seton Karr in June 1857—just after the begin- ning of the fearful outbreak that rendered that year so memorable— and caused that gentleman con siderable:embarrassment, as Bappoo Sahib, at a time when all aid was precious, was using his great influence on the side of loyalty and was rendering the most valu- able assistance. It was considered impolitic to remove him at such a juncture, and as Hurreehur Dada died at this time, and Hunmunt Soobajee was dismissed at Mr. Seton Karr's recom- mendation as utterly incompetent, the Shapoorkur was left. in sole charge of Sanglee. It was indeed recommended by the political agent and ordered by the government that two com. 9 PU - 66 petent officials from British ferritory, one of whom was to be a good accountant, should be appointed in the room of the dismissed and deceased karbharees. The stirring events which occurred at the time, however, left to the authorities little leisure to make the requisite inquiries and arrangements, and the order consequently was left in abeyance. *** - O - - © - Throughout the whole period of the mutinies Bappoo Sahib behaved with the most distinguished loyalty. He used his great influence over the young chief to counteract the schemes of some who wished to gain the countenance of Chintamon Row's son to their traitorous intrigues. When it was considered advisable to place European troops in Meeruj during the "monsoon, and the chief of that place objected on religious grounds to the occupation of his fort by Europeans, the Shapoorkur relieved the authorities from some perplexity by offering the fort of Sarſglee for the occupation of the soldiery, for whose comfort he made every provision. Sanglee was disarmed quietly, and sixty-one guns and 108 jingalls were sent into Belgaum, two guns only being retained for salutes. So marked were the karbharee’s services that he as well as the chief received the thanks of government in open durbar, and Bappoo Sahib afterwards received more substantial tokens of approval. . \ * At the close of 1858 a despatch was regived from the Secretary of State for India in which the postponement of Bappoo Sahib’s removal was assented to, 'not without hesitation, and with the remark that the whole of the proceedings must be regarded as a very unsatisfactory illustration of what Mr. Reeves called “the extraordinary.ºscendency” obtained by Bappoo Sahib “ over some political officers in the Southern Maratha Country.” A hope, however, was expressed that the new appointments which had been sanctioned had been Such as would be an effectual check on - the Shapoorkur's “hitherto uncontrolled power in the admihistration.” Previously to the receipt of this despatch Captain Schneider, then in charge of the agency, after reference to various collectors, had recomimended two mamlutdars—one of them a Purbhoo by caste—of the names of Balkrishna Mujhar and 67 O Ramchunder Succaram, who were accordingly appointed. The news of these appointments was received with much indignation at Sanglee. The chief immediately sent in a letter complaining of the arrangements made, on the grounds—firstly, that they were uncalled for, as he . was now of sufficiently mature age to as- sume the charge of his estate; and secondly, that, being calculated to lower. Bappoo Sahib in public estimation, they were inconsis- tent with the expressions ; entire confidence in that sirdar con- tained in the political secretary's letter to his address thanking him for his services. Mr. Lockett 'too, the assistant political agent, added his protest againt the new appointments, on the score of the caste of Ramchunder Succaram, which he con- sidered would expose him to much petty insult and opposition, and also objecting to the time chosen for imposing a check on Bappoo Sahib, just after he had shown such devoted loyalty. At the same time the latter voluntarily tendered his resignation, in which he promised to refrain for the future from interference, directly or indirectly, with the affairs of Sanglee. As, in forwarding this document to government, the question was raised formally of Dhondee Row's accession to the gadee of Sanglee, it will be well before proceeding with the narration to mention the circumstances connected with the young chief’s training and education. It will be remembered that Mr. Inverarity recommended that he should be kept at Shapoor so as to be under the immediate superittendence of the political agent. This arrangement was adhered to for some time, but Tatia Sahib ere very long managed, under various pretences, to reside almost entirely at Sanglee, and he appears to:have been left a good deal to the karbharees, who made use of him to further their own in- trigues. It was soon discovered that he was idle, weak, and fond of low company. Repeated remonstrances drew forth promisès which were never kept. After passing his word of honour to give up his evil companions he was found in secret correspondénce with them, and so great was their influence over him that at one time Mr. Seton Karr seriously proposed depriving him of the succession to the Sanglee estate and installing Venayek Row in his room. O 68 This proposal was disapproved of by the authorities, who directed the banishment from the Southern Maratha Country of those who exercised such a baneful influence over Tattia Sahib, and Warned him at the same time that it would depend on his own con- duct when he should receive charge of his estate. These measures, and the appointment of a tutor nominated. by the director of public instruction, were productive of some good effects, but the chief's character on the whole was by no means such as might have been wished. Mr. Lockett in the beginning of 1859 Remarked of him that he was certainly active and manly, but that he was totally indifferent to the interests of his ryots, and so wanting in strength of character as to be likely to be led for good or evil as circumstances might direct. It was considered that his disquali- fications arose as much from apathy and indifference as from-posi- tive want of ability. O w **** In answer to an elaborate report of Mr. Lockett's, forwarded by Brigadier General Jacob, commissioner in the Southern Maratha Country, government on the 30th May 1859 passed a résolution to the effect that on the attainment of his majority in the following July, Tattia Sahib should be invested with the management of his estate. To guard, however, against the interests of the lāte chief's creditors being sacrificed, it was arranged that the purgunna of Sirhuttee, which is situated in the Dharwar collectorate, should be placed under the new karbharee Ramchunder Succaram, and its revenues, estimated at Rs. 70,000, appropriated for the liquidation of the debts of the estates. The other new karbharee was direct- ed to be retained for one year exclusively for the purpose of ex- atmining, under the supervision of the political agent or his assist- ant, the accounts of the administration during the young chief’s minority. The Governor in Council was decidedly of opinion that Bappoo Sahib’s resignation should be accepted, and declined to give the guarantee that sirdar requested for his inam in the Sanglee"estate. With reference to some stipulations he desired to.make he was to be plainly informed that the karbhareeship was not a wuttun of his, and it was observed that as he had been liberally rewarded for his services during the mutiny, no claim grounded 69 O on those services could be regarded as offering any bar to the adoption of any measures deemed necessary for the benefit of the Sanglee surinjam. The resolution further referred to the renewal of his preten- sions by Věnayek Row, and observed that Tattia Sahib had been “recognised as heir to the estate in accordance with the late" chief's expressed wishes, &nd in accordance with the feelings of all the late chief’s subjects, and as the measure which justice and good policy suggested. Moreover,” it was remarked, “any claim founded on Hindoo law in Bhow Sahib’s favour is disposed of by the non-payment of nuzzgrana” by Chintamon Row. It was, however, considered just that Bhow Sahib’s “ title to the provi- sion made for him by his adoptive grandfather should be guaran- teed to him, and his lineal descendants by the British govern- ment.” This guarantee and the other arrangements made in the resolution were subsequently approved by the Secretary of State for India. . - O Some fifteen days before the date of this resolution the government had gone into and expressed their opinion on the subject of the Sanglee debts, which had been carefully inquired into anſ (reported on by Captain Schneider. This officer calculated the amóunt remaining due by the state at about Rs. 3,50,000, but in the Secretary's letter various modifications were made which affected the amount materially. For instance it was directed that interest should never be allowed at a higher rate than 6 per cent; some claims were struck out with reference to the proclamation of June 1847, declaring that a jagheerdar could not burden his estate with debt beyond his own lifetime"; and other claims again brought forward by officials of the state were left in abeyance pending the production and examination of accounts. The letter concluded by noticing favourably the care with which Captain Schneider had completed his laborious investigation. . In accordance with the orders of government, Captain G. S. A. Anderson, the assistant political agent, on the 12th July, form- ally placed Tattia Sahib in charge of his estate. The young O 70 chief expressed his firm intºntion of performing the duties of his station in such a manner as to merit the approbation of govern- ment, and promised to aid in every way the inquiry which was to be made into the accounts of the administration. This inquiry was at once set on foot by the karbharee Balkristna Mulhar, under Captain Anderson’s supervision, and at first appeared to be progressing smoothly enough, but it was soon found that Bappoo Sahib was bent on throwing every obstacle in the way. He him- self remained at Shapoor, but his son proceeded to Sanglee, and partly by intrigue and partly by intimidation prevented persons from coming forward to give information to the karbharee con- cerning the accounts. To such a length was this carried that it became necessary to advise the chief to remove this man and two others from Sanglee. A considerable change had to be made too in the official personnel of the state, as it was found that several of the officials were relations or creatures of Bappoo Sahib's and entirely under his influence. The chief himself was not for some time able to emancipate himself from the control of the late karbharee, and as the latter was mamlutdar of one district, and the other mamlutdars were either relations of his or members of the Lagoo family, which was almost equally interested in thwarting the inquiry, the greatest difficulty was experienced in getting the requisite papers, some of which indeed were never produced. The accounts instead of being recorded in the boºks had been kept on detached pieces of paper, and prior to Chintamon Row's decease none of the district accounts had been submitted for audit for periods varying from three to thirty years. The board of adminis- tration had, in spite of constant injunction, neglected one of the Chief duties confided to-them—that of working up the accounts in arrears, and this duty had to be performed by the officers conducting the investigation. Again, at the late chief's death there were up- wards of 15 lakhs of unadjusted advances and outstanding balances into which no inquiry had been made. Under these circum- stances it was manifestly impossible to conclude the investigation in a year as had been intended, and it was not till August 1862 that Major G. S. Anderson was able to submit a detailed reported on the claims of the various creditors of the Sanglee state, with the excep- 71 O tion of Bappoo Sahib and the heir of Hurryhur Lagoo, whose cases were reported on separately in April 1863. The result of this elaborate investigation showed that the debts of the Sanglee state at Chintamon Row’s death amounted really to about 4 lakhs of rupees, of which upwards of 4 lakhs had been paid off. Numerous claims that had been included in the original estimate were found to be wholly or partly fictitious, and Bappoo Sahib and Hurryhur Lagoo's family, who had previously been considered creditors, were clearly proved not only to have received their dues, but to be debtors to a large amount. The conduct of the two state karbharees was shown to have been most reprehensible. Not only did they neglect their duty, but they were guilty of culpable mismanagement, and what bore a very close resemblance to criminal misappropriation. Unauthorised cesses were “levied, apparently for their benefit, from the ryots, and embezzlement was all but universal. An idea of what the state lost by mismanagement may be gathered from the fact that in the three years during which the Sirhuttee mahal was under the direct management of the political department its revenues increased by upwards of Rs. 27,000, and this sum by no méans represented the actual loss caused by the former corrupt system, as it was found that much of the land had been let out at nominal rates. It was demonstrated that the first government nominee of the board of administration had honestly tried to effect reforms and to put a stop to the malpractices so rife in the state, but that he was unable to cope with his finscrupulous colleagues. His successor"Hunmunt Row Soobajee did not come out of the investigation so satisfactorily, as he was proved to have played into the hands of the two karbharées and to have connived at, if he did not actually share in, many suspicious transactions. In the same reports also, in connection with the claims of some of the creditoss, the question was referred whether .% tainats” granted by the late chief should have been continued after his demise. g On the receipt of these reports government, in November 1863, passed a resolution which commenced by complimenting Major 72 Anderson on “the resolute, industry and intelligence with which he had investigated these complicated accounts.” With regard to the question of the “tainats” it was ruled that they should have ceased at Chintamon Row’s death, and the question of their future continuance was left to the discretion of the young chief. Bappoo Sahib's case was then gone into very fully. The peculiar position bf his father under a chief of the genergus and lavish character of the late Sangleekur was dwelt on, and "the inference drawn that Chintamon Row really owed large sums to Anna Shapoorkur, but that hardly a claim of the latter could have been produced in a form to sustain British "scrutiny. It was pointed out that Bappoo Sahib had to contend with this difficulty, and the opinion was expressed that “although if certain single acts be taken they may not be regarded as justifiable according to European ideas, yet on a broad view of the transactions between the late chief and the Shapoor family substantial justice will best be con- sulted by declaring the claims of the latter to be liquidated and by not exacting any refund.” The same course was followed with respect to the claims of the heirs of Hurryhur Row Lagoo, “Who | was a mere creature of Anna Shapoorkur.” It was then directed that the Sirhuttee mahal should be released from attachment, and that from its revenues in deposit should be recovered the sum of Rs. 76,821, dure to the British government, as before mentioned, on account of the frauds in con- nection with the compensation for the abolition of transit duties. Of the remainder a lakh was to be invested, at Tattia Sahib’s request, in the 5 per cent. loan, and the balance banded over to him. The resolution concluded by expressing the opinion of the Governor in Council that the young chief had great reason for gratitude on finding himself at the age of 26 in possession of a splendid estate free from debt, and with a balance in his treasury. In the meantime Tattia Sahib had commenced his career as a ruler under not very favourable circumstances. He fell again under the influence of a man named Nana Bendree, one of those who had been banished from Sanglee as above mentioned, but who had returned to be received into still greater favour. He 73 O was also so much afraid of Bappoo Sahib as to be a mere puppet in his hands. He appears to have had no particular liking for him, but he naturally had unbounded faith in his powers. He was imbued with the impression that it was entirely owing to Bappoo Sabib's exertions that he had been placed in charge of his estate, and he feared that this all-powerful individual might, if dis- pleased, get him displaced. The Shapoorkur influence, however, gradually waned, and when the chief learned that government, in a resolution passed in April 1860, had distinctly laid it down that under no circumstances was Bappoo Shapoorkur ever to be permitted again to take a part in the atdministration of Sanglee, he soon emancipated himself. • Nana Bendree forfeited his favour by some acts of outrageous violence, and the ruling favourite then became one Hurree Gunesh, generally known as Anna Putwurdhun, who had been a companion of his from childhood. Every effort was used by the disappointed Shapoorkur faction to depose the new favourite and be revenged on the chief. Certain vernacular newspapers were filled with articles and letters deploring the wretched state of Sanglee and the evil influence of Anna Putwur- dhun. Petitions of all kinds, anonymous and pseudonymous, poured in complaining of oppression and maladministration, and Venayek Row Bhow Sahib and the chief's stepmother were both used as tools to foment agitalion. The administration, however, improved considerably when the clief, at the conclusion of the investigation into the accounts, appointed as karbharee Balkristna Mulhar, whose conduct had received the approbation of all his superiors. The good effects of this. step were somewhat nullified by the appointment of the favourite Anna Putwurdhun to the post of dufturdar ; but the latter at first acted with eonsiderable discretion; and in 1863 the administration of Sanglee was favourably reported on. The chief had been induced to take a more active part than formerly in the conduct of public business, and had showed enlightened and liberal views on some points, having taken steps for the spread of education in his territories, and displayed much interest in the encouragement of public works. With regard fo the latter point it should be observed that the interest of the lakh of rupees invested in government securities, as above mentioned, 1 () pu O 74 was intended to be devoted to the prosecution'of such works. He also of his own accord requested that his district of Sirhuttee should be regularly surveyed, and announced his intention of introducing the survey generally in his territories, • The chief also received commendation for his liberat treatment of Venayek Row Bhow Sahib, who gave much trouble about this time. He had appealed to the Home government against the Bom- bay authorities but without effect, and notwithstanding the friendly spirit shown to him by Tattia Sahib, who wished that all past differences might be forgotten, he gave that chief much ground for annoyance, and his unreasonable demands occasioned in the end a separation. Ever since Chintamon Row's death he had occupied part of the family residence at Sanglee, and his expenses, averaging some Rs. 25,500 per annum, had been defrayed from the state." On the occasion of his eldest son's marriage, during the chief’s minority, the board of administration granted Rs. 35,000 for the expenses—a proceeding on their part entirely unauthorised and highly disapproved of by the authorities, as only Rs. 10,000 had been sanctioned for the purpose. After Tattia Sahib had attained his majority the same arrangements continued as before, but it was found ere long impossible that they should be continued. Bhow Sahib on the occasion of his second, son's marriage demanded Rs. 35,000 for the consequent expenses. This de- mand the chief considered unreasonable and extravagant, and offered Rs. 10,000 for the purpose, on the condition that no similar demands were to be made on him for the future. He also considered that the time had come for the provisions of his father’s will relating to. Bhow Sahib to be carried into effect, and as it was no longer convenient for the latter to reside in the family warra, he offered to provide him with a residence elsewhere or to give him Rs. 20,000 to build one for himself. These offers of the chief were approved of by the government, which directed Bhow Sahib to be informed that he would not be allowed to give further annoyance to Tattia Sahib, and that he must quit Sanglee. Bhow Sahib was informed at the same time that he had by his own con- duct prevented his request, that he should be admitted into the 75 - O rank of sirdars, being acceded to, but that government would consider the matter if he proved himself worthy of such distinc- tion. He was also given to understand that if he delayed com- pliance with the orders given to him, an allowance of Rs. 20,000 per annum. would be secured to him. - It was with a very bad grace that Bhow Sahib accepted the. amount she's granted. He did so under protest, but receiving a Severe rebuke from government for the undignified and puerile tone of his remonstrance, he became more amenable, and in the month of June in the same year a deed of settlement was drawn up and signed by the chief, in which the testamentary provisions made by the late Appa Sahib for his adoptive grandson were carried out in a most liberal spirit. Venayek Row himself ac. knowledged that he had no objections to raise to the way in which these arrangements had been carried out, but he at the same time intimated that the deceased chief's memorandum had been drawn up without his consent, and ‘begged it to be understood that he did not relinquish his claims. The settlement thus made received the appūoval of the Bombay and Home governments, which re- corded their commendation of the tact and judgment displayed by Major Ajderson in the matter, and of the liberal spirit shown by the Sangleekur. The latter, it may be mentioned, subsequently increased Bhow"Sahib's allowance by Rs. 4;000. Ameng othér matters taking up the attention of the political authorities at this time was a discussion, which had commenced some pears previously, whether the villages of Doodgaum, Lönee, Luchan, and Gotihall should or shöuld not be brought or left under the regulations. As the question raised wº.an important one, espe- cially in the estimation of the chief, and no decision has been passed on the subject as yet, it seems advisable to go somewhat minutely into the facts of the case as regards each of these villages. O The discussion regarding Doodgaum began by the commis. sioner of Sattara in 1853 proposing to government that Act XXVI. of 1850 should be brought into operation in this and thirteen villages of the Walwa talooka. In consequence of the interest of the Sanglee chief in the village the matter was referred for the O - 76 report of the political authorities, and in May 1854 Mr. Down reported that the Sangleekur proposed that the government share in this village (amounting to Rs. 3,930-1-6 per annum) should be made over to him in exchange for the villages of Bamboora and Bhoregaum, yielding respectively. Rs. 1,705-9-10 and Rs. 2,378 per ... annum. . - e With regard to the tenure of the gillage it was explained that - the whole village was entered in the tainat . Zabita as forming part of the Sanglee sur- injam, but that half its revenues, together with the Sirdesh- mookhee, amounting to Rs. 5,454-8, were entered in the name of one Chintamon Row Sewdeo. This man’s share was subsequently See Appendix C. attached by and made over to the Raja of Sattara. The civil and criminal jurisdiction of the village, however, it was stated, always rested with Sanglee. The import and export duties in the village fell to the share of Meeruj in the division of the surinjam, and on the subdivision of that estate in 1820 were allotted to Gopal Row, whose estate afterwards lapsed to government. - - The Sangleekur's claim to jurisdiction in the village was dis- puted by Lieutenant Sandford, the 1st assistant commissioner in Sattara, who declared Doodgaum to be a khalsa village of Sattara in which the Sanglee chief held half the revenue on a dumala tenure. The chief, however, it was stated, “occasionally decides civil cases and trifling criminal ones.”. It was acknowledget that I] O serious crime had been committed in the village since the Walwa talooka come under Mr. Sandford's charge, but it was asserted that if such had been, it would have been inquired into by the government shekdar. The talooká police orders and the municipal acts had, it was further stated, been introduced into Doodgaum. . A reference to the Peshwa's duftur showed that in A.D. 1803-4 the half of Doodgaum held by Chintamon Row Sewdeo was ordered to be attached and assigned for the support of the fort of Purtabg urh. Subsequent accounts, however, showed that. Chintamon Row Appa Putwurdhun did not allow the attachment to take effect, but appropriated to himself the revenues of that half of the village from A.D. 1803-4 down to A.D. 1816-17, although 77 O repeatedly called upon to surrender the proceeds, “He appears, however,” Captain Gordon remarked, “to have virtually allowed the claim by proposing to pay a portion of it and to take a receipt for the full amount.” - On receipt of the Sangleekur’s proposal the revenue com- missioner called for statements of ten years' revenue of Bamboora and Bhoregaum, and direeted Captain W. C. Anderson, superin- tendent revenue survey Southern Maratha Country, to make inquiries regarding the proposed exchange. That officer, after investigation, reported that, judging from the available data, the two villages would, even under the revised assessment, prove a fair equivalent for the gövernment share in Doodgaum. With this view, however, the revenue commissioner did not agree, and deprecated the proposed exchange, on the grounds that government would lose by it. He also remarked that the two villages in question were inconveniently situated with regard to the mamlutdar of Walwa, though they might be managed from Tasgaum. He recommended that the Sangleekur should be ex- cluded from all interference in Doodgaum, and suggested that his share in the village should be temporarily attached, in consi- deration)of the fraudulent accounts submitted in connection with his claims to compensation for the abolition of transit duties. This last suggestion; however, was not carried out, and the amount due to government was eventually recovered, as has been stated, from the reyenues of the Sirhuttee district. . . In 1862 the Sanglee chief proposed to give up his share in his villages of Lonee, Luchan, and Gotihall for the government share of Doodgaum, offering to make up the difference in value, if any, by the surrender of more land, or the payment of a lump sum. In forwarding this proposal Major G. S. Anderson pointed Qut that Lieutenant Sandford, when claiming for Sattara the right of jurisdiction over this village, acknowledged that the Sanglee chief occasionally exercised jurisdiction in it, and further obsérved that the inquiries he (Major Anderson) had made from independent parties in the neighbourhood led him to believe that the Sanglee- kur formerly exercised considerable authority in the village, and 78 that it was generally considered he had the right of jurisdiction. The exchange proposed was recommended by Mr. Tucker, the then political agent, but government returned no reply on the subject. a ` e - Of the remaining three villages, Gotihall differs from the 9thers in having been brought under the regulations of 1827. The jurisdiction, however, seems to have remained with. the chief till 1843, when the Sholapore magistrate, in whose zillas the three villages are situated, requested him to appoint a carcoon" to con- duct the police duties agreeably to Regulation XV. of 1827. The chief was at last persuaded to do so, though with great reluctance, and Mr. H. L. Anderson, in reporting his acquiescence, sug- gested that an exchange might be effected, the Sangleekur giving up Gotihall for a government village, situated like those if the late Gopal Row's estate, near his own territories. Mr. Reeves, in forwarding his assistant’s letter, observed as follows:– “I believe government will always be ready to assist in concentrating as much as possible the possessions of the Jagheerdars of the Southern Maratha Country, inasmuch as the insulated situation of villages, belonging to these independent chiefs, in the midst/ of our talookas cannot fail of producing the twofold result of rendering the inhabitants themselves wretched, and of materially detracting from the comfort and peace of our surrounding villages.” The government in 1846 approved of this proposal, and contemplated the exchange of all such villages, but Chintamon Row refused to listen to any qompromise of what he considered his right. Subsequently, in 1860, the collector of Sholapore drew the attention of government £9 the case of the three villages of Lonee, Luchan, and Gotihall, remarking that the police jurisdiction of the first two was exercised by the Sangleekur, and that, though . Gotihall had been placed under the regulations, and the juris- diction belonged to government, it had not for some "time been exercised"in consequence of the chief not acknowledging it. The collector concluded by requesting that even if government did not consider it expedient to assume the police jurisdiction of these villages, the Sangleekur should be asked to direct the village & 79 O officials to conform to his (the collector's) orders regarding the mode of keeping accounts. In reply he was authorised to enforce the orders given by government in 1844 with reference to the assump- tion of the managēment of police duties in Gotihall, and the ques- tion of the mode of keeping the accounts was referred to the chief through the political agent. Tattia Sahib, however, refused his consent ºn..the ground that the introduction of innovations was contrary to treaty. Mr. Seton Karr, in forwarding the letter to government, observed that the chief was mistaken on this point, as there was no treaty in existence with Sanglee, and govern- ment in reply called for a “statement of the conditions of the Sangleekur’s early and recant relations with the British govern- • ment, the character of his tenures, and the proportion of revenue received by government as ‘umul’ from the villages of Gotihall, Lonee, and Luchan.” In the meantime another discussion arose in consequence of the Sholapore collector desiring to introduce the summary settle- ment into the villages in tuestion. This measure was protested against by the chief and the political authorities. It was pointed out that the three villages form part of the Sanglee surinjam which is held under guarantee, and also that the terms granted to Chintamon Row differed from those granted to the other Putwur- dhuns, inasmuch as the latter contained a provision (see concl uding part of Glause VIII. of the Koorundwar treaty) which left to government the disposal of minor inams in the jagheers in the event of the death of the holders without heirs, whike the former contained no such provision. It was remarked that the chief had held undisturbed possession of the remainder of his territory, including these villages, ever since the Čession of territory in lieu of service. - In 1862 the assistant political agent (Major Anderson) submitted a report on the question of these three villages. In this he referred to the tainat Zabita of Wamon Row,” in which the chouthai and rukwalee of Lonee, Luchan, and Gotihail are assigned in surinjam, and remarked that it is impossible now for the Sangleekur to produce. *Appendix B. Q 80 all the sunnuds relating to them, as the family papers had all been retained by Mahadoo Row of Meeruj. He remarked, however, that their absence did not affect the question materially, as govern- ment had, in their resolution of the 20th May. 1856, ruled that “it - - would be neither just nor politic to enter into © any inquiry as to the tenure on which the Putwurdhun chiefs hold the possessions which they enjoyed before the introduction of British rule and for the thirty-eight years which have elapsed since the fall of the Peshwa.” He quoted a letter from the peshwa, Mahadoo Row Bullal (the au- thenticity of which had not been disputed) acknowledging that the villages in question were held from the sirkar-by Gopal Govind, and also a decision of Mr. Dunlop, political agent in 1836, on a peti- tion from the Mussulman shareholder of Lonee and Luchan, in which the petitioner was referred to a decision of Mr. Commis- sioner Chaplin to the effect that the Sangleekur was entitled to one-half the net revenues of the two villages, the other half being enjoyed by the petitioner. - Appendix E. - O With regard to Gotihall, Major Anderson remarked that he was unable to discover why it had been brought under the regu- lations, and was inclined to think it the result of inadverterice. He pointed to the fact that whereas in Regulation XXIX. of 1827 two villages only of the Hulsungee purgunna, viz. Bhutgoonkee and Gotihall, were included in Regulation VII. of £830, relating to the formation of the Dharwar collectorate, the former was included and the latter omitted. The report concluded by noticing the chief's proposal for an exchange as above mentioned, and to it was annexed a statement showing the shares in the villages as under: — • e o Government sir- Sangieckars Peerzadas’ Received by C deshmookee. share. - share. others. © . - * O - Q ** Rs. a. p Rs. a. p. Rs. a. p. Rs. a. p. Lonse.......... • * * * * * 199 9 0 | 1,124 9 8 1,124 9 8 || 337 12 11 Luchan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ] 07 9 () - 435 4 0 || 435 4 0 || 443 7 9 Gotihall . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S7 3 6 1,555 15 10 . . . . 61 12 0 The question was afterwards reported on by Major Etheridge, alienation settlement officer. That gentleman proved from the Poona duftur that the rights held by the Sangleekur in the village, with the exception of the chauthai and rukulalee, were usurpations extending as far back-as 1764. He argued that the chief had in consequence no right to anything but the two babs mentioned, and. recommanded that Lonee and Luchan should be brought under the regulations. • - • In Ts65 government decided that Gotihall was not exempt from the operation of the Income Tax Act, and in 1866 Doodgaum, Lonee, and Luchan were included in a draft bill for bringing certain villages under the regulations, but on a representation being made by the political agent the matter was left in abeyance. To return to the administration of Sanglee. Matters soon began to wear a less promising aspect than in 1863. Anna Put. wurdhun used his utmost efforts to weaken the influence of the sirsubedar or karbharee. Balkristna Mulhar, and proved him- self so incompetent and mischievous that the political authorities. strongly \recommended the chief to remove him from office. Tattia Sahib, however, was unable to bring himself to part with his favourite, and the influence of the latter daily increased. All the expenditure of the state was in his hands, and each annual report dwelt on the ill effects resulting from the position in which he was placed. Corruption and bribery prevailed everywhere, and the adhinistration of Sanglee became a byeword throughout the country. The various gentlemen employed in the political agency of the Southern Maratha Country remonstrated in vain with the Sangleekur, who promised amendaent, and, when warned against his favourite, declined parting with him unless specific charges were proved against him. As the whole power of the state was wielded by Anna Putwurdhun, who was entirely trusted by the chief, no Sanglee subject was likely to expose "himself to ruin by coming forward. In 1867, however, it was brought to the notice of the political agent that the Sanglee estate was heavily in debt, and the amount of the liabilities was estimated at from five to six lakhs. As in 1864 there were surplus balances in the 11 PU - - O 82. treasury amounting to two and a half lakhs, and the revenue of the state had annually increased till in 1867 they were calculated at six and a half lakhs, the fact of there being such an amount of debt showed an aggregate expenditure in three years of about fourteen . lakhs of rupees. In the month of October aceordingly the political .agent had an interview with Tattia Sahib, in which he drew his attention to the state into which the Sanglee affairs had-fallen after having.been, but three years previously, in a most flourishing con- dition. Colonel Anderson acknowledged that the chief had taken some steps towards liquidating these liabilities, but he pointed out that it was entirely owing to Anna Putwurdhun's evil influence that such pecuniary embarrassments had arisen, and he strenu- ously argued that there was no hope of reform till this notorious intriguer, and his almost equally notorious father, were displaced and removed to a distance from the patron whose confidence they had so shamefully abused. - The result of this interview was that the chief issued a pro- clamation transferring the powers hitterto exercised by Anna Tutwurdhun and his father to Balkristna Mulhar, whom/ he pro- mised to support thoroughly. The two intriguers were banished from the state, and the sirsubedar became the real head of the administration. These results were viewed by government with much satisfaction, but it was at the same time remarked that the pressure which had been put on the chief should not be "relaxed, as no radical alteration could have taken place in Tattia Sahib's character and inclinations. It was directed that the amount of debt and the rates of its liquidations should be kept constantly before the chief, and that, ºny relapse into extravagance should be at once reported. These orders are now being carried into effect; it remains to be seen with what result. Tattia Sahib’s career has not been such as to give much hope of his learning wisdom from experience; but he is anxious to earn the good opinion of govern- ment. More results perhaps may be expected from the much- needed lesson that has been given to intriguers, g sº 83 O MEERUJ (MIRA.J.) At the time of the subversion of Peshwa's dynasty the Meeruj family was represented" by Gunput Row, Mahadoo Row, Kristma Row, and Gopal Rew. Of these the first and third were grand- sons, and the second and fourth were sons, of the Gungadhur Row between whoſh and Chintamon Row the Meeruj and Sang-. lee estates had been divided, as has been previously stated. Kesoo Row, the eldest son of Gungadhur Row, having died some time before, Gunput Row, as the heir of the next son Narayen Row, was now the head of the family. As, however, he was a minor, Mahadoo Row acted for him, managing the whole estate and carrying on all negociations. - , - In June 1819 Mahadoo.Row, on the part of his nephew, agreed to the termsf granted by the Commissioner in the name of the Honourable East India Company. By these terms the Meeruj chief was bound to serve with three hundred horse, and in addi- tion was to keep up such establishments as should be necessary for the preservation of order in his limits, He engaged to con- tinue all rights within his jagheer, and it was provided that in the event of my inandar committing an offence or dying without heirs the ſhatter was to be reported to the British government. The chief further bound himself to attend to the prosperity of his ryots and the strict administration of justice within his distrcts, and also to make proper police arrangements for the pre- vention of crime, it being intimated in the engagement that neglect of these points would involve the intervention of the British government. Provisions were also made corresponding to those of the 4th clause of the terms ºf Punderpoor, prohibiting the jagheerdar from taking the law into his own hands in the event of disputes arising with any one, and Öne of the articles. * The heads of the different branches are referred to in the text. The remaining members of the family were Moroba, the brother of Gunput Row, and Wamun Row and Gungadhur Row, sons of Govind Row and brothers of Kristma Row. - + See Aitchison’s Treaties, &c. vol. vi. p. 161–164. For detailed particuºlars regarding the circumstances connected with the engagements with the Meeruj and other Putwurdhun chiefs, see Mr. Elphinstone’s letter No. 578, dated 7th June 1819, given at length in Appendix F. s - - • • * 84 provided for the rendition of prisoners escaping from the jagheer into the British territories, and vice versä. The government on the other hand guaranteed the jagheer to the chief and the sirdars of his family so long as they continued to serve with fidelity and attachment, and promised to maintain their rank and dignity as - under the Peshwa's dynasty in the old times. ' - - Not long after this personal tynatsºwere bestowed ôn Mahadoo - Row and Gopal Row, the former having Rs. 20,000 assigned to him and the latter Rs. 10,000. In his letter fixing the amount of these grants Mr. Elphinstone remarked as follows:– “Gunput Row, the sirdar of Meerick, and the son of his deceased uncle Govind Row, may be thought to have a claim to tynats as well as their uncles Mahadoo Row and Gopal Row, but the present grants are in consideration of the good conduct of the chiefs to whom they aré made, and conse- quently cannot be extended to children who had no share in the transactions which led to then]. On the same principle de •Gopal Row of Meerich receives less than his brother, who has hitherto retained the entire management of the jagheer.” Mahadoo Row was not left long undisturbëd in iºn alS virtual head of the family. In 1820 Gopal Row, who had been for a considerable period dissatisfied with the allowaifces made to him, called for a division of the state according to the principle which had been established during the reign of Bajee Row Peshwa, Mr. Chaplin, the commissioner, endeavoured to mediate but without effect, and finally was obliged to recommend that the government sanction should be accorded to the partition of the State. As this was the first case of the kind brought before the ſłritish authorities, Mr. Chaplin considered it advisable to bring the genewal question of the subdivision of estates before the governſhent.” He pointed out the inconveniences likely to arise from the practice, as in the course of time the shares would \ - * Mr. Elphinstone had anticipated the question in his letter above referred to and given in the Appendix. S 5 become so minute as to incapacitate the holders from performing the service for which they held their lands, and dwelt on the evils arising from the mutliplication of petty authorities through- out the country. To obviate these ill effects he suggested that government, before sanctioning a partition, should reserve to itself such a portion as would be sufficient to cover the expense of the contingent which 4he surinjam was bound to furnish. In the event of this expedient not meeting with the approbation of government, he proposed, as an alternative, that the portion of the surinjam to be set apart for the performance of service should be made over exclusively to the head of the family. He also re- commended that the “ untimited powers of government conferred on surinjamee sirdars” should not be continued after the subdivision of estates, but that the various shareholders after partition should merely have the powers of jagheerdars of the 2nd class. - In reply to this communication government expressed their opinion that the alternative plan of making over to the head of the family the portion of the-surinjam to be set apart for the perform- ance of service was the most eligible, with the modificatioſ that. the junior shareholders were to be placed immediately under govern- ment like the jagheerdars of the 2nd class. On further considera. . tion, however, the government considered that the then present generation of Putwurdhuns were entitled to partition on the same principles that" had been already observed in their family, and instructed Mr. Chaplin accordingly, adding that new principles might be given out for the future. It was apparently intended that intimation of these new principles should be given to the jagheerdars, but if such was the intºnion it was never carried , into effect.” - - The division demanded of the Meeruj estate, having been thus sanctioned, was carried out in the following way in 1822*: . sº M. Morris' " Mahadoo Row was directed to divide the report of 1829. surinjam into four equal shares, setting aside ...lºw such portion f as he might deem essential & for the support of the fort, and deducting a * Mr. Chaplin, however, was under a different impression—(see paragraph 310 of his printed report for 1823.) ... O S6 sufficiency for two other claimants who were entitled to partici- pate in this part of the family property. These shares, with the assignment for the fort, being made and reported on by Mahadoo Row, the different members according to their seniority were allowed to make selection, and the fort, with the assignment allotted to it, was declared to be the property of Gunput Row, the elder son of Narayen Row, as head of his branch of the family. In addition to his assignment each of the members were directed to set apart Surinjam lands yielding Rs. 7,000 annual revenue, which formed an amount of Rs. 28,000, and was to be considered as the indivisible portion of the chief of the family.” It was arranged at the same time that of the contingent to be kept up by the Meeruj branch, Gunput Row,” as having the largest share, should furnish ninety, and the other three shareholders seventy horsemen each. ... O ~ MEERUJ–SENIOR DIVISION. • As Gunput Row, at the period when the division' of the Meeruj estate was effected, as has been stated, was too young t O be invested with authority, Mr. Chaplin appointed º to look after him and his brother Moreshwur Row, generally known as Moroba. Mahadoo Row was at first left in charge of the fort, with the injunction that its management was to be conducted in his nephew’s name. He protested vigorously, however, against this order; and showed a strong desire to keep the fort for himself. Fearing lest he might succeed in his purpose, Gunput Row, when he had nearly obtained his majority, repaired to Poona, where he took up his abode with the avowed determination of not returning till put in possession of the fort. Mahadoo Row appealed to the Governor in the hope of being allowed to remain in possession of the object of his desire, but his appeal was rejected, and he was desired to give up the fort without further delay. Even after peremptory orders were sent to him he for some time Q - * * In 1848 Gunput Row's son Gungadhur Row, and Mahadoo Row's son Luximon Row, agreed to pay respectively Rs. 12,557-13 and Rs. 6,412-8 per annum in lieu of their contingents, e' - e * : 87 O deferred compliance with them, but at-last, in the end of 1825, he left the fort, which was made over to Gunput Row, who was at the same time put in possession of his estate, his brother being con- sidered a joint proprietor. . As might be espected under the circumstances, no very kindly feeling existed between Gunput Row and his uncle. The latter," finding himself obliged to give up the fort, proposed that it should he made over to Chintamon Row of Sanglee rather than to his nephew, and complained much of the want of courtesy with which he was treated by Gunput Row. The young chief too had various claims. against.Mahadoo Row, and in 1829, when Mr. Morris was appointed to investigate and settle the Putwurdhun disputes, both parties represented their cases to him. Gunput Row claimed a share in the new assignments made at the close of the war to Mahadoo Row and Gopal Row, on the ground that property acquired by any member of an undivided family belongs to all the members. e also called on Mahadoo Row to show the accounts relating to the time of his administration, and to. make ower the family papers. A division of inams was also demandº. In reply to these claims Mahadoo Row's vakeel promised to have the accounts ready in two and a half years. He also madé some counter claims on Gunput Row, but was unable to press them in the absence of instruction from his master. The subsequent refusal of Mahadoo Row to produce the accounts nullified any claims he had, while it prevented the dis. pute from being brought to a satisfactory issue at the time. Though some loss was occasioned to Gunput Row and the other members of the family by this contumady, yet this loss was perhaps more than neutralised, for while Chintamon Row’s claims, which were very heavy, were against the whole estate, Mahadoo Row alone had to meet them, it being decided that his obstinate refusal to produce the accounts rendered it impossible to fix the amount due by the other members of the family, who were therefore exempted from paying their shares. The claim to the division of the new grants was not pressed any further, and they remained in the possession of the original grantees. - O 88 During the few remaining years of Gunput Row's life nothing . Worthy of special note occurred. He and his brother Moroba, as is usually the case with brothers in their peculiar situation, did not get on very well together, and in the beginning of 1833 the latter demanded a partition of the estate. " On his ease being represented to the authorities, it was decided that, as the demand was a just one, three months should be given to the chief to effect an amieable arrangement with his brother, failing which govern- ment would cause the division to be effected. The question of the general policy of sanctioning such partitions and of the limit to be assigned to subdivision was again mooted without any definite conclusion being arrived at. O O All further discussion on these points was stopped by the death, on the 24th May, of Gunput Row. On hearing of this event Moroba immediately withdrew his claim to a division, and returned to the fort of Meeruj whence he had absented himself during the quarrel with his brother. At his own wish he was constituted guardian to £he two sons of the deceased chief, Gungadhur Row, aged seven, and Narayen Row, aged five years, and had associated With him in the administration of the estate two dependents of the family named Govind Wiswanath Kadilkur and Bhasker Govind Joshee, who had enjoyed the confidence of Gunput Row. The managers were forbidden to incur any extra charge without sanction, and were directed to submit their accounts annually to the political agent, but on the whole were left almost "entirely unchecked by - O e . the agency—an arrangement which subsequent experience showed to be fraught with most pernicious consequences. - O * - O e * In August 1839 Möreshwur Row Moroba died. The ques. - 8-) -- Q tion was then raised by government whether half the estate should not be resumed, as, previously to Gunput Row's death, a division of the estate between him and his brother had been, sanctioned though not carried out. The political agent, to whom the ques. tion was referred for opinion, argued that, as the government had only with great reluctance -sanctioned the partition, and had after the chief's death heard with satisfaction of the relinquish- ment of Moroba’s claim, and as no division had ever taken place, S9 • the permission that had been given should be considered a dead letter. He therefore not only deprecated the resumption of the half - estate, but urged that there was no tenable ground for the imposi- tion of a fine, or tiuzzerana, on its being continued to the nephews of the deceased, pleading in addition the indebted and impoverished state of the family. This view was not, however, concurred in by the government, which considered that the relinquishment' of its right to levy a fine on the succession in question might be an inconvenient precedent, entailing an unnecessary sacrifice of the just demands of the state. It was resolved therefore to assume a right to the highest rate of fine leviable on such occasions, and having done so to remit the greater part of the demand in consider- ation of the circumstances of the case. The nuzzerana accord- ingly was fixed at Rs. 48,086, being the amount estimated as half the annual net revenue of the estate. A fourth only of this sum however, viz. Rs. 12,021, was actually levied. .# No successor to Morobá in the board of administration was appointed, and the whole management accordingly remained in the hands sº two karbharees Govind and Bhaskur Punt. Their . administration did not give satisfaction, though the agency was still in the dark as to the iniquitous proceedings that had been going on for years in Meeruj. It was known indeed that the estate was heavily in debt, and suspicions were excited by the evident unwillingness of the karbharees to produce their accounts. Mr. Townsend seems to have been most alive to what was going on, and called for full information regarding the debts; income, and expenditure of the estate. Had this gentleman remained, a full investigation would doubtless have taken. place, and the prevalent roguery would have been checked, but lie had to leave India on account of his health, and the frequent changes that afterwards took place in the personnel of the agency caused Meeruj and its affairs to be overlooked. The karbharees subsequently quarrelled, and Govind Punt brought his rival’s misconduct to the notice of the assistant political agent. He was directed to furnish full details, but he died in the beginning of 1844 before doing so. On his death it was considered of the utmost importance to appoint 12 PU ... • - 90 wº as his successor a man who would not be subservient to the sur- viving karbharee, and accordingly a government servant, Venayek Kristna Pundit, the brother of the well-known Kolapore karbharee, was sent to fill the vacancy at Meeruj. . • +. Gungadhur Row, having by this time attained his majority, .requested that he might be entrusted with the sole management of his own affairs. Government, however, were indisposed to accede to this request until acquainted with the exact condition of his estate, and as the karbharees had been for some years previously constantly called on in vain to produce their accounts, the young chief was informed that till these accounts were sub- mitted his wishes could not be complied with. . . On the new karbharee's joining his appointment, Bhaskur Punt immediately tendered his resignation, but was directed first to submit a full statement of the accounts of the estate. Inquiry showed such a state of affairs as necessitated a strict scrutiny, which was actively prosecuted under Mr. H. L. Anderson's direct tions by the new karbharee. Every obstacle was thrown in his way ‘by those interested in the revelations that would neceſsarily b made, and owing to this and the enormous number of the transact tions that had to be inquired into, Mr. Anderson, though TG peatedly called on by government, was unable to submit his repor till GCtober 1847. The result was as follows:– “ \ . . It was shown that at Gunput Row's death his debts as mounte to about Rs. 1,79,901 and the assets to Rs. 1231,591. The accounts were very complicated owing to a practice” that had obtained to a great extent under the chief of lending from one department of O * The following graphic pāragraph from Mr. Anderson's report shows how this was done –“ The benefit of this custom to the jagheerdar is that it enables him to swell his privy purse by playing the usurer with his own estate. He lends money from the untur khasgee to the kila, puttuck, paga, and any other departments, and receives it back with high interest at the end of the year. So keenly does he senter into the spirit of the part that he soon affects the inability of the usurer to oblige his friends, “he must borrow the money himself,’ and accordingly he procures a loan to the unter khasgee at 6 per cent., and transfers the same to the other department which is in great straits at 12 per cent, besides the luxury of munotee (premium), and with, I believe, sometimes the crowning proviso that part of the loan shall be taken in grain.” 91 . the estate to another, the sums thus due being borne upon the general statement of the credit and liabilities ofthe state. Com- plicated accounts like these naturally afforded great facilities for fraud which were amply taken advantage of by the managers. Instead of paying off the debt, which might easily have been done, they expended mora than they received, the average income being . Rs. 1,21,239 and the average expenditure Rs, 1,25,731, a system under which the debt of the estate at the end of 1843-44 amounted to Rs. 4,60,000. Not content with this they indulged in a com- bined system of fraud, embezzlement, and collusion with money- lenders. Mr. Anderson’s researches brought to light no less than twenty-seven separate instances of indisputable defalcations in- volving a loss of Rs. 1,21,419-12-6. The whole estate was mort- gaged, and numerous useless offices had been created for the benefit of the friends and dependents of the karbharees. Of the large amount of debt, however, the portion was made up of exor- bitant interest and premiums, preposterous claims for remuneration to the money-lenders for performing the official duties connected with the districts and villages mortgaged to them, and sums, un- supported by proper bonds. A rigorous scrutiny, and the applica- tion of some simple rules, resulted in the disallowal of claims to the amount of Rs. 3,23, 142, and the acknowledgment of Rupees - 2,07,642-4-3 as the debt due. 4. The governºment, on the reports being submitted, commenced their remarks by drawing the moral that the facts brought to light indicated “the propriety and expediency of government, in cases of minority, taking the management of an estate into its own hands, instead of entrusting it tº karbharees and agents.” Mr. Anderson was highly commended for his laborious industry, and his recommendations generally were approved, but the rate of interest he allowed (9per cent.) was considered too high, and it was ordered, that only 6 per cent. should be allowed in this and all similar cases. It was resolved further that all creditore of the estate who had been guilty, either directly or indirectly, of conniv- ing at the peculations which had taken place, should be punished by a percentage deduction being made from their admitted claims, - 92 and directions were given that Bhaskur Govind Joshee, the surviving karbharee, who had so grievously betrayed his trust, and Sivajee Baboo Row Gokle, a carcoon in the Untur Khasgee department, who was deeply implicated in the gauds, should be brought to trial before the chief, aided by Mr. Andersºn, the pro- ceedings to be submitted to government. Instructions were given at the same time to make over his estate to Gungadhu, Row Bala Sahib. • - In accordance with the above orders Bhaskur Punt"(the car- coon having absconded) was brought to trial, and having been found guilty on eight charges of fraud and corruption, was sentenced to undergo five years’ imprisonment and to pay tſine of Rs. 50,000, and further to remain in prison until the payment of the fine. On the proceedings being submitted to government, however, they were of opinion that a sentence of three years' imprisonment, with the forfeiture of any claims the prisoner might have against the Meeruj estate, and a fine of Rs. 15,000, commutable to three years' imprisonment, would be a sufficient punishment, and the ... • chief was recommended to mitigate his sentence accordingly. On the 1st February 1849 Gungadhur Row Bala/Sahib was placed in charge of his estate. He was reported to be of an excel- lent disposition and beloved by his subjects, and though his education had been neglected, he was considered by no means deficient in intellect. The debt due by his estate was considerably reduced by the time he assumed the administration, the reduc- tion in the rate of interest having brought down the amount to Rs. 1,76,407-13. From this again Rs. 5,810-13-6 were deducted by way of penalty, and. Rs. 4,082-11-3 were relinquished in con- sideration of immediate payment. Towards the payment of the balance, in addition to some Rs. 48,000 in the treasury a further Šum of Rs. 89,265-7-10 was available, being the amount awarded to the chief as compensation for the abolition of transit-duties. He thus entered on an estate but little encumbered, and it was therefore considered unnecessary to call on him to submit his accounts annu- aſly till the debt was completely liquidated, a plan which had been suggested by the political agent and approved by government. 93 The young chief had, however, many difficulties to contend against. Inexperienced in business, theducated, and with a con- stitution weakened by dissipation, he was surrounded by notori- ously bad and corrupt officials whose influence he was unable to . resist, and, in he very first month after he received the reins of power; he lost his brother Narayen Row, who was reputed to have considerable talents for business, and would have rendered much assistance. Soon after Bāa Sahib assumed the management of his estate it was observed that he did not display much energy in administration, the revenues not being properly superintended, and the expenditure not being carefully. regulated, besides which the complete liquidation of the remaining debt was not accomplished as quickly as might have been expected. So apprehensive was Mr. Manson, the assistant political agent, of the results likely to follow from the way matters were going on at Meeruj, that he sug- gested that the young chief should be called on to submit his ac- counts annually till he proved himself a more economical financier. Such direct interference, however, was not considered politic, and Gungadhur Row was left uncontrolled, except by the advice of the political authorities. Some of his evil advisers were for a time dist missed from his councils, and a temporary improvement was now and then observable, but his administration was as a whole very defective. O - In 1856 Bala Sahib brought considerable discredit on himself and incurred the displeasure of government. Under Act I. of 1838, abolishing transit duties, Mr. Townsend had, on the strength of certain accounts submitted from the Meeruj estate, decided Rs. 11,233-9-10 to be the amount lost annually by the chief on this account. The investigation, however, being incomplete, was in 1855 taken up by Mr. Chapman, who called on the chief for his accounts, and after an elaborate inquiry discovered that the loss consequent on the abolition of the duties was only Rs. 3,611-12-5, and that the Meerujkur had altogether received as compensation Rs. 1,34,865-7-10, being Rs. 72,261-6 more than he was entitled to. Besides this, some carcooms, sent by the chief, were detected in the act of bribing a man for the purpose of inducing him to abstract certain documents antagonistic to their master’s interest, 94 On the matter being reported to government it marked ifs disappro- bation by ordering all further payments on account of compensation to be stopped, and directing the amount overpaid to be recovered. . A fine of Rs. 10,000 was further imposed on the chief, and the punishment was notified by proclamation fo the sirdars of the Southern Maratha Country. Up to the day of his death, however, ‘the chief protested that he had had no knowledge ºf the pro- ceedings of his carcoons. :- - During the eventful period of the Indian mutiny the chief of Meeruj conducted himself in a way that won him the thanks of the government for the attachment and good feeling he evinced. It was intended at one time to quarter European troops in his fort, but he objected to this on religious grounds. He, however, dis- mantled this fort as well as that of Streemuntgurh, at the sugges- tion of the political authorities, and gave up without hesitation an enormous quantity of military stores, conveying the same to Bel- gaum and Kolapore at his own expense. As a special mark of approbation the government acceded . to the request made by the chief in 1859, that he should be allowed to adopt a son, having no heirs of his body. He had been for some time failing in health in consequence of an accident he had met with, and, as the possibility of the resumption, of his estate at . his death had prayed much on his mind, he was proportionally gratified by the favourable reception given to his prayer. His satisfaction, however, was somewhat diminished by the condition on which the sanction was accorded, namely, that the person to be adopted should be approved by the government. . • At the close of 1861 ſhe chief, feeling his health failing fast, became anxious to complete the adoption, and submitted the names of two youths, one of whom he proposed to adopt. The first of these, Wassoodew Punt, was the one favoured by Bala Sahib, but against him there was the objection that, though said to be of the same lineage as the chief, he was not related to him; and it was not in his favour that he had reached the age of twenty- three years. Neither of these objections existed in the case of Trimbuk Row Appa, the other candidate, a boy of twelve years of age, and the lineal descendant of Ballum Bhutt, the second son of Hur Bhutt, the progenitor of the Putwurdhun family. He was accordingly approved by the government, which recommended the chief to adopt Thim. The amount of nuzzerana was fixed at Rs. 1,30,000, being.one year's net revenue of the state, to be paid in two instalments—one on the adoption taking place, and the . ther on..the actual succession. In accordance with the sanction thus conveyed, Trimbuk Rów was adopted on the 14th Ogtober, and received on the occasion the name of his adoptive grand- father, Gunput Row Tattia. At the chief's request the first half of the muzzerana was not levied at once, and an arrangement he proposed for paying it by instalments was acceded to. Two months after the adoption—on the 22nd December 1861–Gungadhur Row Bala Sahib died. After what has been stated bove of the nature of his administration, it will readily be under- tood that he left his affairs in a state of considerable confusion. The year before his death he appointed as karbharee Venayek Kristna Pundit, who had formerly done such good service to his estate, but the latter was not strongly enough supported by * the chief to enable him to overcome the opposition of the Meeruj - fficials J. introduce thorough reforms, and consequently the éxpenditute of the estate was on too large a scale; the accounts had . been made tip for years; and the Outstanding balances of º amounted to Rs. 1,61,109, of which only about Rs. 3,500 were recoverable. - O { | Before his death the chief drew up and signed a fmemorandum expressing his wishes regarding the administration of the estate - during the minority of his adopted spp. The document come. menced with an injunction to his successor to conduct himself with loyalty and attachment towards Her Majesty, and then went into details, charging the new chief, among other things, to carry out the intention which the testator had entertained of constructing an aqueduct to convey water to the town of Meeruj. The govern- ment directed that the provisions of this memorandum should be carried out with two exceptions—bne relating to the allowance to . be made to the widow of Bala Sahib's deceased brother, Narayen ,” * O 96 Row, which the will fixed at Hookeree Rs. 2,500, though it had been decided in 1860 that its. 3,000 should be allowed; and the other to a tainat of Rs. 300 per annum settled on the son of the karbharee Venayek Kristna Pundit. The proposal made by Major Anderson, that the young chief should...be educated carefully ..under a tutor at Belgaum, was entirely approved. As Venayek Kristna Pundit declined to remain as-karbharee, Gunesh Narayen Kaley was appointed to succeed him, and under his able management the affairs of Meeruj soon assumed a new aspect. The debts of the estate, which at the date of the late chief's decease amounted to Rs. 2,06,576, were soon paid off, and a considerable sum has been invested" in government securities! Public works of a remunerative character have been actively carried on, as noted elsewhere, and a cess of one anna in the Fupe has been proposed and Sanctioned, as an experiment,"for the pro A motion of such works and of education. A moonsiff has been! appointed to superintend the civil court, and the arrears of civil suits, which had accumulated, lave thus cleared off. The survey was introduced at an early period of the minority, and the major portion of the estate has been carefully surveyed. The statistics * given elsewhere will serve to show what has been º | The education of the young chief has been carefully provided for. He lived at Belgaum for some time with his tutor an i attended the sirdars’ school at that station. He º - returned for some time to Meeruj, but it was found that there were too many temptations there for his naturally somewhat idle disposi- tion, and the change was found to have a decidedly pernicious tendency. He was therefore removed again to Belgaum, where } he was placed under the superintendence of Mr. Bellairs, the head! master of the high school, and the progress he is making is reported | to be satisfactory. * . & - v . MEERUJ–2ND DIVISION. So much of Mahadoo Row’s affair has been already narrated in the foregoing pages that it is not now necessary to go into such 97 - o detail here as would otherwise have been advisable. Much of the unfortunate chief's subsequent conduct is to be attributed to the effect which the loss of the fort of Meeruj produced on a naturally sullen temper. He seems to have assured himself that the fort would be oontinued to him, and it was not till after the partition of the family estate'had been effected, chiefly through his instru. mentality, that he learned, the intention of Government regard- ing it. On learning that he was merely to be left in charge during the minority of his nephew, he immediately addressed a letter to the Commissioner distinctly expressing his desire to relinquish his share of the surinjam utiless confirmed in the charge of the fort and its tiependêncies. His plans were disconcerted by an intimation that in the event of his adhering to his expressed wish his jagheer would be made over to his eldest son Pursheram, and if he refased it, to the second son. He accordingly availed himself of the option allowed to him, and remained in his former position. He then tried the effect of argument, quoting the settle- ment of the dispute between his father Gungadhur Row and Chintamon Row as a precedent to prove that the fort did not" necessarily belong to the elder branch of the family. To this it was replied that it was the ordinary practice for the fort to remain in the hands of the elder branch, and although that practice might have been deviated from by Bajee Row from favour or other causes, yet that exception did not affect the general rule ; and Mahadoo Row was accordingly warned that when his nephew attained his majority the fort would have to be relinquished. In his interview with Mr. Chaplin, when the above discussion took place, Mahadoo Row finally acquiesced in the decision of Government, only asking for due notice when the time should come for carrying out what had been determined. When, however, he was asked in June 1825 to make over the fort to Gunput Row Tattia he renewed his protest. On being pressed on theºubject, he urged as pretexts for delay the death of relations, and the necessity of settling with the sebundees. He also addressed a most improper letter to the Governor, and showed such a spirit that Mr. Baber, the political agent, considered it advisable to - 13 PU - - Q - 98 suggest military preparations. Finally the Commissioner was obliged to issue instructions to the various officers of the Surinjam to consider themselves under the orders of Gunput Row Tattia, to whom at last the fort was given up in October. In 1827 Mahadoo Row again referred his case for the favour. • ', No. 105, dated 15th Octo. able consideration of the governor, the ber 1837. " * Honourable NMountstuart Elphinstone, - • & who recorded a minute on it which was made the basis of a letter * cf instructions to the political agent, Mr. Nisbet. His excellency commenced by remarking that the truth of the story was, that when Mahadoo Row was in charge of the jagheer, he represented, with some colour of justice, though not quite correctly,t that part of the jagheer was assigned for the maintenance of the fort, and when it was decided that the fort should be transferred to Gunput Row as representiſg the eldest branch, the share of that branch was consequently swelled beyond the proportion assigned to it in partitions in the Peshwa's time, To this cause Mr. Elphinstone attributed the prolonged com. "plaiſts of Mahadoo Row, which he acknowledged were not quite unfounded. He remarked that it was impossible to make a fresh partition, and that the only remedy was to take some Oppor- tunity of giving compensation to the junior. Such an opportunity he considered the discussion then going on with Kolapore to afford, and the Political Agent was directed, if he found any lands of the value of Rs. 10,000 or 12,000 lying near Meeruj and pro- vided with a good habitable ghurree, to add them to the cessions demanded from the Raja, but was charged to keep the matter secret so as to avoid raising hopes in Mahadoo Row, By the 5th article of the treaty” concluded with the Raja of * Sco Aitchison’s Treati Kolapore on the 23rd October 1827 that se .. º: º S feates, prince ceded to the British government C. Akewat, with lands adjoining to the & • t It may be mentioned, however, that as a matter of fact in the deed of settlement between Gungadhur Row and Chintamon’Row, Rs. 65,000 annually (or land to that amount) were assigned to the former for the maintenance of the gebundees of the fort, and the same amount was assigned to Gunput afterwards for the same purpose. 99 - O value of Rs. 10,000 per annum, This it was apparently intended to bestow upon Mahadoo Row, as Sir John Malcolm, in his minute of the 22nd February 1829, mentions that “Mr. Elphinstone, with a view to conciliate.him, reserved from the late cessions of the Raja of Kolapore a small possession of about ten thousand rupees per annum, situated on the bank of the Kistna, to give Mahadoo. Row a home. This,” Sir J. Malcolm added, “ has not yet been made over to him, but is kept to be bestowed as a boon to reward the readtness he may show to complete the settlement of accounts with his relations.” From what has been previously stated in this memoir, and from what follows; it will be seen how little “readi. ness” Mahadoo Rów showed, and accordingly he never received the intended boon. The governor, however, appears to have given some intimation of the purpose entertained at the time, which has formed the basis of a claim to Akewat recently put forward by Mahadoo Row's son and successor. 