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THE GIFT OF
W. J. Hammill

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EDITED BY
JOHN T. MORSE, JR.






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ALEXANDER HAMILTON
BY
HENRY CABOT LODGE
:
-
B O ST ON
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY
NEW YORK : 11 EAST SEVENTEENTH STREET
(The Rivergüe |}regg, Cambridge


1883
Copyright, 1882,
BY HENRY CABOT LODGE,
All rights reserved.
The Riverside Press, Cambridge:
Stereotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton and Company.



-- " - º ºf -
//7, 3 ºr -
C O N T ENTS.
–0-
CHAPTER I.
PAº
Boy Hood AND YouTH . o o o e o e l
CHAPTER II.
THE REvoluTION . • o o e - - • 13
CHAPTER III.
LAW AND POLITICS o - e - e e • 32
CHAPTER IV.
THE CONSTITUTION - e - - e - . 50
CHAPTER V.
THE TREASURY AND THE FINANCIAL Policy . • 84
CHAPTER VI.
THE RESULTS OF THE FINANCIAL POLICY - • 117
CHAPTER VII.
PARTY CONTESTs . - - - - - - • 136
| CHAPTER VIII.
For EIGN RELATIONS AND THE MAINTENANCE of THE
AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT . - - • 153



VI CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IX.
PAGE
THE JAY TREATY AND THE ADAMs ADMINISTRATION 188
-
CHAPTER X.
PROFESSIONAL LIFE. – DUEL AND DEATH . - . 237
APPENDIX o e - - º - - • - 285




ALEXANTDER HAMIT TON.
CHAPTER I.
BOYHOOD AND YOUTH.
ON the eleventh day of January in the year
1757, the wife of a Scotch merchant in the isl-
and of Nevis gave birth to a son, who received
the name of Alexander Hamilton. Many vary-
ing elements were mingled in this boy. He was
a British subject born in the tropics, Scotch
on his father's side and of French Huguenot
descent on his mother's. To this conjunction
many of the qualities which Hamilton exhib-
ited in after life may be traced. But that which
strikes us most at the outset is his extraordi-
ºnary precocity; his mind and character seemed
to partake of the nature of those luxuriant
tropical plants which in a few months attain a
growth permitted only after years of conflict
and care in the harsher climate of the North.
Upon the childhood of Hamilton even the ex-
haustive and devoted labors of his son and biog-
rapher, Mr. John C. Hamilton, fail to throw
* See Appendix, Note A.


2 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
|
|
-
sort of education, and by whom he was placed
much light. His mother, who apparently pos-
sessed an unusual degree of wit and beauty,
died early. His father was unsuccessful in busi-
ness, and Alexander, the only surviving child,
fell to the care of maternal relations, among
whom he picked up a rude, odd, and desultory
in a counting-room before he was twelve years
old.
There at his clerkly desk we catch the first
clear glimpse of the future statesman in the
well-known letter addressed to his friend Ed-
ward Stevens: “I contemn the grovelling con-
dition of a clerk, or the like,” he says, “to which
my fortune condemns me, and would willingly
risk my life though not my character, to exalt
my station. I am confident, Ned, that my youth
excludes me from any hopes of immediate pre-
ferment, nor do I desire it; but I mean to pre-
pare the way for futurity.” The expression
savors of the grandiloquence of the last cent-
ury, but the thought is natural and even sober,
and is moreover that of a man, and yet it was
uttered by a boy who had not passed his thir-
teenth birthday. At the same tender age he
was left in charge of his employer's affairs,
and some of his correspondence of that time
has been preserved to us. These clear and
sensible letters of business have nothing in




EARLY LIFE. 3
themselves unusual, but it is not a little re-
markable that they should be the work of a
lad whose contemporaries were studying the
rudiments of grammar on school benches, and
whose capacity was great enough not only to
write such letters but practically to manage on
his own responsibility the concerns of a consid-
erable merchant.
In the intervals of his office work Hamilton
read and wrote much ; Pope and Plutarch, we
are told, were his favorite authors, and to his
exercises in composition was due the publica-
tion of a vivid account of a severe hurricane
which raged with devastating force in the West
Indies. This literary effort attracted a good
deal of attention, especially among those vague
relatives to whom the boy's interests were in-
trusted, and by them it was decided that so
much talent deserved wider opportunities than
could be found in a West Indian counting-
house. Funds were provided, and in his fif-
teenth year Hamilton bade a final adieu to his
birthplace and took ship for Boston, where he
arrived in October, 1772. Thence he proceeded
to New York where; thanks to letters from the
excellent Dr. Knox, a Presbyterian clergyman
of Nevis, and one of the boy's earliest friends,
he found wise and good counsellors. By their
advice he entered a grammar School of some


4 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
note at Elizabethtown, where he extended his
acquaintance, and where during the winter he
pursued his studies with the fiery and unrest-
ing energy so characteristic of him throughout
his life. At odd moments he indulged in his/
-
propensity for writing. He produced not only
prose but poetry, including hymns, elegies, and
verses of all sorts, which were not without the
merit inseparable from the work of an active,
fresh, and fertile mind. At the end of the year
he was ready for college. His first thought was
for Princeton, but, as he characteristically pro-
posed to go through the course as rapidly as he
could without regard to classes, the rules of the
college would not permit his admittance, and he
entered King's College in New York, where he
prosecuted his studies with the aid of a private
tutor as fast as he wished. In the university as
at School he threw himself heart and soul into
his work, gathering up knowledge with quick
apprehension, while the tireless activity of his
mind continually sent his thoughts ranging into
other and wider fields of finance, government,
and politics. It was then his custom of an after-
noon, as we are told, to walk under the shadow of
the trees on Batteau Street, plunged in thought
and talking eagerly to himself. The passers-by
would turn to look at the small, slight youth,
still a mere boy in appearance, dark of skin,







JEARLY LIFE. 5
and with deep-set eyes; and those who knew the
“young West Indian,” as he was called, already
speculated about him vaguely as people are
wont to do about those who give or seem to give
obvious promise of an illustrious future. But
while Hamilton was leading the reflective life
of a student, and meditating beneath the shadow
of the trees, imbued perhaps with the “pro-
phetic soul of the wide world, dreaming of
things to come,” a great revolution was swiftly
coming to its crisis about him.
Successful men are those who take advantage
of their opportunities, for opportunities are not
made by men but for them. Hamilton, we
may be sure, would have taken full advantage
of any and every opportunity, but he had the
good fortune to have a great one opened to him.
The question was which side in the gathering
conflict he would espouse. It seemed perhaps
more difficult to Hamilton to decide then than
it does to us to decide for him now ; and yet
his choice was simple and his selection inev-
itable. He was singularly free in making his
decision. He was born, it is true, in a little Eng- ||
lish dependency and had always been a provin-
cial, but he had no family in New York to warp
or incumber him, his ties of friendship were
new and probably as much with one side as
the other, and he was to all intents and pur-

6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
poses his own master. A visit in the spring of
1774 to Boston, the hot-bed of resistance to
England and possessing an atmosphere very
different from that of New York, where the
Tories were in the ascendant, probably affected
him not a little, and led him to a close examina-
tion of the all-absorbing controversy. He him-
self tells us that he had formed “strong preju-
dices on the ministerial side until he became
convinced by the superior force of the argu-
ments in favor of the colonial claims.” This
explanation is exceedingly characteristic and
highly instructive. His masterful temper and
innate love and respect for government, order,
and strong rule dictated his prejudices. His
clear, vigorous mind, and his profound belief in
reasoning and argument, which so prevailed with
him always, showed him plainly that the Col-
onies were in the right. But after every allow-
ance for the conviction brought by reason, an
instinctive sense of what must be the true path
for him to follow undoubtedly played a large
part in Hamilton's decision. He was young,
unknown, an adventurer in a strange land, and
burning with a lofty ambition. The world was
before him, and his fortune, which he meant
should be a great one, was to be made. Consti-
tuted authority and a continuity of government
offered at best but little to the most successful



RESISTANCE TO ENGLAND. 7
provincial. Change, revolution, and war might
bring almost anything in the way of military
or civic glory. He chose rightly, and he also
chose wisely when he cast in his lot with the
opponents of England.
New York was in possession of the Tories.
The Assembly was ministerial, narrow-minded,
and with a majority controlled by the home gov-
ernment. Upon this Assembly, in order to force
New York into line with the other colonies now
preparing for the first Congress, it was decided
to bring what in these days would be called
“pressure.” With this purpose a great meet-
ing in the fields was held on July 6, 1774, un-
der the auspices of the patriot leaders. Ham-
ilton was present listening to the orators. Like
the boy Pitt under the gallery of the House
of Commons, Hamilton was impressed by what
was left unsaid far more than by all the rhet-
oric of the speakers. Filled with the belief
that he could supply the omissions which he
detected, he made his way to the platform and
stood before the people. There were a few mo-
ments of youthful embarrassment and hesita-
tion, while the crowd stared at the audacious
boy, and then nature asserted itself and his
words flowed unchecked. Hamilton was never
eloquent in the sense in which Chatham or
Mirabeau or Henry were eloquent, for he had



8 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
not the imaginative and poetical temperament.
But he had the eloquence of sound reason and
clear logic, combined with great power and lu-
cidity of expression, and backed by a strong and
passionate nature. As he poured out with all
his young fervor thoughts long pent up in his
breast, we can well believe that the crowd, mur-
muring “it is a collegian it is a collegian!”
were deeply stirred by the oratory of one who
spoke so well, although he was a stranger and
in appearance a mere boy.
Once embarked, Hamilton was too honor-
able, too high-minded, and too thoroughly sat-
isfied of the soundness of his convictions ever
to waver or turn back, and tempting offers from
the other side at a later day, when his value and
his powers were better known, passed idly by
him. He was not only firm of purpose but
having taken his part he pushed on in every
direction open to him with his accustomed zeal.
In those days public opinion was formed and
the power of the press exerted through pam-
phlets or by essays addressed to the printer, and
published by him in his newspaper as com-
munications. The ablest men of the country
employed these channels to reach the public
mind, and great importance was attached to
such productions. Two tracts of considerable
force assailing Congress and its measures, and


WRITES AGAINST ENGLAND. 9
written by two of the ablest writers on the
Tory side, appeared in the autumn of 1774.
The effect of these pamphlets was severe to
the patriots, and while they were casting about
for a champion Hamilton answered the attack.
The Tories replied, and Hamilton rejoined in a
second pamphlet of Some seventy-eight pages.
Both these tracts, which showed marked ability,
were variously attributed to the most eminent
leaders, and when their authorship was known
the young writer gained a wide and immediate
reputation. To argue points of constitutional
law and of political justice and expediency was
above all things congenial to Hamilton with
his already well-stored mind, acute logic, and
capacity for discussion. The pamphlets were
excellent of their kind at a time when such per-
formances were strictly judged, and, taken in
connection with the youth of the author, de-
served the great success which they obtained.
They gave Hamilton an assured position and
led to the rejected offers from the Tories to
which allusion has just been made.
The winter of 1775 passed away, New York
was at last forced into the Congress, the battles
came in Massachusetts, and revolution began.
Meanwhile Hamilton continued his arguments
against England in vigorous newspaper essays,
toºk part in public meetings, and devoted his
\
|



10 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
A.
time to a study of military affairs, seeking also
for practical experience by joining a volunteer
corps commanded by Major Fleming. Besides
showing nerve in the performance of some try-
ing military duties which were becoming very
necessary in those troublous times, Hamilton
appeared prominently on several occasions in
efforts to repress, by argument and by fearless /
exposure of himself, outbreaks of mob-violence.
The most memorable of these occasions was one
which happened during the disturbances caused
by the British ship of war Asia opening fire
on the town. Persons and property had been
injured, and there was wild commotion and an
angry rising of the people in New York. The
king's store-house was pillaged, the Connecticut
troops were sent for, and Liberty Boys rushed
through the streets threatening outrage and
ruin to every Tory. Most prominent among
the adherents of the Crown was Dr. Cooper,
president of the college, and thither the angry
mob hurried, bent on mischief of a desperate
sort. When they arrived they found Hamilton
and his friend Troup on the steps of the build-
ing ready to delay their entrance. The former
Wt once stepped forward and began to reason
vigorously with the crowd, and to denounce
their disorderly conduct. While Hamilton was
thus engaged, and while the populace halted to
isten with amazement, no doubt, to the eager




RESISTANCE TO MOBS. 11
words of a youth whom they had last seen ex-
posed to the fire of the Asia with other patri-
ots occupied in removing cannon, the excellent
Dr. Cooper fled, after warning the people from
a high window not to be guided by such a mad-
man as his former pupil who was then address-
ing them.
The doctor's mistake was natural enough.
He could not believe that Hamilton, patriot and
rebel, was resisting the people and restraining
their violence for the sake of an old Tory cler-
gyman. There is, indeed, something very sur-
prising as well as very fine in the spectacle thus
presented of a boy, whose blood was hot with
the new strong wine of revolution, risking his
life and what he loved probably much more,
his influence and his popularity in behalf of
law, order, and mercy. In a similar fashion he
interfered to save the life of one Thurman from
what was then known as “Travis's mob,” and
when the Connecticut horse broke into the
town and carried off the types of Rivington, the
Tory printer, Hamilton was filled with indig-
nation at this violent suppression of opinion,
and if he could have got a few men to go with
him would have ridden after the marauders
and recaptured the property. These instances
of self-restraint and cool bravery are all very
remarkable in so young and so enthusiastic a
uman as Hamilton. In the midst of revolution-



12 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
ary excitement he did not hesitate to come for-
ward to check his own party, to oppose and
censure their excesses, to take the side of the
unpopular minority in behalf of mercy, justice,
order, free speech, and a free press. But
whether he succeeded or failed in these at-
tempts they were creditable alike to his sense
and courage; and show strongly his early and
deep detestation of anything like disorder, and
above all his hatred of that most noxious of all
forms of confusion, a riotous city rabble.
But the time for preparation was closing fast.
Early in 1776 the New York convention ordered
a company of artillery to be raised. Hamilton
applied for the command, and his examination
quickly dispelled the doubts of his fitness in those
who suspected mere youthful presumption. He
recruited his company rapidly, and spent upon
its equipment his second and last remittance
from home. He had now burned his ships be-
hind him. Youth, study, and the days of dream-
ing and meditation were gone. He was a man
striving for everything that an ambitious man
can desire. He had already entered upon the
stage of life at an age when most boys were
still in school or college, and a very exciting
and bustling drama he found in progress. He
had youth, health, great talent, a strong will,
courage, ambition, and his sword. With these
weapons his fortune was to be made.



CHAPTER II.
THE REVOLUTION.
THE artillery company quickly showed the
talent of its commander. 7FIamilton devoted
himself to it as he did to everything he under-
took, and by unceasing drill soon made its evo-
lutions conspicuous in an army where discipline
was novel and models were rare. The young
captain, by the excellence of his troop, attracted
the attention of Greene, who fell into conversa-
tion with him, was impressed by his talent, and
introduced him to Washington, thus putting
him at this early day in the line of advance-
ment. The kindness of the Rhode Island Gen-
eral was never forgotten by Hamilton, who be-
came one of Greene's strongest supporters and
warmest admirers, afterwards declaring him to
have been the first soldier of the Revolution.
Hamilton, however, was soon tested by a se-
verer experience than any which drill or pa-
rade could offer. & He won his spurs at the
disastrous battle of Long Island, where with
great coolness and courage he brought up the
rear in the masterly retreat which saved the



14 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
army and gave the first conspicuous proof of
that daring and sagacious genius for which
Washington was as eminent in good as in evil
fortune. With the rest of the army Hamilton
took part in the retreat up the Hudson, dis-
tinguished himself by the admirable manner in
which he served his battery at White Plains,
and offered to recover by storm Fort Wash-
ington, — a piece of reckless daring to which
Washington refused his consent. From New
York Hamilton went with the army in their
terrible march through New Jersey, and shared
in the brilliant campaign of Trenton and Prince-
ton. By this time, after six months of hard
fighting, his company was reduced to twenty-
five men, who retained their old discipline but
little else. Their commander had, however,
made a name as a dashing and gallant officer,
and this, added to his literary reputation, led
to his appointment as one of Washington's
aides with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, on
March 1, 1777, when he was barely twenty
years old.
Hamilton acted wisely in accepting this new
position, for which he was peculiarly fitted.
He seems to have regarded the step with some
misgiving, and to have felt that he had made
a considerable sacrifice. His self-confidence,
natural enough under the circumstances, was

THE REVOLUTION. 15
then as always too strong; but in this in-
stance he controlled it. Extraordinary success
and the consciousness of great talents made it
easy for a very young man to believe that if
he remained in the line nothing was beyond
his reach, and that no prospect was too brilliant
for reasonable hope. Yet it is more than prob-
able that if he had continued a line officer he
would have attained no higher rank than that
which he ultimately reached, while he would
have sacrificed experiences and connections of
inestimable value. With all his precocity and
undoubted aptitude for military affairs, he was
still too young to have obtained the highest
commands before the end of the war, whereas,
as a member of Washington's family, he was
brought into close association with the greatest
man of the age, whose friendship he was able to
win and retain. As a member of the staff of
the Commander-in-chief, Hamilton's duties were
various and highly responsible. He did not have
the independent command for which he sighed,
but he was present at all the battles in which
the army was engaged, took more or less part
in them, and always gained honor and distinc-
tion. His principal occupation was in the con-
duct of Washington's immense correspondence.
A large proportion of the endless letters, re-
ports, and proclamations which issued from




16 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
headquarters, was the work of Hamilton. In
regard to these documents there has been a
very needless discussion. To claim for Hamil-
ton the merit of all the correspondence which
bears Washington's name but which is in the
handwriting of his aide-de-camp, and to speak
/ of it as if Hamilton was the man who directed
the movements of armies and informed Con-
gress of their duty, is absurd. Washington was
fortunate in having on his staff one of the most
brilliant men of the day, with a vigorous, orig-
inal, and well-stored mind, fertile in thought, a
lucid and acute reasoner, and a master of a clear
and forcible style. We may be sure that nothing
passed through Hamilton's hands without being
put in the strongest and most condensed form,
and at the same time amplified and adorned;
but we may be equally sure that however much
the General profited by the suggestions of his
able secretary, the central ideas and guiding
principles, whether conveyed in a word or dic-
tated at length, were the intellectual property
of the man who signed those letters and re-
ports with the name of George Washington.
The kernel of a letter may lie in a simple nega-
tive or affirmative, which when fully expressed
will cover pages, but the author of the letter is
he who directs the decisive “yes” or “no,”
and not the man who clothes the thought in



THE REVOLUTION. 17
fitting words. This in no sense implies detrac-
tion. It is a wrong to any man, be he great or
small, to attribute to him something to which he
is not entitled, and to present Hamilton, even
in the most indirect way as the author of Wash-
ington's despatches, is merely to injure the for-
mer and neither to hurt nor help the latter.
Hamilton's work as military secretary — and
there is a great mass of it extant — deserves all
praise, and greatly redounds to his credit. As
his enthusiastic comrade, the gallant Laurens,
said, he certainly held the pen of Junius in
the American army, and to that gifted pen,
employed as freely in another's service as in
his own, and to the versatile and original mind
of its possessor, Washington owed much and
gave every proof that he appreciated the debt.
For those interested in a close study of Hamil-
ton's mind and character, the despatches which
he wrote as secretary, as well as those which
he composed in his individual capacity, are of
great value. In them we can trace the rapid
development of a keen and powerful intellect.
*There we can see displayed sagacity, foresight,
acuteness, and force in every affair to which
they relate, whether military or civil. There,
too, we perceive the fertility of resource, the
vigorous self-confidence, unhesitating decision,
and undaunted spirit, which the young aide



2
18 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
afterwards made conspicuous on broader fields.
All these qualities — and they form a goodly
Hist — were moreover in a state of vigorous
growth. There is nothing in Hamilton to sug-
gest his namesake who bore the famous sobri-
quet of “single speech,” who was content with
one splendid effort and then silent forever.
Hamilton's correspondence, on the contrary,
during his service on Washington's staff, con-
stantly improves. In this and in many other
ways he shows that reserved force which is one
of the most essential elements of greatness, and
the capacity to gather increased strength, like
Antaeus, from each fresh contact with the earth
of every-day events in a time of strain and
trial.
The most important duty which fell to Ham-
ilton while serving as an aide was his mission to
Gates to seek reënforcements. At that moment
additional troops were essential to Washington,
and they were only to be obtained from the
northern army. While Washington was bearing
defeat, and fighting on with grim pertinacity,
Gates, in command of an army formed from the
hardy levies of the North, had achieved a sig-
nal victory which has taken a place among the
dozen decisive battles of the world's history.
The surrender of Burgoyne had made Gates
--to whom as little was due for the victory as
















MISSION TO GATES. 19
could well be the case with the commanding
officer — the idol of the North, and of New
England especially. To offend Gates person-
ally was a small matter, but to offend the
northern colonies just then dissatisfied with
Washington, would have been a very serious
affair. As the superior officer of Gates, Wash-
ington had the right to command, and at the .
same time this was precisely what he wished to
avoid. Hamilton was, therefore, to get the
troops without using, except in the last resort,
the imperative authority which he carried in
his pocket. It was a delicate and difficult mis-
sion. Hamilton was never conspicuous for the
patient and tolerant qualities which make a
great diplomat, least of all, in the days of im-
petuous youth, and yet, thanks to his strong
sense and clear perception of facts, he acquitted
himself most admirably. Gates, naturally a
weak man, was blinded by the glamour of his
great victory. When the wishes of the Com-
mander-in-chief were made known to him he
held back, hesitated, and finally gave way.
Hamilton got his troops by the exercise of
much patient persistence, and kept the tempt-
ing letter of command out of sight. On his
way back he also pushed forward the delaying
Putnam, treating that General much more cav-
alierly than Gates, but only, it is to be feared


20 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
as the unmanageable temper of the old wolf-
killer deserved. Hamilton won much credit, as
well as the approbation of Washington, for his
excellent behavior on this occasion. Not long
afterward he was sent to Newport on a similar
mission to the French, and again he showed
himself a good envoy, although he failed to
bring our allies to accede to Washington's
wishes.
One other episode of Hamilton's career as an
aide-de-camp deserves notice in any account of
his life. His position brought him into close
connection with the wretched attempt to betray
West Point. It fell to him to see and strive
to console Mrs. Arnold in the first agony of her
distress after the flight of her traitor husband,
and it was his lot also to be much with the
gifted and ill-fated André. In letters to Miss
Schuyler, his future wife, he depicted the scene
with Mrs. Arnold ; he described the whole un-
happy affair and dwelt much upon André and
upon his expiation of another's crime in which
he had been but a tool. In all this there was
deep pathos, and it acquires a fresh interest for
the student of Hamilton's character as it shows
the deep feeling and tenderness of his nature.
No account of Arnold's treason and of the
actors in it has ever equalled Hamilton's let-
ters, which in their clear and forcible sentences
















QUARREL WITH WASHINGTON. 21
are full of a subdued eloquence, touching us and
appealing to us even now by the emotion of a
strong and reserved nature.
X. Such, in brief, were the salient events in
Hamilton's experience of four years as a mem-
ber of Washington's staff. But not the least
striking incident of this period of his life was
that which resulted in the sudden close of his
service with the Commander-in-chief. We have
Hamilton’s own account of the affair written
on February 18, 1781, two days after it hap-
pened. Washington had sent for Hamilton to
come to him. The latter, delaying a few min-
utes in obeying, found the General at the head
of the stairs, who reproved him with no undue
sharpness, saying that to keep him waiting was
a mark of disrespect. Whereupon Hamilton re-
plied, “I am not conscious of it, sir; but since
you have thought it, we part.” One can hardly
read this youthful ebullition even now without
a smile. The fashion has prevailed of treating
this quarrel as if the two participants stood upon
equal ground, and this puts the whole matter
on a thoroughly false footing. Let us look at
the pair a moment as they stand there at the
head of the stairs in the New Windsor house.
One is a boy in years, although of wonderful
and manly maturity of mind. He is a stranger
in the land who has shown himself possessed


22 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
of great and promising talents; he has proved
himself an able writer, a brave soldier, an ex-
cellent secretary. This small, slight, dark-eyed
stripling is facing George Washington, and
brimming over with a sense of offended dignity.
Washington stands there in the prime of his
middle age, large and imposing in personal ap-
pearance. He is one of the foremost men in
the world, a great general and statesman, grave
and impressive as becomes a man who has car-
ried in his hands the life of a nation. Some of
Hamilton's biographers have referred to this
affair as one of Washington's outbursts of pas-
sion. Like all great men Washington had
strong passions, like very few great men he had
them under almost complete control. When
they did break forth, as happened now and then
in great stress of feeling, they bent everything
before them, and there was a hush among those
who listened. If Washington had spoken to
Hamilton as he did to Lear about St. Clair's
defeat, that fine reply, we are inclined to think,
would not have been uttered. But deep wa-
ters are ruffled, not stirred by a passing breeze.
Washington spoke to Hamilton in a tone of
sharp, but proper reproof. Few generals, prob-
ably, would have spoken so courteously and
gently to a young aide, who had kept them
waiting and thus sinned against the first of
?
-
|








YORKTOWN. 23
military virtues, prompt obedience. The event
in itself is trivial enough. We smile at Hamil-
ton's dignity and at his youthful satisfaction
with his own conduct; but Washington's behav-
ior, then and subsequently, is not without impor-
tance. He not only endeavored at once to heal
the breach, although Hamilton repelled his ad-
vances, but he continued to interest himself in
his former aide, and suffered their friendship
to undergo no diminution. There was more in
this than the magnanimity, absolutely without
flaw, which Washington always showed. It
was a tribute to Hamilton’s abilities from one
of the best judges of men who ever lived. He
saw Hamilton's capacity; he cared nothing for
his little outburst, and he was determined to
retain his hold upon one in whom he perceived
the possibility of great service to the country
at Some future time. He did this, too, without
advancing Hamilton over the heads of other
men to the position which the latter felt he
would have gained if he had not joined the
staff." Washington watched over his fortunes
at Yorktown, where Hamilton had a command
and obtained the perious privilege of leading
the assault upon one of the outworks of the
enemy. The opportunity was not lost. At
the head of his men Hamilton rushed with all
his fiery impetuosity upon the British redoubt,
1 See Appendix, Note B.




24 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
carried all before him and took the position in
ten minutes, doing his work much more quickly
than the French, to whom the other redoubt
had been assigned. With this dashing exploit
Hamilton's military career came to an end, and
he soon after betook himself to the pursuits of
civil life.
I have touched upon these incidents of Ham-
ilton's army life because they throw a strong
light upon his subsequent career, enable us to
understand his course in aftertimes, and furnish
the key to certain qualities which explain his
thought and action. But there are other phases
of mind and character suggested and exhibited
by this eventful war period. Between his
leaving the quiet college and the storm of the
Yorktown redoubt, he was brought into close
contact with many persons, and it thus be-
comes possible to study his capacity of dealing
with other men a matter of the first importance
for any success in active life, and especially for
a public man. *In his position in the army
there was no opportunity for so young a man
to win general popularity, but this was some-
thing which Hamilton néver attained, and in-
deed never sought. His genius and achieve-
ments were not of the kind which appeal to
the hearts and imagination of the people; he
Was too great a man ever to descend to the



FRIENDSHIPS. 25
arts of a demagogue, and he was too definite
a man ever to have that vague popularity
which hangs about some persons without any
assignable reason. XBut, at the same time,
Hamilton had an extraordinary power of mak-
ing friends, and this comes out strongly in his
army life. It was not merely that he won the
respect of men of character and ability; any
man of equal talents was sure to do that ; but
he gained the affectionate devotion of men of
that sort, and attached them to him. He was
evidently very attractive, and must have pos-
sessed a great charm of manners, address, and
conversation. But the real secret was that he
loved his friends, and so they loved him. We
See this on every side. All his comrades on the
staff and all the officers, young and old, who
knew him and were not hostile to Washington,
loved him, and were proud of his talents. The
same was true of the young French officers, with
whom he was much thrown on account of his
perfect command of their language, a very rare
accomplishment in the colonies. From Lafay-
ette down they all liked Hamilton, and spoke
to him and about him with all the quick en-
thusiasm and lively affection of their race. In
all this we see the germs of the power which
afterwards gave Hamilton a personal follow-
ing, much smaller than that of many of our

26 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
party leaders, but in proportion to its numbers
unequalled in our history for character, ability,
and devotion combined.
Another question which grows out of this
period is that of Hamilton's military ability.
Whatever he did in the war of the Revolution
was well done, but a large part of his service
was rather political and diplomatic than mili-
tary, and he was too young to have the largest
opportunities. He proved himself a soldier of
courage, dash, and coolness; he showed that he
had both nerve and foresight, all very essential
qualities, but he had no chance to show more
than this. He certainly believed that he had in
him the making of a great general, and his mil-
itary temperament and aptitude for military
affairs go far to confirm this belief. If he had
had the opportunity it may be safely said that
he would have been a distinguished general, but
whether he would have been a great one must
necessarily remain a matter of mere conjecture.
x But whatever his talents for war may have
been, the ruling passion was that of a states-
man, and even in the midst of the hardships of
the camp and field nothing could repress Ham-
ilton's strong natural bent. Neither physical
discomfort nor visions of military glory could
keep him from meditating on questions of gov-
ernment and finance. At the beginning of
º-ſ







PLANS FOR BETTER GOVERNMENT. 27
1780, being then just twenty-three years old,
he addressed an anonymous letter to Robert
Morris on the financial affairs of the confed-
eracy, at that time in their worst state, and
threatening far more than the British armies to
bring the Revolution to an untimely end. The
paper begins with a careful consideration of
the condition of the nearly worthless currency
and the causes of its depreciation. It all looks
very simple as we read it now, but at that time
political economy was unknown, the modern
systems of financiering were unheard of, and
the true causes of financial phenomena were
still hidden. Away from such books and au-
thorities as there were, and relying on his
memory for his facts, Hamilton gives an analy-
sis and explanation of the depreciation of the
currency admirable in its clearness and sound-
ness, thoroughly modern in reasoning, and con-
clusive in argument. Young as he was he al-
lowed with singular penetration for the part
which the imagination plays in all such mat-
ters as credit and currency, and reckoned on it
as a factor with great exactness. This little
essay on inflated and depreciated currency is as
valuable to-day as when it was written a cent-
ury ago, and proves beyond question an inborn
genius for finance, showing its author indeed
to be entitled to stand with Turgot and Pitt
28 * ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
as a pioneer in what has since become the most
important department of practical government.
This remarkable essay was only preliminary.
The youthful aide-de-camp had his remedy out-
lined in his head and ready for execution. He
proposed to meet existing difficulties by grad-
ual contraction, a tax in kind, and a foreign
loan, which last was to form the basis of a na-
tional bank. The great purpose of the bank,
and indeed the pith of Hamilton's scheme, was
to unite the interests of the moneyed classes
in the support of the government credit. The
bank was to be a great trading and banking
corporation in private hands, but backed and
partly controlled by the government to which
it was to be under certain obligations. The
details were carefully worked out, but the lead-
ing ideas suffice to show the grasp of Hamil-
ton's mind and the germs of his future policy.
A few months later Hamilton addressed a let-
ter to James Duane, then a member of Con-
gress from New York, on the subject of the
government. A large part of this document is
ilevoted to the army, then in sorry plight,
owing to the inefficiency of Congress and the
ill-adjusted relations of the States. The root
of the evil Hamilton finds in the weakness of
the central government, and the jarring and
independent powers of the States. He urges
:


PLANS FOR BETTER GO VERNMENT. 29
stronger government, single men at the heads
of departments, and the absolute control by
Congress of certain functions, such as making
treaties, controlling the army and navy, and
the like. To bring these things to pass, he
says that Congress must either resume the dis-
cretionary powers which it exercised at the out-
set and then suffered to decline, or else a con-
vention must be called to form a new, strong,
and well-defined central government. Neither
Scheme was possible at that time, and the sec-
ond, which was soon of course to be the true
remedy, was at that moment of war and con-
fusion more impracticable even than the first.
The letter concludes with an outline of the
bank as the best method of dealing with the
most crying evils. The whole paper is strongly
centralizing in tone especially for that time,
although Hamilton had not then got beyond
thinking that Senates were liable to become
dangerously aristocratic.
A month later he writes a brief letter to the
New York patriot, Isaac Sears, in which he sums
up the results of his reflections as follows: —
“We must have a government with more power.
We must have a tax in kind. We must have a foreign
loan. We must have a bank on the true principles
of a bank. We must have an Administration distinct
from Congress, and in the hands of single men under
/

30 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
-
their orders. We must above all things have an
army for the war, and an establishment that will in-
terest the officers in the service.”
Six months afterwards, in the spring of 1781,
to Robert Morris, then at the head of the
finances, he writes again, setting forth his
scheme for a national bank with all the addi-
tions and improvements obtained by a year's
reflection.
WThese letters are all interesting, not merely
because they display Hamilton's talents in the
strongest way, and show the breadth and scope
of his mind, but because they exhibit in the
clearest light the constructive character of his
intellect. He was not only thinking like every-
body else how the war could be brought to a
successful conclusion, and present difficulties
conquered, but also how a new system could be
built up on the ruins of the old fabric of so-
ciety and government. His time had not come,
the world about him was occupied as it always
is with the immediate exigency; it had not
even finished the work of destruction, and was
very far from having cleared the ground and
made up its mind to build again. Hamilton's
ideas, as those of far-seeing and brilliant men
are apt to be, were a little before their time.
But people were coming nearer to them every
day, and in a few years just such a man would



LEAVES THE ARMY. 31
be needed. The beginning was indeed close at
hand, for Hamilton went from the army almost
at once to a stage where he had opportunity
for his first experiments, and could learn in a
hard school the immense task which lay before
him of converting his theories into practice and
turning his schemes into realities.