4. Mr., Morris's settlement in 1829 of the disputes between Chinambn Row and Mahadoo Row has already been given in. detail, and it only remains to show the results as affecting the latter sirdar. When the time allowed for the production of the aCCOunts |ad expired, Mahadoo Row declared that they had been destroyed by white-ants and damp, but never attempted to prove this statement, which the circumstances of the case showed to be untrue. Afterwards, when urged to produce the accounts, he returnéd no answer. As it was necessary to show that Government fully intended to enforce the decision that had been arrived at, in 1831 seventeen of Mahadoo Row's villages of the annual value of Rs. 2,500 were sequestrated, and, this measureproducing no effect, an ex-parte decision on the points previously left unsettled was made in the next year by the Political Agent, and a further term Wà.S allowed to Mahadoo Row to meet the claims against him. He then expressed his wish to appeal to the King in Council, but when this wish was acceded to, delayed sending his memorial till the time allowed for appeal had expired, and then attempted- to account for the delay by an unfounded statement that the man sent with the document had been murdered on the way. In the • | 00 meantime continually renewed terms had been allowed him for the production of his accounts, but he remained contumacious ; and in April 1833 he was finally declared to have forfeited all the surns claimed and those decreed against him, the total amount being Rs. 7,74,357-12, and the remainder of his estate in the Southern Maratha Country was attached. Q - In 1838 the attention of Government was called to the im- poverished state of Mahadoo Row, who was living at Poona, and the Political Agent suggested that an arrangement should be made by which villages of his, yielding a certain amount of revenue, should be assigned to Chintamon Row, for a fixed period, for the liquidation of the amount due. This plan was approved, and the Political Agent was called on for his opinion as to the amount, to be thus appropriated. Considerable delay took place in the reply to this reference, and in the meantime Mahadoo Row was detected in secretly levying money from the ryots of the sequestrated villages, and drew on himself the disapprobation of Government, being warned that a repetition of such practices would cause his son to be deprived of the power of civil and criminal jurisdiction within the jagheer. At the close of 1840 the Government offered Mahadóo - Row an allowance of Rs. 1,000 per mensem conditionally on his residing at Meeruj, or of Rs. 500 if he persisted in ren aiming at Poona ; and in the next year, taking into consideration the large sum already paid by him, expressed their willingness tº release one-third of his jagheer. Of these offers, however, Mahadoo Row took no notice, and thus prevented the adoption of the measures intended for his relief. O - About this time the qtlestion was mooted whether the other members of the Meeruj family should not be held liable for shares of the amount due to Chintamon Row, as the debt was due from the whole estate and not from Mahadoo Row individually. It was argued, however, that the non-production of the accounts rendered it impossible to ascertain what was the amount really due, and deprived the other members of the family of the means of resisting the claims brought against them, besides which they had claims against Mahadoo Row, the settlement of which was rendered 101 e impossible by his contumacious refusal to act up to his agreement to produce the accounts—a refusal which gave rise to grave suspicions as to what the nature of his administration had been. It was therefore finally decided that Mahadoo Row by his conduct had rendered himself solely liable for the amount due to the Sangleekur. O - In 1845 the whole of Mahadoo Row's case was reported on by Mr. H. L. Anderson and considered by Government. It was ruled that, as Rs. 4,44,624 had been paid off since the sequestra- tion of the jagheer, and a comparatively small amount only remain- ed due, the estate should be released and made over to his sons, they engaging to aſlow their father Rs. 6,000 per annum, and to pay off the balance due to Chintamon Row by instalments of Rupees 10,000 per annum. As the unfortunate Mahadoo Row, who had for a considerable Jime been incurring liabilities in Poona and Bombay, was at the time in question a prisoner for debt in the Bombay jail shis sons were further called on to be responsible for such of his ºebts as should be recognised after due inquiry, and to paſſ annºſal instalments of not less than Rs. 10,000 towards their liquiºlation. . It was also provided that they should bind themselves in writing to conform to all the terms prescribed for the surinjam tenure according to the agreements in force with the other chiefs of the Southern Maratha Country. - The steps taken for the settlement of the balance to Chinta- mon Row, and the final liquidation of the amount in 1850, have been already detailed in the part of this memoirrelating to Sanglee, and therefore need not be repeated. It remains now to recount the new complication in which the unhappy Mahadoo Row had got involved, and the means devised for his extrication. Pending the results of the inquiry instituted by Mr. H..L. Anderson, and his attempts to compromise the debts, it was found necessary to advance from the government treasury a sum of Rs. 150 per mensem for the support of the insolvent, who was repre- sented as being utterly destitute. The creditors were then called on to submit their claims to Mr. Anderson, and were informed that the release of Mahadoo Row must be the preliminary to all negotia- O 102 tions. On inquiry it appegred that the detaining-creditors were Kasee Baee Apte for Rs. 10,000 and Moro Punt Lanay for Rupees 5,000. One Ruggonath Hurreech underjee also, a subordinate in the office of the commissary of ordnance in Bombay, had obtained a judgment in the supreme court for Rs. 90,000, with interest at 9 ..per cent. from the year 1843. This man held besides a bond given by Mahadoo Row to one Gopal Bhiccajee for Rs. 2,95:000. The arrangement finally concluded was that Ruggomath Hurreechun- derjee should discharge the claims of the detaining-creditors, give up the bond for Rs. 2,95,000, place Mahadoo Row at liberty beyond the limits of the jurisdiction" of the supreme court, and forego a village granted to him in inam by that’sirdar, receiving in return a sum of Rs. 1,50,000 in fifteen annual instalments. These terms were agreed to by Luximon Row Anna Sahib, Mahadoo Row's youngest son, on whom the charge of the estate, had devolved, the elder brother" being in feeble health, and the second preferring to live in seclusion, and on the 15th April 1847 Mahadoo Row was released from jail. - - • O - O C - On the matter being reported, the Chief Secreta\y Wººsinstructed to remark that the release of the chief from jail was very satis- factory, provided Government was in no way pledged for the liqui. dation of Ruggonath Hurreech underjee's claims against him. On Mr. Anderson’s replying tot he effect that he considered Government was pledged, his proceedings were disapproved. It was poſinted out that from the first the Government had "declined to adopt any measures for the release of Mahadoo which would involvé a recogni- tion of the usurious claims of his Bombay creditors, and that, while they were in ignorance of the circumstances connected with the bond for the large amount mentioned above, it was impossible to recognise al claim affected by it, especially when the claimant was a govern- ment servant in a subordinate capacity. It was regretted that Mr. Anderson should have recognised the debt, and it was observed that he had exceeded his powers, as the instructions given were that any settlement should be general, and should include an examination of * He died on the 26th. July 1849, and his second brother did not survive him many years. - gº the claims of all the creditors, while Mr. Anderson's settlement only affected the Bombay creditors, the least déserving, it was remarked, of all who possessed claims against Mahadoo Row's estate. Under the circumstances the Goyernment declined to ratify the settlement of Ruggonath-Hurreechunderjee's claim, and desired the Political Agent to inquire into and settle the claims on the principles which had been. laid down. • • . The inquiry thus instituted showed twenty-nine creditors whose aggregate claims with interest amounted to Rs. 5,19,415, and with- out interest to Rs. 3,10,058. Some of the claims, however, were rejected, and the amount awarded was Rs. 1,70,798, which it was directed should be defrayed by annual instalments of Rs. 15,000 each, instructions being further given that, in the event of Luximon Row Anna Sahib meglecting to make the due payments, villages sufficient for their discharge should be sequestrated. It was also provided that if Mahadoo Row died before the liquidation of the debts, the instalments should cease under the rules against the liability of estates beyond the lives of the chiefs by whom the debts may. have. been incurred. The claims of Ruggonath and of two other creditors were left unsettled till supported by proper vouchers. . (, - - - They were, however, finally allowed, the others being awarded respectively Rs. 7,571 and Rs. 8,600, while to Ruggonath was ad- judged a-sum of Ts. 95,000, of which Rs. 5,000, being the balance of the amount advanced to release Mahadoo Row from jail, were to be paid at once, the remainder being paid by instalments. As Luximon Row Anna Sahib evaded the due payment of the instalments, it was found necessary, in 1852, to attach his village of Kowteh, yielding an annual revenue of about Rs. 10,000, and the attachment of other villages was afterwards contemplated. This step, however, was found unnecessary. Anna Sahib made more regular payments, and the attachment was removed from ,ow teh in . June 1857, at which period the sum of Rs. 25,988 only rentained due. The death of Mahadoo Row in November 1859 relieved his son from all further liability for his father's debts, but not before all except a very small amount had been paid off. O- 104 There is but little furthpr to add regarding this jagheer. Anna Sahib earned the thanks of government for his loyal conduct during the Indian mutiny. In 1861 he revived the pretentions of his branch. of the family to the fort of Meeruj, praying that, in the event of Gungadhur Row Bala Sahib being allowed to adopt, the fort should not descend to the adopted son, but should be made over to him as the heir of Mahadoo Row. His request, however, was refused, and he was informed that the fort was the appanage of the senior branch of the family, and would devolve like the other property of that branch. The administration of the estate is on the whole fairly conducted, and a moonsiff has likely been appointed for the settlement of civil suits—a step productive of much advantage but numerous com- plaints have arisen in consequence of Anna Sahib's wife interfering with the administration, and using her power to extract from the ryots more than their proper rents. The remonstrances however, of the political authorities have not been without fruit, and of late complaints have been fewer and of less importance. The chief is now not only free from debt, but has a considerable surplus in his treasury. - - Anna Sahib has had several sons, but one only/survives, Hurryhur Row, who is married and has offspring of his Wn, & SOIl having been recently born to him. O MEERUJ–3rd DIVISION (LAPSED). Not long after the division of the Meeruj estate Wamun Row became the sole proprietor of the third share, his elder brother Kristna Row having died, and the younger brother Gungadhur Row having been adopted ty the Chief of Tasgaum. Arrangements were made by Mr. Chaplin for the management of the estate during thé young chief's minority, a karbharee being appointed, for whom the Chinchneekur became Security, and who acted under the in- structions of Wamun Row's mother. The family left Meeruj and settled at the village of Somee, whence the chief was generally known aS the Soneekur. . - - - n Wamun Row's life was uneventful, and he came but little before the political authorities. When he began to take an interest in his * affairs he applied to Mr. Elphinstone, before that gentleman retired from the government of Bombay, for an assignment such as had been made to his uncles, but was informed that his request could not be complied with. He also made an unavailing attempt to have the four shares of the Meeruj estate readjusted, on the plea that Gunput Row Tattia had been unduly favoured at his expense. He. subsequently brought himself into disgrace by an attempt to bribe the Political Agent, with a view to obtain the management of the Tasgaum estate, and was afterwards but little heard of. In common with his relation Gopal Row, he incurred the displeasure of Government for keeping up a mint at Kurkumb after Government had, in 1836, directed the abolition of all mints in jagheerdars' territories. In the beginning of 1845 the hopes of the chief, who had no heir, were excited by his wife's condition, and it was remoured that, to make assurance doubly sure, he had concerted a plan for the sub- stitution of a boy in the event of the mother being delivered of a girl. Steps were, however, taken to prevent the occurrence of any such fraud, and his hopes were blighted by the birth of a daughter. The chief had long been suffering from illness, and the disappointment thus occasioned hastened, it is believed, his death, which took place on the sº April.” ſ - --- On the event being reported to Government it was decided that the estate shouſd be resumed, due provision being made for the support •of the family and dependents of the deceased. The late chief's mother then prayed that the widow should be allowed to adopt, and her prayer was supported by the Chiefs of Sanglee and Tasgaum, but Government declined to comply with the request. By this lapse the British government came into possession of the following villages:— g - Kusba Behuttee. . . . . . . . . . . . . . In Dharwar collectorate. O Do. Kurkumb . . . . . . . . . . . . In Sholapore do. Mojay Yevtee or Hewtee . . . . . . Do. do. . . Do. Akhomb . . . . . . . e e e s s o e Do. do? -- Do. Somee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . In Belgaum do. © Do. Bhosai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Do. do. Do. Koopurdai . . . . . . . . . . . Do. . do. 14 PU • 106 Mojay Beesoor. . . . . .; . . . . . . . . . In Belgaum collectorate. Do, Hurolee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Do. do. Do. Yerdolee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Do. . . do. Do. Unkley. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Do. do. . Do. Dawarashta . . . . . . . . . . . . In Sattara to. . The total value of the estate was estimated at Rs. 85,850 per annum. From this pensions were granted of the anntak value of Rs. 1.1,926-8-9, the mother of the deceased chief being allowed Rs. 4,000, and his widow and infant daughter together Rs. 6,000," it being provided that, in the event of the latter surviving her mother, a moiety of the pension shôuld be continued to her. In addition to this, gratuities to the amount of Rs. 3,215-5-1 were bestowed on a - number of persons who had not been in the chief's service long enough to entitle them to pensions. - - º The villages comprised in this estate were finally brought under the regulations by Act III. of 1863 of the Bombay - Legislative s Council. © O MEERUJ–4th BRANCH (LAPSED). v - The life of Gopal Row, after the partition of the M eru estate, was as uneventful as that of his nephew Wamun Row, . he also resembled in being devoid of any characteristics of a kiºſº would bring him into preminent notice. He resided in Meeruj, where he led a peaceful life, amusing himself with the study of Persian literature, in which he is said to have been well skilled. When Mr. Morris, in 1829, investigated the Putwurdhun disputes. Gopal Row brought for- ward a grievance of the same kind as that dwelt on by Wamun Row, to the effect that Gumput Row Tattia had received, as the appanage of the senior branch of. the family, more than it was intended to bestow upon him, to the detriment of the members of the other branches; he also brought forward some claims against Mahadoo Row which it is unnecessary to enumerate here in detail. The only occasion on which he came before Government was when he incurred its displeasure for keeping up a mint at Rahimutpoor. - On the 4th May 1842 Gopal Row, who had been ailing for some time previously, died, leaving "no heirs. His estate accordingly * Exclusive of certain gardens and pasture lands valued at Rs. 434. I 07 - O lapsed to the British government, which, ordered that it should be managed “by the Political Agent in the same manner as the Nee- panee and Chinchnee jagheers were previous to this being brought under the regulations.” The widow subsequently applied for per- mission to adopt, but was informed that her request could not be complied with, and an appeal to the Court of Directors met with the same reply.. O ... " - By this lapse the British government acquired an estate of the estimated.annual value of Rs. 77,658-3-2, consisting of the follow- ing villages:– - - *Kusba Ainapoor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . In Belgaum collectorate. Mojay Huthmolee . . . . . . . . . . . . . Do. do. Do. Wudgaum . . . . . . . . . 8 º e s e Do. do. *Do. Mungawuttee . . . . . . . . . e Do. do. f Do. Balunkhee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Do. do. f Do, Kulumbá . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Do. do. | Kusba Rahimutpoor ... . . . . . . . In Sattara do. . §Mojay Shirhuttee . . . . . . . . . . . In Belgaum collectorate, §Do, Nagnoor. . . . . . . . . ū o e L & w a Do. do. . §Do. Rutnapoor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Do. do. Do, Penoor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . In Sholapore do. Do. Bhend . . . . . . . . . tº e o s º e a T)o. do. Do." Bhutaombray. . . . . . . & e o e a Do. do. Do. Bijoor. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . In Dharwar do. Do." Soorungee. . . . . . . . . . . . º G Do. do. Do. Kullus . . . . . . . . . . . & e s 6 tº Do. do. Do. Konchgerry . . . . . . . . . . . . . T}o. "do. Do. Kondikope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Do. do. Do, Konerkope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . *... Do. do. . . Do. Wudwee . . . . . . . . . . . Tº e G Do. do. Do. Kunkapore. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Do. do. * The hamlet “Molay,” however, under this kusba belongs to the Chief of Meerui. - - t s ºther villages, however, were held by surinjamdars of older standing than the Putwurdhuns, who were confirmed in their possessions. - f The umuls of this village, amounting to Rs. 1,906-15-6, form part of the new assignment made to Mahadoo Row of Meeruj. - § Belonging to the new assignment, Q 108 This estate was charged with an allowance of Rs. 6,000 per annum to the widow, and with pensions, amounting in the aggregate to Rs. 1,411-0-6, to relations and dependents of the deceased chief. Gratuities also, amounting to Rs. 4,231-8-2, were given to certain of the retainers who had not served sufficiently long to entitle them to pensions. \ . ** - O The resumption of this surinjam gaye rise to questions regarding the alienations existing in it, some of which dated from a period prior to the first Putwurdhun Behera. The most important, of these related to Shedsal, a village originally acquired by Trimbuck Hurree, but subsequently assigned to his brother Bhaskur Hurree, by Ballajee Bajee Row Peshwa, in 1753. The reveaues of the village, amounting to Rs. 2,550, and of a garden at Meeruj, amounting to Rs. 125, were assigned in the Behera of 1773 to Wamun Row Govind ; Bhaskur Hurree, in the possession of whose descendants they continued, being stated to be the surinjamdar holding them. On the partition of the Meeruj estate in 1822 the Shedsal estate was nominally divided. into four shares, a fourth of the revenues being credited to each of the shareholders, though really enjoyed by the descendants of Bhaskur Hurree. Under these circumstances the Government directed that the Shedsalkur should continue to receive the fourth share in effect paid hitherto from Gopal Row's estate. It was ruled, however, that magisterial authority in the village should be exercised by the British government and not by the sub-surinjamdar. The justice of this decision was at first questioned by the Court of Directers on the ground that as Government had only succeeded to the rights of one of the four nominal shareholders of the villages, they were not entitled to jurisdiction unless it had been exercised by Gopal Row. It •was represented by Mr. Reeves, however, that the course adopted was the proper one, as, in the first place, it would be incompatible with the peace and comfort of the villagers to have three distinct autho- fities in the village ; and in the second place the British government could not exercise joint police authority with its surinjamdars. This reasoning was approved by the Court, and the arrangement made continued in force. The lapse of Wamun Row's estate made the British government nominally half shareholders of Shedsal; the other half share, however, continuing to be paid to the Surinjamdar. 109 In 1862 a report was made to the authorities regarding Shedsai. The Government expressed their opinion that the surinjam was held independent of the Putwurdhun surinjam, and desired therefore that the Inam Commissioner should refrain from entering into any inquiry in regard to the tenure on which it or the garden at Meeruj was held. "It was subsequently, however, reported that the terms of the summary settlement had been intermediately offered to, and accepted by, the Shedsalkutt, on which it was ruled that Shedsal, being a surinjam village, was excepted from the terms of the summary settlement, but that, if the holder of the village, after having this explained to him, elected the summary settlement that had been made, it should not be disturbed. As he declined to do this, the former orders were declared to be in force. - *The question finally went before the Secretary of State for India, who, in 1866, passed the following decision, in a despatch to the Bombay government:- “2. The surinjam comprising this village and a garden at . Meeruj came into the possession of Bhaskur Hurree in 1753, and there appears little doubt that the grant from the Peshwa on that occasion continued the condition of service, though none appears to have been performed by the grantee or his family singe 1819. The surinjam is therefore a military one, and liable to lapse off the death of the holder, and you justly observe that it .is not “an hereditary surinjam under any rules.’ The claims of Vittul Row Eshwunt to hold the surinjam hereditarily as representative of Bhaskur Hurree, the original grantee, could not therefore under ordinary circumstances be considered valid. “3. But in 1844 the Court of Directors recognised Shedsal as an independent holding, though strictly it was a sub-surinjam under the Putwurdhun family of Meeruj. This concession was intended as a benefit, but in reality it was the reverse, since, if the holding had been considered as a dependency of the Putwurdhun surinjam, it would now, under the featy with Meeruj of 1819, be continuable to the extent of one-half, whereas the effect of Shedsal being recognised as an independent 110 surinjam is, that the holder being dead, it becomes liable to resumption. . . . . “4. Under these circumstances Her Majesty's government are willing to allow the Shedsal surinjam to be continued hereditarily to Vittul Row Eshwunt to the extent of one-half, the other half being considered as having lapsed from the death of the late holder.” O C O The villages comprising Gopal Row's estate were finally brought under the regulations by Act III. of 1863 of the Bombay Legislative Council. - JAMKHUNDEE (JAMKHANDſ) At the time when the English succeeded by conquest to the Peshwa's possessions, the Tasgaum branch of the Putwurdhun family was represented by Gopal Row and Govind Row, the grandsons, and Gunput Row, the son, of Pursheram Bhow. The two eldersons of the latter—Ramchunder Row (the Appa Sahib of the Wellington despatches) and Hurree Punt—had died some time previously, the sècond of the two leaving no issue. It has been already narrated how the Tasgaum surinjam was in 1811-12 divided into two estates —Jamkhundee and Tasgaum, and it appears that at the time of the partition the Peshwa was willing to assign a third share to Mahadoo Row of Chinchnee, the third son of Pursheram Bhow, but that the latter declined it. What was afterwards the Chinchree estate there. fore was at this time included in Jamkhundee. though it was known that Govind Row, Mahadoo Row's son, was pressing for a division to which he was considered entitled. Jamkhundee was held by Gopal Row, who ranked as the head of the Tasgaum branch of the Putwurdhun, in virtue of his father having been the eldest son of Pursheram Bhow. - • The terms granted to this chief were identical with those granted to the Koonundwarkur and the Meerujkur. The contingent,” - * Comnfuted in 148 to a payment of Rs. 20,840-10, a sum equivalent to the annual salary of 78 Sowars (see Aitchison's Treaties, vol. vi. p. 166). At the time of the cômmutation Jamkhundee had only to furnish 150 horse in consequence of the division of the estate. - - - **. | | || however, being fixed at 300 horse, Gópal Row received a personal tainat of the value of Rs. 30,000, while his cousin Govind Row of Chinchnee only received Rs. 10,000; Mr. Elphinstone giving as his reason for making this difference that “as Govind Row must receive an equal share of his jagheer, according to the practice already estab- lished by Bajee Row, it is but just to allow the head of the family some cofmpensation in this shape for the unavoidable expense which his superiority draws on him.” O - In 1821 a division of the Jamkhundee estate was effected by Mr. Chaplin, Gopal Row's share being fixed at Rs. 2,43,476 and that of Govind Row of Chinchnee at Rs. 2,25,153. In the estate thus divided was included. an item of “unauthorised revenue,” of * which special mention should be made, as frequent references will have to be "made. to it hereafter. The revenues in question had been for some years in the possession of the Jamkhundee family, and amounted to Rs. 22,000 in round numbers, on account of the deshgut wuttum of . Jamkhundee, the village of Pursulgee, and part of Khoondul and Poongee. Gunput Row of Tasgalim, af the time of the settlement in 1819, had urged his claim to a partici- •º pation in these, but his claim had been negatived by Mr. Elphinstone on the gr und that these revenues “belonged to Government and might jº, to whom it pleased.” When the division of the Jam- khunded, estate was under consideration, Govind Row claimed the exclusive possession of these items of revenue, on the plea that they had been assigned by the late Peshwa to his father for the main- tenance of a paga of horse. As, however, the paga in question had never existed or had any assignments pade for its support, and as the revenue in question had always been held by the elder branch of the Tasgaum family, Mr. Chaplin considered this plea futile. On a reference being made to Government its orders were conveyed in the following terms :-- - º - & Q “The deshguttee and other lands held without authority depend entirely on the pleasure of Government. Of these the Governor in Council assigns two-thirds to the elder and one- third to the younger.” Q 112 The partition was effected in accordance with this order, and in the statement of division the items referred to were thus entered— “ Unauthorised revenue, viz. deshgut of. Jamkhundee and Pursulgee. . . . . . . . . 19,893 0 11% Share of Koondul and Poongee . . . . . . . ..., 2,000 0 0 ** •. 21,893 -0 11% Peduct allowance of Dessaee of Jamkhundee . . . . . . . . . . 6,824 - 0 3 • Do. to former Dessaee now - granted by Gopal Row .. 600 0 0 - —t——a- 7,424 0 3 $º O Rs. 14,469 0 -84 to be shared two-thirds to Gopal Row and one-third to Govind Row.” In 1826 Gopal Row, having no issue, applied for permission to adopt. His request was acceded to, and he was informed “that the permission to adopt a son certainly did not imply any intention that "his jágheer should be continued to him, nor is it,” the letter went on to say, “consistent with the practice of the British government to. continue jagheers to adopted children ; but in consequence of the zeaf and good conduct which he has always displayed, and of his being the representative of Pursheram Bhow, whose services to \!. British government are well known, it is determined as a special favour to continue the jagheer to his adopted son if he should not in the mean- time have natural issue of his own.” - There is but little to record of the subsequent career of Gopal Row. Being a man of considerable ability and with a strongly deve- loped taste for money-making, he looked vigilantly after his affairs, and by his careful superintendence brought his jagheer to a state of remarkable prosperity. It by no means redounded to his credit that he acted very differently towards the estate of his relative, the young Chief of Tasgaum, whose guardian he had been appointed, and whose interests he betrayed. On the 19th November 1840 Gopal Row died, having on the day before his death adopted Gunput Row (who in his adoption received the name of Ramchunder Row), a lineal descendant of Vittul Punt, one of the brothers of Hurr Bhutt, who is | || 3 generally regarded as the founder of the Putwurdhun family. The adoption was sanctioned, and the boy who thus succeeded to Gopal Row is the present Chief of Jamkhundee. The nuzzerana fixed on the adoption was Rs. 1,70,000, being the amount calculated as a year's net revenue of the estate. The imposition of nuzzerana was strongly protested against by the widow, and when the Govern- ment insisted on its right in the absence of any reason for foregoing it the amount was paid grudgingly by instalments, though the late chief was reported to have left a very large amount of cash in his treasury. \ \ r * As the boy adopted was only seven years of age, it was necessary to make arrangements for the management of the estate during his minority and also for his education. It was decided to leave the admiſſistration in the hands of the boy’s adoptive mother, assisted by the state karbharee, and indeed at one time it was proposed that the lady should retain the administration, not merely during the minority, but for her life. O Before very long there appeared reason to doubt whether this arrangement worked well. Mr. H. L. Anderson, in 1844, called åtten." tion to the fact that the first year's accounta of the minority showed a considerable fall off in revenue. He declared he had not the slight- est confidenceſ the ability or integrity of the administration, and mentioned that though the regent Radha Baee was ostensibly assisted by the karbhared Vittul Punt Apteh and Kristmajee Bullal Joshee, yet she practically ignored them and was guided entirely by Govind Punt, a man of no good repute. Mr. Anderson conclutled by urging the necessity of taking the management out of the hands of the then present administrators. This view was isºpported by Mr. Reeves, who observed that native ladies, by their habits and want of edu- cation, were not competent to manage such estates as that of Jam- khundee, and urged the advisability of appointing an intelligent go. " vernment servant as karbharee, and taking the administration out of the hands of the late chief's widow. These suggestions, however, did not meet with the approbation of Government, which remarked that the accounts of one year hardly afforded sufficient criterion to judge of the necessity of the proposed measure. It was then ordered that - 15 PU - - I 14 f a statement of accounts for each year since the death of Gopal Row should be submitted with rémarks and explanation. - - In 1848 Mr. H. L. Anderson submitted an elaborate report on the affairs of Jamkhundee, showing the results of the administration to be “a decreased and decreasing revenue,"an increased expendi- ture without a single compensatory benefit, enormous remissions, enormous outstandings, irrecoverable balances. In all elepartments gross indifference, gross indolence, gross fraud.” Examination of the treasury and accounts showed that a false statement of the balance in the treasury at the time of the late chief's death had been submitted to the Political Agent, and "that a sum of Rs. 2,77, 149 had been given to Radha Baee, purporting to be a grant made to her by her late husband before his death. Though in Gopal Row's lifetime there was invariably an annual net surplus of at least Rs. 46,000, the expenditure during the first six years of the minority exceeded the revenue, according to the accounts, by nearly Rs. 5,000, although there was good reason to believe the revenue larger than the expenditure. The accounts too of the “aunter khasgee” department for several years were shown to be fabricated. The report then went into details of seventy ou; of one hundred and six instances of fraud and malversation on the º of the karbhāree, ºn |lving a sum of Rs. 21,45,813-11, and concluded by urging the ne& Fity of appoint- ing a government servant to manage the estate unter the superin- tendence of the Political Agent, and recommending that ſhe head karbhayee, Wittul Punt, the wakeel, Meghasham Punt, and two car- coons, should-be brought to account for their malversations. This report was forwarded by the Political Agent, backed with kis full support, but the gºvernment delayed the consideration of it pending the receipt of replies to certain memoranda sent in by Radha Baee, some of whose advisers had managed to become acquainted with the contents of the report and to prepare counter- statements. The arguments contained in these documents were thoroughly discussed by Mr. Anderson and the political agent, Mr. Inyerarity, who informed Government of their having found nothing in them calculated to make thent modify the views they had pre- viously expressed, . In reply to their communication Government 115 - O *. sanctioned the appointment of a person at Jamkhundee to manage that estate in immediate subordination to the local political authorities, and consented to Wenayek Kristna Pundit, who had been similarly & © § - - employed at Meeruj, being appointed as recommended. • . It was left to the discretion of the Political Agent to bring the frwdulent officials to trial, or to suggest any other means by which. the end in" view might be.-satisfactorily attained. An allowance of Rs. 6,000 per annum tº Radha Baee was sanctioned, but she was re- fused permission to appropriate to herself the large sum said to have been given to her by the late chief unless the grant was clearly proved. In 1850 the assistant, political agent, Mir. Manson, made 8. further report on the Jamkhundee affairs, which fully corroborated the conclusion arrived at by Mr. Anderson, and showed that, in addition to the large sum mentioned by that gentleman as having been embezzled, a further sum of Rs. 67,189 had been fraudulently made away with by the karbharee and his accomplices. The sum thus traced amounted altogether to Rs. 3,45,813, and there was reason to believe that still more had been criminally misappropriated, Those who should have had the young chief's interests most at-hear? seemed to have been the foremost in betraying them. The regent Baee had º and allowances to her relations at the expense of her adoptivº ſn's estate, and, on the occasion of the marriage of. the latter, had sold to him jewels that were really his own property. The chief's own father too was shown to have acted in such a way that Mr. DQwn recorded his opinion that, in the event of those concerned in the frauds being brought to trial, he should be included among them. - © sº : • In forwarding this report Mr. Reeves, the political agent, re- commended that Wittul Punt Apteh and his accomplices should be put on their trial. He anticipated the objection that might be raised of the plea of their having acted by the Baee's authority, and declared that she was a mere tool in their hands. The Government, however, considered that as the state of Jamkhundee a&is had arisen partly from the inattention of the officers of government,...it would be preferable to recover, if possible, from the karbharees a portion of their embezzlements without a trial. This order was dis- © O } i 6 approved by the Court of Directors, who considered that the Jam- khundee karbharees did not deserve more lenient treatment than the Meerujkarbharee, who for similar misdeeds had been tried and sen- tenced to imprisonment; and that neglect of control on the part of government officials was no excuse for pillage by government administrators of the fund committed to their change. It was accord- ingly directed that if the karbharees had not already availed them. selves of the alternative offered them of refunding part of their embezzlements, the offer should be withdrawn, and the accused put on their trial. In accordance with the orders, these karbharees—Vittul Punt Apteh and Kristna Bullal Joshee—were tried in the Political Agent's court for their various malversations. The evidence left no room to doubt that the aecounts of the estate had been falsified, and that peculation had thereby been accomplished, and this fact mullified in the opinion of Government the plea that the prisoners had acted under the orders of the regent Baee, as, had such been the case, there would have been no reason fore falsifying the accounts. The head karbharee was accordingly found guilty on twelve of the charges preferred against him, and sentenced to undergo three years' imprisonment, and further to pay a ºne of Rs. 20,000 to the Jamkhundee state, commutable, in case of \, \p-payment, to three years' further imprisonment. The second kaſtharee, Kristma Bullal Joshee, was held to be implicated in four of the charges on which the other prisoner had been convicted, but as doubts were entertained of his having participated in the misappropriations, he was "discharged with a reprimand—a proceeding subsequently dis- approved by the Court of Directors, who considered that he had been treated with too much lériency. Wittul Punt died a few months after his admission into jail. - * During the peri d that elapsed between her removal from the administration and the trial of the karbharees, the chief's adoptive mothº. Radha Baee, had been occupied in vigorously protesting against everything that was done, in defending the , karbharees, and in asserting her own claims. Shé not only laid claim to the large sum previously mentioned, said to have been assigned to her by the | 17 ..) late chief before his death, but she declared that the personal tymats given to Gopal Row in 1819 had been assigned to her for her main- tenance. These claims were based on an alleged will of the late chief, which further directed that his widow should administer the estate during her lifetime. As, however, the circumstances connected with the alleged will left little doubt of its being a forgery; and the Baee produced no other proof, all her claims, except those affecting Some articles of personal property, were negatived. This decision was of course vehemently protested against, but the lady's protests were put an end to by her death, which occurred in May 1853. By this time Appa Sahib-as the young chief is generally called— had attained his majority. ” From the time of his father's death his education had been cared for by the political authorities, and notwithstanding the opposition of his adoptive mother, a tutor of a superior class had been procured immediately for him. Books and educational apparatus were liberally provided for him, and the only obstacles the chief had to contend against were his own idleness and the frequent change of teachers that.took place. He acquired a fair knowledge of English, and had been trained to some extent in the conduct of public business, so that in 1852 Mr. Down reported most favourably of him, and recommended his being entrusted with the management of pis estate, auguring a fair future for him from the enlightenmentaleºhad already shown in the establishment of schools and the construction of roads. Accordingly, on the 10th January 1853, Ramchunder Row Appa Sahib had his jagheer formally made over to him. He started under most favourable circumstances, as, under the able management of Venayek Kristna Pundit, the estate had recovered from the effects of the former mismanage- ment; and the chief, on assuming the reins of power, found in his treasury a cash balance of upwards of five lakhs of rupees, and jewels of the estimated value of Rs. 80,000. Mr. Inverarity, in his annual report for 1853, when referring to the assumption of the charge of his estate, remarked that the chief “ promises by his present management to be a blessing to the country entrusted to his rule. He proposes to introduce into his government the system of village and district accounts in force in our talooks, and instead of spending on Brahmins, as is usual on such occasions, the money * * O I 18 • weighed against his adoptive mother previous to her death, he has set aside half a lakh of rupees of the sum for the renovation of a tank for which water will be provided for his town of Jamkhundee.” Not long after Appa Sahib took charge of hisjagheer he came into temporary collision with the political authorities under circumstances which should be mentioned here as there was an important question at issue. The chief, it appears, determined to prosecute twº dismissed servants of his on charges of embezzlement. The accused took refuge in British territory and appealed against the chief, who on the other hand demanded their renditiqn. The Political Agent was of opinion that the chief was entitled by Articles IX, and XI. of his engagement. to have the accused handed over to him for trial, but the Government decided that he was only so entitled after the political authorities had satisfied themselves that there was a sufficient primá facie case against the accused. Mr. Down was accordingly.desired to make the requisite inquiry, and in prosecution of this duty requested Appa Sahib to forward the witnesses to him for examination. The chief considered the measure derogatory to his dignity, and appealed to Government against Mr. Down's proceedings. His objections, however, were overruled, and he was informed that he could not justly consider his position and dignity at all impaired by the political authorities requiring adequate proof before deliveris, up an alleged offender. Appa Sahib, however, refused to see the matter in this light, and displayed such a spirit of opposition, that it was thoughted visable for a time to station a government news-writer at Jamkhundee. On a subsequent occasion the Jamkhundee chief considered it derogatory to his dignity to carry on pleadings in a civil suit on stamped paper, and appeaked to Government against a requisition on the part of the Agent for Sirdars in the Deccan that he should use such paper. The Government, however, were unable to see that the use of stamped material in a suit derogated in any way from his rank, and trusted that he would be induced to compry cheerfully with Juſºs that were binding on all sirdars. • With the above exceptions the reports on the Jamkhundee estate for some years after it had passed under the direct management of Appa Sahib refer for the most part in terms of eulogy to the way the 119 • administration was conducted, and to the spread of educational and other reforms. The favourable notice of Government was attracted, and the chief stood high in the estimation of the authorities till the ..eventful year 1857, when there arose grave reason for considering him implicated in the treasonable designs so life at that period. In the month of August one Mypal Sing, a sepoy in his service, was de-- tected in-Belgaum tampering with the men of the 29th Regiment N.I., and endeavouring, in the name of the young chief, to seduce them from their allegiance to the British government. After his detection the sepoy was convicted and punished by being blown away from a gun. Before his death he made disclosure affecting one Chotoo Sing, the commandant of the Jamkhundeekur's sepoys, and further inquiries convinced M r. Manson, the political agent, of the chief's complicity in the plots that were brought to light. Appa Sahib was aceordingly, on the 22nd March 1858, sent as a prisoner to Belgaum glyere he remained for some time, being afterwards sent to Vingorla, • - The murder of Mr. Manson by the Nurgoond chief, and the loss of his papers, delayed considerably the investigation of the charge" against the Jamkhundeekur. Chotoo Sing, who was believed to have acted under his orders, was convicted of treason and executed in October, but * Sahib was kept in confinement till the beginning of 1859. Of the 7th January of this year the Government passed a resolution to the effect that an attentive consideration of the papers which accompanied the . Political Agent's report left no moral doubt that the chief was cognisant of Chotoo Sing's proceedings, and that he had been engaged in preparations hostile to the British government. The evidence, however, was In Ot quite strong enough to ensure a legal conviction, and therefore it was preferred to exercise clemency at a time when clemency eould not be regarded as weakness. Though the chief, on a liberal interpretation of Her Majesty’s proclama- tion, would be excluded from the grace offered by its proyisions as a leader and instigator, and would only be entitled to his life-yet the Right Honourable the Governor in Council considered he would ...be acting in the spirit of Her Majesty's most gracious promises if he granted to the chief a free and unconditional pardon. Though it might be ſairly urged that the chief's conduct had cancelled all claim | 20 to the jagheer of Jamkhundge, and that the estate might be resumed at once, yet the government was unwilling in any degree to detract from that large measure of amnesty and oblivion with which it was the evident wish of Her Majesty's ministers to inaugurate the Queen's assumption of the direct government of India.” A free and uncondi- • tional pardon was accordingly granted to the chief, but it was directed that all forts and strongholds in the Jamkhundee state should be entirely dismantled at his expense, and that he should be interdicted from erecting new forts. All the guns and military stores taken at Jamkhundee were declared to be forfeited, and it was ordered that the chief should be restricted tº a limited number of troops, and be expressly informed that any unauthorised addition to their number, or any clandestine increase of his military stores, would subject him to the penalty of confiscation of his jagheer. * O - At the same time Abajee Deodhur, one of the officials of the Jamkhundee state, who had also been arrested on account of his com- plicity in treasonable intrigues, was released on his giving security never to return to the Southern Marathas Country. The other Jam- khuñdee prisoners were similarly treated. - The chief, who had from the beginning strenuously declared his innocence, did not receive the government communication on the subject of his release in the spirit that might º expected, and certain of his followers and advisers did him much harm by giving out publicly that lawyer's letters and agent's machimations in Bombay had enabled him to gain a victory over government. Appa Sahib subsequently applied to government to cancel all their pro- ceedings in his case—a request which was at once refused. The subject of the " Jamkhundee deshgut, which has given rise to much correspondence, may here be briefly mentioned. It has already been narrated how, after deducting an allowance to the Dessaee, the rest of the revenues of the deshgut were assigned to the Chief 9. Jamkhundee and Chinchnee. In 1856 the question of this dessfee allowance, which consisted of the village of Konnoo in British têrritory and certain holdings in Jamkhundee, came before the inam - commission, and it was decided that the Dessaee Adresappa held this allowance unauthorisedly and should only retain it as a life-grant. 121 . Against this decision the Chief of Jamkhundee appealed to Govern. ment, arguing that the whole deshgut,"including the allowance to the Dessaee, formed part of his estate and belonged to him by right, having been conferred in inam on his ancestors. It was clearly shown, however, from the Peshwa's records and other documents that the deshgut had been resumed by the Peshwa in 1771-72, and was subsequently farmed for Rs. 17,000 per annum to Pursheram Bhow of Tasgaum. This chief paid the amount regularly for some years, bpt ceased doing so after 1795-96, and the deshgut WºłS accordingly included in the list of lands held by him unauthorisedly and claimed by the Peshwa, which was presented to Mr. Elphinstone in 1811. It has already been narrated under what circumstances Gopal Row of Jamkhundee was allowed to hold these revenues. Taking these circumstances into consideration, the Government rejected the élaim ºf the Jamkhundee chief to any lien on the allow- ance originally made to Gudyappa and continued as a life-grant to his son Adresappa. The question of the chief's own share of the deshgut was subsequently; in 1858, considered by Government, on. the representation of the Revenue Commissioner for Alienations, and it was decided that, as the wuttun was not one that devolved by inherit- ance, but depended on the pleasure of the Government, the question of its continuance should have been raised in 1840 on the death of Gopal Row. Thé deshgut was then attached for a time, but was shortly afterwards released and directed to be continued to the chief for life. The latter memorialized the Secretary of State for India, who, how- ever, in 1862, confirmed the decision of the Bombay government, and repeated the confirmation in 1866 on a second appeal being forwarded in consequence of the chief exercising jurisdiction over the portion of the deshgut enjoyed by Adresappa, and dividing the wuttun between him and his brothers, which proceedings were cancelled. In 1861 a person calling himself Abajee Damodhur and two others from THyderabad in the Deccan attempted to enter into a trea- sonable correspondence with the chief, who at once gave notewo the authorities. The traitors were convicted of treason and instigating to treason, and sentenced to transportation for life, Appa Sahib receiving much credit for the loyal part acted by him in the matter, 16 PU - - . . W 122 in 1862 the chief proposed that the villages of Chick Pursulgee and Bulwulmottee, in the Belgaum collectorate, should be given to him in exchange for his village of Vittul Pooree Dawulpooree in the Ahmednuggur collectorate, regarding his right to jurisdiction in & which a discussion had been going for some time. The proposal ...was supported by the political authorities, but as the majority of the inhabitants of the government villages in question were opposed to the measure, it was decided that the change could not be effected. There is but little more to add regarding the affairs of Jam- khundee. The administration continues to give satisfaction, and there are but few complaints. Thé chief—a man of restless and energetic disposition, and who has shown himself superior to many of the pre- judices of his countrymen—spends a great deal of his time in visits to Bombay, Poona, and other places. It has been remarked that he is more anxious to introduce novelties and to attract the attention of Government than to devote himself to the details of administration; but he has done much for his estate. A steam-plough, which he has at work at Jamkhundee, is not perhaps a good investment under the cir- cumstances from a utilitarian point of view, but there can be no question of the usefulness of the dispensary which has been established at con- siderable expense; and thé number of schools which have been set on foot speaks well for the chief's wish to extend the blessings of educa- tion to his people. A tank which he is improving, and from which he intends to have water conveyed to the town, as noted elsewhere, Will when finished prove a great boon to the inhabitants of Jamkhundee. Appa Sahib speaks English very well, and carries on his corres- pondence with the political authorities in that language. He is a man of considerable intelligence, but his energy and intelligence are somewhat frittered away in pursuit of specious novelties. The chief has no heir of his body, the only son born to him having died shortly after its birth. His only surviving offspring is a daughter. . - - ... *- CHINCHNEE (LAPSED). • The circumstances connected with the partition between Gopal Row of Jamkhundee and Govind Row of Chinchnee have already been marrated, so that it is unnecessary to recapitulate them here. Tº O The only occasion on which this jagheer subsequently attracted any notice was in the beginning of 1825, when the patel of the village of Oomruj in the Burdole purgunna—a village belonging to the Chinchneekur, but in which the British government had a fourth share—revolted and established himself in the village Gurhee in defiance of all authority. As, independently of the fact of the Govern-. inent having a share in Qomruj, it was considered that we were bound by the terms of the engagement with the Putwurdluns to afford them aid in case of any great disturbance, a detachment of British troops was marched against the Gurhee, and on the 22nd February repulsed for want of artillery, an officer and Some men being killed. The deficiency was immediately supplied and prepara- tions were made for a further attack, when the Gurhee was evacuated. On the 31st December 1836 Govind Row died. As he had been refused permission to adopt, and had died without heirs of his body, his estate reverted to Government. A pension of Rs. 12,000 was assigned to the elder widow and of Rs. 6,000 to the younger widow, which, however, these ladies refused for many years to accept in the hope that their reiterated prayers to be allowed to adopt might meet with favour at last; The value of the estate thus accruing to Government was esti- mated at Rs. 1,82,979 per annum. The main portion of the jagheer consisted.of the purgunnas of Gokak and Anwal in the Belgaum collectorate. These districts, together with the villages composing the rest of the estate, were brought under the regulations by Act VIII. of 1839, . . -- T - O TASGAUM (LAPSED). The position of Gunput Row of Tasgaum, at the time of otir settlement of the Southern Maratha Country, differed from that of the other Putwurdhuns, inasmuch as he had not been a partº* @ the agreement of Punderpoor, and had in 1818 executed a preliminary agreement with Brigadier General Munro. This latter agreement it was found advisable to modify to some extent. Full particulars e \ 124. of the negotiations on this subject will be found in Mr. Elphin- stone's letter No. 1094* of the 18th March 1819, with enclosure, to Mr. Chaplin, and letter No. 584* of the 17th June 1819 to Mr. Secretary Metcalfe. The terms finally granted will be found in. Aitchison's Treaties, &c, vol. vi. p. 156. The contingent to be furnished by the chief was fixed at H50 horse, and...a personal tainab of Rupees 40,000 was assigned to Gunput Row. With reference to this latter grant Mr. Elphinstone remarks — - Q * Given in Appendix F. “The largeness of the sum allotted to Gunput Row of Tasgaum is accounted for by the necessity of compensating for the advantages he had gained in his agreement with General Muñro and subsequently renounced ; and also of rewarding him for his decision in entering into such an agreement without balancing.between our party and the Peshwa's, Rs. 30,000, however, is the whole tynat. Rs. 8,000 is compensation for Bhoze and for a share of Ammapoor, and this sum is in reality given to Gopal Row and Govind Row, who would otherwise have been obliged to pay it. •Rs. 2,000 is imam for the temple at Tasgaum, and must be given on that tenure.” In the same year (1819) Gunput Row died. As he had no heirs of his body, he on his deathbed, in accordance with peremission he had received from General Munro, adopted a son,f the boy chosen being Gungadhur Row, the third son of Govind Row of Meeruj, who on his adoption received the name of Pursheram Punt. As he•was only seven years of age, Mr. Chaplin entrusted the administration of the estate to the Child’s adoptive mother, Savitree Baee, generally known as Kakoo Baee, assisted by the karbharee"of the deceased chief. In making this arrangemen; Mr. Chaplin carried out the provision of what had been shown to him as the late Gunput Row's will. Some tWO years afterwards, however, he discovered that the document shown to him was a forgery, and that the genuine will had been suppressed-or destroyed. He reported the circumstances of the case to Goyernment, and recommended that the estate should be adminis” tered by Taee Sahib of Meeruj (the young chief's natural mother) in + Mr. Elphinstone had in 1819 given the chief a written promise to allow him • to adopt, and had further excused him from the payment of muzzerana. - 125 ſ O accordance with what was believed to have been the purport of the genuine will, or that Government should assume temporary charge of the jagheer till a trustworthy manager could be found. He remarked that, owing to the dissensions among the members of the Putwurdhun family, he-knew none of them whom he could safely select as a guardian, and he gave it as his opinion that, under any other guar-. dianship. than that of Government, “the profligacy of the Maratha carcoon precluded the hope of any economy or fidelity in the adminis- tration.”. These views, however, were not concurred in by Govern- ment, and eventually the estate was placed under the management of Gopal Row of Jamkhundee. • O s * The Jamkhundee chief by no means proved himself worthy of the trust vested in him. Not only were no arrangements made for the education of his ward, but the estate was mismanaged shamefully. It was handed over, to his charge with a balance in the treasury of Rs. 63,847, and an average annual revenue of Rs. 1,75,000. In six years the receipts were diminished by some Rs. 20,000 per annum, and there was a debt of Rs. 1, 14,686. At last, in 1830, Pursheram Punt's adoptive mother complained of the state of affairs tº the Political Agent, who finally made over the Tasgaum estate to the young chief, then eighteen years of age. An agreement was drawn up, with the concurrence of the Political Agent, by which Pursheram Punt promised to keep his adoptive mother informed of all that was done, and to take her advice in all important matters connected with the estate, any question on which they differed being referred to the arbitration of Chintamon Row of Sanglee. A supplementary agreement was also drawn up to the effect that in the event of the Baee having any reason to complain of the infraction of the former agreement, she should receive the personal tainat of Rs. 30,000 assigned to her late husband. This agreement was not found to work well. Experience has shown that adoptive sons and adoptive mothers do not generally agree, and there was much in the present case to prevent it being-an excep- tion to the rule. Kakoo Baee was a lady of considerable ability and energy. The young chief was weak and ignorant, and had no physical, mental, or moral qualities to recommend him. Notwith- standing her expostulations, and the advice of the political autho- rities, he neglected to consult his adoptive mother, and placed himself under the influence of his natural brother, the Chief of Sonee. The mediation of the respected Chief of Sanglee was ineffectual, and in 1833, under Mr. Nisbet's superintendence, three villages-(Bolwudee, .Boodee, and Palas), yielding an annual revenue of Rs. 30,000, were assigned for the maintenance of Kakoo Baee. O O Complaints, however, still continued. The chief, under the influence of his advisers, got into debt to such an extent that his whole estate was mortgaged to money-lenders. Kakoo Baee com- plained that not only was her advice neglected and the estate allowed to go to ruin, but her adoptive son did not pay her the ordinary respect due to a mother. He, on the other hand, brought several pecuniary and other claims against her, some reasonable and some not so. The complaints of both parties were thoroughly investigated by Mr. Anderson in 1845 and laid before Government, who considered the Baee's complaints frivolous, and warned her that she could not be allowed to interfere with the management of the 3State. Her conduct with regard to a village that her son had assigned to her in liquidation of a debt was stigmatized as dishonest, and she was directed to restore the village in question, but most of the other aims of her son against her were declared inadmissible. With regard to Parsheram Punt, the Government was doubtful how far it would be justified in entrusting the sole management of his estate to a chief of so ignorant and otherwise objectionable a character, and -called for the Political Agent's opinión on the subject, at the same time asking if there was any well-qualified and honestly-disposed person among the agents employed by the chief to whom the administration could be entrusted. *** -- e. s . * e With regard to a remark in Mr. Anderson's report, expressing his opinion that if the chief chose to ruin himself, Government could not interfere further than by advice and remonstrance, the Governor in Council remarked that, in his opinion, “the right of interference on the paptºf Government is undoubted, even to the extreme measure - º - tº . .. e e - ** * tº w 99 of resuming a surinjam if grossly mismanaged. Kakoo, Baee was by no means satisfied with the orders affecting her passed by the Government, and resolutely refused to give up the 127 0 * @ village as directed. She still protested against the dismissal by her adoptive son of the former karbharees, and insisted that she should be consulted in the management of the estate. Even on her deathbed she showed her animus against her son by endeavouring to will away the whole reventies of the Villages assigned for her support. This of course was not allowed, and the villages reverted to the chief, who, however,. was not satisfied with this, but seized and imprisoned the deceased lady's karbharees on the plea that they had made away with property that ought to come to him—-a charge which he was unable to substan- tiate when informed by Government that he could not be allowed to be a judge in his own case, but must slrow proof to the satisfaction of the Political Agent... . " - In 1846 Messrs. Anderson and Reeves, in reply to the reference from Government above alluded to, drew a lamentable picture of the state of the Tasgaum jagheer, and recommended that a duly qualified minister should be appointed to preserve the ryots from oppression, - and secure the administration of justice, as well as to examine the claims upon the chief and "make a settlement with the creditors—a step urgently required, as literally the whole estate was mortgaged, though the chief was allowed by the mortgagees to draw an income of about Rs. 22,000 per annum. In reply to this the Government, in 1847, desired to be informed of the manner in which the chief observed the 9th article of his agreement: that is, whether his subjects were oppressed, and whether the due and impartial administration of justice was neglected. The report on those points sent in by the political authorities was so far favourable to the chief that it was considered there was not sufficient reason for ir erference on these grounds.” A more hopeful view too of the financial prospects of the estate was given, as, by the death of Kakob Baee, her villages, of the annual value of from Rs. 20,000 to Rs. 30,000, had come into the hands of the chief, who had promised to curtail his expenses, and to pay Rs. 40,000 per annum into the Belgaum treasury for the liqui- dation of his debts. It was suggested that arrangements shºuld be * The administration had evidently improved since ten years before when "the chief was fined Rs. 1,000 for flogging a Mhang to death, the amount of the fine veing expended in building a public well at Tasgaum. o “ Q 128 made with the creditors through the political authorities, but it was considered by Government "inexpedient to take this step except at the chief's own request, and under very emergent circumstances. On the 8th June 1848 Pursheram Bhow Sahib died, having on Jhis deathbed addressed a letter to Government praying that, as he had no issue, his widow might be allowed to adopt an heir to the surinjam. This request, however, was not complied with, as the late chief had mismanaged his estate, and had not rendered any services to Government entitling him to a reward, The surinjam therefore, it was décided, should be resumed, - *** O O Shortly after her husband's death Ruma Baee, the widow of the deceased chief, declared herself enceinte. As this statement was for many reasons improbable, she was informed that unless a European female, in whom Government had confidence, was present at her accouchement, the child put forward would not be recognised as heir to the estate, Accordingly the wife of a serjeant in the 78th High- landers was sent to Tasgaum, and desired to keep the lady under surveillance. This matron at once formed the opinion that the Tasgaum Baee was not in the state she pretended to be. Every effort was made, however, to induce her to connive at the intended imposture, and bribes to a large amount were given to her and her husband. Under the instructions of the Assistant Political Agent they received these bribes, and accordingly were supposed to be in the interests of the Baee. When every arrangement had been made, a male child of some eight or nine days old, which had been bought of a Chinchnee man for Rs. 997, was surreptitiously introduced into , “” the house where the widow resided, and was then produced as her newly-born infant. The imposture was clearly proved by the evi. dence of the serjeant and his wife, and also by the statements sub- sequently made by the child's real father and mother. The serjeant and his wife were rewarded with the Rs. 2,050 given to them as bribes, and with a further sum of Rs. 500, and it was in contemplation at one time to bring Ruma Baee to trial. This step, however, was considered impolitic, and Goverhment marked its sense of her dis. graceful conduct by refusing to allow her a pension, it being * 129 | O understood that she had otherwise amply sufficient means. The subordinate actors in the fraud were broitght to trial and convicted by the Assistant Political Agent, but Government quashed the pro- ceedings and released the prisoners. These proceedings were approved by the Court of Directors, who, however, remarked that the serjeant and his wife should have been rewarded with a present from. Government, instead of being allowed to retain the bribe they had received; and the Court further deemed it advisable that in any further case the .person employed should have instructions not to let it be supposed thät she is inclined to listen to any dishonest overtures. The estate that thus reverted to the British government was of the estimated value Öf upwards of Rs. 1,76,000 per annum, and com- prised the large kusbas of Tasgaum, Belwudee, Sawdee, and Yadwar in the Sattara and Belgaum collectorates, and Moolgoond and Ingell- hullee in the 3Dharwar zilla, besides villages in the above collectorates and in those of Sholapore and Rutnagherry. The part of the estate situated in the Sattara and Belgaum collectorates was up to 1862 managed in the political department, and was, with the rest of Tas- gaum, finally brought under the regulations by Act III. of 1863 of the Bombay Legislative Council. - KOORUNDWAR (KöRANDVAD.) The ferms gºanted to Keshoo Row Putwurdhun of Koorund- war (see Aitchison's Treaties, vol. vi. p. 161) were similar to those subcribed by the chief of Meeruj, with the exception that the con- tingent of the former was fixed at 70 horse.” Keshoo Row also received a, personal tainat of Rs. 30,000, this amount being fixed for the reasons set forth in the subjoided paragraph of Mr. Elphinstone's letter to Mr. Chaplin dated 16th August 1819. (The - Gunput Row referred to in the extract is the chief of Shedbal.) . “7. The grant of Rs. 20,000 to Keshoo Row and Rs. 20,000 to Gunput Row Konair is compensation for Sumpgaum and Jºggee- * Afterwards commuted to an annual payment of Rs. 9,618-12, the amount of salary of 36 sowars, the remaining 34 being dispensed with. See Aitchison's Treaties, vol. vi. p. 168. - . t 17 pºu • 130 warree” to which the family, is fairly entitled. Rs. 10,000 additional is granted to Keshoo Row as the elder branch, who has lost consider- ably by the partition to which in strictness. Gunput Row had no claim, although the Peshwa's sunnud is now a bar to any question of his title. It may be stated to Gunput Row that as Sumpgaum ..and Baggeewarree were never given up to him by the Peshwa, it would perhaps be strict justice to leave those districts to Keshoo Row ; that in granting him a share therefore the Government feels itself compelled to make a compensation to Keshoo Row by a grant of Rs. 10,000 tynat.” In 1821 a claim for a 'share in the surinjam was raised by Kristna Row Sew Row of Warree, grandson of Neelkunt Row, the eldest son and successor of Trimbuck Row, the founder of this branch, of the family. Inquiries, however, made by the Commissioner in the Deccan showed that in A.D. 1791 the petitioner and his younger brother Neelkunt Row had concluded an agreement, under the direc- tion of Pursheram Bhow, with Trimbuck Row, father of Keshoo Row, by which a memnook was assigned to the two brothers, but without “any share in the surinjam. Kristna Row's claim was accordingly disallowed both on this occasion and when it was revived four years afterwards by Neelkunt Row.f O On the 16th November 1827 Keshoo Row died, leaving a widow and six children, four of them sons, named Ruggoonath Row, Hurree- hur Row, Wenayek Row, and Trimbuck Row, aged fifteen, ten, five, and three years respectively. In reporting the events, Mr. Nisbet, the political agent, remarked that the eldest son was very intelligent, and that his mother was a lady of considerable ability, to whose +rudent counsel report ascribed much of the excellent management of her decased husband. As the old servants of the state, too, were respectable, he saw no necessity for the interference of Government, and he therefore recommended that the widow should be allowed to manage the estate, with the assistance of three experienced officials, —ziº's - - - * *Two purgummas assigned as part of the Putwurdhun Surinjam, but which had been always held by the iSittoor chief. . . - - + The circumstances connected with the lapse of the Warree estate will be found detailed in the supplement, - * * 131 O who had enjoyed the late chief's confidence. T he Political Agent only reserved for himself the privilege of occasionally inspecting the accounts of the jagheer, and of exercising a general superintendence over the education of the young chief and his brothers. O •: - This arrangemant, which was approved by Government, worked better than similar arrangements have generally done in the Southern' Maratha Country. Sir John Malcolm on his visit to the south in 1829 found the estate in the most excellent order, and was"much struck with the intelligence of the chief and the excellence of the training he had received. He also particularly remarked the hand- S()]]? G appearance and elegant address of Ruggonath Row and his second brother Hurreehur Row. -- - Buring the minority of the young chief an arrangement was made regarding the abolition of some distilleries near Belgaum which afterwards gave rise to some trouble. In 1832 the Govern- ment found it necessary, in order to check the unlimited sale of liquor to the European troops at Belgaum, that the right of distillation and Sale of liquor, within a circuit of five miles round the cantonment,. should be secured to the Honourable Company. Compensation was awarded to the Chiefs of Sanglee and Koorundwar, whose rights were affected by this measure, and the Political Agent estimated the loss sustained by the latter at Rs. 1,346. This estimate was based on data furnished by. Annajee Nursinee alias Anna Shapoorkur (who was so frequently referred to in the account of Sanglee), then mam- lutdar of Angolee, and possessed of unbounded influence over the widow of the late Keshow Row Baba Sahib. Lands accordingly of the above annual value were assigned as compensation to the Koorund- war chief, by whom they were granted in Tuam to Anna Shapoorkur.” - In the course, however, of the inquiry into the losses consequent on the abolition of transit duties, in 1847, it was discovered that the liquor farm of the Angolee districts only amounted to Rs. 175 per annum. The family of Koorundwar, much to their credit, repudiated what had been done, and furnished every information in thef"power, formally relinquishing at once, when called on, all claim to the land awarded as compensation on the misrepresentation. It was ruled finally by Government that the family should receive an annual cash * ... O 132 payment equal to the revenue actually lost, and Anna Shapoorkur's estate was held liable for the amount fraudulently obtained. -- About 1837 the young chief assumed charge of the estate, which was handed over to him in excellent order, and with a consi- derable balance in the treasury, by his mother Luximee Baee, on whose administration the highest encomiums "were passed. Dada Sahib however, as the chief was popularly called, disappointed the high expectations that had been formed of him. Careless and lavish, and, as Mr. Reeves said, “grossly ignorant,” he soon ran through the funds in hand and incurred debt. His mother used all her endeavours to check his extravagance and that of his brothers, and to keep up a good understanding between them, but with little effect. In 1845 the chief withdrew from business, and the management was made over to Hurreehur Row, generally known as the Bhow Sahib. He, however, was displaced by his younger brothers Wenayek Row, OT Appa Sahib, and Trimbuck Row, or Abba Sahib, who, by threats of demanding a partition of the family estate if their wishes were not complied with, induced the chief to make over the management to whem. The change proved for a time beneficial, but the brothers still remained dissatisfied until at last by working on Dada Sahib's fears they got him to sign a deed making over the management of the estate formally to Venayek Row Appa Sahib, and assenting to a divi- sion in case of further disagreement. The effect of this arrangement was that Dada Sahib's son, Keshoo Row, left his father’s districts and sought the protection of his maternal uncle, the Chief of Inchulkur- unjee. The differences then grew so serious that Mr. Inverarity, the political agent, proceeded to Koorundwar, where he managed to bring about a temporary reconciliation. e Foreseeing, however, Q - that this reconciliation would be but short- lived, he reported the matter to Government (May 1849), and was instructed that any partition of the estate, or permanent alienation of any portion of it, should not only be discouraged, but should be strictly prohibited'; and that no interference in the management of the estate by the younger brothers should be permitted, but they should receive a suitable provision for their support. The manage- ment of the estate then devolved on Keshoo Row, who, however, quarrelled ere long with his father and resigned. 'The order above mentioned gave much dissatisfaction to the chief's brothers, who immediately forwarded a memorial to Govern- ment, basing their claim to an equal division of their father's surinjam and ancestral property on the 6th articles of the terms granted to him, as also on the numerous precedents in the Putwur- dhun family. The Political Agent, in reporting on the memorial, held that the right of the memorialists to claim a division was unquestionable, but recommended that, in the event of their wish being acceded to, they should not be entrusted with the powers of first-class sirdars, but should be deprived of jurisdiction—the course recommended by Mr. Chaplin in 1829 to be pursued in all cases of partition. The Bombay government then referred the matter to the Court of Directors, and, pending the orders of that authority, a con- tinued stream of memorials was kept up by Keshoo Row, the son of Dada Sahib, on the one hand, and on the other hand by the brothel's and nephew of the tatter, his brother Hurreehur Row having died on the 5th March 1851, leaving a son, Gunput Row Bappoo, aged four- teen years. - O - - . . * In 1852 the award of the Court of Directors was received to the effect that if the younger brothers persisted in claiming a division it should be conceded. In this case, however, the Court remarked, “As the shares will be too small to allow of the continuance of inde- pendent jurisdiction, the several shareholders can only be permitted to hold their respective portions as ordinary landholders, receiving the rents, but without ..any political power, and the jagheer should in that case,” it was added, “be brought under our government.” This order called forth vehement remonstrances from the chief and his son, who argued that whatever might be the custom of the other Putwurdhuns, it was not the practice of the Koorundwar family * “As long as you continue to serve the British government with fidelity and attachment your jagheer shall remain unquestioned and undisturbed in your possession and that of the sirdars of your family. The stipulation expressed in the 5th article of the terms of Punderpoor is hereby confirmed, and a sunsil shall be procured to the same effect from His Excellency the Most Honourable the Governor- General. Hereafter when new sunnuds are.nequired for the documents of each respec- tively, it is to be represented to the Government, which will graciously confer a mew sumnud and continue the jagheer without exacting muzzer.” • Q * 134 to divide the estate. They pleaded as a precedent the case of the Warreekur above referred to, and refused to acknowledge the divi- sion with the Shedbal chief as a case in point, arguing that it had been brought about by bribery and corruption, and would probably have been cancelled had the Peshwa remained ºn power. • They also argued that placing the jagheer under the regulations would be a contravention of the 12th article of the terms granted to Keshoo Row in 1819, which stipulated that his rank and dignity were to be pre- served as in the Peshwa's time. The other members of the family, on the other hand, requested that, as they had tried in vain to come to an amicable arrangement with the chief, they should be put in possession of their shares, waiving for the present any discussion of the question of jurisdiction. They rejected with something like contempt an offer made to them by Dada Sahib of a division of the imam’ and private property. O { In 1854 the final decision of the Court of Directors was passed to the effect that a division of the surinjam'should be allowed, the elder branch, however, receiving a larger share, as well as a portion of the estate yielding Rs. 9,618-12 per annum, being the amount of the payment to Government in commutation for service. The Court further directed, in modification of its previous orders, that the share of the elder branch should continue to be a surinjam with independent jurisdiction, but that the shares of the younger brarfches should be in every respect on the footing of ordinary landed estates. . As it was found hopeless to attempt to get the contending parties in Koorundwa to divide amicably in accordance with the orders of the Court, Mr. Inverarity submitted a scheme of division.which was protested against by the younger brothers, but which was, in the main, approved by Government, and sanctioned, with slight modifica- tions, as follows:—The extra allowance to the chief as head of the family was fixed at Rs. 10,000 per annum. As it was anticipated that rents in the Kootundwar districts would fall from the lowered assessmert-introduced into the Government territories, it was thought advisable to assign districts then yielding Rs. 12,000 for the pay- ment of the commutation for service. The amount of these two items deducted from Rs. 94,013-8-9, the met revenues of the old and * new surinjams, would leave a balance of Rs. 72,013-13, which, divided into four shares, would give each shareholder Rs. 18,003-6-2 each. With this standard before him, Mr. Inverarity divided the villages. and miscellaneous revenues, paying attention as far as possible to compactness of territºry and distinction of interests of the several shares, so as to give the chief about Rs. 38,500 and the younger members about Rs. 18,500.each. This was exclusive of the inam property, which was valued at Rs. 11,173 per annum, the town of Koorundwar alone producing Rs. 9,477 of the amount. It was therefore ruled that the management of the imam should remain with the chief, and that the nephew and brothers should receive their shares in cash, each share rever being less than Rs. 3,000. The debts of the estate, calculated at Rs. 1,25,210-2-4, were ordered to be apportioned rateably with the shares, and the cash in the treasury was to be divided in like manner. The settlement was generally approved by the Court of Directors, who, however, remarked that the arrangement in connection with the imam property left a door open to future disputes, and directed the younger branches should each invariably receive Rs. 3,000 per share” on this account and have nothing to do with the accounts. Before Mr. Inverarity’s scheme had received the sanction of Government that gentleman had been succeeded by Mr. W. W Bell, who, after an attempt to carry out the scheme as sanctioned, delayed ſhe execution of the order, in consequence of his belief that the measure proposed. by his predecessor was “substantially and materially inequitable.” He pointed out that Mr. Jnverarity had calculated the revenues of the Surinjam from the collections of a single year in which there happened to be a most favourable season, and no remissions were necessary, and also brought to notice tle fact that the revenue had been reckoned in one currency without making allowance for the varying value of the different currenoles prevailing throughout the districts. In consequence of these omis. sions the interests of the younger branches were most injuriously * As these shares were fixed in the Puumalla currency, which has almost dis- appeared, a fresh dispute has arisen as to whether the amounts should be paid in the Government currency in full or with a deduction for exchange. The matter is at present under the consideration of the political authorities, affected, as indeed might have been expected where the settlement was based entirely on one-sided tata supplied by their opponent. The justice of Mr. Bell’s objection to his predecessor's scheme was fully recognised by Government, and he was directed to submit an amended measure after full inquiry. : • - - - O . On the 15th May 1856 the Government passed a resolution on the report submitted in pursuance of these directions, and Mr. Bell’s scheme of division was approved. This was based on the accounts of ten years, and proceeded on the principle of reducing the various currencies to Government rupees, and then partitioning the lands equally according to their productive capabilities. Arrangements were made regarding the inam property as had been suggested by the Court of Directors; and with regard to the debts it was held that the eldest brother Ruggonath Row, the chief, should be held answerable for them, and the younger branches absolved from all re- sponsibility. “It is clear,” the Government remarked, “that, taking the debts at Rs. 1, 15,000, the amount stated before the arrange- ment sanctioned by Mr. Reeves in 1849:50, by which the eldest brother Ruggonath Row obtained the management and assigned an annual joint income of Rs. 7,050 to the three brothers, they ought to have been liquidated by the annual sum which Ruggomath Row promised to devote to their payment, viz. Rs. 30,000. As the younger brothers drew so little from the estate. during the five succeeding years, they cannot be held justly answerable for debts which it was agreed should be paid out of the surplus revenue of those years.” "As the chief had paid his brothers no income in the previous year—though he had been directed to place their shares in deposit—he was ordered to pay them the sum due, which, together with a previous balance, amounted to Rs. 63,017. With regard to the division of the family jewels, the Government, taking into considera- tion the chief's position as head of this branch of the Putwurdhun family, ordered that they should be divided into five parts, of which the chief should receive two and each of the other shareholders one. Mr. Bell's proposal for the management of the possessions of the younger branches was adopted, namely, that one of the brothers should be invested with civil and criminal powers of the nature provided * 137 . . º * in Regulation XIII. of 1830 and Act XIII. of 1842, pending the final bringing of these districts under the regulations. • . * - The orders of. Government were promptly carried out and the division effected as directed, the chief making over his shares of the jewels to the other shareholders, and being credited with the payment of Rs. 4,050 for the Šame. The balance cf nearly ten thousand rupees he promised to pay in six awnual instalments, which was agreed to. The three representatives of the younger branches agreed to live together, and Wenayek Row Appa Sahib, whom they named as the manager, was allowed criminal jurisdiction as a temporary measure in their districts. The civil jurisdiction; however, remained with the chief. * Q tº , The arrangements thus garried out, however, though assented to for the time, by no means gave satisfaction to the parties concerned. The chief did not approve of any part of the estate going under the regulations. His nephew and brothers were dissatisfied with the details of the partition generally and with the position assigned to them. They complained bitterly of the chief being allowed civil jurisdiction in their districts and retaining the entire management of the lands set apart for the money payment in commutation of service. They wished that their land should be treated as a portion of the surinjamee estate, or that it should be recognised as a separate surinjam guaranteed by treaty ; and that they themselves should enjoy the same dignities...rights, and privileges as the head of the family. There was also a good deal of discussion regarding the rights of the several members of the family to the dwelling-house at Koorundwar. With a view to close these discussions, Mr. Lockett, then acting political agent, in 1859 drew up a new scheme of partition, to parts of which the chief and his kinsmen agreed. It was found impos- sible, however, to induce them to come to an agreement on all points, and in 1864 Major G. S. A. Anderson submitted a report on the subject, on which the Government (21st October) recorded a resolution that these disputes should now finally be arranged, and theastore it was ordered that— * - O I. No further division of the estate was to be permitted. The estate was to remain as divided in 1855. e 18 PU - g - - - 138. Q Ö - . . - II. The shares of the youngerbranches should not be brought under the regulations, and, Venayek Row was to be entrusted with the administration of civil justice in their divisions, as he was already with that of criminal justice. • - III. The names of the younger chiefs were to be entered in ... the first class of sirdars, and it was noted that this and the preceding concession were to be regarded as a recognition of their loyal conduct in 1857. - . - IV. It was not necessary to get a general sunnud of adoption for the younger chiefs, but it was promised that any request preferred by any one of them for permission to adopt would be carefully con- sidered by Government. V. The palace at Koorundwar was to be considered as the palace of the chief, but it was stated that he would of. course afford accommodation to his brothers in it. • The younger chiefs, however, were not yet satisfied with their position, and in 1867 memorialised Her Majesty's Secretary of State “for India. They prayed that the land set apart for the payment of the sum due to Government in commutation for service should be divided into four shares, and that each sharehoſder should be in- dividually responsible for the payment of a fixed proportion of the amount. They also demanded a fourth share of thé family jewellery instead of a fifth, as had been previously decided, and claimed a divi- sion of the family inam property. The final claim was for an equal division of the lands assigned for the payment of Rs. 10,000 to the * Despatch No. 62, dated elder branch of the º reply to - J4th September 1867. Jhe memorial, however, Sir Stafford .* ** Northcote” expressed his concurrence in the opinion recorded by the Bombay government “that the partition akready made ought not to be disturbed,” and desired the memorial- ists to be informed that this decision was final. O - TJe.necessity of giving a consecutive account of the settlement of Koorundwar family disputes has brought the narrative to a recent date, and caused the omission of various circumstances worthy of notice which will now be related. • * * . . 139 , . The Koorundwar chief did not show to more advantage than his fellows in the transactions connected with the abolition of transit duties. In 1843 Mr. Townsend made a partial inquiry into the loss. sustained by the chief, which, on the strength of the accounts sub- mitted to him, he estimated at Rs. 2,797-2-1 per annum, and accord- ingly, pending further inquiry, an annual sum of Rs. 1,800 was. paid to the. Kootundwarkuſ. In 1855 Mr. F. S. Chapman took up the inquiry with very different results from those arrived at by Mr. Townsend, for he decided that the chief was only entitled to Rs. 494-11-1, and proved that the documents submitted to Mr. Town- send were fabrications. The Government, on receiving Mr. Chapman's report, recorded their regret that no doubt could remain “as to the disgraceful fact of the Koorundwar chief having submitted fabricated accounts in proof of his claims on Government for compensation for the abolition.of transit duties,” and after commenting severely on the transaction, decided that no further payments should be made on this account to the chief. . . . . t Not long after this the Koorundwar family gained notice of a more favourable kind from Government. During the disturbances of 1857-58 their loyalty was most distinguished, and the cheerfulness with which they surrendered their guns drew forth the encomiums of Mr. Manson, the political agent:-" I beg to single out the chiefs of Koorundwar,” he wrote in 1858, “as the only ones who have come forward ºn the spirit which I have been in vain looking for in the other chiefs. . They have really tried, I believe, to advance my efforts by their prompt acquiescence in my friendly advice. They at once sent their gueſs to Chickorée, Beejapoor, and Belgaum (their jagheer is very scattered) acording to promises.”... The chiefs were subse. quently thanked for their loyalty and attachment to the British govern- ment in a letter from the Governor, presented to them in open durbar, and the position of the younger ones was considerably improved as a " mark of approbation. The conduct of the Koorundwar chiefs, it may be observed, was the more noteworthy as they were connected by marriage with the miscreant Nana of Bithoor, a former wife of Gunput * * Eleven guns and thirty-two jingals were given up or destroyed. . . . , 140 - - - Row Bapoo, the nephew of the three brothers, being the daughter of the late Bajee Row Peshwa. . - & The administration of the elder chief of Koorundwar has never been favourably spoken of. In 1856 complaints were so rife in consequence of all the power left in the hands of the chief’s wife, who •was entirely under the hands of an intriguing man named Juggomath Tamunkur, that serious remonstrances had to be addressed “to Dada Sahib. These were attended with some effect. Juggonath Tamunkur was dismissed, and an improvement was for some time perceptible. An amicable arrangement was made with some of the chief's principal creditors, and at the suggestion of the Assistant Political Agent a respectable karbharee was appointed. Before long, however, the karbharee was got rid of, and the affairs of the estate resumed their old aspect. The chief occupied himself solely with shooting and fishing and incurring debt, and left business entirely to his wife, whose administration proved by no means satisfactory. In 1866 Dada Sahib was informed that his neglect of public business had attracted the attention of Government, and was warged of the consequence of allowing his pecuniary affairs to fall into confusion. Some slight improvement was reported in the following year, but much cannot be expected as the chief is naturally disinclined to b siness, which he has got into the habit of neglecting. His embarrasséd circumstances prevent him from carrying out works of public improvement such as those undertaken by his brothers and other sirdars-in the Southern Maratha Country. He has one son,” Chintamon Row Bala Sahib, at present about 21 years of age, who is being educated, together with his cousin, by an intelligent tutor supplied from the educational department. N. T. The estate of the younger chiefs has been managed very differ- ently, and their administration has received high eulogiums. They caused a survey to be made of their districts, and have done much for the improvement of their town. They have always subscribed liberally, to local improvements, and on one occasion contributed Rs. 25,000 towards the excavation and enlargement of a tank at Koo- rundwar, in order to improve the water supply of the town. Their * Since the above was written the birth of a grandson has been announced. 141 . • estate is now administered by Gunput Row Bappoo Sahib, in whose favour Venayek Row Appa Sahib resigned with the sanction of Government. It is to be regretted that no very cordial feeling exists between Dada Sahib and the younger chiefs. The existing bitter- ness has shown itself, among other ways, in disputes about accommo- dation in the palace'at Koorundwar. - - . Of the younger chiefs Qme only, Wenayek Row, has a son sur- º viving. This boy, who is named Hurreehur Row Dajee Sahib, is now about 17 years of age, and is being educated at Koorundwar with his cousin, the son of the elder chief. x *This is a nominal arrangement, as the management still remains with Appa Sahib, who is by far the most intelligent of his family. Since the above pages were written this sirdar has been appointed a member of the Legislative Council of Bombay, SUPPLEMENT TO. KOORUNDWAR MEMOIR. - - The Warree JEstate. In the year 1792 a dispute having arisen between Ruggonath Row and Sew Row, the grandsons of Trimbuck Hurree, a settlement was effected by means of Pursheram Bow, and a yad of partition was drawn up. By this document Sew Row was excluded from the . . surinjam, granted-by the Peshwa, but was given some villages from that granted by the Akulcote Raja, and had assigned to him a certain allowance. According to the wording of the agreement he was placed somewhat in the position of a sub-surinjamdar to his elder brothef. He was generally known as the Warreekur from his place of residence. - e * - Q * This settlement was adhered to by both parties for several years without dispute, and Mr. Elphinstone in 1819, while admitting the possibility of Sew Row's sons raising a claim to a share in Korund- war estate, remarked that they were represented to have. given up their share for a fixed allowance, and had never applied for a division. - * See his letter to Mr. Secretary Metcalfe, No. 578, of the 17th June, para- graph 16, given in Appendix F. © , 142 - In 1821. however, Krisſna Row, the eldest son of Sew Row, formally demanded a share in Koorundwar. Mr. Chaplin decided that his claim was untenable in consequence of the agreement made thirty years previously by which his father received a memnook without any share in the surinjam. This view was endorsed by Government in 1826 when Neelkunt Row, the second son of Sew Row, made a similar claim. The name of Konehere Row, the third son of Sew Row, was not brought forward by either party as a claimant. - • The property was divided between the brothers by a decree of Mr. Thackeray's in 1822, and, on the death of Neelkunt Row in 1837, his share of the surinjamee property,” amounting to Rs. 2,178, was resumed by Government, a pension being allowed to his widow. - . The death of Kristna Row, in 1840, leaving a son, Chintamon. Row, gave rise to a discussion regarding the right of succession to his surinjamee villages. The Collector of Ahmednuggur had on the death of Neelkunt Row attached the mokassa of the village of • ‘ Koombej, which had been enjoyed by Kistna Row. The inquiry that consequently ensued showed that in the surinjam lists the villages (viz. Khoombej and Jatagaum in Ahmed Juggur and Khan-, deish) held as the Surinjams granted by Futteh, Sing Bhoslay of Akulcote were entered in the name of the Köpründwar chief, and that Mr. Elphinstone had, in 1819, recommended their being - continued to Keshoo Row Trimbuck for life, while the Agent for Sirdars in the Deccan subsequently, in 1834, recommended their continuance to the chief’s son for life, with pensions after his decease. Mr. Reeves pointed out to Government that the case of Jese villages was different from that of the Koorundwar chief's other possessions as they were not held originally from the Peshwa. Mr. Warden, the agent for sirdars in the Deccan, then recommended that, as the Court of Directors had ordered that all Surinjams known to be ancient should be “hereditary in the fullest sense of the word,” the mokassa of Koooºhej and Jatagaum should be continued to the Koorundwar chief, “with whom,” he observed, “and not with the British government, * Principally consisting of shares and babs in the villages of Hundee-goonda and . Sultanpoor in the Gokak districts, and Poontamber in the Ahmednuggur collectorate. it rests to dispose of the claims of the Warreekur, whose father held the mokassa of the Chief of Koorundwar, as he does of the British government.” * - --- w Further light was thrown on the subject by a report from Mr. H. L. Anderson, in 1845, giving a clear account of the history of these grants, which he showed were originally bestowed by the Akulcoté Raja, after which they were resumed and granted again by , the Peshwa. The Government, on the matter being thus placed be- fore them, decided that the umuls in question should be continued to Chintamon Row Warreekur, They reserved, however, their. decision as to whether the grant should be considered hereditary or not. In 1848 Chintamon Row died without heirs, and, according to the precedent set in the case of his uncle Neelkunt Row, his surin- jamee Wllages of Warrée, Pandegaum, and Dewada were resumed by Government, the irram property being held by the widows for their joint lives, and a pension of.Rs. 500 being allowed to the mother of the deceased. • . - • The umuls in the villages of Jatagaum and Koombhejºweré also resumed at this time, but in 1850 the mokassa of the former village was restored, on the strength of its being included, as belonging to Koorundwar in the revised surinjam lists submitted to Government by the Agent for Sirdars in the Deccan. In 1859 this fact attracted the notige of the acting Inam Commissioner, who applied to the Political Agent, Southern Maratha Country, to show cause why this umulshould not revert to Governmentalong with the rest of the Warree- kur's possessions. In reply Mr. Seton Karr narrated the circumstances under º, assignment had been. made to Sew Row, and expressed his opinion that the claim of the Koorundwar chief to the Warree surinjam was inadmissible. With regard to the particular umul referred to, Mr. Karr remarked that it had been held by the Warreekur from the Chief of Koorundwar, the original holder to whom ; : khar” 'ev Grfieſ - - - it had reverted. - e \ The matter remained thus till 1865 when Major Etheridge, the alienation settlement officer, called attention to the discrepancy in Mr. Seton Karr's statements, and after some correspondence with the • 144 political authorities in the Southern Maratha Country, brought the matter, in 1866, to the notice of Government. He maintained that the mokassa umul of Jatagaum had been erroneously entered in the revised surinjam lists. He argued that the circumstances under which the umuls of Jatagaum and Koombej had beeh assigned differed in no respect from those under which the Warree chief had obtained the other portions of his estate. He referred to the division of the estate, by Mr. Thackeray's decree, among the three sons of Sew Row, and . pointed out the anomaly of one umul—that in Jatagaum—being continued, while that in Koombhej was resumed. - In reply to this the Political Agent forwarded a communication from the Koorundwar chief, in which the latter stated that the estate had been conferred by his ancestor on. Sew Row as a maintenance by private arrangement, and not with the knowledge of Goveyńment. He declared it was included in the surinjam for which he pád com- mutation in lieu of service, and asserted the continuance hereditarily * of the huk in question ; urging further that in the Queen's proclama- tion it was laid down that all previous decisions should be upheld. THe doncluded by arguing that if the question of this umul were reopened, the whole question of the resumption of the Warree estate should be reconsidered, in which case he consideréd the lapsed shares should be restored to him. - In forwarding this communication Colonel Anderson observed that there were two questions involved in the case—1st, Whether the members of the family held their estate as separate and independent surinjamdars, or as subordinate surinjamdars of the Koorundwar chief. 2ndly, Whether, if the question of the Jatagawa umal were areopened, the whole case Qf the Warree lapse should not be considered. The first question, he remarked, appears to have been finally disposed of by previous decisions, by which the shares of members of the family who died without issue lapsed to Government, though con- siderable wariety of opinions on the subject had been entertained by officerseof the department. He drew attention to the fact that the assignment made to Sew Row in 1792 was a private arrangement, and not a formal partition sanctiºned by the paramount power, as had taken place in other branches of the family; that at the time of f -- 145 O - O the assignment Sew Row agreed to serve his elder brother; and that, as no separate engagement had been made with the Warreekur in 1819, it might reasonably be inferred that he was included in the engagement made with the Chief of Koorundwar. He also observed that, as the division of the Warree estate in 1822 had been effected by means of a punchayet and sanctioned by Mr. Thackeray without reference to the Koorundwar ohief, it did not affect the merits of the CalS62. * © With regard to the 2nd question, Colonel Anderson agreed with Major Etheridge that the Jatagaum unful was held on the same footing as the resumed portions of the Warree estate, and there was no “valid reason why the former should have been continued while the latter lap ed. He submitted, however, that the position of the Koo- rundwar Chief was considerably altered by the Queen's proclamation. He concluded by recommending that the Jatagaum mokassa should be continued; that the general question should not be reopened ; and that the Koombhejumul should remain with Government. - On consideration of the question the Government decided that, as the Jatagaum mokassa umul had been continued under a misappre- hension, and enjoyed since 1849 by the Chief of Koorundwar, Govern- ment would forego, their right to it pending his lifetime, but that it should be definitely-entered as a life-grant. In the following year (1868) the Koorundwar chief protested against this decision, and prayed to be allowed to hold"the huk in perpetuity, but was informed in reply that the Government decision had been arrived at after full consideration •: ſhe circumstances of the case and could not be disturbed. Konehere Row, the third son of Sew Row and holder of a. third share in the estate, is still living. In 1863 he preferred a claim to exemption from the summary settlement in regard to his village of Dewree, but it was ruled by Government that he was not protected by the agreement concluded with the Koorundwarkur in 1819, and therefore was not exempt from the operations of the summary settlement. 10 PU Q O 146 8 SHEDBAL OR KAGWAR (LAPSED). The circumstances connected with the division of the Koorund- war estate between Trimbuck Row Ruggénath and Gunput Row . Konehere have been already related. The latter chief was generally known as the Shedbalkur, from the village of Shedbal, which was not one.of those properly falling to his share, but was given him in exchange for another, on the ground that he would otherwise have no village near Koorundwar to reside in. He was also very commonly styled “the Kagwarkur, from the village of Kagwar, which formed part of the surinjam originally bestowed by the Raja of Akulcote, and which fell to his share in the division. On the subversion of the Peshwa's dynasty, Gunput Royeceived terms similar to those granted to the Koonundwar chief. The contingent he was bound to furnish was subsequently (in 1848) commuted for a yearly payment of Rs. 9,612-12. He also received a personal tainat of Rs. 20,000 on the grounds set forth in the extract * from Mr. Elphinstone’s letter quoted in the beginning of the account of Koorundwar. In 1821 Gunput Row addressed the Governoš, informing him that he had some years previously, with the knowledge of the late Peshwa's government, adopted Trimbuck Row, ſhe second son of Kristma Row Warreekur, and that Mr. Chaplin, who at first refused, had sanctioned the adoption, and allowed the moonj, or investiture with the Brahminical thread, to be performed. He therefore sent an honorary dress on the occasion, and prayed that the child should •be allowed to enjoy the .jagheer in future. In reply to this the Governor returned the compliment and offered his congratulations, but declined to confirm the jagheer to the adopted son. The adoption, however, was subsequently fully confirmed, and when Gunput Row died, on the 11th July 1825, Trimbuck Row Appa^was acknowledged as the rightful heir to the estate. As he was orfly eleven years of age at the time, a board of guardians was appointed consisting of the karbharees of the estate, and Kristna Row, the natural father of Trimbuck Row. The arrangement, however, was | 47 O © not found to work well. Before two years had elapsed the young chief applied to be put in charge of his estate, complaining that his guardians neglected his interests. These were not the only complaints against the board. The Political Agent found it impossible to get the accounts of the estate from them, and was informed that they left everything in the hands of one Ballajee Punt Dessaee. This account was confirmed by the Ramstroog chief, whose daughter Trimbuck Row had married. He counplained that not only was his son-in-law's estate allºwed to go to ruin, but that his education was utterly neglected, in consequence of which the lad was acquiring bad habits. After inquiry into the various representations made, it was decided to appoint Kristna Row Warreekur the sole guardian, and he accord- ingly-managed the estate till the young chief was invested with full powers Y November 1832. 4. O It was found, Irowever, that even the guardianship of such a near relative had not saved the Shedbalkur from the usual fate of minor chiefs in the Southern Maratha Country, before experience had taught the necessity of minute Government supervision during mino-. rities. Trimbuck Row on attaining his majority found his estate burdened wºn enormous debt, chiefly contracted after the death of his adopt ather, and a considerable portion of his land actually mortgaged tºosey-lenders, to such an extent that he was described as being $9 fettered by pecuniary engagements as to be hardly a free agent. The consequence was what might have been expected : Shedbal' was one of the worst managed states in the country, and the complaints from it were most numerous. In one instance where a woman had 16m deprived of considerable property by the karbharee and refused redress by the chief, who also ignored the frequent repre-- sentations on the same subject of the Political Agent, a warning was conveyed to Appa Sahib by the Secretary to Government in the following terms :- O * © “The Honourable the Governor in Council consequently directs me to impress on you that one of the conditions on which you hold your surinjam is that of doing justict; that one of the duties of the British government is to see that you do justice : that Government therefore expects that you will immediately do justice in the case © Q 148 above alluded to, in respectato which the Political Agent has frequently written to you; and that if any further delay take place in this matter, Government will be obliged to direct measures to which it will be always unpleasing to resort, but which will end in the attachment of the surinjam.” O - This warning had the effect of causing justice to be done in the particular case referred to, but the complaints of bad management long continued. The sowkars to whom villages were mortgaged exercised civil and criminal jurisdiction in them—a practice which was brought to the notice of Government in connection with a murder case, where a Sowkar's carcoon in charge of a village extorted, by aggravated torture, a confession from a man against whom there was. no evidence whatever. This drew forth a circular statingyºffat the Government viewed the existing practice with much jºſ. and the chief was directed to pay Rs. 100 as compensation to the sufferer, and to punish the carcoon with three years' imprisonment. In 1847 the chief's head karbhareer Nilo Punt Deevanjee, who possessed great influence over him, and was supposed to be a consider- able creditor of his, died, and from this period the reports of the administration of Shedbal assume a more favourab aracter. In the next year Appa Sahib was obliged to fine and dis 5s a karbharee who had connived at the operations of a mint at Nandgaum, but the occasions for Government interference almost ceased now, the only other instance being in 1856 when a fine” of Rs. 1,000 was imposed on the chies for resisting a demand for the attendance of some persons concerned in a riot with murder. The chief seems after 1847 to have really set himself to-work to clear of his debts and release his mortgaged villages. " In December 1851 Appa Sahib was attacked by paralysis, from the effects of which he never recovered. Some time afterwards, de- spairing ef natural heirs, he applied for permission to adopt, but the Govāºmment declined to accede to this request. The failing state of her husband's health at this period induced his elder wife, the Ram- droogkur's daughter, who had W. been on bad terms with him, to * The amount of this fine was devoted to the “Sirdars' School.” 149 • © return to Shedbal. She interfered, however, in the affairs of the estate with such mischievous effect, and gave so much trouble, that it was found advisable to persuade her mother to recall her to Ramdroog. In 1855 the Shedbal chief was affected unpleasantly by Mr. Chapman's inquiry into the compensation due for the abolition of transit duties, so often reſºrted to already. Mr. Townsend had O awarded Rs. 866-2 as the ańnual amount of compensation due, but Mr. Chapman's investigations led him to the conclusion, in which Government concurred, that Rs. 269-9-6 only were due, and that the larger amount had been awarded on the strength of false accounts to which the chief had affixed his signature knowing them to be false. It was therefore decided that all payments to the Shedbalkur on account of compensation for the abolition of transit duties should cease. On\the 19th October 1857 the chief died, leaving two widows, and a daughter, who had been married some years previously. It seems to have been considered that, had it not been for the adverse circumstances under which he was placed, Trimbuk Row Appa would have shone to more advantage than he did. He is described - as fairly intelligent, and he showed remarkable perseverance in the acquirement of the English language; but his education had been neglected, and the difficulties he had to contend with were too for- midable for him to overcome. At the commencement of his career he was overwhelmed with debt, and during the closing years of his life he was so debilitated as to be obliged to leave everything in the hands of his karbharees. Though his estate was unquestionably badly managed, yet there is.little doubt that many of the complaints against him were got up at the instigation of his elder wife, whose quarrels with her husband were the scandar of the family, and who " thus revenged herself. On the death of Appa Sahib, his younger wife first alleged herself to be ºnceinte, and then applied for permission to adopt. The permission which had been refused to her husband was of course not granted to her, and steps were taken to prevent such a fraud as had been attempted at Tasgaum. As the chief left no issue, his estate lapsed to Government, and a karbharee was appointed for its manage- ment. The lapse was subsequently confirmed by the Secretary of O I 50 State for India, with the remark that in surinjamee estates “succession by adoption is not a matter of right, and in the case of the Southern Maratha jagheers (which are comparatively of recent, origin) when- ever sanctioned it has been as a special reward for services to the State, or good administration of the jagheer. The. Shedbal estate has " never been considered an example of good management, and I there- fore confirm the lapse.” This decision, which was given by Lord Starley, was adhered to by Sir C. Wood on a memorial being pre- sented by the elder widow praying for a reconsideration of the case. As the chief at his death left debts calculated at Rs. 1,80,000, the question arose, how far the creditors had a lien on the estate. The Government was of opinion that, under the circumstances, the creditors were entitled to “the outstanding balances to º of the chief's death, money in the treasury, and other realisableſproperty of the deceased sirdar, in preference to his family, but that they had no claim to the proceeds of the chief's lands after his death. With regard to the private property, it was ruled that “the widows and • family have a right to their own jewels, and beyond this, as carry- ing with them some portion of the dignity of the state, they should be allowed a portion of the state jewels, and the same rule should pre- vail with regard to the rest of the private property. A part should be reserved for the decent maintenance of the widows and family, and the rest assigned to the creditors rateably.” O On this order the Secretary of State retarked as follows.:– “As jagheerdars have been declared incapable of charging their estates beyond their lives, your government is not liable for Nºe debts left by • the late chief. But if the money in the treasury, outstanding balances, and other realisable property of the deceased sirdar proved insuffi- gient to cover the debts, the creditors have a legal claim on the widows for a part, if not the whole, of the jewels and other personal property which has been amicably divided between them; and as it is on every account incumbent on your government to provide for these ladies suitably to their rank, this personal property” should be - allowed to remain with them as part of their provision, your government becom- ing liable to the creditors in their stead to the extent of its value.” * Estimated at Rs. 88,000. I 5.1 ° O The widows were in addition to the above allowed a joint pension of Rs. 11,000 per annum, and certain gardens belonging to their late husband. On the death of the younger widow in 1861, Government. declined to continue her share of the pension to the elder widow, but allówed the latter to hold the garden lands which had been in the possession of the deceased lady. The Kagwar chief’s daughter and only child died in 1860. . By the Kagwar or Shedbal lapse the British government became possessed of an estate valued at Rs. 1, 12,000 per annum. Fifty-six villages were placed under the Belgaum collectorate and fifteen under that of Sholapore, three villages situated in the Poona collec- torate being at once entered at khalsat and placed under the Collector. The RNed estate was brought under the regulations by Act III. of 1863 of bhe Bombay Legislative Council. In conclusion it'may be noted that the elder widow recently intimated to the Political Agefit that she had adopted a son, and was informed that such an adoption could have no effect on the determi- nation of Government already communicated to her, and that the * consequences of any irregular action on her part could not be accept- ed by the authorities. In the propriety of this course the Government, under date the 20th February 1868, fully concurred. E MooDHol-E FAMILY. = rzarzzey were certairº. •. Sorraoyee, _^ - *\s - || - || -- O —l • • –’ - = g - * O 2T - s ^. . L4/coffee. | Avec —r- → - --— -- *. crêjee of Aughee * Farºojee. - Aouz is ſº ºt/ I 53 O MOODHOLE (MUDHAL). The petty state of Moodhole is situated not far from the station of Kulladghee, and has on its east and south the collectorate subordinate to, and ..". that place. To its north lies the estate of the Chief of Jamkhundee, while its west side touches part of the Belgaum collectorate. Unlike most of the states in the Southern Maratha Country, its districts lie withth a ring fence. These districts are known by the name of the Punch Mahal, there being five chief divisions, named respectively Moodhole, Dowleshwur, Jambgee, Machikmoor, and Lokapoor, which contain altogether eighty-one villages. The river Gutpurba runs through the estate, watering in its course about half the total number of villages, and irrigating by its annual floods a considerable amount of land. The Chiefs of Moodhole belong to the "Bhonslay. Ghorepuray family, one of the most ancient and distinguished among the Marathas. The original name is supposed to have been Bhonslay, but it has been almost entirely superseded by the second name, which is said to have been acquired by one of the ancestors of the family, who, under the Bahminee dynasty, succeeded in scaling a fort in the Concan, pre- viously deemed impregnable, by fastening a cord round the body of a Ghorepur or guana. There are numerous branches of the Ghorepuray family, all of whem, however, belong to one or other of the two great divisions—the Saſhkus and the Nowkus Ghorepurays. The origin of this distiiction is doubtful. A family tradition endeavours to account for it by asserting that one of the ancestors of the . Ghorepurays generally had Îwo wives, Qne of whom bore seven Gath), and the other nine (now or nau) sons. The etymology of the name is com- pleted by the statement that the sixteen brothers, in a subsequent- war, distinguished themselves by their transcendent bravery, which was tried as gold is tested, the word used for testing being kusne, which signifies to test by rubbing on the touchstone | From the more prolific wife are descended the Nowkus, and from the other the Sathkus Ghorepurays. To the latter division belong the Moodhole family and that of Bahdoolwaree in the Nizam's territory. The other division is represented by the families of the Kapseekur (the Senaput- tee of the Kolapore state), the Gunjendrugurhkur, and the Dutwarkur, 20 PU O - 154 O The Chief of Soondoor also, and Morar Row of Gooti (the Morari Row who played such a conspicuous part in the Madras presidency in the last century) belonged to this division. The Moodhole family is generally belieyed to A. of Rajpoot origin and to be descended from the Ranas of Oodipoor. There is a • remarkable legend given by Clunes in his historical sketch of the princes of India, which ascribes the satane origin to thé Bhonslay- Ghouepurays and the Bhonslays, to which latter family the famous Sivajee belonged. The tradition is thus given in a foot-nóte to the account of the government of Sattara at page 130 of the work referred to:— O “By the legend it appears that the family, i. e. Sivajee's, traced their pedigree from the famous Bappa Rawul of Chitoor, who reigned over Rajpootana in the year 134 of the Christian era. But as any accounts of his very early descendants do not belong, or are immate- rial to the Maratha history, it may be briefly observed that one of the descendants of Bheemsee, a son of Bappa Rawul, who had settled in Nepaul, returned to the land of his forefathers in 1442, and founded the principality of Doongurpoor and Banswarra. The thirteenth ruler of this race at Doongurpoor, named Abheesee, and styled the Maha Rana, left the government to his sister's son in prejudice of his own children. One of the latter, named Sujunsge, came to the Deccan and entered the service of the king of Bejapoor, who con- ferred upon him the district of Moodhole, comprising 841 villages, with the title of Raja. Sujunsee had four soms, Bajee Raja, ia whose line descendéd the Moodholekur estate ; the second died without family; from Wulubsye is Ghorepuray of Kapsee ; and Sugajee, the 2-youngest, had a son named "Bhosajee, from whom are derived all the Bhonslays.” O In this account Sujunsee is said to be the founder of the Moodhole family. Another account, however, gives Cholerow as the name of the Rajpoot moolpurush or progenitor, white in another tradition he is called Mallojee. - . Wherever the family originally came from, there is no doubt that it held a high position under the kings of Beejapoor. It is universally believed, and apparently correctly so, that one of the 155 * e Adil Shahee dynasty conferred on the family the title of Raja, which it still retains, the privilege of using the moorchuls, and the dignity of exemption from the moojra or obeisance of a subject. Toward/he middle of the seventeenth century the Moodhole family emerges from the dim mists of tradition into the light of authentic history. Sivajee had been for some time secretly taking steps towards laying the fºundation of what was afterwards the Maratha empire, and in A.D. 1649 openly rebelled against. the Beejapoof monarchy. Mahomed Adil Shah, instead of taking measures to suppress the insurrection by force, laid a plan to seize Sivajee's father, Shahjee, by whom he believed the rising had been secretly instigated. Shahjee was at the time engaged in the Carnatic, where Bajee Raja of Moodhole was serving with him. To the latter the king sent orders to seize Shahjee. The order was obeyed. Shah- jee was invited by the Ghorepuray to an entertainment, where he was treacherously seized and sent to Beejapoor. On his arrival there he was urged to suppress his son’s rebellion, and when he professed his inability to do so, declaring that Sivajee, so far from acting on his instructions, was in rebellion against his own father as well-es- against the Beejapoor government, the king, “enraged at his supposed contumacy, ordered him to be confined in a stone dungeon, the door - of which was built up, except a small open- ing, and he was told that if within a certain period hitson did hot submit, the aperture should be for ever closed.” Grant Duffs Owing, however, to the powerful influence brought to bear by Sivajee, Shahjge was released ere long from his dungeºn on giving security, but he was kept a prisoner at large in Beejapoor for four years. At the end of this period the king was induced to allow him to return to his jagheer in the Carnatic—a permission which had long been refused. Shahjee, however, before he was allowed to go was bound down by solemn engagement to refrain from molesting the M oodhoſe jagheer; and in order to induce both parties to bury what had passed in oblivion, Mahomed Adil Shah made them exchange their hereditary rights and imams as deshmookhs, Shahjee giving those he had received in the districts of Kurar, and Bajee Ghorepuray what he possessed in the Carnatic. O 156 r O - - The object, however, of the king was frustrated, as the exchange was never effected, and Shahjee immediately on being liberated wrote to Sivajee:—“If you are my son punish Bajee Ghorepuray of Mood- hole.” Sivajee did not forget his father's injunction, \hough he was unable to act on it immediately. He watched his opportunity, and ... waited nearly ten years for his revenge. In 1661 Ali Adil Shah, the son of Mahomed, had completed an apparently successful com- paign against Sivajee and was about to move into the Carnatic. It was arranged that while he was engaged in that quarter Bajee Ghore- . puray and Bahlol Khan, the Nawab of Savanoor,” should co-operate with the Sawants of Warree against Sivajee. While preparations for this service were going on Bajee returned for a time to his jagheer. Sivajee, who was stationed at Wishalgurh watching the movements of his enemies, heard. of this and madé a rapid march to Moodhole, where he killed Bajee Ghorepuray with most of his relations and followers, and burned and plundered the town, after which he returned in triumph to Vishalgurh. . Some years after this, when Sivajee had proclaimed himself Raja, -be-became anxious to bury past animosities amongst those of his own race, and to unite all Marathas against the Mussulmans. With this view he addressed a long letter to Mallojee, son of Bajee Ghorepuray, which was extant not many years ago. In this letter he recapitulated the various causes which had cºmbined to create dissension between the Bhonslays and the Ghorepurays, and en- deavoured to bring about a better feeling by-pointing out J Mallojee the advantages that would accrue from overlooking the past, and abandoning the fortunes of the Patans of Beejapoor who were holding the young king in subjectiºn. The attempt seems to have been in- * effectual, as the Moodhole family held aloof from the new empire for some generations. After the fall of Beejapoor and the subversion of the Adil Shahee dynasty by Aurungzebe in A.D. 1686, Mallojee Ghorepuray was confirmed in his possessions by the Mogul emperor. What little is known of the family for some time after this may best be given in the words of Mr. G. W. Anderson, in his report on * Or more correctly speaking the ancestor of the Nawab of Savanoor, which place had not yet come into the hands of the family. y 157 • the Chieftains of the Southern Maratha Country, submitted to Government in 1832, as follows:– © - “Mallojee, was succeeded by his son Akojee, who left two children, of º the yºunger, Bajee, murdered his elder brother and took forcible possession of the jagheer, but was soon after expelled by the mankurees and zemindars, and forced to return to his patri- mony at Dheer.” e° Mallojee, Peerajee's son, was then placed on the musnud. His life was a long and eventful one. He was contemporary with all the Peshwas, from Ballajee Wishwanath to Bajee Row Ruggonath, and distinguished himself much by his bravely in many actions. The Peshwa's records at Poona show that, probably, as is generally “reported, to save himself from the imposition of chouth on his jagheer, he consented, in 1761, to serve with 250 horse. . He failed, however, to act up to his agreement, and his estate was in consequence attached in 1766. It appears to have been restored to him in the following year as a surinjam on the condition of his serving with 150 horse. He had previously served the Peshwas, as the accounts for 1755 show that payments were made to him for the support of 250 horse, amºr" he is said to have taken an active part in the operations of which the Carnatic was the scene in the following years. Besides the above, the Moodhole chief in 1778 received in surinjam the districts of Indee, Tambee, and Almélla, yielding a revenue estimated at Rs. 1,73,900. The surinjin was if the name of Mallojee, but Narayen and Mahadjee Ghoreputay were entered as sub-holders and bound to furnish 100 horse each, the total amount of the contingent required" being 700 sowars. The thfee districts were held by Mallojee during his life, and after his death were assigned, in 1814, to Bappoojee Gunesh Gokle. Mallojee, with his younger brothers Sunkrajee and Ranoojee, distinguished themselves in the operations against the English in 1779, when the Bombay authorities made their unfortunate attempt in favour of Rºggonath Row, generally known as Ragoba. When the English made the disastrous retreat from Tullygaum, which pre: ceded the humiliating convention of Wurgaum, during the action that took place Ranoojee was killed and Mallojee was wounded. In con- sequence of this the village of Pursulgee was granted to Ranoojee's son Bhyrjee Row. Sunkrojee about the same time received a surinjam O 158 O grant, comprising the districts of Bilghee, Beedree, and Tekoteh, of the estimated value of Rs. 60,000 per annum, on the terms of furnishing 112 horsemen. It was probably in, consequence of his exertions on the same occasion that Mallojee, in 1780, received an inam grant of the village of Nandgaum in the Sattara talooka. He had previously, in 1778, received a grant of 'certain rights in the village of Koomteh in the Korehgaum district. The sonnection, however, of the Moodholkur with these villages dates from a much earlier period. The family duftur contains a deed, dated.A.D. 1533, in which half the Patelkee of Koomteh is assigned to Sunkrajee and Mallofee, the sons of Bajee. Raja, and also a copy of an order from the Beejapoor king, * dated A.D. 1678, to the deshmookh and desh- panday of Waee, directing that the share in the patelship of the. same village should be continued hereditarily in the Ghorepuray family. With regard to Nandgaum, the present Risaldar, of His Highness the Kolapore Raja's horse is in possession of an original Persian deed, dated A.D. 1643, in which Bajee, Khundojee, and Amba- jee Ghorepuray agreed to their brother.Vittojee enjoying the patel- —ship of that village hereditarily on account of his seniority. It may be here mentioned that of the above grants only the village of Koomteh and a half share of Nandgaum” remain in the possession of the family. When the English became possessed of the Peshwa's territory they found Bilghee and Purstilghee held by the descendants of Sunkrojee and Ranoojee. Both, however, were resumed in consequence of the failure of direct heirs, the" former in 1820 and the latter in 1845. The districts of Biddree and Tekoteh had been previously resumed by the Peshwa in A.D.-1804-5. We next hear of Mallojee Ghorepuray in 1795, when all the Maratha chiefs assembled for the last time under the orders of the Peshwa. The Nizam had declared war against the Marathas, and the Peshwa, Mahadoo Row Narayen, with his famous minister Nana Furnuwes, marched against him and defeated him signally at the ... rol." & " e g º T * The name of the king is not given, but from the date it must have been Šikunder Adil Shah. © It is not known how the rights in Koomteh expanded into the possession of the whole village, and, conversely, how the grant of Nandgaum diminished to a half share in that village. 159 battle of Kurdla. In this engagement Mallojee and his eldest son Govind Row were on opposite sides, and are said to have met in a hand-to-hand encounter. Accounts differ as to which was on the side of the */ºr and which on that of the Nizam. Mr. Anderson, in the report aſbove refered to, makes out that Mallojee had for some time previously been in the Nizam's service, which he did not leave till after the battle of Kurdla, and that his son afterwards entered it and received the purgunna of Petree in surinjam. The family tradition,” however, states that Mallojee remained continuously on the Maratha side, and that Govind Row had, in consequence of a quarrel with his father, joined the Nizam and received the sui'injam before the action at Kurdla. O We have little detailed notice of the Moodholekur after this event, all that is known of his subsequent actions being that he distin- guished himself-and was desperately wounded in one of the battles with Holkar in 1802. " During the time that Mallojee was in Poona his grandson, Narayen Row, son of Govind Row, remained with him, and the estate was managed Joy Mahar Row, Mallojee's second son. His administration was marked by great cruelty. It is recorded tim- on one occasion he collected about a hundred men and beheaded them in a row to strike terror into the minds of some of their comrades, who were given to plunder, and frequently prevented the realisation of the revenue. It consequence of these cruelties the Mankurees ... . . . . " and principal inhabitants of Moodhole “request- ºt. * ed Narayen Row, who still lived with his grand- father at Poona, to come and take possession of the estate. Narayen Row accordingly set out from Poona, and on his way to Moodhole was joined by a great number of the lead- ing men. Some of the partizans of Mahar Row himself deserted * In a historical sketch of Moodhole, drawn up by Mr. Gunesh Dhonedeo, the moonsiff at that place, the following account is given of the quarrel —“Mallojee had four sons, the eldes of whom, named Govind Row, was very fond of hunting. One day he requested his father's permission for an increased allowance of grain for his horse, which his father refused, with a sharp remark, in jest, that it would be more honour able for a Maratha sirdar to earn his horse's chundee with the sword than to depends for it upon relations. Govind Row, who was not an unworthy son of his father, took the words in earnest, fled towards Hyderabad, and entered the service of the Nizam, where he soon distinguished himself and obtained in jagheer the district of Pathreed. PHe died about A. D. 1770.” O O | 60 over to Narayen Row's side. Mahar Row, finding himself unable to offer any resistance, fled to Kolapore and offered the Raja a large sum of money to assist him in regaining possession of Moodhole. The Raja consented and sent out a party of men º: purpose. A scuffle ensued in which Mahar Row was defeated and put to flight. He fled towards Nagpore and thence to Gwalior, where he was entertained by Sindia.” He returned afterwards from thence, as will be-presently seen. Mallojee died in A.D. 1805, but his name was still kept on in the Peshwa's duftur as the holder of the estate. In 1816 his son Narayen Row died, leaving three sons, Govind Row, Luximon Row, and Wenkut Row. The last named, though the youngest of the three, was the only son of the eldest of the two wives of Narayen Row. The three brothers were at Moodhole, where their father died; and Govind Row immediately claimed the succession as being the eldest. On his claim being resisted by Venkut Raw's mother, he repaired to Poona, whither he was followed sobn after by his younger brother. The question of the succession was referred to the Peshwa, who, however, passed no decision on the matter. Wenkut Row's -mother notwithstanding, by bribery and intriguing, seems to have put a stop to the prosecution of Govind Row's claim, and to have got her son tacitly recognised as his father's successor. Govind Row was provided for by a command of horse under Bappoo Gokla, and with his second brother followed the Peshwa's fortunes, when the war with the English broke out. He was said to have been killed with his commander at the battle of Ashteh in 1818. Luximon Row, on the fall of the Peshwa, made off to Baroda, where he took service under the Guicowar, and thus Mr. Elphinstone, when settling the country, found Wenkut Row in possession of Moodhole, ahd accordingly concluded with him the engagements given at length in Aitchison's Treaties, Engagements, and Sunnuds, vol. vi. p. 173. By the terms • of this agreement he was bound to keep up a contingent of 20 horse;” to continue all rights in his jagheer, and never to resume without the sanction of the British government; to administer strict justice *ānd put down crime, or, failing that, to submit to such arrangements "as the Government should think proper; and never to entertain troops * In 1848 it was arrranged that the Raja should make an annual cash payment of Rs. 2,671-14, being the amount of the yearly salary of 10 sowars, the other 10 being entirely dispensed with. See “Treatics and Engagements” as above, p. 68. {61 O O - for the purpose of engaging in a contest, but to refer all disputes of Government, and to abide by its decision. . º About this time Mahar Row appears to have returned, and he and his grghd-nephew quarrelled bitterly, the former claiming a share of the estate, which the other refused. Mr. Thackeray in 1820 induced the parties to come to his camp at Bagulcote, and it . was finally arranged that Mahar Row was to be allowed to hold Machiknoor, and to get other villages which, in all, would yield him an income of Rs. 5,000. The dispute was thus settled for the time, and Mahar Row remained quiet for the rest of his lifetime. Nothing occurred worthy of note in Moodhole for some years after this. In 1826, however, Mr. Elphinstone, the governor, was surprised to •ieceive a communication from a place in Khandeish, purporting to be written by Govind Row, who was supposed to have been killed at Ashteh. The writer, who declared he was Govind Row, stated that he had been severely wodnded in the battle, but that he concealed him- self, and after six months, having quite recovered from his wounds, went to visit the sacred plages of Hindustan, whence he had now returned. He accordingly claimed his rights as the eldest son of the late Narayen Row. The Commissioner in the Deccan, on being direct- ed to inquire into the matter, referred to Wenkut Row, who did not deny that this person might be his half-brother, but insisted that he himself had been •confirmed in the jagheer by the late Peshwa. The soi-disant Govind Row was then desired to proceed to Poona, and afterwardslo Dharwar, tº prove his identity, and an inquiry was instituted by the Political Agent, from which it appeared that Govind Row's wife was so assured of the identity of the claimant with her husband that she had joined him and was living with him as his wife. A large number too of persons, who had known Govind Row well in *- his youth, declared that the man who had so strangely appeared on the scene was the veritable eldest son of Narayen Row. The Government. on this remarked “that though the story of Govind Row's recovery when left for dead, and of his then retiring to Hindustan and remaining there for nine years, instead of coming in and claiming his hands of the new government, be in the highest degree improbable, yet the testimony borne by different persons to his identity renders his case worthy of a full and deliberate inquiry.” The Political Agent was therefore directed to call on the alleged Govind Row to produce his 21 PU O | 62 O proofs and to confront him, with Venkut Row's people. It was, how- ever, laid down that as Wenkut Row had been confirmed in the jagheer of which he was found in possession on the subversion of the Peshwa's government, and as a formal agreement had been convuded between him and the British government, his title to the jagheer would, in any case, be unimpaired. The Political Agent was therefore requested to report what property, exclusive of the jagheer, the soi-dasant Govind Row would be entitled to, according to Hindoo law, in the event of his proving his identity. The matter, however, remained, unsettled for two years longer. In the beginning of 1829 Sir John Malcolm, who had succeeded Mr. Elphinstone as governor of Bombay, made a tour through the Deccan and Southern Maratha Country. He was met at Beejapoor, among other chiefs, by Wenkut Row, who begged him to inquire into the claims that had been advanced. The local authorities reported unfavourably of the pretensions of the claimant, and the governor then requested sôme of the principal chiefs in his camp to form themselves- into a punchayet, and pass a decision in the case. Their unanimous yerdict was against the soi- -disant Govind Row, who accordingly was banished from the Deccan as an impostor. The wife of the late Govind Row, notwithstanding this, refused to believe that the man was any one but her real husband, and followed the impostor into banishment. The justice of the pun- chayet’s decision was generally acknowledged, arfd now it is well known that the impostor was a Gossain, who ‘bore a remarkable resemblance to the deceased Govind Row. The ideº, , of the imposition is,said to have occurred to him from Luximon Row's sister, at Baroda, having on one occasion seen him and remarked his resemblance to her deceased brother. Luximon Row, Strange to say, seems to have backed up, the pretensions of the impostor, possibly with a view to paving the way for the pretensions he himself advanced some years afterwards. It may be remarked here that Maratha Perkin Warbecks generally obtain surprising credence. Twelve years aftef the battle of Paniput a Kanoja Brahmin personated Sew- dashew Row Bhow, commonly known as the Bhow Sahib, who had been killed at that action, and was able to collect twenty thousand men to support his claims. Again, when Chitoor Sing, brother of the Raja of Sattara, was treacherously seized in 1812 by Trimbukjee Danglia and thrown into the fort of Kangooree in the Concan, a 163 O O Gossain personated him, took the fort of Prucheetgurh, and raised a formidable insurrection which the Peshwa's troops were never able to quell completely. When Prucheetgurh was taken by the English in 1818 the yetended Chitoor Sing was found there. For some ten years after the event above narrated the affairs of Moodhole did not come, prominently to notice in any way. During the succeeding decade, however, it occupied a good deal of the attention of the agency. A dispute arose between the M achik- noorkur and his mother, which had to be investigated by Mr. H. L. Anderson (now Sir H. L. Anderson, K.C.S.I.), the assistant political agent. Mahar Row, the settlement of whose quarrel with Venkut Row Raja has been narrated above, died in 1831, leaving a widow, and a son, Govind Row. The former managed the estate, and after taking over charge demanded the other villages which the Raja had promised to give to Mahar Row. This demand the Raja refused, and in justification of his proceeding produced a bond in which Mahar Row relinquished his claim to the other villages besides Machiknoor, and agreed to receive a sum sufficient to make his yearly income amount to Rs. 5,000. which, as Machikmoor was estimated at Rs. 800, would leave Rs. 4,200 to be paid in cash. . In 1840 the Raja paid this amount to Govind Row direct instead of to the mother of the latter. This led to the matter being referred to the agency, and a thorough inquiry being instituted into the management of the estate by Mahar Row's widow, which showed that she had shamefully mismanaged her son’s property, and had incurred heavy debts on its security for purposes, unconnected with the estatº, The result was that Govind Row was allowed to assume charge of his estate, he making an allowance of Rs. 100 per mensem to his mother. It was decided at the same time that the former was not responsible for the debts his mother had so unauthorisedly incurred. O In 1844. Luximon Row, at the instance, it is said, of a dissatis- fied carcoon of his brother's, laid claim to a share of the jagheer, and the superiority due to him as elder of the two brothers. Owing to certain delays in getting the necessary papers, the final report on the case was not sent to Government till four years after. In it Mr. Anderson detailed the circumstances of the case very clearly, and gave , 164 it as his opinion that, looked at abstractedly, the merits of the case were in favour of Luximon Row's claim, as, in default of Govind Row, who fell at Ashteh, he was unquestionably the eldest son of Narayen Row Raja. Venkut Row denied his brother's seniorityVn the ground that he himself (Venkut Row) was the son of the senior wife, The shastree's opinion, however, was clear that “the child who first sees the light is the eldest, whether he be the son of a senior or a junior wife,” and this opinion was confirmed by precedents. Notwithstanding this, Mr. Anderson submitted that, after the lapse of so many years, Luximon Row's claim could not be heard. The Government cofi- curred in this view, and their decision was subsequently fully approved by the Co urt of Directors, which observed that it was “ impossible, espe- cially at this distance of time, to supersede the rights held by the " present Raja under an express grant from Mr. Elphinstone.” Luxi- mon Row appealed vehemently against this decision, bºt shortly after- wards died. In the course of this inquiry a discovery was made that reflected considerable discredit on Venkut Row Raja. A couple of years before the date of the report above referred to, Mr. Anderson Tad investigated a dispute of very long standing between Venkut Row and the Dessainee of Lokapoor. The latter had been for years claiming the district of Lokapoor as being her’s on inam tenure, whereas the g Raja asserted that she held it only on a lease. So long ago as 1834 the case had been submitted to a punchayet which decided in the Raja's favour, but the dispute still continued, and was fifally º by Mr. Anderson in 1846. During the investigation into the case, the Raja produced a sunnud purporting to be a grant of the five Mahals from the Badshah. When Luximon Row's taim had to be inquired into Mr. Anderson remembered this document and called for its produc- tion. To this the Raja"replied that it was lost and had never been in his possession The fact appears to have been that, as was gene- ‘rally supposed, the sunnud that had been produced was a forgery. There were other matters which at this period "brought down The displeasure of Government on Venkut Row Rajay. During the years 1839, 1840, and 1841 a number of serious gang-robberies were committed in the neighbourhood of Moodhole by men belonging to that place. In one of these cases the Magistrate traced a quantity of the 1.65 O O stolen property to a village in Moodhole, and found reason to suspect that Wenkut Row Rajay had harboured the Öffenders generally and was in league with, them. The matter was formally inquired into, and reported to Gyernment, which recorded its opinion that “there exists the strongest possible grounds for suspecting that the Raja of Mood- hole has connived at the several gang-robberies which have been traced to "persons in his disticts;” that, however, “he cannot be accused directly of such connivance, but his administration can be charged with a total want of co-operation in detecting and appre- hending robbers traced into the territory and taking refuge there.” The resolution went on to express extreme regret at the lax and un- satisfactory manner if which the administration of the state was con- ducted, which, Government remarked, was entirely attributable to the “supineness and culpable indifference” of the Raja, who was warned that he could not be permitted to continue such a course of conduct when the effect was so injurious to British subjects. It was pointed out to Venkut Row that he held his jagheer on terms requiring him to do justice, and he was inſormed that, as the paramount power, a responsibility rested with the Government of seeing justice dome- Finally an intimation was given to him that, unless a change for the better took place, it might “be necessary to take steps that would in a great measure diminish an authority which he seemed so little inclined to use for the benefit of the public interests.” The Warning was not altogether without its due effect, and some. time afterwards Mr. H. L. Anderson reported that the administration of Moodhole had improved. On more than one occasion, however, subsequently the chief's conduct was brought unfavourably to the notice of Government for oppression and injustice, and at last when, in April 1850, the Raja released a man who had been apprehended with stolen property, the Political Agent reported that in his opinion “the time had arrived for the adoption of some measures for securing a better police administration” of the jagheer. . In reply to this Government observed that by the 7th article of the terms granted to the Raja in 1819 it had a clear, right to make such arrangements as it deemed proper under the circumstances, but thât it would only impose a fine at first as a warning to the Raja, and the Political Agent was requested to state his opinion as to the amount of \ O 166 fine to be levied. On the, matter being referred to Mr Manson, the assistant political agent, he suggested that Rs. 5,529-5-6 should be exacted from the Raja, being the amount of unrecovered stolen pro- perty in the case in question. Mr. Reeves, the politidal agent, how- ever, thought this amount insufficient. He submitted to Government a report commenting most unfavourably on the Raja's character, and suggested that the fine should be fixed ºf Rs. 1 1,000. * * * Fortunately for the Raja at this juncture a change took place in the agency, and Mr. Reeves was succeeded by Mr. J. D. Inverarity. The latter gentleman, on being referred to by Government, gave an opinion widely differing from that of his predecessor, and reported that the chief had not received that countenance and support from the . agency to which he was entitled, as the akbarnuwees or government news-writer at Moodhole had been allowed to interfere to an extent that destroyed the chief's authority, and was, in the habit even of adressing the Raja officially on terms of equality. Mr. Inverarity then commented on the specific charges against the Raja, explaining them in a manner more favourable to the latter. He protested against the power given to the news-writer, and urged that due support should be given to the Raja. These views were fully approved by Government and the Court of Directors, who expressed themselves willing to give the Moodholekur another chance. Not long after this, in December 1854, Venkut Row Raja died. Notwithstanding the bad name he bore at one time with the authorities in consequence of the defectiveness of his police arrangements, and the grave suspicions that attached to him of not only laarbouring rob- bers, but actually conniving at their lawless deeds, he seems in many respects to have been a fair sample of a Maratha ruler, and he was considered by the natives the best ruler in the Southern Maratha Country. He was on the whole, Captain (now Lieutenant Colonel) G. S. A. Anderson reported in 1861, a liberal landlord, and his ryots were generally better off than those of the other jagheer states. The assessment was light, and Brahmin influence was not so strong as in the Putwurdhun surinjams. He was unfortunately served by bad officials, and certain evil-disposed persons made it their study to give an unfavourable colouring to his administration. His personal I67 O character was such as to make him pºpular among his country- men. He was an expert horseman and fond of field sports, and in conversation he showed great readiness of repartee. His character Was, howeverymarked by a not uncommon Maratha failing—that of extreme credulity, and during the latter years of his life he was much victimized by impostors, who undertook to cure by charms a stiff arm he had, and to find buried treasure. Venkut Row was succeeded by his son Bulwunt Row Baba Sahib, who at the time of his father's death was thirteen years of age. After Venkut Row's death a document was found purporting to be a sort of will in which he expressed his wish that the work of the state should be carried on by his son with the assistance of the kar- bharees. Some doubts arose as to the genuineness of this document, and it was decided finally that the appointment of a servant of Government as karbharee of the Moodhole estate during the minority of the young chief was imperatively demanded, as the Government, bearing in mind the character of the late Raja’s administration, could place no confidence in any officer subordinately connected With it. and also remembered the fact that the history of the agency in the Southern Maratha Country was “fertile in instances of gross pecula- tion and mismanagement by relations and karbharees when entrusted with the administration during minorities.” This decision was of course extremely distasteful to those who had expected to hold the reins of pºwer, and a letter was sent to Government in which the young chief applied to have the provisions of his father’s will carried into effect. The application, however, was without effect, as the Governor in Cofncil considered that the Raja in making it was only an instrument in the hands of others, and the authorities felt assured that it was for the minor's own interests that the arrangements for the administration of the estate should be carried out as ordered. Accordingly a government karbharee was appointed, and arrange. ments were made for the Raja’s education. A tutor was procured for him from Bombay, and he was carefully educated, receiving-instruc- tion in English among other subjects. In 1856, during the Huk inquiry, conducted by Mr. Chapman, which has been so frequently referred to in these pages, forged O I 68 accounts were submitted from Moodhole, as had been the case during the previous inquiry in 1844. The Chief being dead under whose administration these discreditable proceedings had taken place, the Government merly prohibited the payment of further' ompensation, and directed the refund of Rs. 8,497-4-1, the amount W. to have been fraudulently obtained. O e e During the minority of the young Raja several improvements were effected in his estate. The current coin of the district had been the Peerkhanee rupee,” but the late Raja, two years before his death, had given orders that the revenue should be levied in Government currency. The preliminary steps towards this. desirable result had been taken when the chief died, but all the arrangements had to be completed, and the change of currency had to be introduced by the karbharee, Kristmajee Bullal. This delicate operation he managed successfully, though at first many complaints arose. He also made a revenue settlement which increased the revenue of the state by Rs. 2,000 per annum, without harassing the ryots. In his administra- ion of justice and police arrangements the karbharee did not give so much satisfaction. The Political Agent reported unfavourably on his conduct in connection with a most atrocious murder that took place near Moodhole, and his unfavourable remarks were endorsed by Government. The elaborate investigation, however, into the case referred to, and the karbharee's administration generally, by Captain G. S. Anderson, showed that due allowances had not beeſ made for the position in which Kristmajee Bullal was placed at Moodhole, with incompetent officials wedded to a loose and defective style of work, and disposed to combine strongly against the Government kar- bharee. In consequenca of Captain Anderson’s report the Government modified the opinion formerly expressed on the subject, and agreed with the acting Political Agent in thinking that, all things considered, Kristmajee Bullal’s administration of the estate was creditable to him, though it was still held that his proceedings in connection with the murder ease were not satisfactory. g * According to the mint valuation standard the value of the Peerkhanee rupee is 13-605 per cent. below that of the new Bombay currency. 169 O It should be mentioned that during, the eventful period of the Indian mutiny the state of Moodhole remained quiet, with the excep- tion of an attempt made by the Beruds of the village of Hulgullee to resist the opeyation of the Disarming Act. The insurrection, which extended no further, was promptly quelled by a party of the Southern Maratha Horse and a company of the 28th Regiment N. I. The cost of suppressing the rising was.afterwards recovered from the state. In the beginning of 1861 the young chief was entrusted with the management of his estate. At the time of his father's death the treasury contained a cash balance of Rs. 45,642-13-2 ; the debts chargeable to the estate amounted to Rs. 24,873.9-6, and the debts due to the chief to Rs. 51,380-1-0, of which, however, only Rs. 24,886-3-8 were supposed, to be recoverable.—(The amount ac- tually recovered was Rs. 28,400-13-4). The debts were paid off, and during the minority the average annual excess of receipts over expen- diture amounted to Rs. 44,208, so that the young Raja came into his estate with a cash balance of "upwards of three lakhs of rupees in hand. Half of this sum the chief invested in Government securities, with the intention of devoting the interest to the prosecution of public works. © & Bulwunt Row Raja was spared but a short time to the enjoy- ment of his estate. On the 27th March 1862 he died suddenly, leaving two children—a girl,” aged five years, and an infant son of one year ºld named Venkut Row. The event was much lamented, as the young Raja had given promise of being one of the best chiefs in the Southern Maratha Country. His administratién of justice was most satisfictory, and he had shown much interest in the pro- secution of public works and the spread of education. In the words of the Governor's letter of condolence to the widow, it was a source of sincere regret “ that a chief who promised to be such a wise ruler and such a bright example to his fellows should have been cut off at the early age of twenty-one.” Q * Married some time before her father's death to a nephew of the Rºja of Körå- pore, who was present on the occasion with all his retinue, this being the first time, it is said, that a member of Sivajee's family visited Moodhole since Bajee Raja's death, or indeed had any friendly intercourse with the Moodholekur. 