CHAPTER III.
LAW AND POLITICS.
IN the midst of the war Hamilton had found
time to fall in love. On his mission to Gates
he met at Albany Miss Elizabeth Schuyler.
The acquaintance thus begun was renewed in
the following spring, and then ripened into an
engagement. Late in the same year, on De-
cember 14, 1780, he was married. This was
in every way a most fortunate event for Ham-
ilton. He not only won a most charming and
intelligent woman for his wife, but he allied
himself with a family rich, well known, and
of the best position in the community. His
father-in-law, General Schuyler, a brave, gen-
erous, honest gentleman, was universally be-
loved and respected, and thus Hamilton secured
the firm anchorage which his wandering for-
tunes needed. He was no longer an isolated
stranger, as much at home in one state or city
as in another, but a member of a strong family
deeply rooted in their ancestral soil. On the
other hand, Hamilton brought to this respect
able and important Dutch family not only the



LEGAL STUDIES. 33
society of an attractive man but the rising for-
tunes of one whose brilliant talents, had, as
everybody could divine, a great destiny. Cer-
N tain it is, that he was most warmly received by
his wife's family, and the wide connection thus
formed by marriage was soon held by the much
stronger tie of personal friendship.
But whatever else Hamilton brought his
wife, worldly goods were not among his pos-
sessions. Love of money was never one of his
qualities, and he had an abiding confidence in
his own capacity to earn at any time as much
as he needed, so that at the close of the war
he found himself with a wife and child and no
resources except his arrears of pay and his
own abilities. He steadfastly refused General
Schuyler's generous offers of assistance, and -
betook himself at once to a study of the law, wº -
the profession by which he intended to get -
* both fame and bread and butter. At the con-
clusion of a few months’ study, early in the
summer of 1782, he was admitted to the bar.
His preparation was hasty, and his knowledge,
when he came to the bar, must have been ex-
ceedingly imperfect, but with his intensity of
application and readiness of mind, he had un-
doubtedly gathered in that short time a good
deal of legal learning ; and, what was far more
to the purpose, it was not an undigested mass



3 º
34 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
of information, but was thoroughly systema.
tized and arranged. Everything that Hamilton
had in his mind, everything, certainly, to which
he gave his attention, took the shape of argu-
mentative statement. All his serious ideas fell
naturally into the forms of logic, and with a
little effort he could throw his thoughts on any
subject into numbered paragraphs, and make
them assume the guise of a concise brief. YIn a
word, Hamilton had, above all things, a classify.
ing and logical mind. His hasty legal studies
came, of course, within the operation of this
rule of mental action. As fast as he acquired
his knowledge of law, it fell into well-defined
form and system, so that when he was admitted
to the bar all he had learned was compactly
stated, and neatly arranged in a little manual,
which was found in manuscript by those who
came after him, and which, as we are told, did
good service to others whose minds did not have
a clarifying effect upon everything that was
poured into them.
2. But while Hamilton was studying law, and
even before he left the army, others, conscious
of his talents and feeling that he deserved well
of his country, had pressed him forward for
public office. He could have been a commis-
sioner of the French loan, but, always generous,
he gave way in order that his friend Laurens



RECEIVER OF TAXES. 35
;
i
might go to Europe and rejoin his father, fresh
from imprisonment in the Tower. His name
was brought forward and talked about in con-
nection with the Peace Commission; and finally
in June, 1782, Robert Morris, who appreciated
Hamilton's abilities, appointed him Continental
Receiver of Taxes for New York. Wested with
his new authority, Hamilton betook himself to
Poughkeepsie, where the legislature was sit-
ting, and where his restless spirit soon became
apparent. First came a set of resolutions de-
manding a new convention and a better union
of the States. This the legislature was induced
to pass. Next followed a clear and scientific
plan of taxation to replace the impotent and
chaotic system then existing, but this the legis-
lature would not adopt. Then appeared an ad-
dress to the public creditors, letters to the gov-
ernor, pertinacious applications to all branches
of the government, and all members of it, and
vigorous efforts to obtain for the central gov-
ernment the tardy and sorely needed supplies.
The results of all this zealous work were piti-
ful. Hamilton Squeezed out a few thousand
pounds, and with these and his resolutions in
favor of a new convention of the States, he was
fain to be content. His activity bore fruit,
however, in another direction. The acquaint-
ance he made and the impression he produced

36 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
member of Congress, in which once brilliant
but now feeble body he took his seat in No.
vember, 1782, having resigned his receivership
a month before.
X. When Hamilton entered Congress, it * .
fallen far below that predecessor of 1774–75
which extorted the applause of Europe, and
which probably had a higher average of ability
than any legislative body of equal numbers of ſ
which anything is known. It had not, how-
ever, in 1782 reached that condition of utter º
decrepitude into which it subsequently sank,
nor did it, as yet, enjoy the full measure of that
popular contempt which subsequently became
resulted in his election by the legislature as a
its portion. It still had among its members
men of ability and force. Conspicuous among
them was Madison, young, but prudent, sa-
gacious and acute, warped somewhat by his
Virginian notions, yet, withal, a statesman of a
igh order, and second in talent to Hamilton
alone. There are a few others, such as Wil-
son, Clymer, Bland, Higginson, and Wither-
spoon, men of reputation, sense, and ability, who
stand out from the crowd, but most of the mem- |
bers, although well-meaning, were wholly com-
monplace and totally unable to deal with the
grave problems which confronted them. The
difficulties of the situation were, in truth, im,
-









THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATION. 37
mense. It was a time of social and political
chaos, of broken promises and unfulfilled hopes.
The storms of war had at least filled the sails,
but they had now ceased to blow, and the ship
of state was lurching terribly in the heavy sea,
and threatening at every moment to go to -
pieces. Hamilton had entered upon a broader
field, but he found the same disheartening ob-
stacles which he had encountered in New York
increased in Congress thirteen-fold, and to be
overcome by a legislature which was utterly
powerless. Young, enthusiastic, and full of
ideas, he flung himself manfully into the strug-
gle. He made himself deeply felt at once, pro-
duced such an impression that he was talked of/
as fitted for several of the most important of.
fices, and left the stamp of his clear and power-
~ ful intellect on everything Congress attempted
to do. But it was all in vain. His most des-
> perate efforts were fruitless; for bad as things
were, the condition of the times was such that
they could not get better until they had be-
come much worse. Let us glance for a moment;
at the various tasks to which he put his hand,
as they come before us inextricably interwoven
in this year of his public service. They will
serve to show the persistent energy and strong
sense of the man, and the evil days on which
he fell at the opening of his career of political
Qction.


38 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
t
Just as Hamilton was entering Congress
Franklin was engaged in the diplomatic cam-
paign which ended in such a signal triumph
for the American envoys. When the issue of
the negotiations became known in this country,
there were plenty of men ready to abuse the
astute old philosopher and his colleagues for
violating their instructions in proceeding with-
out the coöperation of France, and for agreeing
to a secret Florida article with the British com-
missioners. The natural hatred of England had
been balanced by a trust in France equally
natural, but far more unreasonable. On this
principle Congress, with what amounted to poS-
itive servility, and guided by the subtle Luzerne,
had placed the negotiation within French con-
trol, and this was the command which the com-
missioners had boldly and wisely disobeyed.
Hence the outcry from lovers of France and
haters of England. Hamilton, with his keen
insight and with the liberality of mind which
*śsured him that the envoys could judge better
than he could, was less extreme. Yet even he,
although soon to be stigmatized as “ British,”
felt so favorably toward France and so hostile
to England, that he advocated a middle COllrS6,
and introduced a resolution which, while it sus-
tained and praised the envoys, provided, never-
theless, for the disclosure of the secret article


THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATION. 39
--
r
|
to the French minister. The signatures to the
preliminaries of the general peace cut the con-
troversy short, but even at their worst our for-
eign relations were simplicity itself compared to
our domestic difficulties.
\Finance was the great overwhelming trouble
which laid bare the fatal vices of our political
system, and it was upon financial rocks that the
rickety Confederation was dashing itself to
pieces. Our affairs in the way of debts and tax-
ation were entering upon their last and worst
phases at the beginning of 1783, when the pat-
riotic Morris was resigning in disgust, and the
young projector of national banks was new
in Congress. These were of course questions
highly attractive to Hamilton's genius, and
therefore it was that upon them his most stren-
uous efforts were wasted while representing his
State at Philadelphia. The first object was
to obtain consent to the grant of an impost on
imports. One State had not been heard from,
but Rhode Island was the only one in active
ºpposition, and to the conversion of this obsti-
nate and selfish little community Hamilton ad-
dressed himself. He it was who led the debate
in Congress, who obtained a committee to visit
Rhode Island and argue with their government,
and from his pen proceeded a forcible letter to
the governor. Even while he was contending





40 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
with Rhode Island, Virginia receded from the
agreement and the whole scheme fell through.
Had it succeeded, it would, if the States had
held to it, have furnished a permanent revenue,
and hence Hamilton’s zeal. Defeated at this
point, Congress fell back on its old policy of
recommending a grant for a term of years, and
against this Hamilton and Higginson voted with
the Rhode Islanders, who opposed all forms of
taxation or debt-paying. Hamilton explains
his course in a letter to Governor Clinton. He
was not willing to lend his support to schemes
of proved futility, or aid in the self-stultification
of Congress, which progressed rapidly enough
in any event. The fact was that there were
very few adherents of what Hamilton calls
“Continental politics,” which favored strong,
honest measures, and the funding of the public
debt. To this the friends of the States made all
possible opposition, and the result was helpless
stagnation. The government had no resources,
for the only one of any value, foreign loans, was
nearly exhausted. Hamilton looked with abso-
lute disgust upon this dogged refusal to pay
the price of freedom, this stupid indifference to
honor rapidly degraded by the practical disre-
gard of all just claims, foreign and domestic.
But the blackest ingratitude and the dis-
bonesty which touched Hamilton most nearly
ſ




THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATION. 41
was the treatment of the army, for Congress
contemplated disbanding these gallant soldiers
without even the pretence of providing for their
long arrears of pay. Washington regarded with
horror such an idea, and feared “most unhappy
disturbances.” Hamilton had a notion that the
army might be used to threaten Congress suf-
ficiently to induce them to make proper provi-
sion for all creditors, but Washington warned
him that the army suspected that it was to
be used for this purpose, merely to be thrown
aside afterwards, and that it was a dangerous
instrument to play with. Very soon this pre-
diction of possible disaster from men with arms
in their hands and smarting with a sense of
Wrong, came alarmingly near fulfilment, and
failed only through the influence of Washing-
ton himself. The army at Newburgh was in a
perilous condition, and the famous Newburgh
addresses show what might have happened if
Washington had chosen to put himself at the
head of the ill-used troops. But Washington not
merely refrained from uttering the fatal word
of ambition; he threw himself into the breach,
checked the whole movement, and quelled so
far as was possible the rising and dangerous
discontent. We hardly appreciate that at New-
burgh Washington rendered one of his greatest
Services. He did not put aside the crown, like
42 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
the Caesar of Shakespeare, but the idea of sov-
ereignty never even entered his thoughts, never
for an instant darkened the unrivalled purity
of his utter unselfishness and single-minded-
ness. A word from him, and the star of the
Revolution might easily have gone down in
military rebellion, and military despotism com-
ing suddenly upon an exhausted and divided
country. But all this Washington checked, and
the only outcome of the discontents was a
mutiny of some new levies near Philadelphia.
Even these mutineers, however, frightened the
feeble government, and produced a sharp con-
troversy with the Pennsylvanian authorities, be-
cause they failed to call out the militia for
the protection of Congress, who thereupon em-
ployed Hamilton's vigorous pen to castigate the
lukewarm State. In all these troubles Hamil-
ton manfully took the part of the army, and
acted with the Commander-in-chief. He drew
resolutions of thanks to Washington, which
Congress readily adopted, for they were always
generous of fine words and empty phrases,
but the army got nothing. They were sent
unpaid to their homes, taking their arms with
them as tokens of the gratitude of their coun-
try. Hamilton urged the maintenance of a
force which should furnish the basis for future
armies if they were needed, but Congress cut
-



THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATION. 43
-
it down to the lowest point, retaining only some
eighty dangerous mercenaries in the national
service. Defeated at all points, Hamilton strove
to have the debates made public and the ses-
sions open, hoping in this way to exert the
pressure of public opinion, but he was once
more flouted and voted down.
\ In the summer of 1783 Hamilton's term ex-
pired, and he withdrew to private life and to
the practice of his profession. His congres-
sional service had been a complete failure, so
far as results were concerned. Even his iron
energy of purpose had dashed itself in vain
against the popular demoralization and indiffer-
ence. The times were not yet ripe for the
Work he had to do. But although he failed
to accomplish anything for the good of the
Country, he extended his own reputation, and
laid fast hold of a position which was sure to
make him a leader in the future party of re-
construction. A letter from McHenry, written
in October, 1783, gives in clumsy phrase a very
exact idea of the effect produced by Hamilton
in Congress. McHenry says: —
“The homilies you delivered in Congress are still
recollected with pleasure. The impressions they made
are in favor of your integrity; and no one but be-
lieves you a man of honor and republican princi-
ples. Were you ten years older and twenty thousand

44 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
pounds richer, there is no doubt but that you might
obtain the suffrages of Congress for the highest office
in their gift. You are supposed to possess various
knowledge, useful, substantial, and ornamental. Your
very grave, and your cautious, your men who measure
others by the standard of their own creeping politics,
think you sometimes intemperate but seldom vision-
ary, and that were you to pursue your object with
as much cold perseverance as you do with ardor and
argument, you would become irresistible. In a word,
if you could submit to spend a whole life in dissect-
ing a fly, you would be, in their opinion, one of the
greatest men in the world. Bold designs; measures
calculated for their rapid execution; a wisdom that
would convince from its own weight; a project that
would surprise the people into greater happiness with:
out giving them an opportunity to view it and reject
it; are not adapted to a council composed of discord-
ant elements, or a people who have thirteen heads,
each of which pays superstitious adorations to inferior
divinities.”
Besides reputation, Hamilton, gained expe.
rience in Congress, and that of a kind which
had a powerful influence on his opinions of pol
itics and government. His mind was naturally
conservative and order-loving, but he was also
young and enthusiastic, and in the struggle with
England he held very liberal views, was not
only then as always a champion of constitu-
tional liberty, but in the days when he thought


THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATION. 45
senates dangerously aristocratic, leaned strongly
to democratic principles. These tendencies, de-
veloped by a war against oppression, were
rudely nipped, first by the treatment of the
gallant army of which he was a member, and
still more by his experience in Congress. The
natural impulses of his temperament once more
asserted themselves in all their strength. In
Congress or rather in the States which were
there represented he saw thirteen pure represen-
tative democracies; some of an extreme type.
The distinguishing qualities of these communi-
ties, and of the central government as well, were
at that moment faction, jealousy, and discord,
infirmity of purpose, feebleness in action, un-
blushing dishonesty in finance, black ingrati-
tude toward the army, and the rapid acquisition
of an ever-growing contempt on the part of the
rest of mankind. The main difficulty lay clearly
in the overgrown rights of thirteen independent
and jarring States. Next to this came the inev-
itable disorganization and demoralization con-
sequent upon revolution, which Hamilton SaV"
plainly enough, but which he believed to be
deeply aggravated by too great an extension of
democratic principles. We can hardly wonder
that, constituted as he was, his conservatism
grew vigorously. From this period we may
date the conception of that aristocratic republic


46 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
/and strong government, which was to be so
* highly centralized that the obnoxious States of
the confederacy would sink to mere provinces,
and which found expression in the plan so elo-
quently presented by Hamilton to the conven-
tion of 1787. By the Congress of 1782–83
were planted, also, we may be sure, the germs
of that deep distrust of democracy and demo-
cratic systems which attained so great a growth
when it seemed to find in the French revolu-
tion such awful confirmation. The one year of
Congress, utterly futile and barren as it seemed,
had a deep effect upon Hamilton ; that is, upon
a man who was destined to leave a profound
impression upon the history of his country, and
who was to become the leader and type of a
powerful school of political thought.
Hamilton's withdrawal from public office was
by no means equivalent to separation from pub-
lic affairs. Both as a lawyer in successful
practice, and as a writer, he was a leader and
mover of opinion in New York. One of the
great troubles of the times was the popular atti-
tude toward the Tories, or loyalists, and in New
York the feeling was peculiarly bitter. There
Was an active determination to take vengeance
on all who had sided with the crown and were
now helpless, and this was done in utter viola.
tion not only of wise policy, of public morals,









DEFENCE OF THE LOYALISTS. 47
and of the law of nations, but also in direct
contravention of the treaty with England. Ham-
ilton before leaving Congress had urged upon
Governor Clinton the imperative duty of pay-
ing British debts, as provided by the treaty,
and on his return to the bar he found himself
at once engaged in a case growing out of these
hostile feelings. The legislature had passed an
act, known as the “Trespass Act,” giving a
right of action to those whose property had been
occupied during the war by loyalists. Relying
on this statute, a poor widow brought suit
against a rich loyalist merchant who had occu-
pied her property during the British ascend-
ancy. All the sympathy and passion of the
multitude were with the plaintiff, but Hamil-
ton, with the fine disdain of popular clamor
which always characterized him, took the brief
for the defendant. In a masterly argument,
elaborate, eloquent, and high-minded, he ap-
pealed to the pride of the court to do justice,
regardless of everything else; he reviewed every
point of his opponent's case; raised the ques-
tion from the narrow ground of a wrongful
statute and rested it on public morals, the laws
of nations, and the sanctity of treaties. He
gained his cause, the first and one of the great-
est of the forensic triumphs which gave him
30 high a place at the American bar, and his




48 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
victory was the signal for a burst of legislative
anger. The decision and the judges were de- -
nounced, but Hamilton had stemmed the tide,
for the time at least, and, what was of far t
greater importance, had led the court to vindi-
cate its honor and sense of justice.
}
Other violent and revengeful acts against the
loyalists followed, and the disregard of treaty
rights gave England a readily-taken excuse for
refusing to carry out her share of the provi-
sions for indemnity and for the surrender of the
posts. Again Hamilton came forward in behalf
of a wise, liberal, and true policy of amnesty
and conciliation. Snatching time from his pro-
fessional labors, he sent forth two vigorous and
widely read pamphlets advocating all that was
just and statesmanlike in dealings with the loy-
alists and in observance of treaties. He re-
mained unrefuted. Certain ones among his ene-
mies planned to challenge him successively until
|
he should fall in a duel, but though they were
ready to face his pistol, they could neither meet
nor answer his arguments. They had the good
sense to abandon this murderous scheme, and
no challenge was sent, but the idea was a very
pretty compliment to Hamilton's power as a
writer.
In other directions Hamilton's ability and
activity were equally manifest. He was one of

















THE NEW YORK BANK. 49
the founders and principal originators of a state
bank, which was of good service, and cut off the
land bank scheme of Chancellor Livingston, just
then fascinating the very untrustworthy lawgiv-
ers of the State. In the formation of the so-
ciety of the Cincinnati he took an active part,
and was one of its best friends and guides in the
tumult of attack with which it was received in
that day of narrow views and ungrateful suspi-
cion. Thus these years slipped away in busy
usefulness, but Hamilton never lost sight of
the necessary changes in the national system,
watching, waiting, and striving, in company
with the few leaders like Washington who
thought “continentally,” to create a proper
public opinion and bring about a successful na-
tional movement.
4.


CHAPTER IV.
THE CONSTITUTION.
1786–1789.
WHILE Hamilton was thus engaged in the
pursuit of his profession, taking an active part
in many matters of general importance, and
laboring with a chosen few for the education of
the people in the right direction, and for the
establishment of a national party, public affairs
were rapidly going from bad to worse. The
people, who had won the admiration of Eu-
rope in their conduct of the opposition to Eng:
land and in the war for independence, had now
become an object of general contempt, and were
very nearly at the lowest stage of degradation
in the eyes of the world. Divided among them-
selves, with no army, no navy, no cohesion,
floundering wilfully and helplessly in a sea of
unpaid debts and broken promises, the States of
the confederacy were bankrupt in money and
reputation alike. The great powers looked on
with gratification, each seeing a possible vic-
tim in America, and coveting a share of the




THE CONSTITUTION. 51
spoils. England, beaten in battle, and deter-
mined on revenge if not redress, held the west-
ern posts, kept the Indians in her control, and
the borders in a state of terror and ferment;
while by hostile proclamations and discrimi-
nating laws she sought to ruin the commerce
of her former colonies and embroil them still
further with each other. To France the Rev-
olution had offered a splendid opportunity to
gratify the passionate longing for revenge en-
gendered by the terrible disasters inflicted by
Pitt. The ministry and the court of Louis XVI.
watched American affairs closely, and when the
moment of assured victory seemed to have come,
they gave us welcome aid. They intended to
strike a terrible blow at England, and they did
it. The fine gentlemen and gallant soldiers who
came here came for vengeance. If we except
Lafayette, nearly every one in France, from the
king and his ministers down, were animated by
policy and revenge. The sentimental sympathy
of fashionable Paris would have done but little
for us. Self-interest did a great deal. Having
helped us most essentially, and having at the
same time used us for her own purposes, France
now aimed covertly to obtain control of her
former allies, and even Spain insulted and de-
fied us. The disintegration of the general gov-
ernment was spreading to the individual States.
- -

52 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
The future State of Kentucky was breaking off
from Virginia; Wyoming was a sharp thorn in
the side of Pennsylvania; New York, at odds
with Massachusetts, was still more deeply em-
broiled with the settlers of what was to be Ver-
mont, and with New Hampshire. As the States
in their selfishness and blindness trampled on
the confederacy, they began to feel the effects
of this conduct in these disorders within their
own limits. The finances of every State, with
hardly an exception, were utterly debauched.
Fresh inflations of worthless currency were
coupled with barbarous laws to enforce its cir-"
culation and compel its acceptance. Public
bankruptcy was followed by personal and pri-
vate distress, and then came stay-laws, and
every sort of dishonest expedient in the so-
called interest of the debtor class. In every
State, too, were local leaders, like George Clin-
ton and John Hancock, who saw in a strong
central government a great diminution of their
own consequence. They preferred being first
in their villages to being second at Rome, and
therefore headed, directed, and gave force to
the ungovernable majority, and gained politi-
cal prosperity from the evils of the time. The
first sobering shock came from Massachusetts.
In that State, one of the richest and strongest
in the confederacy, the Shays rebellion broke



THE CONSTITUTION. 53
out, threatening courts and law with extinction.
Hancock the popular hero had prudently re-
signed, and James Bowdoin, a man who thought
“continentally,” was left to crush the insurrec-
tion, and sacrifice his popularity in the service
of the State. The whole affair was soon over,
but it had its effect. The miserable fabric of
the central government had tumbled at the
stroke, and armed anarchy and rebellion looked
terribly unpleasant, when men were brought
face to face with them. They did more to
arouse people to a sense of their desperate con-
dition than all the brilliant reasoning of Ham-
ilton or the great influence of Washington.
* From Massachusetts, too, under the lead of
Bowdoin, came the first effort for a better union
in the form of instructions to her representa-
tives to urge the necessity of a new convention
upon Congress. But the representatives were
chosen by the States-rights party, for in truth .
there was at that time no other, and they
smothered the instructions, explaining their
course at their leisure a twelve month later.
The first attempt had failed, but had done its
share of the work of drawing public attention
to the true remedy and its necessity. The suc-
cessful movement came from the commercial
interests. Virginia and many other States were
striving for a retaliatory agreement against











54 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
England, but nothing could be effected. New
York was particularly selfish, and the neighbor.
ing States were beginning to open free ports
and discriminate against New York and against
each other. These warring and increasing jeak
ousies were, of course, destroying our commerce
and crippling the country. Virginia having
made a commercial convention with Maryland,
was struck with the idea that it would be a
good plan to extend it to the other States, and
in a burst of liberal feeling passed resolutions
in January, 1786, calling for a convention at
Annapolis, to consider the establishment of a
uniform commercial system.
It is at this point that Hamilton's share in
the formation of the constitution begins. In
this limited and unpromising opening he saw
a chance to bring about a convention with pow-
ers great enough to reorganize the government
throughout, and save the sinking fortunes of
the country. It was but a stepping-stone, and
a small and slippery one at best, but, if properly
used, the next stride might be to a gathering
capable of extended and enduring work. With
this great end in view, some of his friends and
followers secured seats in the legislature, and
while the Clintonians were magnifying their
State and their leader and helping to plunge
the wretched confederacy still deeper in the
>


THE CONSTITUTION. 55
:
slough of impotency, the little band of Con-
tinentalists “went their whole strength '' on
representation at Annapolis, and succeeded in
obtaining the appointment of five commission-
ers, of whom Hamilton was one. After the
fashion of that feeble and demoralized time,
only two commissioners, Hamilton and Benson,
went to Annapolis where they met the repre-
sentatives of no more than four other States,
such was the public indifference to anything of
national importance. The little meeting could
do nothing for commerce or anything else, but
it was able to issue an address, calling another
convention where the delegates should come
with general powers, such as New Jersey had
given in the present instance. This address
was drafted by Hamilton, and after it had been
toned down to suit the sensibilities of Virginia
and of Edmund Randolph, governor thereof,
it was sent out to the people. In simple and
forcible terms it set forth the condition of the
country, the evils and dangers which threatened
it, and the grave need of a complete reorgan-
ization of the government. The little gather-
ing at Annapolis had done its work, and played
its part as a stepping-stone. It now remained
to make the convention, which was to come, a
SUICCéSS.
With this end in view Hamilton gained an


66 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
election to the legislature of New York, and
at once assumed the lead of the forces opposed
to the governor. He served on many impor-
tant committees and took an influential part in
all the business of the House. The dividing
question was the grant of a permanent revenue
to Congress. Here Hamilton had already been
at work and had written and distributed an ad-
dress to the people, denouncing the refusal of
New York to comply with the request of Con-
gress. The preceding legislature had granted
the revenue, but under conditions which nul-
lified the act. Congress had asked for an extra
session to reconsider this action, and Clinton had
refused. In January, 1787, the new legislature
was obliged to meet the question. All reason
and a great deal of ability besides Hamilton's
were with the general government, but Clinton
had the votes. After a hot debate, the gov-
ernor obtained an approval of his course, and
after a still more protracted struggle, in which
Hamilton shone with the full lustre of eloquent
argument, the grant of the impost was de-
feated. Clinton and his followers gave the fin-
ishing stroke to the confederacy, completed its
Wreck, and left the country to choose between
ºnarchy and union on a new basis. They
builded better than they knew.
But while Hamilton, with practical good



THE CONSTITUTION. 57
º
sense, was straining every nerve to sustain Con-
gress and give the existing system, wretched as
it was, another chance for life, he did not lose
sight of the grand object which he had kept in
view for years, and which had brought him to
the New York legislature. In the course of
the session his talents had been fully displayed,
his personal attraction had been deeply felt,
so that despite the hostile majority he carried
through a resolution for the appointment of
five delegates to the coming convention. The
Senate cut down the number to three, and
defeated a second resolution, which Hamilton
carried in the House, to add two more. The
election of delegates followed, and resulted in
the choice of Chief Justice Yates, John Lan-
sing, Jr., and Alexander Hamilton. Yates and
Lansing were uncompromising Clintonians and
States-rights men, who could be relied upon to
vote against any form of improved federal gov-
ernment. The fact of their election is the best
evidence of the odds which Hamilton had over-
come in securing the resolution for their ap-
pointment. Notwithstanding the character of
the delegates, Hamilton had won a decided vic-
tory in the very teeth of a compact majority by
forcing New York to be represented in the con-
vention.
On the 25th of May, 1787, the representa-
58 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
tives of nine States were assembled at Philadel-
phia, and the work of forming a new constitu-
tion began. It is no part of my purpose to en-
ter into the history of that famous convention. :
Hamilton's great services to the cause of the º
union and the constitution were rendered before f
and after its meeting. From the day when he -
wrote from Washington's camp the letter to
Duane, setting forth the scheme of a stronger
government, he had never ceased to labor for
that end. In every legislative body within his #
reach he had striven for resolutions commend-
ing that object. He it was who had seized
with quick sagacity on the opening afforded at
Annapolis and turned it to such good account. w
He had labored incessantly to form public opin- .
ion by essays in the newspapers, by addresses º
and speeches, while in private letters he kept
up constant communication with those leaders
who thought as he did and sought always tº |
make converts where his words or his friend.
ship could have weight. By great sacrifice of
time and by strenuous exertions he had forced
New York to appear at the convention, and had
toiled to gain the approbation of Congress for
the new enterprise. At last his thought and la
bor were near fruition. The convention which
he had urged had met, he was himself a mem."
ber, and yet he still stood alone, master only of






THE CONVENTION OF 1789. 59
his own personal influence. In the decision of
the momentous questions he was helpless, for
the vote of New York was in the hands of his
enemies and sure to be cast against him on
every occasion. To have contested every posi-
tion with his colleagues, and at every trial to
have voted against his State, would only have
impaired his standing and injured his cause.
He, therefore, prudently refrained from the use-
less and unequal conflict, took comparatively
little part in the debates on details of the con-
stitution, and was absent a large part of the
time from the convention. In conversation
with the members he could persuade and coun-
sel, and this he did ; but he wisely decided to
concentrate all his force in debate in one speech.
For this purpose he selected at the beginning
of the convention, after the various plans had
been submitted, the general theme of a new
government. Completely master of his subject,
filled with a deep conviction of the solemnity
of the occasion, he delivered a speech occupy-
ing five or six hours, described by Gouverneur
Morris as the ablest and most impressive he
ever heard, and embodying all the accumulated
reflections of years. The brief remains to us,
and in that bare outline can be readily traced
the range and variety of the speech. He spoke
of the gravity of the occasion, of the choice




60 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
possible to the convention; he reviewed the
whole science and theory of government, and,
with an overflowing abundance of illustration
surveyed the whole domain of historic prece-
dents; he showed our low condition, the evils >\
of the existing system, and the resulting prin-
ciples on which a new government should be
founded. Delivered with all Hamilton's im-
pressive energy, glowing with the ardor of the
speaker, and expressed in language at once
forcible and transparently clear, we may well
believe that this speech had a profound effect.
In the course of his argument he read his
own plan for the new government, carefully
worked out and perfected. This plan, which
discloses the essence of his opinions on govern-
ment, followed in a general way the English ;
system as did all others presented, including
the one finally adopted. In after times Hamil-
º
ton was severely reproached with having said
that the British government was the “best
model in existence.” In 1787 this was a mere
truism. However much the men of that day
differed they were all agreed in despising and
distrusting a priori constitutions and ideally *
perfect governments, fresh from the brains of
visionary enthusiasts, such as sprang up rankly
in the soil of the French revolution. The con S
vention of 1787 was composed of very able pub. S.

HAMILTON'S I LAN OF GOVERNMENT. 61
lic men of the English-speaking race. They
took the system of free government with which
they had been familiar, improved it, adapted it
to the circumstances with which they had to
deal, and put it into successful operation. Ham-
ilton's plan, then, like the others, was on the
British model, and it did not differ essentially
in details from that finally adopted. But it
embodied two ideas which were its cardinal
features, and which went to the very heart of
the whole matter. The republic of Hamilton
was to be an aristocratic as distinguished from
a democratic republic, and the power of the
separate States was to be effectually crippled.
The first object was attained by committing the
choice of the President and Senators, who were
to hold office during good behavior, to a class
of the community qualified to vote by the pos-
session of a certain amount of real property.
The second was secured by giving to the Pres-
ident of the United States the appointment of
the Governors of the various States, who were
to have a veto on all state legislation. These
provisions, as may be seen at a glance, involved
the essential character of the government, and
although purely republican, came much nearer
to the British model than any other by their rec-
ognition of classes and of the political rights of
property, while by the treatment of the States



62 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
a highly centralized national government was
to supersede entirely the confederate form. In
the congress of the confederation Hamilton had
seen that all the difficulties arose from the too
great power of the States, and further, as he
believed, from the democratic form of their gov.
ernments. With his usual bold decision, there-
fore, he struck at the root of the evils and
struck hard. Many of the States-rights men
in the convention dreaded too much democracy,
when applied to the people of the United States
collectively, but they were far from approving
the vigorous ideas of Hamilton. The majority
of the members undoubtedly favored a demo-
cratic system in the union, such as they were
familiar with in their own States. Even those
who believed with Hamilton, that in the best
government there should be an infusion of aris-
tocracy, had no disposition to risk what was
then deemed the last chance for a respectable
union, on a scheme which would be hopeless of
acceptance. There can be no doubt that Ham-
ilton, with his keen perceptions of existing facts,
was perfectly aware that the leading principles
of his plan stood no chance of adoption, either
by the people or the convention. The aim of his
great speech and of his draft of a constitution
Was to brace the minds of his fellow members,
and to stimulate them to taking higher ground





THE CONVENTION OF 1789. 63
|\
| than the majority of their constituents de-
manded. In this he succeeded. His eloquent
reasoning, if it did not lead men to his own
conclusions, at least raised their tone, enlight-
ened many members, and brought them to a
more advanced ground than they were at first
prepared to take. This was all of great im-
portance, and to work for such results was, in
Hamilton's isolated position, his wisest course.
His message once delivered, he waited and
watched, aiding quietly and effectively when-
ever he could, but not attempting to thrust
himself forward, fettered as he was by the ac-
tion of his own State. His colleagues, how-
ever, abandoned the convention, and at the
close Hamilton, not shrinking from the respon-
sibility of representing alone a State where
opinions adverse to his own prevailed, once
more took part in the debates and affixed his
name and that of New York to the constitu-
tion. When the end was thus finally reached,
he sprang once more to the front and gave free
rein to all his activity and zeal. It was in this
last decisive struggle, in securing the accept-
ance of the work of the convention, that Ham-
ilton rendered his greatest services to the cause
\
|
|
/
of the constitution, — services more important/
and more effective than those of any other
one man at this last stage of what was in truth
a great political revolution.


64 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
N
I have said that Hamilton had no expecta-
tion of the adoption of his own plan of govern-
ment by the convention, but he none the less
thoroughly believed in it. He thought it bet-
ter and more enduring than the one actually
adopted, and he never lost faith in its prin-
ciples. Indeed, as the distrust of democracy
disclosed in his plan by the proposition for an
executive and Senate to be chosen by a quali.
fied suffrage, grew and strengthened in the con-
flicts arising from the French revolution, Ham-
ilton's confidence in his own theory deepened,
and his faith in the existing constitution de-
clined. But when the work was complete at
Philadelphia, when he had put his name to the
compromise which he had anticipated, and in
which he rejoiced, he gave his loyal adherence
to the new constitution and the new system.
Had he been an agitator, or a sentimentalist of
muddy morals and high purposes, a visionary
and an idealist, he would have stood up and
howled against this constitution, which was not
what he wanted, and which fell so far short of
his own standard. As he was none of these
things, but a patriotic man of clear and practical
mind, he knew that the first rule of successful
and beneficial statesmanship was not to sulk
because one cannot have just what one wants,
but to take the best thing obtainable, and sus:

THE CONSTITUTION. 65
|
º
tain it to the uttermost. In the constitution,
however imperfect he might think it, he saw a
vast improvement and unlimited possibilities,
and for the adoption and successful working of
the constitution he prepared to labor with all
his strength.
In the country at large, and in most of the
States, there was a majority against the consti-
tution, but there it was before them, and the
people had to make their choice between that
and anarchy. They did not see the alternative
quite so plainly as we do now, but that they
felt it is shown by the fact that while a large
majority longed to say “No,” a very narrow
majority in eleven States did say “Yes.” The
choice thus forced upon the people by the sub-
mission of the constitution did away almost
everywhere with the miserable indifference
which had become the prevailing sentiment
in regard to all things national. Parties be-
gan to spring up, the press teemed with con-
troversial essays and letters, and more em-
phatic marks of interest, in the shape of rioting
and burning in effigy, were not wanting.
New York was not the most important of the
States, either in wealth or population. In these
respects she was surpassed by Virginia, Massa-
chusetts, and Pennsylvania, and her adhesion
to the new scheme was considered much less


5
66 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
wital than theirs. But in geographical posi-
tion, capable as she was of dividing New Eng-
land from the middle and southern States, New
York had great importance, and almost made
up in this way what she lacked in wealth and
population. Her assent to the new scheme thus
became of great moment, and it was very diffi-
cult to gain. In New York party feeling had
always run higher than elsewhere, and it was
now extremely bitter. The opposition there to
the new constitution was stronger, more com-
pact, and better led, and had a more active,
powerful, and unscrupulous chief than in any
other State. In the city of New York a society
was formed to resist the adoption of the consti-
tution by the state convention; and there, very
soon after its signature, a concerted attempt
was made in the Clintonian interest to write
down the new scheme in a series of connected
and well-planned essays. This was a gage of
battle which Hamilton was ready enough to
take up. He asked nothing better than to de-
bate the question before the tribunal of public
opinion. The challenge was promptly accepted,
and the reply came in the form of a letter
signed “Publius,” written in the cabin of a lit-
tle vessel, as Hamilton was gliding quietly down
the tranquil current of the Hudson River. The
work thus begun extended over many weeks, a
-


“ THE FEDERALIST.” 67
X-
new number appearing, as a rule, every three
days. In the midst of the most pressing avoca-
tions, both public and professional, Hamilton
always found a moment in which to turn his
ready pen to the vindication of the constitu-
tion, so that the series might never be inter-
rupted. In this great work he was much as-
sisted by Madison and slightly by Jay, both of
whom brought ability, training, and sound sense
to the task. There has been some controversy
as to the proportionate share of these eminent
men in this undertaking, but the discussion is :
of little moment. The original conception was
Hamilton's, he wrote considerably more than
half the numbers, and to posterity “Publius.”
will always be Hamilton. *This remarkable
series of essays, famous as “The Federalist,”
is still the best exposition of the constitution
apart from judicial interpretation. “ The Fed-
eralist,” throughout the length and breadth of
the United States, did more than anything else
that was either written or spoken to secure the
adoption of the new scheme ; but it was some-
thing more far-reaching than a timely and prac-
tical piece of argument. The countless pam-
phlets, essays, disquisitions, and letters which
saw the light at the same time have disap-
peared. They have been consigned to the dust-
heaps of history, and the waters of oblivion have


68 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
rolled over them. But the “Federalist" still
stands. No one will deny that it is dry, and that
it is not calculated to amuse an idle hour, but
the “Novum Organum,” the “Leviathan,” the
“Fragment on Government,” are not easy read-
ing, and yet they are intellectual possessions
highly prized and not to be parted with. As an !
exposition of the meaning and purposes of the
constitution, “The Federalist” is now and al-
ways will be cited on the bench and at the bar,
--
. by American commentators, and by all writers on
- constitutional law. As a treatise on the princi-
- ples of federal government it still stands at the
head, and has been turned to as an authority by
the leading minds of Germany intent on the
formation of the Germanic Empire. In a word,
“The Federalist " marks an epoch in the de-
velopment of free constitutional government,
in the art of confederation, and in political
thought. On these essays Hamilton's fame as
a writer has always rested and must always
rest, although many of his other political pa"
yº are of equal ability and force.
The immediate results of “ The Federalist”
were so important that its literary merits have
been somewhat overlooked. These essays have,
in fact, become so firmly imbedded in our polit-
ical history that their place in our literature
has been forgotten. The development of co








“ THE FEDERALIST.” 69
lonial literature was rudely arrested by the
troubles with England and by the conflict of
the Revolution, when the intellectual force of
the community was wholly absorbed by politics
and war. After the peace, constitutional and
political questions, and the struggle for material
prosperity, engaged exclusively the mental en-
ergies of the people. The result was that we
had absolutely no literature except the litera-
ture of politics. This presented, of course, a
very restricted field, and literature of this sort,
that is, literature with an object and as a means
to an end instead of one cultivated purely for
its own sake, can never be of the highest order.
In this single branch, however, the standard
was very high. The genius of the people in
this direction was strong and keen, and their
faculties had been sharpened still further by
the long controversy with the mother country,
in which the talent displayed by the arguments
of the colonists upon constitutional points, and
the ability of the American State papers had
extorted the admiration of the leading minds
of England. It may be safely said that in
dealing with questions of politics and govern-
ment the people of the United States were
Second to no other nation. When a man en-
tered the arena of political discussion he not
only encountered vigorous opponents and com-


70 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
petitors, but he appealed to a public whose
judgment on these particular subjects was
highly trained. In this literature the essays of
“The Federalist” take the first place. They ex-
hibit a wide range of information; their reason-
ing is strong, their style is simple, forcible, and
clear; they were admirably adapted to their pur-
pose, and above all they have endured, for they
were a fresh and original contribution to human
knowledge and to the best thought of the time.
The conception of “The Federalist,” and the
lion's share of the essays, belong to Hamilton,
and entitle him to the first place in the litera-
º ture of the day. This is especially true if we
take “The Federalist,” in connection with his
other writings in various forms and at different
times, but always upon kindred topics. Ham-
ilton has won in this way an important posi-
tion in the literary history of America. It may
be fairly said that his work takes the first
7 rank in the only literature of the time. When
it is remembered that he was also a busy law-
yer, an active politician, and a great statesman,
this is high praise, even if the literature in
which he was foremost was nothing more than
\ the literature of politics.
* . By the publication of the “Federalist,” Ham-
ºlton rendered his first prečminent service to
the adoption of the constitution; his second



















THE NEW YORK CON VENTION. 71
*-
º
was by securing the adhesion of New York.
Clinton had failed to prevent the call of a state
convention by the legislature, where the Fed-
eralists prevailed after a sharp struggle; but
now that the last decisive conflict was upon
him he gathered all his forces and prepared for
battle. He triumphed without serious trouble \
in the election of delegates, and found himself
master of forty-six out of sixty-five votes when
the convention, which chose him to be their
president, assembled. The Clintonian majority
was led by Melancthon Smith, a keen debater
and a man of ability, and by Yates and Lan-
sing, Hamilton's colleagues at Philadelphia.
The slender minority of nineteen was headed
by Hamilton, ably supported by Jay and Liv-
ingston. “Two thirds of the convention and
four sevenths of the people are against us,”
wrote Hamilton, as he surveyed the unpleasing
prospect, anxious and grave, but full of cour-
age. The outlook was in truth disheartening,
but we may well imagine that Hamilton felt in-
stinctively the coming victory, that he rejoiced
like the strong man to run the race hopeless as
it seemed, and that he prized the laurels to be
won all the more on account of the odds which
confronted him, and the hard fight which must
be fought. The first issue was on postpone-
ment. The Clintonians urged delay, in order
º
|
|
/
-



72 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
to see the experiment tried, to be guided by the
other States, to examine further the scheme,
and so on with all the excuses of procrastina-
tion. Their ground was shrewdly chosen, but
the Federalists met the issue boldly, and when
it came to a vote, even the devoted partisans of
the Governor shrank from settling the momen-
tous question by evasion, and postponement
was defeated. Then the work of the Philadel-
phia convention was taken up, sharply debated,
and minutely scrutinized in every clause and
paragraph. Day after day Hamilton was on
his feet upholding the cause of the constitution.
Every opinion which he had expressed was
turned and twisted into a weapon of personal
attack, and he was constantly assailed as if he
and the constitution were one. Defending and
explaining his own position without weakening
his cause, he debated every point and met his
vigorous opponents in constant battle. No de-
tail was too small to be dealt with, no flight was
too distant for him to take. Filled with his
subject, thoroughly familiar with all that could
be said on both sides, he reasoned and pleaded,
exhausting every resource of argument. When
the constitution had been thus reviewed it could
be seen how his work had told. The opposing
forces faced each other for some days in com-
plete inaction. The Clintonians, despite their












THE NEW YORK CONVENTION. 73
majority, dreaded to come to a direct vote, un-
certain as to the precise effect of Hamilton's
arguments. The Federalists, who had been
fighting for time and knew that time was work-
y ing with them, were in no haste to move. Nine
States had ratified. The experiment would
surely be tried, and presently came the news
that Virginia had assented. The old policy of
evasion was once more attempted by moving
an adjournment and was again defeated. Then
came a long string of amendments and a pro-
posal for conditional ratification. Hamilton
met this in a brilliant speech, and Melancthon
Smith confessed that conditional ratification
was absurd. The end was near. A short inter-
val elapsed, and then Melancthon Smith ad-
mitted that he had been convinced by Hamil-
ton, and that he should vote for the constitution.
This was the signal for a break, and when the
vote was taken the constitution had a majority
of three in its favor. Bearing with him these
joyful tidings Hamilton hastened to take his
seat in Congress, to which he had been elected
Some months before despite a vindictive opposi-
tion on the part of the Governor.
- This New York convention was an epoch in
Hamilton's life. It so chanced that in the years
which remained to him he had no opportunity
after this time take part in a great debate. His




74 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
eloquence found vent repeatedly, of course, at
the bar and in public meetings, but never again
in convention or in Congress. Thus it happens/
that his legislative career closed when he was
barely thirty, and yet he had attained the very
first rank as a parliamentary orator. This fact
is as rare as it is remarkable, for high position
of this sort is usually the crown of a life spent
in legislative debate. Hamilton's case is an
almost solitary instance of a man's achieving
this difficult reputation while the work which
was to stamp him as one of the great legislaº
tors and statesmen of his country still lay be:
fore him. This sounds like mere panegyric,
but a little consideration shows that it is only
the simple truth. Hamilton's victory in secur-
ing New York came at a time when the land
was filled with debate and discussion; when
besides the national convention at Philadelphia
there were twelve state conventions, and when
all the talent of the nation was called into Con-
spicuous action. That under such circumstances
one state convention should be obscured is
hardly to be wondered at, and thus the magni-
tude of Hamilton's success simply as an achieve:
ment of parliamentary skill and eloquence has
been lost sight of. In New York the difficul:
ties were greater than elsewhere. The hardest
struggles in other States were in the two great
THE NEW YORK CONVENTION. 75
º
commonwealths of Massachusetts and Virginia.
In the former, however, all the ability of the
State was banded together to sustain the con-
stitution; by skilful tactics Samuel Adams and
John Hancock, the great leaders of the State-
rights party, were disarmed and partially con-
verted, so that those who confronted the Fed-
eralists in actual conflict were very inferior
men. In Virginia the ability was pretty equally
divided between the contending parties, but the
opposition was much less stubborn and unrea-
sonable than in New York or Massachusetts,
while the Federalists had the inestimable ad-
vantage of Washington's enormous personal in-
fluence. In New York, if we exclude Hamil-
ton, the preponderance of ability was with the
Governor, who in political strength and man-
agement was a host in himself. The majority
against the constitution was very large, care-
fully disciplined and counted, compact, and ably
led. This majority Hamilton overcame by open
debate. He changed votes by his untiring suc-
cession of brilliant speeches, and when party
lines are drawn there is nothing so rare as such
a feat in all the long records of parliamentary
contests. He did this, too, in the midst of con-
tinued personal attacks, which he was compelled
not only to ward off but to keep distinct from
his cause. It is true that circumstances worked
-
-
\
*
*
\
º
\


|

76 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
with him, but this was part of his campaign;
and that the pressure caused by the accession of
other States was not necessarily decisive, is
shown by the postponement of the question in
North Carolina and the refusal to call a conven-
tion in Rhode Island. Any one familiar with
legislative bodies and with parliamentary his-
tory can appreciate the meaning and weight of
the confession wrung from the leader of the
majority, when he admitted that he had been
convinced by Hamilton on a question which
had agitated the public mind for months and
on which party feeling had run high. Tried by
the severest test, that of winning votes, Hamil-
ton's victory is of the highest rank in the an-
mals of modern oratory.
*That the new States were almost painfully
deficient in nearly everything which gave re-
finement to the old world civilization, in art, in
literature, in philosophy, in social splendor, can-
not be doubted ; but in politics, constitutions
of government, and public law they were more
advanced than any other people; and in capag-
ity and skill in parliamentary debate and poº
litical controversy they were as well versed and
as keen as their brethren of the House of Com-
mons. In this field, therefore, Hamilton can be
measured by standards as high as any then in
existence, and can be compared with any of his
THE NEW YORK CONVENTION. 77
contemporaries on either side of the water
His many speeches have perished; there were
no short-hand reporters; he spoke extempora-
neously from the stores of an overflowing mind,
and only meagre outlines of arguments and
striking sentences condensed to the last point
remain. Yet it is not difficult to analyze the
qualities which made Hamilton a great orator.
Concerning the intrinsic merit of what he said,
there is no need to go farther than the essays
of the “Federalist,” to learn that they were
profound expositions of the principles of con-
stitutional law and of the state of public affairs.
In the same essays, or in any other of Hamil-
ton's pamphlets or reports, we can also find
that he set forth his ideas with wonderful clear-
ness, directness, and force, often with intense
eompression, at times with a great variety of
illustration. All these attributes avail much
to clear men's minds of error and to convince
them of truth. But behind the lucid reasoning
and the nervous expression there must have
been something more, some qualities which
moved men's hearts. Inconceivable as it seems
with such topics, we yet know from eye-wit-
nesses that Hamilton moved his hearers to
tears. What was it that could do this? To
stir an indiscriminate crowd to tempests of grief
or rage is not an uncommon power; to move to
\




78 ALEXANDER HA.MILTON.
deep emotion a legislative body, in this in
stance, of course, largely hostile and made up
of picked men, is an extraordinary feat. From
Hamilton's letters and essays, indeed, from
everything he ever wrote, we know that he was
not a man of strong or fertile imagination. He
would never have pictured a coalition by de-
scribing the junction of the Rhone and Saone
with a felicity of expression which was startling
in its vivid exactness, or held his hearers breath-
less as he drew the fanciful retrospect of the
aged Bathurst. In a period when tropes, met-
aphors, and images were fashionable, Hamilton
dealt but little in them. With him thoughts
and sentences are alike simple, strong, and
straightforward, and these he used effectively
and convincingly, not by delighting the imag:
ination and beguiling the fancy but by commu-
nicating through his words, voice, and manner
his own spirit. That he had pathos, sympathy,
and depth of feeling, can be seen in the André
letters, and these qualities did him good Ser-
vice; but that which led him to victory was the
passionate energy of his nature, his absorption
in his work, his contagious and persuasive en-
thusiasm. He rises before us from the past
small in stature, but erect and graceful, and by
the art of the chisel and the brush, we can See
the firm, strong jaw, noble head, long, straight
TITE NEW YORK CONVENTION. 79
nose, and most effective of all the dark, deep-
Set eyes. We can easily imagine how he looked,
with his eyes glowing and flashing as he be-
came excited, and how his full melodious voice
rang out, compelling the attention of all who
listened.
Hamilton's speeches in the New York con-
vention do not live on the lips of school-boys.
They suffered from having been spoken in a
Small state convention at a time when eleven
other similar assemblies were held. They had
none of the splendor which came to Pitt and
Burke from their forum; none of the glitter of
the gorgeous pageant which gathered in West-
minster Hall to listen to the wrongs of the Be-
gums ; none of the national lustre which en-
circled Ames when he shook Congress with
dread at the prospect of war with England,
or Clay when he denounced the Essex junto, or
Webster when he upheld the cause of the Union.
Yet if we try Hamilton's speeches by the se-
Verest tests, by the conversion he wrought, by
the sustained power, the readiness, fertility, and
resource he displayed, and above all by re-
Sults, this series of speeches in the New York
Convention deserves to rank with the highest
triumphs of modern parliamentary oratory.
This at least was the opinion of his contempo-
taries, both friends and foes. In the grand pro-


80 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
cession by which the Federalists of New York
celebrated their victory, the federal frigate was
named the “Hamilton,” while the opponents of
the constitution assailed him for using such con-
summate art in oratory that he blinded, hood-
winked, and misled his hearers, preventing their
voting in accordance with their real convic-
tions, so bewitched were they by the magic
of his words. No greater compliment could
have been paid him ; and when his bitterest
enemies ranked his eloquence so highly, pos-
terity may fitly adjudge its place to be among
the first.
The great battle had been fought and won,
but much remained to be done. The demands
of New York and Virginia for a new conven-
tion to amend the constitution must be evaded,
and officers of the new government who were
sound Federalists must be chosen. Hamilton
carried through Congress the ordinance fixing
the dates and the place for putting the new
government in operation, and then turned his
attention to New York. His reward was defeat
for reëlection for the unexpired term of the old
Congress. For Clinton, though beaten, held
his men together in an extraordinary way, and
with an unyielding grasp. The Federalists con-
trolled the Senate, but Clinton had the House
when the New York legislature assembled. The


THE NEW YORK ELECTIONS. 81
result was an obstinate dead-lock, and New
York was unrepresented in the first electoral
colleges, and had no Senators when the new
Congress met. The state elections soon fol-
lowed, and Hamilton flung himself heart and
Soul into the campaign. Yates was nominated
by the Federalists, as a moderate man able to
draw votes from the other side, and Hamilton
supported him eagerly and eloquently with voice
and pen in the newspapers and on the platform.
This choice of a candidate was due to Hamilton,
and it may well be doubted whether he would
not have done better if he had nominated some
steady Federalist. He would certainly have
strengthened his party, but he was probably
led to select Yates by the desire to win at all
hazards. “His hatred of Clinton probably
blinded his judgment, which, whenever it went
astray, was warped by the energy of his per-
Sonal feelings. At all events the doughty Gov-
ernor prevailed once more, despite the exertions
of his enemies, but his power was broken. His
majority was a very narrow one, and the leg-
islature was in favor of the constitution. This
gave the Senators to the Federalists, and by
most desperate efforts they succeeded in choos-
ing four of the six representatives in Congress.
KThe election of the Senators was marked by
one of those errors into which Hamilton was




6
82 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
fled on one or two memorable occasions by his
imperious will and headstrong disposition. Up
to this time the Livingstons, one of the ruling
families in New York, had acted with and given
powerful aid to the friends of the constitution.
They cheerfully conceded one senatorship to
Schuyler, but they and others like Morgan
Lewis desired the other, as it is said, for Some
New York man of their faction, and they were
especially opposed to King, whom Hamilton
had settled upon as Schuyler's colleague." Ru-
fus King was an eminent and able man, but he
had just come from Massachusetts, and could
not in the nature of things have had any follow-
ing of his own. Hamilton, nevertheless, per-
sisted, and King was chosen. The result Was
a rupture with the Livingstons, which was the
probable cause of the defeat of Schuyler two
years later, and of the election of Burr King
was no doubt an abler man than any of his
competitors, but the Livingston alliance Was
very important to the Federalists, and it was a
(blunder to throw it away. “Hamilton had, in
fact, no genius for management, and his bese"
ting danger was in his desire to force things
through, and in his impatience of delay or of
concession, when dealing with other men. In
this case his imprudence brought strength tº
1 Morgan Lewis to Hamilton, June 24, 1789, MS, letter.
|


THE WE W G O VERNMENT. 83
Burr, and was the beginning of his many
troubles in New York politics.
Meanwhile, the day had come, the eventful
4th of March fixed for the assembling of the
new Congress. The evil habits of the old con-
federacy still clung to national affairs to such
a degree that a quorum of both Houses was not
obtained until April 6th. Then the votes were
opened and counted, and George Washington
Was declared to be President by a unanimous
Vote, and John Adams, who had received the
next highest number, obtained the Vice-Presi-
dency. Washington and Adams on being in-
formed of their election proceeded by slow
stages to New York, where they were sworn in
and the government was fairly organized. The
great experiment was at last on trial.



CHAPTER V.
THE TREASURY AND THE FINANCIAL POLICY.
2. ALTHOUGH early spring saw the actual forma-
tion of the government of the United States, it
was not until September 2d that the act passed
º the Treasury Department. All
eyes were turned to Hamilton as the man to
fill this great office. Washington had already
decided upon him, and Robert Morris had
singled him out as the statesman suited above
all others for the trying position which he him-
self had filled under the confederacy. Advisers
were not wanting, tried friends and admirers,
like Troup and Gouverneur Morris, who warned
Hamilton of the trials he was about to en-
counter, and of the thorny path he must tread.
They had reason enough on their side. Despite
his politics, Hamilton, benefiting like other
young patriots by the law excluding Tories
from practice in the courts, had raised himself
to a leading position at the bar, and had wealth
and reputation within easy reach. All this
quiet and assured prosperity must be sacrificed
for a post beset with difficulties, of unceasing



THE TREASURY. 85
toil, and with a paltry salary of thirty-five
hundred dollars a year. There is, however, no
indication that Hamilton wavered for a moment
in his decision. He was convinced that he
could render his best service to his country at
the head of the Treasury, and he at once ac-
cepted the high office. It could not have been
otherwise. His time had come, the great epoch
of his life, and it was impossible to escape his
destiny. He was only thirty-two years old, in
the flower of his age and with the flush of youth
upon him. The weapons which he had been
forging for years hung at last complete and
glittering before his eyes, and he was the last
man to refuse to gird on the sword and draw it
in the cause of good government.
Ten days after Hamilton's appointment Con-
gress directed him to prepare a report upon the
public credit, but this order, which led to the
development of his whole financial policy, was
only one of the many tasks allotted to him. It
is not a little amusing to note how eagerly
Congress, which had been ably and honestly
struggling with the revenue, with commerce,
and with a thousand details, fettered in all
things by the awkwardness inherent in a legis-
lative body, turned for relief to the new Secre-
tary. They knew Hamilton's reputation and
his perfect familiarity with theories of finance



86 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
and government, and they seem to have felt in-
stinctively that he was a great minister of state
with a well-defined policy for every exigency.
In the course of a year he was asked to report,
and did report, with full details, upon the rais-
ing, management, and collection of the revenue,
including a scheme for revenue cutters; as to
estimates of income and expenditure ; as to the
temporary regulation of the chaotic currency 3
as to navigation laws and the regulation of the
coasting trade, after thorough consideration of
a heap of undigested statistics; as to the post-
office, for which he drafted a bill; as to the pur-
chase of West Point; on the great question of
public lands, and a uniform system of dealing
with them, and upon all claims against the gov-
ernment. Rapidly and effectively the Secretary
dealt with all these matters, besides drawing up
as a voluntary suggestion a scheme for a judi-
cial system. But in addition to all this multi-
plicity of business there were other matters,
like the temporary regulation of the currency;
requiring peremptory settlement. Money had
to be found for the immediate and pressing
wants of the new government before any sys"
tem had been or could be adopted, and the only
resources were the empty treasury and broken
credit of the old confederacy. By one ingen"
ious expedient or another, sometimes by pledg:

THE TREASURY. 87
V.
ing his own credit, Hamilton got together what
was absolutely needful, and without a murmur
conquered these petty troubles at the very time
when he was elaborating and devising a far-
reaching policy. Then the whole financial ma-
chine of the Treasury Department, and a sys-
tem of accounting, demanded instant attention.
These intricate problems were solved at once,
the machine constructed, and the system of ac-
counts devised and put in operation, and so
well were these difficult tasks performed that
they still subsist, developing and growing with
the nation, but at bottom the original arrange-
ments of Hamilton. These complicated ques-
tions, answered so rapidly and yet so accurately
in the first weeks of confusion incident to the
establishment of a new government, show a
familiarity and preparation as well as a readi-
ness of mind of a most unusual kind. Yet
While Hamilton was engaged in all this bewil-
dering work, he was evolving the great finan-
cial policy at once broad, comprehensive, and
minute, and after the recess in January he laid
his ground plan before Congress in his first
report upon the public-credit, a state paper.
Which marks an era in American history, and
by which the massive corner-stone from which
the-great structure of the federal government.
-º-º-ºn
has risen, was securely laid.