22 pu O | 70 Immediately after the death of Bulwunt Row Raja, his widow sent a letter to the Assistant Political Agent, informing him that her husband on his deathbed had expressed his wish that she, together with the karbharee and the moonsiff, should carry the adminis- tration of the estate during the infant chief's minority. It had been found, however, that karbharees in charge of minors' estates, unless made directly responsible to Government, almost invariably betrayed their trust. It was feared that if the widow’s wishes in the present case were attended to, and the officials were made responsible to her alone, there would, in consequence of her total inexperience, be no check whatever on their proceedings. It was accordingly directed by Government that the karbharee and moonsiff should carry on the administration of the estate, consulting the widow on all reasonable" occasions, and being guided as far as feasible by her wishes, but being held directly responsible to the political authorities: A me- morandum of instructions was then drawn up for the guidance of the two officials, defining their several duties, and the new arrangements were at once carried into operation. O & P - sº During the late chief's lifetime a discussion had commenced regarding his inam villages of Koomteh and Nandgaum in the Sattara collectorate, to which it had been intended to apply the provisions of the Act for the summary settlement of imams. The Raja contended that these inams were secured to him by treaty, but the Govern- ment declined to take this view of the case. It was intimpted to the Raja, however, that if he desired it, his "villages and lands in the Sattara collectorate would be excluded from the summary settlement, “on the grounds that they were held on a political tenure.” This intimation caused considérable perplexity to the chief. He could not emancipate his mind from the idea that these villages were really guaranteed to him by treaty, and he feared that the admission that he held them merely on a political tenure would affect his title to them. At one time he thought of proposing to exchange these villages for others of equivalent value in the Belgaum collectorate, but his death prevented any steps being taken towards this end. The case was then laid before Government, which decided that, for political reasons, they complied with the late chief's request that these imams should 17 | • O be considered as forming part and portion of the Moodhole estate, and that therefore the summary settlement should not be applied to them. With regard to the question which had arisen whether Koomteh should be brought under the regulations, it appeared to the Governſent that * while a karbharee appointed by Government was in charge of Moodhole, the most obvious mode of conducting the police and magisterial work of the village during the young chief's minority would be to place it under the regulations and in the Sattara magistracy, the jagheerdar's agent at the spot being appointed a subor- dinate of the 1st or 2nd class according to his fitness. Had the late chief survived,” it was observed, “this might have been felt as frksome, but it will not be felt-so by the young chief, nor by the people of the village, if the karbharee and local agent now, and the young chief after- wards, be invested with jurisdiction in civil suits in the village.” The Moodhole estate has now been six years under the manage- ment above described. Careful arrangements have been made for the young chief's education, and for the proper administration of his estate. The districts have been measured and the land classified by the revenue survey, and a one-anna cess for educational purposes and public works has been sanctioned and introduced. A considerable sum is being spent every year in public works, of which a detailed account is given else- where, and such of the large surplus receipts as are not devoted to this purpose are invested in Government securities. There is therefore every ground for hoping that when Venkut Row Raja is old enough to be invested with full powers he will be found well qualified for the duties of his high position. His finances will be in a move prosperous state than was esſer the case with any of his ancestors, and he will reap the benefit of the expenditure that has been incurred on account of public works in the increased prosperity of his estate, and the en- hanced contentment of his ryots. PEDIGREE OF THE BHAWAY FAMILY. Dadajee. • .* | Ram Row. - ºn Row. Yogee Row. | Dadajee Row. O o Govind Row. Bhaskur Row. Ram Row. Venkut Row. O Y —— | Narayen Row. } O * Dadajee Row. f bass Row. O d | | assº Ram Row. • * * | Bhaskur Row. Hurreehur Row. d; O Yogee Row. { } N.B.-A dotted lime thus: signifies adopted. A mark thus 3 signifies died without male issue. 173 O Q THE BHAWAY FAMILY PRIOR Tó. THE FALL OF THE PESHWAS. Among the numerous forts erected by Sivajee, when laying the foundation of the Maratha Empire, were Nurgoond and Ramdroog, which are said to have been built about A.D. 1674 or 1676. They formed part of the charge of "Ramchunder Neelkunt Bowrakur, the Punt Amatya, who entrusted them to the care of a Keerwunt Brah- min named Appajee Sooroo, the ancestor of the present Hebleekur. When Aurungzebe, after the death of Siyajee, overthrew the. Beeja- poor and Golconda dynasties, and seized their possessions, these ..forts among others fell into his hands in A.D. 1691-92 and were held by his troops for some fifteen years. Appajee Sooroo during this period engaged the services of a Chitpawun Brahmin . named Ram Row Dadajee Bhaway, whose posterity was destined to become the possessors of Nurgoond and Ramdroog to the exclusion of that of his master. Tradition says that the latter was led to proghosticate the future greatness of his new, retainer by finding a snake one day watching over him as he lay asleep. Either for this, or for the more ordinary reason that he had observed his talents and assiduity, Appajee, as he lay at Teygoor, near Dharwar, watching the movements of the Moguls, learned to place considerable.confidence in Ram Row—a feeling which was naturally ifeightened when the latter, taking advantage of a juncture when the garrison of Nurgoond and Ramdroog were in a state of discontent at their pay being left in arrears, managed, in A.D. 1706-7, to recover the two forts for his master. - Appajee Sooroo on this resumed his former charge, in which he was confirmed, and collected the chouth of the surrounding district. As he grew older he placed more and more confidence in Ram Row, who was subsequently, at his master's solicitation, invested formally with the charge of the two forts. It was probably through Appajee's interest also that Ram Row received from Sumbajee, Raja of Koła- pore (the son of Raja Ram and grandson of Sivajee) the title of Punt Suchew, which the former had previously been invested with by Raja Ram. When Appajee Sooroo died in 1728, leaving an adopted | t | Q 174 9 son, Bulwunt Row, Ram Row acted as guardian to the latter, but managed the Surinjam in his own name with the assistance of his nephew Dadajee, whom he had summoned from the Concan. Dadajee seems to have devoted himself at first chiefly to military operations, by the success of which he increased his reputation as well as enhanced his resources. On one occasion when he assisted the Nawab of Savanore against the Gudwalkur Nawab he received the turuf" of Konoor in inam from the former chief, who on another occasion bestowed upon him kusba Jadruheblee for a similar service. We also find records of grants of villages from the Torgul chief and the Dessaees of Budamee, Dummul, and Nurgoond in return for assist- ance and protection. His abilities and success were recognised by an order of the Raja Sumbajee's, dated A.D. 1734, which directed that he should have the whole Sirkaree umul between the rivers Gutpurba and Toombuddra. © . " Some twelve years after the death of Appajee Sooroo, Ram Row left the administration in the hands of Dadajee and went on a pilgrim- age to Benares, accompanied by his son Yogee Row, but died on the way. Yogee Row on his return after two years’ absence found his cousin in possession of the surinjam and procured his assassination, an act which led to a long-continued feud between the two branches of the family. Yogee Row was not left long in possession of the estates thus acquired, as he was shut out of Nurgöond by Bulwunt Row, to whom, in A.D. 1758, the estates were formally made over by the Raja, their value being then rated at. Rs. 2,06,832. Personal surinjams were assigned in addition to Yogee Row and Bhaskur Row, son of the murdered Dadajee. The former received Rs. 28,419, and resided at Kudleekope, while the allowance of the latter was fixed at Rs. 12,000, including the village of Eedgul, where he took up his abode. Bulwunt Row was bound to furnish 300 and Yogee Row 50 horse. For some years Bulwunt Row remained undisturbed, but the Bhaway family were not satisfied with their subordinate position. Having considerable interest with the Peshwa, Mahadoo Row Bullal, they laid their case before him, and in 1761 succeeded * A third of the revenue was retained by the Nawab and afterwards came into the possession of the Peshwas, | { . 175 O Q in their efforts. The estates were made over in surinjam * to Yogee Row and Bhaskur Row, on condition of paying a nuzzur of Rupees 1,00,001 to the Peshwa. To Bulwunt Row was assigned an allowance of Rs. 12,00), in lieu of which, however, his descendants managed in 1791-92 to secure the town of Heblee rated at Rs. 20,000, where their representatives are still extant, the present Hebleekur being a second cláss”Sirdar. .* What follows may best be narrated in the words of the report submitted by Mr. G. W. Anderson in 1832:— “Through the mediation of Gopeeka Baee, widow of Ram Row, it was agreed that Bhaskur Row should have the management of the Suwusthan, and Yogee Row and his son should be supported by him. On the death of Bhaskur Row in A.D. 1773 the Peshwa's sunnudf was renewed in the names of his adopted son Wenkut Row, and of Yogee Row, the former continuing in possession of the whole estate, and the latter during his life, and after his death his grandson Ram Row, receiving an allowance for their support. . “These arrangements continued in force for 25 years till Hyder Ali reduced the Southern Maratha Country under the dominion of & Mysore in A.D. 1778, when the Nurgoondkur likewise acknowledged the authority of the conqueror. “The conditions of service established by the Peshwa were observed during Hyder's lifetime, but in 1784 Tippoo Sultan made * The “suwustan surinjam,” as it was called, consisted of 76 wiflages valued at Rs. 1,71,114 and mokass bab Rs. 76,137, total Rs. 2,47,251, and was liable to a service of 350 horse. In this and all the other beheras the purgunna of Konoor in the mamle of Torgul (above alluded to as granted from Savamore) was included. It was stipulated that of the revenue of this district, viz. Rs 20,812-8, sixty per cent. or Rs. 12,487-8 should be considered due to the Sirkar as “ jagheer bab.” Of this amount, however, Rs. 5,550 were remitted in consideration of the service devolving on the surinjam, leaving a balance of Rs. 6,937-8 to be paid. The amount was paid regularly enough till the subjugation of the country by Tippoo. After the treaty with that prince the amount, though always entered in the accounts as due, was seldom if ever paid, till 'Primbukjae Dainglia a few years before his master's fall enacted payment with a strong hand. + A muzzurana of Rs. 45,000 was levied by the Peshwa on this occasion. In 1774. Gopeeka Baee, one of the widows of Bhaskur Row, adopted a son without the orders of the Peshwa, who consequently annulled the adoption. Q 176 further demands. These were resisted by Wenkut Row, son of Bhaskur Row, in consequence of which the following year two bodies of troops were ordered to besiege the fort of Nurgoond under Boor- han-ood-deen Kamur-ood-deen, assisted by the Hebleekur and de- tachments from Dharwar, Kittoor, &c. c - “The place was blockaded for seven months, apparently without much prospect of success * and in despite of the remonstrances of Nana Furnuwees; but in the hot weather (May 1786) the water began to fail and further defence appeared impracticable. •Meantime an army of observation had been ordered to the frontier by Nana Furnuwees under Pursheraſh Punt Bhow and Gunesh Punt Byrhee, between the outposts of which and those of the besieging troops a skirmish took place, and though war was not declared, and pacific- explanations were exchanged, a strong supporting force was ordered from Poona under Tookajee Holkar. These vigorous ' measures induced Tippoo to listen to more favourable terms. He agreed to relinquish his late demands on condition of the Nurgoondkur's submission within 27 days, and on this the Marathas returned to Meeruj, while the Mahomedan troops encamped near the Mulpurba. But no sooner had the Nurgoond garrison (compelled by the scarcity of water) surrendered, t than the articles of capitulation were shame- fully violated. Venkut Row, his family and dependents, were seized and carried prisoners to Cabaladroog in Mysore, and his daughter placed in the Sultan's seraglio. Ram Row and his mother escaped and found shelter at Kunkundwadee, a village belonging to the Putwurdhun, family. ... e “The operations of the allied armies, directed by Lord Cornwallis, which ended in the treaty of 1792, restored Venkut Row to liberty. He returned to Nurgooñd and was reinvested by a new sunnud dated 1201 Fusly (A.D. 1791), and running in the names of Venkut Row Bhaskur and Ram Row Govind. | The former retained Nurgoond * The Nurgoondkur was assisted by an Englishman named Yeon (or Yoan), wh9. after the fall of the fort entered the service of Pursheram Bhow, when he organized a battalion, and was killed at the siege of Dharwar in the assault ordered by Colonel Ffederick in 1790. Q t It is said that a heavy shower fell immediately after the fort was given up which filled the reservoirs. f The Peshwa demanded on this occasion a muzzur of Rs. 25,000. 177 O Q with the largest portion of the estate, but through the interest of Pursheram Bhow, Ramdroog was assigned for the maintenance of Ram Row, and this branch of the family thenceforward took the appellation of Ramdroogkur. . “The sunnud granted on the present occasion differed somewhat from that ºf 1172 Fusly (A.D. 1761-62). The mokassa bab, rated at Rs. 76,187, was retained by Government, while the land and other items of revenue were continued, yielding Rs. 1,71,117, of which Venkut Row appropriated Rs. 1,27, 114, comprised in 57 villages, and the remaining 18, estimated at Rs. 26,000, were attached to Ramdroog. The descendants of Bulwunt Row Sooroo retained” the township of Heblee. - - Q “The two branches of the family enjoyed their respective shares in this manner. till 1219 Fusly (A.D., 1810) when Narayen Row, through the personal favour of the Peshwa, asserted his claim to share equally with Venkat Row in the original possessions of the family. In support of these pretensions Bajee Row, when on his pilgrimage to Soondoor, put Narayen Row"in forcible possession of 17 villages, the best in the Suwusthan, receiving a nuzzur of Rs. 1,50,000. The con- tingent was reduced Qn this occasion to 225, of which 113 were to be furnished by Narayen Row and 112 by Venkut Row.” In the early part of the campaign of 1817-18 the Ramdroog chief had some troops with the Peshwa. He soon, however, joined Sir T. Munro and so saved his possessions. Dadajee Row, the Nurgoond- kur, though connected with Gokla by marriage, was friendly to the British from the very commencement of hostilities. Both chiefs, as will be seen, were rewarded by receiving most liberal terms by which they were freed from all claim for service, and their possessions were acknowledged to be “Suwusthan.” . RAMDROOG (RAMDURG). Q There does not appear to be any report extant giving a detailed account of the negotiations carried on with Narayen Row of Ram: droog. The result of the negotiation, however, is to be found ifi * Or rather received it on payment of a muzzur of Rs. 20,000.-E. W. W. 23 PU O - 17S S the agreement given at length in Aitchison’s “Treaties,” &c. vol. vi. p. 171." In this engagement the British government, after a preamble referring to the partition of the Ramdroog and Nºrgoond estates, renounced its claims to the quota of 113 horse which JNarayen Row was bound by the terms of his engagement with jhe Peshwa to furnish, and the chief engaged to pay annually into the Company’s treasury the sum of Rs. 3,468}, being his skare of the jagheer bf Konoor, which it had been stipulated in an agreement with the Peshwa that he should pay. The devolution of the estate to the chief and his heirs was guaranteed so long as he continued in friendship with the Government, and his inam and other possessions within British territories were declared to be continued to him, the Government reserving to itself the right of resuming such imams, &c. within the Ramdroog territory.as should subsequently appear to belong to it. The chief on his part engaged to continue their several rights to the holders of inams and other possessions within his territory, to protect his ryots, and to obey such orders as the Government should deem it necessary to issue in the event of complaints being preferred against - him. Warning was given that in failure thereof, or in the event of the country being from his neglect infested with robbers, &c., the Sirkar would take measures for its better management; and the remaining articles contained the usual engagements on the part of the chief that he would not assemble troops and attack any one without orders, but would refer all disputes to Government without resorting to arms, abiding by its decisions; and that he would not hold any correspon- dence with JBajee Row or other dowlutdar, and would not afford assistance to any disaffected person. The agreement concluded with an article in which the chief further agreed to report all instances in which offenders from. his districts should take refuge in British territory, it being promised that such offenders should be given up after due inquiries, and further to apprehend and deliver up refugee criminals from the Sirkar's country, or to assist any detachment the Sirkar might deem it necessary to send in pursuit of them. * * In that work the agreement in question is dated 9th June 1831 Fuslee. This, however, is an error, the year being 1231 Fuslee, which corresponds with A , D, 1821, | 79 O g Though this agreement is dated June. 1821 it does not seem to have been definitely concluded till somewhat later, as in October 1821 we find Mr. Chaplin approving Mr. Thackeray's intention of confirm- ing to the Ramdroogand Nurgoond chiefs what they have all along en- joyed even without authority.” The letter in question concludes with the following instructions:- —“As the terms proposed are extremely favourable"to-them (the chiefs), you are authorised to resume such part of their lands as may be required to liquidate their respective arrears, and to withhold their sunnuds until they shall have evinced some better sense of the liberality of Government than they have hitherto appeared to entertain.” In accordance with these instructions some of the Ramdroogkur's villages were attached for the non-payment of •the Konoor peshcush, and released in the following year on the measure producing due effect. O The Ramdroog chief showed but little inclination to adhere to the article of bis agreement which prohibited him from taking the law into his own hands in the event of dispute with his neigh- bours. Frequent remonstrances had to be addressed to him for such acts as seizing the subjects of other chiefs and making them. pay money and give Security, or keeping them in prison in con- sequence of alleged grievances on the part of himself or his subjects against these chiefs or their people. These remonstrances had but little effect, as in PS26 Narayen Row, in consequence of a dispute about a bullock, attacked and looted the Torgul village of Arabenchee, killing one man and wounding fifteen. Immediately after this another affray took place between the Ramdroog village of Hebbal and the Nowlgaond village of Javoor in which several lives were lost and a great many persons were wounded. . O On these outrageous proceedings being reported, the Governor in Council remarked that, however violent the behaviour of the chief and his dependents, it was sufficiently conformable to the irregula? practice which had so long subsisted in the Southern Maratha Country to prevent its being viewed as a deliberate defiance of the Govern- ment. It was therefore deemed sufficient to intimate the British government's disapprobation of these proceedings, and to require the chief to make such compensation to the sufferers and their families as O ISO º might seem to be adequate. The Political Agent was accordingly instructed to make due inſpuiries and pass an award. - The decisions passed in obedience to these instructions were duly submitted to and approved by Government, and that relating to the Arabenchee case the Ramdroogkur cqnformed to without very much demur. He refused, however, to act on the award given in the Javoor case until warned by a lefter from the Govérnor that if satisfaction was not given it would be necessary for Government to adopt measures for obtaining it. Immediately on the receipt of this letter the chief paid the sums awarded, and sent to the Political Agent'sunnuds for the grants of lands he had been requested to assign to the families of the killed and those who had been wounded in the course of his late violent proceedings." - On the 15th July 1827 Narayen Row died, leaving issue two daughters, of whom one was married to the Chief of Shedbál and the other was a mere infant. After inquiry as to the tenure on which the estate was held, the Governor considered that the circumstances resembled those of Kittoor, and that therefore the same resolution should be adopted as was done in that instance, viz. that if any de- scendant of the founder of the family could be found the estate should be made over to him, and that the widow should be requested to adopt such a person as the Hindoo law might direct. in reply to this order Mr. Nisbet reported that there were no lineal descendants of Ram Row Dadajee, the founder of the family, and that in the collateral branch the onky descendants were the Chief of Nufgoond and his two sons. As both of these latter were married, they were, Mr. Nisbet considered, ineligible for adoption, even if the widow were.willing to adopt one of them, which it was unlikely she would be, as there had been a bitter feud between the two families of Ramdroog and Nurgoond ever since the murder of Badajee the nephew, by Yogee Row the son, of the founder of the O O * Such affrays, however, were not put a stop to yet. In 1839 another affray attended with loss of life took place between the inhabitants of the Torgul village of Beedkhee and the Ramdroog village of Punchgaum. The chiefs of both states were punished for this, the Ramdroog lady being fined Rs. 1,000, and having to pay for the maintenance of the wife and mother of onc of the men killed. IS i O family. On the receipt of this letter º Government, after some further inquiries, recorded their opinion that as “the persons to whom the custom of the Peshwa's government would have considered as most eligible as successors if it had been determined to keep up the jagheer were persons who have no claim of right to such a succes- sion,” it was “but reasonable” to resume the jagheer, making an ample provision for the widow, to whom all inams and private property should belong; and the Political Agent received instruc- tions accordingly. Neither the widow Radha Baee, however, nor the Nurgoond chief, who had raised a claim to the succession’ to the estate, acquiésced in this decision, and through the estate was sequestrated the former refused to accept any provision, but maintained all the dependents of her late husband, and defrayed the customary expenses from her own funds. •Matters remained in this state till 1829, when the Ramdroog lady and "the Nurgoondkur preferred their claims to Sir John Malcolm, when the latter made a tour as governor through the Southern Maratha Country. Mr. Nisbet was then ordered to report on these claims, and he laid the whole matter very elaborately before Government. He stated that he had convinced the Nurgoondkur of the injustice of his pretensions, and that the latter only reserved his title to succeed in case of the widow dying before adopting a son, and expressed a hope that if an adoption was sanctioned the Baee should be recommended to choose his (the Nurgoondkur's) youngest son. The Ramdroog lady contended that as her husband's estate had always been acknowledged to be a “suwusthan,” it was not liable to be resumed at the will of the Government, like a surinjam, and she solicited leave to be allowed to adopt, pleading the usage of the family as instanced by the cases of her late husband’s and the Nurgoond chief's fathers, both of whom were adopted sons. These pleas Mr. Nisbet considered quite reasonable. He pointed out that the sunnud granted to the late Ramdroogkur was of a higher order than that granted to the holders of estates on service tenure like those of the Put Yurdhuns, and that in it his estate was termed a “suwusthan.” He ºvelt on the fact that the Ramdroogkur though bound by treaty | 82 º -- to furnish a quota of 113 horse to the Peshwa had never done so, and he pointed out that Mr. Elphinstone had been under a mis- apprehension in considering the circumstances of the Ramdroog state to be similar to those of Kittoor. He therefore recommended that the widow should be allowed to adopt a son, and that it should be intimated to her that it was particularly desirable that she should select the youngest son of the Nurgoondkur, she as proprietor by law retaining entire management of the estate during her lifetime. In making this recommendation he remarked that though the Nurgoond chief's son was ineligible for adoption according to the strict principles of Hindoo. law, being married, yet there were numerous examples to show that under the Peshwa this was not considered an insuperable objection. Mr. Nisbet's suggestions were fully approved by Government, which, after directing the removal of the sequestration, recorded its sentiments in the following terms – “3. It appears from Hindoo law. and usage regarding such tenure that if the widow is not permitted to adopt, the right of succession would devolve on the family of Nurgoond. It is also certain that the Government may give or withhold the right of adoption, and if it is granted to the widow under such circumstances, the expectation of its being exercised with reference to the affinity of the Nurgoond family should be stated in a manner that will guard against dis- appointment in an object which is essential..to the termination of a family feud,-conformable to principles of justice, and, though there are many examples to the contrary, accordant with a sense of expediency and right among Hindoos. In proof of this latter fact it is known from undoubted authority that under Native governments whenever the person desiring to adopt passes over those who, from being near relations, are entitled to a preference, heavy bribes are usually added to the accustomed muzzur before they can gain the consent of the paramount authority. O e Gº- O - '-. º . “4. In communicating to you therefore the view which Government has taken of the case at issue, the Governor in Cſ ºncil requests that you will adopt necessary measures to effect a settl ment | S3 O ſ of the succession in the manner most calculated to ensure its successful accomplishment.” . It was not without the greatest difficulty that the Political Agent was able to bring about a settlement in conformity with the policy thus shadowed forth. At length, however, his efforts, together with those of two well known native officials—Ram Row,” formerly akburnuvis'at Kolapore, and Anna Shapoorkur—were successful, and the widow adopted Hurreehur Row, the youngest son of the Chief of Nurgoontl—a lad of 14 years of age, who on his adoption received the name of Ram Row. A formal agreement was drawn up on the occasion by which it was stipulated that the Baee should continue to exercise absolute authority throughout the jagheer, her adoptive son being subject to her, but being treated with every distinction becom- ing his rank, and that, except the young chief's personal attendants and a catcoon"for his education, none of the Nurgoondkur's followers should visit Ramdroog without the Baee's permission. Further pro- visions were made for the contrauance of villages, lands, allowances, &c. to the relations and dependents of the Baee, and she was autho- rised to fix her own allowance in the event of her wishing to reside at Benares. The arrangement thus made was approved by Government, and it was ruled that instead of the full amount of nuzzúrana on adoption, which was calculated by the Political Agent at a lakh of rupees, the amount realised during the time the estate was under resumption, viz. Rs.-94,570, should be taken in lieu of all further demands. The question of succession was thus disposed of, but the mode of settlement gave rise to endless quarrels. Radha Baee seems to have managed her estate, most admirably, aftſ, gave little trouble to Government on that score, but her family disputes were constantly brought to the notice of the authorities. She was jealous, probably with reason, of the influence of her adoptive son's natural relations, and accused the Chief of Nurgoond, his father, and the Koorund- * This person was afterwards, in 1835, accused by the Baee of having Tºd considerable personal violence towards her to force her to consent, and of having extorted Rs. 13,000 from her for himself and his colleague. The charge, however, after due inquiry, was uot proved, - Q 184 º Warkur, his father-in-law, of having extorted from him a bond for Rs. 20,000—a charge, however, which they denied and she was unable to prove. With the young chief her relations were eyen worse than those between adoptive mothers and sons generally seem to be : she dismissed his personal attendants and neglected. his education, and attempts appear to have been made not only to keep him in seclusion and ignorance, but even to lead him info dissipated habits and to degrade him. This course was carried so far that at length, in 1837, Ram Row, then 22 years of age, left Ramdroog with his wife in dis- gust at the treatment he had received, and took refuge at Nurgoond. As it was considered by Government necessary that the Row Sahib should receive a proper maintenance, the opinions on the subject of some of the leading Chiefs in the. Southern Maratha Country were requested. They submitted that as Ram Row had attained his majority he should be put in possession of his" estate. This course, however, was impracticable in consequence of the agreement drawn up at the time of the adoption. In 1840 therefore Government, at the suggestion of the political agent, Mr. Townsend, ordered that villages of the value of Rs. 12,000 per annum, which was considered to be one-fourth of the met income of the estate, should be made over to the adoptive son, together with a sum of Rs. 18,000, being arrears for the three years that had elapsed since he left Ramdroog. In giving these instructions Government ordered that an oppor- tunity should first be given to the Baee of coming to an amicable arrangement. Many efforts were made to bring her to reason, but in vain, and in 1841 Mr. Shaw, the acting political agent, brought the case again to the notice of Government. He considered that the Baee was overwhelmed with debt, and therefore unable to pay such a large income to her adopted son as that suggested by Mr. Town- send, and he therefore proposed that villages of the annual value of Rs. 7,067 should be assigned for the maintenance of the Row Sahib. This was agreed to by Government, which suggested that the arrears payable tº the young chief should be reduced from Rs. 18,000 to Rs. 15,000. O This arrangement was carried into effect in 1842 after com- plaints from both the parties concerned, who continued their disputes 185 O } afterwards and produced a formidable list of grievances, which in 1846 were thoroughly inquired into by Mr. H. L.-Anderson, who submitted a report on the, whole question to Government. In this he showed that Mr. Shaw had been misled by a misrepresentation of the Baee, who stated the gross revenues of her estate to be only Rs. 49,053, whereas they in reality averaged upwards of Rs. 66,000. Radha Babe was also shown to have greatly exaggerated her difficul- ties, and it was demonstrated that the revenues of the three villages assigned to her adopted son fell short by a considerable amount of the sum at which his income was fixed. It was not, however, considered advisable to alter the settlement of 1841, but Government ordered that the Baee should pay annually into the Belgaum treasury a sum of Rs. 1,200, to make up her son’s income to the sanctioned amount, and should further relieve him of certain charges which had hitherto fallen on him. . It was further ordered that she should pay arrears due to him from 1837 to 1842 at the rate originally determined, viz. Rs. 6,000 per annum. This decision was declared final, and the Ramdroog lady was informed, that if she offered any further opposi- tion to it, Government would have no alternative but to enforce compliance. These orders were subsequently fully confirmed by the Court of Directors. * Disputes, however, still went on. The Baee attempted to prove . that the revenue of her son's three villages exceeded the amount fixed by Government for This income, and therefore omitted to pay the Rs. 1,200.annually into the Belgaum treasury. The Row Sahib, on the other hand, contended that his income was not a fourth part of the met revenues of the estäte, and protested accordingly. Both parties had to be informed over and over again that the decision of 1846 was final, and in 1850 the Baee, after being threatened with the attachment of some of her villages in case of non-compliance, paid the arrears of her son's allowance, amounting to Rs. 8,400. The disputes between the mother and son were not often brought prominently to the notice of the authorities after this date, "though’’ Ram Row more than once attempted.to reopen them, and claimed' the management of the estate. He and his adoptive mother con- tinued on bad terms till September 1857, when the latter, on her 24 PU {S6 t death-bed, sent for him, and, after being apparently reconciled, made over the estate to him. Two decisions passed before the Baee's death were regarded by her with much discontent, a feeling which was communicated to her successor. One of these related to compensationſ for the abolition of transit duties, a subject which has been so often referred, to. in these pages. In 1856 Mr. Chapman proved to the satisfaction of Govern- ment that the Ramdroog estate had, in consequence of the production of forged accounts, received Rs. 26,593-2-0 more than was justly due on this account, and it was therefore ordered that no further compensation should be given, and that the amount fraudulently received should be repaid with interest. The Baee appealed vehemently against this. decision, and after her death the same course was pursued by the Chief, who did not pay the amount till 1860, and then only after being warned that further delay would lead to the attachment of some of his villages. © The other case alluded to was that of the Jaleelal deshgut, which in 1856 lapsed to Government by a decision of the Jnam Commissioner. Part of the lands of this wuttun lay within the limits of the Ramd roog estate, and the Baee was requested to make over these lands to an officer appointed by the Collector of Belgaum to receive them. This, however, she objected to do on the plea that such Portions of lapsed wuttun as were situated in her estate should revent to her; but her claim was negatived by the Inam Commissioner on the ground that the deshgut in question was of older date than the Ramdroog jagheer, and consequently lapsed to the British government. . Ram Row Narayen entered upon the possession of his estate in troubled times when"his loyalty was severely tested. His brother, the Chief of Nurgoond, who afterwards broke into open revolt and murdered Mr. Manson, the acting political agent, tried to induce him to join in his traitorous designs, but the Ramdroogkur gave up his letter to. Mr. Manson, whom he in vain endeavoured to dissuade from his intention of proceeding to Nurgoond. He also gave up his arms and military stores, as requested, without demur. - In consequence of the chief's conduct during the period in question, the prayer he submitted to Government in 1859, that, as he 187 | had no issue and was in infirm health,’ he should be allowed to adopt, was favourably received, and the desired permission was granted by the Sečretary of State for India. The muzzurana payable on the occasion was after inquiries fixed at Rs. 43,000, being in round numbers a year's net revenue of the estate, which, it was arranged, might be, paid at once, or in two instalments—one on adoption, and O the other on succession. The chief did not avail himself of the permission thus granted till 1866, when he submitted for approval the namé of Bulwunt Row, son of Vishnoo Wittul Bhaway, of Chinchlee, in the Kolapore territory, a lad of about 15 years of age. As there appeared to be no objection, the boy was adopted under the name of Yogee Row, and was next year married to the daughter of the Chief of Sanglee. The boy who so late as 1868.' was described as seeming “almost totally destitute of even the rudi- ments of eduſcation” has lately, at the suggestion of the political authorities, been sent to Belgaum to prosecute his studies at the high school there, under the supervision of Mr. Bellairs, assisted by a tutor. The reports since received of his abilities and industry are most satisfactory. But little of interest remains to be noticed, It may be mentioned that in 1861 the Chief raised a claim to the right of civil and criminal jurisdiction over the village of Koreegowunkope, and also asserted his right to a share of fifty hons of the late Nurgoondkur's mokassa umul in the village of Rewareekope. These claims, however, were declared by Government to be inadmissible. Another claim raised by the chief was ultimately settled more to his satisfaction. In 1860 he applied for the management of the temple of Venkut at Nurgoond, which had "been built and endowed by Ram Row, the ancestor of the Bhaway family, and managed by the Nurgoond chiefs, till the last of them perished on the gibbet for treason and murder. It was, however, considered at the time that there were grave political reasons against complying with this request. The Ramdroogkur renewed his application in 1865 with the same result, but in the same year. after an interview the chief had with the Governor, when the latter was on his tour in the south, it was intimated to him that the management of the temple in question | 18S had been made over to a committee responsible to the Hindoo com- munity and with which Government did not interfere, but that if he could arrange with the committee and his aunt, Luximee Baee (who had been entrusted with the management as the representative of the Nurgoond family), Government would have no objection to any settle- ment to which all were consenting parties. The requisite prelim- inaries were accordingly settled, and it, 1868 the chief's wish was gratified by his being entrusted with the management of the temple. The Ramdroog estate seems to be administered well on the whole,..the complaints from it being few and of no great importance. The Chief is a quiet, well-disposed man, of rather weak character, who gives little trouble, and appears to be popular among his people. He has of late years shown a desire for the spread of education by open-" ing schools in his territories, of which further details are given else- where. & © Te NURGOOND (NADGüND) LAPSED. The terms granted to Dadajee Row of Nurgoond were identical with those granted to the Chief of Ramdroog, but he refused to testify his acceptance of them by returning the memorandum duly signed, as was the custom. He objected in the first place to the mention of the partition of the Ramdroog and, Nurgoond estates in the preamble, as he had all along been opposed to that’act of the Peshwa, and he protested against having to make any payment on account of Konoor. Although repeatedly informed that no change could be allowed, he kept. up his protest to the last, and not very long before his death remonstrated with Government for applying the term “suwusthan” to Ramdroog. . . O In 1824 Das Row, the brother of Dadajee Row, died without issue, leaving a widow, Luximee Baee, for whose support an allowance of Rs. 1,000 per annum was fixed by arbitration. Many disputes Tarose in after years regarding this allowance which it is unnecessary to detail here. The circumstances connected with the adoption of the Nurgoond. kur's youngest son, Hurreehur Row, by the Ramdroog Baee, have 189 - • already been narrated. Notlong after this.event Dadajee Row seems to have given up business entirely and devoted himself to religion. His estate was for many years managed by a servânt of his, called Dada Limaya, whose administration appears to have been anything but satisfactory. The chief's son and heir, Bhaskur Row, when 28 years of age, finding the estate getting overwhelmed with debt, persuaded’his father to give him the reins of power, and accordingly administered his inheritance himself for some years. The Superseded minister, however, after some time managed to regain his master's confidence, and quarrels continued between him and Bhaskur Row during the remainder of Dadajee Row's life, which were constantly referred to the authorities. - On the 13th June 1842 Dadajee Row died, leaving one son (as the lad adopted by the Ramdroogkur had, atcording to Hindoo ideas, passed out of his natural father's family) and a daughter. He was succeeded by Bhaskur Row, who, on the death of his only child in 1843, applied for permission to adopt. This, however, was refused, and when the chief"renewed his application, dwelling on the fact of his estate having been acknowledged to be a suwusthan, and on various precedents for adoption in his family, both in the Peshwa's time, and also more recently in the case of Ramdroog, the refusal was repeated. In 1845, however, the Court of Directors remarked that as the estate was a “suwusthan” and had been held by the family before the time of the Peshwas, they considered that “a liberal policy and an equitable consideration of legitimate expec- tations were strongly in favour of sanctioning the proposed adoption.” They remarked, however, that the sanction might be made condi- tional on the chief's at once extending to his districts the benefits of any reforms or improvements which had been adopted in the neighbouring British territories. On this Qpinion of the Court being sent to the Collector of Dharwar (Mr. W. E. Frere), he reported that it would be vain to expect any improvement in Nurgoond, as the chief was so irretrievably in- debt as to be obliged to mortgage the whole of his possessions; and that the only person to gain by an adoption would be the creditors. The Court of Directors, however, in reply to this, under date the Q 190 \ 23rd December 1846, remarked that the claim of the chief to adopt should be decided without reference to the manner in which the result might affect personal interests. They remarked further that the estate being a “suwusthan,” adoption would, according to the view they had usually taken of the subject, be a-matter not of favour but of right ; even if their view was erroneous, they considered that the question should be deliberated whether the estate wbuſd lapse or pass like personal property to collateral heirs. With a view to find an answer for the questions thus raised, Mr. Shaw, who had succeeded Mr. Frere as Collector of Dharwar, referred to Mr. Hart, the Imam Commissioner. .This gentleman drew up an elaborate report in order to show from the Poona duftur that,. under the Peshwas, Nurgoond was treated as an ordinary surinjam, and that the term “Suwusthan” applied to it in the records had no reference to the nature of the tenure by which it was held under the Peshwas. He added further that he had met with no instances of “suwusthan” being treated under those princes with more consi- deration than any other jagheers on iſlam, with reference to the permission of adoption, which he considered to have been in all cases a matter of favour rather than of right. O This and the other reports sent in on the subject led the Court of Directors (under date 7th June 1848) to the conclusion that the Nurgoond estate had been regarded by the Peshwa's government as an ordinary Surinjam, to which a succession even in the case of lineal heirs was matter of custom and not of strict right, and was only permitted on payment of a nuzzur ; but they considered that the character of the tenure had been altered by our treaty with the chief, which permitted -jie estate to be continued to his heirs from generation to generation without the demand of nuzzur. They concluded, however, that an adoption could not take place without the consent of Government, which was entirely a matter of favour, and “as ‘the Nurgoond chief appeared to be undeserving of any -euch favºur,” the question of succession to the estate in default of direct heirs by birth or adoption was left undecided for the present. In 1853 the Nurgoondkur reopened the question with a very urgent appeal to be allowed to adopt. He recapitulated the history 191 of his family, showing that it dated befo! the establishment of the Peshwa's government, and pointing out the instances of adoption even under that government. He declared that his ancestors had never served the Peshwa with contingents, and observed that this had been acknowledged in the treaty with the British government by his exemption from service, and by the estate being termed a “suwusthan.” He also refersed to the Ramdigoog adoption, and with regard to his debts stated that they had been incurred not by himself, but by his ancestors for public purposes, and that he was rapidly paying them off. He acknowledged the power of the Government to forbid an adoption, or even to prevent the succession of a son to his father’s estate, but he plainly. gave it to be understood that he considered ..such arbitrary conduct “ destructive of the paths of justice.” In forwarding this communication to Government the Collector (Mr. Law) reported that a great improvement had taken place in the estate, the chief having, in 1840, made an arrangement with his creditors, and released his villages from mortgage. The debts in that year amounted to Rs. 4,99,332, and as the chief was annually paying off Rs. 8,032, there was every prospect of the amount being liquidated in nineteen years. He added that these debts were not imputable to any extravagance on the part of Bhaskur Row, but had descended to him from his father, in whose time they had been much increased by the malpractites of the karbharees. Mr. Law in conclusion informed . Government that the Nurgoondkur had of late years introduced great improvement into his estate, taking the British regulations as his guide, and declared that he considered him not un- deserving of any favour that Government might be pleased to grant. To this application the Court of Directors (28th June 1854) replied that they had read Mr. Shaw's statements with satisfaction, but that, though they were creditable to the chief, they did nºt constitute such a degree of merit as was required to make his case an exception to the ordinary rule, and they therefore, conformably to the opinion of the Bombay government, declined compliance with. his request. After the receipt of this reply a further memorial was sent in by the chief, but the Court (3rd October 1855) stated that it produced no change in their sentiments. - Q 192 In April and May 1888 the Nurgoondkur, like the other chiefs in the Southern Maratha Country, was desired to send in his guns and military stores to Dharwar. He partly complied with the re- quest, but evaded sending in his guns—a circumstance which, taken in connection with the rumours of his disaffection towards Govern- ment (as he was known to be brooding over the disappointment of his cherished hopes) caused much uneasiness. When the disaffection began to show itself, Mr. Manson,” the acting political agent in the Southern Maratha Country, was at Koorundwar, whither he had gone on the 26th May after an interview at Kolapore with Brigadier General LeGrand Jacob, the special political commissioner. While there he received news of a rising to the east of. Dharwar, under one Bheem Row of Moondurghee, and it was said that the Nurgoond. chief intended to co-operate with the rebels, and had placed guns in position on his fort. " e * On hearing this news Mr. Manson immediately pushed on to Ramdroog, which was near the disaffeeted quarter, in the hope of being able perhaps to dissuade Bhaskur Row from his purpose. The Ramdroog chief earnestly deprecated his going to Nurgoond as he had intended, and showed a letter from his half-brother in which the latter stated that death was preferable to dishonour, and begged him to join him in rebellion. Notwithstanding the remonstrances of his host, Mr. Manson, on the afternoon of the 29th May, set off for Dharwar, the road to which ran close by Nurgoond, taking.only with him his tired escort of some fourteen sowars of the Southern Maratha Horse, and put up for the night at Sooribun, a village in the territory of, and about ten miles from Ramdroog, and not far from Nurgoond. In the meantime the Nurgoond chief received a latter which Mr. Manson had sent to him from Ramdroog, calling on him to declare his intentions, and became greatly incensed. Fancying that the Political Agent had come thus far to seize him, he determined, as he stated afterwards, to take the initiative. He proceeded. accordingly with a large body of men towards Ramdroog, and hearing on the way that Mr. Manson was at Sooribun, he surrounded that village at midnight and had the unfortunate gentleman and several of his * Nurgoond was placed at this time under the charge of the Agency. | 93 O escort butchered, after which he returned. in triumph to Nurgoond, bearing as tropies the head of Mr. Manson and a native officer of his escort, the former of which was fastened over the principal gateway of the town. O - The chief at first appears to have thought of concealing his act, but he apparently came to the conclusion that the attempt would be useless, so lie openly raised the standard of revolt. Two days passed thus, when, on the morning of the 1st June, Lieutenant Colonel G. Malcoſm (now Major General Sir G. Malcolm, K.C.S.I. & C.B.) appeared before the walls with a force as per margin, and immedi- - ately proceeded with 100 horse to 1 9-pr gun. Q reconnoitre the fort, after which 1 howitzer. - l º gº tº now ired. 2 Companies H. M.'s 74th Highland- {{he reconnoitring party retired. 1 O Cl’S. 28th Regt. N. I This movement seems to have * N ann St U - 1) . l. te - ompany zSte. Iteg been misunderstood by the enemy, 150 Southern Maratha Horse. - .. ſº who shortly afterwards came pouring out towards the British camp. Finding, however, the active preparations made to receive them, they retreated, and were imme- diately pursued by the cavalry, who followed up and sabred them to within 500 yards of the petta, inflicting a loss of upwords of 60 killed. Skirmishers were afterwards thrown forward under cover of the artillery, and by the evening the petta was taken with little loss, and the troops moved up to the chief's palace. Early the next morn?ng a storming party wound up the steep pathway to the fort gates, which they were prepared to blow open. They met, however, with no resistance, and found the place almost deserted, Bhaskur Row with nearly all his followers having fled during the night. O ... O The pursuit of the Chief was then taken up by Mr. Souter, the Superintendent of Police in Belgaum (now Commissioner of Police in. Bombay and C.S.I.), who after a most arduous chase apprehended tº , º • w e & O e the fugitive in the Torgul district. Bhaskur Row was immedi- ately tried and convicted, and on the 12th June was hung in Belgatm~ before an immense crowd of spectators. His chief followers shortly afterwards met with the same fate, though Vishmoo Heerekope, who had cut off Mr. Manson's head, managed to escape for some years. 25 PU e O 194 On the 3rd June a'proclamation was issued by the Special Political Commissioner declaring the Nurgoond estate forfeited to the British government consequent on the rebellion of the chief, and it was accordingly taken possession of after the capture of the fort. The estate, which lies within a ring-fence, comprised 41 villages (con- taining a population of 22,734), of which 17 were inam or other- wise alienated. The gross revenue was estimated at Rs. 49,363, of which some Rs. 4,900 were alienated,” but the revenue collections for the year 1857-58 amouted to only Rs. 41,043. As the chief left few relatives, the usual provisions consequent on a lapse were not found necessary. An allowance of Rs. 25 per mensem was granted to Bhaskur Row's father-in-law, and the pension of Rs. 1,000 per . annum was continued to his aunt Luximee Baee. O The following extract from Mr. G. W. Anderson's, report is generally applicable still as in 1832 —“Nurgoond is a strong, for- tified hill arising in the midst of an extensive alluvial plain, richly cultivated and thickly populated. The supply of water throughout this tract is scanty and of an inferior quality. The fort is chiefly supplied by means of reservoirst built to retain the rain water. The petta is a place of great trade, being a sort of emporium for the exchange of productions of the ‘Makwad' or rice country—rice, sugar, spices, betel, cocoanuts, &c. brought from Sirsee and Hooblee in return for clothes, wheat, and other articles from Homemabad and Narayen Peth in the Nizam's territory.” * • After the capture of Nurgoond the district was administered for some time under the Political Agent Southern Maratha Country, after which it was transferred to the Dharwar Collector, of whose zilla it now forms part, having been brought under the regulations by Act III, of 1863. O O gº * A grge proportion of the alienations consisted of lands held by the Shet- sundees. This class had been most active in urging the chief to raise the standard of revolt, and for the share they took in the insurrection their lands were, with few, if any, exceptions, resumed by Government. . + All but onc of these were destroyed after the capture ºf the place, 195 C M º KITTOOR (KITUR) LAPSED. The founders of the family of the Lingayat Dessaees of Kittoor are said to have been two brothers of the name of Harai Mulla and Chick Mulla, merchants by profession, who resided at Sumpgaum. By some means or other the family seems to have risen to distinction under the Kings of Beejapoor, from whom it received the title of Sumsher Jung Bahadoor, together with the more substantial favours of Sundry inäms and offices in and about Kittoor. * In the absence of any authentic records it is impossible to state exactly what these grants were, or to give a detailed account.of the family, which seems to have ramified into several branches, legitimate or illegitimate. On ...the extinction of the Beejapoor dynasty the Kittoor Dessaees were unable to keep themselves independent of the Marathas, and had eventually to pay a heavy tribute. This tributé seems to have been made over to the Putwurdhuns (see Appendices A, B, and C) as part of their surinjams, but for a considerable time no direct interference in the administration of the district was exercised by the Peshwa. Kittoor, lying as it did on the frontier, suffered much in the wars between the Marathas and the Mysore princes, and was twice taken by Tippoo, who on ane of these occasions carried off Mullappa, the Dessaee. The latter, however, escaped from confinement and joined the camp of the Maratha commander-in-chief, who, after recovering Kittoor, placed a Mamlutdar in it, and made it a subordinate pur- gunna of the sooba of Dharwar, the Dessaee being merely given an allowance. This arrangeſhent proved short-lived, as the Kittoorkur took advantage of the confusion consequent on the death of the Peshwa, Mahadoo Row Narayen, and the disputes regarding succes- sion, to drive out the Mamlutdar and assume-his former position. In 1803, when Colonel Wellesley (afterwards the Duke of Wellington) advanced from Mysore to re-seat Bajee Row Peshwa or his throne, among the chiefs who assisted him was the Dessaee of Q º Cº. * The only occasion on which Kittoor is mentioned in Ferishta is in the account of the reign of Mulloo Adil Shah, A.D. 1535. It is there referred to as the jagheer of Yusoof Khan, a Turkish nobleman of the Beejapoor court.—See Brigg's Ferishta, vol. iii. p. 76. Q 196 Kittoor, who sent 100 ho!. This contingent could not have been very useful, as the English commander complained that the men were utterly unprovided, and had to receive constant advances to keep them from starving, but the services rendered deserved a better recompense than that intended for them by Bajee Row. "In 1804, after the latter had been securely seated in his capital, General' Wellesley writes to Colonel Close (the Resident at Poona), with reference to information he had received of the Peshwa's intentions, as follows:—“Among those whose names are included in the list is the Raja of Kittoor, who is to be dispossessed. It is useless to point out the services of this person for a number of years, but particularly when I was marching to Poona, which services would possibly have entitled him to the exertions of the British government to obtain a remission of tribute. But the. operations which I have conducted have led me into his country, and I beg leave to deprecate a contest with him, excepting in a case of very great necessity, in which the whole force of the Government can be employed.” - In consequence of the opposition thus offered the scheme of dispossessing the Dessaee was given up, and General Wellesley, when passing shortly afterwards through the Kittoor country on his way to Madras, had the satisfaction of bringing about a settlement of the chief's affairs. He found that both Gokla and the Peshwa's Sirsoobeh were harassing the Dessaee for his tribute, the Sirsoobedar wanting the Kittoor district as well, and expeding to be put in possession by the Company. After personal interviews and discus- sions it was arranged by the General that Gokla should have the previous year's tribute, the Sirsoobedar receiving that for the next year and as long after º the Peshwa should think fit. O In 1809 Mullapa Dessace Imanaged to come to terms with the Peshwa and received a sunnud giving him the title of Pertab Row,t * He had previously intrigued to be taken under the protection of the British -governmest, to which he offered to pay tribute. In the hope of gaining his end he offered a bribe of 10,000 pagodas to the English General through one of his subor- dinates.-See the Wellington Despatches, vol. i. p. 328. - t He had previously received the title of Surja, it is said, from the Raja of Kolapore. 197 O and putting him in possession of the “ Taloſa" of Kittoor on condition of his paying annually Rs. 1,75,000. About a year afterwards the Dessaee's son, Veerbuddra, had assigned to him a surinjam of the value of Rs. 1,41,900 for the support of 473 horse. In 181 I, how- ever, the chief was one of those against whom the Peshwa preferred claims before Mr. Eſphinstone, the claims being for the kuryat of . Baggeewarrae and the kusba ºf Sumpgaum, which had been assigned a part of the Koorundwarkur's surinjam but had been retained by the Dessage. - The Kittoor chief's relations with ſhe Peshwa during the few remaining years of Bajee Row's reign were not very friendly, and as ... he was most irregular in his payment, the Poona durbar was strongly inclined to resume his estate.” When war broke out between the Peshwa and the English the Dessaee showed himself well disposed towards the latter, and reaped the fruits of his friendly conduct in the engagement" made with Sir T. Munro, of which the following ac. count is given by that officer in his report on the Southern Maratha Country, dated 28th August 1818 – * The preamble of this document may be given at length as it contains a his- torical summary, which was afterwards, however, considered rather too favourable to the Kittoorkur :—“Having duly weighed the representations made by you to the Govern- ment in camp at Hooblee, that your family had held the Kittoor Suwusthan, the mamlut of Rooblee, and other mahals from a remote period, with certain dignities according to former custom, and have performed the services attached to the tenures of the Suwusthan during the reigns of Adil Shah, Mahomed Shah, and Alumgeer, and of Sivajee Maharaj Qhutterputtee, ..Sahoo Maharaj, and the Peshwas, all of whom had done you the honour to confirm you from the commencement in the hereditary possessions, and having further moticed your request that, on condition of your paying the tribute that has been so long established, we may but of our kindness continue to you the several villages appertaining to the Suwustham, together with, the imam villages, home farms, fees, and perquisites, and other items held up to the present time as noticed in the sequel) we have deemed it expedient, in consideration of your having from ancient times enjoyed this respectable Suwusthan and the Surdesaeeship from generation to generation, and of your having evinced your fidelity and attachment to. the British Government, to confirm to you the aforesaid Suwusthan, the zemindared rights, the inam villages, lands, &c. which shall be ascertained by inquiry to have been from the first uninterruptedly enjoyed by your family, on the terms hereafter specified.” . . . . . - e 198 “12. The pºleºn rather the rent of the Dessaee of Kittoor, never was regularly paid, and seldom without force. It is now con- verted into a fixed peshcush, and the zemindaree erected into a sum- mastanum (suwusthan). The peshcush is fixed at its former amount of Shapooree rupees 1,75,000, and the honorary, dress (tushruf) to be given yearly by the Sirkar to the Dessaee according to custom at Rs. 3,955. O e * - “13. The Dessaee has paid no peshcush for the last two years. The peshcush for the first of these years has been remitted on account of some expenses incurred by him during the war, but more on account of his early defection from the Peshwa. The whole of the peshcush for the last year is to be paid by the end of October. “14. Bajee Rqw had assigned to the Dessaee and the Put- wurdhun Seramjamee lands in each other's districts, with the view apparently of causing dissension between them.” But neither party obeyed his orders. Both retained what they had before, for this reason, and still more for that of their being ancient possessions of Kittoor, Bhagwaddi, Sumpgaum, and Alkotta are continued to the Dessaee. - “15. By his sunnud the Dessaee was bound to maintain 473 horse and 1,000 foot. He is now absolved from the keeping up of any contingent, and the district of Khannapoor, and an annual allowance of Rs. 25,000 from the Sirkar, are resumed, because these sonstituted the whole of what he actully received for fºrmishing his contingent as the Gudwāl peshcush, estimated at Rs. 25,000, and the lands of Chintamon Row, estimated at Rs. 68,473, though calèulated as form- ing a part of his allowange for his contingent, were never, given up to him. O - . “I6. The Dessaee is perfectly satisfied with this arrangement, and he has cause to be so, for though his peshcush is not lowered, he is exempted from many private demands by the Peshwa's officers -with whiêh he found it necessary to comply. His country is now freed from the incursions frequently made into it lately by the neighbouring Jagheerdars and the Peshwa's troops, and will yield him a greater revenue, and he is Secure in the possession of what he 199 O has. I have therefore no doubt that he {ºls the advantages of being under the British government, and will endeavour to preserve them.” Sewlinga, Rudrappa, with whom this engagement was concluded, did not live many years to enjoy the position thus confirmed to him. He gave some trouble to the authorities, as the habits of irregularity O and violence acquired under the rule of the Peshwa still clung to him. He neglected to pay his tribute, and suffered bands of robbers to take refuge in his territories, to the great annoyance of his neigh- bours. On one occasion, in 1822, he incurred the serious dis- pleasure of Government by attacking with a large force the village of Tarehall, belonging to the Koorundwarkur, in consequence of some curtailment of the honour due to him as patel of the village. The warning, however, which he received on this occasion had the effect of checking any such further outrages. • On the iºn September 1824 one of the Dessaee's principal servants came to Mr. Thackeray, the principal collector at Dharwar, to announce that his master was dying, and to deliver a letter purporting to be from him, in which the ad option of a son was announced. The letter was dated the 10th July, but it was stated the adoption had onky taken place on the day the letter was received. The Civil Surgeon was immediately sent to Kittoor, which is about 18 miles from Dharwar, but found the DeSSaee dead, and considered from the appearange of the corpse that he had been dead several hours and most probably before the messenger had left Kittoor for Dharwaſſ. All the circumstances connected with the alleged adoption seemed to Mr. Thackeray not a little suspicious. In the first place the Dessaee had never applied for permission to adopt though he was aware of the proclamation rendering such application necessary. When Mr. Thackeray had seen him a few months previously, though he was very ill and spoke freely of his affairs, he never expressed any wish to adopt. The signature, too, to the letter was scarcely legible, and the characters were quite different from the Dessage's usual handwriting, which was remarkably good and distinct. The correllº sion therefore irresistibly pressed on Mr. Thackeray's mind was, that if the adoption had ever taken place it was not performed till the Dessaee was either dead or insensible, O 200 f g . . wº e 3. In reporting these circumstances for the information of Govern- ment, Mr. Thackeray pointed out that the family of the deceased consisted of his wife, who was only 11 years of age, his stepmother, and the young widow of his brother who had died two years pre- viously. The remaining relations were, like the child said to have been adopted, descended from collateral branches so remote that their descent from the common ancesſor could not be traced. He reported that he had proceeded to Kittoor to make inquiries into the alleged adoption, and to preserve order pending the decision of Government regarding the succession, and as, if the estate did not revert to Government, there would be a long minority, he proposed for the present to conduct the administration by means of two managers—one on the part of Government, and the other one on. that of the Dessaee's family. O On the receipt of this report instructions were given that it should be announced that the British government did not recognise the adoption, as, if made at all, it was made without sanction, and indeed was as yet unsubstantiated by proofs. Mr. Thackeray therefore was desired to take charge of the principality and to make an inquiry into the circumstances of the adoption. Goyernment, however, declared it to be their intention that if the boy said to have been adopted proved on inquiry to be a descendant of the Dessaee who possessed the country before the conquest of it by Tippoo, the question of adoption would be considered immaterial, and the boys would be allowed to succeed. If on the other hand it appeared that the claimant was neither a descendant of the ancient Dessaee nor a near connection of the late Dessaee by the female line, the adoptión was to be disallowed. O - The inquiries set on foot by Mr. Thackeray showed that the Dessaee had died on the night of the 11th instead of the 12th September, as reported, without making any adoption, and that after his death Konoor Mullapa, his karbharee, and others of his attendants +nvested"the child with the insignia of Dessaee. This was fully aeknowledged by the parties concerned, who further confessed to having put a pen in the dead man's hands and so written his signature to the letter dated the 10th July which was sent to Mr. Thackeray. 201 O Konoor Mullappa, who had been appointe! manager on the part of Government, was removed on this account, and also because he had been concerned in. the removal of some treasure and jewels and accounts from the late Dessaee's treasury. In his letter reporting these proceedings Mr. Thackeray writes:—“All is perfectly quiet here. I anticipate no disorder, and I expect to be able to manage the whole country without any military assistance.” He afterwards submitted the result of his inquiries into the family pedigree, which showed that no descendant of the ancient Dessaee, or near connection by the female line of the late Dessaee, was alive. While these reposts were under consideration Government were shocked by the receipt of intelligence of a rising at Kittoor which had resulted in the death of the Pontical Agent and other gentlemen. It appears that on the 21st October Mr. Thackeray, finding that a number of the late Dessaee's sepoys in charge of the treasury were notorious thieves, and were commanded by a man of like character, became apprehensive for the safety of the treasure, and reluctantly determined to place a guard of Government sepoys at each gateway. He also required the head men to give a bond rendering themselves responsible for the safety of the treasury, but they refused to do so without the orders of Chinava, the late Dessaee's stepmother, who had lately claimed, the supremacy. Mr. Thackeray then wished to call on the ladies to explain matters, but they refused to see him that day, promising, however, to see him next day. On the 22nd, however, they still refused to see him, and none of the Sirdars would accompany him ſo their house. As Mr. Thackeray heard that the shetsundees and peons were assembling from their villages he thought it advisable to take precautionary measures, apd accordingly requested Captain Black, the commander of a troop of Colundaz that had accompanied him, to bring two guns into the fort, which were posted at the gateways. In the morning, when the artillery officer pro- ceeded to the fort to change guard, he found the outer gate locked and the inner fort full of armed men, and was refused admittaace- Several messages were then sent by Mr. Thackeray, but as they were not attended to, he ordered up the other two guns, and declared that if the gate was not opened in twenty minutes he would blow it open. 26 pu • 202 At the expiration of theºrified period, Captain Black, Captain Sewell, and Lieutenant Dighton, of the Golundaz, were preparing to blow open the gate when a sally was made from the fort by the peons, who seized the guns and cut down the officers and all with them. At this juncture Mr. Thackeray came upon horseback and attempted to quiet the insurgents, but fell by a shot and was then cut to pieces. The remnant of the British detaçhment was then“attacked and cut up, and Messrs. Stevenson and Elliott, assistants to the Political Agent, who had concealed themselves in a house, were made pri- soners with some native officials and sepoys. Goorsiddapa, the ring- leader in these proceedings, and the dowager Dessainee, who had excited the spirit that led to this emeute, when they found what had ... resulted from their intrigues, were not a little alarmed, and anxiously- preserved the lives of the European géntlemen as hostages. As the portion of the Doab Field Force stationed in Belgaum was too weak to act against a strong fort like Kittoor, said to be garrisoned by some 5,000 desperaté men, troops were rapidly con- centrated from all quarters. A proclamation was issued offering a free pardon and retention of their inams, &c. to all who should sur- render before a fixed date, except Goorsiddapa, and even he was promised exemption from capital punishment if he surrendered immediately. The sirdars and sepoys in Kittoor were warned that they would be held responsible for the safety of the prisoners, and that if any harm was done to them the guilty"persons •should be punished with such severity as should be a terror to all future offenders. * - Q © In the meantime the insurgents held a very high tone. They addressed several letters to Government complaining of Mr. Thack- eray's acts and demanding the continuance of the Suwusthan. They also endeavoured to enlist the Raja of Kolapore on their side, but he gave up their emissaries to the British authorities. On the 30th November the fort was invested, and Mr. Chaplin, the commissioner -in-the "Deccan, who had hurried to the scene of operations, called on the insurgents to surrender. They, however, demaded more favourable terms before releasing the prisoners, but were referred to the proclamation. On the morning of the 2nd December, 203 O to the great relief of all, the prisoner! were released, but as the fort was not surrendered it was attacked on the 3rd and an advanced fortified post carried, where a battery was erected, which on the next day effected a practicable breach, when the garrison surrendered at discretion. The troops engaged on this occasion were the 1st Bombay European Regiment and 2 companies of Her Majesty's 46th Foot, a battery of horse, and a company of Foot Artillery, the 4th and 8th Madras L. C., the 23rd Madras N. I., and the 3rd and 6th Regiments of Bombay N. I., the whole under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Deacon, C.B. The casualties were 3 killed and 25 wounded. Among the killed were numbered Mr. Munro, the sub-collector of Sholapore, who had come to the scene of -action after Mr. Thackeray's death, and was mortally wounded in the . attack on the advanced post. " The territºry that thus lapsed to the British government was divided into the three talookas of Kittoor, Sumpgaum, and Bedee, containing in all 286 villages ahd 72 hamlets. The revenue for the Fuslee 1234, immediately after the lapse, amounted to Rs. 3,33,647, which in three years increased by upwards of Rs 22,000. This I'êV6I1Ul6 W3.S exclusive of lands of the value of Rs. 20,040 held by servants of the late Dessaee, and other lands of the value of Rs. 20,925 held by shetsundees. These lands according to the terms of the proclamation were forfeited, but it was considered at the time impolitic te act on the letter of our rights in this respect. The ladies of the family were liberally provided for. - The liberality of the Government was not appreciated by the Kittoor people. In the beginning of 1830 one Rayana, who had been engaged in the insurrection of 1827, but had received a pardon, broke out into open revolt, having first spirited away the youth said to have been adopted by the late Dessaee, apparently with the connivance of the Dessainee. The insurgents had the sympathies of, and were àided more or less actively by, the whole population of the province. They commenced by attacking and plundering. the Government treasury at Bedee, after which the flame spread rapidly. It was hoped at first that the rising might be put down without military force, but when the Kittoor shetsundees refused to serve and y Q - 204 several villages in differentharts of the country were attacked, it became neecssary to call in the services of strong detachments. It was further found advisable to remove the Dessainee from Kittoor and to keep her under surveillance, and shortly after her death, in July, the insurrection collapsed. The soi-disant Dessaee was found, and his father, the patel of Mustmurdee, a village in the Sanglee state, was bound over by the Sanglee chief to find substantial seeurity for the future good behaviour of himself and his son. In 1844, Sewlingappa, the soi-disant Dessaee, again gave con- siderable trouble. A correspondence was discovered between him and the Dessaee of Chichree, which had for its object the instiga- tion of a revolt in the Bedee and Sumpgaum districts. Through the instrumentality of one Luximon Kristna Josee small sums of money. and liberal promises, were disseminated throughout those districts, and several of the old servants of the late Dessaee had engaged to assemble large bodies of men when required. It was intended also to apply for assistance to the mercenary Arabs of the Nizam's territories, and applications were made to men in the Kolapore state, and even to persons in Goa. The plot, however, was discovered, partly through the assistance of Sewlingappa's father-in-law, the Wunt- moree Dessaee, but it was found impossible to trace out all its ramifi- cations or to get evidence against the chief conspirators (though some of them confessed their guilt) sufficiently strong to satisfy the Sudder Foujdaree Adawlut. O By Regulation VII. of 1830 the districts composing the estate of Kittoor were assigned to the zilla of Dharwar. On the division of that collectorate in 1836 they were for the most part made over to Belgaum. O O SAVANOOR. So ‘full an account is given by Mr. Elliott, “in a Memoir —included in Mr. G. W. Anderson's Report on the Southern Maratha Country, of all particulars relating to this State up to 1832, that it is unnecessary to do more here than transcribe the accountin question, adding a note where it appears advisable:— * 205 O “The Savanoor family is said to be & Afghan origin, and their own tradition asserts that they possessed two villages in the Colusthan of Cabool, named. Jowrassa and Bhowrassa. But the Meyanna" tribe to which they belong is not mentioned by Mr. Elphinstone in his enumeration of the Afghan races, and may, with greater pro- bality, be deduced from some of the numerous Beloochee tribes of the lower Indus, one of which of the same appellation has long been settled in Cutch, to a portion of which it has given its name. “The only document in the present Nawaub's family relating to its early history is a Genealogical List, containing 20 generations from Abdoof Kurreen Khan, the first Mtillick (or Patel) of the two villages above mentioned, to Bahlole Khan, the founder of the family "in the Deccan. Mullick Awtan Khan, the 15th in the list, entered Hindoostan in the train of Timour's army. Dada Khan, f the 17th, first substituted the title of Nawaub for that of Mullick, from which time his descendents became persons of rank and distinction at the imperial court. O “The cause of Nawaub Bahlole Khan's departure from Delhi is uncertain, and is sometimes attributed to the displeasure of the Emperor Jehangeer, sometimes to a private difference with the Ameers. The genealogical list merely states that he left Delhi and entered the service of Ali Adil Shah the 2nd, at Beejapoor, who con- ferred on him the jagheer of Nandair Buswunt in the Deccan. “Anóther account states that Bahlole Khan accompanied Khan Jehan Lèodee, the celebrated Soobehdar of the Deccan, to the seat of his gºvernment, and when that officer, on the succession of Shah Jehan, became a victim to the jealousy and persecution of the new emperor, which he for some time resisted by the help of the Nizam Shahee prince of Ahmednuggur, Bahlole Khan, on the death of his patron, entered Moortaza Nizam Shah’s service, but he * The Savanoor family are styled Meyanmas, and the Cuddapa Nawaubs, a collateral branch exterminated by Hyder, Mecca Meyanmas. O ‘gº ºs f In an account of the family drawn up by the late Nawaub this name is given as Sakur Khan. His son Abdool Hoossain is said to have been Dewan under Akbur.