88 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
It was with this report that Hamilton en-
tered upon the most important part of his career,
and at the same time upon the period in which
he impressed his individuality strongly upon the
history and development of the United States.
The first report on the public credit was not
only the beginning of a remarkable financial
scheme, which achieved a brilliant practical suc-
cess, but with its successors which came quickly
after it from the fertile mind at the head of
the treasury, it carried out a far-reaching policy
which affected, as it came to maturity, the char-
acter of the whole government, built up and
welded together a powerful party, and founded
a school of political thought which still endures
and has always exercised a profound influence
on our material growth and our political and
constitutional system. Up to this time, great
and valuable as Hamilton's services had been,
they were simply those of a man of remarkable
ability, having no peculiar mark about them.
The intellect and personality of Hamilton have
not left their stamp and superscription upon the
constitution as it went from the Philadelphia
convention, but upon the government, the pub-
lic policy, the political system which grew up
under the constitution, they made an indelible
impression in those early and plastic years, and
one which has never been effaced. In a word



% FIRST REPORT ON THE PUBLIC CREDIT. 89
when Hamilton sent in his report on the pub-
lic credit in January, 1790, from being a dis-
tinguished man he became also a typical leader,
and, most important of all, an essential element
in our history.
To attempt to give an abstract of this report
would be labor wasted. With all his lucidity of
statement, Hamilton was always concise, es-
pecially in his communications to Congress, and
to such a degree, that further condensation is
out of the question. But to understand Ham-
ilton and his influence as a great factor at the
dawn of the history of the United States, it is
i sufficient to lay bare the main principles of his
report. In these we can obtain the intent and
significance of his policy, and then compare it
with its results. After setting forth in general 2
but striking terms the necessity of public credit, -
not merely as a means of raising money, but as
an element of national greatness, and after
dwelling on the need of the most rigid honor in
all things connected with financial dealings,
Hamilton states in a few curt sentences the ob-
iects to be attained. He says: —
“To justify and preserve the confidence of the
most enlightened friends of good government; to pro-
mote the increasing respectability of the American
name ; to answer the calls of justice; to restore
*anded property to its due value; to furnish new re-



90 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
sources both to agriculture and commerce; to cement
more closely the union of the States; to add to their
security against foreign attack; to establish public
order on the basis of an upright and liberal policy; —
these are the great and invaluable ends to be secured
by a proper and adequate provision, at the present
period, for the support of public credit.”
I have italicized the two sentences which
seem to me to embody the most essential points
of the whole policy. The cardinal doctrines of
Hamilton, in questions of politics and govern-
ment, were strength and order. The more in-
timate union of the States, effected by a com-
mon interest in the solvency and maintenance
of a common government, was a sure instrument
to promote strength. This was plain and is
plainly stated, but the general expression, “to
establish public order on the basis of an upright
and liberal policy,” covers, whether intention-
ally or not, a world of meaning, which finds ex-
planation in the whole course of Hamilton's
career and of his political thought.” Public or
der usually is the condition precedent of sound
finances. Here it is made the consequence. By
the regulation of the finances, not only the
strength of the government was to be increased,
but public order was to be established. It was
in truth, the old idea which held a leading
place in Hamilton's youthful scheme of a bank,

FIRST REPORT ON THE PUBLIC CREDIT. 91
of building up a strong party in support of the
government. This was not merely to invig-
orate an existing political party or to evolve a
new one, although such a result was incidental,
important, and expected. Hamilton's scheme
went farther, seeking to create a strong, and,
so far as was possible and judicious, a perma-
ment class all over the country, without regard
to existing political affiliations, but bound to
the government as a government by the strong-
est of all ties, immediate and personal pecuni-
ary interest. The wisdom of this was obvious,
when the object was to sustain a great experi-
ment; yet at the same time Hamilton's pur-
pose was not simply by the spread of a pop-
ular loan to unite a numerous body of men
in the support of the government, but chiefly
and mainly to bring to his side a class already
in existence, that which controlled the capital
of the country. The full intent of the policy
was to array property on the side of the gov-
ernment. That once done, the experiment,
Hamilton felt, would succeed, and its powers,
moreover, might then be much extended. He
had been unable to introduce a class influence
into the constitution by limiting the suffrage
for the President and Senate with a property
qualification, but by nis financial policy he could
bind the existing class of wealthy men, compris-

92 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
ing at that day the aristocracy bequeathed by
provincial times to the new system, and thus,
if at all, assure to the property of the country
the control of the government.
The method by which these great ends were
to be reached, as well as the others, hardly
less important, which are also set forth in the
sentence quoted above, was by funding and
consolidating all the debts of the United States
incurred in the war or growing out of it. The
most immediate practical gain which Hamilton
promised himself in this was, that the funds
would supply that deficiency of a circulating
medium under which the country labored, and
this point he argued at length and with great
ability. He proposed several schemes for fund-
ing, comprising various forms of annuities and
of payment in order to attract all classes of
creditors. Into these financial details it is not
necessary to enter. To fund the whole debt at
the existing rates of interest, he believed to be
beyond the power of the country at that mor
ment, and in view of the great improvement to
be effected, and the appreciation of the debt
which had already taken place, he demanded
present concessions from the creditors. To use
a modern phrase, he offered long bonds at a low
rate of interest, four per cent., and short bonds |
at six per cent. He proposed to pay two thirds


















FIRST REPORT ON THE PUBLIC CREDIT 93
of the debt in the new funds, to bear interest at
once, and the remainder in land, or in funds
which should bear the same rates of interest at
some future time. The propositions were hon-
orable and practicable, and involved ultimate
full payment, so that to creditors who had gen-
erally begun to regard their loans as hopelessly
lost, they must have seemed positively brilliant.
Hamilton further proposed a sinking fund, which
was to be made up at the outset from a new loan
of ten millions placed in the hands of commis-
sioners for the purchase of certain classes of the
debt, and for otherwise facilitating the finan-
cial operation of the government, and which
was also to be the receptacle of all savings
and surplus, and thus provide for the accumu-
lation of the means necessary to meet and ex-
tinguish the debt as it became due. This was
nothing more than the ordinary sinking fund,
! as it is used and understood at the present day,
º not only in all civilized governments, but in
| innumerable corporations. It was merely a
| means to provide for actual savings to be ap-
| plied to the extinction of debt. But coming at
a time when Pitt was using “sinking fund” as
a term to conjure with, and by ingenious cal-
\ culations of the rates of interest was perfecting
a juggle which served to blind a whole genera-
tion of Englishmen, and which actually led them


94 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. -
to believe that debts could be extinguished, not
by payment, but by further borrowing, this ar-
rangement is interesting from its business-like
simplicity and sense. There was nothing of
Pitt's ingenuity about Hamilton's plan. To
him the sinking fund was a convenient business
device; nothing more. He had too keen a
mind to be deceived himself, and he had no
…” wish to confuse and befool others.” His finan-
cial schemes were to be truthful and genuine,
if nothing else, and he put forth his scheme of
funding and sinking, not as the incantation of
an enchanter, by which debts could be paid with:
out saving, but as business-like arrangements
by which honor could be restored, honesty and
reputation retrieved, the nation strengthened,
and the debt, so long as the necessary evil of
its existence endured, become, by taking on a
new form, a blessing instead of a curse to the
business interests and moral tone of the whole
Country.
Such, in brief outline, were the objects at
which Hamilton aimed, and the means by
which he hoped to compass them. Nothing
remained but to determine the subject-matter
to be dealt with ; and here came the crucial
question of what constituted the debt of the
United States. Few men questioned the value.]
of the purposes set forth by Hamilton, for on













THE DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES. 95
the surface, and, in most cases from any point
of view, they commended themselves to the
hearty support of all sensible men. There were
few, too, who objected to Hamilton's mode of
funding; although at a later time in his career
and also since it has all passed into history,
there has been some hostile criticism on this
point, which I shall refer to again. But as to
what constituted the debt, there were imme-
diate, wide, and bitter differences of opinion re-
sulting in the first great political struggle of
the United States, and laying deep and solid
foundations of party divisions. Hamilton di-
vided the debt into three parts: the foreign
debt, the domestic debt, and the debts of the
States incurred in the cause of the union dur-
ing the war of the Revolution. All these to-
gether amounted in round numbers to above
eighty millions, – hardly more than Mr. Sher-
man recently saved in a twelvemonth in the in-
terest account of the United States, but a very
terrible sum in the year 1790. Every one was
agreed about the foreign debt; every one was
likewise agreed as to paying the domestic debt,
but there were wide differences as to how and
to whom this latter payment should be made.
These two classes covered about fifty-four mil-
tions of the debt; and then came the state
debts, amounting to twenty-five millions, very


96 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
unevenly distributed, bristling with opposing
interests, the great bone of contention, and a
subject of long and sore conflict. Thus the l/
work was mapped out, and Hamilton con-
cluded his report with estimates of ways and
means, a scheme for raising revenue by duties
on teas, wines, and spirits, and in the back-
ground a plan for an excise.
Before discussing the fate of this great report
and its momentous political results, it is best to
review briefly the other reports which followed
close upon it, and were in reality parts of one
comprehensive scheme. In this way the whole
broad financial policy of Hamilton comes into
view, and all the causes being thus understood
and grouped together, it becomes far easier to
appreciate the effects upon the country and
upon its history.
The assumption of the state debts made an
increase of revenue absolutely necessary, and at
the close of the year 1790 Hamilton took the
next step in perfecting his policy by sending to
Congress his second report on the public credit,
urging the establishment of an excise which he
had already suggested, but which had been laid
aside. Some additions he showed could be made
to the duties imposed, but these were insufficient
and it became necessary to raise revenue else- y
where. Hamilton's general theory was to have


THE EXCISE. 97
as little direct taxation as possible, and to raise
as much revenue from articles of luxury as was
consistent with successful collection. Having
carried the duties on imports as high as he felt
they would bear, he turned naturally to the
domestic manufacture of spirits as the best
and most proper resource. No one now will
question that by all the best principles of polit-
ical economy Hamilton was right in his choice,
and that he selected the most appropriate sub-
ject for taxation. The revenue being essential,
this was the least burdensome way to raise it,
and the subject was one which in its nature
should always be taxed before anything else,
and as heavily as it will bear. On economic
principles, the excise on spirits suggested by
Hamilton requires neither explanation nor de-
fence. The real difficulty was political not
economical. It was true that excises had been
laid and collected by several of the States with-
out objection. Hamilton in fact cited these pre-
cedents, but to the popular mind they were not
precedents at all, for the people did not try tax-
ation by the States according to the principles
which they applied in judging of taxation by
the general government. An excise laid by the
States was like all other taxes; an excise laid
by the general government met in the popular
feeling the famous definition given to it by Dr.


7
98 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
Johnson. The attempt to raise an internal rev-
enue had led to the Revolution. The govern-
ment of England was external, and the conse-
quent hatred of government of that description
combined with States rights had proved the ruin
of the confederation, and was the greatest men-
:ace to the new union. The old confederate gov-
ernment had laid, or had attempted to lay du-
ties; the new government was formed for that
purpose, and to the customs which everybody
expected there was no objection. But although
the right of the central government under the
constitution to lay an excise was perfectly clear,
it seemed to come from an external government;
it was new and unexpected, and was calculated
to rekindle the slumbering animosity against
anything resembling external power, and to re-
vive all the old jealousy of the States-rights
party. All this Hamilton saw plainly enough.
He endeavored to disarm opposition by a care:
ful diminution of the hated powers of the offi-
cers of the excise, taking from them their usual
summary jurisdiction and carefully limiting
their right of search. But if he was cautious,
he was also determined. Revenue was neces"
sary, and an excise on spirits was the best
resource from an economical point of view.
Moreover, the Secretary was bent on vindicat-
ing the right of the government to collect an

*TETE NATIONAL BANK. 99
r
internal revenue. It was an important asser-
tion of power and one which ought to be at the
command of the government, and which if once
carried into successful practice would be an-
other element of strength. It was part of the
general scheme, economical and political; it
was a bold and perhaps a perilous move leading
to grave consequences, but Hamilton made it
unflinchingly, and then turned all his energies
to securing its successful operation.
The day after that which gave date to the
excise report, saw the report on the national
bank-transmitted to the House of Representa-
tives. This report embodied in an elaborated
and perfected form the fruit of Hamilton's earli-
est meditations on finance in the dark days of
the war. In a national bank he then saw the
surest staff to aid the tottering steps of the
young and struggling republic; and now in the
plenitude of his power at the head of the treas-
ury, and of a vigorous party, he turned to it as
a fundamental element of a broad and national
financial policy. The report was an elaborate
essay on national banks with a full display of
their advantages, forcible replies to all the
anticipated and usual objections, and a clear
but detailed plan of the bank which the Sec-
retary wished Congress to establish. The late
Earl of Beaconsfield announced, not long ago,

100 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
that it was necessary to educate his party; and
in a similar fashion Hamilton began his report
by confessing that he wished to educate the
public, and that this must be his excuse for
such a lengthy presentation of a subject so sim-
ple and so familiar to the “superior informa-
tion ” of the Congress he addressed. Putting
ourselves, in the wisdom of our day and gener-
ation, on the same plane as that which Hamil-
ton's friends in Congress occupied a century
ago, we can lay aside the educational details
and arguments on banks and banking. These
same details and arguments are admirably ar-
ranged and most lucidly expressed; they were
full of instruction then, it is not impossible
that they might be of value in that way even
to the present enlightened age, but still they
are at bottom argumentative and instructive,
and are far from easy reading. They do not
help us particularly to appreciate the charaº
ter, influence, and meaning in history of the
man who wrote them down, so we may fairly
dispense with them here, and confine ourselves
to the great principles of the report as an es:
sential part of a broad general scheme.
YThe plan of the bank was a good one, practical
and successful; but that too is not of importance
here. The bank was to have the support of the
government, and the government was to have


THE NATIONAL BANK. 101
the use of the funds, and to a certain extent and
in a last resort the control of the bank. The
objects to be attained were in the main the
same as those aimed at by the funding system.
The economical problem which confronted the
United States was, how to develop their vast
material resources. The difficulty lay in in-
jured credit, both public and private, in lack
of capital and circulating medium, and in the
almost complete deficiency of the financial ma-
chinery necessary to the conduct of domestic
trade and foreign commerce. In a national
bank Hamilton perceived the means of restor-
ing general confidence, so important to large
and remunerative business transactions. In the
issue of bank notes he saw a large addition to
the circulating medium of the country, and a
great expansion of credit. These notes would
have all the strength imparted by the close al-
liance between the bank and the government,
- without the dangerous qualities inherent in ir-
redeemable government paper. Facilities for
exchange and for the transaction of business
throughout the States, not merely for the gov-
ernment in the transmission of taxes, and in
all its other dealings, but for individuals every-
where, would be promoted to a degree which
we can hardly conceive without picturing to
Wurselves a community almost utterly destitute



102 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
of all the appliances by which the vast concerns
of the business world are now kept in daily
motion. All these great benefits flowing from
the national bank were correct in theory and
proved equally so in practice. They were all
sought by Hamilton for the great purpose of
advancing the development of the resources of
the country, which, economically speaking, was
the pole-star of his whole financial policy. They
were intended to facilitate trade, encourage en-
terprise, enhance the value of land, and stimu-
late at once and as strongly as possible both
agriculture and commerce.
In the bank, too, there was also a valuable
engine for the performance of the financial
work of the treasury and a fresh source of power
and strength to the government. In the same
manner as the funds the bank would create a
class, or call forth one already in existence in
support of the government. The stockholders
of the bank would be even more united and
more active than the holders of the funds be-
cause they would have more to gain. Then,
too, in addition to this powerful body of allies,
the government would find in the resources of
the bank a great assistance in time of distress,
and a uniform system of finance and of bank
notes everywhere receivable would replace the
thaos of thirteen jarring States, each with its
THE NATIONAL BANK. 103
own banks issuing notes which were universally
distrusted beyond their own borders. The
power and purposes of a national bank were
seen as plainly by Hamilton's opponents as by
his friends, but its immense economical value
and necessary usefulness prevailed. The policy
of a national bank thus founded by Hamilton
has never been permanently laid aside. When
the charter of the first expired, the very party,
and some of the very men even who had most
fiercely resisted it, established another. A few
years later, and the president of the national
bank struggled with the President of the
United States on not unequal terms, a curious
verification of the power which Hamilton be-
lieved he should find in a bank, and of the pos-
sible danger of that power if arrayed against
º the government, as predicted by Hamilton's op-
ponents. Then came an interregnum of state
banks, and again difficulty and distress led to a
return to Hamilton's policy. The system of
national banks has replaced the Bank of the
| United States and its branches, doing away with
the danger of extreme centralization in a single
f
. institution, which would be at the present time
% of perilous magnitude. But though the form
2 has been thus wisely changed, the policy of na-
tional banking and the governing principles are
itill those laid down by Hamilton, and we live



104 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
now under the sound, wise policy in this respect
which he devised and carried through nearly a
century ago.
\ But there is another side still to Hamilton's
plan of a national bank, which overshadows all
its other purposes and results, important and
far-reaching as they were. This was the con-
stitutional side. The opposition denied the
right of the government of the United States to
erect a national bank, and Hamilton evoked
the implied powers of the constitution to bring
him victory. The struggle went into the cab-
inet, and Hamilton's argument not only satis-
fied Washington, but has carried conviction to
a majority of the American people ever since.
This argument on the constitutionality of the
national bank, as a piece of legal reasoning, is
the most important which Hamilton ever
produced, not only in itself but because it can
be tried by the highest possible standard. In
McCulloch v. Maryland, Chief Justice Marshall
went over precisely the same ground on the
same question, deciding the point, as is well
known, in Hamilton's favor. There are few
arguments which will bear to be placed side by
side with those of Marshall, but Hamilton's
bears the comparison without suffering in the
trial. The able and luminous decision of the
Chief Justice adds nothing to the argument of

















THE IMPLIED POWERS. 105
w
y
f
the Secretary and takes nothing from it, nor is
the work of the latter inferior to the opinion
of the judge in clearness and force of expres-
sion. I am far from meaning to imply by this
that Hamilton was as a lawyer the equal of Mar-
shall, who stands at the head of all lawyers,
especially on constitutional questions. But it
may be truly said, that a man who could in
much haste produce an argument which can be
placed beside an opinion of the great Chief
- - - - - º -
Justice involving the very same question, is |
fairly entitled to stand in the front rank of
lawyers and can be credited with the possession |
of legal talents of the highest order.
Interesting as this comparison is to the stu-
dent of Hamilton's life and character, the his-
torical weight and meaning of the argument
lies in the calling into vigorous life the implied
powers of the constitution. This great doc-
trine, embodying the principle of liberal con-
struction, was the most formidable weapon in
the armory of the constitution; and when Ham-
ilton grasped it he knew, and his opponents felt,
that here was something capable of conferring
on the federal government powers of almost
any extent. Beside the doctrine of the implied
powers, all the other schemes of Hamilton to
give strength to the new system, far reaching
ºnd striking as they were, sank into insignifi-






106 ALEXAN DER HAMILTON.
cance. Hamilton did not shrink. Strength,
order, and national force were his objects, and
in the implied powers he could find everything
that he needed, or that the government could
need, provided his progress was not arrested.
On the doctrine thus boldly laid down as to the
bank, great parties have arisen and divided
ever since, and a large part of our history, con-
stitutional and political, has turned on the im-
plied powers first seized by Hamilton. The
growth of nationality, and the conversion of
the agreement of thirteen States into the char-
ter of a nation have been largely the develop-
ment of the implied powers. This is the cen-
tral point of Hamilton's whole policy, and in his
bold declaration of the implied powers of the
constitution he laid bare his one predominant
purpose of building up a powerful national gov-
lernment. -
In a little more than a month after the tran
mission of the report on the national bank, the
indefatigable Secretary of the Treasury sent to
Congress his report on the establishment of the
mint. This was of course an integral part of
his financial policy; but it was purely financial
and had none of the wide political and con-
stitutional importance which attaches to the
other reports. This essay on coinage, for such
it really was, shows all Hamilton's thorough
V
|*


*— THE MINT. 107
ness of treatment and clearness of thought and
expression, applied to an intricate and difficult
series of questions. The most interesting feat-
ure of the report to us lies in Hamilton's advo-
cacy of a double standard. His argument was
moderate in tone; he fully admitted the neces-
sity of conforming in this matter to the prac-
tice of other countries and of the commercial
world, and especially of England, with whom
we had our largest dealings. He also frankly
admitted the difficulties attendant on maintain-
ing a proper ratio between the metals, so that
one by being overvalued should not drive the
other out. But after all deductions and with
full allowance for all possible risks he comes
clearly to the conclusion that in the long run
greater steadiness is acquired by maintaining a
double rather than a single standard, and that.
a better circulating medium, larger, more con-
venient, and less subject to dangerous fluctua-
tions is thus attained. This principle was
adopted at the time, and with a short interval
has been the policy of our government ever
since. We now depart from the views ex-
pressed by Hamilton with reference to a double
standard by disregarding our relations on this
point with our principal customers and by
grossly overvaluing the inferior metal.
In discussing the subject of coinage Hamil- º
w
-



108 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
ton advised the decimal system, with the dollar
as a unit. He examined minutely the intricate
details of alloy, gave a full plan for the work.
ing force and organization of a mint, and ex-
plained a careful scheme for coining and for
the methods and charges of the government in
this work. The report as a whole is of interest
merely as showing Hamilton's knowledge and
industry in every branch of finance, and the
general soundness of his views, which in this in-
stance have been in the main closely followed
ever since.
Some months later, at the close of this same
year 1791, Hamilton put the finishing touch to
his financial policy by his report on manufact-
ures, the most elaborate, and economically the
most important of all his reports, and at the
same time the most far-reaching politically. It
rested on the implied powers of the constitu-
tion, and was intended to do more than any-
thing else toward the development of the re-
sources of the country, the purpose nearest
Hamilton's heart, and toward rendering the
nation as strong and independent materially
as in all other ways.
That Hamilton looked for immediate results
from his report on manufactures may well be
doubted. He certainly knew that progress
would be deliberate and growth slow in this


TY THE REPORT ON MANUFACTURES. 109
ſ
f
--
-
direction. But he wished to sow the seed, to
prepare the way and lay down the lines to be
followed, and so much he did. From Hamil-
ton's report on manufactures have sprung the
protectionist policy and the so-called “Amer-
ican” system of Clay. Hamilton was in his
grave many years before protection was seri-
ously taken up as a well-defined system, but
when it came, stimulated it is true by the mis-
taken acts of his great opponent, it came, as
he had foreseen it would come, and it suc-
ceeded as he had wished it to succeed. Upon
the principles then laid down, and upon the pol-
icy then boldly sketched with a master hand,
parties have divided and a great economical
system has been built up. Even after a hasty
examination we can see in this paper, bet-
ter than anywhere else, the grasp, and at the
same time the long reach of Hamilton's mind
and thought. He was familiar with the science
of political economy, then in its infancy, and
with the writings of Adam Smith, the founder
of that science, whom he admired and quoted,
but whom he did not follow. The first pages
of the report are occupied with a brief discus-
sion of the comparative value of agriculture and
commerce. The arguments of those who give
unquestioned preference to the former are met
and refuted, and the conclusion is that these


110 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
two pursuits are at least of equal value, that
they serve each other, and that it is best that
both should flourish. He then sets forth under
seven heads the advantages to be gained from
the establishment of manufactures: division of
labor, extension of the use of machinery, addi-
tional employment to classes of the community
not ordinarily engaged in business, promotion
of immigration, greater scope for the diversity
of talents and disposition which discriminate
men from each other, a more ample and various
field for enterprise, and the creation in some
instances of a new, and in all of a more certain
and steady demand for the surplus products of
the soil. The first objection is, that a state
thinly settled, with unbounded opportunities for
agriculture, and able to buy manufactured ar-
ticles from other nations, attains in this natural
way the best and most profitable division of la-
bor. To this Hamilton replies: “If the Sys:
tem of perfect liberty to industry and com-
merce were the prevailing system of nations,
the arguments which dissuade a country in the
predicament of the United States from the
zealous pursuit of manufactures would doubt-
less have great force. . . . But the System
which has been mentioned is far from char-
acterizing the general policy of nations. The
prevalent one has been regulated by an Oppo.

THE REPORT ON MANUFACTURES. 111
site spirit. . . . In such a position of things
the United States cannot exchange with Eu-
rope on equal terms. . . . Remarks of this
kind are not made in the spirit of complaint.
. . . It is for the United States to consider by
What means they can render themselves—least
dependent on the combinations, right or wrong,
of foreign policy.”
The objection that industry if left to itself
will find out the most useful and profitable em-
ployment, and therefore should not be forced
by government, he meets by pointing out the
ſ strong influence of habit and of the spirit of
- imitation, including “the fear of want of success
| in untried enterprises, the intrinsic difficulties
of first essays, and the bounties, premiums, and
other artificial encouragements with which for-
eign nations second the exertions of their own
citizens.” He discusses this at length, taking
substantially the same ground as Mill in his
“Political Economy,” that protection for nas-
cent industries in order to remove the obstacles
of starting is wise and proper. He then exam-
ines at length the practical difficulties of scar-
city of hands, high wages, and want of capital,
showing that the first two are exaggerated, and
need not be seriously injurious, and that the
third can be overcome by improved credit, the
expansion of the circulating medium by the





112 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
funds, and through attracting foreign capital.
To the objection that protection tends to create
monopolies and benefit a class at the expense of
the rest of the community, he replies first, that
the increase of the price of commodities, even at
the outset, is much exaggerated, and does not
always occur; and second, that in the end the
establishment of manufactures is a benefit and
profit to all. The same reasoning applies to
the objection, that one section of the country
is aided at the expense of a loss to the other.
In the aggregate and ultimately, all must ben-
efit, and agriculture will probably be directly
stimulated, as in the case of cotton, for which
manufactories in the North will at once open a
market. Then are shown the benefits to trade
from diversity of pursuits and product; and
lastly, the wealth, and above all the indepen-
dence and security, to be gained by manufact-
ures. In the vast territory of the United States
almost everything can be produced, and in the
successful establishment of manufactures Ham-
ilton saw the road to an absolute independence
far beyond the reach of foreign nations.
With patient detail all important articles of
industry are examined separately, every small
advantage or disadvantage weighed and pointed
out, and every form of protection and govern-
mental aid carefully discussed. In the latter-



THE REPORT ON MANUFACTURES. 113
are included premiums on invention, and a
-
| Timºm while ºng plea is made in
favor of assistance from the government in the
r , construction of roads and bridges. Here Ham-
ilton introduces the doctrine of internal im-
provements, destined to be for so long a time a
subject of division; and for this, as for protec-
tion, he finds his constitutional authority in the
n theory of the implied powers, and in the broad
expression of the right “to provide—for the gen-
- eral welfare.” His plan for the encouragement
l, and establishment of manufactures was by a
combination of bounties and protective duties,
• the surplus revenue of the latter to supply the
! funds for the former. -
| In the year 1791, with all nations protect-
- ing their manufactures, Hamilton was a pro-
tectionist, favoring the protection of nascent
industries. At the present day, he would prob-
f ably be foremost in urging a revision of the
\ tariff and a gradual reduction of duties wher-
ever it could be safely done. In other words,
he would now be a moderate protectionist, as he
was when he sent in his report, but not one
of those who support a heavy duty in order to
Kurnish to industries already firmly established
a protection which accrues solely to the bene-
fit of the manufacturers, and of no-one else.
The report on manufactures, as it stands, con-
>

8 -
114 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
tains the best and soundest argument, not on
the general question of free trade and protec-
tion, but on that question as connected with
the United States. “Most general theories,
however,” says Hamilton at the outset, with
reference to free trade, “ admit of numerous
exceptions,” and therefore he confines him-
self to the United States, and has little to do
with abstract theory, except by way of respect-
ful mention. Hamilton's report as an argu-
ment in favor of protection, must be tried solely
with reference to the United States, under all
the circumstances surrounding them, and with
all their opportunities and possibilities. If it .
is put to this test, setting aside all its literary
and scientific merits, it remains the best andf
most complete argument for a protective pol:
- icy in the United States which we possess. No
º new and fundamental principle has been added
to Hamilton's reasoning, but his report has
been a welcome armory to generations of dis-
putants, and is still waiting to be successfully
answered and overthrown.
The report on manufactures completes the V
financial policy devised and carried through by
Hamilton and the Federalists. During his offi-
cial term he sent to Congress, of course, Vºy
many reports besides those which I have dis.
cussed; but in these four, indeed in three of


THE FINANCIAL POL,
W
them, his policy in all essential po
bodied. #. these reports came the
system, the revenue system, the sinking
national banking, the currency, and the 1,
enunciation of the protective policy. They º
ried with them the great doctrine of the im!!
plied powers of the constitution, and opened
up the important question of internal improve-
ments. So far as public policy could do it,
they laid the foundation of the material pros-
perity of the United States. As Gouverneur
Morris said, what was left of the Revolution
grounded on finance, and so finance was the
first all-absorbing and all-important question
which confronted the new government of 1789.
A successful financial policy meant the success-
ful establishment of the new government. Be-
hind all this lay the great constitutional doc-
trines which Hamilton raised up and defended,
and the still greater political influence of his
Work. Hamilton was striving for a vigorous
national life, and his chief object was to im-
part to the central government the greatest
possible strength. He armed the government
with credit and with a productive revenue;
he won for it the hearty good-will of the busi-
ness world; he gave it a potent ally in the
national bank; by the funding system and the
bank he drew out and welded together, with

LXANDER HAMILTON.
Influence of pecuniary interest, a
class, which knew no state lines; and
protective policy and internal improve-
...ts he aimed to create yet another vigorous
Jody of supporters, and give the government
still more strength and popularity. It was a
great policy, the work of a master-mind looking
far into the future. It was the foundation of a
great party, and the corner-stone from which
the federal government was built up. It only
remains to trace its history and results, as it
was gradually unfolded before Congress and the
people, and became the central point of politics
and parties.