— E. W. W. O 206 A.D. 1629 quited it soon after, on the murder of Moortaza A.D. 1631. by his vizier Futeh Khan, and was favourably received by Mahomed Adil Shah of Beejapoor. “His son Abdool Rahim Bahlole Khan continued at Beejapoor in the service of Ali Adil Shah, and was em- Genealogical list, Grant ployed with Bajee Ghorepuray of Moodhole Duff, A.D. 1660. and afterwards with Khawas Khan to check the growing aggression of Sivajee. “Abdool Kurreem Khan, called also Abdool Kurreem Bahlole Khan, the next in succession, was one of the most powerful noblemen at the court of Beejapoor" His marriage with the daughter of Massa- wood Khan, f Jagheerdar of Adonee, procured him the support of the Abyssinian faction at the capital, and, in the arrangements made on" • the death of Ali, when Dowlut Khawas Khan became Regent, Kurreem, Khan"was appointed to the government of the Southern Maratha Country, Soonda, and Grant Duff 1–256, the Concan. The Regent, however, did not 262. allow him to take charge, and Sivajee, taking advantage of the distractions and jealousies which ensued, made himself master of the Concan and the whole range of Ghauts from Soonda northwards, including Punnala (with Kolapore) and Sattara. Kurreem Khan in vain attempted to resist him, and was twice defeated in the neighbourhood of Méruj. He returned in disgrace to Beejapoor, but the follºwing year, taking advantage of an unpopular alliance made with the Moguls, he Grant Duff.ºs. entered into a conspiracy against Dowlut Kha- - was Khan and procured his assassinationſ, succeeding to the Regency, which he held till his death in 1678. A.D. 1672. A.D. 1674. * The quarter occupied by this family outside the walls of the city is still pointed qut at Beejapoor covered with extensive ruins, which are called Bahloolpoor. - f Mussawood Khan was son-in-law of Siddee Johar, an original Abyssinian, who had been Regent during Ali Adil Shah’s minority, and was afterwards"killed in rebellion against him. Mussawood Khan gave as his daughter's dowry the Forts and Purgunnas of Bagulkote or Bagreecotta (quasi Bungreekotta) for his daughter's bracelets, accord- ing to the local tradition. O t The scene of this too is pointed out at Beejapoor in the Delhi gate, which has been blocked up ever since. The assassim’s name was Kurreem Surja. - - 907 - O “His son was Abdool Raoof Khan, but Mussawood Khan, his father-in-law, succeeded him in the Regeney. On the fall of Beeja- poor in 1686 Abdoel Raoof Khan entered the imperial service, was appointed a Munsubdar,” and received the titles Diler Khan Baha- door Diler Jung. O “The loss of all the family papers, and the ignorance of the present Nawaub regarding his early history, renders it difficult to learn the mode in which Savanoor became the seat of the family after the fall of Beejapoor. But the records of the Zemindars of the Karadghee mahal, in which Savanoor is situated, supplied the defi- ciency in some degree. They state that Bahlole Khan received Bun- kapoor and other districts valued at 50,000 and odd hons f in jagheer for the support of 4,000 horse. He lived, when in his jagheer, at Koondoor Neeralgee, four miles from Bunkapoor, and subsequently, being much pleased with the site of a small village named Junmur- | Perhaps from the unhully, he caused his dependents to remove removal taking place in thither, built large houses, and gave it the name the month of Srawun. of Sravanoor, as it is called by the Canarese ... people to this day. . - f Pagodas. “Abdool Raoof Khan, being confirmed in his former rank and possessions by Allamgeer, was employed on several occasions. He assissted in the reduction of Venkapah Naik, the Bedur Poligar of Wakenkerty, now Sorapoor, and was subsequently sent to subdue the refractory jemindars"in the Southern Maratha Cºuntry. The principalones were those of Kittoor, Nowgoond, Seerhutty, Havanoor, and Dummul.S “Abdool Ghuffur Khan continued to exercisehis authority under the supremacy of the Imperial viceroy, but was successfully resisted * According to the Nawaub’s account Abdool Raoof Khan married the Emperor's daughter and received in jagheer 22 mahals of Bunkapoor, Ajumnuggur, and Torgul, estimated at Rs. 24,000,000,—E. W. W. -O • * * § Abdool Raoof Khan is said to have ded in A.D. 1717, leaving 12 sons, the eldest of whom, Abdool Futteh Khan, succeeded him, but died in three months. Abdool Mahomed Khan succeeded him but died in six months, and his death cleared the way for the accession of Abdool Ghuffur Khan,—E. W. W. Q r 208 at one time by the Seerhuty Dessaee, and at another was compelled to yield up the fort of Misreecotta to the Marathas under Rastia. He must, however, have been generally success- ful, for at his death he left nearly the whole of the country between the Kristna and Tong- budra to his successor, with the exception of the north-west portion which belonged to the Marathas, and which is in fact a portion of the ancient Mahrastra where the Maratha language is still spoken. “He left three" sons, Abdool Majeed Khan, Abdool Surttar Khan, and Kurryeem Khan, the second of whom usurped the succession but was displaced and put to death by the other two brothers. Majeed Khan then became head of the family, and feeling himself sufficiently powerful to throw off his dependence on the Moguls, he neglected- to procure his investiture from the Soobadar of the Deccan, in conse- quence of which a Mogul army visited Sava- - noor. Majeed Khan had sufficient address to make his peace, and Savanoor was never again troubled by the Nizam's government, but a more formidable enemy arose in the growing power of the Marathas. Karadghee Deshpan- day's Duftur. Deshpandey's Duftur. “ In A.D. 1747 a treaty was concluded between the Peshwa, on the part of Sumbajee Maharaj, and the Nawaub Majeed Khan, which proves the importance of the Savanoor family at this period. By it the Nawaub was compelled to yield up the whºle of the country comprised in the present talooks of Bagulkote, Badamee, Radshapoor, Kittoor, Dharwar, Nowlgoond, Pursgurh, Bummal, and part.of Ranee Bednore and Kode, together with the present jagheer districts of Gokak, Yad war, Torgul Anegerry, &c. Hullial in Sobnda, arrd Hurry- hur, in number 36 f districts, and was only permitted to retain Misree- cotta, Hoobly, Bunkapoër, Hangal, the greater proportion of Kode and Ranee Bednore, and the jagheer district of Koondagole, in all 22, bunkapur, Torgul, and Belgaum (or Azumnuggur) forts, being family * & w vºy -- . .” According to the Nawaub's account Abdool Ghuffur Khan left only two sons, during whose minority their uncle Abdool Suttar Khan administered the state and was finally killed as described in the text. + The Raja's districts were farmed to the Peshwa's old creditor Bappo Naik Barramutteekur. 209 O possessions, were especially continued to he Nawaub, and a stipula- tion restraining the Marathas from molestimg Soonda and Bednore proves that he had considerable territory south of the present limits of this collectorate (i.e. Dharwar.) - “Majeed Khan died five years after this treaty (A.D. 1752). He was a man of considerable talent, and his memory is still held in esteem in the southern districts. He founded the large and flourishing town of New Hoobly, the principal petta of which is named after him Majeedpett. The shetty was a very rich merchant of Soonda who fled to Savanoor to avoid some vexatious imposts of the Soonda Raja, and drew a great portion of the wealth and trade of that province after him. “Majeed Khan is mentioned among the chiefs who supported the claim of Nazir Jung to succeed-Nizam ool Moolk in 1749, but his assistance was rather nominal than real.” O “His son Abdoo, Hakeem Khan succeededhim. In 1756 a new and more formal treaty was concluded with the Peshwa, by which the Nawaub was compelled to yield the additional districts of Misreecotta, Hoobly (including the new petta), with the jagheer district of Koondgole, making the Peshwa's share Rs. 8,23,926% of revenue. To compensate, however, part of Ranee Bednore (the Gootal purgunna) and Pursgurh talooks with (jagheer districts) Anigerry were added to Savanoor, making the estimated revenue Rs. 8,30,038;, but which, owing to an error is adding the sums, should be only Rs. 7,78,643; including Soonda in the Canara district. The Nawaub was obliged in addition to pay Rs. 11,00,000 in money, for the balance of which Bunkapºor fort was made over to Holkar in pledge, and the Peshwa engaged on the other hand to protect him from all interference on the part of the Nizam. .* g “The cause of this treaty was the imprudent countenance afforded by the Nawaub to Muzuffur Jung, a discarded officer of Mon. sieur Bussy, who had taken service with the Peshwa which he soon afterwards left in disgust. The Nawaub refusing to give him up, a ——e. —- sº * * He assisted him actively and afterwards betrayed him. Majeed Khan met his death at the outbreak of a revolt which he, in confederation with the Patan Nawaubs of Kurnoul and Cuddapah, got up against Nazir Jung's nephew and successor, Moozuffer Jung, who was killed on the occasion. See Malleson’s “History of the French in India,” pp. 264-5, 273.—E. W. W. ſº jºss 27 pu Q 210 large army, under the com man d of Ballajee Bajee Row himself, marched against Savanoor. But as the Mogulai authorities still asserted their superiority over the Nawaub, the Peshwa made overtures to Salabut Jung, and finally persuaded him to send a co-operating force, which Salabut Khan headed in person. The place was taken by means of the fine artillery of Monsieur Bussy, after a siege of three months, pro- tracted chiefly by the exertions of Moorar Row Ghoreputay of Goofy, an ancient ally of the Nawaub’s, and the above treaty was the result. “This siege is famous in the local traditions of the district, probably from its having been the first time that the superiority of European artillery was displayed. The ryots, and indeed all classes, . still date old events with reference to the great era when 14 lakh. of balls were fired against Savanoor.” “In 1764 the Nawaub first came in contact with Hyder, who defeated his troops and wrested Soonda from him. But Mahadoo Row Peshwa in the following year drove Hyder across the Toombhoodra, and one of the articles of the treaty stipulated for the relinquishment of all claims on Savanoor. - “In 1776 Hyder renewed his attempts on the Southern Maratha Country, and in that year obtained possession of Savanoor, and in 177S remained master of all the Maratha districts south of the Kristna. In the following year the Nawaub was admitted to an alliance with Hyder's family, his eldest son, Abdool Kheir Khan, being married to Hyder's daughter, and the Nawaub at the same time received back Bagulkote and many of his resumed districts on condition of keeping 2,000 horse. This arrangement continued till Hyder's death, when Tippoo took great offence at Hakeem Khan's neglect in not sending the usual messages of condolence, and vented his displeasure by scrutinising the efficiency of the Nawaub’s contin- gent, and by making several heavy demands against him. In 1786 when the Marathas began to recover their footing in “the Southern Nºtive cords. Maratha Country, Tippoo had made a demand • for 28 lakhs of rupees from the Nawaub in lieu of his contingent, and sent Ragavendra Naik, his chief banker, to receive it. Tookojee Holkar was at this time Grant Duff, • * T ~ * pr - - º besieging Kittoor. The Nawaub sent to him 211 for assistance; he marched in one night to $vano, with the hope of surprising the banker, but only secured some of his followers from whom he, ºxacted two lakhs of rupees. “Hakeem Khan was now obliged to unite himself permanently with the Marathas, and accordingly Savanoor suffered severely the following year when Tippoo epideavoured to recover the ground he had lost. The town remained in his possession for some time, and all the Nawaub’s property was carried off and destroyed. It was, however, restored by the treaty of 1787; but the Nawaub, though over- tures of reconciliation were made to him by. Tippoo, did not venture to return thither. He resided at Poona till his death, about 1795, enjoying a pension of Rs. 10,000 a month from the Peshwa. Hakeem Khan had only one legitimate (or Shadee, marriage) son, who was killed wheneyoung by the bite of a monkey. The mother then adopted Kheir Khan, the son of Koolsama by a Nikka marriage. “His eldest son, Tippoo’s brother-in-law, resided with his wife at Seringapatam. The seconti son named Hoosein Meah was there- fore reckoned the head of the family, and drew his father's allowance. Three years afterwards Abdool Kheir Khan returned to Savanoor, and with the assistance of Dhondo Punt Gokla recovered his superio- rity. But the monthly allowance was so irregularly and so seldom paid that General Wellesley found them reduced to the greatest dis- tress when rºarching through the country after the fall of Seringapa- tana. To remedy the inconvenience of irregular monthly. payments he got the pension commuted to an equal amount of land revenue, and 25 villages were accordingly made over to the Nawaub at the kamal assessment of Rs. 48,000 per annum... Of this Barwankope, valued at Rs. 2,800, was assigned to Hoossein Meah, and is still held separately by his descendants.” This arrangement continued in . * It reverted to the force till the end of the Peshwa's rule, when it head of the famity in was confimed by the British Government, 1846. with an additional grant of Rs. 6,000 per . annum from the treasury during the life of the late Nawaub. Abdool. Kheir Khan had one lawful wife, Hoosseinee Begum, the daughter of Hyder, who died at Velore. The only offspring of this marriage was Hyder Hoossein, who died in Calcutta. He married his cousin, Q 212 -ye \ . e the daughter of Kurreem. Khan. This young man attempted to renew his connection with Savanoor, but his grandfather met his overtures with silent neglect. * , - “Abdool Kheir Khan died 3rd November 1827, leaving five other sons, all by Nikka marriages, of whom Abdool Feyaz Khan succeeded him and died 2% months afterwards. Manawar Khan, the next in age, succeeded and is the present Nawaub. As some 'com pensation for the loss of the pension held by his father, the revenue derived from the transit duties in his villages was given up to him, averaging about Rs. 700 a year. • “The villages held by the Nawaub, ºn number 25, are small and insignificant, and Savanoor itself, through the bad management of the Nawaub, is dwindling into insignificance. The revenue, though nominally Rs. 48,000 a year, does not average more than from Rs. 15,000 to Rs. 20,000 a year. The villages having been given as Zat Surinjam in lieu of pension, no. Service is due.” in the earlier days of our connection with Savanoor, as the estate was “rather a grant in lieu of pension than an independent jagheer,” the British Government exercised complete jurisdiction over it, and its police administration was placed under a Kotwal subordinate to the district officer of Bunkapoor. When, however, the Nawaub’s name was placed in the list of first class Sirdaſs the Kotwal was withdrawn, and the Chief declared to be no longer subject to the Magistrate's jurisdiction. The higher criminal powers.were not delegated to him, but were vested in the Political Agent Southern Maratha Country, to whom also appeals lay in civil cases. • On the 17th August 1834 the Nawaub Manawar Khan died, leaving no issue. As his widow, however, was pregnant, the question of succession was kept open pending the result of the pregnancy. "The widow brought forth a daughter, and consequently the late Chief's brother, Abdool Dullel Khan, was raised to the musnud. • Highly educated and with remarkably elegant manners, Nawaub Abdool Dullel Khan impressed in the most favourable manner all who were brought into contact with him, and received several grati- fying tokens of the confidence of Government. Thus in 1857 he was invested with full criminal jurisdiction, including the power of 213 O life and death, and three years after he rečeived full civil jurisdiction, Government, however, reserving to itself the right of cancelling these powers in the event of justice not being administered impartially. In January 1862 he was further appointed a member of the Bombay Legislative Council. His administration appears to have been on the whole satisfactory. Among other improvements he caused a field survey of his villages to be made, which, however, was found afterwards to be too imperfect to form a basis for assessment. In August 1862 Abdool Dullel Khan died at the age of about fifty-five years, and was succeeded by his eldest surviving son Abdool Khair Khan, who after a career of extravagance that mate- ... rially involved the estate, died of the effects of dissipation on the Il th: May 1868. His son Abdool Bullel Khan, a boy not quite six years old, was installed as his successor, and has been placed under the guardianship of his grandfather, Mahomed Ghous Khan, residing, however, at Dharwar for his education. During the minority the estate is being managed under the direct superintendence of the Col- lector and Political Agent at Dharwar. A Dewan has been appoint- ed, and the brothers of the late Nawaub have been invested with magis- terial powers. It is intended to introduce the survey next year, and to give a twenty-years' guarantee to the ryots. The gross revenue of the estate for the year 1867-68 amounted to Rs. 51,314-15-4. O s * The following extract from a memorandum drawn up in 1855 by Mr. Ogilvy, then collector of Dharwar, gives a succinct account of the ſº © O chief physical features of Savanoor :— O O O “18. This small principality is mostly surrounded by the British districts of Bunkapoor and Hangal in the zilla of Dharwar. No rivers flow through it; but the highroad running between Madras and Bombay passes through the town of Savanoor. O “19. The soil is generally black and productive, and the country flat, though low hills occur in some places. The climate is considered hot, but the rains are abundant though not excessive: “20. The most prevalent diseases are fevers, cholera, sm all-pox, and guineaworm.” O 214 NEPAUNEE (LAPSED). A sufficiently full account of the history of this state up to 1832 is given in Mr. G. W. Anderson’s report as follows:– “The Chief of Nepaumee is Siddojee Row Naik Sar Lushkur, com- monly called Appa Dessaee. He was one of the most distinguished of the military chieftains under the late. Peshwa. O “The family was originally of no fame, but merely held the office of Dessaee of Tookeree. © “He first entered the service of the Raja of Kolapore, but after- wards, as a commander undér the Peshwa, became his most vigorous opponent. O “He was for some time in the Service of Pursheram Bhow, but afterwards, in the service of Sindia, attacked the jagheer held by that chieftain's son, and plundered and devastated the whoſe of that part of the country. “He became at this time known to General Wellesley when engaged in the pursuit and destruction of Dhondia Waugh. He afterwards accompanied him as a commander of a contingent of the Peshwa's forces in the Maratha War of 1803-4. It was on this occasion that the Peshwa gave him the title of Sur Lushkur. His surinjamee was then fixed at Rs. 3,28,000, and for kis Sur Lushkuree he was granted a further .surinjam of Rs. 2, 13.120, and further, for the maintenance of 2,000 horse, the talookas of Chičkoree and Manowlee, of...which, however, he did not then acquire possession. " “Subsequently, after the war of 1803-4, he assisted the Sawunt Warree state against Kolapore, and on that occasion took possession of these talookas, which were afterwards ceded to the Peshwa. The Kolapore Raja relinquishing all right to them, they were then given in surinjam to the Nepaumeekur, “He joined the Peshwa in the war of 1817, but laie, and never acted cordially against the British troops. He remained, however, with the Peshwa nearly to the last, and, though in correspondence with Mr. Elphinstone, showed a good deal of vacillation before finally quitting his standard and making his submission to the British Government. 2 15 O “He was deprived of that part of 'his jagheer consisting of Chickoree and Manowlee, which were restored to the Raja of Kola- pore. These talookas, which were such a subject of contention and so often changed masters, have finally come into the possession of & the British Government in cession on the last ei, the Treaty of 1826. " . . .” treaty with that state. “The present jagheer held by the Nepauneekur is rated at Rs. 4,02,214, and actually yields about Rs. 2,40,000. For this he has to furnish a contingent of 250 horse, of which 86 are present at Dharwar. - O - O “The character.of the Nepaumeekur is that of a rude, violent ... military chieftain. In 1819 Mr. Elphinstone represents him as . turbulent, and irritated with the loss of Chikoree and Manowlee, but having still a great deal to lose he was too much of a politician to throw it away by any rash enterprise. “In 1822 Mr. Chaplin states that he was still hardly reconciled to the late changes, that he holds little communication with us, and that although he remains quiet, he suspects him to be secretly watch- ing to avail himself in any way he could of the then unsettled state of Kolapore. © “In 1823 Mr. Elphinstone states the Southern Jagheerdars to be prosperous and "most of them contented ; but that the Neepau- meekur may be an exception, from the preference shown to his old enemy, the Raja of Kolapore, yet that he has not given any indication of discontent, but has entirely abstained from the acts of tyranny and violence for which he was so remarkable under the Peshwa. “Notwithstanding this last favourable observation the Nepau- meekur is still reported to be cruel" and "furious in passion, and in the management of his jagheer is harsh and unrelenting. Con- tinual complaints are made by his ryots, and but little disposition is shown to redress them on remonstrance. - O “In his manners to Europeans when meeting them he is repre- sented to be frank and gentlemanly, good-humoured, and cordial. • * e.g. about 1826 he flogged two grooms so severely for neglect of duty that one of them died on the spot, and the life of the other was despaired of for long—E.W. W. O 216 “Since I have been at Dharwar the chief communication I have had with him has unfortunately related to his attempt to impose a supposititious son upon the British Government as his.heir. “In this attempt he entirely failed. The fraud was detected on the clearest and most convincing proof, and he has been punished by the decision of Government that his jagheer shall not descend to any son he may hereafter have, but revert to the Government. “He is now fifty-eight years of age, infirm, and subject to fits, under which for the time he completely loses his senses. " “..His expenditure is cqntracted, and he is represented as having amassed considerable wealth. © O “He keeps up the fort of Nepaunee in a state of efficiency, and. has in his service a body of about 200 Arabs. His age, and a just sense of the power of Government, keep him, if not faithful, quiet, and has no doubt been the cause of his meeting - the disgrace of the detection of his late fraud with apparent tameness.” As the fraud above adverted to led, to the resumption of the Nepaunee surinjam at the Chief's death, the circumstances connected with it may be narrated here more fully. - In October 1831 Mr. Nisbet, the political agent, reported to Government the fact of his having received a letter from the Nepaun- meekur announcing that Taee Baee, one of his six" wives, had borne him a son in the previous July. As there were several circumstances which afforded strong grounds for suspecting that a fraud was being attempted, an inquiry was instituted into the facts of the alleged birth. In the course of this, one Bhugwunt Row Jadow, a follower and connection of the Nepaumeekur, came forward and gave informa- tion that the child in question was born not of Taee Baee but of one Luximee, who was afterwards put to death. Shortly after giving this finformation Bhugwunt Row died with mysterious suddenness, but the clue given was followed up, and a thorough investigation was made at Nepaumee by Mr. Cathcart, assistant collector, aided by the well-known Ram Row Akhburnuwees, with the following results. It appeared that some timfe before the alleged birth, Taee Baee left her husband's warra in the fort of Nepaunee and went to live at Bhugwunt Row's house, which was situated in the petta, 2] 7 O giving out that she was enceinte and wished to be deliverd at that house. While there she was attended by her father, Abba Ghatgay, her mother, agd other relations, as well as by Baba Diksit, the family priest. Her host and his wife soon learned that it was in contemplation to procure a male infant to be passed off as her son, and they assisted her by sending for a child, which, however, was rejected as the umbilical cord had been cut. Baba Diksit was more successful. He found a widow named Luximee who had disgraced her family-by an intrigue and was on the point of delivery. This woman was brought to the house where Taee Baee was, and there brought forth a male child. During parturition she was dressed in the clothes of Taee Baee, who immediately afterwards resumed them and lay down with the child in her arms. Luximee was then removed to the house of Abba Ghatgay, and a midwife was sent to Taee Baee who severed the umbilical cord, the ceremonies usually gone through on such an occasion by the father being performed by Lingo Punt, the Nepauneekur's minister, as..the chief himself was laid up with a fit of illness. The only evidence bearing on the fate of the unfor- tunate Luximee was given by Jeesa Baee, Bhugwunt Row's wife, who deposed that some four days after the birth of the child, Babajee Ghatgay and Abba Diksit came to her house and asked Taee Baee and her mother what should be done with the woman's body. They suggested that it should be buried behind Ghatgay’s house, and a search made in the place indicated resulted in the discovery of the remains of a young female corresponding in age and certain peculi- arities to the description of Luximee. It was proved that Baba Diksit had informed her relations of her death, and had assisted them to per- form the funeral ceremonies for her, but he stated that she had died in childbed at the village of Takwar, a statement which was shown to be false. The evidence on the whole left little room for doubt that the unfortunate woman had been made away with for fear lest she should subsequently claim her child or divulge the imposture. On receiving the proceedings of this investigation the Govern- ment recorded their opinion that the Nepauneekur was “guilty of the fraud imputed to him, namely, "that of having attempted to impose a supposititious child on Government as his son and the 28 PU O 2] S heir to his possessions,” a Ml he was further considered guilty of being accessory to the murder of the woman Luximee. The opinion of the Political Agent was then asked for as to the right,of Government to punish the Chief by the resumption of the whole or part of his lands, and as to the effect such a measure wöuld have on the other Jagheerdars. In reply to this Mr. G. W. Arrderson stated that the right of Government to take the step in contemplation was unquestionable, and recommended the resumption of all the Chief's Surinjämee lands. He considered the example to the other Jagheerdars essential for the interests of Government, and, more than anything that could be devised, calculated to cause and ensure good government in the respective jagheers. Without such an example he feared that similar frauds would be constantly attempted. The Government, however, were not disposed” to adopt such severe measures. They remarked, under date 17th August 1832, that the Nepaumeekur had certainly subjected himself to penalties, and that it was their duty to visit him withs severe punishment as well for his breach of fidelity as to make him a warning to the other Jagheerdars. According to correct ideas of right and wrong, they observed, it would probably be desirable not to allow so unworthy an instrument to continue any longer a ruling authority in the country, but then it was to be remembered that thé attempt to pawn a spurious child on the Government was not considered by Whe Chiefs in the same light in which it would be regarded by those who had been brought up with more correct notions of truth and justice. Atrocious as was the murder of the female Luximee, there "was not sufficient proof to convictſhe Nepaumeekur, if tried, of being actually an accessory to the crime, though it was impossible, in considering the question as a whole, not to say that he was guilty. Taking there- fore into consideration the customs and prejudices of the country, and mindful of the good service done by the Nepauneeku, in the years 1800 and 1803, and his advanced age, the Government, while stating in the filest manner their right to resume the whole of the Chief’s sérvice lands, determined only ſo refuse to acknowledge the child,” * The child, however, had died a few days previously. 2j9 O and further to inform the Nepaumeekur thſ, no further son to be born to him would be acknowledged as the heir to his surinjam, which was to be considered as a life-grant, to be resumed at his death, in conse- quence of the fraud that had been proved against him. The rest of Siddojee Naik Nimbalkur's life was passed in ob- scurity and retirement. On the 28th July 1839 he died, having pre- viously adopted Morar Row, ºn of his half-brother Ruggonath Row, as heir to the Deshgut.* The Surinjamee estate was resumed by Go- vernment, and the villages and districts composing it were partitioned between the collectorates of Dharwar, Belgaum, and Sholapore. The net revenue accruing from this estate was calculated at Rs. 1,83,693, but much of the land being waste, it was expected that this amount would be considerably increased, under British management. From this pensions and gratuities to a very large amount were sanctioned. The elder widow received Rs. 3,000 per annum and thé five other widows Rs. 2,000 per annum each. The Chief's half-brother, Ruggonath Row, was allowed Rs. 1,863-2, and his daughter Rs. 1,000, yearly, and to the old tried Nepaumee minister, Lingo Punt, who had done good service under the Duke of Wellington, Mr. Elphinstone, and Sir John Malcolm, the income of Rs. 9,791-12-6 that he had received under his late master was continued. In reporting the proposed arrangements Mr. Townsend brought to notice the services of Ram Row Akburnuwees in connection with the discovery of the attempted fraud, and government expressed their intention of taking them into consideration afterwards. . Small comparatively as was the estate remaining to the family of the laté Chief, it yet was the cause of bitter quarrels and eventually serious disturbance. The deshgut and inam property were managed for the heir by the senior widow, Ahilya Baee, with the aid of Lingo Punt. This arrangement did not please the other widows, who wearied the authorities with complaints against these two persons. Their part was taken by Vittojee Row, half-brother of the late Chief, who had in Mr. Chaplin's time applied for a share in the sºurinjam, and who, on his request being refused, had continued to live in Poona on a pension of Rs. 3,000 per annum." This person added his voice * Estimated at Rs. 15,000 per annum. Y. & Y rº Q 2:30 to the chorus of complainM against Ahilya Baee and Lingo Punt, and asserted his right to a. share of the hereditary property and the management of the whole during the minority of Morar Row. The Government, however, declined to interfere, and when Ahilya Baee died, at the end of 1840, Luximee Baee, the eldest surviving widow, was appointed guardian to the young Dessaee. This arrangement appeared as unsatisfactory as the first to the other widows, and two of them induced Ruggonath Row to seize his son and to obtain the aid of the Arab Chiefs who had 5een in the service of the late Nepaumeekur, and who had received pensions and gratuities from Government. The Fort.of Nepaumee was then seized and the authorities set at defiance. Conciliation having failed, the Acting Political Agent warned the Arabs that if they did not submit before the 28th January 1841 they would be forcibly ejected. The ladies were also warned, and in consequence a consit'erable number of the Arabs quitted the fort, and the young Dessaee who had been taken from Luximee Baee was restored to her. . The fort, however, still held out, and Mr. Shaw was obliged to call in the aid of the military. Ruggonath Row left Nepaunee before the force assembled and came in, but as the others refused submission, a strong detachment was marched, which arrived on the 18th February within sixteen miles of the place. A proclamation was then sent to the insurgents requiring them, to lay down their arms, and warning them of the consequences of refusal. "As this was disregarded, the fort was attacked on the 20th. In the afternoon of that day a deputation was sent by the besieged, who were, however, referred to the proclamation and sent back. Firing then recommenced, and in the evening the officer commanding the force again called on the insurgents to surrender. In reply to this a deputation of nine women, among them one of the widows of the late Chief, was sent to O make terms for the Arabs. The attack, however, was recommenced on the following day, and after various attempts to make terms, the garrisos, 442 in number, surrendered the fort. • The ringleaders of the Arabs were punished with various terms of imprisonment, and the pensions, amounting to Rs. 5,631-6, and gratuities amounting to Rs. 3,269.15, of all who had joined in the 221 O insurrection, were forfeited. The two ſwidows who had taken a prominent part in the affair were punished. by their pensions being reduced to Rs, 1,000 per annum each, and the fort was dismantled at the expense of the Dessaee, who had also to pay the cost of the expedition. O The lapsed estate of Nepaumee was brought under the Regula- tions by Act VI. of 1842, and the Dessaee was subsequently created a second class Sirdar. He was promised promotion to the first class, but he inčurred the displeasure of Government in connection with a claim he raised to some villages and forfeited this distinction. O 222 \ REVENUE AND OTHER STATISTICS OF THE SOUTHERN MARATHA COUNTRY. Before entering into statistical details of the various States the ... following extracts from a Report submitted to Government in 1857 by Captain F. Schneider, then Officiating Assistant Political Agent Southern Maratha Country, may be given as generally applicable to the Southern Maratha Country, and therefore answering the purpose of an introduction to this portion of the Memoir:- O “VII.-Prevaling nature of the Soil, usual means of Irrigation, and general features of the country. “There are five descriptions of soil. Of these that known as the " “kalee,” or rich black; prevails; the others are known by the names of ‘mowut (mixture of red and black), ‘mal’ (red and stony), “kur- ruk’ (thin layer of black soil over a stone foundation), and ‘mullee (river soil). © “2. Irrigation is chiefly carried on by three processes, viz. bund- ing up small nullas or rivulets, and turning off the water in the direc- tion required; drawing water from wells and tanks by means of “motes” (leather bags); where the elevation of the bed of a tank is sufficient, the water accumulated during the rainy" season is drained off into the neighbouring fields as it is required. • º “3. Such portions of the Sanglee, Meeruj, Koorundwar, and Kagwar estafes as are watered by the Kristna are flat and particularly rich, • O O “4. The general features of the other parts of these and the remaining jagheers are those common to most parts of the Southern Maratha Country, viz. plains surrounded by undulating lands and occasionally intersected by ridges of hills. • “VIII.-Natural and Industrial resources. • “The only natural resources in these States are those common to this part of the country, viz. the woods ‘jambool' and “babool,' which grow in abundance. Iron in small quantities is obtained, and 223 ** */ in many parts valuable stone for buildingſ, urposes. Rich and nour- ishing grass is obtained from the steep banks of the Kristna and other rivers. • * “The industrial resources are confined to the production of the various Indian grains and indigenous cotton ; the manufacture of cloths of various qualities, that of a coarse kind being made in large quantities; metal vessels, &c." *X.—Climate and average range of Thermometer. “The climate is the same as that of the Deccan generally, the air being very dry, especially during the periods when the east winds prevail. The heat during the months of March, April, and May is “oppressive. g - “No information is obtainable as to the range of the thermometer. o O “XI.--Average annual fall of Rain. “The average amount of "rain is not known ; but with the ex- Sang ception of the districts as per margin, which Shapoor elaka Sanglee. ; , , tº º t tº ºrº *** *** Angole do. Koorund- from their proximity to the Syadree range of war (elder branch.) ghauts are more favoured, the annual fall is * º generally far short of that required, and conse- Yeagera do. Kagwar. quently the States lose by the large amount of O remissions which have to be granted. “KIII.-Religion, Language, Tribes, and Castes. “The religions are those of the Hindoo and Mussulman. The languages talked are the Marathi, Canarese, and Hindoostanee. Although more or less in use all over the Southern Maratha Country, the first is chiefly spoken in Shapoor and those districts of the various States situated to the north of it. In the several divisions south of Shapoor, Canarese is the prevailing tongue. The use of Hindoo." stanee is confined to the Mussulman portion of the population. “XVIII.-Prevalent diseases. U/2<% Ē«»�#GÐÈ@ ●ºsx{Ooſt-J,–: ſo ſeĒOțP-S. 3Jo sºlue N� ©ſąğ|-∞/∞�% •?>• ©,· •Q.• 4 • O~È.}=3 ºsoņsņēļSºuoſtup’90ſ}{ºdo.IO ÁGICI§.e-+- E”5. –-: saņȚIOų, ne KoA ins aqq Áq sſoſ ſąsȚCI osaq, Jo uÐAſō ale şoņsņeqs 3 uſAoIIoſ arī L Q 230 Further information Negarding these districts is given in the following extract from a memorandum No. 315, dated 17th April 1869, submitted to Government by the Political Agent, . Kolapore and Southern Maratha Country, and the Survey Commissioner S.D. :- “By the resolution of Government marginally noted the survey and assessment of the Meeruj. jagheer was ordered to be made by the Revenue Survey Southern Maratha Country, and we now have the honour of reporting the financial effect of the same on the revenues of this State. & No. 34 13, of 27th October 1863. No. of Villages. Area—Government and Alienated. - O Names of Mahals. } • | Govern- Cultivated | Cultivable Unsultivable e Totale Square ment. | Imam, Acres. waste. Willºge sites, Acres. Miles. - Rivers, Roads. • & 1. Meeruj . . . . 36 tº º 90, 156 4,983 15,985 111, 124 174 2. Luxmeshwur. , 14 & © 36,706 653 1,565 38,924 61 3. Modnimb ... ... 10 | . . . 50,467 866 3,584 || 54,914| 86 Total. ... 60 ... | 177,326 6,502 21,134 204,962 321 ^ “3. The revised rates of assessment were introduced in the Meerujmahal in January 1868 by Major. Prescott, the Political Agent and Assistant Political Agent being present. “In Modnimb the rates were introduced in February 1868 by Major Wallace, the Assistant Political Agent being present. “Luxmeshwur was settled by Lieutenant Colonel Anderson in May 1867, the Assistant Political Agent being present. • “4. The following comparative statement shows at a glance the assessment of these mahals according to the oldand new systems, and the effects of the latter on the revenue:- § -T- 2 Surve Assessment of Cultivated Government Land. Sur"% Assessment on Aºt Survey Kumal. Alienated Lands. Q O Cultivation. of Waste. - º © O - Old System. Name of Mahal. Survey .* |onlist years • Quit Quit O System. A: Collections.” - Old Survey | Töent Rent 10 years' | Last verage. Acres. Rs. Acres. Rupees. Quit Quit more less - Average | year’s e * - Rent. Rent. by the by Area. Collec- | Collec- O Rupees, Shvey Sur- tions. tions. Acres. | Rupees.|Acres. Rs. Acres. Ruſpees O vey. © O - *. 1. Meeruj ...... 79,476 87,728. 1,10,647 79,4761,06,338||18,005 . . . 4,314|4,9832,744 84,459 109,077] .. 479. 479| . . , Luxmeshwur ..] 24,680 27,273 45,738 24,680, 40,076. 12,803 .. © C 5,062. 653. 441 °25,333 40,517| 4,474 14,270. 9,796 Y- O : O O 3. Modnimb. . . . . . 48,704 29,111 || 30,590 48,704 37,486, 8,375 . . 6,896 . . 866. 149 49,570 37,635 . . 89 89 .. -—-|--|--e—l——-l——-l—|—|—|—e-l—- *-s amma Q e - Total of theſagheer 152,860, 1,44,112 1,86,375.152,8601,83,895.39,783 ... 6,896 9,3766,502 3,334 1,59,362. 1,87,229 4,474 14,838 10,364 .. ( ) 232 5. It will be observed Nhat the effect of the survey rates has been to raise the revenue 23 per cent. Over the average collections, and to lower it 1 per cent. on the collections of the year previous to the introduction of the revised system. 6. The details of the assessment are set forth in.the following Statement :— º 3 º * 80 So 2 Assessment of Government 33 5 .# 5 § 5 º' Cultivated Lands. † = | 3 < * * * B = 4: - 5 : P. ‘s à |35 sp; ; Names of Mahals. | #: 9 J. H |#'s 5% # - #3 $– § 3 ||= 2 # = 3 © ... O # = | # # # |e E # 5 % Dry Crop|Rice Garden. Total. I # # Tº # * ă ş § ;4 % = *-* $3 * – F- # 3 || 3 |#### l 2 3 4 • 4 6 7 8 9 O * © O O 1. Meeruj . . . . . . . . . . . . 97,012 46 9,275 | 106,333| 2,744° 109,077. 22,209| 131,286 2. Luxmeshwur . . . . . . . . 39,477 57 542 40,076 441. 40,517| 21,018 61,535 3. Modnimb . . . . . . . . . .] 31,072 78 6,336 37,486 149| 37,635 1,667 39,302 Total Jagheer.... 167,561 | 181| 16,153 | 183,895 3,334| 187,229 44,894. 232,123 It was proposed by the officers who drew up the above memorandum that a six years' guarantee of the new rates should be given to the Ryots. It was not considered desirable to fix a longer period, as in six years the young Chief will have attained his majority. This has been sanctioned by Government in their Resolution No. 1489, dated 6th May 1869. ^ O EDUCATION. © O © C O Schools. Teachers. Pupils. Names of Purgunmas. • © - ** - ‘...." | village | "..." village. °. village. 1. Meeruj ........... 7 | 1 | 1 | l | * 386 264 2. Luxmeshwur.... s e e º e º e e 5 e e e 5 e e º º 155 3. Modnimb .......... • * e e • 5 © e <> 5 e i & 60 Total. . . . 7 2] 11 2I 386 479 233 O Vaccination/ The number of persons vaccinated during the year 1868 was altogether 962, including successful and unsuccessful cases. . PUBLIC WoRKs. Besides roads of more or less importance, the chief public works in the State have been those connected with the supply of water, of which an idea may be gathered from the following memorandum. The previous supply consisted of wells and an old quarry tank. The wells dried up in the hot season and the tank water became undrinkable. In April and May water had to be brought from the Kristma, a distance of 2% miles. • About 2% miles north of the town strong springs are to be found in the bed of a nulla. The late Chief excavated a well 14 feet square and 14 feet deep near these springs, and brought the water collected in this well to the town by means of a mud aqueduct which was destroyed the following monsoon. The water in these springs is now * brought by means of channels in the bed of the nulla, to a central well a little below the springs, from which well an 8-inch iron pipe carries it to a point immediately outside the town. From this point two submain pipes diverge, one taking the water to the old quarry tank, t the other conducting it to the town. Small branch pipes take the water from the town submain to tanks built at convenient places. These tanks, of which there are four, are calculated to hold about 35,800 gaſons each, and are provided with fittings to prevent an overflow of water as well as to allow of their being cleaned. It is estimated that the supply of water in April was not less than 290,450 gallons per day. The present supply in the large tank is estimated at 9 million gallons, and an additional supply is obtainable from wells. Arrangements have been made to build other tanks. Ç Though some of the work is still in progress, the town has been Supplied with pipe water since the 19th of November 1868. - * The work was commenced in December J866. f The townspeople subscribed upwards of Rs. 1,400 towards the clearing out of this tank. - 30 PU § The following is a list of the public works in progress at Meeru during the year 1868: — Q w” O r Amount of Amount Ex- Troable date of No. O NAMES OF WORKS. Sanction. p5.* º Completion. Work UNDER THE Executive ENGINEER. Rs. a. p. RS. a. p. 1 || Meeruj aqueduct . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74,245 0 0 69,525 l 1|August 1869. 2 Do, tank . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15,059 0 0 12,631 1 3 Do. 3 Survey for aqueduct from Hyderkham's well . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | S 2 3 4 Survey of town of Meeruj . . . . . . . . . • * * * e º e a • * * * * | * , , e a & • 349 l l In progress. - 5 Meerui and Arzoonwar road . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5,735 0 0 A Gºl N or " Do, | do. .do. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6,710 0 0 } 11,366 14 8|Nearly completed 6 || Meeruj and Sanglee road, Jagheer portion . . . . . . . . . 2,775 7 10 2,687 14 9|Completed. 7 || Meering and Punderpoor road . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40,682 9 7 17,832 13° 8|lst Sept. 1869. 8 || Drain No. 1 Gunesh Bagh at Meeruj. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 342 0 () 10 2 3|lst June 1869. 9 || Repairs to the fort walls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . e º 8 c tº tº ºn. 487 0 0 244 2 2ſm progress. 10 | Ordinary repairs to the Meeruj and Punderpoor road, 2,488 0 0 1,821 0 51st April 1869. ll Constructing a bungalow near Heera Bagh at Meeruj . . . . . . . 71 5 1|l st June 1869. 12 Meeruj and Sanglee road, British portion . . . . . . . . . . 2,562 - 4 4 2,308 2 9|Completed, 13 | Constructing drains and culverts on the Meeruj and O - . i - Punderpoor road, Sanglee portion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21,197 0 0 1,018 0 51st Sept. 1869.< Under the supervision of the State Officers. - 14 || Planting roadside trees, &c. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . e e º º, ø 384 0 9|Completed. 15 | Putting moorum on the road passing through the O O open ground between the town and the tank...... o l61 15 6| Do. 16 | Removing prickly-pear near the Koopwad gate of Meeruj and the Chowulwey Boorooj. . . . . . . . . . . . & 8 122 10 9| Do. 17 | Putting moorum on the road leading from the Beeja- ... I O poor gate to Baba Sahib's house. 2... . . . . . . . . . ſº 260 0 Ol Do. 18| Parapet walls on the roads leading to the fort . . . . . . e tº e s e O 193 14 6 loo. 19 | Repairing the side works of the Beejapoor gate. . . . . . tº gº º - 170 0 Ol Do. 20 | Constructing road round the town of Meeruj. . . . . . . . e tº e º º º 1,989 15 9. Do. 21 | Improving ventilation of the school building and making ordinary annual repairs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • * 174 4 0 Do. 22 Constructing Dhurmsalla near the Beejapoor gate .. & e s tº 1,301 1 9 Do, 23 Sundry petty works . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . tº e o 'º 6 I80 9 3| Do. REMARKS. It is proposed to COInstruct two or three addi- tional tanks. 2* From funds sup- plied by Col- lector of Sat- tara. From funds sup- plied by the Chief of San- glee. 235 O The above list shows the works in frogress. Among the com- pleted works the most noteworthy is the school-house at Meeruj, which is considered the best building of the kind at present to be found in the Southern Maratha Country, and which cost Rs. 12,880, exclusive of the timber, which was presented by Government. The inhabitants of Meeruj subscribed altogether Rs. 12,782-1-7 towards the expense of this building. This is not the only instance of enlightened liber- ality on the part of the inhabitants of the Meeruj districts. A large Dhurmsalla was lately completed at a cost of upwards of Rs. 4,344, principally derived from private subscriptions; and in the village of Kowteh-peeran the inhabitants recently subscribed Rs. 9,823-7-6 for works in their village, and expressed their willingness to subscribe -more if required. Rs. 25,000 have been contributed by the Meeruj . State to the bridge over the Kristna at Oodgaum. © O ‘ O © PostAL. Post offices have been established at Meeruj and Luxmeshwur. • JUDICIAL. There is a Moonsiff's Court at Meeruj; and the Mamlutdars of Luxmeshwur and Mpdnimb are empowered to try civil cases relating to sums up to Rs. 1,000. O 6. MEERUJ–2ND SHARE. e g g O = º The possessions of Luximon Row Anna Sahib comprised in four &P divisions as under:— . 1. Petta Goodgiree... Adjoining the Shigao talooka of the Dhar- war collectorate. -- 2. Do, Kowteh . . Adjoining the Tasgaum talooka of the • Sattara collectorate. . 3. Do. Kurolee . . Near the Punderpoor talooka" of, the Poona collectorate. Q 4. Do. Tulowree. O 236 The revenues, popula\on, &c. of these are as under":— Names of Pettas. Pevenue. wº Population. s Rs. A.' P. -ms-º-º-º-º-º: 1. Petta Goodgiree. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60,756 13 6 15 11,248 2. Do. Kowteh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59.048 0 2 is 16,638 3. Do. Kurolee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14,299 10 1 4 . 2,500 4. Do. Tulowree . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,962 7 0 4 © Total.... 1,37,066 s 4 — = - Besides these the following villages form part of the Estate, viz.:-" I. The Mulla; which is Anna Sahib's place of abode or sudder station, situated close to Meeruj, and yields Rs. 6,923-3-6 pér annum. 2. Erandole, in the Inchulkurrunjee State, yielding a revenue of Rs. 499-15-2. © 3. Tunnoo, in the Indapoor talooka of the Poona zilla, yielding a revenue of Rs. 724-9-10. 4. A fourth share of Ropalee yielding Rs.937-5-9. Besides the above detailed revenue, Anna Sahib receives custom duties estimated at Rs. 2,495-3, and from Sheree lands Rs. 126-5-9. EDUCATION. O \ ro-oº of No. of School No. of . "Pupils. • Namees of Pettas. O's Of SCHOOlS. Teachers. upliS. —iº. O O l, Petta Goodgiree. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 8 235 2. Do. Kowteh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 9 210 O 3. Do. Kurolee . . . . . . . . . 9 e e s s a e e e 2 2 45 4. Do. Tulowree • * * * e º e s O gº © --— - - O Total..., 19 O 19 460 * These statistics have been furnished by the Chief, and their correctness cannot be wouched for, 237 O WAccINATIO N/ The vaccination returns for the estate df the elder branch include s ſº sº * g º {º the persons vabcinated in Anna Sahib's estate for which there is no special return. • PUBLIC Works. There äre no public woulos of any note being carried on in the estate, but it may be mentioned that Anna Sahib subscribed Rs. 25,000 toward the bridge over the Kristma at Oodgaum. JUMIKHUNDEE. The divisions of this State are three, viz.:-- "Name? of Pettas. 1. Petta Jumkhundee ... Situated on tha Kristna river which forms the northern boundary. To O the south lies Moodhole, and on the west the Sanglee district of Terdal. 2. Do. Bidree . . . . . . Situated on the east bank of the Krist- na river, adjoining the district of O Jumkhundee. 3. D} Koondgole. . . . Situated in the Dharwar collectorate to the south of the town of Hooblee O and N.W. of the Sanglee district of O O . Sirhuttee. The revenue, population, &c. are as follows, according to the information supplied by the Chief:— * @ Names of Pettas. Revenue. viº. Population? O O 1. Petta Jumkhundee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60,557 6 0 33 • 39,268 2. Do. Bidree . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,22,835 14 3 26 16,334 3. Do. Koondgole. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,50,973 5 l 20 17,383 Total. . . . . . 3,34,366 9 4| 79 72,985 • 238 Besides the above the Chief owns three Phootgaums or outlying villages, viz.:- Names of Pettas. Revenue. Population. C situation. 1. Awurwad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ) R.S. a. p.]. © In the Gokak Orłll]llºl 2. Koolgoopie ............ }| 10,335 11 0 2,000 of the Belg º &. 3. Chikulgotee . . . . . . . . . . . . J • • Belgaum alia. In addition to the revenue of these districts the Jumkhundeekur calculates that he derives Rs. 34,813 from stamp and succession duties, &c. O EDUCATION. " of T g © Class an. * 0. Number of Pupils. Q ; s & rt: . • © #: Name. " a 3 : . . Total Nº. of s 3 . g go -: sº Schoolse ºf $: à || 2 | # 3 || 3 E | # 3 ||3 fl. -5 ºf É 3 || 3 gº # § 3 ||3 e Ç cº --. 3 = | "C o ,'º' rº. ce : ; "E as tº ": ë | # | 3 || || 5 # # # || 5 || || 5 § | 3 | # gå Ö" | I. Cö Gº | CŞ T | II: C | E- Jumkhundee . . . . . . . . | 8 || 1 || 1 || 1 || 1 4 44 || 133| 25 | 20 222 > DISPENSARY AND WACCINATION. There is a dispensary at Jumkhundee kept up at a monthly expense of Rs. 350 per mensum. © * . The number of patients relieved in the year 1867 was 1,868; in the year 1868 up to December the number exceeded 3,000, and the average daily number of patients relieved was 90. . Q The number of persons vaccinated during 1868 was 423. • PUBLIC Works. The public work of chief interest at Jumkhundee is the improve- thent of a large Tank and the conveyance of water therefrom to the town. This was commenced some years ago, but left unfinished owing to unavoidable circumstances. The Chief expresses his inten- tion of having the work speedily accomplished. g - Post AL. There are post offices at Jumkhundee and Kondgole. 239 KOORUNDWAR–ELDER.BRANCH, ë Q • •. t i. & The chief"district of this estate is the Talovka Gud, the popula- tion, revenues, &c. of which are stated” to be as follows:— O Revenue." ; * S. Population. Situation. © RS & &l. p. Gud . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30,047 l l 3 25 9, 196 —-tº-2 Besides the above this estate contains the following Phootgaums © e - e ſº or isolated villages, viz.:- O C 2 Names of Villages. • Revenue. Population. Situation. Rs. a. p. Mojay Koorundwar .... 16,492 14° 0 7,305 At the junction of the Punchunga and Kristna rivers S.W. of - Meeruj. Do. Lohokoor ...... J,206 0 0 392 To the west of the Kristna, be- tween Shedbal and Mungsolee, in the Uthmee' talooka of the O - Belgaum collectorate. Do. Allas. . . . . . . . . . 13,837 2 6 2,545 |In Prant Meeruj on east bank of - D the Kristma, S.E. of the town of &P Koorundwar and E. of Akewat. Do. Ingulgaum 3,249 6 3 774 |In the Terdal purgunma. Do. Itnal . . . . . . . . . . 1,201 10 () 832 Do. do.” Do. Yurguttee . . . . . . 231 () 0 683 Do. do. Mjuray Mufrakooree.”.. 295 8° 0 54 Do. do. Mojay Sawsoopee 907 8 () 47 |In, Prant Rybagh. Do. Wategaum 5,496 5 3 2,545 |In the Kurrar pramt of the Sat. tara collectorate. Do. Tekoteh . . . . . . 11,895 l l 6 4,095 |In the Honwar purgunma to west of the town of Beejapoor. O Do. Guneshpoor, or - South of the Kristma and close to Guneshwaree. 1, 159 I4 3 1,443 the town of Kagwar. Q - Total.... 55,972 15 9 20,715 © O * All these statistics are given on the authority of the Chief, and their COrrect- mess cannot be vouched for. O 240 h Besides the above rewºnues the Chief derives Rs. 145 from a garden in Poona. The stamp revenues are estimated at Rs. 2,053-5, and the proceeds of fines, &c. at Rs. 3,317-15-4. . EDUCATION. O Names of the places. Schools. Teachers. Pupils. Talooka Gud . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 2 23 Mojay Allas. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l l * 14 Do. Ingulgaum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l 1 . 15 Do. Wategaum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 2 3 () Do. Tekoteh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. 2 2 55 Do. Koorundwar • e e s - * * * * * * * * 3 O 3 | | 9 . Do. Guneshpoor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . } I 20 O Total.... 12 12 276 ſ ) •+ —a WAccINATION. O The number of persons vaccinated during 1868 was 886.” Post AL. There is a post office at Koorundwar. Q KOORUNDWAR–YOUNGER CHIEFS, SHARE. The chief divisions of this Estate are two, viz — * Talooka Yelloor . . . . . . Composed of a number of villages close to and for the most part to the south of . . Belgaum. Do. Maindergee . . Bounded on the N.W. and S. by the or Myndergee. Akulcote estate. The Nizam's terri- O tories adjoin it on the east and the Sholapore collectorate on the west. The revenues, population, &c. of these districts are as under, according to information furnished by the Chief:— --- * This includes the vaccination in the younger Chiefs' territories. Names of Talookas. - (.. - viº. Popula tion. O gº —- Rs. a. p 1. Yelloor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ...... 52,725 5 4 26 ll,921 2. Maindergee.................... .. 34,613 4 6 15 12,045 O - * -* -----e. Totah. ... 87,338 9 10 4 I 23,966 Besides these districts the Chiefs possess the outlying villages of Gutunhuttee, situated near the Uthnee talooka of the Belgaum col- lectorate, yielding a.reverſue of Rs. 1,000, and with a population of .534; and Dow unkuttee, near Kunkunwarree, in the Kolapore State, . and Uthnee, yielding a revenue of Rs. 300, and with a population of 500. They also receive from the elder Chief Rs. 9,000”.on account of their share in Koorundwar, Guneshpoor, &c., and Rs. 2,000 for Kooruns. EDUCATION. Names of Purgunmas. º Schools. Teachers. Pupils. e O 1. Talooka Yelloor. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l 1 60 2. Do. Maindergee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 2, 150 3. Koorundwar • • - e - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - l 3 40 O Total. . . . 4 6 250 J’ - © O - w PUBLIC Works. O The most hoteworthy public work in this Estate is a scheme for supplying water to the town of Koorundwar, as follows:— A wind-engine capable of raising 6,000 gallons of water per hour with a breeze giving a pressure of 2 lbs. on the square foot, or supply- ing 36,000 gallons per diem if worked six hours a day, was erected on * It was mentioned in the former portion of this Memoir that a dispute had arisen regarding the currency in which these payments should be made. It has since been ruled by Government, in their Resolution No. 2086, dated 30th June 1869, that the elder Chief should pay henceforward in Government currency, or submit the Emams to a proper valuation, that the fair share of the younger Chiefs may be ascertained. 31 PU O 242 the banks of the Panchgungº, at a point about three-quarters of a mile from Koorundwar. This Y. pumps the water out of a well, con- nected with the river by a channel, into a stand pipe, The water having got the required elevation in this pipe, flows by gravity through 6-inch pipes into a tank in the town capable of containing about • 2,400,000 gallons of water, or sixty-six days' supply. Rs. 25,000 were contributed by the Chiefs for this public work, which is now on the verge of completion. * MOODHOLE. This State, as has been already mentioned, gonsists of five districts in a ring-fence, besides a village and a half in the Sattara zillah. The revenues, &c. of the State aré as follows:– Names of Purgumes. Rºme. " • sºvº. © Rs. 1. Purgunna Moodhole ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21,5355) 9 2. Do. Jumbgee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37,065 20 3. Do. Machikmoor .............. 13,179|} 1,01,456 9 4. Do. 4. Dhowleshwur . . . . . . . . . . . . 19,610 • 12 5. Do. Lokapoor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10,067|J O | S Revenues derived from Enam village of Koomteh ‘. * and half share of Nandgaum .... ... . . . . . . . . . 8,265 Q O Sayur and stamp revenues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ...} 32,730 Q Total Revenues for 1867-68. . . . . . 1,42,451 Moodhole having been regularly surveyed the following statistics afe given by the Survey Department. It should be noted that they refer only to the Khalsa villages:— O ºp —” O g - * Since the first portion of this Memoir passed through the press Trimbuk Row Abba Sahib of Koorundwar has died. The question is now before Government as to who is heir to his estate—whether all the Chiefs of the family, or only those of the younger branch. É fº O - g & Culturalle Dry Crops. Rice. Garden. #: Total *...] Unault Total := S . T () detail in Uncultur- Otá. P & |3: Names of Talookas. Acrº Cºls. 7, 9, able Acres. Assessment. ‘5 .# É and all. Acres. Assessment. Acres. |Assessment. Acres. Assessment. s Tº ſº - : 2. \ Q © vºy . O & O 3 * 5 6 7 8 9 | 0 | 1 12 13 O Q * y- O O O vºy l|Moodhole. . . . . . . . . 2,05,27 || 1,79,502 25,769 1,78,336 1,26,414 2 le 4 1, 164 2,993 1,29,597 •. © © STATISTICS. Square Mil No. of Inha- O *..."bitants tº tº lot] square mire, O IHouseS. Cattle. Inhabitants Carts, . º Shops. Col. 4. Cols. 16 & 21. O 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 O wº O º - Moodhole . . . . . . . . . . . 15, 119 || 44,601 || 35,655 251 358 53 113 320.7 111’ 16 § e O 244 Further statistical inºvatiºn will be found in the following extract from a joint memolândum, No. 416 of 1869, submitted to Government by the Political Agent Kolapore and S. M. C. and the Survey Commissioner S.D. :— “Under instructions conveyed in Government letter No. 752, of 12th March 1863, the classification and settlement on the Revenue Survey principle of Moodhole was undertaken by the Söuthern Ma- ratha Country Revenue Survey Department, and we have now the honour of reporting the financial result on the revenues of that Estate, exclusive of the outlying village of Koomteh in the "Sattara collec- torate which has not yet been surveyed. STATEMENT No. 1–AREAs. Area, O No. of Villages. Government and Alienated” * dº º rºc; g cr; Name of Mahal. : # . 5 . 5 * * 5 º g g Sº tº # 8 || 3 £o gº ºf -: Qi.) º 5 ... 9 E 2 | "Fi & 5 rº **t 2– SP cº 3 -3-º ºvº C = > Cºci cº º 3 : Tº º dź ºr ă ă ă 9 S 3. Cb ſº O O = ~ - - H CO C * - ºr tº g- p-y A-y - ..) ºr - I Moodhole. . . . . . . . . . . . 69 * * i 10,905 || 7,429 2,07,363 1,45,697. 22.7% O * “2. The statement given above shows the total area of the Estate, and the culturable and waste land recorded by the survey. “3. The revised rates of assessment were introduced early in March 1868 by Major Wallace, the Deputy Superintesdent of the Revenue Survey Southern Maratha Country, assisted by Colonel Oldfield, the Assistant 'Political Agent. “4. . The following comparative statement, gives the result of the Survey Assessment, and shows also the assessment according to the old system, and it will be observed that the financial effect is favourable to the revenue, the increase being 2.96 per cent. on the last year's collections under the old system, and 5.33 per cent, on the 11 years' average collections. STATEMENT No. 11.- Old and New Assessment compared. fº. ſº ~ y w © . g Q - Assessment ºf cultivated Survey assessment Survey assess- Survey * \ Gover - tº 8 tº f Alienated. C overnment land. on cultivetion. ment of Waste. kumáº. O & O O g # à O On the On last 3. * # | # - * Old system. O Survey system. 11 years year's ..] § à || 3: Name of Mahal. ' average. , collections. • ;: | # * | * ſt a */O * # & § CAE) 2- C • Q) •l-> C 3 G.) & a; - pº * =t C. r—t à "E § 5 Jº & £ E To so r:g th O § § § ‘E § Q) wº # 2, - Q} th § d; . . tº as th Q) g; e ] § | Gº || 5 | g ſº Q) co º +2 E Sp 9- *—t w) Q} e-, 92 2-4 Sp G. P+ *- -t; © | 3 || 3 | – || # 5 || 3 | # 3 || 3 º ż żº * Q -: cº $2 : e. cº § $2 ç o .: S2 :- .S: cº 5 § R S % = | * = 3 : C. £d CE E- . e tional tyrat, and the sebundée, comes to twenty-five lakhs, forty-one thousand, niele hundred rupees. O Detailed account of the berij of the mahals for this surinjam. 64,415 11 0 The estimated berij of the purgunna of Kurkumba, Purguma of - \ as under :— Kurkumba. 65,897 6 3 Ain jumma. Q 7,616 10 3 Sewaee jumma. 2,902 4 6 Komavis jumma, 76,416 5 0 Deduct from this :— 11,649 b 0 Dumallaland and villages as under:- 1,306 12 Mojay Tambway (held ... by) Ranojee Sattay. 1, 192 2 Mojay Oojunee (grant- ed to) Gunajee Nul- '• gay. 450 0 Five chawurs of inam land 2%ranted to) Govind Hurree. 300 z0 Land held by Mookunjee Naik Jasood in mojay Q Kerolee. O 2,771 12 Mojay Goorsalee (held - •by) Mahiput Row. 2,112 12 belonging to the hoozoor paga, as under : — 686 10 Budulkote. . 1,426 2 Kuraly. *- 2, 1 12 12 51 0 Nurshing Row Oodhaw of the hoozoo, paga, half a chawur of ºut." Pimpulnair. © 76 12 Geermajee Bawajee, Ra- O ghoba Rurway Pun- dhurpoorkur 75 beegas of land. 220 O Shahajee Hurree and Shamjee. Wittuldass Pundhurpoorkur, land in Mendapooree. O 50 0 Luximon Khunder Row, half a chawur of land. ( vii ) w 22 0 The koorun belonging to 953 • the hoozoor paga in Q - Sagwee—# chawur. 7 Wittoba Hureedass Pun- dhurpoorkur—mokassa as under :— 793 7 Mojay Ar- Il G.G. 160 0 Mojay Bhu- to Omree. *gºs-ºsmºsº, tºsºmºmº 953 7 980 4 Appajee Row Gadgeel Nisbut Shahajee Bhos- lay—Mojay Rodelay Boodruk (old). 1,162 8 Jagheerdar Mahomed Tummee Nisbut Nim- balkur, as under : — 400 4/IConeyree. 762 4 Khundalee. *==== *º sº-º-º-º-, smº 1,162 S 11,649 6 O 351 4 Nemnooks, wurshasuns, * and charitable gifts. 12,000 10 Remainder. 12,560 4 Sebundee. 51,855 7 Ain berij. *=====sº 64,415 || 1 O i \ Q l ( viii ) 1,07,202 12 Estimated amount of purgunna Mungulvera. - l, 10,000 0 Ain akar qf the said purgunna. N. 17,500 0 Ditto of the chouthai and 4 jagheep villages of the purgunna Burundole, and 4 villages of the Hulsun- º O gee purgunna. 27 villages, purgunna Burundole, viz:— Mungulvera. 23 chouthai villages. 4 villages on other jagheer tenure. 27 2' Three villages in purgunya Hulsungee chow thai and rukwalee, viz.:- O | Lonee. O 1 Luchan. © I Gotyal. * e 3 © 30 1,27,500 0 altogether, including estimated Sayur of the purgunma of Mungulvera. \Deduc as follows:– O 19,897 4 Dumalla villages, inamdars, and lands. 1,275 14 Mojay Paykhul, (held byj Somajee O Kalay, Nisbut Sidojee Bambaſſ-- 1, 134 4 Mojay Koopsungee. . . s 2,519 .4 Mojay Kawudhullee (held &Y) Sewram Kristna Koomp. 2,485 2 Mojay Moodwee belonging to hoozoor paga. 6,495 7 Daneyjey (held by) Suthey Bodh Swamee. 1,438 3 Nine chawurs and three-quarters of inamee land held by Narayen Row • Purshotum and Row Kristna in mojay Ambway. • J O ( ix. ) ( O i47 S One chawur of land held by Shamjee Vittul- dass Pundhurpoorkºur in mojay Ambay. 33- 0. One-quarter of a chawur of land held by Jow Bhutt Josee. ô7 0 Half a chawur of inamee land held by Vittoba Burway Pundhurpoorkur. 16 8 Fifteen beegas of inamee land held by Kedar aya Jungun. 23 N.0 One and three-quarters of a chawur of land held by Peer Guyb-and Murdan Guybee. 33 0 One-quarter of a chawur of land held by Bawulteeb Fukeer. 40.12 A quarter of a chawur and ‘one beega held by O the musiid of Peer Bukree. 33 0 A quarter of a chawur of land, in Kapoor Bawa, held by the ancient Tukya. 33 0 A quarter of a chawur of land held by Peer. 90 4 Half a chawur and 22 beegas of land (granted to) Mahars on account of º 162 0. One chawur held by Moken Nundoorkur. 33 0 , 689 0 from Akus in kuryat of Shirhuttee. & Q 297 8 from Khutow, kusba Sanglee. 1,038 8 from 3 villages in kusba Belowree ‘187 0 from Unklee, prant Kagul, 582 0 from Rajapoor, kusba Nandree. 159 0 from Benapoor, kuryat Nandrey. • * * 58 8 from Burkumb, prant Hookeree. —º- 4,398 8 . 689 0 from Akus in the kusba Sirhuttee, belonging to Kossajee Bhoslay. 6,841 1 from the villages of Sewajee Thorat, as ... under :— 47 O • 719 0 from mojay Bissoor. O 2,051 2 from 4 villages in kusba Kowteh. 42 O 1,275 12 from 4 do. do. Islampoor. O O 506 13 from 3 do. do. Belowree. O 1,558 0 from 2 do. prant Kagul. O 445 2 from 3 do. kusba Nandray. 285 4 from 2 do, prant Hookeree. 6,841 1 250 0 The whole village of waree Doodhondee *S. to all the Brahmins of Walwa. 70 1 1 The choutai of Gºm granted to Pundit Row. O ): ( xxii ) 728 12 from Bambowree (granted to) Anund Row - ... • Doobul. 4,973 11 (granted to) Chintamun Row Sewdew, as under : — Q 4,265 6 from Boodgaum. 708 - 5 from Chinchnee. * 4,973 11 26 210 0 from Chikulgotun (granted to) Ramdass • Gossavee. 1,040 10 Half of Nagaum near the mojay given to Birar - Sid Dew. O . 1,284 7 Half the assessment of mojay Kurnal, granted to Ramajee and Vittul Row Gossavee. 325 0 Inam in Bhowlee, granted to Fukeer Peer- jaday. O 835 4 Half of kusba Nandrey, granted to Jeew Row Sinday. O • 1,910 6 Half of the prant agreed to be given to the Muntree, as under :—s. 1,517 2 from mojay. Digruj. Khoord (little) Q Kagut Prant. © º 193 4 Mojay Doodareein kushabheelowree. lºmºsºmºmºmºsºs • 1,910 6 O 15,000 0 The Muntree has the umul of the Sirdesh- mookee. The whole of the estimated amount has been brought to credit. From this it has been agreed to give him yearly Rs. 15,000. 1,369 14 The village of Sawulwadee given in inam to Hybut Row Kesur. 39,927 4 ( xxiii. ) - - 32,900 12 Total amount of dumalla that used to be debited 200 700 400 N 500 507 6572 and now is collected as” in. the year A.D. 1761, • as under:— () Wurshasun to Hur Bhutt Baput. 0 to Mahomed Sai Kagwarkur from Maleywad. 0 to Sooltanjee Rai Jaday from Hurolee, as under :--- 300 cash. 100 in kind. * 300 • 0 to Buyajee Kalay in service of Chimungeer. O Kassee Bheekajee. 0 Narroo Mulhar. •0 Gopal Kristna. © O Raſhchundra Roodra. 0 Bhasker Naik Sedoray. 0 Appajee Amund Row. 0 Mojay Dhorely belonging to Chintoo Kristma's paga. 0 from Koomteh for the Hoozoor F urrash. 1 I from Doodharee, granted to Soqbana Row * Thovat. *. 4 from Takaree, granted to Nilkunt Row Thorat, O 2.480 0 Muhiput Row Poonaikur from Duyaree. l, 103 11 Land in Doodhandee (granted to)"Siddojee O Row Patumkur. 3.32 II from mojay Keday or . Loday (granted to) 5,090 3,568. 2,462 Purwut Row Ekweekur. 0 Sawurlee (granted to) Wasoodew Amunt, nephew of Yemajee Sewdew. 0 from Manjuree (granted to) Mahadjee Shitolay. 4 belonging to Vittul Eshwunt Row, as undºus- 2,355 5 from Khillegaum and Pandegaumº 106 15 from the wº land. *=º 2,462 4 in Meeruj. i O ( xxiv. ) 169 300 133 3S 15 28 § 2 Rungojee Mohitay Wujray. O' Mºjay Mungawtee (granted to) Sham and Doom. O 8 Ramchunder Jeewajee, from kusba Meeruj. 0 Nurso Doobajee, in the service of the Doobul, from land near Nagaum. • 0 Sudasew Chintamunee, in service of Vittul Sewdew, garden land in Meeſſi. 8 Venkapa Naik Kalay, garden land in Meeruj. 0 Khundgownda, a field from Meeruj. 4 Shreeniwass Trimmul. 1,257, 12 Mahadajee Kristna, late Furnees of Meeruj, in © 745 51 I 4,000 • 5,919 570 the service of the Muntrée, as under : — 1,210 7 Nimbaluk. 47 °5 garden land in Meeruj. * 1,257 12 O 0 Luximon Wamun Bukshee, mojay Lingnoor. () Narroo Mahadoo, in service of Govind Row Chitnees. 0 Rughojee Bhoslay, from Kowish. 4 Vishnoo Wiswunath, mojay Ingſºº Doomrfa. 0 Morro Bullak Putwurdhan–Inam land and • villages, as under:— . Q 1 Joogul. 1 Kowteh Yekund. -s 2 Q Altogether # chawoor and 10 beegas, at Rs. 50. 72,828 0 32,900 13 ( xxv ) | O Q Remained. 77,969 8 Amount of collections on accºunt of the surinjamee people made over to the service of the above- mentioned. (Govind Hurree), as made in the year A.D. 1761, during the administration of Sewajee ..Bullal, as under : — 12,730 9 Khetrojee Sindia, kusba Mhuysal, and N - Mullewarree, two villages. 5,521 0 Yemajee bin Mahadjee Sindia, the two villages of Kowteh and Nurwad, 10,335 - O Tookajee bin Sumbhajee Ghorepuray, six villages in the kusba of Desing. 5,147 6 Amund Row Sinday. Mullungaokur, * ... • in lieu of eight villages originally O given to him, but the assessment of which was in excess of what he was • entitled to. 2,945 6 Jeewajee Sinday, from mojay Aroray. 4,684. 4 Posjee Gaikwar Balokee. - 13,782 6 Siwajee Bhoslay and Yussajee-Velaykur. 2,292 1 Agnojee Doobul, mojay Dholgaum. • 3,284 8 Sabjee Ghatgay, from Koomteh. sº G 1,261 0 Kalnak, mojay Kulumbee. 882 8 Hunmunt Row Sawunt Loduwray. 2,412 4 Bhaskur Hurree, Shelsal and garden • * land in Meertj. 12,259 8 Bhoodhajee Chowan, kusba Digruj, and Kurnal. 502 0 Sungappa Rajmanee. ** 77,969 8 tº O 4,22,369 0 Another total. * N 5,00,338 8 \ Q O O - ! ( xxvi ) Carnatic 12, 18,080 15 Th: Carnatic mahals with loss as under — Mahals. 63,985 12 Purgunna Yad war. 43,675 12 Purgunna Shapoor. " 12,027 15 Purgunma Anwul. 17,514 2 Kusba Ingunhullee. 1,46,874 4 Purgunna Moolgoond. 1,40,000 O Summiut (or Sunsthan) Kittoor. 2,18,682 9 Talooka Hurreehur, Buča Puttun. 49,628 5 Purgunna Turrus. 1,80,667 7 Purgunna Koondgole, together with Sawusee. 1,25,000 O Prant Hooblee, with the Killedar." O 3,279 10 Summut Bemikuttee. O - 1,24,525 1 The talooka belonging to Vittul Vish- ram (assessed at) Rs. 1,34,525-1, of which Rs. 10,000 should be deducted aS having been brought to credit on ac- count of talooka Kudolee, Shapoor. 61,967 15 Kusba Behuttee. 25,561 7 Surdeshkut. 2,47,455 0 Purgunna Luxineswur-Tunkha. 14,60,845 3 O © º Q_P From this amount is to be deducted the amount of deficiency in the jumabundee berij given by Luxi- mun" Koneher, Rs. 2,90,000, minus Rs. 1,45,000, the amount allowed to be struck off after reference to the Sirkar, leaving a balance of Rs. 13, 15,845-13. From this is to be deducted the dumalla (alienation) O as under. A memorandum is to be produced to ,’ show whether the assessment is in excess of or less than "y. :— 3,716 0 Purgunna Yadwar. 1,745 10 Purguuna Shapoor. ( xxvii ) Q 2,250 0 Kusba Ingulhullee. 11,000 O Moolgoond. • . 21,277 14 Talooka Hurreehur, Buswa Puttun. 1,178 8 Purgunna Turrus. 2,000 O Surdeshkut. • 500 0 Kusba Behuttee. 5,580 4 Kusba Koondgole, together with Sawusee. * 5,000 O Kusba Rayur Hooblee. 13,592 0 The talooka belonging to Wittul Vishram. 20,000 0 Purgunna Luximeshwur. O 97,764 4 t Remaining berij– O O . . . Ain. Sebundee. 97,764 • 4 3,00,000 0 Purgunna Chittapoor. Purgunna Ain. Chittapoor. Sebundee. O ———º- 3,00,000, =0– 37, 137 2.Purgunna Maindergee, tunkha assessment Rs. 53,737, Purgunna G D from which deduct, on account of mokassa and ** dushalla, Rs. 16,600. • * Ain. O C Sebundee. 37,137 O 14,094 0 Purgunna Sedum, tunkha assessment Rs. 18,769, from Purgunna which deduct, on account of mokassa, Rs. 4,676- $º 33,000 0 from the villages in the Kulburga purgunna belon > º ing to Jadow Row on ºn: of the Sirkar mook- shudey-puna. { • © . D º e tº ; ( xxviii ) 16,000 0 Amount entered in the Government memorandum as the amount of the Dhurmada inams, and sheree land in kusba Ruhimutpoor, praat Wayee. Gopal Row asserts that the bºrij, including sheree land, is estimated at Rs. 16,300. From this deduct Rs. 300, being the amount of wurshasun granted to Nana Poorundhuree. Q t 49,400 0 Increased berij during the present year as under — 19,400 Purgunma Gulgulla tumkha. - 30,000 to be paid from the khandnee accruing to • the Sirkar ..in lieu of the khundnee of Shorapoor. O ) 49,400 4 O 25.20.56s 13 Grand total. Details. • . . 4,41,000 0 Sebundee as under :— 3,76,000 The berſ of the surinjams amounts to Rs. 25,20,839; from this deduct the receipts in lieu of khundree in which sebundee is not included, as under:— - O - 1,40,000 Kittoor. 30,000 Shorapoor. 1,70,000 O *e O Balance Rs. 23,50,639, at 16 peºcent.- 65,000 granted on account of the number of the sebundee stations in the Carnatic. O - —º- 4,41,000 20,79,568 13 Net revenue. 