3.
-
CHAPTER WI.
THE RESULTS OF THE FINANCIAL POLICY.
THE publication of the first report on the
public credit was awaited with intense eager-
ness. When it came, there was, of course,
much excitement and a general rise in the se-
curities of the bankrupt confederation. Eager
speculators hurried over the country to buy up
the debt, and the Secretary of the Treasury al-
ready began to be regarded as one who could
make the fortune not only of the government
but of individuals. Congress having decided
that they would not listen to the perilous ora-
tory of Hamilton, but confine him to writing,
took up the report. As to the payment of the
foreign debt, all were agreed, and that portion
was adopted without discussion; but on the
payment of the domestic debt a fierce conflict
arose. The root of this opposition was in the
old repudiating, disintegrating spirit of the con-
federation which still survived, and which found
even plainer expression in resistance to Hamil-
ton's proposition to pay the arrears of interest
in the same way as all other indebtedness. No




118 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
i
one, however, was ready to take this stand
against the domestic debt and advocate its ab-
solute repudiation ; perhaps, indeed, no one
really desired such a proceeding in its full-
est extent, although the old demoralization was
really at the bottom of the hostility. The op-
position sought to thwart the Secretary and
maim his plans, on grounds in appearance more
reasonable and certainly more likely to arouse
popular sympathy. They found their opening
in the speculation which had begun with the
adoption of the constitution, and which reached
a fever heat on the publication of the Secre-
tary's report, when the certificates of debt had
bounded up to high prices at a single jump.
The obvious ery was against the greedy and
successful speculator in possession of the certifi-
cates, which he had obtained for a song from
the original holders. The “ original holder.”
now figured as a patriot cruelly wronged, and
in many instances he was a soldier, which gave
an additional point to the lamentations in his
behalf, raised generally by men who, under the
old confederation, which still held their affec-
tions, had flouted with utter indifference all
claims, both of soldier and patriotic lender.
But this inconsistency did not affect the value
of the argument as a political cry. There
was, too, some ground for it in many cases of



THE DOMESTIC DEBT. 119
undoubted hardship. Hamilton and his friends
freely admitted the force of this objection, but
the Secretary argued that the great object was
to restore the credit and good name of the
United States, to do what was just in the ma-
jority of instances and to the greatest num-
ber, and he urged, in conclusion, that any
other course was impracticable. His reasoning
could not be answered, but it did not quell the
conflict. One proposition was, in cases where
the certificate—was in the hands of a purchaser,
to pay him only what he had himself paid the
original holder. The violation of contracts thus
but this plan carried with it, moreover, a very
deep mark of the lurking desire to get out of
debt by partial repudiation. To the surprise
of every one, Madison came out in favor of dis-
crimination; but he admitted that the certifi-
cates must be paid in full; and proposed a plan
for a division between the original holder and
the purchaser so hopelessly impracticable, that
he could only muster thirteen votes in his sup-
port. Madison shrank from anything like dis-
honesty, but he was beginning to break from
the friends of the constitution and from the
party to which he naturally belonged, because
he felt the drift of Virginian sentiment, and
was not strong enough to withstand the press-
120 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
ure. In this struggle, the supporters of the
-Secretary, known as the Federalists, and hith-
erto acting merely as friends of the constitution,
first gained real cohesion as a party devoted to
a given policy. Their only opponent of ability
was Madison, and his opposition was rendered
abortive and impracticable by his honesty and
logic. The debate was long and heated, but the
Federalists, having ability, sound reason, and
the advantage of position on their side, pre- , ,
vailed. They also carried through the pay-
ment of the arrears of interest. Only one point tº
remained, and that was the crucial test, the as:
sumption of the state debts. Much had been
done before this point was reached. Even if
Congress went no farther than they had already
gone, the credit of the country was reasonably
safe; but the policy of the Secretary would
have been sadly mutilated. Public credit would
not be rounded and complete; and, above all,
the financial policy would have been deprived
of much of its political and constitutional ef-
fects upon parties, upon the strength of the
government, and upon the relations of the
States. Sharp as the battle had been over
discrimination in the payment of the domestic
debt, it was a mere preliminary skirmish Com-
pared to the conflict upon assumption. The
lines were clearly drawn, for Hamilton him.


THE AssumpTION OF THE STATE DEBTS. 121
self had marked them out. Parties were mar-
-
shalled now, not on the acceptance—of the
constitution, but as to the policy of the gov-
ernment created by the constitution; and on
the question of assumption they faced each
other for the first vigorous, well-defined, polit-
ical contest in the history of the United States.
There was no need here to cast about for
popular arguments, as in the case of the domes-
tic debt, where the real grounds and objects
of opposition were not clearly conceived, or
were better hidden from view. There was an
abundance of subsidiary and obvious arguments
brought forward to the effect that too great a
burden would be laid upon the people; that the
state debts could not with justice be saddled
upon the United States; that assumption was
unfair in benefiting some States largely and not
helping others, and among them some of the
most deserving, at all. All these points were
raised, and local feeling ran very high, particu-
larly upon the last, leading to much angry re-
crimination and comparison of services in the
Revolution. But after all was said, the most
vigorous attack was against the chief purpose
of the Secretary, the end which he here had in
national government by this large increase of
its creditors, transferring the interest of a pow-




l
s
º
122 * ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
grful class from the States to the Union, and in
this way binding the States closer together and
weakening enormously the vigor of the State-
rights sentiments. Politically it was a bold and
masterly stroke, but Hamilton's opponents saw
at what it aimed as plainly as he did himself.
A loud cry went up against this centralizing
movement. The anti-Federalists, with reviv-
ing dislike of the constitution, felt with Sud-
den keenness the strength and pressure of the
bonds which the minister of finance was draw-
ing closer and closer about the people and the
States, and they struggled desperately to get
free.
× Hamilton had foreseen this opposition, but
he had reckoned on certain forces to sustain
him, and he did not reckon in vain. His first
ally was the enthusiasm aroused by his own
policy; his second the confidence and interest
of the capitalists and merchants; his third the
direct pecuniary gain to certain States in the
success of assumption; and his fourth and most
important, the powerful body of able men in
and out of Congress, who desired a strong cen:
tral government, whose objects were the same
| as his own; and who had found in him a leader
about whom they could gather in solid pha-
lanx. These forces prevailed. After a long
and heated conflict assumption was carried in

THE ASSUMPTION OF THE STATE DEBTS. 123
-
committee of the whole, but the majority, al-
though compact and unyielding, was narrow.
Delay served the opposition well. When the
resolutions got out of committee and came up
in the House, the members from North Caro-
lina, at last in the union, had taken their seats,
and they turned the scale against assumption.
By their aid the resolution was recommitted,
and the Federalists, determined to have all or
nothing, sent the rest of the measures back
with it. Again the party opposed to assump-
tion prevailed, and the whole policy was at a
stand. Feeling ran very high, and ugly mur-
murs of dissolution began to be heard. It
looked as if the measures, destined above all
others to consolidate the new union, would
wreck it at the very start. Hamilton had sum-
moned his spirits, and they had come to him.
All the forces he had calculated upon had re-
sponded and done their work, but a new factor
had been introduced and they could do no
more. The dead-lock was as perilous as it was
unforeseen, but the adverse majority was very
Small, only two votes, and Hamilton was not
only determined but fertile in resources. He
would not yield one jot of his financial policy,
but he was perfectly ready to give up something
else; and in the site of the new capital, the
federal city, he found a suitable victim for the vº
sacrifice.


124 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
This matter of the seat of government had
excited great controversy and feeling between
States and sections. Whether the future capital
should be in New York or Pennsylvania, in
Virginia or Maryland; whether this inesti-
mable boon should fall to the North or to the
South, was a burning question second only to
assumption. Local prejudice and local pride
were raised to white heat on this momentous
issue. To Hamilton all this was supremely in-
different. "Much of his strength and somewhat
of his weakness as a public man came from the
fact that, while he was purely and intensely na-
tional in opinion, and was devotedly attached
to the United States, he was utterly devoid of
local feeling and of state pride. There is no
evidence that he cared one whit, except as a
matter of mere abstract convenience, where
Congress fixed the site of the federal city; but
he was keenly alive to the fact that everybody
about him cared a great deal, and whether rear
sonably or not was of no consequence. The
party which favored assumption were, as a rule,
on the side of a northern capital, and had pre-
vailed. The party which resisted assumption
favored a southern capital, and had been beaten
To gain the necessary votes for assumption
Hamilton determined to sacrifice what he justly
thought was a perfectly trivial question, and













THE ASSUMPTION OF THE STATE DEBTS. 125
º
-
§f*
º
\
thus save the financial policy which he rightly
considered to be of vital importance, and the
very corner-stone of the new government. To
carry out this scheme he needed the alliance of
a southern leader, and he pitched upon the
man fated to become his great opponent, — the
leader and type of one school of thought and
politics as Hamilton was himself the leader and
type of the other.
Thomas Jefferson had just returned from
France and taken his place at the head of
Washington's cabinet. He came back with both
body and brain dressed in the French fashion.
His subtle, ingenious mind was full of the ideas
of the French revolution, then beginning in
Paris. But except for his belief in liberty and
humanity, which was born with him and which
he did not go to Paris to learn, the wild ravings
of the Jacobin clubs, and the doctrines of Marat
and Robespierre, were as little a part of the
real man as his French clothes. He would use
the ideas of French democracy so long as they
were useful and a fit covering for his real pur-
poses, and then he would lay them aside as he
did his French coat when it was worn out.
With his mind thus occupied Jefferson had
come home to an America very different from
the one he had left. A new government, with
the inception and plan of which he had had but



126 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
little sympathy, had been constructed and the
foundations of a strong state were already ris.
ing among the ruins of the old confederacy.
He found a vigorous party, led for the most
part by new men, arrayed in defence of a strong
central government, and urging forward all
measures calculated to invigorate it. Opposed
to them were a body of men, numerous, it is
true, but scattered and disorganized, with no
possible party ground except resistance to the
constitution and all its works. Jefferson, with
his keen perceptions, saw at a glance the folly
of opposition to the constitution; but as he sur-
veyed the field on which he had just arrived it
was by no means easy to determine what posi-
tion to take. Nevertheless, while he waited
and watched for developments, he had to do
something, and that something, as was most
natural, was to give his support to the admin-
istration of which he was a part, and to its
measures, which then consisted of Hamilton's
financial policy hanging in the balance on the
decision of Congress as to assumption. Jeffer
son saw as plainly as anybody the scope of the
financial policy and the intrinsic merit of as-
sumption. He had, moreover, no prejudices at
that time against the author of the policy:
With no line marked out for his conduct, and
ready, until events decided otherwise, to sus.
THE ASSUMPTION OF THE STATE DEBTS. 127
tain the administration, he fell in easily enough
with the schemes of his colleague. There was
a little talk, and a little dinner, and Hamilton
agreed to secure votes for a southern capital,
and Jefferson promised to do the same for as-
sumption. It would be an error to treat this
as a bargain or compromise between-opposing
factions, for it was the Work of two cabinet.
ministers favoring the same policy- Hamilton
gained success for his great plans. Jefferson by
his personal influence helped to carry through
the measures of the administration of which
he was a member, and obtained in return the
concession of the site of the capital, which was
of value to him as a southern leader. In after
times when Hamilton stood to Jefferson and
his party as the representative of all that was
bad, the memory of this transaction of 1790,
and of a friendly alliance with the great Feder-
alist, became troublesome. Jefferson would
fain have erased from history the whole busi-
ness. He wished the world to believe that the
wicked, aristocratic, monarchical Federalists
had always been his foes, and had found in
him their mightiest opponent. Yet there was
the ugly fact that he had himself turned the
scale in favor of one of their fundamental
measures. His manner of dealing with the
problem was characteristic. He did not ex-



128 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
plain it away in his lifetime, for he might have
met with awkward contradiction. But he set
it all down for the benefit of posterity, and then
excused himself for having supported a measure
of the administration of which he was a mem-
ber, and for having aided the accursed Federal-wº
ists, by saying that he was “duped by Hamil-
ton.”
It is impossible to resist pausing over this
statement, for it is one of the most amusing ever
made even by Jefferson, and shows a confidence
in the credulity of posterity which is not flat-
tering. In justice to Jefferson it must be said
that as long as he had made up his mind to get
himself out of what he considered a Scrape,
this was the only excuse he could make. But
it was, unluckily, a most clumsy and trans-
parent deception. Thomas Jefferson had his
weaknesses and his failings, but a lack of knowl.
edge of human nature and human character was
not among them. In the difficult art of under-
standing his fellow-men he was unrivalled, and
he was never deceived by any man, unless by
himself and as to his own motives. On the
other hand, Hamilton was the very last man to
succeed in duping others. It would be difficult
to find anything more impossible to Hamilton
than the feat attributed to him by his rival.
He had a directness of thought and action




ASS UMPTION CARRIED. 129
which was always remarkable, and at times. -
overbearing and intolerant. It may well be
doubted whether he could have successfully
duped any one, even if he had tried, and he
certainly had far too much sense to have at-
tempted such an experiment on so unpromising
a subject as Jefferson.
But we are indebted to Jefferson, and to his
inability to let well alone, for the details of
this whole matter, since the other side held
their tongues. The Federalists were not, as a
party, given to useless chatter, while Hamilton
as usual went straight to his mark, called out
unexpected resources, and said nothing about it.
Congress took up the funding measures again,
and the old angry wrangling went on even after
a disagreeable consciousness that they were
beaten in some unknown way had crept over
the opposition. When the decisive moment
came their fears were fully confirmed. The
capital went to the Potomac and assumption
was voted. The first great battle had now
been fought in all its parts and the Secretary
had won. -
The plans for the revenue, for the excise, for
the mint, were adopted in principle, and sub-
stantially as Hamilton advised. The Secre-
tary's innocent suggestion that the image and
symbols on the coins might be made to have an
-
-
--
-
|

130 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
educational bearing, led to a proposal to stamp
on one side of the coins the head of the Pres-
ident for the time being. This harmless prop-
osition produced a debate, amusing to us, but
very earnest, heated, and real, a hundred years
ago. The upshot of it all was the adoption of
the head of Liberty for the coins, and the dis-
cussion has no value except as showing the state
of public feeling. From this utterly insignifi.
cant controversy we see that when Hamilton
sought to advance the cause of strong central-
ized government and of an aristocratic republic
he was not crying in the wilderness. He ap-
pealed to clearly marked opinions, entertained
by a body of men powerful by their talents iſ
not by their numbers. On the other hand, there
appears an immense amount of ill-defined sen-
timent cherished by a majority of the people,
but in a party sense ill-regulated and incoher-
ent, which turned longingly back toward the
days of a shattered confederacy and sovereign
States, which was thoroughly democratic, and
looked with morbid suspicion on everything, no
matter what, which tended to lend strength or
dignity to the central government. It was this
opposition which met Hamilton at every point,
and which as it felt his strong hand drawing
the bonds of federal and national government
more and more tightly, detected aristocracy in
|





THE NATIONAL BANK. 131
image and superscription of the coins; while
among the party of the Secretary were to be
found those who, with all their wise policy and
high purposes, believed forms and titles essen-
tial not merely to dignity but to strength. The
truth, as usual, lay somewhere between the
extremes illustrated by the trifling symbols on
which excessive partisans set a high price.
The next really great measure in the finan-
cial policy gave rise to a stubborn contest which
was carried through both houses of Congress
and into the cabinet, there to receive its final
decision at the hands of Washington. The op-
position, which had been aroused by the as-
sumption of the state debts, to the strength-
ening and concentrating effect of the financial
policy, cried out loudly against the additional
bond of union disclosed in the bank. They
railed against the class which was thus being
bound to the government, and against the cap-
italists who were being brought to the side of
the administration. They pointed out that the
South and agriculture were sacrificed to the
North and trade. But all was vain. Hamilton
was now on the flood-tide of success, and the
national bank passed by a good majority. The
most formidable weapon employed against it
was the constitutional argument used by Madi
P every public office and scented monarchy in the
º
|
º
- -º
|
!ºº}- M


132 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
son, and, as the President was known to have
doubts on this point, the last and strongest
stand was made in the cabinet. Jefferson, Ran-
dolph, and Madison severally gave Washington
written arguments against the bank. In great
haste and pressed by business, Hamilton made
the famous reply which has already been dis.
cussed, and which gained Washington's adher.
ence. In defending the bank, Hamilton estab-
lished the doctrine of the implied powers, a
matter infinitely more potent and more far-
reaching than the establishment of the great
financial machine which called it forth.
The last of the reports, that on manufactures,
was economically more important than any of its
predecessors, but it had no immediate results.
Congress had already discussed the question
vaguely, and had done something to favor home
production and American commerce. The ques-
tion of protection or free trade was constantly in
men's minds, but a system was of slow growth.
Hamilton pointed to the road to be followed,
and other men travelled in it, among the first
Jefferson and Madison with their plan of “al.
lowances ” for the fisheries, while at the same
time they denounced the theory, its author, and
all his works, including “ protection and boun:
ties.” Hamilton marked out clearly and fully
a plan for the development of industry, trade



COMPLETION OF THE FINANCIAL POLICY. 133
and commerce. He turned the current of
thought, he influenced the future, but the task
was too mighty, the scheme was too vast to be
carried out at once, or in fact otherwise than
piecemeal, but it was a fit termination to the
great work which he had accomplished.
Thus was the financial policy completed,
adopted, and put in operation as Hamilton de-
signed it. The only mischance was the specula-
tion which began with the debt certificates, was
fostered by the success of the bank, and ex-
panded into a wild mania, and consequent panic
and disaster. From the outset the Secretary
had striven to check this spirit, of which he saw
the evil and danger. He repelled his friends
who sought information, and did all that was
possible to cool the excitement. He strove in
vain and then was blamed for the speculation,
the rapid fortunes and the swift disaster alike.
The only miscalculation made by Hamilton
was in regard to the rate of interest, which he
supposed would fall, but which, owing to the
marvellous rapidity of material development
and the consequent employment of capital,
really rose. The error was almost unavoidable,
and it was quite harmless. The criticisms
which have been made on this famous series of
measures have been various and contradictory.
It was said at the time that Hamilton made

134 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
|
the debt too permanent, but on the other hand
it was also urged that he was putting too great
a burden on the people, and the shorter the
loan the greater the immediate burden. In this
he observed a just mean and a wise modera-
tion. The unexpected rate of growth in the
country showed afterwards that the debt might
have been paid more rapidly, but at the mo-
ment Hamilton's anticipations of revenue were
generally regarded as absurdly sanguine. The
most forcible criticism, which was made either
then or since, was that the financial policy was
too strong, that it put too great a strain upon
the infant experiment, ventured too much, ran
too great a risk, and came near causing ship-
wreck. Hamilton reasoned that if his financial
policy could be made successful, a good national
government might be built up, and that if it
proved too strong and the new system gave Way,
then the constitution was not worth presery-
ing. Of the soundness of this argument, as it
seems to me, there can be no doubt. But after
all the best evidence is in results'ſ There Was
no public credit. Hamilton created it. There
was no circulating medium, no financial machin-
ery; he supplied them. Business was languish-
ing, and business revived under the treasury
measures. There was no government, no Sys:
tem with life in it, only a paper constitution.
n







COMPLETION OF THE FINANCIAL POLICY. 135
Hamilton exercised the powers granted by the
| constitution, pointed out those which lay hid-
| den in its dry clauses, and gave vitality to the
-> lifeless instrument. He drew out the resources
of the country, he exercised the powers of the
f constitution, he gave courage to the people, he º
and this was the meaning and result of the
| laid the foundations of national government—
financial policy.

w
CHAPTER VII.
PARTY CONTESTS.
IN carrying through his measures, Hamilton
had found in the friends of the constitution
material for a political party. The Federalists,
when the new scheme adopted by their efforts
went into operation in March, 1789, were a
very different body from that which stood about
the administration after the passage of the treas.
ury measures. When the first Congress assem-
bled, the Federalists had achieved their imme-
diate object, and were waiting for the progress
of events. They were like a body of volunteers,
who had rushed together to fight a battle im-
mediately before them, and now that victory
was won and the enemy scattered they Were
but loosely held together, and as they stood
looking about rather vaguely, dispersion Was
quite as probable as organization. XTo the Fed:
eralists Hamilton came as a leader. He gave
them new objects, he raised still higher the
standard of better government, showed them
how the constitution was to be made to bear
fruit, and that its adoption was merely the be:



GROWTH OF THE FEDERALIST PARTY, 137
*.
*
-ºſ
ginning of the great work for which they had
come forward. When the financial policy was
finally embodied in legislation, the band of vol-
unteers had become a compact, well-disciplined
army, a strong party with a policy which
showed great things done, and stretched for-
ward to the future, pointing out what was still
to be accomplished. This was the political suc-
cess of the financial policy, but it was not with-
out its penalty to the triumphant Federalists in
general and to Hamilton in particular.
If the Federalists in 1789 resembled a hastily
gathered army of volunteers, their opponents
were mere scattered bands of guerillas. Broken
by the successful adoption of the constitution,
they wandered helplessly about, and gave way,
with a good deal of spasmodic struggling before
the compact forces and sharp assaults of the
Federalists. Their only bond of union had been
resistance to the constitution, and this not only
became constantly weaker, but injured them by
its very existence, as the popularity of the new
system rapidly increased. Strong as they were
in numbers, the Democratic party of the future
had no better name than anti-Federalists, and
no better cry than that of opposition to every-
thing emanating from the government. This
oose, incoherent mass was welded together by
Hamilton's aggressive, decisive policy. It was



138 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
not much to do, but it at least compacted them,
so that if the Federalists presented, when the
National Bank Act passed, an appearance of
which any leader might be proud, they were
confronted by much more formidable opponents
than when they carried with a sweep the fund-
ing of the domestic debt. The anti-Federal-
ists had not only consolidated themselves, but
they had concentrated their opposition with ex-
traordinary intensity upon one man. In those
early days Hamilton was thought by his op-
ponents to be the embodiment of all power, and
as his policy was developed before them he came
to be considered the embodiment of all evil as
well. His followers at first seemed to have
been regarded largely as his creatures, and the
dislike of the anti-Federalists extended only
very gradually beyond the confines of the Treas:
ury Department. The Secretary was once more
accused of being “British" in his tastes and
sympathies. From England, his enemies de-
clared, he had borrowed everything. Nothing,
it was said, was original in the most successful
financiering of the time. He was, according to
his opponents, preparing to go even farther,
and was making ready to introduce monarchy,
aristocracy, and the rest. Then came those hos-
tile tributes to his genius and ability which have
never been surpassed by the eulogies of his

GROWTH OF THE OPPOSITION. 139
friends. To Hamilton was attributed the Sud-
den prosperity and the wild speculation, while
he was also held responsible for not stopping
the inevitable panic. Every member of the
Federalist party was said to be personally in-
spired by the Secretary, and to be under the
spell of his magical eloquence and subtle rea-
soning; he had, as was alleged, bewitched and
blinded the unerring judgment of Washington,
which had set the seal of its approval on the
treasury policy. In attacks like these, of little
real weight, but nevertheless likely as they in-
creased in vehemence and repetition to arouse
enmity and impair his influence, and in the
drawing together of the opposition, MHamilton
found the dark side of his brilliant success as a
financier, a statesman, and party leader. But
still the attacks were as yet mere mutterings of
a possible storm, for the anti-Federalists were
after all very weak, with but little ability except
what Madison had brought over to them, and
were living a precarious life of opposition solely
for opposition's sake. They needed a policy,
direction and point in their attacks; above all
things they needed a leader. They found all
three at the right hand of Washington, in
Hamilton's own colleague and quondam ally,
Thomas Jefferson. The Secretary of State had
made up his mind. He could no longer sup-


140 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
port the administration. He could not govern
Hamilton, nor would he be ruled by him. His
own State was wholly against the government.
In Hamilton's successful policy there were the
germs of an aristocratic republic, there were
certainly limitations and possibly dangers to
pure democracy; he could not hope to lead or
control the Federalists, and therefore nothing
remained but to go to the leaderless multitude
on the other side and overthrow the party of
Washington and Hamilton. This, it is needless
to say, was not done in a moment. Jefferson
was the last man to make up his mind suddenly
to a decisive step and then take it at once.
He had no notion of cutting adrift until he saw
how the land lay. Still less ready was he to
come boldly forward with a programme and put
himself at the head of a party. When he had
his party all prepared he would do this, but
meanwhile he would stay where he was. -
It is impossible to fix the exact time when
the dissensions in the cabinet, where the new
party warfare took its rise, first definitely began.
When the flame leaped up before the eyes of
men it was evident that the fire had been burn-
ing for some time. We may say, however, in *
general way, that the “rift within the lute” be:
gan after the assumption of the state debts, and
was greatly widened by the disunion among the


DISSENSIONS IN THE CABINET. 141
President's advisers as to the national bank.
It was in the winter of 1791–92 that Hamilton
became satisfied that Jefferson and Madison
were organizing and leading a party against
him ; but at that time, and for some months to
come, he held his peace, and it would have been
well if he had continued to do so. The secret
work of Jefferson, who began his hostilities
against the administration before any one sus-
pected him, and who continued them while
clinging to office long after his enmity toward
all his associates was notorious, first showed it-
self in changes in the policy of the opposition.
In the first place, they got a name and called
themselves Republicans, as distinguished from
monarchists, the equivalent of Federalists. The
objects of opposition became better defined, and
were formulated in such a way as to be taking
cries and catch-words. A clear line of attack
was marked out, and in short, from being a con-
fused crowd, the anti-Federalists began to as-
Sume the form and substance of a compact party.
This was the work of Jefferson, silent, subtle,
retiring, making no speeches, and printing no
essays, but doing a good deal of quiet talking
and shrewd letter-writing, toiling in the dark
and managing men. In the face of Hamilton's
dazzling success, to form an opposition party of
respectable character and good discipline, even


142 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
with abundant rough material at hand, was a
great political feat. Even to make a begin-
ning took time, and the few points just men-
tioned were the gradual developments of a
twelvemonth.
Oddly enough, Jefferson's first blow—which
shows him turning to the opposition six months
before Hamilton suspected it—was hasty, and
unlike himself, because it was publicly given,
and fell not upon Hamilton but upon John
Adams. That eminent man, finding but little
occupation for his restless energy in the Vice-
Presidency, betook himself to writing certain
essays entitled “Discourses on Davila.” These
articles, speculative in character, but well rea-
soned, and calculated to check the fervor excited
by the French Revolution, were very sound and
conservative in tone, advocated constitutional
government, checks and balances, upper houses,
and the like. To Jefferson, entering upon the
path of a democratic leader, all this smacked of
monarchy and aristocracy, and he forth with got
out an edition of Paine’s “Rights of Man” as
an antidote to all such pernicious stuff, and pre-
fixed to it a preface in which he hit a sidelong
blow at the stout old patriot of Massachusetts.
John Quincy Adams replied as “ Publicola.”
Jefferson got the worst of it, and after his fash
---
ion tried to explain it all away. This affair



THE “NATIONAL GAZETTE.” 143
!
however, set him to reflecting on the fact, that
while the Federalists had in “Fenno's Gazette”
an organ devoted to their service, and reaching
into every State, the party of the future had
nothing of the sort. In the following autumn
these meditations bore fruit in the shape of the
“ National Gazette,” edited by Philip Freneau,
to whom Jefferson gave the position of trans-
lating clerk in the State Department. Thus
fortified, Freneau, who was a bright fellow and
a versifier of some little talent, began a succes-
sion of bitter, sometimes of clever and well-
directed attacks upon the measures of the ad-
ministration, and particularly upon Hamilton.
Then it was that Hamilton, putting two and two
together, came to the very accurate conclusion
that Jefferson and Madison were organizing a
party against him, and had established a news-
paper in their interest as a very necessary part
of the plan.
Jefferson, meantime, was at work in other
directions. He wrote to Washington more than
once, deprecating the treasury measures, and
depicting a state of popular discontent, and
stirred up others to do the same. At last, on
a visit to Virginia during the summer of 1791,
Washington heard from the lips of his “quon-
dam friend,” Colonel Mason, a long and ad-
verse criticism upon the policy of the adminis-


144 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
tration. Taking this as an excuse, perhaps,
Washington condensed all that had been writ-
ten or said into a brief summary and sent it to
Hamilton. Here we find the principles, or
more properly the war-cries, of the opposition
formulated for the first time with some clear-
ness, and in every line we detect the cunning
hand of the Secretary of State. XReduced to its
simplest terms, this piece of criticism amounts
to this: that Hamilton was politically a very
bad and dangerous man, who had heaped up a
vast debt, which was a sore burden to the peo-
ple, but which he would not let them pay im-
mediately, notwithstanding their overtaxed con-
dition, but which he had contrived to render
permanent; that he fostered speculation, jug-
gled with paper money and the debt in order
to influence Congress, where he maintained a
corrupt squadron; and that he was laboring
secretly to introduce aristocracy and monarchy.
Hamilton dealt with this diatribe in a Way Very
characteristic of him when he kept his temper,
as he usually did. After a few lines of quiet
indignation in his reply to the President, he
proceeded to number all the objections made
by Mason, and then discussed and answered
each of them in his usual cold, forcible, and
lucid fashion, just as if he were drawing a re-
port or making a brief, instead of answering




HAMILTON ATTACKS JEFFERSON. 145
gross personal attacks. The task was not dif-
ficult, for where the accusations were not con-
tradictory they were hopelessly and plainly
false, and Washington was entirely satisfied.
Indeed, it must be confessed that Jefferson's
first declaration of party principles was a pretty
poor one. But it was better than anything the
party by itself had been able to do: it gave
them some valuable catch-words, and concen-
trated their efforts on the ruin of one man.
Whether this last assault was too much for
his endurance, or whether the “National Ga-
zette,” now more vituperative than ever, had
become unbearable, it is certain that after re-
replying to the “Objections” sent him by
Washington, Hamilton completely lost his tem-
per. He descended into the arena of party
strife, and proceeded to answer Freneau, and
whip Jefferson over the shoulders of his ed-
itor. This was improper and undignified, the
act of an angry man, righteously indignant,
no doubt, but not on that account to be ex-
cused for taking his high office into the dust
of a political newspaper brawl. There was,
moreover, no need of it. Federalist politicians
and Federalist editors were never either slow
or feeble with pen or tongue, and were quite
capable of defending their chief and their
party. But Hamilton had lost his temper, and
-


10
146 ALEXANDER ITAMILTON.
a ready pen is a terrible temptation. Once
engaged, he fought well, of course, and it may
be admitted that he gained a temporary advan-
tage. It is no excuse to say that all the lead-
ing men of the day wrote for the newspapers,
and formed public opinion in that way. Ham-
ilton was a member of the cabinet, next to
Washington the most conspicuous man in the
country, and he had no right and no business to
send anonymous communications to the news-
papers, savagely attacking one of his colleagues
in the administration. He hurt his assailants
badly, no doubt; he wrote brilliantly; he gained
a temporary victory, but in the eyes of posterity -
he injured himself and his personal and official
dignity. Jefferson, we may be sure, had not
planned to draw Hamilton out. He never cared
for debate either in the newspapers or by word
of mouth. He had no love for a stricken field,
and had doubtless believed that circumstances
would keep Hamilton silent. He winced terri-
bly when Hamilton rushed at him and publicly
denounced him as the supporter of a journal
devoted to attacks on the government, whose
editor he provided for by public office. He
smarted under the lash of a practised hand,
which depicted him as a secret intriguer agains"
the treasury measures, which demolished his
charges and laid bare all the operations of the


JEFFERSON'S DEFENCE. 147
s
*
º
|
º
y
|
financial policy, with great consequent credit to
its author. For the time being the “National
Gazette” was crippled, and the Secretary of
State humiliated ; but for this poor reward
Hamilton had deeply grieved and troubled the
President, who had watched the well-directed
shafts go home, and who keenly felt the injury
to the government and to the country of such
a quarrel, so conducted, and between men oc-
cupying such positions. Washington remon-
strated with both by letter, and the replies.
bring the two secretaries into strong contrast.
Hamilton 's letter was brief, direct, and manly.
He said little about his antagonist, avowed his
right to defend himself, and promised to do all
in his power to keep the peace and hold the
administration together. Jefferson's answer
was long and tortuous. He defended himself
elaborately against Hamilton's published at-
tacks with a kind of wail in his tone which
showed that he had been hurt ; but he devoted
most of his reply to Washington's request for
harmony to venomous and bitter abuse of his
colleague. As a practical result of all this,
Hamilton stopped his attacks, while Jefferson
opened fresh trenches in a new direction.
When Congress came together, Hamilton in-
troduced a series of measures looking to the
speedy redemption of the debt. One was to


148 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
insure the maintenance of the sinking fund, and
provide for outstanding certificates; another, to
borrow money at a lower rate of interest : and a
third, to levy taxes to buy up the six per cents
as rapidly as possible. By the strenuous efforts
of the opposition, the last two were defeated,
the proposition for new taxes, some of which
fell upon the planters who were accustomed to
raise revenue in the North, being particularly
distasteful. Thus it was that the party which
denounced the debt and accused Hamilton of
using it corruptly, met his proposal to take all
possible reasonable steps for its redemption, and
having done themselves all they could to render
it permanent, they yet continued to assail the
Secretary for that very design.
But all this was the mere disingenuousness
of party warfare. The next assault planned by
Jefferson and Madison was a much more serious
affair. It aimed at the personal ruin of the Sec-
retary, and was intended to drive him from the
cabinet and prove him guilty of corruption:
The attack was headed by Giles, a rough,
brazen, loud-voiced Virginian, fit for any bad
work, no matter how desperate. First, accounts
of one foreign loan were called for, then of all;
then when it appeared that two loans had
been consolidated for which there was but
doubtful authority in law, and while Jefferson
THE ATTACK UPON HAMILTON. 149
was insinuating to Washington that Hamilton
had used these loans corruptly to aid the bank,
there came a string of resolutions calculated
to lay bare every operation of the treasury.
Jefferson and Madison in this business made
the great mistake of not knowing their man
before they fell upon him. They probably
had little real doubt of Hamilton's integrity,
but they thought he would find it difficult to
demonstrate it by figures ; they thought that
in all these complicated finances there might be
errors susceptible of distortion which would
cause them to be misconstrued, and, above all,
they hoped that Hamilton would be so harassed
that he would leave the cabinet. They reck-
oned without their host. Hamilton was not
only a man of spotless integrity in his vast fi-
nancial transactions, but he was essentially a
fighting man. When danger of this sort came
upon him, his head became clearer and his
nerve greater than before. He was no longer
writing anonymously in “Fenno's Gazette; ”
he was a great minister, called upon without
warning to defend himself, his honor, his office,
and his department. Now his genius for or-
ganization told in the readiness with which,
under his system, everything could be accounted
for. Report after report poured in upon Con-
gress until every operation of the treasury was


150 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. -
displayed to the public eye so plainly that he
who ran might read. Those who had under-
taken this ill-starred business would fain have
adjourned and left it all unsettled. But Ham-
ilton was too quick for them, and before the
session closed everything had been exposed to
the public gaze. The Federalists rejoiced, and
eagerly pressed their advantage. Giles intro-
duced resolutions of censure, and the Federal-
ists forced a vote on all of them. Poor Madi-
son, who was prečminently a man of peace, but
who had been dragged into this as he was into
all his great mistakes by others, had no escape.
He was compelled to go on record in favor of
the resolutions in a minority so small that it
was at once ludicrous and humiliating when
contrasted with the grandeur of the preparation
and the violence of the abusive declamation
which had accompanied the whole proceeding,
We know that the efforts made by Hamil-
ton to accomplish this feat told severely on his
health, and the event is one of the most impor-
tant in his career, because it brought out so
strongly the salient features of his mind and
character. Hamilton could organize and dis-
cipline bodies of men both in war and politics,
but he was not a party manager. He eould
marshal his forces in debate as he marshalled
his arguments; he could lay out a policy and





THE ATTACK UPON HAMILTON. 151
give directions to his lieutenants, but he could
not deal with the rank and file. With his
party behind him, he could lead; but others
must manage the forces. With the same over-
whelming impetuosity with which he charged
the Yorktown redoubt he now rushed upon
Giles and upon those who moved the wires
which made Giles dance. In the dash of the
onset we see the vehement energy and strong
passionate nature of Hamilton toiling day and
night, until the color left his cheeks, that he
might compel an issue before Congress ad-
journed. Yet in all this hot enthusiasm and
defiance comes out the clear, cold, penetrating
intellect which without an angry word could
draw out schedules and balances and accounts,
a long array of silent and convincing figures
and facts, and nothing else. When at last the
conflict was over, and he had routed his oppo-
ments and stood flushed with victory, it is no
wonder that the party chiefs gathered round
him with a zealous devotion. The people saw
that Hamilton had triumphed; that he had been
right and his enemies wrong; that he had been
clean and above reproach. But these long col-
umns of figures did not appeal to the popular
imagination, and the masses did not appreciate
the magnitude of the battle which had been
waged. The leaders in Congress and elsewhere


152 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
saw all this, and it was with them that Ham-
ilton stood highest then and always. There
was probably no one, however, who appreci-
ated the situation so keenly as Jefferson. The
most desperate assault possible had been disas-
trously repulsed. Hamilton was higher than
ever in the public esteem, stronger than ever
in the estimation of his party, now rendered
more aggressive and active than before. He
could not be driven from the cabinet. Direct
attacks upon him had clearly failed, and Jeffer-
son made no effort to take up the shivered
lance, which he had placed in another hand to
use in the open lists. It only remained to stay
in the cabinet and there contend with Hamilton
for Supremacy in guiding the course of the gov-
ernment and winning the confidence and trust
of Washington.

ſ
}%
CHAPTER VIII.
FOREIGN RELATIONS AND THE MAINTENANCE
OF THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT.
I Do not propose to deal here with the ques-
tion of the foreign relations of the United States
at this period, for the subject is one of the
broadest scope, and fit only for a general history
in the most comprehensive sense of the term.
It was at this time that the foundation of the
so-called Monroe doctrine was laid by Washing-
ton's proclamation of neutrality, which marked
out the true foreign policy of the United States
by declaring that this republic of the new world
would hold itself aloof from the struggles of
Europe. The policy thus laid down was one of
the great corner-stones placed by the wisdom
of Washington's administration, and upon which
the fabric of national greatness was founded.
To convert the doctrine of the neutrality proc-
lamation into a guiding and fundamental prin-
ciple of the state, was the work of more than
a quarter of a century, and upon our foreign
relations during that period the history of the
country turned. When they first come into


154 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
prominence during Washington's first term they
mark the beginning of an important phase of
our development. Between the proclamation
of neutrality and the close of the war of 1812,
this country adjusted its position among the
nations of the earth, settled its foreign rela-
tions which then drew the political lines in the
United States, and on which the fate of our
parties hung, and completed the work of the
Revolution by breaking the fetters of thought
as the war had severed the political bonds. In
a word, for many years after the neutrality proc-
lamation, the country was engaged in changing
its ideas from those of colonies to those of a
nation, and in struggling to make itself as inde-
pendent mentally as it was politically. Into
this broad and inviting field it is no part of my
purpose to enter. My object is merely to show
the place in it which Hamilton occupied, his
opinions as to our foreign relations, and the
part he took in shaping our foreign policy.
Above all I wish to depict his attitude in re-
gard to the French revolution, which convulsed
the minds of men throughout the civilized
world far beyond its own borders, far beyond
the regions even where its armies penetrated,
and of which it may be truthfully said that
Hamilton was one of the most illustrious vic.
tims both in his life and in his death.







FOREIGN AFFAIRS IN 1789. 155
s
-
KIn March, 1789, our situation in regard to
foreign nations was anything but enviable.
England, with ill-concealed hatred, held the
western posts, and refused, on account of the
unpaid debts of British subjects, to indemnify
us for the slaves which had been carried off dur-
ing the war. She flouted our ministers, refused
to send a representative to this country, and
strove in every possible way to injure our com-
merce, of which she had so lately enjoyed a
monopoly. Our relations with the mother coun-
try were, in short, as strained and mutually
offensive as possible. With France, toward
whom we felt as a people a sincere gratitude,
they were hardly more favorable. Jefferson had
failed to obtain from that country any better
commercial treatment than was accorded by
England. With Spain there was a chronic
quarrel, and a dark cloud of war and aggression
hung over the valley of the Mississippi. Ham-
ilton felt that the first steps toward placing
the United States in the position which they
ought to occupy, were the restoration of their
credit and reputation, and the display of order,
strength, and resources which this involved.
He rightly believed that success and stability
would do more than anything else to compel
the respect and consideration of the rest of the
world. So far as the various nations were con-

156 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
/cerned, while as an individual citizen he was
/^ inclined by his feelings toward France, as a º
/ statesman he clearly saw that all nations must
ſ be treated alike; that, owing to her geograph-
ſ ical situation, America had no such things as
natural alliances and enmities, but that at the
same time on commercial grounds friendly rela-
tions with England were vastly more important d
| than with any other nation of the earth. With
\ England, too, the objects at which Hamilton
aimed would count for more than anything else.
Whatever inconsistencies England may have
\ been guilty of, she has never swerved in civility
Nand respect for success, strength, and wealth, A
º and this Hamilton well knew. But he did not
/ reckon on this alone. In his report on manu-
factures a cardinal principle was that of retalia- |
| tion, and the hand he meant thus to force was
the hand of England. At the same time he
regarded the efforts to discriminate between
the various nations, that is, in favor of France
and against England, on the ground of grati-
tude to the one and hatred to the other, as
wholly false in principle. Such a course would
surely lead to further disagreements with the
latter, and the object of the United States was
not to indulge in sentiment but to build up its
national greatness and grow rich by its com-
ºft. treat all nations as they treated
--












HAMILTON'S FOREIGN POLICY. 157
-
º
us and to bury the past which should not be
allowed to hamper the new government, was
Hamilton's theory. He had no attachment to
England, but rather the contrary. He admired
the British constitution as the best system of
free government in existence; like all his fel-
low citizens he had been nurtured amid the
English traditions of law and government, and
he had no question that English principles in re-
spect to law and government were, with proper
modifications, best suited to the United States.
Toward France he felt both affection and grati-
tude, and in that country were many tried and
loved friends and companions in arms. But he
wished the new republic to lay aside all senti-
ment and prejudice as well as all inconvenient
memories and to start fair and free with a view
only to her own interests, and a general deter-
mination to treat all nations alike if they all
behaved equally well; to have no alliances, no
friendships, and no enmities, but to cut loose
from all complications and aim only at success.
Hamilton's theory as exemplified in the finan-
cial policy worked well. Evidences of respect
abroad began to multiply. Washington, through
Gouverneur Morris, sounded England in regard
to the renewal of diplomatic relations, which
had been practically severed since the day when
John Adams had been driven away from St.


158 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
James by a stupid insolence which England
has always been fond of displaying toward this
country and which has cost her, first and last,
many bitter lessons. The result of Washing-
ton's experiment, backed by the rapidly grow-
ing prosperity of the country and the increasing
stability of the government, was the appoint-
ment of a minister to the United States in the
person of Mr. George Hammond. This gentle-
man was empowered to begin negotiations for a
commercial treaty, but could conclude nothing.
The reëstablishment of commercial relations on
a basis something like reciprocity was still dis-
tant enough, but nevertheless a good deal had
been gained by the mere renewal of diplomatic
intercourse. Hammond's negotiations were not
very fruitful, but they went on pretty steadily,
and Hamilton took a considerable share in them
from time to time, more, it must be confessed,
than strictly belonged to him as Secretary of
the Treasury. The truth was that Hamilton
had a policy for the new government in every
direction as well defined-as-in-financial affairs,
and he strove to put each and all into effect.
(He could not rid himself of the idea that he was
really the prime minister, a notion encouraged
by the way in which Congress had thrown all
sorts of questions into his hands for decision.
Moreover his schemes deserved and won the

THE FRENCH REvoluTION. 159
s
confidence of Washington; and the result was
that Jefferson, entirely innocent of clear-cut,
sharply defined plans and policies, and waiting
to be guided by events, found himself, much
oftener than was pleasant, pushed aside, ridden
over, and, as in the case of Hammond, more or
less interfered with.
While the United States were thus making
their way into the family of nations the French
revolution began, and in a few years the newly
launched ship of the young republic was tossing
in the midst of the terrible storm which found
its centre in Paris. The first news of the great
movement in France was received in this coun-
try with universal pleasure and delight by men
of all shades of political belief. As to the
benefits of a free constitution in a country to-
ward which we felt so warmly, all persons, the
ultra-Federalist and the radical opponent of the
administration alike, were agreed and had a
common gratification. But the rapid changes
rolled on and one event succeeded another,
each with terrible logic more dreadful than the
last, and all hurrying to the worst extremes of
violence. When reform became revolution, rev-
olution anarchy, and redress revenge; when hot-
blooded killings in the street changed to cold-
blooded massacre and cowardly murder in the
prison and the palace, culminating at last in the

160 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
execution of the king and the daily slaughter
of the guillotine, then public opinion in Amer-
ica shifted. First the timid and suspicious be-
gan to doubt, then the more cautious began to
fear, then such men as Washington and Ham-
ilton lost sympathy with a battle for freedom
fought in this wise, and the latter rebelled
against comparing the French revolution with
our own, saying, “The one is liberty, the other
licentiousness.” The general enthusiasm with
which the French revolution had been greeted,
faded away; but while that conflict became dis-
tasteful to the mass of the people and an object
of suspicion and dislike to the Federalists, the
revolutionary fever strongly infected certain
elements which predominated among the ene-
mies of the administration. X.As one side headed
by Washington and Hamilton cooled towards
France, the other side grew proportionately hot-
ter in admiration and love for the principles of
the revolution, just then becoming rather wild
and uncertain. This widening rift between two
bodies of public opinion was certain before
long to breed a party issue. So long as men
watched events in Paris and came to one con-
clusion or another as a matter of abstract the-
ory, no harm was done, but sooner or later these
conclusions would be brought to the touch-stone
of practical decision, and then the parties which



RELATIONS WITH FRANCE. 161
º
*
*
had been evoked by the revolution would begin
a fierce conflict. Early in April, 1793, the
news arrived that war had been declared be-
tween England and France, and that a new
minister from the terrible republic had reached
Charleston. The decisive moment had come,
and Hamilton sent post-haste for Washington
who was at Mount Vernon. When the Presi-
dent reached Philadelphia, he found his two
secretaries prepared to meet the crisis, the grav-
ity of which no member of the administration
doubted, but prepared to meet it in ways very
different and highly characteristic of the two
men. Jefferson loved France and the ideas of
the revolution, and he hated England, but he
also dreaded war, and had no desire to have the
United States drawn into hostilities. Under
these circumstances he was unable to make up
his mind as to any definite plan. In order,
therefore, to get, if possible, an expression of
public opinion and thereby come to a deter-
mination and be rid of responsibility, he pro-
posed to call Congress at once in extra session.
It is probable that he saw an opportunity to
make party capital by the agitation of this sub-
ject in debate, but it was at all events the only
suggestion he had to offer to Washington.
sº Hamilton on the other hand cared for neither
England nor France, except So far as he loathed

11
162 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
the bloody anarchy of the one and respected the
stability and order of the other. His thoughts
were fixed on the United States, unbiased by a
sentiment for or against any other nation. For
the United States he dreaded war almost as
much as Jefferson did, but unlike his colleague
he had not the slightest doubt as to the position
to be taken at that trying moment, and he had
fully made up his mind as to the true policy to
be adopted. Hamilton had no desire to shift
the responsibility of a duty which he conceived
to belong to the executive, and which he also
thought would be far safer in the hands of
"Washington than if it were tossed about in a
legislative body. He had no wish, therefore, to
have Congress called together; but he prepared
a series of questions embodying his views; and
these he submitted to Washington, who laid
them before the cabinet. The policy outlined
by these questions was the maintenance of a
strong, strict, and genuine neutrality by the
United States, to which the utmost publicity
should be given, and then a careful considera-
tion of our relations with France, in order that
the past might not be so construed as to en-
tangle us with the fortunes and conflicts of the
revolution, and in that way drag us from our
true position of absolute neutrality and conse-
quent peace. The first question as to issuing a



THE WE UTRALITY POLICY. 163
jeclaration of neutrality was carried in the af-
*-
º firmative and the proclamation to that effect
soon appeared. This was really the central
point of the whole policy of Washington and
> Hamilton, and was one of the great landmarks
established by the Federalists for the guidance
Y of the republic. There is no stronger example
* of the influence of the Federalists under the lead
| of Washington upon the history of the country
than this famous proclamation, and in no one
} respect did the individuality of Hamilton im-
press itself more directly on the future of the
United States. So little was it understood at
the time that when thirty years later the same
principle, in an extended form, was enunciated
- by Mr. Monroe's administration it was hailed
as a new doctrine, and incorporated as a lead-
ing article in the political creed of the United
States. When adopted and put forth by Wash-
ington, this truism of to-day was hardly appre-
> ciated. The colonial spirit, which was the spirit
of the past, made it seem impossible that the
United States should be wholly apart from the
affairs of Europe. The Federalists acted on the
principle thus laid down while they held power,
º maintaining a bold and strong neutrality, and
9. ready to strike the first nation, no matter which
it was, that dared infringe it. After the fall
of the Federalists this doctrine slipped out of
º
t

164 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
sight. For a vigorous neutrality, ever on the
alert and ready for war, was substituted a
timid, exasperating policy of peace protected
by commercial warfare. Ten years of bitter po-
litical conflict, including three years of foreign
war, was the result, and by this harsh process
the colonial spirit was finally exorcised. Then
the national foreign policy, formulated, devised,
and adopted by Washington and Hamilton, was
popularly accepted under the administration of
Monroe.
The primary question of neutrality was set-
tled by the proclamation. It then became nec-
essary to fix the character of this neutrality by
a careful determination of our attitude towards
the most aggressive, active, and dangerous of
the belligerents, – the French republic. The
second point therefore came on the reception
of the minister of France, which was settled in
the affirmative. Then followed a series of per-
plexing questions as to receiving the minister
with or without qualifications, and as to our
relations to France under existing treaties,
Up to this point-the cabinet had succeeded in
reaching an agreement, but now they diverged
widely. Hamilton wished it distinctly under-
stood that by receiving the French minister the
United States did not admit that the treaties
were now binding in their full extent. These


THE NE UTRALITY POLICY. 165
*
treaties provided, of course, for the payment of
our debt to France, and also for the guarantee
of the French possessions on this continent, and
for a defensive alliance. Hamilton, who at the
outset had done his best to expedite payments
to the new government, had more recently be-
gun to hold back. He now said that while
there was no doubt of the general rule of inter-
national law, that for treaty purposes the exist-
ing government was to a foreign nation the
same as any predecessor, yet this rule, like all
others, required reasonable construction. The
change of government in France, he added, was
of such a nature as to alter every circumstance
under which and for which the treaties had been
made, and therefore the United States had the
right to renounce them. Moreover, everything
was so uncertain and shifting in France that to
live up to the treaties with the present govern-
ment might in a few months amount to a cause
of war with its successor. Again, the war was
not defensive, and so Hamilton concluded that
all this should be plainly stated to the minister,
so that he might understand that we did not
intend to be bound by the treaties. Hamilton's
Jonstruction was, at least, that of the French
Convention, which had just annulled a clause
in one of the treaties, but it was also the sound
and statesmanlike view. His arguments go to


166 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
great length, and are clear and acute, as usual,
but the central idea was as simple as it was
wise. The French treaties were legacies of the
past. They were colonial in spirit and in fact.
The opportunity had now come to be rid of
them legally and fairly. Hamilton's entire pol-
icy was to take immediate advantage of the
opportunity, cut loose from these entangling
bonds, and thus assume in foreign affairs a
wholly free and thoroughly national position.
Jefferson, on the other hand, was for a rigid
construction of the law of nations, and for the
maintenance of the same close connection with
the republic as with the monarchy, always bar-
ring actual war.
These contending views, however, and a de-
cision upon them, were soon pushed aside by
the appearance in person of Genet, the minister
himself, who raised a series of difficult and ex-
asperating questions of the most practical kind
so quickly, that there was no time to consider.
general policies. The administration found
enough to do in checking Genet's mischief
without coming to any conclusion as to the
qualifications with which he should be received,
or as to the statements which should be made
to him with reference to the attitude of the
United States in regard to the treaties. The
policy of the United States toward France

ARRIVAL OF GENET. 167
was, indeed, settled during these contests with
her representative, and ultimately according to
Hamilton's doctrines, but it was done bit by
bit, in sore vexation of spirit, and not broadly,
comprehensively, and quietly.
Indeed, from the time when Genet came
upon the scene, a settlement in the latter fash-
ion was out of the question. The new minister
was a bright, light-headed Frenchman, mad-
dened by the wild ideas of Paris. He rushed
from one excess to another from the day of his
arrival until that on which his successor ap-
peared, and he endeavored to raise about him a
party to overthrow the administration. His first
act was to fit out privateers at Charleston, and
thence proceed with a sort of triumphal proces-
sion northward to Philadelphia. Difficulties
now gathered thickly about the cabinet. The
fitting out of privateers and the capture of prizes
by these privateers, as well as the seizure of
British vessels within our waters, all leading to
expostulation and demands for redress on the
part of the English minister, confronted the ad-
ministration in a constant succession of cases.
Hamilton, whose policy was not neutrality with
a covert leaning to one side, but a genuine neu-
trality treating all alike, took strong ground in
favor of giving up at once the prize made by
a French ship of war within our waters. He


168 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
also urged the immediate stoppage, by all the
force of the government, of the enlistment of
seamen and fitting out of privateers by the
French in our ports, and the surrender of all
prizes of such privateers, or if restoration was
impossible, then compensation on our part to
the owners wherever we had failed in our duty
as a neutral. The first point prevailed at once.
The third was resisted by Jefferson as too much
in favor of England, and as amounting to re-
prisal. For a time decision on this point was
suspended, but ultimately Hamilton's view re-
ceived the sanction of Washington. On the
fitting out of privateers a long struggle ensued
between the French minister and the adminis-
tration. Here a privateer would be stopped,
and there one would escape. Americans were
arrested and tried for infractions of neutrality
by enlisting on the French privateers, and at
last French consuls, who were undertaking to
govern in this country as their fellows did in
the states of Europe bordering on the terrible
republic, were deposed from office and deprived
of the right to exercise their functions. This
fitting out of privateers finally culminated in
the case of the Little Sarah, sent forth from
Philadelphia in flagrant contempt of the gov-
ernment, and beneath the very eyes of the cab-
inet. Hamilton and Knox urged strongly and


THE CONFLICT WITH GENET. 169
}
characteristically the duty of placing a battery
on one of the islands, and of firing upon the
privateer if she attempted to escape. Thanks
to Jefferson, however, who believed, or pre-
tended to believe, that Genet had promised not
to let the vessel go, and who was in a tremor at
the idea of joining in “the combination of
kings” and getting into war with France, Ham-
ilton's plan was not carried out, the militia were
withdrawn, and Genet sent the privateer at
once to sea. Washington came back in a state
of indignation, and Jefferson found himself so .
thoroughly uncomfortable that he now seriously
thought of resignation.
In other quarters Genet was equally active.
He made a continuous effort to get all the
money due to France. He anticipated payments
so far as he could and then asked for more, and
almost insisted that he should receive the whole
amount either in money or provisions. But in
the domain of the treasury Hamilton was mas-
ter and unrestrained. Genet's loud demands
passed idly by. The Secretary paid him what
was due, allowed him a reasonable anticipation,
and could not be moved to do more. When
the Frenchman threatened to give notes on the
United States for what he wanted, in order to
fit out privateers and illegal armaments in the
Southwest against Spain, Hamilton gave him

170 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
to understand that he might draw if he so
pleased, but that his drafts would not be hon-
ored. It is refreshing, amid the bewildering
complications of that confused time, to see the
vain beating of the Frenchman at the doors of
the treasury, and the perfect success of Ham-
ilton's cool, unalterable attitude.
Genet, however, made even more trouble for
the administration in our own politics than he
did in the management of foreign relations.
The sober and intelligent opinion of the country
had turned away in disgust from the excesses of
the French revolution, but this opinion was si-
lent and observant, and as yet inactive. On the
other hand, the thoughtless and careless, the
rabble in the larger cities, the foreign refugees
from England and Ireland, and the more vio-
lent elements of the opposition were infected by
the excitement of the French. In contempla-
ting the objects of the movement in Europe,
they overlooked the terrible means employed,
and allowed their reason to be confused by the
extravagant jargon of the new republic. The
noise and enthusiasm were therefore with Genet.
Banquets and processions, red caps, and dem-
ocratic societies, and the ravings of Freneau
and Bache in their newspapers, all brought the
half-crazed Frenchman to believe that the peo-
ple were with him, and that through them he

THE CONFLICT WITH GENET. 171
could force the government to do his pleasure.
This agitation became so violent that Hamilton
felt it to be necessary to evoke and give a lead
to the opposite sentiment, and in the sum-
mer of 1793 he published a series of essays
signed “Pacificus,” defending the proclamation
and the policy of the administration. These
papers, written in Hamilton's clear, convincing
fashion, served their purpose of awakening the
better part of the community to the gravity of
the situation, and began the work of rallying
the friends of the government to its active sup-
port. Calmly but steadily the administration
persisted in carrying out its policy, despite every
obstacle, foreign or domestic, and in the neu-
trality rules of August they laid down the prin-
ciples of Washington and Hamilton as those
by which they meant to stand, and by which
the country should be guided in its foreign re-
lations.
Genet's language and the tone of his letters
increased continually in violence, and became
at last so intolerable that the cabinet agreed to
send his correspondence to Paris and ask for
his recall. It was also resolved to furnish him
with copies of this correspondence and of the
demand for recall. Jefferson, whose private in-
tercourse with Genet had been very different
from his official attitude, warmly opposed this





172 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
disclosure, fearing that it would lead to an out-
break. Hamilton, on the contrary, with all
his fighting qualities now thoroughly aroused,
wanted to go much farther. He wished in the
first place that the recall should be made in
sharp and peremptory terms. He advocated,
also, the immediate publication of all the cor-
respondence, and a direct appeal to the people.
To this proposition Washington inclined, but
Jefferson succeeded in defeating it. Genet,
however, soon made the appeal himself, by
publishing a letter which raised a direct issue
between the President and himself. The tide
of public sentiment now turned strongly. The
ruling elements in the community came for-
ward, the administration found itself supported,
the armaments in the West were checked, and
the French consuls brought to terms or deposed.
Again Hamilton and Washington wished to go
farther and suspend Genet from the exercise of
his functions, and again Jefferson checked and
prevented decisive action. The result was that
Genet went on for a few months longer insult-
ing our government, and doing a good work
in stimulating the public resentment against
France, but his power for mischief ended when
he appealed to the people against Washington.
Hamilton's course in all these complications is
highly characteristic. After carefully watching




THE CONFLICT WITH GENET. 173
events in Europe: he advocated, when war was
declared, a sharply defined and strict neutrality,
and then a firm but cautious severance of all
the entangling bonds which held us to France.
But when Genet appeared with insults and ag-
gressions, instead of negotiations and discus-
sions, Hamilton, while still urging the rigid
enforcement of a genuine neutrality, wished to
lay aside diplomacy with the French minis-
ter, and rebuke him openly and severely. He
had, moreover, no desire for the assistance of
Congress, but preferred to have the executive
deal with the whole matter and meet every
complication as it arose. Jefferson acted sim-
ply as a drag on the policy of his colleague,
which, nevertheless, finally prevailed at every
point; and it is perhaps in some degree due to
the opposition of the Secretary of State that
the administration came through all these trials
so successfully. Washington sympathized with
Hamilton's views and ultimately gave his ap-
proval to all of them. When Washington was
angry, - as he was on one or two occasions in
this eventful summer, — he was to the full as
combative as Hamilton. It is very conceivable
that there were moments when they might have
moved too fast and struck too hard, if it had not
been for the persevering resistance of Jefferson.
But however this may have been, the policy of

174 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
a strong and impartial neutrality triumphed and
was put in practice. At every step the two
secretaries went farther apart, the one pushing
on the successful policy, the other holding back,
clinging to the French treaties, and professing
that everything, neutrality and all, depended on
the sanction of Congress. The summoning of
that body was another point on which Jefferson
had suffered defeat, and all this, joined to the
false position in which he was placed, by holding
one language officially, and another privately to
Genet, by taking one attitude with his party
friends and another in the cabinet, led to his
resignation, which he with reluctance deferred
until the assembling of Congress.
When that body came together, the wisdom
of not calling it before was plainly manifest.
Genet had succeeded in one thing. He had
created a party issue, and had given a definite
object to the motley masses of the opposition.
The financial policy dropped out of sight, and
the now united opponents of the administration
fell with a swoop upon our foreign relations.
Everything conspired to help them. While our
government was trying to preserve neutrality
and keep the country out of the current of the
French revolution, Great Britain had begun
that course of arrogant, aggressive interference
with our commerce, which was perhaps the

JEFFERSON LEAVES THE CABINET. 175
stupidest blunder she made in her protracted
struggle with France, and which continued un-
til it produced war in 1812. This conduct gave
the opposition precisely the handle they wanted.
Then, too, Jefferson was enabled, just before he
left office, to map out the course to be pursued
by sending in to Congress all his correspondence
with Genet and Hammond, and a report on our
commerce which indicated that policy of com-
mercial warfare destined in later years to be-
come such a curse to the country. Hamilton,
who appreciated the party purposes to be gained
by this, opposed the transmission of the Ham-
mond correspondence; but Washington, who
always rose above party, rightly decided that
everything must go in.
In his dealings with Genet, Jefferson had been
under the supervision of the cabinet, and his
work was therefore spirited and strong, while
with Hammond he needed no incentive to take
a bold attitude. The correspondence therefore,
as a whole, was vigorous in tone, and having
all the ability for which Jefferson was con-
spicuous in letter-writing, deserves a high rank
among our state papers. Invigorated by their
leader's success, the opposition at once took up
the line he had marked out in his commercial
report — which was by no means a very able
document—and Madison introduced resolutions


176 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
to establish duties against nations not in treaty
with us. Hamilton knew that the more eminent
leaders on his side would meet this question in
their own way, but this did not content him.
He could not reply to Madison personally, but
he determined to do it through the mouth of
another. He therefore equipped his friend, Mr.
Smith of South Carolina, with a speech, and in
this way met Madison at the outset of the un-
dertaking. Smith's reply, thus provided, was
strong and effective. The Secretary lifted the
question at once out of the confusion of foreign
politics, and placed it on purely commercial
grounds, arguing against the resolution on his
constant principles that in trade this country
should know neither friend nor enemy, but be
governed wholly by its interests. The argu-
ment was unanswerable, but the House passed
the resolution against which it was directed.
To the second resolution Nicholas offered an
amendment, naming England as the object of
the hostile discrimination ; but his own party
was not ripe for this step, and the whole matter
was postponed. Then came a fresh and Worse
aggression on the part of England in the form
of an order in council to seize all vessels loaded
with French produce. As ready to resent at-
tack from one quarter as from another, Hamil-
ton declared this order an outrage, and urged