25,29,568 13 * O ,” The surinjams altogether amount to twenty-five lakhs, o - twenty thousand, five hundred, and sixty-eight rupees, aſd thirteen annas, in cash. Remaining sur- injam, mounting to Rs. 21,331-3, to be assigned. ( xxix ) © Agreement as above in the year Sit Sitain. Amount realised (aiwuz) in year The contracts of the purgunnas Sit Sitain :— ” Luximeshwur and Jamkhundee 25,20,568 13 O have been settled at a rate higher - Details - than that of the tunkha assess- ment. In writing the berij now the amount has been entered according to the tunkha rates. - © - refore it is estimated that was not ‘established If therefore it is U e º paving the tunkha the in the following after paying O © contract is in excess of that rate, 5, 10,637 0 up to the end of the • year Khumus the SGovernment umul laces :— e 0 ~. the fact should be made known © 3,00,900 .."; to the Sirkar. The first article exclusive or of the agreement is to this effect. • O mokassa. © 14,094 Sédumb. 1,48,643 Buswa Put: tun. • 33,000 from Jadow . Row's (es- tate.) O 14,900 Nundgaum. º, 10,637° 20:19,931 is berij of the mahals º O O Where umul was ... established ac- O cording to the COnt]'act as men- tioned below :- 39,10,001 0 Sunsit. 19,60,001 0 Sunsubha. • * 20, 19,931 13 Sunsuman. * - NA The contracts of the Luxi- TNº umul of Hyder Ali has meshwur and other mahals are as been Nestablished in Buswa before, but the berij is not cal- puttun and Nandgaum. If the culated at the same rate. The contract rates therefore have been given for 3 years as abovemen- tioned :- In the year Sit ... 19, 10,00I Rs. Do. Subba . . 19,60,001 , Do. Suman. . 20, 19,931 ., The agreement is to this effect. Total Rs. 25,20,568-13. The berij according to the first article of the agreement amounts to twenty-five lakhs, twenty thousand, five hundred and sixty-eight rupees, and thirteen annas. The berij of the Meeruj grant has been assigned in Surinjam." In it the berij on account of chur is reckoned at Rs. 76,000. It is not yet known whether this in- cludes the ghur of the dumalla vil- lages or not. If on inquiry it appears that the chur in question does not include that in the dum- alla villages, it is to be divided according to shares. A clause is agreed on to this effect. ~. The dumalla villages, land, and wurshasuns that have been deduct- ed in the account of the Carnatic should be continued accordingly. No complaint should be allowed to risee - A clause to this effect has been agreed to. Charge as Husubness offſ)hondo Ramchunder:— revenue of two years remains due by him, he is to give mahals of the same berij on the other side qf the Toongbhuddra. If he has . not got the mahals, then they are with the Sirkar. •. One clause is to this effect. The dumalla yillages and dhurmada and imams in these mahals that have been granted by the Sirkar are to be con- tinued: in the mahals of the Carmatic Rs. 97,764 have been deducted under the head of dumalla generally: These are to be continued according to the sumnuds to be granted from the Roozoor. If there be any balance remaining the Sirkar is to be informed. The revenue is to be applied to maintain the army from the following year. One clause is to this effect. O • * The berij of...the various vil- lages has not been entered after investigation in the records. That of some has been entered on Oral information, while that of others has been entered on documentary inforination. Let deductions or additions be made as necessary after comparison. A clause to this effect is agreed to. ( xxxi ) . 1 Kondgole. 1 Sawasee. I Turrus. 1 Luximeshwur. 1 Hooblee. k Sui'deshkutt. The Husbnesshee of six, mahals altogether is to be performed by him. There has been a previous agreement, and "a separate yaee ef it has been drawn up in his hand- writing. You have agreed to this. According to this he is to perform constantly the work of Husbnessee, and not to allow any conſplaints to arise. The sebundee is to be estimated by him and will be sanctioned atcoudºngly. Without information from him no'sebundee expenditure will be. Sanctioned: A separate clause. - O The berij of the sebundee in the surinjam has been reckoned at Rs. 5,75,000 more or less. It has been agreed that the holders of the remaining surinjams are to pay 16 per cent, on this account. There are, however, very mu- merous posts in the Carnatic, and therefore Rs. 65,000 additional have been granted. If on exa- mination the berij proves less than Rs. 5,75,000, the deficiency is to be deducted from the sixty- five thousand. A clause to this effect has been agreed. The whole tainat therefore amounts to Rupees 25,41,900. The tainat for the maintenance of 8,000 troops amounts to Rs. 24,00,000, the personal tainat to Rs. 76,900, and the extra sebundee items to Rs. 65,000. Of this, yearly tainat districts have been assigned yielding Rupees 25,20,568-13. There remain Rs. 21,321-3 to be assigned. With this exception it is agreed on as above. As agreed on, the force is to be kept up and service to be performed in the most excellent manner. O se An agreement has been made to the above effect, which is to be acted on accordingly. (True translation) EDWARD W. WEST, Assistant Political Agent, Kolapore and S.M.C. . ( xxxii ) • "Appendix B. TAINAT ZABTA OF RAJESHBI WAMUN ROW GOVIND; SOORSUN ARBA SUBAIN MUYA WU ALUF (A.D. 1773-74); YEARLY AMOUNT. 24,00,000 for the troops and Nowbut Khana of Vamun Row Govind, as under:-- - * 4,600 Wamun Row Govind. 2,400 Pursherafn Ramchunder. 1,000 Rugoonath Row Nilkunt. sa-sº-sº sºmeº" O 8,000 Including the paga and sebundee, each horse is to average Rs. 300 in value. 88,100 Clothing allowance with personal tainat, as under:— 40,000 to Wamun Row Govind and Pandoorung Row Govind, being the amount formerly enjoyed O by Govind Row Hurree. 20,000 to Pursheram Ramchunder, as under :— 10,000 in accordance with the former tainat. 10,000 in addition from curren year. • * O 20,000 º º 4,000 to Meghsham Row Kristia. 5,000° to Morro Bulal. O 3,500 to Purshotum Row Kristna. 3,000 to Antajee Vittul. 3,000 to Gungadhur Row Govind, being the amount O formerly enjoyed by Wamun Row O Govind. º 3,000 to Konher Row Trimbuck. 1,500 to Damodur Row Mahadoo, being the amount formerly enjoyed by Mahadoo Row Kristna, - • ( xxxiii ) - O 2,000 to Gunesh Bajee Row. 1,200 to wife of Sewajee Keshew, 7Q0 to Sewajee Babajee, including torchmen and umbrella-bearers. O 1,200 In the taimat for A.D. 1764 the Furnees deduct- ed this amount. This amount has been assigned as a memnook in the current year in consequence of influence exerted. Items as Ş under: — • 700 Gungadhur Bapoojee, in service of Wa- mun Row Govihd. 500 Ramchunder Shreedhur, in service of Pursheram Ramchunder. * . * 1,200 O 88,100 O O 70,000 on account of Sebundee in excess of the custom of the surimjam, as under :— 65,000 for Sebundee generally, as before, the mahals of the Carnatic and the thannas therein being numerous. •' 5,000 Amount allowed in excess on account of the .e", - purgunna of (large) Balapoor. The allowance on account of the surinjam sebuhdee in this purgunna has been realis- O ed, but the thannas ar very strong; so an extra allowance as above has been granted over and above the Rs. 65,000. 70,000 - Q lººmººl 25,58,100 •, Grand total of the tainat amounts to twenty-five lakhs, fifty-eight thousand, and one hundred rupees, 5 pu - Q • ( xxxiv. ) Berij of the districts and villages allowed for this surinjam— 64,269 9 9 being, as follows:— Pºuna Income of 27 villages in the pºrguana Kurkumb. of Kurkumb . . . . . . . . $ - - - - - - - - - 65,087 I 3 - Sirdeshmookhee, at Rs. 10 per cent. . 6,508 1 1 0 *e * 71,595 12 3 © e § * . The estimated amount of the abové in the year A.D. 1752 was as under :- . 65,897 6 3 Ain jurama. . 7,616 10 3 Siwaee jumma. • 2,902 4 6 Kumawis jumma. 76,416 5 0 O From this deduct.— O 11,831 11 3 The estimated produce of the dumalla villages and O lands, as under.:— 1,356 13 6 on account of neojay Tambway, held by Ranoojee Sathey Silladar, in- cluding the whole sideshmookhee. O The amount in the year A.D. 1752 was estimated *t Rs. 1,306-13. 1,302. I 9 on account of the prºduce, including the sirdeshmookhee"of mojay Oo- jimy, held by Goonajee Nulgay Silladar. The amountin A.D. 1753 was estimated at Rs. 1,192-2. 300 0 () on account of 2 chawurs of land in mojay Kurolee, granted to Moo- koondjee Naik Jasood, amount as estimated in A, D, 1753. ( xxxv ) º O 2,771 II 6 on account of the produce of majoy Goorsalee, including the sirdesh- • mookhee held by Muhiput Row Kowray. 76 12. 0 on account of 75 beegas of land granted to Geermajee Babjee and Raghoba ..Burway Pundhurpoorkur, as under : — 54 4 on account of 3 chawur of land in mojay Mendapooree, grant- Q ed to Geermajee Bawa. 22 8 on account of 15 beegas of land ° in mojay Buzurg (old) Waha- ley granted to Raghoba Bud- • Way. - —ar-—g- 76 12 --B- 220 0 0 on account of 2 chawurs of land in O mojay Mendapoor, granted to Sham- jee Hurree and Shamjee Wittuldass O Pundhurpoorkur, amount as estimat- O ed in A.D. 1753. t O e _*2,134 11 6 for the maintenance of the hoozoor paga in thanna Oombey, as under :— O 686 9 6 The whole assessed amount O of mojay Budulkote. 1,426 2 0 The whole assessed amount of mojay Kurral. 22 0 0 Value of the quarter of a chawur of land in mojay Sangwee assigned for a koorun, 2, 134 l l 6 ( xxxvi ) 51" 0 0 Value of half a chawur of land in mojay ... • Pimpulmair, granted to Nurshing Row Oodhuw. . . . 953 7 0 on account of chouthai of villages as under, after deducting the mokassa and sirdeshmookhee granted to Vitto- ba-Hurdass Pundhurpoorkur, viz.:- 793 7 0 Mojay Arun. 160 0 0 Mojay Bhūtoombaray. *-* * **-*º e-masºs Q O 953 7 O 980 4 0 on account of the chouthai of mojay Ropelay (old), deducting the mokassa © . and sirdeshmookhee which are held by Kaseeram Appajee (in the service of Shahajee Bhoslay), son of Appajee Row Gadgil. - 1,135 3 0 on account of the allowance from the jagheer of Mahomed Tukkee Jag- heerdar Bukseemajee, in the service of Nimbalkur, as under:— 735 0 0 frºm mojay Khumdalee. 400 3 O from mojay Konery. * } , 135 3 0 "> - 549 11 0 Value of 5 chawurs of land granted in inami to Wamun Row Govind, as O estimated in A.D. 1767, as under :— 101 4 0 on account of 13 chawur of land in mojay Kurkumb. * 91 5 0 on account of 1 chawur in mojay Arun. 1 10 0 0 on account of I chawur in mojay Menda- pooree. ( xxxvii ) O 181 s 0 on account of chawur . . in mojay Waholey O - (old.) 65 10 0 on account of ; chawur in mojay Waholey (new.) O --sºme 519 11 0 11,831 II 3 315 0 0 Ithakee (paid in cash), as under :--- O "215 Dewustan, as under :— 100 Annual amount granted to Gungadhur Bhutt O - Burway for the propi- O tiation of Shree Wittul 6 Dew Kshetr Pundhur- poor. 40 for clothes to ShreeWittoba and Khunderow, on the occasion of the Dussura añd Chum- pashustee holidays. O - 75 for bathing the gods of the said kusba in the month of Shtawun. * * * 215 100 Dhurmad to Brahmins, as under :— - 50 Baihum Bhutt Fudkey. 50 Govind Bhutt Pattuck Agnihotri. Q e-ºn-ºx -- *- 315 100 tºº-º-º-º-º-º- * = ** 12,146 11 3 ( xxxviii ) JDetails. 11,887 0 0 The "balance of the former tainat zabta allowance of Rs. 12,000-10, after making the follow- ing deductions:-- 113. 9 0 Amount not paid at all, as under :— 50 °.0 on account of half a chawur of land granted. to Luximon Khunderow. " 36 4 on account of half a • chawur of land granted to Geermajee Bawapundhur- O poorkur, in consequence of O his having got a double allowan ce." 27° 5 Difference between the ... former allowance to Ma- homed Tukia of Rs. 1, 162-8 and present annual allow- ance of Rs. 1,135-3. | 13 9 0 1 0 written in excess in the amount of the tunkha, as under:—a. O 0 0 6 Muhiput Kowlay on account of mojay Goorsalee. 0 0 6 The hoozoor paga on account of mojay Budulkote. 0 O ***-ºs . 113 10 () ( xxxix ) O Balance. 259 il 3 estimated in excess, as under :-- *** *-*** ru-e rº- 12, 146 l l 3 50 0 6 Amount payable to Ranoojee O Sattay of mojay Tambway, which was formerly calculat- ed according to the tunkha, but is now according to the estimate. 109 15 9 Amount payable to Goonajee Nulgay, of mojay Oojunee, O O formerly calculated according to the tunkha, but now according to the estimate, .99 || 0 Produce of 5 chawurs of land, formerly granted to Govind Hurree, but now held by his son Wamun Row Govind. sºs ºsmºs--sº * 259 || 3 The remainder is for the support of the Surinjam. 1,66,898 9 6 Purgunna Mungulvera. O 1,10,000 0 0 The istawa (contract) of this purgunna was given • for seven years, from A.D. to 1759 to 1765, and a O copy of sunnud has been shown by the said Wamun Row. The above is the amount of the produce for the last year (1765), as under — 1,00,000 Ain. O 10,000 Sirdeshmookhee, • O gººm-mº-º-º-º-º: * == 1, 10,000 prº-swºrºwºmºrrºrsºn:ºxsºn Purgumma Mungulvera. © . ( xl ) 17,500 0 0 the umuls of the villages of purgunna Burundole ..and Hulsungee, as under:— 27 of the purgunna of Burundolº, as under:— 23 under chouthai payment. 4 shares held in other jagheers. 27 O Eccº: - ce. © t O 3 the chouthai and Rukh Walee of.3 villages in the purgunna Hulsungee, as ūnder: — 1 Mojay Lonee. © 1 Mojay Luchan. l Mojay Gotial. O 3 - - © 30 The amount of the customs and estimated revenue O e (akar) of the Mugulvera purgunna was entered in the previous zabta on calculation. &º-4-4- 1,27,500 * 0 () ~ H O e e From the amount of the Mugulvera purguina, viz. Rs. 1,10,000, including sirdeshmookhee, is to be deslucted the amount of itlak, dumallas, and imam villages and lands, as MJer :— O O 1,9826 6 O Dumalla and inam villages and lands, O as tinder:- * © 1,275 14 0 The Whole of mojay Paikul, including sir. deshmookhee granted to Somajee Kalay. 1, 144 2 0 Mojay"Khoopsingee, to- gether with sirdesh- mookhee tunkha grant- ed to Govind Row Babur, ( xli ) O i © 2,581 14 0 Mojay Kowfalee, with sirdeshmookhee tunkha granted to Sewram Rughoo- o math. Q s O 2,485 3 0 , Mojay Moodwee, with the sirdeshmoo- khee tunkha granted to the hoozoor paga. 6,104 7 0 Mojay Donez, with the exception of the Q sirdeshmookhee tunkha granted to Shree Sutya Bodh Swamee. 1,438 3 0 Narayen Row Kristna and Purshokum O ‘Row Kristma hold all the lands of mojay Ambay, viz. 10% chawurs the estimated revenue of which is Rupees O 1,585-11. O From this is to be deducted 1 chawur of land held by Shamjee Vittuldass Pundhurpoorkur, valued at Rs. 147-8. There thus remain 9% chawurs, the value of which, with the sirdeshmookhee, equals the above. } 47 S O Value of 1 chawur of land, with the O sirdeshmookhee tunkha, held by Sham- O jee Vittudass in mojay Ambay. * 33 0 O # + chawur granted in inam to Jeew Bhutt Joshee in Mungulvera. O O & sº * º º re ...Y 67 - O 0 , chawur in kusba Mugulvera granted to O Vittoba Burway Pundurpoorkur. O tº tº º I6 S O Value of 15 beegas of land granted in inam to Kedar Aya Jungum in the said kusba. 23° 0 O Value of 13 chawur in the said kusba granted to Peer Guyub Murdan Guyub. 33 () O Value of 30 beegas of land in the said kusba granted to Fukeer Bawulteeb. 6 pu . O ( xlii ) 40 fº 33 Ö 33 () 90 4 162 4 33 0 Q s 13 25 0 33 () Q 49 S 33 0 132 () 38 o 0 Value of 37 beegas in the said kusba granted to the Musjeed Peer Bekaree. 0 Value of 3 chawur in the said kusba near Kapoorbad, granted to the Tukia Fu- keer. O * 0 Value of + chawur in the said kusba granted to Peer Kudley. 0 Value of 82 beegas in the said kusba allowed to the Mahars as a place for throwing rubbish. - ‘O Value of l, chawur in mojay Nundoor, granted to the Moolamees of that place. 0 Value of # chawur in the said kúsba granted to Amburee Bawa Bodhuk. 0 Value of + chawur in Mundoor granted to Venkajee Keshew Deshpanday. 0 Value of 22% beegas in the said kusba granted to Ballum Bhutt Chiploonkur. 0 Value of # chawur in the said kusba granted in dhurmada to Ballum Bhutt Watway. 0 Value of 45 beegas of land granted to Vyasum Bhutt Pundhurpoorkur. 0 Value of 3 chawur in the sub-sha grant- ed to Venktacharee Pundhurpoorkur. 0 Value of I chawur tº the said kusba granted to Shree Wittullew Kshetree Pandhurpoorkur. - 0 Value of # chawur granted to Peerajee Gossavee. - 66 0 0 Value of , chawur in the said kusba granted to Mud Bhutt Mungsoolay. 975 10 0 Value of 7 chawurs and 464 beegas in the said kusba granted to Mahomed Raja Kazee. ( xliii ) ' © 471 10 Value of 4 chawurs granted to Luhoojee Chopdey, in the service of Wamun Row . Govind, whose father, named Sooltanjee Chopray, was killed at Ahmedabad, as under – 232 9 6 2 chawurs in the said kusba. O I 10 19 9 I do. do. mojay Baroley. 128 3 9 I do. do. do. Siddapoor. O 47 || || 0 () 47 8 Value of , chawur in mojay Chulhey, granted to Geermajee Bawa Burwey Pundhur- poorkur. O O W 309 2 Walue of 2 chawurs and 41 beegas in the said kusba granted to Shaha Jumal-luteeb wulud Hoossain Mahomed Durga Peer. 33 0 Value of 4 chawur in the said kusba granted ... to Musjeed Peer. 879 10 Land in mojay Chulhey granted to Govind * Ram and Gopal Ram Hurdass Pundhur- • poorkur, as under :— 332 2 The chouthai of the said, village. ... O 47 8 # chawur of land. ... " S79 10 Gº 509 0 The chouthai of mojay Anwely, exclusive of mokassa and Sirdeshmookhee granted to Moroba and Vittoba Hurdass Punghur- poorkur. 247 10 Continued yearly, but not entered in the memnook of the former tainat, as under : — O ( xliv ) * 115 s The estimated rent as entered in the accounts of 1756 of 105 beegas of land granted to Rama Charyee Poorameek in the said kusba for reciting the Poorans before Ka- shee Vishweshwur. The amount ... is according to the copy in his "possession. * J32 2 The estimated revenue for A.D. 1767 from mojay Anwuly, as under :-- • 20.5 ! chawur held by 4. Gungadur Bhutt O Burwey. 40 10 3-chawur held by O Bhaskur Bawa. 20 5 Vittoba Lodeykur. * 50 14 Suckaram and Moro- ba Hurdass. 19,826 6. 0 Q • * 775 0 6 Itlakee wurshasuns, as under: — " 100 0 0 Kristma Bhutt Patunkur. 50 0 50 100 100 375 0 Luximon Bhutt Patumkur. 0 Rughoonath Bhutt Kurwey. 0 Ballum Bhutt Chiploonkur. 0 Ballum Bhutt Watwey. 6 Continued yearly, but not entered in the former tainat Zabta, as under:— ( xlv. ) 150 0 0 Grandson of Hur Joshee bin Gun Joshee as entered in the accounts of the purgunna for A.D. 1756, the copy of which he has. ! 12 0 0 for lamps and dinner and clothing to Shree Vittoba Dew in the said kusba on the 11th of the months of Ashar and Kartik, the amount in the accounts of the said purgunna for A.D. 1754 (copy of which the said, person has) being entered at Rs. 135. for the lamp and bathing in Shrawun, as under:— 15 15 0 for Shree Ka- shee Vishwe- shur in the Said kusba. 10 5 6 Shree Nursiv. 15 15 6 Shree Siddesh- W Ull’. 16 12 9 Shree Wittu! Dew. 10 ſ) 0 Shree Shunkur Ling Dhool- khudey in Burundole purgunna. 10 0 0 Shree Wittoba Kshetra Pundhur- poor. ( xlvi ) 10 0 O Shree Siddesh- wur in Lonee, . . p urg un n a Hulsungee. O S 0 0 Shree Sungum • Nath, in mo- jay Nimbur- .gee, purgun- na Burun- dole. 8 0 O Shree Hunoo- O man, of Re- wutgaum in • Burundole. Q 8 0 0 Shree Hunoo- man in Neem- brungee, pur- gunna Bu- rundole. | 13 0 6 The above is part & the sum of ) t Rs. 115 allowed for monthly bathing and lamp expenses in the Zabta of the said purgunna for the year A.D. 1754. 375 0 6 775 0 6 20,601 6 6 ( xvlii ) Details: 19,906 4 0 In the former tāinat zabta the nemnook • * was estimated at Rupees 20,297-4. • From this is to be deducted the revenues of mojay Donuz, minus Rs. 391 on account of sirdeshmoo- kbee granted to Shree Sutyabodh Swamee, the balance being as above. 695 2 6 additional, as under — 622 10 6 Continued yearly, but omit- ted in the former nem- O nook. O * * * 72 8 0 Received in excess from the villages assessed at the tunkha rate, as under :— 62 10 0 on account of Kowtalee. 9 14 0 Mojay, Koopsin- O gee, to Govind Row Babur. O * * 72 s 0 O * = &ºm=mmºmºs ==nº º sº-s 655 2 6 O sº-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º: O *** *-* 20,601 6 6 The remainder is allowed for the surinjam. O 15,725 0 0 The revenues of kusba Rahimutpoor in the talooka Kusba Ra. of Koragaum, prant, Wayee, the estimated *P* amount, including sheree land, being Rs. 16,300, from which is to be deducted as under, viz.:-- ( xlviii ) 300 Ithakee wurshasun granted to Muhiput Row . Trimbuck Poorundhuray. 375 Cash and land produce continued yearly, but omitted in the former tainat Zabta, as under : — 200 in cash to Appajee Vittojee Manay Sil- ladar. O 75 Value of 15 beegas granted to Suntee Bhoslee. ." **** O 275 • – r N O . The above amount was formerly paid when the said kusba was in the Waee . — Soobha. Cº. 575 O © O O e The remainder is allowed for the surinjam. Kusba 24,385 3 3 Kusba Ashteh, &&. — Ashteh. 1 Kusba Ashteh, pfant Meeruj, the whole revenues, including sirdeshmookhee. 1 Mojay Ankulkope, half, the revenues, including Q sirdeshmookhee. 1 Mojay Aitowday, prant Kerrar, the chouthai. *=sºme 3 O O In the former taimat zabta the amount of these S entered at Rs. 28,500. From this deduct dumallas, &c, as under — 600 () () On aggount of 61 beegas 64 pands in the abovemen- tioned kusba, measured and held by Anund Row Phudturay in the year A.D. 1767. 300 0 0 for 37% beegas in the said kusba as measured in the O year A.D. 1765 by Ballajee Shamrow in the service of the Muntree. - 1,358 - 3 3 Value of land in the said kusba held by Brahmins all along,as estimated in the year A.D. 1765, as under:— 181 9 6 20 beegas 14, pands held by Anund Moortee Brumhna]kur. 3. ( xlix ) Q 213 15 3 26 beegas 5% pands held by Jeew Bhutt 102° 14 9 42 () () I l'S IO 6 so 9 9 70 i. 0 28 I 4 0 • 8, 3 39 || 4 9 53 i3 O 32 14 § 34 7 3 *i; 12 6 * 55 e7 3 ... • 52 8 0 25 () () 25 2 6 3 3 1,358 Dikshit Ashtelſkus. 11; beegas held by Nurhur Bhutt Agni- • hotree Ashtehkur. 6 beegas 18+ pands held by Ramajee Gossavee Kowtekur. About 13 beegas and 16+ pands held by Narayen Bhutt Pooranik Ashtehkur. 9 beegas 3 pands held by Bhuttum Bhutt Gotekhindekur. 8 beegas 2 pands held by Soobhum Bhūtt Islampooykur. 3 beegas and 6 pands held by Mulhar Bhutt bin Khund Bhutt Ashtehkur. 9 beegas 6; pands held by Govind Gossavee Meerujkur. 4 beegas 11+ pands held by Rutnakur Bhutt Ashtehkur. 6 beegas 3 pands held by Govind Bhutt Agnihotree Ashtehkur. 3 beegas 15+ pands held by, Beedum Bhutt Ashtehkur. 3 beegas 18% pands held by Bheekum Bhutt Gram Oopadhia Astehkur. 13 beegas 9+ pands held by Gopal Bhutt Ashtehkur, now in Kolapore." 6 beegas 6; pands held by Gopal Bhutt bin Beemachareg Gulgulleekur. 6 beegas held by Buchum Bhutt Bhee- lowdeekur. Cash allowance from Amkulkope to Appa Bhutt bin Apun Bhutt Gotekhindee- kur. O 2 beegas 17% pands as Joshee's allowance to Kallum Bhutt bin Jeewoo Bhutt Ashtehkur. 7 pu - ADetails. 225' 0 0 Amount debited in the tainat zabta of A.D. 1764 on account of the nem- nook of the Brahmins generally. 1,133 3 3 Amount remaining after deducting from Rs. 1,358-3-3, being the extra amount paid from of old to the Brahmins the amount, Rupees 225, debited on account of the nemnook of the Brahmrins generally in the ——? taipat of 1764. 1,358 3 3 1,706 9 6 on account of. lands held by the carcoons from of old for which they hold sunnuds from Nana Sahib, but the memnºoks for which were omitted in the former tainat zabta. They are now continued as under — 520 1 9 Kristmajee Junardhun Chitnees in the service of the hoozoor, as under:— 150 0 0 in cash. - 370 1 9 49 beegas 33 pands. **º º-º-º-m-m-m-mºs 520 l 9 ° 230 3 9 26 beegas 64° pands held by Ramajee Wenkutesh. 132 11 6 60 beegas 11+ pands held by Bajee Gungadhur. • O 122 9 0 14 beegas 11 pands held by Dutto Rughoonath. " 122 8 0 14 beegas 10; pands held by Gopal Tookdew. 123 6 0 14 beegas 2 pands, held by Ballajee Bhaskur. 59 8 0 6 beegas 16 pands held by Suda- sew Bappoojee. 297 8 0 42 beegas 3; pands held by the Muyapooree Mutt. ( li ) } 6 8 0 3 beegas 1 + pºnds held by Natha Tahkoor. . • 81' 9 6 9 beegas 6; pands held by Noora Q Naykeen Kulawunteen. 1,706 9 6 150 0 0 Trimbuck Bhutt Pätwurdhun Pooranik, inhabitant of © Waee, had a Raja's grant in inam of 30 beegas, which, however, for some time was not in his possession. Govind Hurree having seen the said grant-deed granted, in A. f. 1768, 30 adil shahee beegas in the said kusba of such a kind that after 7 years “istawa” the value should amount to Rs. 150 as above. O O .ſh 4,114 12 9 Details. 1, 125 0 0 The memnook of the former tainat amounted to Rs. 1,350. From this deduct the memnook of Appajee Bheem Row, which was formerly granted but left O in abeyance, viz. 225, leaving a balance as above. . 2,989 12 9 Extra, as under — O 2,839 12 9 Amount of nem- ... • © nook continued from of old, but not entered in the previous tainat zabta: 150 o O Amount of land granted from A.D. 1768 to Trimbuck Bhutt Putwurdhun, who O formerly held a * . Raja's grant deed O but had not en- *— - *- iered on pos- 2,989 12 9 session. 4,114 12 9 The remainder is allowed for the surinjäm. 22,857 6 O There are ten villages in the kuryat of Tasgaum, prant Meeruj, the tunkha of which, with the sirdesh- mookhee, amounted fo hons 10,971}= Rupees 32,913-12, at Rs. 3 per hon. From this annount • deduct dumalla, &c. as under:- O 9,813 12 0 Nemnooks according to the previous tainat zašta, as under:— 4.413 12. The whole revenue of mo- O jay Hutnoor granted to Shree Swamee Shunkur . Bhartee, amounting to . hons 1,471}. 2,400 0 Th; whole revenues of mojay Poondee granted "to Rajńhree Muntree, 806 hons.yat Rs. 3 each. 3,000 0 Villages as under granted O to "Rajeshree Pritineed- O hee —- . 500 Mojay Chinchnee 1,100 Mojay Paray. 400 Mojay Mungrool. 2,006 From this amount 1,000 hons, at Rs. 3 per hon, — — — are allowed to the 9,813 12 0 abovementioned person. Kuryat of Tasgaum. ( liii ) 242 10 0 Estimated amount of hemnooks continued formerly, but 9mitted in the zabta of O A.D. 1764, as under:- . 193 2 0 Value of 37 beegas 8+ pands in the said kusba granted to Amrut Row O Narayen Jumeenies in the service of Vittul Eshwunt - Row Khasnees. O 12 8 0 Suyajee Bawa Gossavee, inhabitant of Mungrool receives from the village of Mungrool Rs. 25 for dinners, in honour of * ... • Shree Pandoorung. As half of the village has been granted to the Pri- O tineedhee, only half of this allowance, viz. Rs. 12-8, is paid now. 25 0 0 for the continuous bathing O (Maha Roodra) of Shree Hutkeshwur in the said kusba in Shrawun. 0 0 Cash allowance . in the month of .Shrawun for bathing Shree Birad- shěedh in kusba Owtch- ekund. 7 0 0 Wurshasun to Roodra Bhutt Joshee, inhabitant of —— Paray. O 242 10 0 O 5 10,056 6 0 The remainder is assigned for the Surinjam. 39,958 4 0 Kusta Poontambeh in the sirkar of Sungummair according to the previous tainat zabta, as under:- Küsb 49,000 Ain istawa. O O Poºh 1,000 Siwae jumma. - - - 50,000 From this deduct— ". 8,333 0 Mokassa bab made over to Shahajee Bhos- lay, as under:- O The whole mokassa, exclusive of 2 warees held by Rºughognath Row Neelkunt. The value of one waree, including Rokhey and Rastapoor, held by Kondajee Sirkay. * © 8,333 * , 273 0 Wurshasuns to Brahmins according to the account of A.D. 1754, as under — 100 Gopal Acharie. 100 Nagoba Gossavee. O 43 Value of sololee khundee of bajree granted to Rajaram Bhutt Oopasnee. 30 Value of 1 barolee khundee of bajree granted to Ram BhutºKowray. Đ-se © 273 tº-ammº- asrº S,606 ° 0 " . 1,435 12 Continued from formerly, but omitted to be entered in the zabta of 1764, as under :— 800 0 The amount of cºustoms remitted on grain brought by the Brah- mins of the said kusba for their families, the amount formerly de- ducted in the account of the Sun- gumnair sirkar being Rs. 755. ( lv. ) 354 0 Amount to be paid to Rughoonath Gossavee on account of Shree Venktesh, at Rs. 1 per diem. $8 8 Amount payable to Khoom Bhutt Dhurm Adikaree, at 4 annas per P diem. 88 8'The following persons at 2 annas each, viz. :— O 44 4 Shamjee Gossavee. 44 4 Kucheshwur Bhutt bin © Q Dhon Bhutt Kokum O - Taneykur. © O 88 8 O & 14 12 being the amount paid to Khund Bhutt Kowray at 2 pice per diem, O the total number being 708 Alum- geeree pice, 48 pice = 1 rupee. . 90 0 Amount payable to Kajee Suyud Ajeejoom, at 4 annas per diem. *=º e-rº-ºss O 1,435 12 ~~~~~ O © 1964. 12 O The remainder to be assigned to the surinjam. 68,957 8 on account of the Jámkhundee purgunna, the amount in Purgunn, ...the former tainat zabta being estimated at Rs. 82,500, Jamkhundee from which are to be deducted the following dumallas, &c., as follows:— * 5,500 Dumalla villages given in inam to the Dessaee O of the said purgunna, as under:— • - 4,500 The whole of mojay Konoor. " 1,000 Cash payments from mojay Chimmud. *** **** 5,500 ( lvi ) 6,576 "o The whole of mojay Hypergee granted to ... • Neelkunt Row Govind, son of Govind Sewram. * , 1,249 8 Cash and land granted to the gods and Brahmins as under:— 200 0 Cash allowance Roodru Bhutt for '• reciting the Poorans and prepar- ing food (nevedya) at the temple of Shree Jambookeshwur. 321 0 Luximee Kantācharito Kunkunwa- reekur, as under — 300 Equivalent of 100 hons, © at Rs. 3 per hon. 21 15 beggas of land in the • said "kusba. © 32 ſ 150 0 Cash allowance to Mahadoo Bhutt Dikshitt Ramteerthkur, inhabi- tant of Ramteerth. 300 0 Cash allowance to Bhaskur Bhutt Gunpoolaikur. 54 0 + chawur in mojay Albal, granted to Shree Suteey bºdh Swamee. 125 0 , chawur in mojay Kunkunwaree granted to Geerdhur Bhutt Ag- nihotree, inhabitant of Kola- O pore. . 20 0 2 beegas of garden land in mojay Nawulgee, granted to Bhugwunt Row Jamatdar Sawmoorkur. 9 taks (= 15 beegas) in Mairgoo- pee, granted to Ramjee Hurree, in the service of Dowlut Row Ghorepuray Gujendragurkur, 27 o { vii ) ' 21 0 9 taks in nºojay Kunkunwaree, granted to Wenkut Achari, © inhabitant of the said kusba. .31 8 9 taks in mojay Kunkunwaree, granted to Ram Bhutt Ram- teerthkur. 1,249 & 217 0 0 Continued from former times, but omitted to be en- * tered in the tainat zabta of 1764, as under ;— 144 '0 () Cash allowance to Ramachari O Shoorpalkur. 55 0 0 Luximee Kantachari Kunkun- • . • ~. Wareekur, as under: 45 0 3 beegas in Kumkun- waree for go-gras (cow’s food). 10 0 4 taks in Albal. **** O 55 () O 18 0 0 6 taks in mojay Kumkunwaree, ." O granted to Vittul Bhutt Shoor- º: palkur. O O 217 Q () 13,542 8 0 JDetails. 18,325 8 0 The amount of the nemnook of the previous zabta was Rs. 13,512-8. From this is to be deducted the amount of the nemnooks in excess of the usual payments, as under:-- 8 pu “ ( lyiii ) O I 12 0 0 Difference between the O amount now received O O ... by. Bhaskur Bhutt Gunpoolay, viz. Rs. 300, and that form- erly received, viz. Rs. 412. 75 0 0 Difference between the amount formerly re- ceived by Luximee • Kentachari, viz. Rs. O . 375, and that now received, Rs. 300. = snºws-------, * • 187 () () 217 0 0 Continued formerly, but omitted to be entered in the previous memnook. 13,542 8 0 The remainder is assigned for the surinjam. Prant Mee, 4,77,293 45 0 The kuryats and villages of prant Meeruj as Tuj. under :— • - 226 Villages making up 22 kuryats of the said prant. O 25 Villages, being the kuryats" of Ainapoor and Nandray in prant O Rybag. O º 11 Villages, being thé kuryats of Digruz and Manjree in prant O Kagul. O 8 Villages, in the . Hookeree pur- gunna. 2 Villages, viz, mojay Puloos and Pee- tº sº-ºs rankowteh in prant Pannalla. sººn 272 ( lix ) From these deduct the dumal. and other villages according to the former zabta, as under:— • 36 (villages) belonging to the inhabitant of • Kolapore, i.e. Kolapore Raja, as under — 35 of Meeruj included in the follow- ing kuryts:— • 1 Echulkurrunjee. © 1 Sheeruttee. | Rookree. O - 1 Oodgao. . 4 O i Moi ay Shirgoor, kuryat Ainapoor, . . prant Rybagh, held by Seshew 36 Narayen. O 42 held by Rajesthi Pritineedhee, as under — 40 included in kuryats as under:- I Khanapoor. I Etay. I Bhalowny. tº-ºº-ººp 3 (Kuryats.) . O 1 Mojay Banoor Bhoopalgurh. O O 1 Mojay Rybagh Wadia. º: 42 O O ... 10 Kuryats in Tasgaum, as under:- O 1 Mojay Poondeº, held by the Mun. O tree. 1 Mojay Hutmoor, exclusive of the sirdeshmookhee, held by Shunkur Achary of Kolapore. Q 8 The estimated revenues of which are assigned elsewhere to Wamu n' Row — Govind. , 10. O e 5 1 Kusba Ashteh, the estimated revenues of ... • which, including sirdeshmookhee, are else- where assigned to Wamun Row Govind. 7 Held by Gopaljee Bhoslay Sherolekur, as under:— 5 villages in the Ashteh kuryat. I Mojay Sumdolee, kuryat Sanglee, exclusive of the sirãeshmookhee, which is assigned to Kurrar. 1 Ammapoor, kuryat Nandray, with the exceptionſ of the sirdeshmookhee. * , O y O 7 2, held by Rajesthi Muntree, as under:- 1 Mojay Sakhurday, kuryat Ashteh, exclusive. of the sirdeshmookhee, which is assigned to Kurrar. 1 Itkeer, kuryat Ashteh, exclusive of the sirdeshmookhee, which is as- signed to Kurrar. - # Half of kusba Bheelo wdee, exclusive of sirdeshfmookhee. 2%.* § 4 Held by Venkut Row Narayen Ghorepuray, as under :— O J Kusba Bedug, in the said Ruryat, granted in the tainats, with the exception of the sirdeshmookhee. 2 Imam villages, including Sirdeshinookhee, as under :— I Kusba Munerajooree, in the said kuryat. * Mojay Arug, kuryat Bedug. • 4. 2 *==w ( lxi ) | Mojay Kurolee, kūryat Desing, in the * A O */ # said prant.; the whole village with the deshmookhee. Held by Vittul Eshwunt Row ... Khasnees, in the service of the hoozoor, exclusive of the sirdesh- mookhee, as under :— I Mojay Boodgaum, kusba Sang- lee. • O I Mojay Dongursomee, kusba © Digruz. # Half of mojary Khutaw, kusba Bedug, © Q 2. 4 Half of mojay Khuthaw, kusba Bedug, 2 granted to Kristmajee Wasoodew, in the service of the hoozoor, ex- clusive of the sirdeshmookhee. O villages granted to Sivajee Thorat Walwaykur, exclusive of sirdesh- mookhee, as under :- | Mojay Wussugrey, kuryat Kowtehekund. 1 Mojay Boorlee, kuryat Digruz. * * O 2 1 Mlojay Lokoor, in the Ainapoor kuryat, 2 The granted as imam to Ballojee Moray, exclusive of sirdeshmookhee." Esafut villages, exclusive of the Sirdeshinookhee granted to the Deshpanday of prant Meeruj, as under – ( lxii ) 1 Mojay Pudmale, kuryat Sanglee, granted to Khunderow Nagnath. 1 Mojay Chundoor, kuryat Mhuysal, granted to Ram Row Shamjee. 2. The whole of mojay Koodchee, kuryat Mhuysal, granted to Peer Zade Koorchikur. º O - Mojay Dhamnee, kuryat Havelee, ; exclusive of the sirdeshmookhee, granted to Peer Shumma Meer of Jºusba Meeruj. O villages as under granted to Hybut Sing of the Pagá under Ballojee Sinday, exclusive of the sirdesh- mookhee :- I Mojay Naguz, kuryat Dhalgao. 1 Mojay Sipoor, kuryat Ainapoor. 2 The whole of mojay Nimnee, kuryat Kowtehekuñd, including sirdesh- mookhee granted to:Govind Row Chitnees. The whole of mojay Alsund, kusba Digruz, including sirdeshmookhee granted to Mahadjee Sinday. The whole of Wassumbeh, kusba Kowtehekund, including sirdesh- mookhee granted to Dhondo Paday. | Kusba Issapoor, exclusive of sirdesh- mookhee, granted to Pundit Row. ( lxiii ) 1 Mojay Kagwad, kusba Mhuysal, exclu- sive of sirdashmookhee granted to Rughoonath Row Nilkunt Muz- umdar in the service of Shahajee Bhoslay. t 1 Mojay Goodewaree, kuryat Bedug, ex- clºsive of sirdeshmookhee grant- ed in inam to Nathajee bin Siwajee Doobul. 9 Dhurmaday and inams as under — . O .8 inams as under : — 2 The two undermentioned villages in the kuryat of Sheinhuttee, exclusive of sirdeshmookhee granted to O Nursew Suruswuttee near Koo- rºundwar:— • 1 Mojay Awoorwad. | Mojay Guworwad. 2 tº-º O 2 whole villages, including sirdeshmoo- O khee as under granted to Anund Moortee of Brumhnal :— I Mojay Beernal, kusba Sanglee. 1 Mojay Toong, kusba Digruz. *s-sº 2. 1 Mojay Edoor,kuryat Joogul, exclusive of sirdeshmookhee granted to Shree Veer Bhudra of Edoor. O 1 Mojay Hingungaum, kusba Kowteh Mahankal, inclusive of sirdesh- mookhee granted to Ramdass Swa- mee Suwusthan Purllee. ( lxiv ) I Mojay Jurundee, kuryat Anjnee, in- clusive of sirdeshinookhee granted to Kashee Row. Pundit. 1 Mojay Shahapoor, with sirdesh- mookhee granted to Shumkur — Bhartee Swamee of Kolapore. → . O 1 Mojay Kowlgeh, kuryat Sawurdeh, in- cluding sirdeshmooklſee granted in — dhurmada to Sundia Bhutt. • 9 14 Enjoyed as under by the said Wamun Row Govind for the surinjam." The O - estimated revenue will be credited - hereafter, viz.:- " - " . ..] Mojay Pulloos, turuf Walway. 4. Half of all Bhelow.aree, includ- ing Sirdeshmookhee. I} O | 3 | O Remainder. • O O 14 I Ain, as under :— : © 139 as above. Q © O 2 on account of Oodajee Chawan, as under: — 1 Mojay Oogar, kusba Mhuysel. 1. Mojay Somee, kuryat Munerajooree. 2 1 Agulgaum, near new Lungar Peth, ( lxv ) Estimated amount with chur and the whole of Ainapoor, including . Sahotra and Nadgowndee. 5,08,002 7 Ain berij, including the customs, Kumawees, Ainapoor, and tho whole of Kowteh Mahankal, exclusive of Koolbab and Hukdar's rights, as under: — 5,02,870 as above. O 8,000 Mojay Somee and Oogar, as calculated. *-G -—s 5, 10,870 O from this deduct 1,759 I The revenues of mojay Puloos had been ... • ... formerly credited and had been according- ly debited. Amount to be debited was Rs. 11,529-8. Of this, Rs. 9,770-6 were actually debited, leaving the balance to be debited as above. * 1,108 °8 The kuryat of Tasgaum was formerly held * by Trimbuck Row Tookdew. At that time the amount of the sirdeshmookhee O O was held by Meeruj. It has therefore been accordingly credited. The amount O received by the said kusba, including sir- O deshmookhee, has been entered elsewhere. O The amount of sirdeshmookhee accruing - therefore to the said kusba not having been deducted up to the present time, is now deducted. O tºº-- *º 2,867 9 76,296 S Chur. g = ** rººmsº 5,84,298 15 9 pu ( lxvi ) O From this deduct, in accordance with the previous zabta — 7,000 “Difference between Rs. 37,000 and Rs. 30,000 as under. The total amount of the customs according to the previous contract amounted to Rs. 37,000. From this is to be deducted the amount not realised according to the contract. In the year A.D. 1770 the amount realised was Rs. 22,000. It has-been there- fore decided that the amount of Rs. 30,000 should be assigned to the surinjam on this account. O 7,000 on account of durbar khurch, the amount C formerly entered in the accounts being © Rs. 1 1,658-3. O • Balance Rs. 5,70,298-15. From this deduct dumalla, &c. as under :— 4,398 8 cash allowance to ‘Gopaljee Bhoslay, as under :— * 1,387 0 from Meeruj in the kuryat of Ha- velee, as under :-". 97 12 from mojay Sawlee. 274 4 , , ,, J3amnee. 18; 0 , , Taklee. 135 0 , . • Baleywad. 454 4 , . ,, Neeljee. 267 12 , , Tannej. *==== 1,387 0 689 0 from mojay Akus, kusba Shirhuttee. 297 8 from mojay Khutaw, kusba Sanglee. 1,038 8 Kuryat Bheelowdee, as under:— ( xvii ) 166 12 from Mojay Takaree. 331 & from Mojay Doodhondee • ‘ - 540 4 from Mojay Nagral. 187 0 from mojay Anklee, kusba Manjree, O ... prant Kagul. 582 0 from mojay Rajapoor, kusba Nan- . dray. O 159 0 from mojay Benapoor, kusba Nan- dray. . . O • 58 8 from mojay Bhudkumbey, kusba —— Doodgao, prant Hookairee. 4,398 8 ° O 689 0 to Koosajee Bhoslay from mojay Akus, kisba Shirhuttee. 6,84ſ 1 to Shiwajee Thorat from villages as under :-- 719 0 Mojay Beessor, kusba Sanglee. 2,051 2 Kuryat Kowteh Ekhund, as under:— 1,370 12 Mojay Kolapoor. 207 0 Mojay Mudkoonkee. 218 10 Mojay Nagaongar Nimnee. 254 12 Mojay Sheepgaum. *sº O Q 2,05] 2 * 1,275 12 Kuryat Issapoor, as under:- 281 12 Mojay Alteh. . O O 210 0 Mojay Nimb. 258 12 Mojay Shirgao. ... • 445 0 Mojay Nimbluk. 80 4 Mojay Andhulee. ºsmºs = ** 1,275 12 • 506 13 from kusba Bheelowdee, as under :-e- 162 0 Mojay Duharee. • 274 2 Mojay Tooparee. 70 1 1 Mojay Ghogao. 506 13 ( lxviii ) 1,558 "o from prant Kagul, as under:— . 1,371 Mojay Boregao, kusba Digruz. 181 Mojay Anklee, kusbn Manjree. *=rsº-meºne 1,558 445 2 from kuryat Nandray, as under :- 232 14 Mojay Maroley. 43 12 Mojay Hutmolee. ." 168 8 Mojay Doojgao. •445 2 285 4 from prant Hookairee, as under:— I 56 4 Mojay Duputborgao, kusba Saw- © $ Jej. O O 129 0 Mojay Milngawutee, kusba Joo- ‘gool. 285 4 6,841 I O 300 0 Allowance from the revenues of Beedha’s waree in mojay Doodhondee, granted in inam to the Brahmins generally of Walwa, as under :- O •. 250 Nemmook according to the previous zabta; Q 50 In excess allowed to the Brahmins after, the royal deed of gifts for the continuance of the said waree obtained by the said Wamun Row Govind and which he in A.D. 1767 agreed to pay. wºmºsºm-º. O 300 70 '11 The fourth part of the mokassa of mojay Ghogao, kasba O Bheelowdee, granted to Pundit Row. 728 12 To Anund Row Doobul, from mojay Bambowday, kuryat Bheelöwdee. 6,162 12 Chintamon Row Sewdew, as under:--- ( İzix ) O 5,454 8 Half of the tunkha and whole of the sirdesh- mookhee of kusba Doodgao, as under — • * 4,265 6 According to previous zabta. © 1,189 2 Extra chur in the tumkha. 5,454, 8 708 4 Nemnook from kusba Nand- ray in Chinchnee. ºmºsºs 6, 162 I2 210 0 To Ramdass Swamee Suwusthan Purullee • from mojay Chikulgotun, kusba Issapoor. 1,636 6 The total amount of inam from mojay Kurnal; kuryat Sanglee, to Ramjee Gossavee and O Beedoba Gossavee of Kowteh Ekhund, as O under:- l,636 6 Half of the tunkha, exclusive of O Sirdeshmookhee, as under :- 1,284 7 According to previous Q Zabta. 351 15 Chur. • **=sum, O 1,636 6 The whole sirdeshmookhee has been given to the Muntree. The amount has not been estimated, So it is merely mentioned here. O § 1,636 6 325 0 Cash allowance to Fukeer Peerzade from half the imam in mojay Dhuwlee, kuryat Havelee. 200 0 Yearly allowance to Bajee Bhutt Baput, son of Hur Bhutt Baput, inhabitant of Kolapore. 700 0 Cash allowance to Mahomed Suyud Kagwad- kur, from mojay Maleywad, kuryat Aina- poor, as under :— ( lxx ) 300 to the son of Bal Durweshee Mahomed, Suyud Mahomed Hoosain, who were killed in the battle of Panaiput. 400 on account of pay and farriery expenses to Shaik Sooltan and Suyud Kassum, who are in the service of the hoozoor. * 700 300 0 Sooltanjee Raijadey used to get from mojay Hurolee, kuryat Desing, in cash and grain Rs. 400. The grain, valued at Rs. 100, is now discontinued, so the cash allowance as above only remains. 300 0-Kashee Bheemajee, as under :— g e 24 3 Value of 17 adil shahee beegas and I pand, as under :— 15 0 Jeeraeet, black, 15 beegas. 9 3 Garden land, 2 beegas 1 pand. *-* = *m 24 3 275 13. Cash allowance. 300 0 300 0 Cash allowance to Narro Mulhar. d70 0 Cash allowance to Gopal Kristma. 150 0 Cash allowance to Ramchundes Roodha. 214 II to Bhaskur Naik Shiddorey, as under:- 150 0 Cash allowance. O 64 11 Value of land, in Meeruj. 41 adil Shahee beegas 115 pands, as under — 38 8 Garden land, 7 beegas. 26 3 Jeeraeet, 34 beegas 15 pands. 64 11 214 Il ( 1xxi ) O & Delaits. 206 0 Nemnook according to previous zabta.” 8 11 Extra on account of chur. 225 0 Cash allowance to Appajee Amund Row. 700 0 Cash allowance to the paga under Neelkunt Row Thorat from mojay Dorelee. .. 500 0 Cash allowance to the furrashes in the service of the hoozoor, from mojay Koomteh, kusba Munerajooree. O 150 0 Cash allowance to Shahanamtook, from mojay Mungawuttee, kuryat Joogul. d O A * e º 300 0 Cash allowance to Suko Nursee in the service of Nathajee Doobul, from mojay Nagaum. 745 0 Cash allowance to Luximon, Row Wamun Bukshee, formerly killadar of Meeruj, from mojay Lingnoor, kuryat Ainapoor. 400 0 Cash allowance to Bhugwand Row bin Raghojee Bhoslay, from mojay Kowteh Peeran, prant Punnalla. 954 8 Half the tunkha, excluding sirdeshmookhee' of mojay Bendree, kuryat Nandray, granted to Jeewun Row Sinday, as under:- O 835 4 Nemnook according to previous tainat Zabta. 119 4 Tunkha in extra chur. 954, 8 ( . lxxii ) O - 18,256 8 in the service of the Muntree, as under — 14,500 0 The sirdeshmookhee and the umuls of the said prant belong to the said person. This estimated amount has been credited. In the former zabta it was specified that Rs. 15,000 of this were to be paid yearly. From this deduct the revenues of mojay Ingly, kusba Ainapoor, which, with the exception of the sirdeshmookhee,"is held in inam by Ram Row Vishnoo. The sirdesh- mookhee was granted in inam by the Mun- tree to the said person. The contract therefore for the whole prant is to be given- O to the Muntree. An arrangement therefore © has been approved by the Sirkar to the effect that the person'in the service of the Mumtree should take 500 mars of land in place of the sirdeshmookhee granted by the Muntree. Deducting therefore 500 mars that this person took, the remaining O 14,500 belonged to the Muntree in accord- © ance with the order given in A.D. 1772. The balance then amounts to Rs. 14,500. 3,756 8 Villages, as under :— O *. O 2,406 8 Half of mojay Digruz Khoord, " ..prant Kagal, the "estimate being made exclusive of sirdeshmookhee. * 1,350 0 Half of mojay Doodharee, kur- yat Bheelowdee, exclusive of Sirdeshmookhee and babtees. 3,756 8 18,256 S ****-*rºck-cº-ºr ra ( lzxiii ) Details. 16,410 6 The memnooks in the former zabta amounted . . to Rs. 16,910-6. From this is deducted Rs. 500 for the deshmookhee of Ingly, leaving the balance as above. 1,846 2 on account of extra chur. 18,256 s O 32,454 S Cash inam allowance to Hybut Kessurkur O from mojay Sawulwarree, Kuryat Doodh- gao, as under : — Q 2,045 8 Half ſhe revenues, exclusive of sirdeshimookhee. 409 - O The whole of the sirdesh- ——— mookhee. " • . • 2,454 S © e --- Details. 1,369 14 Nemnook in the former O zabta. 1,084 10 on account of extra chur. O 2,454 8 O l,650 0 Half the revenues and all the "babtee tunkha " of mojay Doodharee, kuryat Bheelowdee, O • granted to Sooban Row Thorat, as under :— 507 11 Nemnook in former zabta. 1,142 5 on account of extra chur’. 1,650 0 # 742 5 The amount of the revenues of mojay Takaree, kuryat Bheelowdee, granted to Neelkunt Row Thorat. They formerly amounted to Rs. 2,100. From this deduct as under :— 190 15 The sirdeshmookhee assigned to this surinjam, 166 12 Nemnook to Gopaljee Bhoslay. *-s-s-s-s-- *-* 357 II 10 pu ( lxxiv. ) The remainder is assigned to the said person as above : — 672 4 former aſlowance. 1,070 1 Jastee chur. *º-sº 1,742 5 792 9 Tunkha assessment of 1,050 mars in mo- 1,604 985 S jay Dyharee, kusba Bheelow.aree, granted to Muhiput Row Popneykur, minus items as under :— 95 7 Sirdeshmookhee assigned to the sur- . injam. - • 162 0 Nemnook to Sewajee Thorat. O O O 257 7 The balance...is assigned to the said person. Details. 480 0 former allowance. - 312 9 Jastee chur. j 792 9 O •. Estimated revenue of 2 chawars of land in mojay Doodhandee, kuryat Bheelow.aree, granted to Siddojee. Row Patunkur, as under :— O 1,103 11 former memnook. Q 500 13 Jastee chur. *** * *º-sº 1,604 S 7 The whole tunkha, minus the sirdeshmoo. khee of mojay Kedeh (or Lodeh), kuryat Sawurdeh, granted to Purwut Row Yadow Yek weekur, as under :— ( lxxv ) 332 l l former memnoºk. 552 12 Chur. * , 985 7 6,908 O The whole revenues of kusba Sawurdeh in O the said kuryat, exclusive of sirdeshmoo- khee as estimated in A.D. 1765, granted O to Wassoodew Amund in the service of the Pritineedhee, as under:- 5,090 0 former memnook. 1,818 0 Jastee chur. tºº-º- ºmmº- *ºse 6,908 0 3,690 15 Wittul Row Eshwunt Khasnees, as under — 3,572 12 The tunkha assessment, minus the sirdeshmookhee of villages as under in kusba Kowteh Mahan- O kal :— 1,936 6 Mojay. Khālegaum. 1,636 6 Mojay Pandeygao. 3,572 12 O 118 3 Value of 105 beegas and 1+ pands O in Kusba Meeruj. 3,690 15 Details. Q 2,462 4 former memnook. Q 1,228 11 Jastee chur. tºmºsº 3,690 15 ( lxxvi ) 1,0s; 9 The whole revenue of mojay Ojur, kusba ... • Issapoor, minus sirdeshmookhee as esti- mated in A.D. 1767, granted to Rungojee Mohitay, as under :— 995 2 Nemnook according to the zabta. 94 7 Jastee chur. O l,089 9 O 175 8 Value of 156 beegas in kusba Meeruj granted • to Ramchunder Jeewajee, as under : — 169, 8 former memnook. 6 0. Jastee chur. | 75 S 156 7 Value of 160 adil shahee beegas 5% pands in kusba Meeruj, granted to Sudashew Chintamon, in the service of Sewajee Vittul, as estimated in A.D. 1767, as under :— 133 0 Nemnook in last zabta. 23 7 Jastee chur. 156 7 O O 38 8 Value of 7 beegas of land granted to Raghoba Naik, son of Venkajee Naik Kaley, in kusba Meeruj. 15 0 Value of 15 adil shahee beegas in kusba Mee- ruj, granted to Khundgownda. 28 4 Value of 32 adil shahee beegas 8 pands in kusba Meeruj, granted to Shreenewas Trimmul. 1,357. 3 To Mahadajee Kristma, late Furnees of said prant, in the service of the Muntree, as under :— e ( lxxvii ) 1,303 8 The revenue of mojay Nimbluk, kuryat. Isºapoor, including sir- • * deshmookhee, amounting to Rs. Q 1,748-8, from which is to be deducted Rs. 445, enjoyed by Sewajee Thorat. 53 k l Value of 34 adil shahee beegas 6% pands in kusba Meeruj. © 1,357 3 O Details. O O 1,257 12 Nemnook in former © Zabta. 99 7 Jastee chur. O 1,357 3 807 8 To Narro Mahadoo Chitnees of prant Meeruj, in service of Govind Row Chitnees, as under :— 744 8. The tunkha assessment of mojay O Chikulgotun, kusba Issapoor, amounts to Rs. 1,050, from which deduct as under:— 95 8 Sirdeshmookhee assigned O © by the Sirkar to the • . surinjam. 210 0 Nemnook to Ramdass Swamee. 305 () t The remainder as above." 63 0 Value of 64 adil shahee beegas T} pand, in kusba Meeruj, as under :— ( lxxviii ) 45 0 Jeeraeet land, 60 beegas, at • * J2 annas per beega. 18 0 Garden land, 4 beegas 13 ‘pand. 63 () 807 8 - ." O Details. 511 O Allowance in former zabta. 296 8 Jastee chur. 807 8 O O 9,057 0 Tunkha assessment of mojay Ingley, kuryat Ainapoor, granted to Ram Row Vishnoo, as under :— 8,233 10 Tunkha of the inam, minus sirdeshmookhee, as under:— 5,919 4 Last allowance. 2,314. 6 Chur. *=º ºs-s-s O 8,233 10. . • * 823 6 The sirdeshmbokhee has been given by the Muntree to the above person. The Sirkar has agreed to give the same in inam, and accordingly granted a sunnud in the year A.D. 1772. 9,057 0 ( lxxix ) O 570 0 Value of beegas of land according to the rod measurement granted in inam to Moro Bullal Putwurdhun, as under:— 50 in kutsba Joogul, prant Hookeree. 50 in kusba JKow teh Ekund, | 00 O 492 9 Continued previously bat omitted in the previous zabta, as under: — - - 150 0 Value of 20 beegas of jeeraeet land in mojay O Nagral and Doodhondee, kuryat Bheelow.ree, ..granted to Khetročjee Kuddum Khismutgar Hoozrey, at Rs. 73 per beega. 68 12 Allowance and land in mojay Khutao, kuryat e O Sanglee, to Appajee Jadow Khismutgar, as O • under :- 25 0 In cash. 43 12 Value of 7 beegas according to the rod measurement, at O Rs. 63 per beega. O 6S 12 . . . 27 S Value of 30 adil shahee beegas in the said kusba granted to Bailajee Venktesh Carcoon Silladar, son of Weakut Row O • Rayajee. • 55 9 Dewusthan, as under.— 12 O To Shree Dundnath for lighting, at Rs. 1 per mensem. 3 4 For clothes at the Dussura to Shree Hunoom unt in the fort. . 40 5 Cash allowance for food to Shree Nursew in the fort. 55 9 º • ( lxxx ) 113 - O To the 22 Brahmins who bathe the gods in the month of Shrawun. 77 12 Khairt as under :— O 74 12 To Summa Meer of kusba Meeruj, for food, &c. 3 O To .the Peer of Kopuwday, for the cloth cover of the tomb. 77 12 - O 492 9 • 4,645 6 Kusba Manjzey, prant Kagul, exclusive of sirdeshmookhee - as estimated in A.D. 1767, granted to Mahadjee Shitoly, as under :— O * 3,568 0 According to the former zabta, 1,077 6 Jastee chur. O 4,645 6 1,370 9 Half of Nogao, near Kowteb, exclusive of sideshmookhee, granted to Shree Birad Sidh of Kowfah Ekund, as under:— O O O 1,040 10 Nemnook according to the.previous zabta. 329 15 Jastee chur. • **s 1,370 9 3,750, 0 Estimated value, at Rs. 6% per beega, of 5, chawurs of land in kusba Sanglee (the land being of the first, second, and third classes) which Govind Hurree obtained from the Sirkar and gave to Wamun Row Govind in A.D. 1768 for agruhar (ceremonies on account of eclipse). ( lxxxi ) O 48 0 Cash allowance at Rs. 4 per*mensem to Hurree Kessurkur Gossavee of Shree Markun- deshwur on the banks of the Kristna, out of the amount realised from the Mahajun and Pütkee taxes. 47 8 Walue, at Rs. 4-12 per beega, of 10 beegas in O kusba Meeruj, recently given in inam to Ram Kristma Shastree of Meeruj. The O sumnud for this land was granted in A.D. . 1768, on the strength of which the Brahmin holds this land. O © * *-*g O 93,005 0 O Details. 72,227 3 Balance of the memnook of the former zabta, viz. Rs.72,898-3, deducting the following: © 171 not realised, as under :— 100 Sooltanjee Ray Jadey for grain. 71 Ruyajee Kaley according to the memnook. º * 500 Deducted from the contract of Rs. O 15,000 for the sirdeshmookhee of mojay Ingly, which it was agreed should be given to the Muntree, the amount having been given in inam • to Ram Row Vishnoo. Q tº-e wº Q Balance as above, | 1 17 tº ( lxxxii ) - - O 20,777 13 Extra, as under :— 15,566' 6 Increased estimate of the dumalla villages. The amount formerly given was Rs. 76,296-8. “In this the allowances to the dumalla village officials were left out inadvertently. A clause, however, was entered in the previous zabta to the effect that if, after due investigation, any omission of the kind was discovered, it should be entered as an addition to the total amount of the dumalla charges. According to this clause after investiga- tiqn the armount as estimated above has O been entered. ** e O © º - 540 9 Continued formerly, butt omitted to be en- tered as memnook in the previous zabta, as under : - O 492 9 As above. 48 0 Huree Kesurshing, *- O 540 9 O 3,797 8 Estimated value of the new imam of 5 chawurs and 10 beegas granted ºn A.D. 1768, as O under :— O © 3,750 .0 Five chayurs in kusba Sanglee granted ſo Wamun Row Govind. O 47 8 Ten beegas granted to Ram —— Kristma Shastree in kusba 3,797 8 Meeruj. fººt-ºmmasºmºrrº Q 50 0 Value of land given to the Brahmins collec- tively of Walwa in addition to the waree . of Beedha in mojay Doodhonda, which they hold in imam by a royal grant. The former memnook was 250 mars of land. O ( lxxxiii ) O O 823 6 Estimated value of the airdeshmookhee of mojay Ingly, kuryat Ainapoor, which Ram Row Vishnoor held in inam exclusive of the sirdeshmookhee. The Muntree bèstowed on him the sirdeshmookhee in inam which has been sanctioned by the Sirkar. 93,005 0 O The balance remaining for the maintenanee of the surinjam & O' > amoufts to Rs. 4,77,293-15. O O JDetails. • O O 77,206 4 Berij of the Surinjams granted to those who are in the service of the said "Wamun Row, as under :— . 13,975 11 Tunkhe of villages, exclusive of sirdesh- O mookhee granted to Kedarjee Khetroojee . Sinday, as under :— 10,871 0 Kusba Mhuysal in the said O kusba. * * O . 3, 104 Il Mojay Muleewaree, kusba O Bedug. O 13,975 11 O 6, 195 3 Tunkha, exclusive of sirdeshmookhee of villages O held by Yemmajee bin Mahadjee Sinday, as under :— 3,102 15 Mojay Kowteh Gooloond, kusba Sherole. 3,092 4 Mojay Nurowday, kusba Mhuy- sal. 6,195 3 ( lxxxiv. ) 12,844 ° 2 Revenue, excluding sirdeshmookhee of kusba - Desing, granted to Tookajee bin Sumbajee Ghorepuray, the kutsba being as under :- 1 The said Kusba. 1 Mojay Alkhoodeh. ,, Shiruttee. 22 e Mhysal Khool’d. ,, Koomptolee. , Kognolee. O 3,071 8 To Jewajee Sinday, as under:- 2,471 & Tunkha, exclusive of sirdeshmoo- O e • khee of Mojay Arwarry, kusba Sawurdey. . . . 600 0 Cash allowance from Mojay Mul- © lungao in kusba Digruz. *-*-* *-** O 3,071 8 © 5,924 6 Tunkha, excluding sirdeshmookhee of mojay Belokee, kuryat Bedug, held by Janojee Posjee Gaekwar. • 5,944 12 Tunkha, excluding sirdeshmookhee of three villages in kuryat Kowteh Mankal, held by Kassiba bin Yessajee Woleykurr, as undes :— 2,356 3. Mojay Yeerlee. • 1,987 5 , , Alkood. 1,601 4 , Kakelay. . * 5,944 12 2,287 12 Revenue, excluding sirdeshmookhee of mojay Dhoolgao, kuryat Muneyrajooree, granted to Dinkur Row bin Agnojee Doobul. 3,331 15 Revenue of mojay Koomteh, kuryat Muney- rajooree, granted to Yeshwunt Row bin Sabajee Ghatgay, ( lxxxv ) O 1,319 13 Tunkha, minus the sirdèshmookhee of mojay Kulumbey, kurya Havelee Meeruj, granted . to Rajnak bin Kalmak. tº O tº e 375 7 Field in mojay Taklee, kuryat Havelee, granted to Sungapa Rajmamay. O 2,675 0 To Bhaskur Hurree, as under : — O 125 Field and garden land in kusba O º Meeruj. 2,550 Revenue of mojay Shedsal, kur- O yat Sheerhuttee, inclusive of sirdeshmookhee. O O 2,675 Q 13,230 12 Tunkha, exclusive of sirdeshmookhee, grant- * ed, to Oodajee bin Maljee Chowan, as under :— O 11,412 14 Kusba Digruz, prant Kagul. 1,817 14 Half of mojay Kufnal, kuryat Sanglee. O 13,230 12 O 5,147 6 Nemnook to Anund Row Sinday in mojay O Mulungaum. O - 882 8 Nemnook field and garden land in mojay Kaipwar (or Lonewar), kusba Bedug, granted to Hunmunt Row Sawunt, O 772206 4 - Q 4,00,087 11 As above. & e-sº 4,77,293 15 * ( lyxxvi ) Purgunma 1,2 Balapoor. 2,573 14 The revenue of the purgunna of large Balapoor in the Carnatic, including custom duties, amounted to Hons 54;369-2-6. From this deduct the villages and hamlets held by inamdars and others as before, as under :— O 2,690 10 9 The revenue of 97 villages and hamlets and a tank in the talqoka of Sreerun- gaputam (Seringapatam) held by Hyder Naik. ." Two villages held by Dad Naik. Fifty-one villages and hamlets held by Mooral. Row, Ghorepuray. 1,250 0 () Seventeen villages of those of the value of Rs. 5,000, given to Nagojee O e § Shreeniwas Vakeel of Morar Row Ghorepuray in the year 1767. Two villages granted to Meer Ahmed. 440 7,409 4 º º Imams to the Jumeedar, as under: — 679 8 ° 4 Five villages granted to Kristna Row Abbajee Deshmook. 306 8 0 Villages granted to Shamjee Verºut Row Sirdeshpan- day. O 16S 8 0 Four villages granted to Bhugwunt Row Komega. 107 0. 0 One village • granted to Gunesh Sham Row Nad- $ gownda." O 56 2 0 One village granted to Wenkut Yasnat Koolkur- In 6262. 11 0 0 One village granted to Shesappa Deshkoolkur- 1166. 70 0 0 One village granted to Nujia Deshkoolkurmee. i 2 5 ( lyxxvii ) 125 0 O Three villages granted to . Venkut Row Narayen, • * 1,524 0 l Deshkoolkurnee. * : *-ºs rrºr: Iºr. *==asºn 2,251 0 ° 0 Thirty-three villages granted to Gods, *– sº Brahmins, Fukeers, Jungums, &c. | 6,020 O 3 * 4 The balance remaining is 38,349 homs, at Rs. 3-5 per hon, equivalent. to Rs. 1,27,021. Add to this 196; hons, equivalent, at Rs. 3-5 per hon, to Rs. 650-14, and the grand total amounts to Rs. 1,27,671. 14. " w * From this deduct.dunjallas, &c. held from of old and those granted anew in 1767 by the Government, and which were omitted to O e tº & * º & be entered when the said purgunma was assigned in Surinjam in 1768, as under :— e O 251 7. The revenue of the whole of mojay Pootun Hullee, the kumal being 46–3 hons, and the calculated amount according to the sunnud dated Chunder 21, Mohur- rum A.D. 1768, which directs that a village be made • Over of the value of Rs. 250. 1,200 0 Abas Kodlee Khan used to receive for his family, &c. a monthly salary of 30 hons, amoynting to 360 per annum, equivalent, at Rs. 3-5 per hon, to the above ... amount. In the year 1766 a sunnud was given to Mu- himajee Sinday, dated Chunder 23, Jilkad, directing that the amount was to be paid regularly so long as the * said family lived in the said kusba. 56 5 Mojay Hunoor, in the Suwusthan Bednore granted in inam, in 1767, to Gungadhur Bhattee Swamee. Its kumal tunkha amounted to hons as under :- 300 Ain. O O 17 on account of the tank. Q 317 Of this amount 300 hons have been already deducted among the dumallas. There re- main therefore 17 hons, at Rs. 3-5 per hon. “ ( lxxxviii ) 331 4 In the said kusba there are about 300 houses of learned Brahmins. They were exempt from duty on the grain brought för the support of their families, and a sunnud to this effect was granted dated Chunder 21, Mohurrum, A.D. 1768. The amount thus remitted is estimated at 100 hons, equivalent, at Rs. 3-5, to the above amount. O 83 0 Amount granted to Adi Narayen in the said kusba for Nevedy and Nandadip, according to the sºnmud dated Chunder 21, Mohurrum, A.D. 1768, as under: — º - 71 0 Value of the articles in kind specified in the O sumnud as under :—- 48 8 as under: — O O e 40 0 Fine rice according to the solo- * @ -1 º, f s lee measure. 9% pylees per Ç mensem = 7% maunds per annum, at 2+ pylees per * rupee, amounting to the above. O 4 0 One pylee per mensem of O * daltooree = 1 maund per annum, which at 4 pylees per ºpee = to the above an] Ou nt. O 4 8. One seer ghee per menseme– 12 Seers.per annum, which at 2% seers per rupee–the above amount. - 48 S 22 8 Seven and a half pukha seers of oil per mensem for Nandad?p, or 2) maunds per annum, at 4 seers per rupee =to the above amount. 7 | () ( lxxxix ) Q 12 0.Duksina, at 6 pies per diem=l rupee per men- sem, which in a year amounts to the above SUl IT] . *===="a © S3 () 3,176 O Fixed grants as under:— O 39 12 The kumal tunkha of mojay Duremal, now belonging to Summut Bednore, O granted in inam to Eteemshah Fukeer, 12 hqns, equivalent, at Rs. 3-5-0, to the above amount. 2,660 6 Daily payments as under — e O 1,050 0 Twenty dewusthans, at 26-2} Q O hons per mensem = 315 hons • per annum, equivalent, at O Rs. 3-5, to the above amount. 1,610 0 Thirty-three Brahmins, at 24, hons per mensem=483 homs per annum, equivalent to the above amount. “ O ." • 2,660 0 . . 254 3 Yearly allowance as under :— O O 30 0 0 For the performance of Vyah- pooja in the months of . . Kartiſt, Magh, and Waishak at the full-moon :- * 8 5 () To Brahmins for Shrawunee, as under :— 5 0 To the Brahmins of Said kusba, 3- 5 Do. do, of Hussoor. 8 5 l 2 p tº, ( xc ) - 88 5 0 For the dewusthan of the kusba • * and the adjoining villages for the abhshuk in Shrawun. 35 3 9 For"the abhshuk (bathing) in shiwratru and nevedy (feed- ing) in karſik at the full- O moon of Shree Swuyam- bheshwur of the said kusba. 10 0 0 on account of present at the Dussara holidays to three • masters of schools to which the boys of the town go, 79 0 ° 0 to Shree Venoo Gopal, of the said kusba, for the celebration of (Sokool Ashtumee. 3 5 - 3 for the celebration of Nursinh Juyuntee at the house of Vegh Bhutt. 254 3 0 • . 222 1 Khairat, as under:- - O 100 0 Rozidars to two fukeers of kusba-Hussoor, at 2% hons per mensem=30 hous per annum. O 7 0 To the kazee of the mosque of the said Rusba for the Eed. O 115 l Part of the amount formerly paid to Assoor Khan on the occa- sion of the Mohurrum. O 222 | ºmmunºsuºmº Q 3, 176 O 5,098. () © The rest is assigned for the surinjam. ( xci - ) 10,82,654 12 3 Gross revenue of the mahºls in the Carnatic Prant, including loss, as under:— • 63,985 12 0 Purgunna Yad war. 43,675 12 0 Purgunma Shahpoor. 12,027 15 17,514, 2 1,46,874 4 1,40,000 0 O 55, 139 9 *49,628 5 1,80,667 7 1,19,437 8 3,279 10 1,21,753 I The revenue of this purgunna was formerly Rs. 44,594-4. From this deduct Rupees 918-8-0, as in the former zabta, being the estimated revenue of mojay Modgey, which has been granted to Mahadajee Bullal, son of Ballajee Dew Row, for his above. º 0 Purgunna Anwul. •0 Kusba Ingulhullee. 0 Purgunna Moolgoond. 0 Suwusthan Kittoor. 0 Purgunna Hurreehur and than- na Holul and Wurguttray together. O * * 0 Purgunna Turrus. 0 Purgunna Koondgole, together with Sawusee. 0 Purgunna Rayur Hobblee, to- gether with the wuttums of the Killadar and Nadgownda. 0 Suwusthan Bemeekuttee, 0 Talooka Wittul Vishram. The revenue of this was formerly Rs. 1,34,525-1. Q From this deduct as undgr:— 10,000 The revenue of tur- ruf Kudolee, brought to account under the head of Shahpoor, salary, leaving balance as Carnati District ( xcii ) 2,772 Therevenue of Venkuta- poor, purgunna Yad- war. This village was formerly established by Luximon Konair Row having taken the lands of three villages in the said prant. Its revenue was included in that of Yadwar; therefore at the time of making over the above three villages to Wittul Vishram for the surinjam of the fort the revenue of Wenkutapoor should have been deducted. This, however, was not done,and the gross revenue was assigned to Vittul Vishram. 12,772 O e Afterwards, when giv- • ing the Surinjam, the Q * revenue of the said village should have been deducted from the berij of purgunna Yadwār or talooka Wittul Vishram. This, however, was not done, and the amount therefore has been twice credited. ( xciii ) 61,967 15 0 Kusba Behutteč. 19,936 7 0 Sirdeshkut.of Mamle. The amount • of this was formerly Rs. 25,561-7. Q From this deduct the revenue of mojay Surwuday, which has been included in purgunna Hoobbee, and also in the berij of the said Mamle, amounting to Rs. 5,625, leaving balance as above. 2,47:455 0 0 Purgunna Luximeshwur. The tun- kha of the villages and hamlets O (127 in all) amounted to Rs. .2,59,529–8. From this deduct 9 villages and haualets as under:— • * 5,390 10 Held by Khamgonda Des- - Saee of the said pur- gunna 3 villages as O under :— 1 Mojay Bamgee. O I Mojay Goomgole, I Mojay Mulkarjoon- poor." 3 - I Hamlet of Chakun- keer. O 4 The revenue of these as above. 1,125 0 Mojay Chickwarwuttee, held by Dowlut Row Ghorepuray. " 1,125 0 Mojay Vittulpoor, held by Bistupaya Swamee Sungapoorkur. ( xciv ) 2,031 4 Mojay Sukleepoor, held • * by Geerdhur Row De- wan, in service of the • Savanoorkur. 2,402 10 Mojay Budnee and Mujre Mahadapoor, held by —-— Yeshwant Row Muhi. *-* * * * * * *- 12,074 8 pajee. . 12,83,342 l l () O tº º © There remain 118 villages and hamlets the revenue of which is as above. From this amount deductions have to be made. The berij of the mahals was made over according to the jummabundee of Luxi- mon Konhair. The estimated revenue, howeyer, does not agree with this, and there is a considerable deficièncy. For this reason, in consequence of the former discussion on the matter, the amount of Rs. 1,30,000 on account of the deficiency has been sanctioned; this leaves a"balance of Rs. 11,53,342-1 l. From this deduct the amount of dumalla and warshasuns, &c. according to the separate detailed list as ‘under:— 5,170 2 .3 Purgunna Yadwar. 1,035 4 0 Purgunna Shahpoor. O 951 0 0 Purgunna Anwul. . O 2,516 0 0 Kusba Ingulhullee. O 10,320 J 1 0 Purgunna Moolgoond. O O 2,955 0 , 0 Suwusthan Kittoor. . O O 3,725 15 6 Purgunna Hurreehur, and thanna Holal together. 2,231 9 9 Purgunna Turrus. O 4,069 6 9 Purgunna Koondgole. . 11,837 I4 6 Purgunna Rayur Hooblee. 8,871 8 0 Talooka Wittul Vishram. 995 6. 0, Kusba Behuttee. Q 2,039 1 1 0. The Sirdeshkut of the Mamle. 13,968 2 0 Purgunna Luximeshwur. Gºma wºmammº sºmemake-º 70,687 I4 9 ( xc v ) JOetails. 63,467 5 3 The memnooks in the previous zabta amounted to * Rs. 97,764-4, From this deduct as under :— 17,551 15 °0 Purgunma Buswaputtun and Nundgao, where our rule has not been established. 2,772 0 0 The revenue of Venkutapoor, talooka O Wittul Vishram. Its revenue had been included in the berij of purgunna Yadwar and the said tâlooka. It was © then twice entered under the head . dumalla in the berij. 13,972 I 5" 9 Deducted on investigation as under : — O Z10 6 0 Purgunma Shahpoor. 679 5 0 loo. Moolgoond. 1,510 13 3 Do. Koondgole. Q 3,162 6 Do. Rayur Hooblee. , 1878 8 0 Do. Talooka Witttul O Wishram. 6,031 14 0 Do. Luximeshwur. | 3,972 I 5 9 34,296, 14 9 e * Leaving a balance as above. 7,220 9 (i. extra, cºntinued always on estimate and on sunnuds, ... as under :– 1,460 2 3 Purgunna Yad war. Q O 951 0 0 Purgunma Anwul, O 266 4 0 Kusba Ingulhullee. 2,955 0 () Suwusthan Kittoor. 1,053 1 9 Purgunna Turrus. 495 6 0 Kusba Behuttee. 39 l l 0 Sirdeshkut of the Mamle, - 4 8 0 Purgunna Hurreehur. • —a 7,220 9 6 70,687 14 9 The remainder is assigned to the surinjam, ( xcvi ) O * g Pº 92,40] 5 0 Purgunna Terdul as estimated during the admin- Terdul. {º º . dº • ſº ºf ,-, -, istration of Wenkut Row Narayen in A.D. 1767, as under : — O 94,222 4 Ain jumma as under :—— 89,430 8 Fixed. 4,791 12 For one year. *= * * & 94,222 4 O 10,586 - 3 Siwaee jumma. 10,744 2 Kumavis jumma for one year. 9,575 0 Nuzzúr to be taken from the jemaidars ––– every third year. . . 1,25,127 9 O O From this deduct— O 6,350 0 Two-thirds of the jemaidaſs' nuzzur, one- third having been realised. Q 15,568 8 Sequestrations, deficiency, and kumavis for one year. *ºme 21,918 S O 1,03,009 1 Remainder met balance, viz:— O 92,017. 14 Ain Sirkar, as under : — " S0,253 I Ain jumma. 8,443 7 Siwaee jumma. 321 6 Kumavis jumma. 3,000 0 Annual instalment of the jamaidars' triennal nuz- Zur, which amounts to ——— Rs, 8,900. 92,017 14 fºr rºtatºrs arextºrerun ( xcvii ) 1 1,191 3 Durbar khurch and secret service, as under: — 9, 177 7 from the villages. 1,478 12 Mohuturpha. 535 0 on account of the Jemaidars, as under:— 310 yearly. 225 to be taken every three years, the amount then being Rs. 675. 535 tºº - 11,191 3 - º J t grº-ev-s j as-s-s-s-s 1,03,209 | 4,000 0 as below:— 2,000 Fines according to the yearly agree- ment. - . * } 2,000 as above. C; 4,000 l *-* * * * *-* 1,07,209 l From this deduct dumalla, &c.—- 4,360 0 The whole of mojay Kliemlapoor, granted to Narro Nursee Lailay. 1,153 0 The whole of mojay Khundhal, granted to Nimbajee Jumdure in the service of the paga of Appajee Paygooday. J 1,000 0 Nemmook in mojay Siddapoor, granted to T)adoo Appajee, in the service of Poorund- huray. ( xcviii ) 4,000 0 The whole of Suptsagur, granted to Khunde- ... row Durekur, as under : — 3,307 Ain, 693 as above. *= ** = ºr 4,000 O 3,000 0 Cash from mojay Ingulgaum to-Dowlut Row Ghorepuray. O 794 O Wurshasun, as.umder:— 760 Half the memnook agreed to be given to Shree Swamee from mojay Moodulgee. © e O 24 Cash to Mahadoo Bhutt Agnihotree of the said kusba. 10 Ballum Bhutt Dongury Saturkur. *====s 794 162 5 for the establishment "of powuyees where there is no water on ſhe road, as under :— 94 5 Powuyee on the road to Hurro- geeree in the said kusba. 68 0 Mojay Koleegood. | 62 5 100 0 Assigned by Venkut Row Narayen as wur- shasun in lieu of durbar khurch to Vishnoo Bhutt bin Luximon Bhutt Dewusthuley, inhabitant of Kharai Patun, A.D. 1769, at Kupput Sungum, on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun. tº O ( xcix ) 238 7. Dewusthan, as under :-- 31 10 for the bathing of Prubhoo Swa- • * mee in the said kusba in the O month of Shrawun. 55 4 for food to Kasheeling in mojay Suptsagur. 56 4 to Shree Sidhraj in the said kusba. O 1 8 to Shree Luximee in the said O kusba. • O 18 5 to Mulleekarjoon do. do. 13 o' to Mulleshwur... do. do. 9 1 to Hunoom unt do. for the ceremony of Ramnawmee. 53 O 7 to Gram Deo in the said kusba for the bathing in Shrawun. 14,807 12 O - Details. 13,613 0 Former nemnook, &c. as under : —" O O 13,513 Nemnooks included in the surinjam O given in A.J. 1765. 100 Assigned by Narayen Row Venkut- esh in lieu of durbar khurch as wurshasun to Vishnoo Bhutt De- wusthullee. The sunnud, was given in A.D. 1769 on the oocasion of an eclipse of the sun. 13,613 ( c. ) 1, 194 22 Extra assessment on the purgunna continued yearly. In the sunnud of A.D. 1768 there was a clause to the effect that, as the extra assessment was entered on estimate when the regular accounts were examined, the yearly dhurmada and wurshasun should be deducted. () • s—s *-*-d s 14,807 12 ...) º The remainder is assigned to the surinjam. Pürgunna 37,137 0 Tunkha of "purgunna Maindergee, the amount being Maindergee Rs. 53,739, from which are to be deducted mokassa and dumalla, as under — - O U The whole of mojay Berotee (1 village) granted to Rughoonath Row Nilkunt Moojumdar in the service of Shahjee Bhoslay, J Mokassa assigned to Sooltanjee. Bargur in the service of Shahjee Bhoslay. Babtees assigned to Rajeshree Punt Pritineed- hee. Sohotra assigned to Rajeshree Suchew. §ºsºsºsº ºwmºm-m-mºsºs | 6,600 0 The remainder is assigned for the surinjam. Purgunma 19,200 0 Purgunna Gulgullee. The tunkha amounts Gulgullee, to Rs. 19,400, from which is to be deducted the amount of Rs. 200 paid yearly to Bala- chari of the said kusba, who received a grant for the same in A.D. 1767. - Tribute of 30,000 0 To be paid from whatever tribute may be Shorapoor realised by the Sirkar from Suwusthan Shorapoor. ( ci ) 41,070 13 Phootgaum, as under : —” Phootgaum 4,049 10 In prani, Poona, as under:- & º: O O 930 6 The tunkha with sir- O O deshmookhee, but excluding mokassa, of mojay Bhurut- gaum, talooka Pat- tuS. 356 12 The tunkha with sir- deshmookhee, and • excluding mokassa, of mojay Bullaree (or Bukoree), talooka Sandus, granted to Shree Ramchunder of Poona. 462 8 Amount of mokassa O bab in mojay Mul- lun, talooka Patus, as before. 1,100 0 The tunkha," with sir- deshimookhee of mo- jay Mosee, talooka Havelee, amounts to Rs. 1,567-8. From this deduct Rs. 200, the amount of the memnook of Ramjee Mania Jamdar in the service of Shahjee Bhoslay. The re- mainder, Rupees 1,367-8, is assigned to the said Wamun Row. The estimate is entered according to that in the pre- O vious zabta, viz. Rs. 1,200. From O this deduct Rs. 100, the yearly nemnook to Naroo Konhair O Ekbotey. 1,200 0 Mojay Japveej, talooka Patus, was given in • the year A.D. 1768 *) in lieu of Pargao, O which had previous- • ly been taken by the Sirkar, and it was agreed that its O estimated revenue 0. should be assigned O for the surinjam. The soobha has no records relating to the said village. It is understood that the revenue will • amount to about Rs. 1,200, which amount is accºrd- 4,049 10 singly thfered, 5,379 ° 0 Amount of tunkha, excluding sirdesh- mookhee of villages in purgunna Parnair, as under:— 2,564 0 Mojay Dhewulpooree. 2,721 0 Mojay Vittuſpooree. 5,285 () The revenues of the 2 villages are entered in the previous zabta. ( ciń ) - 1,634 15 Mojay Dewurashteh, khyat Wangee. The - revenue entered, in the previous tainat O tº zabta amounts to Rs. 2,000. From this . deduct the memnook of inam land to Ram Bhutt bin Kristma Bhutt Chiploon- kur, inhabitant of Sungum Mahawuley, O which was omitted to be deducted before, as under — 244 Il Value of 94 beegas 19 pands of 1st class black soil, at Rs. 7 © per beega. . 102 1 Value of 20 beegas 8+ pands of 2nd class soil, at Rs. 5 per O beega. O 18 5. Value of 5 beegas 1 pand of 3rd class soil, at Rs. 3-10 per beega. 365 | The remainder is assigned to the surin- jam. •3,000 ô Tunkha of mojay Julkey, purgunna Now- Say, as under: — O O 1,095* I Ain. O 136 14 Sirdeshmookhee, at 12% per cent. 1,231 15 The berij in the former zabta was entered exclusive of mokassa. According to this a grant has been made to Govind Diksit Kaigaumkur, inhabitant of Kaigaum. ( civ ) 1,493 0 The tunkha of mojay Bhookoom, kuryat Mawul, as under :— * - 1,079 9 Ain. • 107 7 Sirdeshinookhee, at Rs. 10 *-* * * per Cent. 1, 187 O The amount is entered in accordance with the previous tainat zabta. . . 1,500 0 from purgunna Patopay, as under:— 1 The whole of mojãy Shingnapoor. • 2 Half villages as under :— 1 Mojay Godeygaum. k Mojay Kaslee. * 3. * e © 3 O The whole amount as entered in the º O previous zabta. 1,575 0 From taleoka Nairlee, as under : — 1,075 Villages from talooka Wuzay, as under :— 800 Moj ay Borwaee. 275 Mojay Khootiph. This vil- lage has been granted in inam to Luximon Hurree, —- but it is to be entered in O 1,075 the surinjam. 500 Shetsunda, as under:— 300 to Gungadhur Bapoojee Fur- nees in mojay Waodul, ta- looka Wuñkhul. t 200 Luximon Hurree, from mojay —— Wudwulee, talooka Wuzey. *— 500 1,575 T . ( ev ) ' 150 0 Shetsunud to Khundojee Phuratay, in mojay . Madogun, purgunna Khurdeh. 11,997. 4 "Estimated revenue of mojay Pulloos, turuf Walway, for A.D. 1767 according to the memorandum of the kusbedar, as under :- 10,900 5 The land assessment amounts to • . Rs. 12,110-12-9, from which - - deduct as under :- 653 8 0 Hukdars. . . 556 15 9 Miscellaneous ex- e. - ©. penses. . , 1,210 7 9 The rethainder as above. * 372 11 Third of the inams of the Patels • Kooikurnees. - 351 Q Mohuturupha. 500 0 Customs duty. 12, i24 0 “assºciaxº~~~ O. From this deduct the value of land given by Chinta- mon Row Sewdew. There is no record of the grant •' in the dufºur, but it has been continued for a long • time as a grant to Brahmins and Gods, as under: — • 65 S Value of 13 beegas assigned to Shree Bhu- . wanee of A woond, held by Bappoo Bhutt • A woondkur. © . 49 4 Value of 11 beegas assigned to Bhugwunt Bhutt Doodgaumkur. - 12 0 Value of I beega 18 pands, held by Duttoba Gossavee. The remainder is assigned for the surinjam. ( cvi ) 1,767 0 from purgunna Kaseegao, as under — I Mojay Taklee, - 1 Mojay Gopalpoor. * O 2 The gross revenue according to the former zabta was Rs. 2, 131. From this deduct fields, imams, &c., as under :— - O 125 0 Value of 132% beegas in mojay Taklee, held by Dhondo Mulhar Poorundhu- Tay. O 239 0 from mojay Gopalpoor, as under:—- O e 25 0 Value of 30 beegas held by Shiw- ram Rughoonath Limuye. 12 .8 Value of 16 beegas, held by the son of Gungadhur Bhutt * Burway Pundhurpoorkur. 12 8 Walue of 15 beegas, held by Kristina Bhutt Benaree Pum- Q dhurpoorkur. 25 O Value of 30 beegas, held by Ramchunder • Kristna Pun- dhurpoorkur. 8 6 Value of 10 beegas, held by Naro - * Appajee." 16 12 Value of 20 beegas, held by Ramchunder Gunesh. 12 0 Value of 14 beegas, held by Anund Row Ram in the ser- vice of Holkur. 1 0 Value of 7 beegas held by Gunga- dhur Eshwunt in the service of Holkur. ( cwii ) 4 2 Value of 5 beegas, held by Kon- hair Trimbuck Ekbotey’s son • * - Naro Konhair. * 16 12 Value of 20 beegas, held by Narayen Bhutt Anweleekur. O 50 0 Value of 60 beegas, held by Pur- O sheram Ramchunder. O 50 0 Value of 60 beegas, held by © ** *-*. Govind Naik Angul Sowkar. 239 () O O 364TO " The remainder is assigned for the Surinjam. 8,000 0 Q Kuşba Belowree, prant Meeruj.” The .cultivated land amounts to 29 chawurs, 2 beegas, and 16% pands. From . this deduct land assigned for village serviçe, &c., as under :— 56% beegas dewusthan. 159, beegas given to Brahmins. 83% beegas given Bulootay. . . 33 beegas given to Gossavee Manbhawoo Surwadey and Rawool. ." 2 chawurs 91% beegas. O * There remain 26 chawurs, 31 beegas, and 6% pands. O The estimated revenue in A. D. 1768, not deducting village expenses, amounted to Rs. 22,263-13-6. • "From this deduct on account of miscellaneous expenses, hukdars, inamdars, &c. Rs. 6,779-4. There then remain Rs. 15,484-9-6, from which are to be deducted Rs. 7,742-4-9 on account of half the village being in the possession of the Muntree; the remaining half amounts to Rs. 7,742-4-9. The estimated revenue as entered in the previous zabta is now entered in addition to half the koorun in the said kusba. ( cviii ) . 1,525 0 0 "Mojay Retray of Hawnlay, prant Kurrar. 41,070 13 0 . . . . --- & 7,391 12 3 The berji of purgunna ferdúl, together with *. dumalla, was entered in A.D. 1768 as Rupees 1,21,997-8. Of this in A.D. 1767 there was entered, after deducting in the estimate, the eksalee and including Rs. 4,000 under that head generally, Rs. 1,07,209-) as the berij. The sum of Rupees 14,778-7 on account of eksalee was not entered. Of this it has been decided that the abovemen- O tioned amount (Rs. 7,391-12-3) should be en- tered. \ 1,75,000 0 0 The tunkha of the mahals of talooka Adwanee in “ the year A.D. 1768 was assigned according to the accounts as being Rs. 4,91,527-8. The mahals were as follows:– & 1,08,750.0 Purgunna Kothal. 1,68,750 o Purgunna Bunnoo. 1,08,375 0 Purgunna Rewudkoonda. • 1,05,652 8 Purgunma Sidmore. * e *=s*ssrºe O - 4,91,527 8 - - ~~~~~~~ O O *— -* —---- ~~~~~ in these mahals, however, the Government 24,27,775 0 | 0 rule has not been established. “The 4. aſſi (Illi, i. abovementioned is the tribute paid by Bussalut Jung. From this deduct— ” º O 11,518 14 0 The mokassa bab was assigned to the Rajmundul Karweer, and a behera for the amount of the - mokassa was given in the year 1758. From this e the memnooks, which were given in the tainat zabta of Wamun Row, were continued accord- ingly, and those which were not given were not continued. It has been determined that they should be continued from the current year. 7 .# * * O ſº sº When the behera of the mokašša was given the dis- tricts were held by Govind Hurree and Luximon Konhair in kumavis, The total of the mokassa of those mahals was included in the behera, the amount, together with the revenue of mojay Darowray, being as under :— * 14,576 6 from the mahals administered by Govind Hurree. 18,424 13 from those administered by Luxi- mon Konehair. O O - •615 0 Mojay Darowray. J.--——---eas * 33,616 3. From this deduct— * - O 6,551 14 Deducted on account of the villages being now in the immediate poss session of the Savanoorkur, as under : — * * O 4,618 12 During the administration of Luximon Konehair the villagés of the Savanoo- kur were under attach- ment. The whole amount of the mokassa berij was included in the behera. It is now enjoyed, however, direct, and therefore de- ducted as under :— 950 0 Mojay Kolwar. . 1,387 8 Mojay SQol. 1,931 4 Mojay Huchal. 350 0 Mojay Bunnoor. 4,618 12 ( ex ) 1,933 2 The village of Hullial in 6,551 14 15,545 7 from the surinjam as under:— the purgunna of Hooblee was formerly held by . Govind Hurree when he held several mahals in kumavis. The village was then in the possession of the Sirkar. The berij of it was therefore includ- ed in the behera of the mokassa. The village is .now in the possession of the Savanoorkur, who draws its revenues direct, so the above amount is gººmsº º deducted. 9, 119 3 Nemnooks assigned by name in the zabta of dumalla memnooks in the Carnatic, as under :— 3,875 1 l 5 3,673 |-50 1,305 10 from purgunna Mool- goond. 0 from kusha Behuttee. 9 from purgunna Rayur Hooblee. O 0 frome purgünna Turrus. 0 from the Sirdeshkut. 9,119 3 5,236 4 Amount directly paid as under:— 4,425 0 from the Hooble purgunna, as under:— 4,200 from old Hooblee. 225 from Baleygullee. 4,425 ( cxi ) O The above has been written on the information of the said Wamun Row. "If on inquiry it turns out less, the deficiency is to be made up. If it turns out larger, the amount is to be entered in the items of Rs. 11,518-14. 811 #1 on account of villages in the purgunna Moolgoond, held by the jemaidar as under :— 586 4 from the inam villages O - * of the Dessaee. 225 0 from mojay Bhendow- O day. 8 || 4 © O O &=s** * * *ºmºs $5,236 4 1,190 0 to be paid by Wamun Row, when realised ——— frofu Suwusthan Kittoor. tºmºsºmºmºmºsº - 15,545 7 22,097 5 O t Balance not assigned in nemnook :- O 10,903 14 as above. • * 615 0 to be given in lieu of mojay Darowray, O O held by Wilmun Row Govind. • 1,518 14 400 0 on account of imam lands given from the O current year, as under:-- 200 0 Land of this value in Gopalpoor, purgunna Kasheegao, given to Pursheram Ramchunder. 200 0 Land of this value in kusba " Meeruj of the same purgunna given to Moro Bullal. * * * O * 400 0 ºmsºmº-º-º-º-º: * I 1,918 14 ( czii ) The remaining amount of the surinjam is Rupees (24, 15,856-2), twenty-four lakhs, fifteen thousand, eight hundred and fifty-six, annas two. The amount required to make up the grand total of the surinjam, viz. Rs. 1,42,243-14, will be assigned when the mahals of the Adwanee talooka are released. * Additional A fticles. The Rajmundulkur putkas of Kurweerkur's mokassa had assign- ed to them the memnook of the amount of the mokassa. Part of the amount was not continited, but it was agreed that it should be continu- ed from the current year, and the amount was accordingly deducted in the berij of the surinjam. You must continue it accordingly. A. sum in lieu of it is to be given £O you. You them must inquire into the villages, lands, itlak, with the Jumaidars' (allowances) that have been deducted in the mahals belonging to yºur surinjam. If on inquiry they appear to be doubt- ful, you should bring the matter to the notice of the hoozoor. If the Sirkar does not please to con- tinue them, the amount will be made over to you. If theré remains a deficiency, it will be made up from the Adwanee talooka. The amount of the surinjam is to be continded for ever according to the memnooks. . . . Whatever jagheeree of the said village may • An extra tainat amounting to Rs. 10,000 has been assigned to Pursheram Ramchunder in the current year. A sum of money is wanted for the support of this. So the tunkha of mojay Oomruz, purgunna Burundole, has been granted as under : — 11,250 0'Ain tunkha. 1,406 4 Sirdeshmookee, at - 12% per cent. 12,656 4 O This is not the kumal esti- mated revenue of the village. Therefore, when the berij has O O; e been fixed after • the village accounts have been investigated and the details, learned, the © . 'O . - said Pursheram, it has been determined, shalfget the jagheer rights (jaghercha umul). The swuraj rights are to remain with those who hold them. No complaint is to be given rise to. the amount of the be, it is to be deducted on account of the ten thousand. ( cylii ) If on deducting it more is re- amount remaining due to the Sir- quired to make up the amount, it kar is to be taken from the above will be paid in susinjaſm. mahals. If it so happens that our rule is not established,the 1% lakhs realised in cash and any other cash payments received to make up deficiency are not liable to be charged for sebundee, but 16 per cent., according to the custom of the surinjam, is to be received from the Sirkar on this account. If our rule is estab- lished, it is not to be received from the Sirka. The holders of dharmada, wurshasun, imam, and dumalla, &c. in the districts belonging to the surinjam are to be continued in their right; according to their memnooks. No complaints from any one should be allowed to rise. In doubtful cases representation is to be made to the Sirkar. "In the event of any excess being avail-' able (kusur), troops to the amount to be maintained: " An agreement has been made Our rule has not been established to give Rugoonath Row Nil- in the purgunnas of Sidnoºre, kunt an imam village of the Rewurkoonda, Kotal, and Bunnoo, kumalakar of Rs. 1,000. Assign and you therefore receive from the memnook to him from the Bussalut Jung 1; lakhs as tribute. surinjam, and the imam grants The amount has been entered in Will be given accºrdingly. A. the surinjam accordingly. On sº in lieu of the above will be our rule being. ēstablished in these paid to the surinjam, and an districts, after deducting the allowance (memnook) made. amount remaining to be paid on account of your surhjam, and the In kusba Ashteh from of old memnook of the gebundee as deter- allowances used to be held by mined by the Sirkar on investiga- persons serving with the hoozoor. tion (according to the custom of From the time they were as- the Surinjam, 16 per cent. being signed to the surinjam these deducted); theallowance on account lands have been held free and of extra sebundee; and the dumalla made no payments towards the villages, lands, &c. according to taimat. The agreement for the Sirkar's memnook—deducting these memnooks from the current all these, compensation for the year is as under:- *The translator is not quite certain about the correctness of the rendering of this passage. 15 pu - ( cxiv ) 200 Bajee Gungadhur. 200 Duttoo Rugoonath. 200 Göpal Tookdew. 100 Ballajee Bhaskur. 75 Junardhun Sewdew. 775 O The amount has been assigned as before, and from this date pay- ments are to be made accordingly after exacting service from them in the putuk. A sum is to be given to make up the Suripjam, in which compensation for this will be included. . Some of the lands • have been continued, as before, and some not. They are to be continued as hitherto, and service to be exacted. A sum in compeñsation will be O paid to the surinjam. The memnook as above contains 6 clauses. There has thus been given more than the usual amount of the surinjam for the service and personal surinjam and for sebundee. Altogether there have been assigned twenty-five lakhs, fifty-eight thousand, one hundred"rupees per annum, for which mahals, villages, and tribute from Suwusthans have been assigned. Deducting from this dumallas, inam villages, and lands, dhurmada, &c., the net amount of the surinjam is twenty-four lakhs, fifteen thousand, eight” hundred, and fifty-six rupees, two annas. There remain due one lakh, forty-two thousand, two hundred, and forty-three rupees, fourteen annas. There are six articles. The tainat zabta has been given accordingly. Chundru, 26 Rubilawul. By order. º (True translation) EDWARD W. WEST, Assistant Political Agent, Kolapore and S. M. C. ( cxv ) Appendix C. TAINAT ZABTA OF • RAJISHREE CHINTAM ON ROW PANDOORUNG; SOOR SUN SIT SETAIN MUYA WU ALUF (A.D. 1775); THE YEARLY ALLOWANCE (NEM- NOOK) AUCORDING TO THE ZABTA OF ARBA SU- BUIN (A.D. 1773). 24,00,000 0 0 Military force as under:— - *4,600 Chintamon Row Pandoorung. 2,400 Pussheram Ramchunder. 1,000 Rughoonath Row Nilkunt. 8,000 © O " " . Including the paga and sebundee, each horse is to average Rs. 300. 88,100 0 O Clothing allowance with personal tainat, as under:- 40,000 to Chintamon Row Pandoorung, being the O amount formerly standing in the name * of Wamum Row Govind. 20,000 Pursheram Ramchunder, as ynder I— * 10,000 as before. O • 10,000 additional since. Sun Arba Su- buin (A.D. 1773). 20,000 O 3,000 Gungadhur Row Govind. • 4,000 Meghssham Row Kuistna. 5,000 Shreeput Row Moreshwur, being the amount formerly standing in the name of Morro Bultal. • 3,500 Hurree Poorshothum, being the amount formerly granted to Poorshotum Row Kristma. * 3,000 Vishnoo Anunt, being the amount formerly granted to Antajee Wittul. ( czvi ) •3,000 Gunput Row Koneher, being the amount ... formerly granted to Koncher Row Trim- O buck. O 1,500 Damodhur Mahadoo. 2,000 Gunesh Bajee Row. 1,200 Gumput Row Vishnath, being the amount formerly granted to the family of Sivajee Keshew. O 700 Baboo Row Sivajee, being the amount formerly granted to Sivajee Bawajee. 700 Sivajee Gungadhur Furnees, in service of Chinfamon Row Pandoorung, beinfg the Q O amount formerly granted to Gungadhur Bapoojee. • * * 500 Ramchunder Shreedhur Furnees, in the service of Pursheram Ramchunder. O º lºre--a 88,100 O 65,000. 0 0 for sebundee generally, the posts in the Carnatic *—s being very numerous. 25,53,100 0 0 Altogether the yearly berij is twenty-five lakhs, fifty- • three thousand, and one hundred rupees. O Lands, &c. producing the above. O 20,73,093 10 6 According to the previous zabta.of Sun Arba Subuin (A.D. 1773), amounting to Rs. 24, 15,856-2, deducting, however, the revenue derivable from mojay Koodey, turuf Nerleh, which has been given in inam to Luximon Hurree Lagoo, viz. Rs. 275, which leaves a balance of Rs. 24,15,581-12. From this are to be deducted the mahals in the Carnatic taken by Tippoo, and which are not entered in the present list, as under: — ( cxvii ) 1,22,573 15 0 Purgunna Balapoor, Thorlay (large). 1,75,000 0 0 The revenue of mahals of the Adwanee O talooka, as under :— O 1,08,750 0 Purgunna Kowtal. 1,68,750 0 Purgunna Bhunnoo. - 1,08,375 0 Rehwadkoonda. i05,652 8 Sidnoor. ** ** 4,91,527 8 . of the above the amount paid by o Bussalut Jung” as khundnee has been made over as part of the surinjam. © O O y '44,913 • 9 6 Purgunna Hurreehur, including the 'thanna of Holul and Wookudgu- • tray. - •3,42,487 8 6 Remainder Rs. 20,73,09310-6. W Details of the above. .19,36,048 10 6 Berij of the villages and mahals. . 1,37,045 0 0 Amount from the Suwasthan Kittoor Rs. 1,40,000, minus Rs. 2,955, granted as Buhooman as entered in separate zabta. Kittoor has now come into the hands of the Sirkar. The amount therefore has been shown separately, and is to O be transferred to the account of Kittoor, 20,73,093 10 6 * i. e. the revenue of the Adwanee Talooka was Rs. 4,91,527-8, but only Rs. 1,75,000 (the khundmee paid by Bussalut Jung) were assigned to the surinjam. ( cxviii ) 1,08,644 15 0 Additional as below :- 10,986. 4 Amount of additional tainat given to Pursheram Ramchunder in Sun Arba Subuin (A.D. 1773), amounting to Rs. 10,000, the undermentioned villages and umuls are made over: — 8,437 8 The jagheer assessment, mojay Oombruz, pur- gunna Birundole, the assessment is to be fixed after inquiry. This has "been agreed upon. 1,448 12 Amount of mookassa" bab in Ghoregaum, purgunna Jamkir. ' 200 0 on account of the sirdesh- - mookhee of mojay Mood- vee, purgunna Mungul- 10,086 4 vera. O ** 367 12 Remainder of the revenue of mojay Barwai, talooka Nerleh, the whole revenue being Rs. 1,167.12, of which Rs. 800 are devoted to the pay of the ——— Arabs, there being an excess in con- 10,454 0 sequence of the assessment. O 98, 190 15 (Revenue of) purgumma Gökak accord- O ing to the assessment of Arba Subuin (A.D. 1773); the sunnúd granting it to the Surinjam has not been given. The memorandum has to be signed. *º 1,08,644 15 21,81,738 8 6 ( cxix ) £ Deficiency in the amount granted (nemnook)" Rs. 3,71,361-7, as under : — Deficienoy in former nemnook Rs. 1,37,243-14. Additional deficiency Rs. 2,32,177-9. JDetails. 64,269 9 9 Purgunna of Kurkumba. 1,06,898 9 6 Purgunna of Mungulvera. 15,725 0° 0 Kusba Rahimutpoor. 24,385 3 3 Kusba Ashteh. 22,857 6 0 Kuryat Tasgaum. O 39,958 4 0 Kusba Poontambeh. 68,957 8 0 Purgunna Jamkhundee. 4,77,093 15. 0 Prant Meeruj. 37,137 0 0 Purguana Maindergee. 19,200 0 0 Purgunna Gullgullay. 51,049 13 0 Phootgaum, as under :— • 4,049 10 Prant Poona, as under: — O 930 6 Mojay Bhurutgaum. - 356 12 Mojay Bukhoree, O 462 8 Mojay Mullund. • 1,100 0 Mojay Moosee. 1,200 0 Mojay Nanweez. *sº ºmºmºmºsºmºs O O 4,049 10 * 5,379 0 Mojay Dhuwulpooree and Withulpooree, purgunna Parnair. 1,525 0 Mojay Retray, prant Kurar. 1,634 15 Mojay Dewurashteh, kuryat Wangee. 2,000 0 Mojay Julkay, purgunna Nowusay. I,493 0 Mojay Bhookoom turuſ, kuryat Mawul. 1,500 0 Three villages, in purgunna Pattopeh. 1,667 12 Talooka Nerleh, as under:— ( cxx ) O 1,167 12 Mojay Borewai Rs. 1,218-4, deducting for jumeendar O Rs. 50-8. 500 0 Field granted by sunnud. 1,667 12 150 0 on account of field granted on Sunnud in rhojay Mandowgun, purgunna Kurdeh. • 11,997 4 Mojay Puloos, talooka Walwa. 1,567 0 Two villages in purgunna Kassegaum. 8,000 * 0 Kusba Bheeloydee, prant Meeruj. 8,437 S Mojay Oomruz, purgunna Burundole. 1,448 12 Mojay Ghoregaum, purgunna Jamkhair. ** 200 0 Mojay Moodwee, purgunna Mungul- *—s — V6I’a. ° e 51,049 13 30,000 0 0 Suwustan Soorapoor, on account of Khundnee. 99,793 l 3 Purgunna Terdul. 8,89,177 3 9 Additional mahals in Carnatic, as uſder:— 50,915 9 9 Purgunna Yadwar. Q 36,340 8 0 Purgunna Shapoor. 9,376 15 0 Purgunna Anwal. 12,797 14 0 Kusba Ingulhullee. 1,20,453 9 0 Purgunna Moolgoofid. O 41,996 10 3 Purgunna Turrus. " 1,55,598 0 3 Purgunna Koqndgole,with Sawsee 93,699 9 6 Purgunna Rayur Hooblee, to- O gether with Kilafdar and Nad- gownda Wuttun. 2,779 10 0 Summut Bemikuttee. 98,781 9 0 Talooka Vittul Vishram. 54,672 9 O Kusba Behuttee." 15,496 0 0 The surdeshkut of Mamleh. 2,07,786 14 0 Purgunna Luximeshwur. 9,00,696 I 9 ( \ cyxi ) From this amount are deducted the revenues of the du malla mahals. In addition to this the amount ... of the mokassa belonging to the state is deducted. No mahals are appropriated for this amount, viz. Rs. 11,518-14. The revenues of the remaining mahals are written as before. When the mahals that had been taken by Tippoo were recovered by the Sirkar, no sunnud was granted making them O over in surinjam, but permission is said to have been given. 98, 190 15 0 No sunnud regarding the Gokak purgunna has been made "out. If a memorandum has been made O it is to be signed. * 1,37,045 0 . 0 The memnook of the suwustan Kittoor amounts, as * befora, to Rs. 1,40,000. From this are deducted on account of Buhooman and Suwusthaniks Rs. 2,955. The suwusthan has come into the hands of the Sirkar, so the berij has been entered • as above, but the memnook is to be carried on in the Šuwusthan. •======== *-* 21,81,738 S 6 O 11,518 14. '0 When previously writing the zabta the mokassa of the Carnatic mahals generally was deducted. The mokassa, however, is not now takeh, and no • mahals are entered under this head, the amount therefore deducted above on this account under the head of the Carnatic mahals is now credited. 21,93,257 6 6 Details. 8,28,920 12 6 The amount according to the memorandum agreed on in the year Tissa Subuim (A.D. 1778) was Rs. 8,29,632, from which deduct as under : — 16 pu O ( cxxii ) • In 675 Inam villages and lands included in the above berij, as under: — 375 Mojay Koodeh," turuf Nerleh. This village was granted to Luximon Hurree Lagoo in the year A.D. 1777. 400 Land granted in the year A.D. 1773 and deducted in the petta, as under :— 200 Pursheram Ramchunder, from Go- palpoor. O • 200 Moºro Bullal, from kusba Meeruj. 400 O O O O O $ºmmºns-mºsº 675 e • * * 40 Amount entered in excess when stating the revenue of kusba Poontam beh. O 715 - O Remaining Rs. 8,28,917. ...the yadee of the year Tissa (A. D. 1778), when writ- ing the berij, some annas were omitted, as under :- O Rs. a. p. s O 0 9 9 Kurkumba. 0 9 6 Mungulvera. o 3 3 Ashteh. O 6 0 Tasgaum. 0 4 0 Poontam beh. 0 15 0 Meeruj. º, 0 13 0 Phootgaum. 3 I2 6 This amount deducted leaves a balance of Rs. 8,28,920-12-6, - ( cxxiii ) 13,64,336 10 0 In the year Arba (A.D. 1773), some of the mahals \ belonging to the memnook had fallen into the hands of Tippoo and others. For this reason a memorandum was drawn of the mahals that remained in the year Tissa (A.D. 1778). After this authority was established in some of the mahals, but no agreement with the Sirkar was made about"them. They were included in the berij of the surinjam as received in the year Sulas: Sumaneen (A.D. 1782). These and the mahals © & g e received from Tippoo at the conclusion of peace have been assigned to the surinjam as before, and the Gokak mahal has also been assigned, details as uneler — ... • 4,14,074 8 Berij of the memorandum made in the year Sulas (A.D. 1782), as under :— 30,000 O The khundree of - Soorapoor from the year Tissa (A.D. 1788.)" 1,69,908 11 received from the year Sumaneen (A.D. 1779), as under:— O 99,793 l 3 Ter- dul. 50,915 9 9 Yad- War. 19,200 0 0 Gul- gul- lay. 1,69,908 1 1 0 ( cxxiv. ) 2,04,079 9 received from the year A.D. 1680, as O under :— 68,957 S J a m -. khun- dee. 98;781 9 Talooka of Wit- • " tul Vish- O I'a Iſl. 36,340 S Shah a- O poor. O 2,04,079 9 10,086 4. The rêvenue of the O villages ofthetainat realised by the Sirkar up to the year.A.D. 1780, and granted in sur- injam from the • year A. p. 1681, as under :— s,43r 8 Oomruz. 1,448 "12 Ghore. O O gaum. 200 0 Sirdesh- O Iſl O O- khee of Mood- O Wee. 10,0S6 4 **** 4, 14,074 8 ( cxxv ) O 8,12,849 6 from the year Arba Tissain (A.D. 1793), as under: — O 7, 14,658 7. Berij of the mahals D settled by treaty, - excluding those of the Carnatic above mentioned, name- ly, Yad war, Sha- poor, and Vittul Vishram's (taloo- O ka). 98, 190 15 Berij of the Gokak D purgunna, which was taken from the Kittoorkºur in the year A.D. 1780, and let out in farm till the year A.D. 1682, and granted in sur- injam from the year A.D. 1783. 8, 12,849 6 367 12 The revenue of Borewajee, turuf Nerlell, being Rs. 1,167-12. It was entered in the yad of the year A.D. 1788 as Rs. 800. The balance remained to be entered in the accounts of the said ta- looka. * 1,37,045 0 The khundmee of the Suwušthan Kittoor used to be realised by the Sirkar; and in the agreement of Arba (A.D. 1783) was assign- ed to the surinjam. The whole ( cxxvi ) O suwusthan has now come into e the hands of the Sirkar. The memnook thereforeis to be paid in cash, as formerly. ---, * * * 13,64,336 10 21,93,257 6 6 - O 20 0 0 Value of land in the village of mojay Kotrood, talooka kuryat Mawul, held by Siwajee Gunga- dhur Furnees in the service of Chintamon Row Pandoorung. A Sumnud was passed formerly directing its value to be.debited to the suripjam. The amount, however, was not entered in the © e accounts at the time. O 21,93,277 6 6 © Remaining due Rs. 3,59,822-9-6. Of the mahals formerly given in surinjam to the abovementioned (Chintamon Row), the mahals that had been taken by Tippoo have come into the hands of the Sirkar and have been assigned, as before, to the abovementioned (Chintamon Row) in surinjam from the year Arba Situin (A.D. 1763). The mahal of Gokak, which had been taken by the Kittoorkur, was recovered by the Sirkar and assigned in surinjam in the year Arba Sumaneen (A.D. 1783). Including all these, the berij"of the jummabundee amounts to twenty-one lakhs, ninety- three thousand, two hundred, and seventy-seven rupées, six annas, and six pies. O O Additional Articles. The berij of the mahals is as- The clauses of agreement en- signed in surinjam, excluding the tered in the former zabta are to dumälla and inam villages and continue in force. land, Wurshasuns and other - allowances. Inquiry is to be made to ascertain the arienations of the Carnatic mahals. When ( cxxvii ) that is done the memnook assigned in the zabta, together with the Carnatic, shall be continued. If - any income remain over from the * alienations it is to be realised. Poona, dated 19th Shaban Sun Sit Situin Maghmas. (True"translation) O EDWARD W. WEST, Assistant Political Agent, Kolapore and S. M.C. Appendix D. Q Q Engagement concluded by the Honour ABLE EAST INDIA CoMPANY will, AZUM CHINTAMON ROW APPA PUTwurd HUN regarding the territory continued to him by the Government of the SHREEMUNT Row Punhit PRUDHAN (PESHWA) as surinjam for the mainten- ance of troops, personal expenses, and other purposes.—Dated Soorsun Ashreen Muya Tain Wa Aluf, correspondºng with 25th January 1826. f ARTICLE I. In the year 1812-13 articles of agreement were entered into at Pundhurpoor on the part of the Company’s Government, and a memorandum arſd letter were sent. In the 3rd paragraph of the memorandum it is provided that you shall render military service to the Shreemunt (Peshwa) to the extent to which it was performed from ancient times under the Swaraj, and which extent is to be ascertained from the “tainat zabta.” According to this it has now been decided that you should supply 450 horse, being a fourth of the number for which your Surinjam territories are continued to you, or, in lieu of them, pay to the Company’s. Government, in cash, the amount of money which may be due on account of their tainat, at the ( cyxviii ) rate of Rs. 300 per horse, as stated in the “tainat Zabta,” or assign territory for the payment of the amount. Pursuant to this you have agreed to assign territory in lieu of the pay of the above number of horse, and you are therefore required to make over to Government territory yielding the full amount according to the deed of relinquish- ment given in by you. ARTICLE II. As long as you act with fidelity and attachment, ſhe jagheer in your possession and in the possession of the sirdars of your family shall be continued without any interruption of question. This is mentioned in the fifth paragraph of the agreement entered into at Pundhurpoor, and it is accordingly now confirmed. On this subject you will receive a sunnud issued by the Right Honourable the Governor-General of India. It will hereafter be necessary for your descendants to obtain new sunnuds from generation to generation, O]] which occasions applications should be made to Government, which will be pleased to issue a sunnud, and to continue the jagheer without levying a nuzur. O º ARTICLE III. Withºut Government orders you are on no account to collect men and have at engagement with any person. Should any dispute arise among yourselves, you are, without having recourse to arms, to bring it to the notice of Government for settlement, and you are to abide by the just settlement which will be made by “Government. To this effect the fourth paragraph of the articles Jof agreement entered into at Pundhurpoor is written, and this prºvision is hereby confirmed. O ARTICLE IV. You should keep the ryots of your jagheer territory in a pros- perous state, should dispense justice properly, and should adopt proper measures regarding robbers, murderers, tuleegars, &c. This engagement is binding on you in respect to the provisions of this article. You must therefore, without fail, make arrangements for the proper government of your territory. ( cxxix. ) ARTICLE V. O Should there bé in your jagheer territºry any Government “umul,” dumalla, Surunjamee, and imamee villages, lands, wursha- suns, dhurmadas, dewustarts, razeemas, kuryats, nerfinooks, &c. which may have been continued from former times, you are to continue them without interruption to the respective incumbents. You are also to continue such items as may have the sanction of Government but may have in the meantime been interrupted. You shall afford no cause for any complaints being made to Government regarding them. Q ARTICLE VI. © If any offenders of the talboka of your jagheer take refuge in the Government talooka, you are to make an intimation of it, when, after an inquiry, they will be made over to you... If offenders, &c. of the Government territories should repair to your territory, you are to assist the Government people who may be despatched to make inquiries regarding them, and to make them over to the Government people. O ARTICLE VII. The Company's Government shall continue your dignity and rank in the same manner as they were continued in former times by the Peshwa's Government. If you have anything, you may bring it to the notice of Government: it will be listened to, and what may be proper will be done. You will not be molested on any account: you will be assisted in just cases. O O ARTICLE VIII. Your surinjam villages, inam lands, &c. which may be situated in the Government territories shall be continúed as hitherto without any interruption. The above eight (8) Articles are substituted in lieu of those formerly entered into at Dharwar, which are cancelled. (Signed) W. CHAPLIN. (True version) . - (Signed) G. S. A. ANDERSON, Assistant Political Agent S. M. C. 17 pu ( cKxx ) O Appendix E. R. ESOLUTION BY THE HONOUR A BLE BOARD, DATED THE 20th MAY 1856. Resolved—The Right Honourable the Governor in Council concurs with the Political Agent, Mr. Bell, in considering that it would be neither just nor politic to enter into any inquiry as to the tenure on which the Putwurdhun Chiefs held the possession which they enjoyed before the introduction of British rule and for the thirty-eight years which.have elapsed since the fall of the Peshwa. It is very possible that some of the Putwurdhuns might find it diffi- cult to prove a valid title to some of their possessions. It is “very probable for instance that Pursheram Bhow, the celebrated ancestor of the Chiefs of Jamkhundee and Tasgaum, who was frequently at variance with Nana Furnuwees, may have seized villages to indem- mify himself for losses occasioned by the opposite faction. But it was the policy of Mr. Elphinstone to conciliate the Putwurdhuns, who for twenty years before the fall of the Peshwa had become almost independent of that sovereign, and who, if they had thrown their power into the other scale, would have very much protracted the contest. In the treaty of• Pundhurpoor concluded by. Mr. Elphinstone in 1812, and in which the British Government arbitrated between the Peshwa and the Putwurdhuns, it was deliberately provided (Article II.) that the Jagheerdars should restore all usurped land. • There is...no provision to this effect in the agreement of 1819, which, was also dic- tated by Mr. Elphinstone. The conclusion is therefore obvious that Mr. Elphinstone's intention was to continue to the Puwurdhuns all the “jagheers in their possession” (Article VI.) Under these consider. ations, the Right Honourable the Governor in Council does not think that the Chief of Jamkh undee should be called on to defend his title tº any of his possessions, unless there are strong grounds for believing that they were acquired since the introduction of British rule. (True copy) (Signed) H. L. ANDERSON, 20th May 1856. - Secretary to Government, ( cxxxi ) Appendix F. . Camp, 21st. January 1818. SIR,--I formerly had, the honour of suggesting the advantage of your undertaking the settlement of the Southern Jagheerdars, and I have desired their Vakeels at Poona to refer their masters to you, and I am now writing to the Chiefs themselves to the same effect. The following are all the observations that occur to me as likely to be of use to you in this negotiation. All the Governor-General's instructions and my promises to the Jagheerdars are founded on the terms of Punderpoor, and those again refer to the “tainat zabtas,” or original sunnuds of the Chiefs. I am unable, from the loss of my records, to send you, those documents, but copies of them were, I believe, sent to Madras, and certainly to Hyderabad, from either of which places you will be able to procure them. Translations of the tainat zabtas were enelosed in a letter from me to the Governor- General or to the Secretary, dated 26th October 1811, and the terms of Punderpoor, with my letters to the Chiefs, were trans- mitted in different despatches about the end of July or beginning of August 1812. "In my last letters to the Jagheerdars I have told them that terms similar to those of Punderpoor, and equally advantageous to them, will be granted to all who immediately return to their jagheers, abandon the cause of Bajee Row, and be guided by the directions of the British Government. Some alterations will, how- ever, be necessary. I would greatly reduce the number of horse which each is bound to furnish, because, in fact, they never furnished more than two-thirds at the utmost, even on the rare occasions when they exerted themselves, and the nature of our offers requires us to take care that their situation is no worse than it used to be. I would even give a considerable addition to the jagheers of fliose who come in first, on condition of their agreeing to such modification of the old terms as you may think desirable. Those who come in later . may be obliged to accept them without any reward for their com- pliance. Among those modifications you would probably think it desirable to take as effectual precautions as circumstances will admit for securing the administration of justice and the police of the country and of the Jagheerdars, so as to present the neighbouring districts suffering from their irregularities, or at least for enabling the British ( cyxxii ) Government to take its own measures for those purposes, in the event of great deficiency on the part of the Chiefs themselves; but consider- ing the habits of independence in which the Chiefs have lived, it might not perhaps be prudent to risk the success of the negotiation on this point. Gokla's lands and those of the Peshwa will furnish the means of making the additions I have suggested to the lands of the first comers. It is necessary to fix some period beyond which the benefit of the present offers should not extend. My letters have reached some of the Jagheerdars, and probably all of them by this time, but as it is a great object to gain over the Sirdars, I would give . them till the end of next month to come in. I should consider as a sufficient sign of compliance the return of a Chief to his own villages, or his remaining, if already there, accompanied by a distinct ranun- ciation of his connection with the Peshwa, and a promise to attend to all the directions of our Government, and to withdraw his troops from the Peshwa's army without delay. If any Chief adopted this course, I would acquaint him that he was considered as having agreed to the offers made to him, and would be entitled to the terms promised in my letter, provided his conduct during the war conformed to his professions. To any man who does not make the above submission before the first of March, I should think you at liberty to grant any terms that you thought expedient from the importance of gaining the Chief, or the particular circumstances of his case, without reference to the terms promised in my letter. I do flot think it necessary that you should defer seizing on the lands of the Jagheerdars longer than suits your own convenience, as they can be restored or an equivalent given to the present owners if they submit in time. The following are the Chiefs to whom I have written letters : — Chintamon Row. Q Mahadoo Row Dadjee, of Chinchnee. Mahadoo Row Babba, of Meeruch. O Trimbuck Row. • Gunput Row Bappoo, of Tasgaum. Gunput Row Conaire, of Serwal. Gopal Row Ramchunder. Mahadoo Row Rastia. Appa Dessaee Neepaneekur. The Dessaee of Kittoor. ( cxxxiii ) With all other Southern Chiefs you can make any terms you think proper, as we are not bound by any prophises to them. I before recommended the Rāja of Kolapore to your particular attention; he is an independent prince and an ally of the British Government; he has made the most zealous offers and professions during the present war, and I have given him hopes of some addition to his territories as the reward of his fidelity. The addition he would most prize would be the districts of Chikoree and Manowlee, now held by Appa Dessaee, and it would be very desirable to give them to him if Appa Dessaee would accept an indemnity, or if he should forfeit all claims by holding out beyond the term assigned. In that case the Raja might be let loose against him, with a clear understand- ing that he was to gain no more than those two districts; but on the whole it will be desirable to avoid embroiling with his interference a country that is likely to be our own. In the event of Appa Dassaee's coming in time, it will be necessary to give him an equivalent for Purisghur, or any other place to which you may have promised protection, and both he and all of her Chiefs who may entitle themselves to the modified terms by early submission must be prepared to receive a compensation in lieu of mokassa and other rights over villages in the Nizam's country, and indeed over those of the Peshwa's country, where the bulk of the collegtions belong to the State. There are several disputes among the Jagheerdars, and some claims of their’s on the Government,.. which oright to be put in train of adjustment. The Chief of Jamkhundee has possession of the Daismookee of that place, º which he ought to be allowed to retain if he behaves well although the Peshwa denied its being ineluded in the Jagheerdar's sunnuds. The Chief of Keorundwar has very extensive claims against the Kit- toorkur for the districts of Sumpgaum and Bageewaree, usurped by the latter. On the other hand the Kittoorkur has claims on the whole of the Putwurdhuns for various little portions of their revenue granted to him by the Peshwa on purpose to vex both parties, If any compromise could be effected it would be very desirable. The most difficult to settle of all these claims is a dispute between Chintamon Row and his cousin the Chief of Meeruch, regarding their shares in the jagheer of their ancestor and the division of their family property. This has led to the utmost enmity between the Chiefs and Ö ( cyxxiv. ) perhaps indirectly to Chintamon Row's adopting the Peshwa's cause so decidedly as he has dope. The division of the jagheer was settled with tolerable fairness by the late minister, Moro Dikshitt, in the Peshwa's name, and his decree may either be enforced or revised; but the family disputes will have to be investigated from first to last, and the feelings of the parties are too bitter to admit of arbitration. These are all the suggestions that I, have to offer, and I hope you will exercise your own judgment on all of them where no promise is involved, as well as on any other questions that may ar?se regarding the Southern Country. The only point to be considered with reference to the general settlement of the country is the importance of detaching the Jagheerdars from the Peshwa, which will have a great effect on public opinion in all parts of his dominions. •The most likely to adhere to the Peshwa are Chintamon Row and Appa T)essaet. The former was dissatisfied with the Bºstish" Government even before the war, and had been drawn into the councils of the Peshwa and Gokla. He is too haughty and unruly to be pleased with the prospect of living under our Government, and if he comes into our views it will either be owing to some disgust at the Peshwa, or to a conviction that nothing else will save him from ruin. Appa Dessaee is probably as little attached to the Peshwa as to us, and is likely to be gºided entirely by his views of his interest, but his pre- datory habits, and his ambitious and violent character, render him little suited to a regular government. O O Rastia owes everything to us, and can have no attachment to the Peshwa, but he has no power and no energy, and seems contented to go with the stream, without any effort to extricate himself. Mahadoo Row Dadjee, Gopal Row, Mahadoo Row of Meeruch, Gun- put Row of Tasgaum, and probably Trimbuck Row of Koorundwar, are, I imagine, the best affected to us of all the Jagheerdars, and are likely to act in concert to preserve a neutrality as long as they can, but probably to declare for us in the end, if they see a prospect of our protecting them from the Peshwa and his adherents in their neighbourhood. I know nothing of the sentiments of Gunput Row of Shedbal, the remaining Putwurdhun. I should think the Kit- toorkur would take the side which promised him most independence, and would probably incline to us. ( exxxv ) The persons whose accession to our cause” would have most effect on public opinion are Appa Dessaee. and the Putwurdhuns, especially Chintamon Row and Mahadoo Row Dadjee. The two first are also the most powerful. Appa Dessaee has about 1,000 or 1,500 horse, including a body of Pindaries. He has also a few hundred Arabs and other infantry. Chintamon Row has about 2,000 horse. Mahaddo Row, Gopal Row, Gunput Row of Tasgaum, and Mahadoo Row of Meeruch may have 500 horse each, and the other Jagheerdars 800 each, with the Peshwa. Appa Dessaee's fort of Neepanee is strong, as is Manowly by report. Meeruch also, I believe, is strong, and I know of no other forts among the Jagheerdars. The report and appendices sent to the Government of Fort St. George by Lieutenant Davies, of the Engineers, contain much information on these subjects, * , a I have the honour to be, &c. * * (Signed) M. ElPH INSTONE. To Brigadier General MUNRo, &c. &c. &c. 25th J.angary. P.S.—Since the above was written I have.received Vakeels from Mahadoo Row Dadjee and Gunput Row of Tasgaum. Mahadoo Row'speaks for Gopal Row and the Chiefs of Meeruch and Koprundwaras well as for himself. He professes the utmost anxiety to keep well with the British Government, but demurs about com- plying with the defnands contained in my letter, on the ground of the difficulty of txtricating Gopal Row and his own son from the Peshwa's army, as well as of the dishonour of abandoning his master’s cause. I have told him that he must positively take his line. I gave him every assurance of protection and favour if he declared for us, but plainly told him he would be treated as an enemy unless he did so immediately. His Wakeel promised to send me his master's answer and that of the other Chiefs, and I rather expect it to be favourable. I desired him to communicate it direct to you. Gunput Row of Tasgau in also sent a Wakeel last night. He started objections also, but concluded by saying that if I would answer ( Czxxvi ) for the continuance of the terms of Punderpoor, would engage that his master should be protected from all attack; on the Peshwa's part, and that he should not be obliged to fight against the Peshwa, he would at once come into the terms offered to him. To these stipulations I have agreed, and Gunput Row's sincerity will soon be put to the test. Chintamon Row's son has acknowledged the receipt of my letter, and promised an answer from his father, who is about. This is the first communication I have had from any person belonging to Chintamon Row since the war began. The other Chiefs have not"yet answered my, letter. Appa Dessaee has always made strong professions of friendship, but his views seemed rather to be directed to mediating a peace for the Peshwa than to quitting Iſis standard. Rastia has given strong but vague assurances of gratitude and attachment. He is in the Peshwa's army with all the troops he has, as are Appa Dessaee and Chintamon Row. Gunput Row of Tasgaum and 'Gunput Row of Shedbal are at their villages, but their troops are with the Peshwa. Mahadoo Dadjee and the Chiefs of Meeruch and Koorundwar are at home, but have been obliged to serfd their sons to camp. Gopal Row, the nephew and ward of Mahadoo Row Dadjee, has also been obliged to attend. © - • (Signed) M, EH, PHINSTONE. To Jons AbAM, Esq., O with His Excellency the Governor-General. Extract from Mr. ElPHINSTONE's letter to Mr. Secretary Metcalfe, No. 78, dated 18th Jºne 1818. I 1. The next object is to provide for the Jagheerdars, and these may be divided into several classes. The Putwurdhuns and the Kittoor- kur form a class by themselves. Although the policy of the Putwur- dhung was wavering and undecided, they soon took the important step of separating from the army, and although this was done by the Peshwa's permission, and with the intention of keeping up a close connection with him as well as with us, the impression made by their conduct was nearly the same as that of an open defection. Gunput Row of Tasgaum, though not included in our guarantee of Punder- poor, was the first who decidedly took part with the British Govern- ( cxxxvii ) ment, and is therefore entitled to particular attentiºn. General Munro has repeatedly assured the Putwurdhuns that their condition shall be better than it was under Bajee Row, and latterly both he and I have distinctly held out the prospect of a small addition to their lands. The Kittoorkur's conduct was still more friendly : he remained at home from the commencement of the war, and though he might have had a small party of horse with the Peshwa, he showed much more readiness to act with General Munro than with the Peshwa. 12. In discussing the manner of rewarding these partizans with General Munro, it appears to us both that the Putwurdhuns ough; to to receive an addition of about. Rs. 3,00,000-in all, made up as much as possible of portions of the revenue of their jagheers which were for- merly reserved by the Government.according to the Maratha practice, or of Government villages interspersed through their jagheers, and the sum to be completed, if more were required, by the addition of such contiguous villages as might be most agreeable to themselves. This charge, and that of rewarding our other adherents, will amount to five lakhs at least. O 13. The-Dessaee of Kittoor appears in the double form of a Jagheerdar and the descendant of an ancient tributary. His ancestors were petty princes of Kittoor until that country was con- quered by Tippoo Sultan. It was ceded to the Marathas by the treaty of 1792, and the Peshwa employed this descendant of the ancient princes as his "collector. This person took advantage of the troubles that followed ‘Bajee Row's accession to establish his own independence. He was afterwards induced, by the persuasion of Sir B. Close, to come to Poona, and to agree to pay Rs. 1,75,000 for his country. At the same time the Peshwa conferred a jagheer on his second son for the maintenance of 500 horse. Since that time his payments have been irregular, and the Peshwa was strongly disposed to resume his whole lands, which are valued at Rs. 6,00,000. General Munro and I concurred in opinion that this Chief ought to be formally invested with his ancient character of a tributary prince; that his arrears ought to be remitted ; and that his future tribute ought to be fixed on a liberal consideration of his ability to pay, but on no account to exceed what he was bound to pay to the Peshwa. 18 pit O ( cxxxviii ) 14. Some arrangements must likewise be made to indemnify him by deductions from his tribute or otherwise for a great part of the jagheer granted tâ a member of his family; which is composed of vexatious claims on the lands of the Putwurdhuns, and ought to be renounced. His tribute is not included in the Rs. 50,00,000 at which I have estimated the Peshwa's revenue. The Chief of Ramdroog, having early joined General Munro, is likewise entitled to retain all his lands and privileges, but I possess little information regarding the nature of them. I believe he is a petty tributary and ought not properly to be classed with Jagheerdars. 15. Appa Dessaea, ought properly to belong to the class of Jagheerdars which is next to follow, as he remained with the Peshwa until after his defeat by Colonel Adams; but as he always kept up a negotiation with General Munro or with me; as he certainly always counsetled peace; and as he showed no particular activity against us during the war—it appeared only a reasonable liberality to admit him to the terms of Punderpoor, as far as was consistent with a promise I had made to reward the zeal and fidality of the Raja of Kolapore by a grant of the long-disputed districts of Chickoree and Munowlee, for which he has always manifested the utmost anxiety. These districts are worth from Rs. 3,50,000 to Rs. 4,00,000, and the remainder of Appa Dessaee's jagheer is not more than Rs 3,50,000 of which Rs. 80,000 consist of rights on the Nizam's lands now sequestrated. I have requested General Munro to promise Appa Dessage the restora- tion of these claims or an indemnity (which I think ought to be paid by the N ižam), and likewise to promise further fa vourable consideration in case of good behaviour. I intended this consideration to extend to a grant of land equal to a fourth of the value of Qhickoree and Manowlee, provided the amount of that portion did not exceed a lakh of rupees. I am not certain whether General Munro considered Appa Dessaee's conduct in his late negotiation to have entitled him to the fulfilment of these intentions. O 16. These Jagheerdars must by our agreement with them continue to be governed according to the terms of Punderpoor, which are founded on the ancient custom of the Maratha empire. They must therefore have the entire management of their own jagheers, ( cxxxix ) including the power of life and death, and must not be interfered with by Government, unless in case of very flagrant abuse of power or long continuance of gross misgovernment. Their contingents ought only to be called out for general service, but they ought to assist in quelling any disturbance in their immediate neighbourhood. When this contingent is called out it ought not to be strietly mustered, and one-fourth of thre stipulated number of horse ought to be considered sufficient; if any stricter rule is observed they will be losers by their transfer to on Government. * No. 37. To the Honourable M. ELPHINSTONE, © Q &c.' . . &c. &c. O © Camp Hooblee, 17th November 1818. SIR,--I have the honour. to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 8th instant, with its enclosures, addressed to Chintamon Row. O As your khareeta is in no respect at variance with any commu- nication which I hawe recently made to Chintamon, Rów, and as it is calculated to make a salutary impression upon the mind of that sirdar, I have thoughfit expedient to forward its address. • The only promise made by Brigadier General Munro to Gunput Row of Tasgaum that I am aware of is contained in his answers to propositions submitted through Gunput Row's wakeel, Antajee Punt, on the 17th February last. With respect to the question of surin- jamee service, from which Gunput Row requested to be exempted, General Munro's answer was merely that he must serve according to ancient usage when any important occasion rendered it necessary, but that he world not be frequently called upon for service. ” The objections to any actual muster of these contingents would very naturally be strong, and perhaps well founded, because they were not subjected in this particular under the old Government to any definite rules. Aware of this circumstance, and of your wishes * ( cxl ) to avoid my stricts ess, I gave explicit instructions to my agents on their being deputed to join the Putwurdhuns, and I do not think that they have materially deviated from them; but, Chintamon Row and Gunput Row having declined to serve at all, it became necessary for them to assign some plausible excuse for their letters of refusal. My instructions to the Vakeels have been repeated. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) W. CHAPLIN. No. 1094, . & To W. CHAPLIN, Esq. Šin,--I have the honour to enclose notes specifying the points to be settled with the Putwurdhums, and the manner in which I con- ceive they ought to be arranged. These notes having been drawn up in communication with you, require no comment or explanation. The agreement entered into by General Munrô with Gunput Row places that chief in some measure on a different footing from the other Jagheerdars. It will therefore be necessary to procure his consent to our commuting the occasional employment of his whole contingent for the perpetual service of a part, I have, requested his Vakeel to consult him on this head, and his answer will be received in a few tays. The other points in which he differs from the others are specified in the accompanying notes, and a "translation of General Munro's agreement with Gunput Row is enclosed. I have had the honour to enclose copies of all my former correspondence with Chintamon. I now add two letters since received. They contain answers to my letter of 25th October to Chintamon Row. O I have received no answer to my letter of 21st December, but his Wakeel made no secret of the resentment with which he received it, and informed me that his chagrin on this occasion, joined to his grief for the recent death of his wife, made him determined to relinquish ( cxli ) O his jagheer and allow us to settle as we pleased with his son. On receiving this communication I told the Vakeel that I should soon send the prophised terms to Chintamon Row, and that I sincerely hoped before they reached him he would have made up his mind to receive them, as his rejection of them would involve the certain loss of his jagheer. I have since told him, on giving the enclosed letter and terms, that in the event of Chintamon Row's refusing to agree to them, the British Government would not think itself bound to continue his jagheer to his son, but would distribute it in such proportions as it thought proper between him and the other Putwurdhuns. "I hope Chintamon Row will now accept the terms which it would be madness in him to reject; but if he should be 'so infatuated, IłO course will be left but to receive his jagheer, and after once more giving him the chance of holding it on the proposed terms, to divide it among his relations. When this is done the other Putwurdhuns might be told that I had suggested to His Excellency the Most Noble the Governors General that the resumed lands should be divided among the family, but it must be explained that this is not to be considered as a promise, being merely submitted for His Excellency’s decision. O O It is to be hoped flo such event as that above contemplated may occur; but if Chintamon Row should render it necessary, he would be compelled.to retire to such place in Hindoostan as His Excellency the Governor-General may fix, where he may be granted an allow- ance of Rs. 69,000 a year. Should he resist, these terms will no longer apply. He must then be made a prisoner; he must be placed as a close prisoner in a hill fort, and his case reported for the decision of His Excellency the Most Noble the Governor-General. I have the honour to be, &c. M. ELPHINSTONE. Poona, 18th March 1819. ( cylii ) • 4th MARCH 1819. To be settled with the Putwurdhuns. 1. The future terms of their service [see" my letter to the Chiefs.] º O 2. Their additional lands. 3. Consolidations and pecuniary indemnities. . 4. The Jagheerdars of Koortindwad's claims to indemnity for Sumpgaum and Bageewaree (provided for in the additional land No. II.) • 5. The general claims to villages, kooruns, gardens, &c. resumed by the Peshwa. O - 6. To exemptions from customs, &c. . O 7. Formal.conclusion of an agreement with Gunput Row as promised by General Munro. e - * - O 8. The claims of Government against the Putwurdhuns. 9. Their domestic disputes. No. 1. Translation of a letter addressed by the Hºnourable M. ELPHIN- ston E to the PUTw URpHUNs. AFTER COMPLIMENTS, O On a former occasion, when you were with Bajee Row, I wrote to acquaint you that that Chief had gone tº war with the British Government in consequence of his connection with. Trimbuckjee Danglia, the murderer of Gungadhur Shastree; that it was unbecom- ing in you as Sirdars to be parties in such a cause; that if you would retire with your troops to your jagheers and attend to the advice of the Government, new terms similar to those of Punderpoor should be confirmed to you. Those terms were as follows:— Article 1st stipulates that “the Peshwa shall forbear from inquiring into any past acts of misconduct on youtr part, and shall remit all old pecuniary and other claims upon you. On the other hand that you shall renounce for ever all demands upon the Peshwa.” This article having been mutually executed, it is unnecessary to make any further mention of the points expressed in it. ( cyliii ) • Article 2nd.—The second article stipulates that all lands, roo- sooms, &c. held without the Peshwa's sunnuds shall be immediately relinquished; that the titles under which they are holders shall be investigated; and that wherever there is room for indulgence they shall be favourably considered; but that whatever lands were in your possession merely as Komavisdars or managers of revenue should be restored to Government. Some parts of thisarticle have been already executed. Whatever remains to be adjusted shall undergo an equitable inquiry, in which your circumstances shall be liberally considered and all future discus- sions precluded. O Article 3rd–It is stipulated in this article that you shall per- form service according to the practice of the Maratha empire, and agreeably to the tainat zabtas. With reference tº, the zabtas, new articles of agreement drawn up in detail are here with transmitted to you. O Article 4th.-It was agreed in the fourth article that you should on no account assemble troops, or enter into any contest with any person without the authority of the Peshwa, but that should any cause of conteſtion or dispute arise, you should refer the question to the Peshwa and abide by his decision. In conformity to phis article a similar clause is inserted in the present terms. ... • 5. In this article the confirmation under the guarantee of the British Goverañment, of all lands held under the authority of the Peshwa, was irrevocably pledged to you, as long as you should con- tinue to perform the duties of allegiance, fidelity, and attachment. A similar clause is htroduced into the present agreement. 6. The sixth article referred to the powers given to me by the Peshwa to conclude the above articles of agreement, and to the subsequent confirmation of these articles by the Governor-General. These having been executed, it is needless to refer to them. Of the terms of Punderpoor, consisting of six articles, the first, second, and sixth have been already carried into execution. The remaining three articles, relative to the performance of service and other duties, remain in force, and are now confirmed by the accom- panying terms of agreement. ( cyliv ) The third articłe, regarding service, refers to the tainat zabtas of Govind Hurree, Pursheram Ramchunder, and Neelkunt Row Trim- buck, bearing date Arba Shityn. By this you are.bound to furnish, at the rate of Rs. 300 per man, as many horse as can be maintained out of the service lands, and to provide for all contingent charges agreeably to the conditions on which lands are assigned to Vittu! Sheo Deo (the Winchoorkur), Narroo Shunkur” and Neelkunt Mahadoo, and agree to be mustered according to the practice of other Surinjamee Sirdars. • . That of the Winchoorkur, as stipulated in his tainat zabta, was that he should serve threughout the year; that his horsemen should be paid on the average at the rate of Rs. 300 per annum; that they should be mustered at the presence ; that the above allowance should cover all casualties, whether of men or horses; that both men and horses"shoutld be strong and fit for service; that the horses should be of the value of from Rs. 300 to Rs. 400 each horse; and that none but able-bodied men should be mustered; that muster should take place whenever ordered, and that the pay of all absent from muster should be made good to the Government; that all expenses of management, &c. should be considered to be. provided for out of the allowance specified. O - . These were the terms of the service stipulated for according to usage on the tainat Zabtas. The full service.of late. years has not, however, been exacted, for on referring to the practice observed, three- fourths, and occasionally one-half, only of the contingent had been ſtir- nished, but there has been no expresssanction granted by the Govern- ment for this reduction. Government has therefore a right to the performance of the terms of the tainat zabtas; but adverting to the dif- ficulties which,the exactions of service according to these terms would occasion to you, and to the friendly desire of the Government that your circumstances may be improved, whilst at the same time the perform- ance of effective service shall be obtained from you without leaving an opening for cavil hereafter, it is now stipulated that, with reference to the value of the Surinjamee lands actually held by you, you shall now furnish, according to the principle laid down in your tainat zabta, one-fourth of your contingent of horse; that each horse shall ( cxlv. ) be worth from Rs. 300 to Rs. 400; that the merrshall be good, and that they shall be always ready for service. Referring to the practice of the tainat zabta and to former musters, the reduced number of one-fourth now fixed upon is extremely favour- able to you. You must therefore keep your troops constantly in readiness, must serve without fail whenever ordered to do so, and allow them to be mustered, refunding to the Government in proportion to the number of horsemen that may be deficient. New terms of agreement on all these points, in conformity to the former tainat zabta and to the terms of Punderpoor, and defining the terms of your future service as well as other matters, in order to prevent all objections hereafter, are now drawn up in detail and for- warded to you. They are much more favourable than those of former times. You will accordingly take that circumstance in your consideration and will perpetually observe them. Form of Agree gent granted by the CoMPANY to — for the per- formance of the service of his Contingent, and for the confir- mation of the lands which have been hitherto held for their maintenance, undes date Soorsun Krisher Asher. Myatyn oolºf (1210) A.D. 1819. O O 1. You engage to perform service with your troops agreeably to the practice of the Maratha empire, as explained in the tainat zabta, and conformably to the terms of Punderpoor. The tainat zabta prescribes the performance of service according to the practice of the Winchoor- kur, Poorundu'ree, and Raje Bahadoor, which was that they should pay their horsemen at the rate of Rs. 300 per annum; that the men and horses should be of a good description, should be ready for service throughout the year; should be mustered whenever called upon; and that the pay of all who might be deficient should be refunded to Government. These were the former terms, but from motives of kindness towards the Sirdars, and in consideration that efficient service will now be constantly required, it is stipulated that, in proportion to the extent of lands at present held by you for the support of troops, 19 pu ( cxlvi ) one-fourth of your Contingent, consisting of good men and horses, shall without fail be maintained in readiness for service. - O 2. Your troops shall be mustered whenever called upon. The horses shall be of the value of from Rs. 300 to Rs. 400 each, and the men effective. Should the number upon muster prove deficient, the amount of such deficiency shall be repaid to the Government. 3. You shall serve in such a manner as the Government may order. • ' s © 4. You shall on no account entertain troops for the purpose of engaging in a contest with any person whatsoever. In the event of any cause of dispute, arising, you must, instead of resorting yourself to extreme measures, refer the question to the Government for con- sideration. It will then be impartially investigated, and you• must abide by the dealsion. This article corresponds with the 4th clause in the terms of Punderpoor, and is now confirmed, " 5. Your jagheers shall be inviolably continued to you as long as you shall maintain your fidelity, allegiance, and attachment to the British Government, and shall act cenformably to the several articles of this agreement. This stipulation, expressed in tº 3rd article of Punderpoor, is now confirmed, and a new sunnud shall be procured to the effect from the Most Noble the Governor-General. 6. In theevent of either men or horses. being killed in action, you will receive no compensation from Government. All expenses are to be provided for out of the allowance granted." • This principle is now ºp be observed. O O 7. You are responsible for the good government of your jagheers and for the protection of the people. As long as the adminis- tration of justice and of police shall be well conducted, the Govern- ment will not interfere in the management. 8. In addition to your contingent, you will maintain at your own expense such establishments for the preservation of order within your limits as may be necessary, and in the event of disturbances in your neighbourhood, you will furnish assistance to the extent of your ability. & 9. You will continue to the proprietors all rights, whether of a public or a private nature—all dumalia inams, inam lands, ( exlvii ) pensions, charitable and religious benefices, &c. as they have been heretofore enjoyed, and will take care that no cºmplaints are made on this subject. • - 10. In the event of any of your criminals resorting to the Company's territory, you will represent the affair to Government, and they shall upon inquiry be delivered up to you. On the other hand, should any criminals of the Covernment or offenders belonging to its territory seek refuge within your lands, they will be pursued by our police officers, and you will afford every assistance in delivering up such offenders. • - No. II. O O 4dditional lands, &c. The total amount to be about Rs. 2,00,000 to be distributed in nearly the following proportions:– © º Chintamon Row . . . . . . . . . . . a º e o gº . . . . . . Rs. 30,000 Gopal Row . . . . . . C & © a • e o 'º e o e a o q B & s . . . . . . . 30,000 Govind Row . . . . . . . . . . . * . . . . . . . . . . . . . Q & e o 0 30,000 Mahadoo Row • o e c & © e g º e e g o o e o 6 & d e º ºr º e s e e e 30,000 Gopal Row (of Tasgaum) in addition to his rights - by treaty. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22,000 Keshew Row (of Koorundwar), including indem- " nity for Sumpgaum and Bageewaree . . . . . . . . 40,000 Gunput Row Surbilkur (Shedbalkur) . . . . . . . . . . 8,000 • These próportions may be modified in some degree.by the possible necessity of giving up in some cases for the sake of consolidation more than the individual is entitled to on the above principle, but it is to be adhered to as much as possible. The funds from which it is to be afforded. 1. Deshmookhee mokassa and other collections belonging to Government on the lands of the Jagheerdars. Q 2. Lands belonging to Government within or contiguous to the jagheers and now usurped by the Putwurdhuns. 3. Rastia's jagheer or other resumed jagheer lands north of the Kristma. ( cylviii ) • No. III. * O. & o s © Consolidations and pecuniary Indemnities. O The Putwurdhuns have few or no claims on our lands, and there are few of their villages so peculiarly inconvenient from their situation as to render exchanges particularly desirable. O The customs and the rights of coining it is extremely desirable to obtain, but this must be done, as advised by General Munro, at leisure, and with the free consent of the Jagheerdars. • The right of coining may be obtained by offering a sum of money somewhat superior to their profits from the mint. The customs are much more difficult to manage, as they require the residence of our Agents within their lands will doubtless lead to frequent disputés. 2’ © If the Jagheerdars can be prevailed on to adépt our tariff and our system with regard to custotms, such an arrangement would be much the best. If this is impossible, we must endeavour to purchase the customs of their jagheers and the right of establishing our collectors throughout the jagheers; but this, if pºssible, is to be avoided. . - - . .* • . Nos. IV. V. VI. and VII. The indemnity for Sumpgaum and Bageewaree is provided for in No. IV.—Indemnity for the additionaliant's No. ſI. By my letter Sumpgaup and Bageewaree. . from Punderpoor to Appa Sahib, and pro- No. V.HVillages, &c. re- bably by all my letters, lands not then in sumed by the Peshwa the hands of the Pinwurdhuns are to be made up for by a corresponding deduction from the number of their troops. Any village, koorun, or garden to which they attach a particular value may, however, be restored, if not particularly inconvenient. Such exemptions from customs as may have been usually granted may be continued. The quantity of goods to No. VI-Claimstoex- each Chief may be fixed to prevent abuses. *** All supplies, &c. for our camps to be exempted from customs in their lands. ( cxlix ) The same agreement to be entered into wish Gunput Row as •with the others; where he is entitled by General No. VII.-Formal "Munro’ º O --> -- * : * * e :-- Munro's agreement to any particular privileg agreement with Gunput 8-> y p privileges, Row. they are to be confirmed in a Separate letter from me, O No. VIII. - O The Claims of Government against the Putwurdhuns. These may be classed into– s 1st. —Claims admitted by the Putwurdhuns. O © O 2nd.—Claims disputed on the ground of prescription, and O neither agitated at the settlement of Punderpoor nor since. 3rd.—Claims made at the time of the terms of Punderpoor or agitated since.under some of those terms. © e The 1st and 3rd may be allowed to the Putwurdhuns in part of the Rs. 2,00,000. O The 2nd, may be given up as the property of the Putwurdhuns. O No. IX. Family disputes. O 1st.—Are jagheers to be divided ? O O - Answer.—The principle to be admitted, but the division is rather to be retarded on account of the sudden changes in the state of pro- perty it would preduce. © - 2nd.—Is the elder to have a larger share 2 Answer.—Where no division has already been made he may be allowed such honorary possessions as the village allotted for a nobut, &c. e O - 3rd–Chintamon Row's dispute with the Meeruch maſſ about his jagheer. This is confined to the dispute about the pasture lands and that about Yelwuttee. The former was settled by Moro Dixit Dikshut ; one or two points were disputed by Chintamon Row which Mr. Chaplin can now decide. - “ ( cl ) z Mr. Chaplin cala also decide on Chintamon Row's claim regard- ing the unauthorised occupation of Yelwuttee, &c. - © O gº © ‘ e g * , 2. The partition of the family property.—This will be best done by Mr. Chaplin after referring to the division formerly made by Appa Sahib and Baba Phurkia. - 4. Gopal Row's dispute with Gunput Row.—The Peshwa's sunnud for the partition is to be final for all lands held by the family at the time when the sunnud was issued. Amnapoor and Sumdoly being represented by Gopal Row to have been kept back at that time in consequence of a private agreement that he should have his share, Balajee Punt, and such other evidence of that transaction as is forthcoming, is to be examined. O The division of family property to be made by Gopal Punt or such other ancient carcoon of the family as may be agreed on by both parties. Gunput Row's claims for arrears and all others not included in the above are set aside, except that for title-deeds. 5. The Meeruch man's dispute with his brother.—To be settled as Mr. Chaplin thinks proper. It is desirable that the younger brother should be content with an addition to his allowance, and she discharge of his debts; but if he should not, he must have his share. 6. The Meeruch man's dispute with Warayen Row's widow.— tº O & º ſº & O ) Mr. Chaplin to examine his claim to retain Yelwuttee, &c., and to receive an indemnity from the Meeruch man, if these ar; restored to Chintamon Row. 7. The claims of Gunput Row Conair to a share in Sumpgaum and Bageewaree.—This appears equitable on the principle of the Peshwa's sunnud, which must be shown to Mr. Chaplºn. Notes of an agreement with GUNPUT Row, dated 10th March 1819. O I. His rule of service may be either during the time of neces- sity (of which the British Government is to be the judge) with his 611 men, or at all times with one-fourth of that number. This is to be as Gunput Row may choose. 2. Gunput Row's share of the tribute of Sorapoor will be paid to him if the Sirkar gets its share, otherwise not (or rather he may be made to renounce it distinctly, we giving him the half of Akulcote and Bellowree, which were to have been exchanged first). This article may be the substance of a separate agreement with Gunput Row if he agrees to the same terms as the others; but if he insists on keeping up the rule, that he is not to be called on at all times to serve, it may be in the body of the agreement. - Besides the above articles the following points are to be adjusted :-. 1. A letter to Gunput Row stating the demands made on General Munro which cannot be complied with, and the reason why. These are as follows : — e. O . Article 3rd of the demand (for the restoration of his jagheer). The former Government had as good a right to take away as to give, and had taken away. The jagheers have been. assigned to others. A provision was made with the Sirdars to indemnify them for these losses by a deduction from their contingents. The same must be done with Gunput Row. Article aſh of the demands (for exemption from all demands of creditors). Future debts to our immediate subjects must be paid. Article 6th of the demands (for the restoration of certain inams). These inams are, and long have been, resumed by the donors; the British Government cannot possibly interfere to procure their restitution. " º * 2. A settlement of the family disputes on the following prin- ciples:– “ • O The Peshwa's sunnud for the division to be final with regard to the lands then held by the brothers. O • Ammapoor and Surrudoly to be divided as was promised by Dadjee Sahib when Gunpat Row forbore for the common interest to . apply about them to the Sirkar. Q Bhoze, Yekshumba, and other acquisitions since the partition to be equally divided. - The family property to be divided by respectable carcoons of the family agreed on by both parties. O ( clii ) 3. An imam equal to that given by Pursheram Bhow (Rs. 200) to be given to the temple at Tasgaum. O 4. The Government half of Akulcote ahd Bellowree (worth about Rs. 10,000), and any inconvenient claims of Government on Gunput Row's lands, to be given up to him. If worth more than Rs. 20,000 in all, he must give something in exchange. 5. An agreement for the effectual protection &f his country from our troops and passengers. • 6. Land worth Rs. 200 a year at Benares to be given in inam to Gunput Row to found a Petta on. O 7. To continue in ...employment as many as possible of the Brahmins alluded to in General Munro's answer to the 23rd Article; when it is inconvenient to do so, to.pension them to the amount of their former salary or nearly so. O 4th March 1819. Agreement between GUNPUT Row PUTwuRDHUN of Tasgaum and Brigadier Generaſ Munro. - O TRANSLATION. Agreement in Camp at Badami near Amnapoor. tunput Row, son of Purshetam, Ramchunder, sends from Tasgaum by his Vakeel, Untajee Punt, the following Articles; 17th February 1818:— Questions. * Answers. 1st.—In the event of recalling 1st.—If through friendship my contingent from the army, I for the Company you recallyour shall be involved with the Peshwa, contingent, you...will have no- and must be protected by the thing to fear from the Peshwa. Company. 2nd.—As I have been for a long 2nd.—If through friendship time on terms of friendship with for the Company you will recall the Cºmpany, I shall recall my your contingent, the Company's contingent, but I must not be re- officers will be all much pleased proached by them for it, nor must with you, and will not say that I lose their confidence by my so you have acted wrong: of this doing, otherwise I shall be unfor- do not be afraid. The Company ( cliii ) Questions. tunate on both sides. It is well known to you how my own go- vernment has behaved to. me, and how much I owe to the British, and I desire a continuance of their friendship. " 3rd.—Should a treaty of peace be concluded between the Peshwa and the Company, the whole sur- injam of my grandfather, includ- ing what Sindia and others have had...from it, and also the Surinjam, with the Naobut, Nugara, and Chuogara gºanted to my father after the battle of Kerda, but never enjoyed : all these you must stipulate for me from the Peshwa. 4th.--The villages of Yekshum- bas and Bhoze have been released by the Compány from Nepanikur, and are now enjoyed by Dadjee Sahib, a third share of them, which is my right, yºu must, put me in pºssession of 5th.-The debts incurred on account of my (Sirdaree) chieſship I shall endeaveur to settle with my creditors in the best way I can, but the Company is not to give them countenance against me. 6th.-Any inam fields, battee ground, garden ground, or places enjoyed by my ancestors and not by me to be given up to me, *Answers. and yºu are friends, and friend- ship will increase: no suspicion will ever be entertained of you. 3rd–The restoration of your ancient surinjam by the Pesh- wa, including what Sindia and others have had of it, will be taken into consideration, and on examination of your sunnuds whatever ought to be will be done. This article is reserved for consideration. If on examina- tion your claim prove correct, it will be satisfied by the Peshwa. 4th.-If you cannot settle this among yourselves (the three brothers), I will get it restored to you if your claim is just. 5th.-The Company will not give countenance to your credi- tors; what is to be settled with them will be done through yourself. 6th.-Inam fields, &c. now enjoyed by you will be retained by you, and the rest of this con- dition will be taken into consi- deration; where your claim is good you will obtain restoration. 20 pu ( cliv ) Questions. 7th.-My old friend, Gunput Row Mendalee had jagheer lands from the Peshwa which he now holds : to him the Company must continue them as heretofore. 8th.—The Khasgee of the Pesh- was who had surinjam grants for a palankeen, servants, &c. must have that which he has enjoyed restored to him, and what he now enjoys. 9th.--Towards the expenses of the Pagoda of Gunputtee in the town of Tasgaum the Company must make. Some new inam grant. Of the imams allotted to this purpose by my ancestors some are now in force and some not ; this must be inquired into and the whole con- firmed. - 10th. –Should the war end in favour of the Peshwa, no oppor- tunity of reconciliation will be given to me, and I shall lose all my present possessions. The Com- pany in this case must make me an equivalent in their own territories. 11th.-The Company must give me a place on the other side of the Toombudra for myself to reside in and remove my effects to. Answers. - 7th.-Your friend Gunput Row Mendalea will have his ja- gheer-continued to him if it has been a long time in his hands. 8th.-What is now enjoyed by the Khasgee will be continued to him, and the rest of this condition will be taken info consideration. 9th-Whatever now belongs to the Pagoda will be continued to it, and what it has been dis- possessed of will be taken into consideration. Any new grants to be made by the Company must be made hereafter when a settlement has been concluded. Q 10th–The Peshwa can never overcome ... the Company; but should it prove otherwise, and you remain a friend of the Com- pany, and the Peshwa does not in consequence continue to you sour possessions, you will get an equivalent in the Company’s territories. O 11th.-I wrote to you some time ago to take your choice of three places for yourself to reside in and remove your property to ; of these, one will be given up to you until a treaty of peace, when you must return to your own possession. ( clv ) Questions. 12th.--From want of rain the harvest of last year having failed, my expenditure has amounted to two or three lakhs of rupees : I request assistance from the Com- pany. My expénses have been pro- portioned to my surinjam. 13th–I have served the Peshwa heretofore, but I cañnot serve any other master from my old friend- ship. I must be permitted to remain in quiet possession of my Surinjam. O 14th.