THE FEDERALISTS PREPARE FOR WAR. 177
º
the forffication of the seaports and the imme-
diate raising of troops. The Federalists in the
Horse, adhering like their leaders to the doc-
trines laid down by Washington, sprang forward
with strong measures for an army, a navy, and
an embargo, in order to prepare the country for
war, which seemed indeed close at hand. The
opposition, always prodigal heretofore of brave
words, now held back, and stoutly resisted
practical fighting measures, opposing particu-
larly the bill to establish a navy, which subse-
quently became law. They were ready enough
for party purposes to declaim against England,
to talk war and yet keep the peace. They were
quite prepared to sequestrate debts, – a piece
of swindling denounced by Hamilton, — and be
as offensive as possible to England, but they
were not half so ready to fight with their kins-
men as were the “ British ’’ Federalists. It was
plain that the country was drifting rapidly into
war, which Washington saw clearly would be
most perilous to the fortunes of the young na-
tion. Hamilton's idea of a special mission to
England met, therefore, with the warm ap-
proval of Washington, who at once turned to
his Secretary of the Treasury as the fittest man
for this delicate and important task, an opinion
in which he was fully sustained by the Feder-
alist leaders. But the Virginia party, headed


178 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
by Madison and Monroe, greatly alarmed at
the prospect of this appointment, made an act-
ive and bitter resistance. Washington, anxious
above all things for the success of the mission,
and in order to prevent the country from being
torn with faction in the face of these foreign
troubles, gave up his first choice and sent Jay,
at the urgent recommendation of Hamilton
himself. The opposition in the Senate was
bitter, but the nomination was confirmed; and
Jay's instructions, drawn in outline by Ham-
ilton, were toned down and then adopted by
the cabinet. There are few acts in our history
which show greater force, courage, and address
than were displayed by Washington and Ham-
ilton in carrying through this appointment de-
spite every obstacle and the most determined
opposition which, even while it acquiesced in
the selection of the envoy, sought by every
means to hamper him and precipitate war.
Under the circumstances it must be admitted
that Washington was judicious. Yet Hamilton
would undoubtedly have made a better treaty,
and one more satisfactory to the country than
that obtained by Jay. With all the senseless
clamor about his British sympathies, Hamilton
would have aimed to get as much as possible
from England, by taking a high tone in the
negotiation. This was shown by his draft of
THE APPOINTMENT OF JAY. 179
2- instructions, which were modified by the cab-
inet, in the direction of greater concessions to
the English demands. He appreciated as en-
tirely as any one the necessity of peace, and
had plenty of tact and address, but he was
far firmer, bolder, and more audacious than
* Jay, and these were the very qualities which
h were needed. The Jeffersonians were justly
alarmed. If Hamilton made a successful treaty
he would be stronger and more popular than |
ever, and it would all redound to the credit
of his party, and to his own dreaded influence.
º If, on the other hand, he should make a treaty
| which conceded much to England, he would
probably force it through the Senate, and we
should then be closer to England and farther
than ever from France. With these views the
outcry against Hamilton was started. It may
well be doubted whether by the most virulent
resistance the opposition could have done much
harm, but it was possible that they might,
and therefore Washington prudently decided
as he did. At all events, the appointment of
º Jay, a more conciliatory policy on the part of
England, and the appearance of Fauchet to
take Genet's place, brought an interval of
calm in our foreign difficulties, and permitted
the administration to congratulate itself on
the skill with which it had steered through ,





180 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
the perils and complications of the past six
months.
vº We have already seen the tendency of Ham-
ilton in mind and temperament to distrust a
pure democracy and to have faith only in a
strong government and in the influence and
power of the upper classes, even if those classes
did not find, as he thought they should, direct
recognition in the constitution. This tend-
ency was turned into settled conviction as a
matter of general principle by the spectacle pre-
sented to his observation in Paris. When the
matter, however, was brought directly home to
him by Genet, by the popular support of France,
and by the wild talk of the opposition press
and speakers, Hamilton passed rapidly from
the general to the particular and began to be-
lieve not only that pure democracy was ab-
stractly perilous, but that there were in this
country, as in France, elements which consid-
ered democracy and anarchy as convertible
terms, and were bent on producing the latter.
In what he called the “political putrefac-
tion ” of Pennsylvania, and in the disturbances
of the western region of that State, Hamilton
found, as he thought, a practical manifestation
of the justice of his views as to the dangerous
elements in our population. At last, too, the
ime had come when a pacific policy towards
-







THE “WHISKEY REBELLION.” 181
P
the malcontents was plainly impossible, and
Hamilton was allowed to deal with what he
deemed the elements of anarchy, as he thought
they should be dealt with, for it is unnecessary
to say that Hamilton, for this contingency also,
had a policy, obvious and simple enough, it
may be admitted, but still well-defined and
thorough in details. The trouble had, in truth,
been for some years coming to a head. The
only serious criticism of Hamilton's financial
policy is that it was too strong, that it strained
the new fabric too severely, and this criticism
always seeks proof in the excise law, which had
been rendered necessary by the assumption of
the state debts. Apart from the unanswerable
economic arguments in favor of taxing spirits,
Hamilton believed that unless the government
could enact and enforce such a proper law the
system of the constitution was really worth-
less. The need of revenue carried the Excise
Bill through Congress, in 1791, despite much
bitter opposition. Its passage was the signal
for the immediate display of a lawless and riot-
ous temper in western Pennsylvania, where the
manufacture of whiskey was chiefly carried on,
and thence it spread rapidly through the sim-
ilar regions of Virginia and North Carolina.
At the next session amendments perfected and
modified the obnoxious law, while Hamilton


182 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
devised every method to render its execution as
easy as possible.
Still the disorders went on, until in the sum-
mer of 1792 they reached such a point that
Hamilton, tired of the dilatory and ineffective
processes of law, thought the moment had come
for the direct and decisive application of force.
Washington, however, was not ready for ex-
treme measures, and so Hamilton drafted a
proclamation, which Washington sent to Jef-
ferson, who countersigned it, declaring privately
that he wholly disapproved it. The proclama-
tion and Washington's journey through the
South had a good effect, and the disorder sub-
sided in Virginia and North Carolina. But
in Pennsylvania the state of affairs continued
to grow steadily worse, and the opposition to
Hamilton's vigorous attempts to enforce the
law grew more violent. Finally, Congress gave
the executive additional powers, which were
sorely needed, but their exercise was the sig-
nal for armed resistance to the officers of the
United States. From gross and brutal out-
rages upon property and persons, the insurgents
passed to open defiance of the law. The United
States mail was stopped, large bodies of armed
men gathered, and the speeches and publica-
tions of the leaders proclaimed the overthrow
of the government. The emergency had come


THE “WHISKEY REBELLION.” 183
and Washington met it as he did every crisis,
calmly, firmly, and successfully. Hamilton was
at his side, ready with every detail. He had
carefully and characteristically estimated the
number of men capable of bearing arms in the
insurgent counties, and knew precisely how
many troops would be needed. The States re-
sponded to the call of the President, and with
fifteen thousand men the administration faced
the incipient rebellion.
Hamilton after his own energetic fashion
wanted to serve as an officer, but finding this
impracticable accompanied Washington and the
army, and later went on without the President
in general superintendence of the operations.
It was his policy, and he was determined to
carry it through even at the point of the bay-
onet, if the ordinary machinery of the law
proved powerless. An attempt at negotiation
was made by the frightened and more cautious
among the leaders of the insurrection. The
government readily gave them this last chance,
but the conference came to nothing, and the
army moved forward and spread through the
disaffected region. Then the insurrection faded
helplessly and bloodlessly away. It disappeared
not only completely, but ridiculously and with
humiliation to the vanquished. Gradually the
disaffected came in and submitted, and were


184 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
treated with the leniency which is so strong a
trait in the American character. XHamilton
himself showed a forbearance not a little re-
markable in a man of his bold and imperious
nature. But he was too wise to seek punish-
ment or revenge. He had triumphed. His
policy was vindicated. It had not been too
strong for the government, but had shown, on
the contrary, the force and vitality of the new
system. The power put forth had been sim-
ply overwhelming, and insurrection had been
crushed without leaving any memory of blood-
shed to rankle in the hearts of the people. The
financial policy had in truth converted the sys-
item of the constitution into a living, vigorous
organism, and the unshrinking exercise of force
by the administration, which was wholly due to
Washington and Hamilton, brought to the gov-
ernment new strength, vigor, and respect. The
suppression of the “whiskey rebellion” had
shown the government to be capable of main-
taining itself against armed resistance. The
lesson of Shays' rebellion had not been wasted,
and the contrast thus afforded between the gov-
ernment of the confederacy and that of the con-
stitution was the crown of the masterly domestic
policy which had been begun by the first report
on the public credit. -
When Congress came together the victory of
|
THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIETIES. 185
º
º
y
|
the administration was apparent in the en-
feebled action of the opposition, and the Feder-
alists were not slow to take advantage of it.
Among "Genet's legacies, and by far the most
objectionable, were the Democratic societies,
so-called, modelled on the famous “clubs’’ of
Paris. They were worthless, noisy assemblages,
given to useless agitation. Hamilton, perhaps,
saw in them the same capabilities for mischief,
the same anarchical tendencies, as in their Paris-
ian prototypes, but both he and Washington
and the Federalists generally considered them
dangerous, obnoxious, and by their clamorous
folly largely responsible for the outbreaks in
Pennsylvania. Washington, therefore, strongly
sustained by Hamilton, smote them with all
the force of his rarely used personal influence
and popularity. He denounced them in his
message; the Senate supported him, and after
a heated debate in the House the opposition,
despite their majority, were unable to protect
their beloved associations. The blow, sharply
struck and well calculated in point of time, was
decisive. The societies withered away, and Ge-
net's work was at an end. This closed the first
chapter in the history of the struggles growing
out of the French revolution. The administra-
tion had come through this period of trial with
perfect success. Neutrality had been estab-

186 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
*
lished and maintained, the wild sympathy with
France had been checked and discredited, do-
mestic insurrection had been put down and na-
tionality had been advanced and strengthened
beyond all former expectations.
At the session of Congress in the previous
year, when the opposition were throwing them-
selves upon our foreign relations, delighted to
abandon the financial questions where they had
suffered such defeat, Hamilton, with the fixed
purpose that the attacks upon his character
should not rest where they were, demanded fur-
ther investigation. The most searching scru-
tiny was of no avail, and the opposition were
more than ever disgusted with their mistake.
After the lapse of another year Hamilton put
the finishing touch to the funding system by a
comprehensive scheme for the redemption of
the entire debt. While this measure was on
its passage, and after the galling results to the
opposition of their investigation were well
known, he laid down his office and retired from
public life. He had been for some time con-
templating this step, which had become impera-
tive on account of his private affairs, and of the
absolute need of an increased income to pro-
vide for his large family. He had been in
office for nearly six years, and his work was
done, his opinions and his personality were in:

HAMILTON LEAVES THE CABINET. 187
delibly impressed upon our frame of govern-
ment and upon our political development. We
look in vain for a man who, in an equal space
of time, has produced such direct and lasting
effects upon our institutions and history.
**
%
y
-
ſ

CHAPTER IX.
THE JAY TREATY AND THE ADAMS ADMINIS-
TRATION.
IF anything could have kept Hamilton in the
cabinet it would have been a knowledge of the
crisis which was to arise upon the reception of
the Jay treaty. He was, of course, well aware
of the fierce opposition excited by the creation
of the mission; he knew of the public meetings,
of the ravings of extreme Democrats, both in
the newspapers and on the platform, and of the
burnings in effigy of the excellent and eminent
ambassador. But he regarded all these things
as temporary ebullitions, which, as he foresaw,
died away into quiet while Jay was carrying on
his negotiations with Lord Grenville. Hamil-
ton perceived, too, that, apart from the outward
manifestations, there was a profound interest in
the result of Jay's mission, and that there would
be a party conflict over its ratification. At the
same time he certainly did not anticipate that
such a shock would be produced as that which
actually occurred when the contents of the
treaty became known. But then Hamilton did



THE RATIFICATION OF THE JAY TREATY. 189
;
not expect such a result from the special mis-
sion. Rumor, speaking to us in the person of
Jefferson, says that Hamilton called it an “old
woman's treaty,” when he first read it. To his
penetrating mind and bold, dashing tempera-
ment, it may well have seemed that such an
epithet was just. The treaty was certainly not
such a one as he himself would have made.
But he was called upon to deal with it as it
stood, and on the broad ground of whether it
should be accepted with all its defects, or re-
jected in favor of almost certain war. -
The treaty went to the Senate, was ratified
there, except the highly objectionable prohib-
itory clause in the twelfth article, and then
went back to the President for final decision.
Through the closed doors of the Senate the
treaty slipped out, and was soon public prop-
erty. When it became known, there was an
outburst of popular indignation which has
hardly ever been equalled in the history of the
country. The wrath excited was partly justi-
fiable, for some of the stipulations were far
from what had been reasonably expected, and
the fire was assiduously fanned by the partisans
of France. The people judged hastily, and, in
large measure, without reflection. The tem-
pest swept through the country, accompanied
with violent denunciation, insults to the Brit-
190 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
ish flag, rioting, burning in effigy, and every
species of wild disorder; even the sturdy Fed.
eralist States of New England were swept from
their moorings, and joined in the general out-
cry.
In the midst of all the hurly-burly stood the
grand figure of Washington, calm, watchful,
unterrified, making up his mind silently, and
with “truth only for his guide.” Here and
there a few of the coolest and wisest among the
Federalists saw the necessity of ratification and
of standing by the President, and with their
accustomed boldness and ability they faced the
apparently hopeless odds arrayed against them.
: Foremost among them was Hamilton, ever
present where the fray was thickest, and al-
ways first to come forward when a fight, espe-
cially if it was a desperate one, was in progress.
He appeared at a great public meeting in New
York to endeavor to check the raging opposi-
tion by fair discussion. Debate then and there
was out of the question. Persuasive eloquence
had for the moment lost its charm, and when
Hamilton began to speak he was howled down
and assailed with a volley of stones, one of
which struck him on the forehead. With per-
fect coolness he said, “If you use such striking
arguments, I must retire,” and withdrew from a
contest which at the moment was hopeless. But


THE ESSAYS OF “ CAMILL U.S.” 191
he retreated only to enter another field. Four
days after he had been stoned appeared the
first number of the series of essays signed
“Camillus,” in defence of the treaty, in favor
of the neutrality and peace policy, and in sup-
port of the administration.
These essays continued to appear for a year,
and until the weight of public opinion was once
more on the side of their author. “Camillus.”
was singularly effective, and the best proof of
his power came from his adversaries. Jeffer-
son was particularly disturbed. He felt very
keenly the truth of Burr's remark, that any one
who put himself on paper with Hamilton was
lost. At the same time he was willing and
even anxious that some one else should run the
risk of wreck in a conflict with “the Colossus
of the Federalists,” and he therefore urged the
unattractive duty upon Madison. That gentle-
man, however, had as little stomach for the
fight as his chief, and prudently held back.
Others less able and less wary than their lead-
ers entered the field with replies of various
merit and various classical signatures, and were
beaten and driven off. Whatever may be said
of Hamilton in other respects, in political con-
troversy, in the art of moulding, creating, and
controlling public opinion by discussion and
debate in the newspapers, he stood absolutely

192 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
without a rival. Ready, persuasive, transparent
in reasoning, and formidable in retort, he never
failed, when he took up his pen, to create a
profound impression or to sway the minds of
thinking men, and he never, except in the
“Federalist,” worked under greater difficulties
nor with greater success than when he entered
the lists as “Camillus.”
But when Hamilton first began to write the
clouds had gathered thick and black; it seemed
as if the popular rage would infallibly lead to
war, and in order to make the position of the
President still more difficult England, with her
customary stupidity, seized that moment to re-
new the obnoxious provision order. This gave
pain even to those most anxious for peace. To
Hamilton it seemed intolerable; to Washington
hardly to be endured. Outraged by the nation
with which he was seeking to make peace, with
his own party demoralized and hushed, and
with the opposition in full cry urging on the
popular clamor, the President faced the great
question. With that high, serene, silent cour-
age which he always showed, whether in the
shock of unsuccessful battle or in the din of
hostile politics, Washington deliberated. He
would do his duty, - that was a matter of
course. As to what that duty was, he felt
but little doubt. But with the almost painfu.

WASHINGTON, RATIFIES THE TREATY. 193
sense of justice and responsibility which always
characterized him, Washington wished to know
all sides. He consulted but few persons, and
among those few Hamilton was first, as much
so as if he had never left the cabinet. Hamil-
ton on his side responded as fully and zealously
as if he were still the President's Secretary. He
inclined to an attempt for further negotiation,
and advised a refusal to exchange ratifications
unless the provision order should be rescinded.
On the general principle that the treaty, which
meant peace on honorable if not on advantage-
ous terms, was better than war, he sympathized
with Washington. At Washington's request
he drew up a summary of the arguments on
both sides with that clearness in appreciating
all points in a case which made him such a
valued adviser to a man summoned to give a
grave decision. He was disposed, on the whole,
to be rather more aggressive and less sacrificing
than Washington, as was natural to his temper-
ament, but when the President finally acted,
ratified the treaty, and sent it to England with
a sharp remonstrance against the provision
order, Hamilton fully sustained him. In all
the struggle which followed in repelling at-
tacks on the administration, and during the
fierce contest over the treaty in the House, he
played the same leading part. He was the
13
194 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
trusted counsellor of Washington, the adviser
of the party leaders, and the man to whom all
the most active Federalists turned for sugges-
tions, for arguments and for unfailing aid by
tongue and pen, in letters and through the
press. -
While Hamilton was occupying this impor-
tant and influential position in the party and
before the country, the Presidential election
came on. Washington had withdrawn from
the field, and the serious problem of selecting
a candidate for the succession confronted the
Federalists. They faced this question for the
first time, and on the result, as after events
showed, the fate of the party largely depended.
There were four men from whom the choice, as
it seemed at the time, must be made, – Ham-
ilton, Adams, Jay, and Thomas Pinckney of
South Carolina)(Hamilton was the head of the
Federalists, but Ye was the leader of the lead-
ers rather than of the party. He never had a
strong hold on the people, or on the rank and
file even of his own party. Moreover, he was
the man most hated and feared by the opposi-
tion. He was the incarnation of the whole
Federalist policy from the foundation of the
government, and as a candidate he would have
aroused enmities too fierce to have permitted
his election. This was plainly seen, and by no

ADAMS NOMINATED FOR THE PRESIDENCY. 195
vº
one more plainly than by Hamilton himself, for
there is no evidence that he ever gave the idea
of securing the Federalist nomination for the
Presidency serious consideration, or was influ-
enced by it for a moment. Jay's name was so
closely associated with the conflict of the treaty
as to put him, too, out of the lists. Pinckney
was well known and popular, especially on ac-
count of the brilliant success of his treaty with
Spain, but he was a new man and a southerner,
and the Federalist strongholds were in the
North. There remained John Adams, who was,
with the exception of Hamilton, the most con-
spicuous man in the party, and he had had a
long and distinguished career. He contended
with Hamilton, also, for the perilous honor of
being the chief mark for the concentrated dis-
like of the opposition. But he was, on the
other hand, still revered for eminent services in
the Revolution, his name still awakened the
memories of the great conflict for independence,
and he had in this way a hold upon the body of
the party and upon the popular imagination.
Moreover, he was a northern man and in the
line of promotion.
It was therefore determined by the party
leaders to vote for Adams and Pinckney for the
first and second offices respectively ; a wise
conclusion, which made what would, in the lan-



196 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
guage of to-day, be called a “strong ticket.”
Unfortunately the constitution did not then ad-
mit of a “ticket.” The person receiving the
highest number of votes was President, the
next highest Vice-President. This opened the
door to an infinite amount of management and
intrigue in the electoral colleges. The Feder-
alists were well aware that their chance of suc-
cess was narrow, and that no votes could be
spared. Hamilton's views were simple enough.
He wished first to hold the administration in
the party, and then to win the second place for
a Federalist and exclude Jefferson. To do this
he urged upon all his friends the policy of vot-
ing strictly for both Adams and Pinckney, and
of throwing no votes away. In so doing he was
right, clearly and beyond all question. The de-
parture from this policy elected Jefferson to the
second place. By its adoption two contingen-
cies were possible: either Adams and Pinckney
would receive an equal number of votes, which
would throw the decision into the House of
Representatives, and probably give the elec-
tion to Adams; or — and this was the hypothe-
sis fatal to the scheme — the South would throw
away their votes for Adams and make Pinck-
ney President. To this latter contingency
Hamilton was indifferent. *Indeed, it is pretty
clear that he preferred Pinckney, because he

HAMILTON's PREFERENCE FOR PINCKNEY. 197
º
felt that he would then continue to be the con-
trolling influence with the administration, while
his observation had led him to suspect that the
reverse would probably be the case under
Adams. In letting his preference for Pinck-
ney, or rather his indifference of choice as be-
tween Pinckney and Adams, be known, Hamil-
ton made a mistake. As the principal leader of
the party he was bound to sink personal prefer-
ences and support the choice of the party for
the first place without any reservation, and he
should have put the plan of voting equally for
both candidates, solely on the ground of party
success, treating the possible election of Pinck-
ney as a thing never to be considered, much less
viewed with indifference. How far Hamilton’s
position injured his own policy of voting it
would now be difficult to say. The plan was
doomed to defeat, because South Carolina would
not vote for a northern man, a fact of which
New England, unluckily, was well aware. The
result was, that both sections threw away votes,
electing Adams by a bare plurality of three,
and defeating Pinckney, bringing about exactly
the mischief Hamilton had striven so earnestly
to prevent, the choice of Jefferson as Vice-Pres-
ident.
When Adams was inaugurated the situation
Was both novel and difficult. Adams, unlike
198 * ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
Washington, was elected by a party and strictly
as a party man. He was by virtue of his office
the head of the party de jure. But despite the
President's hold upon the people, Hamilton, ow-
ing to his brilliant services and his predominant
influence with almost all the party leaders, was
the head of the Federalists de facto. On the re-
lations existing between these two men, there-
fore, the welfare of the party largely depended.
Both Adams and Hamilton were honestly anx-
ious for the success of their party, for the well-
being and advancement of their country, and
for the maintenance of the cardinal principles
of Washington's administration. Unfortunately
they entered upon this new and trying period
in the career of their party with feelings of
coolness, if not of mutual distrust. Hamilton
had taken votes from Adams at the first elec-
tion to make sure that the selection of Wash-
ington for the first place should not be endan-
gered. In the years which followed, Adams
gave a sturdy and often decisive support to the
treasury measures and to the general policy of
the administration, so that at the second elec-
tion he received Hamilton's hearty support for
the Vice-Presidency, and their relations were
then cordial. In the third election Adams was
aware of Hamilton's policy of equal voting,
which he hastily attributed to nothing but the


RELATIONS OF ADAMS AND HAMILTON. 199
-}-
º
latter's preference for Pinckney. This revived
the memory of the first election, and Adams
quickly set down the whole thing as one long
continued and jealous intrigue. Hamilton had
erred at the first election by taking doubtful
action for which there was no occasion. His
policy at the last was wise and right, but he
made the mistake of not burying his personal
preferences and keeping them out of sight.
XWhen Adams came to the head of the gov-
ernment he regarded Hamilton as guilty of the
almost unpardonable sin of want of respect to-
ward himself, as prone to intrigue, grasping,
dictatorial, and of great power in the party.
Hamilton, on his side, thought Adams unrea-
sonable, unmanageable, at times wrong-headed,
in short, unsafe; and he had unfortunately been
at very little pains in the recent past to conceal
these opinions. Hamilton had gone out of office
in good faith and he had no desire to regain it,
but he had a profound interest in the fate of the
Federalist policy which had made the union,
and which was so largely the work of his own
hands. He, therefore, was anxious to retain
his influence with the administration and his
power in the party. His position entitled him
to confidence and consultation, and he was by
no means a difficult counsellor, nor anxious to
absorb all credit to himself. If the work was
200 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
well done Hamilton cared little who did it.
When on one or two occasions he grasped at the
ensigns of command, it was because he honestly
believed that he was the only man fit to bear
their weight. He was a severe and penetrating
critic, but he was neither jealous nor captious.
It was perfectly easy to manage Hamilton and,
win his cordial support. Washington had never
found the slightest difficulty in dealing with him
in or out of office. All that was required was
tact, full and frank consultation, and the defer-
ence to which his opinions were on every ground
entitled.
Tact in managing men, however, was conspic-
uous in John Adams chiefly by its absence.
Fear did not enter into his composition, and he
was sure to do what he believed to be right at
all hazards, but he could not be right gracefully
and with address. Every dictate of prudence
and of party obligation bound him to consult
Hamilton, and yet he undertook to ignore him
first and crush him afterwards. Hamilton, on
his part, when he found that the President was
prejudiced against him, and bolted wildly at the
thought of being influenced by him, should have
supported the administration when he could,
and if his advice openly offered was neglected
should have remained passive so long as he
could consistently remain in the party. This

RELATIONS OF ADAMS AND HAMILTON. 201
*
would have been not only wise, but dignified
and in keeping with his position, and it would
not have concealed his opinions or diminished
their due weight with the party at large. Un-
fortunately such a course required very great
self-control, which was difficult to Hamilton’s
imperious and energetic nature. Instead of
either leaving Mr. Adams alone or openly re-
sisting him in the party, he undertook to force
the President's hand, through his power over
the cabinet and the leaders in Congress. The
result of such relations between these two chiefs
was certain to cause an open breach as soon as
they differed in policy, and equally sure to
produce disaster to the party.
Washington had settled the English ques-
tion. Danger in that quarter was removed, and
the means employed to effect the removal were
one fruitful cause of peril in another direction.
In proportion as our relations with England
improved those with France grew worse. Mr.
Monroe, after a career of light-headed mischief
unparalleled in our diplomatic history, had
finally been recalled from France. Mr. Charles
Pinckney had been sent in his stead, and had
been refused a reception. With matters in this
state and on the heels of a savage controversy
with the French minister, Mr. Adams took the
nelm. The country was again on the verge of

202 A LEXANDER ITAMILTO.W.
war, and the first question which confronted the
administration was the settlement of this diffi-
culty. The question was whether we should
stand upon our dignity and prepare at once for
war, or make another effort for peace.
The decision of this question brought to light
the existence of a third faction which agreed
neither with Hamilton nor Adams, although in
general sympathy with the former. Its repre-
sentative and most active leader was Colonel
Pickering, the Secretary of State, and it found
its principal support among the Federalists of
New England. Hamilton regarded the French
republic with unqualified dislike and distrust.
He believed that the war they were then wag-
ing was directed against everything he held
most precious, against constitutional liberty, law,
order, and Society. At the same time he was
too much of a statesman not to perceive that
war ought to be avoided by us if it was possi-
ble, and that the policy which he had advocated
with reference to England should also be pur-
sued toward France. The cabinet faction, go-
ing beyond Hamilton in their hatred of French
principles, believed that the sooner we were
committed to open hostilities with the great re-
public and all that it represented the better.
Adams, however, took the same view as Hamil-
ton, and the policy of sending three special

FIRST PEACE COMMISSION TO FRANCE. 203
peace commissioners prevailed. Before the
force of the united opinion of the two chief
leaders all factions were powerless, and this
shows only too plainly the terrible blunder
made by Adams, in not making it his first ob-
ject to consult with Hamilton, and act in con-
junction with him. So far all went well; but
on the composition of the commission, which
was of deep political importance in any event,
and which in case of war was sure to be of the
greatest moment in its effect upon public opin-
ion, Adams and Hamilton parted company.
All were agreed that Pinckney must be one
of the three commissioners, and that the com-
mission ought to consist of two Federalists and
one Democrat. Pinckney represented the
South, and Hamilton wished that the other
Federalist should be taken from the North, and
that the Democrat should be Madison or even
Jefferson, — in other words a leading Virginian
and Democrat who was widely known and per-
sonally respected by all parties, a “character,”
as Hamilton expressed it, “in whom France
and the opposition had full reliance.” Adams,
carried away by the suspicion that an attempt
was being made to force upon him a nomination
from the Hamiltonian faction in New England,
took Marshall, from Virginia, and Gerry, as the
Democrat, from Massachusetts. To take both


204 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
Federalists from the South, where the party had
no strength, was hardly wise, but to take a
northern Democrat in place of Madison, espe-
cially a man of Gerry's slender abilities, was a
most serious blunder. Gerry brought discredit
on the mission by his weakness and over-confi-
dence, and produced a good deal of mischief,
although it may be questioned whether he af-
fected materially the general result. His ap-
pointment was not only a poor one in itself, but
it had a bad effect at home, exasperated the feel-
ing in certain quarters against the President,
was generally considered injudicious, and caused
Adams much subsequent annoyance. The gen-
eral policy of Washington's time was, however,
maintained. As in the case of Jay, Hamilton
was for very stiff instructions, at first almost
unreasonably so, and as in the former instance,
milder counsels prevailed, and the envoys went
forth upon their mission. -
The result is well known. The commission-
ers were insulted and outraged in every possible
way. They were improperly received; and when
attempts to bully and bribe had failed to sway
them they were driven from France. To the
opposition clamoring for information about the
negotiation with their beloved France, Mr. Ad-
ams sent in the famous X, Y. Z. correspondence.
The mixture of swindling and browbeating
THE X. Y. Z. LETTERS. 205
f
thus disclosed, heightened as it was by news of
a decree far surpassing its predecessors in de-
fiance of neutral rights, and by the burning of
one of our vessels by a French privateer, lighted
up a hot flame of indignation which swept rap-
idly and fiercely over the country, setting it
ablaze with the spirit of war.
This exposure utterly discredited also the
party of the opposition friendly to France and
broke them down completely. One by one they
slipped away from Congress where they had a
majority, leaving the undaunted Gallatin to
face not merely defeat, but what seemed to be
disgrace. Jefferson, with a discomfited whine,
bowed before the storm, and even Giles is said
for the moment to have lost a little of his usual
rough effrontery. With the Federalists of
course everything was just the reverse. Enthu-
siastic addresses poured in upon the President,
who responded to them with equal fervor, and
in a most spirited manner. In the press, and at
public meetings, men rivalled each other in de-
nunciation of France. War vessels were fitted
out by private subscription and presented to the
government; and Marshall, returning to be re-
ceived with fêtes and banquets, raised the pub-
lic wrath to a still higher pitch. The Federal-
ists carried rapidly all the strong measures of
defence which they deemed essential — a provi-


206 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
sional army and an increase of troops, of fortifi-
cations, and of the navy. At the next general
election they triumphed, and found themselves
in possession for the first time of a strong ma-
jority. The conduct of France raised them to
the zenith of their power, but it was of short
duration, and their strength brought with it the
events which reduced them soon after to utter
ruin. The first result was the fight made by the
President against the appointment of Hamilton
to the command of the provisional army.
X Washington was selected as commander-in-
chief, and consented to serve, provided he should
not take an active part until the army should
be actually in the field, and provided further that
he should have the choice of the officers who
were to be next him in rank and to act as his
staff. Washington was clearly of opinion that
the army ought to be constituted de novo, and
that there should be no question of revolution-
ary rank. He accordingly sent to the President
a list of major-generals, in the following order:
Hamilton, Charles Pinckney, and Knox. This
gave the practical command and the work of
organization to Hamilton. Mr. Adams sent
Washington's name at once to the Senate, and
then the major-generals in the order prescribed
by Washington. This done, he wheeled about
when it came to signing the commissions, and
THE AFFAIR OF THE MAJOR-GENERALS. 207
took the ground that Knox was the senior officer
on account of his revolutionary rank. He dis-
regarded the fact that by the precedents of the
Congress of the confederacy officers ranked in
the order of their confirmation. He refused to
admit that Hamilton was the man best fitted
for the post, and was so considered by the pub-
lic ; he plunged himself and his party into a
bitter personal quarrel, and all because he dis-
liked Hamilton, and was enraged at the op-
position of the cabinet to himself.
The President's course led to an immediate
and desperate struggle. Not only the cabinet,
but all the leading Federalists, urged upon him
the adoption of Washington's list. He alien-
ated Knox from Hamilton, who was a friend of
long standing, and ultimately caused the for-
mer's resignation, while Pinckney on his return
fully admitted the propriety of the appoint-
ments, and cheerfully took service in the rank
assigned by Washington. The pressure of opin-
ion upon the President grew stronger constantly,
and yet although he writhed a good deal in an-
ger, he seemed to become more fixed in his pur-
pose. The Federalist leaders, deeply alarmed,
turned to Mount Vernon for assistance. In un-
mistakable language Washington told Adams
that if the agreement made between them was
not adhered to he should resign. Adams was a

208 ALEXANDER HAJMILTON.
bold and stubborn man, but he dared not face
the displeasure of Washington and the conse.
quences of his resignation on such a question.
In bitterness of spirit he gave way, and ap-
pointed Hamilton to the first place, and the sense
of defeat changed keen dislike to an almost
venomous hatred of the man whom he chose to
think his rival. XThe conduct of Adams in this
whole affair is utterly indefensible. There is
not a single valid reason for the course he took.
From a personal feeling he brought on a bitter,
senseless, and perfectly futile quarrel, weakened
the party and himself, and all because he dis-
liked the man who happened to be best fitted
for the command of the army. No adverse crit-
icism can be made upon Hamilton, except that
while at first he quietly accepted the situation
to which he was called by Washington and the
party, after the contest over his appointment
began, he exhibited a rather disagreeable and
aggressive self-assertion common enough in men
of great abilities and commanding wills, and
from which he was on rare occasions not wholly
free. Thus the appointment was finally made,
leaving a legacy of heart-burning, a memory of
compulsion and defeat on one side, and of in-
justice and triumph on the other.
With his accustomed zeal, Hamilton at once
threw himself into his new work, and gave him-

THE ORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY. 209
self up to it heart and soul. His task was that
of organization and preparation, for which he
had a peculiar genius, and it is needless to say
that his work was of the best. He was first
called upon to draft a plan for the fortification
of the harbor of New York and superintend its
execution, funds having been appropriated by
the State for that purpose. This was somewhat
outside the regular path of his duty, but he gave
it his attention and made the necessary arrange-
ments. Soon after he met Washington and
Pinckney at Philadelphia and drew up a scheme
which Washington adopted for the apportion-
ment of officers and men among the States, for
a recruiting system, and for supplies, arsenals,
camp equipages, and Ordnance. In a second
paper, likewise accepted by Washington, he laid
out a plan for the organization of the army, in
which he dealt with the questions of pay, uni-
forms, rations, rank, promotion, field exercise,
regulation of barracks, the police of garrisons
and camps, and the issue of arms, clothing, and
fuel. These elaborate suggestions were neces-
sarily hasty, but they exhibit great familiarity
with the various subjects, fertility of resource,
and broad and comprehensive views. They re-
ceived the highest proof of their value in gain-
ing the approval of Washington, the best and
most experienced soldier of the day.