—Should a treaty of peace be concluded between Bajee Row and the Company, it must be stipu- lated in the treaty form that my services be placed on the same respectable "footing as formerly with Bajee Row. . 15th.-Should any of my de- pendents, whether belonging to my estate or my family, be guilty of any crime or misdemeanour, the punishment of . it to be left to myself, whether the Company or the Peshwa shall prevail hereafter, and other Jagheerdars to be warned not to give protection to offenders, but to deliver them up. Answers. 12th-You have expended three lakhs of rupees : you can settle about that yourself. If your expenses are proportioned to your Surinjam, you must di- minish them to pay your debt. 13th. – Your services have always been in requisition here- tofore by the Peshwa : this will not be the case with the Com- pany; but should any important occasion render it necessary dur- ing perhaps 10 or 15 years, you will afford aid according to ancient usage. You will not be always summoned on other occasions. 14th.-There is no intention of making any treaty with the Peshwa ; but should it happen otherwise, your services will be stipulated for with Bajee Row * to be placed on the same footing as formerly. 15th-i-Should any of your de- pendents, either connected with your family or purgunnas, be guilty of any crime, &c., the Company will leave the qase for decision and punishment to yourself; and should any offender go for protection to others, they will be warned to send them to you. ( clvi ) Questiońs. 16th.-My two brothers, Maha- doo Row Dadjee and Gopal Row Ramchunder, have got greater shares than myself of my household property and jagheer : I shall endeavour to settle with them ; but should I not succeed, the Company must interfere in my favour. 17th.-The surinjam ..mahals of other Sirdars, and likewise the mahals of my own Sirkar as well O as other Sirkars...have boundary disputes with my mahals : you must give directions that the boun- daries, &c. in the time of my father" are to be observed, as Gokla and others since that time have been making disputes. 18th.--The tribute of Sorapoor which was granted to my family - by the Peshwa is not paid to me: on this subject you must give in- e O StructionS. 19th-There being two authori- ties in..the village of Akulcope and Belowree which give rise to dis- putes occasionally, let the Com- pany give up their claims. to me, and take in exchange the tribute of Sorapoor. Answers. 16th.-If you can adjust the equal division" of your father's property with your brothers, so much the better ; but if not successful, and you will bring ..your complaint before the Com- pany, they will, according to the justness of your claims, decide. 17th-The surinjam mahals of other Sirdars, likewise the Sirkar mahals which have bpun- dary and other disputes with your mahals,.. will be inquired into, and what has been taken from you unjustly by Gokla and others since the time of your father, an adjustment will be made respecting Me according as it stood in the time ºf your father. 18th. –The tribute of Sora- poor granted in surinjam from the Peshwa, if it appears just by your Sunnud it will be taken into consideration, and if it appears expedient to "recover from the Raja, instructions will be given about it. 19th-Should you make your claims goºd to the tribute of Sorapoor, and it can be trans- ferred to the Company, the Com- pany’s claims on the two villages will be made over in exchange for it. ( clvii ) 20th.-The muzur which remains O due by me to the Peshwa amount- ing to Rs. 1,60,000, and what was added to it by Moro Diksit on account of the smallness of my contingent, Rs. 40,000, I must be relieved from by the Company. In this manner answers have been written to the above 23 Articles hereafter. These, including the articles now objected to and those altogether rejected, will hereafter be inquired into and carried into effect by the Company's Government as is written in the memorandum. In tiris would be no deviation. Whatever has remained in force till now will certainly be continued hereafter. Said to be signed by General MUNRo. -- VT Jetter from CHINTAMon Row. AFTER CoMPLIMENTS, O Your lette" of the 5th Mohurrum was sent to me by Mr. Chaplin from Hoobly," and I received it on the 29th when I was with Bajee Row. You sent a letter to me desiring me to leave him and retire with my Contingent to my (usual) residence; “that by doing so I should not be a loser...as a new agreement, the same as that made at Punderpoor, should be entered into with me under the Company’s Government that you wrote to me. O Mr. Chaplin wrote to me that, were I to keep up a third of my Contingent to keep down insurrection, by this arrangement the country would become populous, the benefit of which I should reap as well as increase in my reputation, adding, why should I lengthen on this subject. You sent a letter last year without date when I was with J3ajee Row and fighting against the Company’s Government. On this account (you said) that the agreement and intentions of the Com- pany towards me were forfeited, adding “...if you withdraw from all connection with Bajee Row and separate from him with your Contingent, retiring to your residence and remaining there consistent ( clviii ) with the advice of, and in firm friendship with, the Company, that you may sustain no loss by it. Another treaty similar to that of Punderpoor will be concluded with you.” Thus you wrote, and I conducted myself accordingly. © I wrote to you on the 19th of Rubee ool Awul of last year. in the Sund Sular Ushur, at Punderpoor. I took the promise of my Sirkar and the guarantee of the Company, and you sent a letter from which if I deviate it will be correct for you to write me that the terms of my agreement and guarantee are forfeited; but no such thfng can I be accused of. While I remain in observance of the conditions of my agreement how can it be forfeited Consider of this, I am only a servant and must do what my masters order-me, but I have near failed in my friendship for the Company.; this I formerly wrote. In the present letter is repeated what I have written before ; but the agree- ment and guarantee and the contents of your subsequent notes shall be considered of, and a reply sent hereafter. • That in the country in this neighbourhood an arrangement had been made to keep down bands I formerly wrote you. To your letter it is requisite I should be particular in my replies. Consider of this and do not take excep- tion at me for it. O Q • (True translation) • O (Signed) JOHN QLUNES, Interpreter. Chundur 12 Sufur. Letter from CHINTAMON Row. Q O AFTER COMPLIMENTs, Your letter of the 5th Mohurrum was forwarded to me by Mr. Chaplin from Hoobly and reached me on the 29th. In my reply to it on the 12th Sufur, I promised to give more detailed reply here- after when I had taken into consideration the treaty and your guarantee, with the contents of the notes subsequently written to me, and accord- ingly 'I now reply to it. . You wrote me to the following effect:—“In the districts there are many Silladars and other people without employment who might be induced to form a maraúding party to the injury of the country. The sirdars of your family have jagheers allotted to them in the tract ( clix ) beyond Meeruch for the maintenance of their contingent, one-third of which they should keep up for the protection of the country and keeping down insurrections.” This I had considered of and requested Mr. Chaplin to write to you, which he did, and in your reply you say—“I have served the Peshwa 100 years, and to serve now would be to injure my reputation, and what can be greater loss, and I have formerly been written to that I should sustain no loss. A copy of this letter was sent to me by Mr. Chaplin. The Company's troops, who protect the rest of the country, would not find it difficult to protect also a small portion of the Carnatic, but I considered it honourable for you to take care of the country in your neighbourhood, and therefore called on you to keep up a third of your contingents. This is not service that you should lose your reputation by it, and your complaints therefore do not appropriate.” You requested as a friend that I would take care that no insurrection shall take place in the countries connected with me, and I therefore sent orders to the districts, villages, &c. and arrangements were made accordingly. Should there, however, arise any evil- disposed persºns, they will be furnished without partiality. Mr. Chaºlin having appointed Kristna Row to reside with me to See the muster of the third part of my contingent, and communicate with me on matters. of detail as they occur, induced me to write to him in the manner I did, viz. that I had served the Peshwa 100 years; that to serve now would be dishonourable, and what can be a greater loss? O On one Qccasion you wrote to me as follows:– “When you was with Bajee Row I wrote to you desiring that you should leave him and return with your troops to your usual residence; that you should not lose by it; and I would renew, under the Company’s Government, the agreement formerly made at Punderpoor with Bajee Row.” You formerly wrote to me that in the last treaty with Bajee Row you had confirmed the agreement made at Punderpoor. In another letter you write me that my agreement and your guarantee has become null and void. Thus you have sent me two letters in different styles, the one stating the confirmation of my agreement, the other its annihilation. I beg you to consider of this. ( cl: ) On one occasion you write as follows: “At Punderpoor an agree- ment was made in which, the conditions of your service are particu- larised, and there is no wish to require anything new of you. After it was proclaimed everywhere that it was the intention of the Com- pany’s Government to retain possession of the country, it was under- stood that, according to the terms of the treaty concluded at Punder- poor, things should go on with :” thus you write. But who came from me to discuss the terms of the new engagement? You write again— “Bajee Row himself having consigned over the sovereignty of this country to the Company, there could be no dishonour in your trans- ferring your service.” . As to this, the Sahoo (Sattara) Maharaja gave the investment of the first Peshwaship to Ballajee Punt Nana in the year 1636; four years after this my grandfather, Govind. Punt Nana, entered his service and was treated as a child of his family; to this effect.I have a document in my possession ; to this he owed his elevation. Upwards of 100 years have wassed since this, and to serve any other cannot be approved of by Heaven. This I write to you in friendship. O Mr. Chaplin has written to me to keep up a third of my Con- tingent to prevent insurrections, observing..that this should render the country more populous, from which I should derive advantage as well as increase my reputation. In consequence ºf this I made arrange- ments in all the country where I had authority to keep down insurgents. O •. O (True translation) O O (Signed) JGHN CLUNES, interpreter. Chundwr, 27th Sapur. ( clzi ) O No. 523. To C. T. METCALFE, Esq. . . Poona, 18th March 1819. SIR,--I have the honour to enclose a copy of a letter I have this day addressed to Mr. Chaplin regarding the adjustment of the affairs of the Pūtwurdhuns. These affairs are extremely perplexed and embarrassing, but I hope the mode of settlement now adopted may be found effectual. r The only article that requires explanation is the proposal for dividing the lands of Chintamon Row among the other Putwurdhuns. My object in recommending this liberality is to convince the country that Government has "no wish to enrich itself at the expense of its dependents ; and to prevent the bad impression that would be made by the immediate diminution of the importance of the only great family which took part" with us in the course of the war with the Peshwa. © I trust this reasoning may meet the approbation of His Excel- lency the Mogt Noble the Governor-General. O I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) M. ELPHINSTONE. O No. 566 of 1819. To MR. SecretARY METCALFE. SIR,-My'letter to Mr. Chaplin, dated March 18th, will have made His Excellency the Most Noble the Governor-General acquaint- ed with the arrangements I proposed to make with the Putwurdhuns. In addition to the terms there proposed, I likewise sounded their Vakeels on the subject of their giving permanent compensation in money for the service of their reduced quota. I considered this a very desirable exchange, as it would procure for Government the services of an efficient body of horse, and thus employ a portion of the discharged soldiery, while that was an object, and would be 21 pu " ( clxii ) convertible into a pecuniary resource when the country should be so settled as to admit of reduction in this brançh of our force. If the Jagheerdars are left to keep up their contingents, experience has shown that the most unremitting and invidious strictness will be necessary to prevent the maintenance of any contingents by the Jagheerdars from falling into disuse, while no exertion will be suffi- cient to render this a source of permanent employment for many horsemen beyond those connected by relationship or long service with the families of the Chiefs, whom they would not discharge even if the pecuniary plan should be adopted. The letters to the Patwurdhuns were not despatched before I left Poona, in consequence of a request from the Vakeels that they might first be allowed to take the senti- ments of their employers on the minor arrangements before anything final was determined on. Their despatch was still further delayed by the detention tº the Maratha writer who had charge of them, who was taken sick at Waee on his way to Belgaum. * f then suspended the despatch until I should have settled with Chintamon Row, on whose agreement those of the rest might be modified. It will be in the recollection of Government that this Chief at first positively refused to serve, on which I addressed a letter to himsdated the 7th of April, requiring him either to accept the terms ºf Punderpoor, modified as they now stand, or the terms which I have proposed to the other Jagheerdars. I requested an answer" within fifteen days, and declared explicitly that a failure in compliance on.his part would compel Government to resume his jagheer. A translation of this letter is apnexed, and a copy of the terms enclosed are likewise trans- mitted for the purpose of comparison with those agtually concluded. On my arrival at Belgaum, which was the first opportunity he had of answering my ſetter, Chintamon Row announced his intention of coming there to meet me, but accompanied this offer with a letter declining to serve, and expressing his surprise that the British Government, after guaranteeing his services to the Peshwa in 1812, should now wish to transfer them to itself. This "arrangement is founded on a sophistry of which Chintamon Row has before made use: that as the British Government at Punderpoor guaranteed his jagheer to him as long as he should serve the Peshwa with fidelity, it could not dispossess him unless he had broken his ( clxiii ) engagements to that prince, the fallacy of which lies in his interpreting an agreement intended exclusively to protect him against the Peshwa into a general guarantee of his possessions in all possible situations, and whatever might be his own misconduct towards every other State but the Peshwa's. I have the honour to enclose a translation of this letter. The Wakeel who brought it suggested, as from himself, the plan of a peeuniary payment, which I had not before proposed to Chintamon Row because he disclaimed our title to service, and from the sūbsequent communications of the Vakeels I had little doubt that this plan would be readily adopted. Under this im- pression, on the day after Chintamon Row had arrived and paid-his visit of ceremony, I sent Ramjee Oaka, a very respectable Brahmin in my employ and a relation of Chintamon Row's, to impress him with the unreasonableness of his demands and the impossibility of their being acceded to. This attempt was totally”unsuccessful, for Ramjee Oaka returned, accompanied by two Vakeels, with six written demands, some frivolous and others quite inadmissible. They were as follows :- O 1. That Chintamon Row should be allowed to furnish his Contingent as an ally, not as a servant. O 2. That he should be advanced a large sum of money to pay his debts contracted in the Peshwa's service. ... • * 3. That. all thq lands and dues, contained in his original sunnud, which he had lost at various periods previous to the settlement of Punderpoor should be restored to him. This involved a sacrifice of about two dakhs.of rupees by Government, besides the resumption of the lands of his relation, the Jagheerdar of Meeruch, amounting to four lakhs-of rupees. O 4. That his family disputes should be decided. 5. That I should institute an inquiry whether he had not been disgraced and dishonoured by his relations. O 6. That a cowle or written agreement, to the effect of the promises contained in my letter from Punderpoor and bearing the same date (in 1812), should be furnished under the seal of His Majesty or the Company’s authorities in England. ( clxiv ) These his Vakeels said were the only terms on which he would furnish his Contingent. He himself, however, informed Ramjee Oaka that he would serve without any other conditions if the British Government would engage to prohibit the slaughter of horned cattle and the pressing of Brahmins for bigarries, which he said had taken place in the Concan during the war. Were this agreed to he would submit to the disgrace of quitting, the Peshwa's service for ours ; without this he said neither he nor his son would ever submit to this dishonour. O On receiving this communication, which was sent in opposition to the advice of every man about him, I again deputed Ramjee Oaka to impress on Chintamon Row the consequences of his refusing to serve. I said he was mistaken if he thought his jagheer would go to his son as he had desired, or that he would be permitted to reside on it even as a private person ; that his lands were only continued to him on the ground of his having early declared his intention of quitting the Peshwa and coming over to the British Government ; that if it mow appeared he had no such intention, he must lose his land like the other Jagheerdars, though he would be allowed a stipend; and policy would require that he should reside at Belfares or some point where his influence could not be employed against the interests of the British. Government. I begged him to gonsider what would become of his son and all his dependents in such an event, and what would be thought of his inconsistency and levity in bringing forward such demands at this period. I also pointed out that there was no disgrace in transferring his allegiance on the extinction of the State fie formerly served, which had been the. fortune at one time or other of every chief in India, and I said I could not suppose.that he would consider the service of the British Government in itself otherwise than an honour. At the same time I declined going to an entertain- ment to which Chintamon Row had before invited me, declaring that I could have no satisfaction in such an appearange of cordiality when I might be required to dispossess him of his jagheer on the next day. In reply to this Chintamon Row sent a message late at night through Ramjee Oaka (which he refused to deliver) requesting me to point out a place for his future residence, to which he might immediately repair. ( clxv ) Next morning he reconsidered the subject and sent a new Vakeel, named Nursing Row, to say that he was willing to serve, but as his people were unfit from the strictness of English discipline, he begged to be allowed to pay money instead of furnishing horse. This I immediately agreed to ; but the restoration of lands contained in his original Sunnud, and the grant of a cowle from England, to be dated in 1812, were still insisted on, with many attempts to accuse Govern- ment of breach of faith in not having caused the restoration of those lands and given the cowle as promised at Punderpoor. The first of these arguments was maintained at many conferences, notwith- standing the following passage in my letter from Punderpoor —' “The surinjamee lands which you hold by sunnuds from the Peshwa's government will remain in your hands. Should you have been deprived of any of your surinjamee lands... a proportionate reduction will be made in your contingent.” To this Chintamon Row objected that it was in the letter not in the terms, and founded his claim on the 3rd article, which refers to the tainat zabtas of the chiefs. It was pointed out that the 3rd article was an engagement on the part of Sirdars to serve according to their tainat zabtas; that the promise regarding their jagheer was contained in the 5th article; and that, as it ºnly stipulated for their retaining undisturbed posses- sion, not for their receiving any addition, it was quite consistent with the explanation given in the letter that accompanied the terms. Chintamon repried to this that I had admitted in my circular letter on the breaking out of the war that the Peshwa had not fulfilled all the terms, and that I had mentioned that an article had been intro- duced into the last treaty to secure their fulfilment in future. Chin- tamon Row contended that this must allude to the Peshwa's failure to restore the ſands, as he had failed in no other particular. I replied that he had failed to arbitrate Chintamon Row's disputes; that he had exercised his right of commanding service in a different manner from what was intended; and that by Chintamon Row’s own account he had several times treated him with indignity contrary to his promises at Punderpoor. I then said that it had been intended to give up the lands now under discussion to the Sirdars ; but this was gratuitous, like the restoration of Rastia’s lands, and had no reference to the terms of Punderpoor, where it was expressly provided ( clxvi ) that the lands should not be given up. Chintamon Row's second demand (for a cowle) is sºarcely given up yet, although it is avowedly useless, as the state of things to which such a cowle could apply no longer exists. He also now demanded that he should be allowed to make war on his relations, which was at once rejected. These points having been discussed, I gave Nursing Row a draft of an agreement in which a paymenj in money or cession of territory is substituted for the service of horse. The preamble was phade nearly the same as that contained in the former terms. To thfs Chintamom Row proposed to substitute another draft in. which the British Government was made ...to recede from this demand for Chintamon Row's service in consequence of his declaring such service to be inconsistent with his honour; but . this was mstantly rejected with much displeasure, and at a meeting which I now had with Chintamon Row at my tent in the presence of Mr. Chaplin; I began by telling him “that such language was highly-improper for him to use or for me to listem to, and that the basis of all future proceedings must be a distinct admission on his part that he now owed to the Company the service which he before owed to the Peshwa. When this was admitted, the Government would grant such, modification of the con- ditions of service as it thought reasonable.” Chintamoºh Row acceded to this proposition with unexpected facility, and proceeded to propose the preamble and Ist article nearly in the terms that now stand, and he agreed to all the other terms with some trifling verbal altera- tions, but objected to the part of the 7th article of the old draft in which it ts implied that the British Government will interfere in the police of his jagheer if not well managed by him. He declared in plain terms that he could not possibly hold his jagheer on these terms, and I told him that he might alter the phrase ºf he pleased, but that the right of interference must be preserved, not only to prevent his jagheer becoming an independent State, but actually to guard against the danger of its falling into disorder at some future period. A slight change in the terms appeared to Chintamon Row sufficient as a salvo for his honour, and his good management of his jagheer is now declared to be an essential condition of the whole grant. Chintamon Row afterwards added an article (Article 7th), declaring that his rank and dignity should be the same as it had been under ( clºvii ) the Peshwa, and another (Article 8th) that his detached possessions should not be interfered with. On the other hand an addition was made to the article (Article 9th in the old terms and 5th in the new) by which all imams and other rights within his jagheer were to be continued to the proprietors, all lands of this description that had been usurped being now directed to be restored. Chintamon Row afterwards objeeted to receive a sunnud from doubts how it might be expressed. The objection was overruled, but he was assured that it would not differ in the substance or in the rank as- signed to him from the present paper. He was also very desirous to retain the rights of private war, which was peremptorily rejected, unless in cases where his residence might be "attacked and no time to refer to Government. . Considerable altercation likewise took place regarding the form of the agreement which Chintamon Row wished to have more in the form of a treaty with an independent, State but which I made in the form usual with the Peshwa, which was that of a grant from the Government, of which Chintamon Row was to mark his acceptance by returning a copy attested in his own hand. After all this was corfcluded, Chintamon Row persisted in demanding a cowle from England dated in 1812. When told that such a paper would now be worse than useless, he replied that it would be useless, but it had been promised, and he was "entitled to demand it. The promise is supposed to be contained in the following passage of my letter from Punderpoor —“The British Government will guarantee the fuſilment of these terms towards all the Sirdars who accept them.” This is expressed in Marathi :--“The British Government.will give a cowle.” And on this Chintamon Row founds his demand for a written paper, although he admits that it would now be inapplicable, and that he never" applied for it while it would have been of use. I report these minute particulars that no obscurity may remain regarding any part of the agreement ; if any doubt should exist, Chintamon Row will not fail to take advantage of it. I have had a great deal of intercourse with him both during the discussions relating to this agreement and others regarding his family disputes. Though otherwise rather respectable and well intentioned, he has a narrow and crooked understanding, a litigious spirit, and a capricious O ( clºviii ) temper. Our intercourse completely restored his good humour, and he had latterly an appearance of perfect cordiality and satisfaction, which, although it may not be lasting, I have no doubt was perfectly sincere. The selection of the districts to be given up by Chintamon Row, and the settlement of his family disputes, which are very complicated, remain to be completed by Mr. Chaplin. I have been much guided by that gentleman’s opinion in the plans I have adopted towards the Putwurdhuns, and have been very much assisted by him in carrying them into effect. All arrangements with the other Jagheerdars in this part of the country have been conducted entirely by Mr. Chaplin, who, in addition to Iris collectorate of 25 lakhs of rupees, has the management of Chiefs enjoying an annual income of 50 lakhs of rupees. O I hope the agreement with Chintamon Row will meet with the approbation of His Excellency the Most Noble the Governor-General. The only point in which it varies from the letter of. His Excellency’s instructions is in the commutation of serviče for money, and the cir- cumstances of Chintamon Row's conduct obliged me to decide on it without a reference to Government. • No other right of the British Government is lost by this arrangement but that of, calling out a Contingent, which, when furnished, would never haye been of the least use, and to procure the attendance of which we must have con- stantly run the risk of a rupture with the Jagheerdars. Such a rup- ture would no doubt soon end in their ruin, but it is neither consistent with the reputation of the British Governmerft nor with the principles of His Excellency's policy to prefer an agreement which is likely. to ruin one of the parties. I hope the other Jagheerdars may be inclined to accept the same arrangement. O The Dessaee of Kittoor and Appa Dessage also came to Belgaum to meet me, but no business was transacted with either. The Dessaee of Kittoor's affairs were long since settled, and he had only to express his satisfaction with the arrangement, and I thought it expedient to defer settling the extent and manner ef Appa Dessaee's service until the restoration of the cowle promised to him by General Munro. © I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) M. ED PHINSTONE. Camp Now ulgoond, 18th May 1819, ( clxix. ) ENCLOSURE No. 1. Substance of a letter from Mr. ELPHINSTONE to CHINTAMON. Row .PUTwu RDHUN, dated 7th April 1819. Your letter dated the 21st Rubbee Oolawut was received on the 4th of Jumãdee oola Akhir. The observations contained in your letter having been before replied to, need not be again noticed. It is now only necessary to say that you were formerly promised térms for your guidance similar to those of Punderpoor, but the terms of Punderpoor being chiefly directed to guarding the rights of Govern- ment, it seems expedient that the new terms granted to the Chiefs should contain a precise statement of the stipulation of .the former agreement and all others that are intended to be enforced, so that they may be acted on without dispute, and that they should likewise be more favourable to the Sirdars than the former terms. A draft of terms on these principles, and another literally transferred from those of Punderpoor, are now sent to you for your choice: you will be pleased to selëct whichever you think most suitable to your rank and understanding, and best calculated to secure the permanence of your possession of your lands, and to obtain for you the favour of Govern- ment. Whighſever draft you select, you will be so good as to return, signed and sealed within fifteen days from this date, and a confir- mation of it will then be transmitted from Government. • It is my sincere desire to confirm and increase your friendship, and I have therefore waved all grounds of altercation and sent you these two drafts. If you agree to neither, I have no alternative left. If you should obstinately refuse to accede to the propositions offered to you, I see no means by which your jagheer can be continued to you. I beg you to understand this clearly and to reply accordingly. If you accept neither of the drafts, immediate measures must be adopted regarding your jagheer. I have already from my reliance on your wisdom, and my anxiety for your friendship, gone to the utmost limit of correspondence and discussion. I must therefore now request an explicit declaration which of the terms you wish to accept. 22 pu ( clzx ) • ENCLOSURE No. 3. Translation of a letter from CHINTAMoN Row-to Mr. ELPHINSTONE, dated the 29th of Jumadee oola Akhir, córresponding to April 25th. - O I have received your letter (recapitulate contents). You refer to your former letters: they have been replied to at the time, and my º º Q answers contain every detail. . O The Company, out of friendship to prevent my sewering from virtue, sent me a letter and a memorandum of terms settled, the substance of which was that I should serve the Peshwa according to the ancient practice of the Maratha State, as shown in my tainat zabta, and that I should perform service as my ancestors had done; that as long as I served with fidelity my jagheer should be guaranteed to me by the British-6overnment, and that I need be under no appre- hension as long as I served faithfully; that the British Government was answerable for my retaining my lands, and for my honour and dignity; that a cowle would be given by the British Government to the effect that no deviation from these eterms should ever take place, with many assurances that the British Government would not ſail to perform whatever it promised. Q O A cowle to this effect ought therefore to have been sent to me from the British Government in Europe, engaging that the terms of Punderpoor should be conformed to, and that no injury should be offered to me by the British Government, but that I should be Sup- ported and assisted in all affairs. This cowle has never been seat. I desire it may be sent, as was promised. O It is nowhere stipulated in the terms of Punderpoor that in the event of disagreement between the Peshwa and the British Govern- ment I am to serve the latter. All the strong assurances above alluded to were given to satisfy me that the promises made to me would not be departed from. Let me therefore have the cowle from England, as was promised, and the accomplishment of all the other promises rests with the Company. - It was written that the Company had inserted an article in the new treaty to secure the due performance of the terms of Punderpoor. That the same Company which wrote this should now write the ( clxxi ) present proposition is quite improper; for the Company is consistent and never breaks its word, and the world is dazzled with the splen- dour of its justice, You are good enough to advise me in the way of friendship not to be obstinate in refusing to accede to your proposals, but there is no obstinacy with your promises. In what I have written I have only held fast to the terms of Punderpoor, to secure which you inserted an article in the new treaty. In my friendship for the British Government I have gone to the utmost limit of discussion and explanation, yet you write me as above, and call on me to sign one or other of two memoranda within 15 days on pain of losing my jagheer. You promised at Punderpoor that my jagheer should be continued and my honour preserved ; declared it to be under the Company’s guarantee, and gave me repeated assur- ances of the Company’s good faith: and I have served the Peshwa in exact conformity to my engagements, and have never deviated from the terms 6f Punderpoor in any respect. If notwithstanding all this you write that immediate measures must be adopted regarding my jagheer, what answer am I to return ? You advise me to act as may be most suitable to my rank and wisdom, and most likely to secure the pewmanent possession of my jagheer and to obtain the favour of Govornment. Now it is most consistent with my rank and wisdom to preserve my honour, as I before wrote, and for securing the possession of my jagheer I have acquired the Company's friendship, which is the greatest of all securities; from that friendship I hope to have all my wishes and expectations accomplished to the utmost extent of my desire. 19 After all this you may do as may seem to be fit in your wisdom. ENCLOSURE No. 4 (not required, being the engagement given in Aitchison’s Treaties, Vol. VI. p. 151, and analysed above in the account of Sanglee). 39 No. 578. • y To Mr. SECRETARY METCALFE. SIR,-At Bagulcote I received visits from the remaining Chiefs of the family of Putwurdhuns, except Gunput Row of Tasgaum. These are Gunput Row of Meeruch, a boy of twelve years old, with * ( clzxii ) his uncle and guardian Mahadoo Row ; Gopal Row of Jamkh undee, and his cousin Govind Row of Chinchnee; Keshew Row of Koorund- war, and Gunput Row of Shedbal. These chiefs accompanied me to the Kristna and left me this morning. O 2. As there was no likelihood of any early opportunity of a personal meeting between Mr. Chaplin and these Chiefs, I thought it best to conclude agreements with them on this occasion, and I have the honour to enclose a translation &f the terms agreed on. I trust they will meet His Excellency the Governor-General’s wishes. The reception given by these Chiefs to my proposals formed a contrast to that of Chintamon Row, as they professed the utmost gratitude for the liberal treatment they had met with from the British Government, and the most perfect satisfaction with the general tenor of the terms offered to them. They preferred serving with their troops to paying money or ceding térritory, and although I should have thought a money payment more advantageous to Government" and ultimately safer for themselves, yet I did not attempt to influence their decision further than by pointing out the arguments that occurred to me in favour of each plan. I think they were probably determined to the present course from their having a considerable number of stable horse and of old retainers of their families whom they would be obliged to maintain even after they had made a cession in lieu of service, so that such a cession would have diminished their income without materially reducing their expenses. 3. It appears they had been informed that Gutput Row of Tasgaum had obtained an exemption from service from General Munro, on which I showed them the agreement, ..and •offered them the same terms if they preferred them. They at one time seemed inclined to do so, induced to it by a supposition has one article promised that Gunput Row should only be called on once in ten or fifteen years; but I said that General Munro in that article was only explaining the probable nature of the service, not promising how it was to be exacted, and that if a mistake of the writer"occasioned it to bear this construction, I should allow Gunput Row the benefit of it, but could not extend the mistake to the other Chiefs. The following is the article alluded to. It is introduced in reply to a demand of Gunput Row for exemption from service :- ( clz.xiii ) • “Article 13th.-The Company's Government does not exact service like the constant duty you did under the Peshwa, Once in ten or fifteen years, on the occurrence of some im portant affair, it is necessary to come to the Company's assistance; except in such times, it will not always summon you.” 4. Excepting the terms relating to service, the enclosed agree- ment is framed on the model of that concluded with Chintamon Row, and the few changes suggested by the Sirdars were such as could be acceded to without affecting the principles of the settlement. 5. The severity of the terms requires some explanation. The transfer to the British Government of a Jagheerdar accustomed to the lax service of the Maratha, holds out a prospect of considerable danger to himself and of very little benefit to Government. The best means of avoiding these evils appear to me to be to lay down the rights of Government with.great strictness in the original agreements, but to show great lenity in exacting them in time to come. With this view I have insisted on the right of Government to employ the contin- gents of the Jagheerdars throughout the whole year, and to guard, by a rigorous system of muster, against any attempt to diminish the number or lessen the efficiency of the troops to be supplied ; but I do not mean that these rules should be literally enforced, and I do, not comtemplate the acquisition of any service from the Jagheerdars beyond that specified in the 16th paragraph of my letter (No. 78) to His Excellêncy the Most Noble the Governor-General, dated 18th June 1818. * 6. As that paragraph almost exactly coincides with the orders of Government communicated to me in Mr. Adam's letter of the 14th of July, and as it was afterwards confirmed by a letter from the same gentleman, dated 26th September, it will explain the principles of the present agreement to insert it in this place :- “These Jagheerdars must, by our our agreement with them, continue to be governed according to the terms of Punderpoor; which are founded on the ancient customs of the Maratha empire. They must therefore have the entire management of their own jagheers, including the power of life and death, and must not be interfered with by Government, unless in case of very flagrant abuse of power * ( claxiv ) or long continuance, of gross misgovernment. Their contingents ought only to be called out for general services, but they ought to assist in quelling any disturrbance in their immediate neighbourhood. When their contingent is called out, it ought not to be strictly mustered, and one-fourth of the stipulated number of horse ought to be considered sufficient. If any stricter rule is observed they will be losers by their transfer to our Government.” O 7. I would recommend that the Chiefs should be discouraged from serving with their horse, even if they are inclined: but if they should accompany their contingent, it will be requisite that they should not be placed under the command of any person but a British officer, if possible, of some rank, and that they should be treated with all the attention and consideration to which they have hitherto been accustomed. O - - © 6 S. - After the articles settling the mode of serwice the next that requires notice is that (Article 6th) by which their jagheers are rendered hereditary in their families, subject to the condition of renewing their sunnuds. This was always intended, and any other course would have rendered the condition of the Chiefs worse than it was under the Maratha government; but as a writtºn promise to this effect adds greatly to the value of the present instrument in their eyes, I völuntarily inserted it. O § 9. The 9th article is inserted as much for the purpose of guarding the Jagheerdars from vexatious interference o, the part of our officers as for that of leaving Government the power to interpose in case of the occurrence of any atrocity which it would be hurtful to its reputation to overlook, and even to introduce its own police in case the administration of the Jagheerdars should ever fall into entire disorder. - 10. The 11th article, authorising the apprehension of offenders by our"officers within the jagheer lands, is intended to prevent the escape of a criminal owing to any interruption in the pursuit, and to guard against neglect and connivance on the part of the Jagheerdars; but it is by no means intended that it should be acted on when the offender can be obtained by an application to the Jagheerdar. ( clzxv ) * 11. The stipulation for the maintenance of the honour of the Jagheerdars, “as in Bajee Row's time” (Article 12th), is altered, at the request of the. Putwurdhuns, into “as in former times,” for they contend that since Bajee. Row's accession they have been treated with uniform neglect. This point to which they attach such high importance involves no sacrifice on our part. It consists in address- ing letters to them with their proper titles; in writing to them on occasions of condolence and congratulation ; going out to meet them when they pay a visit; sending a person of sufficient rank to invite them to an entertainment; presenting them with the proper number of articles of dress and of jewels (which number is regulated by previous entertainment of the same kind given by them); helping them. to perfumes and beetle in the form prescribed for persons of the highest rank, and other trifling ceremonies of the same nature. 12. The only general rules that I would suggest for the future regarding the Chiefs are that no alterations regarding the police, the customs, the mints, and similar branches of the administration of the jagheers which may be thought to affect the interests of Government may be attempted without the free consent of the Jagheerdars, That theºd ustment of disputes among the Jagheerdars and other affairs of importance relating to them should be considered as of a political nature, and conducted under the specific qºders of Govern- ment, and should not be managed as a distinct affair according to the * © . , ordinary regulations. * • And that the Political Agent, or officers hereafter employed to manage our affairs with the Jagheerdars, should transact business directly with them or their Vakeels, and not through a native agent, still less any neighbouring amildar. O . 13. I am induced to enter so fully into these subjects by my sense of the importance of preserving the privileges of Chiefs whose friendship we have acknowledged, as well as to show how much is gained by attachment to our Government as for the general advantage of having some portion of the old nobility of the country flourishing and contended. I likewise believe that in addition to the real diffi- culties of avoiding disputes with Chiefs of this description, there arises, when their former situation and the nature of their claims ( clxxvi ) come to be a little known, a disposition to regard them as useless encumbrances on the revenue, and obstructions to the course of the Regulations, and to consider it as desirable that their lands should be resumed. © From such a disposition, and even from the lapse of time, the letter of the present engagements may be remembered when the manner in which it was proposed te enforce them is forgotten, to guard against which I would venture to suggest that any explana- tions which the Most Noble the Governor-General may think neces- sary, for preserving the spirit of the agreements should be communi- cated as permanent rules.for the guidance of the Government under whom the Chiefs are severally to be placed, and that this principle should be extended to the whole of the Jagheerdars who are left in possession of theirskands. 14. To conclude the subject of the settlement with the Putwurdhuns, it is desirable, though I have held out no such hopes that their services should not be required for a year or two, to enable them to recover the expenses and 18sses of the late war and the defalcations of the preceding year, in which they remitted a great portion of their rents on account of the badness of the eseason. It is likewise desirable that they should appear to gain by their willingness to serve, more than Chintamon Row by his reputgnance to the service. After that period it is desirable that they should be occasionally called out to prevent the rights of Government from falling into disuse; but it is not likely that their services will be oſtén required. Under this view it is apparent that the Putwurdhuns will gain much by their connection with us; but on the other hand we shall derive from them much more tºfficient service than they have ever afforded since the commencement of the confusions in the Maratha empire. 15. Besides the settlement of their relation to the public, I have had many communications with the Putwurdhuns qm their family disputes. It would be tedious to enter into the details of all these differences, but it is necessary that something should be fixed regard- ing the principle on which they all originate. This is the practice introduced by Bajee Row among the family of Putwurdhuns of dividing the jagheer of each Chief on his death among his sons. ( clxxvii ) This measure, from its conformity to the Hirºdoo laws regarding private property, and from its having been acted on of late, is perhaps thought more equitable in that family than the plan of leaving the whole in the hands of the elder branch. On the other hand, the former custom of the Putwurdhuns, and that of most other Jagheer- dars, would easily reconcile people to the establishment of the opposite practice, if thought more expedient by Government, and I have worded the article rendering the jagheers hereditary in such a manner as to leave the point still open for decision. If it is thought conducive to the adyantage of the country to keep up large estates, they cannot be placed in better hands than those of the Putwurdhuns whose liberal and judicious mānagement of their ryots is the theme of universal praise, and whose jagheers are probably not surpassed in prosperity by any part of the Company's territories. On the other hand, if it is thought better for the country and safer for the State to break down the jagheers into small portions, we have only to leave the rules at present established to their own operation. Our doing so will, however, be attended with the inconvenience that the family we wish to preserve will soon be lost in a crowd of petty landholders, and that the expense of maintaining so many proprietors will swallow up the funds allotted to the maintenance of the contingent due to Government. O O O Many restraints may be put on the principle of division, if it is thought best to allow it to operate only partially. The present members of the families must in any case be allowed their share, but the Chief may”hereafter be given a larger proportion than the others, as was done by Rajee Row in the case of Chintamon Row, to whose younger brother he gave only two-thirds of the share he left with the elder. This rule if kept up would protract the extinction of the family, and might be strengthened by a rule imposing a limit below which the jagheer of the Chief was not to be allowed to be requced by divisions or all further divisions, after the present generations, might at once be forbidden. I beg to be honoured with instructions on this head. 16. The following is the present state of the Putwurdhuns’ family and its claimants to share :- - 23 pu O e e s ( clºxviii ) Chintamon Row of Sanglee has only one son, Gunput Row, and no claimant to share. Gunput Row of Meeruch is an infant." The claimants to a share of his jagheer are his uncles Mahadoo Row and Gopal Row, and the three sons of his deceased uncle Govind Row. Their names are Keshew Row,” Wamun Row, and Gungadhur Row. His brother Moroba will have a claim to half of what is left after"the above three shares are assigned. Q Gopal Row of Jamkhundee has no son, but his cousin Govind Roy Nana has a very fair claim to an equal shake of his lands. The whole was divided into three parts by the Peshwa during the life of Appa Sahib, father of Gopal Row, and one share was given to Gunput Row, Appa Sahib's youngest brother. His second brother, Mahadoo Row, father of Govind Row, declined taking his share, but the right to it still remains vested in his son. • . " Gunput Row of Tasgaum, son of Purslºeram Bhow, and brother to Appa Sahib, has no issue. - Keshew Row of Koorundwar has two sons, who will claim equal shares on his death. Bajee Row gave half his lands to his grand-uncle, Gunput Row of Shedbal, though he had no right to "share even on the principles of divisions established by that prince”himself. The sons of his grºund; uncle, Shew Row, might claim to share with him, but they are represented to have long since given up their claim for a fixed allowance, and they have never applied for a diyision. Gunput of Shedbal has no issue, but is desirous of adopting one of the two young men last mentioned. It is alleged, however, that the Hindoo law requires him to adopt the sºn of Keshew Row, which would bring baek the property to the family from which he wrongfully obtained it. The possessions of the Putwurdhuns and the number of horse they were formerly bound to furnish and that due on the present footing are shown in the annexed table, which, though not scrupulously exact, from the want of records, is suffici- ently so for the present purpose. 17. Besides the Putwurdhuns several other Jagheerdars came to visit me at Bagulcote. . The Brahmin Chiefs of Nurgoond and Ramdroog, the former of whom has a jagheer of Rs. 90,000 and the * This name should be Kristma---(vide Genealogical Table.) ( clxxix ) latter of Rs. 75,000, free of all tributes and service, were among the number, as were the Chiefs of Moodhole and Beelghy, both members of the Ghorepuray family. These two Chiefs hold their lands by grants of the Kings of Beejapoor, which have been respected by the Marathas. The former has Rs. 1,50,000 for the service of 75 horses and the latter Rs. 25,000 for his personal service. 18. The "son of Rutnakor Punt, the late minister of the Raja of Kolapore, likewise paid me a visit. He has been in rebellion for more than two years in the strong fort of Bhudderghur, of which the Raja was anxious tº dispossess him, and he came to ascertain what part the British Government would take if he resisted a force" the Raja is preparing to send against him. I told him that if he were so successful as to Ocaasion any serious disturbance in the Raja’s country the British Government would be compelled by its treaty to act against him, as he has not a shadow of right. . On this he offered to give tip the fort if allowed a certain pension, for which the Raja of Kolapore's Wakeel engaging, he proceeded to Kolapore to make his submission to the Raia. 19. I expect to meet the Raja of Akulcote, Gunput Row Putwurdhun" and Balla Sahib Rastia at Beejapoor. O I have the honour to be, &c. O (Signed) M. ELPHINSTONE. Camp at Mahommedpoor, 7h June 1819. - © . No. 584. O To Mr.Secretary METCALFE. SIR,-Gunput Row Putwurdhun having met me at Beejapoor, I took the opportunity of entering on an adjustment of his affairs. His situation was different from that of the others, both as he was not included in the terms of Punderpoor, and as he alone had COIl- cluded a preliminary agreement with Brigadier General Mumtö. 2. The first step I took after an exchange of visits and entertain- ments was to draw up a series of decisions on the various articles which remained to be fulfilled or rejected. This document was in the form of a letter to Gunput Row; but to make it clearer I have thrown “ ( clxxx ) the whole into the fºrm of a table, containing, in three columns, Gunput Row's demands, General Munro's answers, and my final decision on each head. The translation of the demands and answers will in some instances be found to differ from that transmitted in my letter to Mr. Chaplin, dated 18th March. In such cases I believe the present translation to be the most exact. 3. In the discussion which followed the commutnication of my sentiments, Gunput Row at first objected to my decision on the 3rd, 4th, 6th, and 18th articles. With respect to the 4th, I explained that although not entitled to share by his agreement with General Munro, he was entitled in consequence of promises which I had formerly made to him with the consent of his relations; and on the other articles he at length admitted the justice of the decision. He held out on the 13th article, contending that the term, “come to the assistance of the Company,” put him on the footing of an ally and exempted him from service. I answered that to his demand for an exemption from service General Mtmro had replied by stating the manner in which he was to serve, and that the particular word “assist- ance” was not enough to set aside the obvious spirit of the whole answer; that, moreover, the word “assistance', was not applied to him or to future transactions, but to the Company's practite in general with all who owed it service. Gunput Row at length admitted this interpretation; hé also admitted that although the term of ten or fifteen years was specified to mark the peculiar nature of the war on which he was to be called out, yet such wars might happen more frequently and might last long. He therefore wished for some precise stipulation that he should not.be employed abºve one year in ten, or that he should serve at all times with a femih of his horse. Both of these propositions were rejected as injurious to “the Govern- ment and disproportioned to the terms imposed on the other Chiefs. At length I offered an addition to his lands to the extent proposed in my letter of 18th March, and after a little decision, in which Gunput Row showed some anxiety for an increase in the amount, but much more for a promise that none of his relations should have an equal gratification, I agreed to giye him Rs. 30,000, the sum proposed for the other Chiefs with whom, by this agreement, he puts himself entirely on a level, and he withdrew all his objections to any grant ( clºxxi ) • that might be made to the others and all rights ſo participate in the benefits they might derive from them. He made some slight objection to the other article of the agreement and-introduced some trifling alterations, but on the whole he expressed himself highly satisfied with the settlement, and very grateful for the favour shown him. 4. I took this occasion to introduce a clause to provide for the adjustment of his disputes with Gopal Row. The amount given on account of Bhose will be deducted from the proposed grant to Gopal Row, I beg leave to recommend Gunput Row’s application for a portion of land at ‘Benares to the favourable consideration of. His Excellency the Most Noble tha Governor-Ganeral. I have the honour to enclose a translation of the agreement. - 5. Gunput Row was the first of the Chiefs whe seriously entered on a .settlement *with ...the British Government, and he rikewise recalled his horse to Tasgaum some time before the others took so decided a part. By the present agreement he retains no advantage over the rest, and when the others receive the additions intended to their jagheers, it may be expedient to make some further addition, though on a small scale, to his. º - O 6. This being the last of the Putwurdhuns w?th whom we have to settle, it is necessary to consider the sort of sunnud to be furnished to them accºrding to the stipulation in all the agreements. Is will be convenient to postpone the issue of this sunnud until the lands about to be granted are settled; but this is a convehient place for noticing the fºrm that would suit best with their expectation and the custom of this part of India. With this view I would suggest that sunnuds should be issued in the name of the Chiefs, declaring that they were confirmed in the lands which they held of the Peshwa and those since granted, on the conditions specified in the agreement just concluded with them. - O 7. To facilitate the preparation of this instrument I have the honour to annex the name of each Chief, and the date of the agree- ment concluded with him. The Sunmud will, of course, be in the languages usually employed by Government, and not in Marathi:-- | wº-r - U * ( clxxxii ) I. Chintamon Row Pandoorung Putwurdhum ; date of agree- ment, 15th May 1819, Rejeb 19th, II. Gumput Row Narayen Putwurdhun; dated 6th June 1819, Shaubaun 12th. © O III. Gopal Ramchunder Putwurdhun; dated 6th June 1819, Shaubaum 12th. IV. Gunput Row Pursheram Putwurdhun ; dated 17th June 1819, Shaubaun 23rd. • - V. Kristna Row Trimbuk Putwurdhun ; dated 6th June 1819, Shaubaum 12th. - V.I. Gunput Row Conair; dated 6th June 1819, Shanbaum 12th. 8. At Beejapoor I-likewise met Futteh Sing Bhosla, the Raja of Akulcote. This personage is a distant relation of the Raja of Sattara, and as such was always treated with particular respect by the Peshwa. I of course showed him similar attention, going out to meet him when he approached the city. His jagheer aneunts by his own accounts to Rs. 3,70,000, of which Akulcote, yielding Rs. 1,50,000, and 6 villages.yielding in all Rs. 20,000, are in his possession. Vari- ous collections in the Peshwa's territery, amounting to Rs. 50,000, are now sequestrated, and I promised they should be restored. His rights in the Nizam's country, amounting to Rs. 1,50,000, I long since informed his Wakeel, and now repeated, could not be restored. I also ascertained.his wishes as to being under the British Govern- ment or the Raja of Sattara, and find he preferred the latter, which agree with His Excellency the Most Noble the Governor-General’s wishes. He, however, professed the utmost readiness to serve the British Government with zeal if that arrangement should be preferred. 9. Balla Sahib Rastia also camé to Beejapoºr and visited me twice, but as I was unwilling to give him hopes of recovering his jag- heer, I did not accept of an entertainment from him as from the rest. 10. Among other visitors at Beejapoor was Rainkee Bye, a lady who is now as the head of the family of Duphly, and possesses a jaghèer rated at Rs. 1,50,000 under a grant from the Kings of Dehi. She is bound to furnish some horse, regarding which I shall settle on reaching Poona. O I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) M. ELPHINSTONE. Camp at Moochindee, 17th June 1819. . wº STATE MENT showing the Putwurdhuns’ Revenue, Contingents, &c. O Chiefs' Names. Revenue. cºme cºe. REMARKS. Asia. Q O w O O © © O O CP Rs. Rs. Rs. O O - O O Chintamon Row of Sanglee . . . . . . . . . . 6,34,000 1,800 450 , | Commuted for territory. Gumput Row of Meeruch........... 4,95,000 1,210 302 || His quêta of horse is out of proportion to his rêvenue, on account of deduction made on his 9riginal agree- Gopal Row of Jamkhundee 4, 14,000 1,146 386 ment for the expenses of the fort of Meeruch. Gunput Row of Tasgaum. . . . . . . . . .”.. 1,99,000 573 •. . . . Not yet settled with. - * - O Keshew Row of Koorundwar . . . . . . . . 1,43,000 450 114 This is after deducting the revenue of the purgunmas of Sumpgaum and Bageewaree, the amount of which will be made up to him. On the other hand has C other claims which may prevent the exceeding 120.* - e e \ Gumput Row of Shedbal . . . . . . . . . 1,43,000 450 1 || 4 The same retnarks apply to this chief. -* Q O 20,28,000 5,629 916 * O - e e " 143 | . This will be added if Gumput Row accepts the arrange- O ment of furnishing a fourth. - O © e & & 1,059 | * * This passage is printed as transcribed. There is evidently some clerical error which it is too late to rectify. O - * ( clzxxiv ) To W. CHARLIN, Esq. Poona, 16th August 1819. © *>ee. SIR,--I have now the honour to acquaint you with the arrange- ment which I think most expedient for completing the grant of land of which hopes have been so long held out to the Putwurdhuns. 2. The land ought, I conceive, to be granted as personal tainat, and the following appear to me on the whole to be the fairest propor- tions in which to assign it:— - e Mahadoo Row of Meeruch . . . . * . . . . ... • Rs. 20,000 * Gopal Row . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , 10,000 Chintamon Row ". . . . . . . . . . .". . . . . . . . , 30,000 - Gopal Row of Jamkhundee ; . . . . . . . . . . . » 30,000 - Govind Row of Chinchnee . . . . . . . . . . . . , , 10,000 Gunput Rów of Tasgaum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... 40,000 Keshew Row of Koorundwar . . . . . ..s . . . , 30,000 Gunput Row Conair. . . . . . ‘. . . . . . . . . . . . , 20,000 ºf-ae º sº- O Rupees. I,90,000 Gunput Row, the sirdar of Meeruch, and the son of his deceased uncle Govind Row, may be thought to have a claim to taimats as well as their unclés Mahadoo Row and Gopal Row, but the present grants are in consideration of the good conduct of the Chiefs to whom they are made, and consequently cannot be extended to children who had no share in the transactions which led to them. On the same principle Göpal Row of Meeruch receives less than his brother, who has hitherto retained the entire managément of the jagheer. 4. Chintamon Row being the senior branch of the family of Meeruch, and having received on that account a larger share of the jagheer, cannot be offered a less tainat than that branch. 5. . Gopal Row and Govind Row appear at first, sight entitled to the same gratification, but as Govind Row must receive an equal share of the jagheer according to the practice already established by Bajee Row, it is but just tº allow the head of the family some compensation in this shape for the unavoidable expenses which his superiority draws on him. *, , W - ( clºxxv ) 6. The largeness of the sum allotted to Guñput Row of Tasgaum is accounted for by the necessity of compensating for the advantages he had gained in his agreement with General Munro and subsequently renounced ; and also of rewarding him for his decision in entering into such an agreement without balancing between our party and the Peshwa's. Rs. 30,000, however, is the whole tainat. Rs.8,000 is compensation for Bhoza and for a share of Ammapoor, and this sum is in reality given to Gopal Row and Govind Row, who would other- wise have been obliged to pay it, Rs. 2,000 is imam for the temple at Tasgaum, and must be givy.according to that tenure. • Q 7. The grant of Rs. 30,000 to Keshew Row and Rs. 20,000 to Gunput Row Konair is a compensation for Sumpgaum and Bagee- warrée, to which the family is fairly entitled. Rs. 10,000 additional is granted to Keshew Row as the elder branch, who has lost consi- derably by the panſition to which in strictness Gunput Röw had no claim, although the Peshwa's sunnud is now a bar to any question of his title. It may be stated to Gunput , Row that as Sump- gaum and Bageewarree were never given up to him by the Peshwa, it would perhaps be strict justice to leave those districts with Keshew Row; that in granting him a share therefore the Government feels itself compelled to make a compensation to Keshew. Row by a grant of Rs. 10,000 tainat. - º ... • 8. These grants ought of course to be made in such a manner as to consolidate the jagheers of the Putwurdhuns. It is particularly desirable that their lands should be as little mixed as possible with those of the -Raja of Sattara, and any villages you may find it necessary to give up for that purpose can be made up by giving villages to the. Raja in the sequestrated jagheers of Rastia and Gokla. On this subject I beg you will have the goodness to correspond fully with Captain Grant. • * 9. A promise has been made to Gunput Row of Tasgaum that the Government share of Akulcote and Billowree, of which he already possesses half, shall be given as part of his tainat. Rs. 500 of his tainat is also to be given in the Concan. * - - If Gopal Row is not anxious to keep Bhoze, that also is to be given to Gunput Row, the other receiving the stipulated indemnity, 24 pº O ! . ( cl: xxvi ) Gunput Row is desiróus that his lands should either be near Belgaum (which is inadmissible) or at Kasseegaum near Walwa and Serralleh, of the expediency of which I cannot judge. . O 10. To conclude Gunput Row's claims in one place, I beg you will have the goodness either to continue the offices (assaumees) stipulated for by Gunput Row to the holders, or to grant them equal emoluments in money, as you think best. I believe he has given you a list of them. O O li. Gopal Row of Jamkhundee is desirous to have the Desh- mockhee of that district, and if not entitled to it on other grounds, it may be granted under this head ; but you will no doubt be disposed in all cases to accommodate the Sirdars when you can do it without inconvenience. O . Q e 6 12. All the lands must be valued according to their actual - Q I’0 VGI]ll G.S. O © 13. With regard to the claims of Government on the Putwur- dhuns, the rules contained in my lettº of 18th March are still appli- cable as far as they go; but I apprehend that few of the claims that are not enforced at the time of settlement at Punderpoºr can be very well founded. The Peshwa had then the power, and hènever wanted the will, to take all he was entitled to. O The grant to the Dessaee of Kittoor does not prove the land or revenue granted to be really the Peshwa's, as all sorts of pretensions are included in that grant with the double object of deceiving the Kittoorkūr and harrassing the Putwurdhuns. - 14. I take this opportunity of mentioning a claim on the part of Keshew Row for the whole or a part of the villages of Moonglee and Borottee in the purgunna of Myndurgee. The first of these has been recently usurped by the Raja of Akulcote, and the other by Appa, Dessaee. Should these claims appear to be well founded, your influence with those chiefs would be employed to proture restoration. 15. These are all the arrangements at present required for the Putwurdhuns, except Somg for which application must be made to the Government of Bombay, Copies of the letters written regarding them will be sent to you. - * ( bowl \ 16. As soon as the grants are completed, and the lands to be resumed, as being held without authority, settled, I beg you will have the goodness to forward a list of all the fºſſils of all descriptions to be held by the Putwurdhuns. This list after being compared in the Duftur at Poona will be forwarded to Fort William, and inserted in a sunnud under the seal of His Excellency the Most Noble the Governor-General. 17. It has already been settled by General Munro that Appa Dessaee is tº receive full compensation for the mokassa which he actually collected in the yizam's country. His conduct since, his submission entitles him to the fulfilment of this promise, and it does not seem necessary to watt for a final agreement with His Highness the Nizam, who can give a compensation if it should appear that this payment ought, as intended by General Munro, to wast with him. The compensation" may be given in land out of Rastia’s” or Gokla's jagheers on this side of the Kristma. 18. When the compensation is given the terms of Appa Des- Saee's service may be fixed. They may be the same as those granted to the Putwurdhuns, and the extent of his contingent will depend on the number of horse that his jagheer will maintain after deducting his personal lands, one-fourth of the whole number is "now to be required. © O 19. Appa Dessate is anxious to receive an equivalent in the Carnatic, or, near it, for his lands to the northward, which are sup- posed to be of the nominal value of two lakhs of rupees. "This wish may be considered, and perhaps the equivalent may be found among the jagheer lants in the Raja of Sattara's country, so as to occasion no expense to the British Government. 20. I beg you to correspond with Captain Grant on this subject, and have the honour to enclose a copy of a letter I have addressed to that officer. It is desirable that all grants out of the country on this side of the Kristna should be made as soon as possible to allow of our coming to a final settlement with the Raja of Sattara. Should a sufficient sum remain out of the country now under Mr. Nisbet after these claims are satisfied, it may be given to the Pritineedhee (to be | • exch ) held of the Raja) as an indemnity for his pecuniary claims on the districts south of the Kristma. - 21. To enable you to form a correct judgment on these subjects, I have the honour to enclose an abstract of the amount of personal jagheers which are to be restored within the country under your charge on the left bank of the Kristma. © 22. Besides the Putwurdhuns and Appa Dessaee there are some other Jagheerdars in the country under your charge with which I think agreements might immediately be concluded. The following is the information which is foºd regårding them in the Peshwa's duftur. • O - - O - 23. Mallojee Gorepuray’s jagheer of Moodhole is estimated at a lakh of rupees (ºut the amount is not accurately known, as it was in his possession before the rise of the Maratha government or was never resumed.) He has besides imams to the anbūnt of Rs. 7,541. The Peshwa imposed on him the duty of serving with 150 horse, but it is understood that he never served with more than 75, and then received pay. This account is corroborated by that which you transmitted, by which it appears that he served during"peace with 25 and during war 75 horse, receiving Rs. 12 a horse as Inonthly pay. O 24. Ramchunder Row of Bailgy's jagheer is rated in the duftur at Rs. 56,350. He is charged with no horse in the duftur, though it appears he served in the last war with 20 or'25. Probably he furnished a share of those due by the Moodhole Chief, of whºse jagheer hſs once formed part. 25. The jagheers of Ramdroog" and Nurgoºn, were formerly one, and were required in the time of Ballajee Bajee Row to furnish 225 horse. The jagheer was divided by Bajee Row. Rs. 79,500 was granted to each on condition of furnishing, the Ramdroog Chief 113, and the Nurgoond 112. They did not, however, furnish them on ordinary occasions, probably only during great wars. 26. You will be able on this information to fix the number of horse with which each Chief is to serve, allowing a liberal attention to the claims of the Chiefs, as the right to their horse is of importance to mark their relations to the Government than for any real service Chºi, , they will ever perform. The rest of the agreements with them may be framed on that with Chintamon Row, excepting the 1st article. Changes of expression may be necessary ſh account of their greater dignity, and if custom should require relaxation in our claims of sovereignty over them (which, however, I do not apprehend), greater care must be taken to do away all pretension on their part to a right to carry on any intercourse with foreign states. s The cases of the Baye of Jutt and the Raja of Akulcote are purposely omitted on this occasion. . * A I have the honour to be, &c. - • (Signed) . M. ELPHINSTONE. c No. 680. • e To MR-GHer Secretary WARDEN. • e SIR,-In consequence of the orders received from the Honour- able the Governor in Council, I addressed Chintamon Row a letter which led to his compliance With the requisition to repair to General Pritzler's camp, and his delivery of the duplicate of his acknowledg- ment of his allegianče to Government. Chintamon Row sent an answer to my letter through General Pritzler, which has therefore reached me somewhat later than it would have done by the direct course. It is written in his usual style, and I should not have thought it necessary to trouble you with a copy of it had it not been for the concluding paragraph in which he requests, with perfect in- difference, that the new terms which are promised should be made out in the name of his son, leaving it uncertain whether or not he wishes them to be renewed at all in his own." It is evident that this chief will never consent to relinquish the privilege which he assumes to himself of adopting an improper tone of language, but this might be “overlooked if we were quite sure of the sincerity of his late submission." The Wakeel at Sanglee informs me, however, that Chintamón Row makes no secret of declaring that the late acknowledgment was given on compulsion; that he signed it within the given time merely to save himself from degradation; that the violent and unjust extortion * For the “new terms” granted a few months subsequently see Appendix C. . Q | O ( º of this document will be inquired into in Calcutta. . The whole tenor of this chief's conduct induces me to believe that the wakeel has not exaggerated these declarations, which evince a spirit still exceed- ingly contumacious. - O Chintanon Row states that he has sent to his Vakeel at Poona orders for the release of the lands which were called for as the equivalent of the service of one-fourth of his contingent, but the Vakeel has at present shown to me such orders only as refer to lands most inconveniently situated, which are evidently selected as being the very worst of his jagheek and which he desires to relinquish at the tunka value instead of their actual produce as stipulated at Belgaum. I have accordifigly declined receiving them, and shall insist upon the relinquishment of a moiety at least that may be so placed with reference to locaſ circumstances as may render e © e º e 2 & their acquisition desirable to Government, leaving the other half to his own choice. • * 0 e I take this occasion to inform the Honourable the Governor in Council that I have called upon all the Putwurdhun family to relin- quish the use of their present official séal, which, like that of Chin- tamon Row's affixed to his last letter, bears the inscriptiºn of “May Gunesh protect me ! O The eternal hearty well-wisher at the feet of, the Punt Prudhan, Chintamon Row, the son of Pandoorung ROW.” I trust this measure which I propose to adopt generally with respect to all Jagheerdars will meet the approbation of the Honour. able the Governor in Council. © I havé the honour to be, &c. 4. ſº O O (Signed) W. CHAPLIN. Poona, 28th November 1819. O - TRANSLATION. O Letter from CHINTAMON Row to W. CHAPLIN, Esq. AFTER COMPLIMENTs, - - - - - General Pritzler Bahadoor forwarded to me your letter of the 19th Mohurrum, I accordingly signed and sealed the paper and J Kc1 ) º \ O wºr Q e * O - delivered it to him. I had also an interview with him. You wrote to me to send the orders of release of villages (sirchitties) according to a separate list. J have addressed my V º of the subject and have sent “sirchitties” of all the mahals, which he will deliver to you. The Company’s Sirkar had done me the kindness to sign and Seal a paper stipulating that my family honour and good name should suffer no diminution, and confirming to me under the Company all my rights..and dignities as I had enjoyed them under the Peshwa. It also directed me to represent anything I might have to state, and promised that my representations should be attended to, and complied with as far as might be *... that on no account should I suffer detriment, but that all due support and assistance should be afforded to mºe.' d These were the contents of the paper, and i quote them accord- ingly, for if I had departed from their meaning how would the circumstances upon intuiry have been approved of? It was your part to have examined the contents of what I wrote and either con- firmed or rejected them as you conceived most consistent with wisdom. I should not have objected to your decision, but heavy matters have befallen (extraordinary steps have been taken) without having in any way offended against the Company's Government. You will con- sider whether this was merited or not. If you please to continue to my son the agreement contained in the paper which was signed and sealed, you may do so as you may judge proper.—Compliments. • Dated, the 25th Mohurritºm 1820. ** **-*-*-------------.... -- . BoM BAY. PRINTED AT THE EDUCATION, Society’s PRESS; 1; YCUſ, L.A. * - * * - - , . • , ; : , • • - - * \ • `-- .* iº • III.iii. º & rº-º- º gº sº sº a zºº ...” S.S. gº sº cº-º-º- Nº. º. º.º.º. *** * * * ºf -º º .g. º: º º * * * * º * - sº ºr a sº tº ºf tºº º º * . . . * * * * - º ſº º º' ºf , sº *.* **::::::::..º. 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