14

210 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
When Congress assembled, Hamilton sent to
the Senate a bill which became law and was en-
titled, “An Act for the better organizing of the
troops of the United States.” This measure
changed as little as possible the existing system,
dealing chiefly with the proportion to be estab-
lished between the number of officers and of
men. Hamilton's purpose was to make a “fun-
damental arrangement,” so that in the future
the existing system could be increased or di-
minished at will without altering the form of
organization. He also drafted a bill for a “Med-
ical Establishment,” and devised plans for the
classification and organization of the militia for
trade with the Indians and for military sup-
- plies, and from time to time he issued circulars
to the army to check intemperance, duelling,
and desertion, and to promote discipline. Mc-
Henry, in fact, turned to Hamilton for instruc-
tions on every point connected with the War
Department, while Stoddert and Wolcott sought
his advice in an almost equal degree as to the
policy to be pursued with regard to the Navy
and the Treasury. In the spring of 1799 he
made every necessary arrangement for the inva-
sion of Louisiana and the Floridas. He also
prepared a scheme for the establishment and
maintenance of frontier posts, and devoted
much time and attention to the fortification of
THE ORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY. 211
New York. Hamilton's bills for organization,
for the Medical Establishment, and for the
eventual augmentation of the army, all became
laws, but the work of actual recruiting was con-
stantly delayed, until at last after the departure
of the second peace commission it became ob-
vious that there would be no war, and all active
measures gradually ceased. Hamilton’s mili-
tary services at this time went no farther than
the elaboration of plans and the work of prepa-
ration; 'the only lasting result of his labors be-
ing the establishment of the West Point Acad-
emy a few years later in general conformity
with his suggestions. Hamilton in all these
matters exhibited, however, not only his usual
energetic and indefatigable industry and his
readiness in dealing with a wide range of topics,
but he showed that he possessed in a high de-
gree the military attributes of foresight, breadth
of view, knowledge of details, and great capac-
ity for organization. Whether if he had been
called into actual service he would have dis-
played in equal measure the still more impor-
tant qualities which are essential to a successful
general in an active campaign and on the field
of battle, must remain mere conjecture. This
much is certain, that he did the best that was
possible in all that fell to him to do, and that
his strong hand was felt in all departments of



212 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
the government in regard to everything relating
to the war policy of the United States.
But while Hamilton was devoting himself to
these laborious duties, he was working out in
his usual manner detailed and comprehensive
plans for the general conduct of the war. He
saw that there would be no battles to fight with
France in the East, and he was convinced that
the only way to reach her was through the sides
of her ally, Spain. He therefore designed to
wrest from the latter power the region of the
extreme Southwest, and give to the United
States final and complete control of the great
valley of the Mississippi. These ideas were of
long standing and were part of that conception
of nationality and of national greatness which
was the predominating influence in Hamilton's
public career. The last resolution which he
had introduced in the Congress of the confed-
eration declared the “navigation of the Missis-
sippi to be a clear and essential right and to be
supported as such.” A few years later he had
said in the cabinet that the free use of that
river was “essential to the unity of the em-
pire.” In 1798 he urged upon Pickering the
necessity of getting possession of Louisiana and
the Floridas, and in the following year he wrote:
“I have been long in the habit of considering
the acquisition of those countries as essential to
the permanency of the Union.”
PLANS A CAMPAIGN FOR THE SOUTHWEST. 213
It seemed now as if the moment had come
when these theories might be put into execution,
and it is no wonder that they were uppermost
in Hamilton's thoughts. Both from a political
and military point of view he was right. The
national and imperial instincts of his nature did
not mislead him. The Mississippi and the great
regions of the Southwest were essential to
union and empire. The future has justified
him, and in no single point has it shown more
strikingly the range of Hamilton's vision as a
statesman and the force and penetration of his
mind. By one of the strange but not uncom-
mon contradictions which we meet with in hu-
man history, it fell to the lot of Hamilton's
keenest foe to carry out the most imperial part
of the great Federalist's national policy. It was
reserved to Jefferson to acquire by purchase,
and in defiance of the constitution, the vast ter-
ritory which Hamilton planned only a few
years before to win by arms. The accomplish-
ment of the work fell to other hands, but the
conception was Hamilton's, and it was he who
first formulated the brilliant scheme, and after
years of waiting devised means which would
have assured success.
Besides the control of the Mississippi and the
conquest of the Southwest there had long been
in Hamilton's mind still another idea which,

214 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
while national in its origin, was intended rather
to increase the power of the United States than
to strengthen their union. “Our situation,” he
wrote in “The Federalist,” “invites, and our
situation prompts us to aim at an ascendant in
T.III cc 3: ..., -
American affairs.” We were to be dominant
in the - not onl
to be neutral a ...; We
_--"T -
Were to ex - rality in all re-
arding America and were to crush out Euro-
pean influence. . onroe doctrine
in its widest scope, and with such notions long
cherished and while he was revolving these plans
for the acquisition of Louisiana, it is no wonder
that Hamilton's imagination was touched by the
schemes of the Spanish adventurer Miranda.
He began to believe that the time had come for
conquests beyond the Mississippi which should
result in the liberation of the Central and even
of the South American States, and in the estab-
lishment of republics in those regions.
Miranda had been long engaged in these
schemes and had already endeavored to enlist
England as an ally. He now wished to have
England and the United States unite and un-
dertake the overthrow of the Spanish power in
South America. This fell in with the Federal-
1st longing to join all decent people in a crusade
against the hated French republic. Such an

THE SCHEMES OF MIRANDA. 215
X.
alliance would insure the ruin of Spain, the tool
of France, the closing of the South American
ports to French privateers, and great acquisi-
tion of territory to the United States. It was,
in case of war with France, both a wise and
sufficiently practicable policy, and it is no won-
der that Hamilton thought it worth considera-
tion by the government, and at all events judged
that it was well to be informed as to the prog-
ress of such a movement. He therefore sought
to interest the government in Miranda, and no
doubt gave undue importance to that soldier of
fortune; but his own campaign was that of a
great general and a far-seeing statesman. Mili-
tary glory appealed strongly to a sweeping in-
tellect and powerful nature like Hamilton's,
and we may readily believe that he dreamed of
extensive conquests and great deeds of arms.
That he thought the opportunity likely to come
at that moment is more than doubtful. It is
certain that it never affected his public course,
and that he never aimed at anything which,
however it might redound to his own fame,
went beyond an extension and consolidation of
the power of the United States. The theory
that his mind teemed with visions of empire and
of military power in the Napoleonic fashion,
schemes fraught with danger and perhaps des-
potism, is due to the heated and hostile mind of




216 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
Mr. Adams. Hamilton was not only extremely
guarded in his correspondence with Miranda, to
whom he said that “he could personally have no
participation in his plan unless patronized by
the government of the United States,” but he
was also in consultation with Rufus King, our
cautious minister to England. Throughout he
scrupulously avoided doing or saying anything
which could by any possibility give ground for
the suspicion that he was taking part in the
schemes of an adventurer without the assent
of his government. The plan appealed to his
strongest instincts as a statesman and soldier,
and fired his imagination. It was, too, not un-
reasonable, and in the event of war Hamilton
determined to be in a position to take every
advantage of such brilliant possibilities.
But while Hamilton gave himself up to the
onerous duties immediately before him, his
dreams and aspirations, if he had any, came to
a speedy end. The popular indignation and
the hearty support of the administration, the
bold attitude of the United States, and the fight-
ing qualities of our little navy, already striking
telling blows at the French privateers and men-
of-war, all impressed France with the fact that
she had aroused a nation out of reach of her
armies, and capable of becoming a very formi-
ilable adversary. The worthy Talleyrand ac.

THE SECOND MISSION TO FRANCE 217
|
|
cordingly began to cast about for some means
by which he could reëstablish friendly relations,
at the lowest possible cost to the pockets and
the feelings of the French people and of him-
self. By circuitous channels, but in direct terms,
he conveyed to Mr. Adams the fact that the
government would be glad to receive an Amer-
ican envoy with all the respect and honor to
which he was entitled. Acting on this informa-
tion, and without a word to any one, not even to
his cabinet, the President sent in the nomination
of Mr. Vans Murray to be minister to France.
There can be no doubt that honorable peace
was then, as in Washington's time, the para-
mount consideration. Whether it was wise to
Snap at the very first opportunity held out by
France is more questionable. John Adams cer-
tainly believed it to be so, but his haste, secrecy,
and the abrupt change from his recent utter-
ances, make it impossible not to suppose that
one strong motive for this sudden action was
to be found in his belief that peace would crip-
ple the war party, including Hamilton, and all
others who differed with him. But admitting
that John Adams was not only right in principle
but also in the selection of the moment for
making peace, yet his mode of doing right was
utterly and hopelessly wrong. If his cabinet
Agreed with him, then concealment was useless ;


218 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
if they were certain to oppose him, then con-
cealment may have been shrewd and cunning;
but it was neither very wise nor very brave.
In any event, it rent asunder hopelessly the al-
ready distracted Federalists. It fell upon the
unsuspecting party with the suddenness of a
bolt of lightning. They were stunned by the
shock, and their first thought was to defeat the
President in the Senate, and to break down him
and his policy together. These were the views
of men who believed a war with France to be a
good thing in itself, because it was the only
sure salvation from the pestilent ideas of Paris.
They would have had us ally ourselves with
England, because it behooved all decent people
throughout the world to stand together and
stamp out the monstrous doctrines of the French
revolution.
Nº No man hated those doctrines and principles
more fervently than Hamilton, and no one sac-
rificed more than he to opposition to the prop-
aganda of unbridled democracy and consequent
anarchy. But, except on one or two occasions,
the statesman always prevailed with Hamilton.
Except in the case of a common war against
France when the results would bring vast and
immediate benefits to the United States, he had
no mind for an alliance with England, much as
he applauded her as the defender of society. He

THE SECOND MISSION TO FRANCE. 219
|
|
was, on the contrary, disposed to be cool to-
ward her because, with a stupidity really exqui-
site, she had begun, just as we were embroiled
with France, once more to annoy and provoke
us with outrageous orders in council. Hamil-
ton's general policy, therefore, was the mainte-
nance of a strong dignified attitude, backed by
armed men and ships, and then a quiet waiting
until France should come to her senses and send
a minister to us. He never believed war to be
a good thing in itself, as did some of his more
extreme partisans, who were as headstrong and
unruly in their way as the President was in his;
but he regarded peace now and always as the
first object. In this he was not only wise but
consistent with his past. At the same time the
sudden change of Adams, his eager grasp at the
earliest symptom of returning decency in the
French government, disappointed and angered
Hamilton as a hasty, needless step, and an un-
called-for sacrifice of a dignity which might
have been scrupulously maintained and much
enhanced without endangering a speedy and
lasting peace. His wrath was still further
kindled by the foolish and offensive method of
action adopted by the President.
But even in bitterness and anger the states-
man was still uppermost. Hamilton may not
nave been the idol of the masses, nor a skilful


220 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
| manager of men; but there was one set of
. men whom he knew thoroughly, and those were
the leaders of his own party. He knew them
to be capable of becoming very dangerous, and
he saw them now on the point of rising upon
the President and beating him and the party
to the earth together. Checking his own feel-
ings, but without attempting to conceal his
indignation, he took the ground with the Fed-
eralists at Philadelphia, that peace with honor
was now, as always, our first object, and that
this step toward it, however unwisely it had
been taken, was nevertheless beyond recall. The
true policy now was to make the best of what
had been done, and treat for peace as it should
be treated for. To send Murray alone was ab-
surd ; it was the idea of a man blinded with
haste and anger. Let a suitable commission
be chosen and sent, if circumstances still con-
tinued favorable. The party leaders fell in
with Hamilton's views, and Adams himself be-
coming aware of the error of committing this
charge to Murray alone, a strong commission
was nominated and confirmed. It is hardly
too much to say that Hamilton's prompt de-
cision, his wisdom and statesmanship, saved
the party at this moment from an immediate
wreck, which he might very readily and nat:
urally have precipitated.










THE SECOND MISSION TO FRANCE. 221
*
r
º
**
*
º
i.
There was some delay in sending the commis-
sioners, owing to the unsettled state of France,
and then came another revolution, which led
the Federalists to believe that there ought to
be a further suspension of the embassy. Ham-
ilton even went to Trenton to urge delay; but
Adams, irritated beyond endurance by the stub-
born and exasperating resistance of the war
party, as represented by his secretaries, treated
counsel and opposition alike with contempt,
and ordered the envoys away. Thus ended
the first great struggle over our relations with
France. Taken as a whole, from the arrival
of Genet to the departure of this last commis-
sion which effected a treaty, the Federalist
policy had been a masterpiece at once bold and
Sagacious, and one from which the country
reaped great and lasting benefit. But behind
the fair exterior of success was the triumphant
party torn with bitter dissensions, which were
Sapping its life even in the moment of victory.
In another direction the policy of the Fed-
eralists, although giving rise to no quarrels,
but meeting, on the contrary, with general ap-
proval in the party, became the most efficient
cause of their subsequent ruin. The publica-
tion of the X. Y. Z. letters, and the flight of
members of the opposition from the House of
Representatives, left absolute control with the





222 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
Federalists. They had been accustomed to win-
ning battle after battle, but they had always
been in the minority, and the want of num-
bers was a severe and wholesome discipline
which cultivated in that party a prudence to
which by nature they were not much given.
An absolute majority and the irresistible rise
of public opinion against France turned their
heads. They did not lose their wits, but they
became more masterful and overbearing than
ever. They rapidly pushed through bills for
an army, a navy, and fortifications, as well as
a naturalization law which required fourteen
years' residence, many of them urging the re-
fusal of citizenship to foreigners altogether. So
far no harm had been done; but they next re-
solved to strike at the vile libels which had
been poured forth by the opposition press upon
Washington, and upon every other honored
name, and at the foreigners who wrote the libels
or propagated French doctrines and set agita-
tion on foot. With this object they enacted
the famous alien and sedition laws. In their
first draft these laws were intolerable. The
Federalists in Congress were guided by the
members of the extreme war party, and were
now in a very rash mood, so that Hamilton was
much alarmed by these bills, and wrote ur-
gently in favor of modifications. Of the alien
THE ALIEN AND SEDITION ACTS. 223
act, and the mode of its execution, he said, “Let
us not be cruel or violent.” In the first draft
of the sedition act he saw danger of civil war,
and said, “Let us not establish a tyranny. En-
ergy is a very different thing from violence.”
This was the language of a statesman. But
when the laws were modified and passed, they
and the principles which they involved received
Hamilton's entire support.
There has been a general effort on the part
of biographers to clear their respective heroes
from all responsibility for these ill-fated meas-
ures. The truth is, that they had the full
support of the congressmen and 'senators who
passed them, of the President who signed them,
and of the leaders in the States, who almost all
believed in them; and they also met with very
general acceptance by the party in the North.
Hamilton went as far in the direction of sus-
taining the principle of these laws as any one.
He had too acute a mind to believe with many
of the staunch Federalist divines of New Eng-
land, that Jefferson and Madison were Marats
and Robespierres, and that their followers were
Jacobins who, when they came to power, were
ready for the overthrow of religion and society,
and were prepared to set up a guillotine and
pour out blood in the waste places of the fed-
eral city. But he did believe, and so wrote to

224 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
Washington, after the appearance of the X. Y.
Z. letters, that there was a party in the coun-
try ready to “new model” the constitution on
French principles, to form an offensive and de-
fensive alliance with France, and make the
United States a French province. He felt, in
short, that there was a party in America ready
for confiscation and social confusion. A year
later, in 1799, he wrote to Dayton, the speaker
of the national House of Representatives, a long
letter, in which he set forth very clearly the
policy which he felt ought to be pursued. He
wished to give strength to the government, and
increase centralization by every means, by an
extension of the national judiciary, a liberal
system of internal improvements, an increased
and abundant revenue, an enlargement of the
army and navy, permanence in the laws for the
volunteer army, extension of the powers of the
general government, subdivision of the States
as soon as practicable, and finally, a strong sedi-
tion law, and the power to banish aliens. This
was what was termed at that day a “strong and
spirited'’ policy; it would now be called re-
pressive, but by whatever name it is designated,
it was the policy of Hamilton, and is charac-
teristic of both his talents and temperament.
Except as to the subdivision of States, it was
carried out pretty thoroughly in all its main
features by the Federalists.





DISSENSIONS AMONG THE FEDERALISTS. 225
The alien and sedition laws, although resisted
in Congress, did not much affect public opinion
at the elections which immediately ensued, and
the Federalists came into the next Congress
with a large majority. Numbers, however,
availed them little. In the worst days of their
minority period they were more effective as a
party. The jealousies and quarrels already on
foot came to a fierce culmination on the appoint-
ment of the second mission to France. The
moderate Federalists of the South, headed by
Marshall, sustained the President, while the
war party urged his destruction. It was a
house divided against itself and at a time when
violent measures had so lessened the great ad-
Vantages of the last election that the Federal-
ists entered upon the Presidential campaign
with but a narrow margin for success. Jeffer-
Son Sounded the alarm in the famous Kentucky
resolutions. The doctrine was bad enough, but
it was probably merely intended to attract atten-
tion to the rapid development of power on the
part of the central government. The resolu-
tions of both Kentucky and Virginia were re-
ceived with little favor anywhere, and in many
States with strong and formal reprobation.
Hamilton, more deeply stirred by a movement
for disunion than he could be by anything else,
regarded these resolutions as of great gravity


15 -
226 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
and urged that they be formally disapproved
by Congress and their evil tendencies fully dis-
played.
Jefferson, however, had achieved his purpose.
The suspicions of the country were awakened
to the meaning and possible results of such
legislation as the alien and sedition acts, and
to the centralizing policy of the Federalists.
The approach of peace, moreover, relaxed the
spirit which had rallied the masses to the side of
the Federalists as the defenders of the national
honor. Slowly, but surely, the dominant party
was losing ground in public opinion. Pennsyl-
vania slipped from them at the state election,
and this made a victory in New York of the
very last importance. Hamilton threw himself
into the struggle with an energy and fire great
even for him. But he was now opposed to one
who was the first and by no means the least
in a long list of men, some of great ability and
distinction, who have risen to power and place
largely by capacity for guiding the dark and
complicated intrigues of New York politics. In
these Aaron Burr was a master. The elec-
tion turned largely on the result in the city,
and in ward politics Hamilton was no match for
his antagonist. Hamilton could neither trade,
bargain, nor deal with petty factions. Such
work was unworthy of his powerful intellect,




HAMILTON'S PROPOSAL TO J.A. Y. 227
and the sacrifice did not even bring the poor
reward of success. With voice and pen Ham-
ilton maintained the conflict. His eloquence
was unrivalled, his arguments, written and
spoken, were unanswerable, but Burr had the
votes. New York was lost to the Federalists
and ruin stared them in the face.
XIn the bitterness and passion of defeat Ham-
ilton proposed to Governor Jay to call together
the old legislature and give the choice of presi-
dential electors to districts, thus dividing the
vote of New York, which would otherwise be
settled by the incoming legislature, who would
choose none but Democrats. Jay, very frankly,
declined to consider the scheme, as one wholly
improper. The proposition was, in fact, nothing
less than to commit, under the forms of law, a
fraud, which would set aside the expressed will
of a majority of the voters in the State. This
is the one dark blot upon the public career of
Hamilton. It is no palliation to say that he
was urged to it by the Federalist members of
Congress. The error of a great leader cannot
be excused by saying that lesser men advised
him to it. Many times before Hamilton had
stepped in boldly and had effectually checked
the rash and headstrong impulses of his more
extreme friends at Philadelphia. He now fell
'n with them in support of this high-handed



228 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
measure. It was he who advised it with Jay,
it was he who urged its prosecution, and on his
shoulders must rest the responsibility. Hamil-
ton was too clear-sighted even then to attempt
to disguise the character of the scheme. He
says plain!... to Jay, we must not be “over-
scrupulous,” and then adduces a great many
lucid and ingenious reasons to show that this is
a time when to do a great right one is justified
in doing a little wrong. Arguments on that side
of the question were not wanting; they never
are to the champions of order, the saviours of
society, the “strong men,” and the imperialists
of this world. That Hamilton was carried away
by a passion of disappointment when he wrote
this letter, is no doubt true, but the root of the
matter lay still deeper. The bitterness of de-
feat and the readiness to use violent means to
recover lost ground sprang from the belief fos-
tered and developed in Hamilton's mind by the
French revolution, that there was a party in
this country of democracy, license, and anarchy,
that its victory meant ruin to the state, and
that salvation could only be assured by the con-
tinuance in power of the party of order and
Federalism. This frame of mind is not uncom-
mon in the history of party conflicts, but in the
days of the “Great Monster,” as Hamilton
called the French republic, it was intensified to
ADAMS QUARRELS WITH HIS CABINET. 229
a degree and carried to an extent hardly ever
known before or since. That this dread of the
success of the other side in a representative
government should have led such a man as
Hamilton to make a proposition like that con-
tained in the letter to Jay, is a most melancholy
example of the power and the danger of such
sentiments which are wholly foreign to free con-
stitutional systems.
But even while the fortunes of the party
were thus declining, they were hurried still
faster on their downward course by the ever
increasing bitterness and the greater openness
of the quarrels among the leaders. The nomi-
nation of the peace commission led to violent
attacks upon the President by Pickering, who
seems to have resolved to break him down, and
these attacks made in private letters were now
circulated with but little pretence of secrecy
among the New England leaders. Immediately
after the New York election, which crippled
Hamilton by depriving him of the control of
the vote of that State in the electoral college,
Adams drove McHenry and Pickering from his
cabinet. This deepened the feud, and Adams,
irritated by the assaults of his opponents, gave
loose to his own tongue, at all times a rather
unruly member. Among other abusive things,
he called his opponents a British faction, and

230 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
X
stigmatized Hamilton, in particular, as acting
in the interests of England. This attack soon
reached Hamilton's ears, and in view of its
source he felt that it could not be passed over in
silence. He accordingly wrote a brief note, stat
ing that he had heard the reported accusation
of the President, and inquiring if the report
were true. Receiving no reply he again wrote
to Mr. Adams, repeating his question and deny-
ing the truth of the alleged charge. Both notes
were courteous and straightforward, but they
were passed over in complete silence. It must
not be forgotten that there was no open breach
between the President and Hamilton. Their
relations were as yet friendly in form at least.
Moreover, only a short time before Mr. Adams
had written to Hamilton asking his assistance
in securing for Colonel Smith, the President's
son-in-law, a desirable position in the army.
Hamilton had cheerfully and generously given
his services, and his note was pleasant and
friendly. Yet, with this incident fresh in his
mind, Mr. Adams did not hesitate to refuse to
notice a proper and reasonable question asked
by the principal officer of the army who was
also one of the most distinguished men in the
country. To say that such treatment on the
part of Mr. Adams was uncivil, is but little.
It was a gross blunder, and was unfortunately


º
ADAMS'S TREATMENT OF HAMILTON. 231
of a piece with all Mr. Adams's conduct to-
wards Hamilton. When the latter came to
Trenton to urge the suspension of the peace
commission, Mr. Adams refers to his visit with
a pitying sneer. Hamilton was the most pow-
erful leader of the Federalists; he was the most
conspicuous and brilliant statesman in the coun-
try, and yet the President, the head of the Fed-
eralist party, first undertook to ignore him,
then slighted his advice and derided him, and
finally treated his manly inquiry with con-
temptuous silence. Decency, prudence, and
self-interest, to take no higher motives, dictated
an opposite course. XWe are very far from
holding Mr. Adams solely responsible for the
downfall of the Federalists, but his treatment
of Hamilton, tried merely by the test of states-
manship and good politics, shows how com-
pletely he failed as a leader of men, and how
he became, despite all his courage, honesty, and
abilities, a principal cause in the ruin of the
party.
Quarrels like these could not long be con-
fined to the knowledge of the leaders. They
were sure to break out and, coming to the
surface before the public, to work all the vast
mischief of which they were capable. They
reached their height just as the Presidential
election drew near. To throw Adams over

232 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
meant an open split and certain defeat, and the
leaders in Congress with much misgiving, and
on the part of many with no great good-will,
resolved to support him again as a candidate
for the Presidency, in conjunction with Charles
Pinckney for Vice-President. Hamilton made
the best of what seemed to him a very bad busi-
ness. Even after the loss of New York, there
was still a chance for the Federalists if South
Carolina would vote for both candidates. Ham-
ilton urged, therefore, once more, an equal vote
for both Pinckney and Adams, and again it
may be said that his policy was the only one
which could have secured success. It was gen-
erally supposed, however, that this course would
result in the election of Pinckney, a result
which Hamilton openly preferred. It was bad
enough to have this preference for Pinckney
generally known; but Hamilton was now so
thoroughly enraged and so completely alienated
from the President that he went still farther
and wrote a pamphlet designed to show up Mr.
Adams's failings, and to vindicate his own po-
sition and that of the war Federalists.
The project was so utterly wild that every
effort was made to dissuade Hamilton from his
his purpose. The disapprobation, indeed, was
so general that even he resolved at the last
moment to limit the circulation of this effusion

PUBLICATION OF THE ATTACK ON ADAMS. 233
to a few friends. But it was too late. Burr,
through his agents, stole a copy, and the pam-
phlet appeared. This famous production is a
defence of the war Federalists and a personal
attack on Mr. Adams. A good deal of the cen-
sure was just enough, but the pamphlet, as a
whole, was a piece of passionate folly. ' Hamil-
ton denounced as unsafe, violent, vain, and ego-
tistic, a Federalist President, whose general pub-
lic policy all Federalists supported; and then
wound up his bitter diatribe with the lame and
impotent conclusion of advising every one to
vote for the man so much to be distrusted. The
whole thing was simple self-stultification, and
the pamphlet met with no favor, except among
the Democrats. Even Hamilton's closest friends
were frightened and displeased. If the Feder-
alists had openly divided, and the two wings
had engaged in controversy, a polemic of this
Sort might have seemed natural. But for one
great leader to publish such an attack upon
another, when the party was formally in har-
mony and upon the eve of a close and doubt-
ful contest for the Presidency, was simple mad-
ness. *It was the work of a man crazed with
passion, and bent on revenge.
This unhappy incident cannot be dismissed
without a word upon Hamilton's relations with
the cabinet. It has been charged that in this

234 ALEXANDER HAMILI & N.
respect he acted in bad faith. That the cabi-
net officers went too far in furnishing Hamilton,
and others also, with all sorts of information
which came to them in a confidential capacity,
will not, I think, be questioned. It is not ap-
parent, however, that Hamilton made any im-
proper use of this information, for although he
was anxious enough for material, there was
none to be had which was of peculiar value or
novelty. But there is no ground for accusing
Hamilton of bad faith in this particular. He
made a mistake in trying, through his influence
with the cabinet, to force the President's hand,
but he had a perfect right, as a party leader,
to correspond with the secretaries and to give
them his opinions and advice on political ques-
tions. He had done the same thing in Wash-
ington's time, and no one has ever hinted that
there was any impropriety in it. The fact that
he was not personally on good terms with Ad-
ams does not affect the matter. Hamilton was
fully entitled to write private letters to mem-
bers of the cabinet, and they had a right to
receive them. The fact that the secretaries,
after they found themselves in opposition to
the President, ought to have retired, is a wholly
distinct matter, and must be discussed on dif-
ferent grounds. If they chose to be guided
by Hamilton, a private individual and unoffi-
-



DEFEAT OF THE FEDERALISTS. 235
cial leader, that was their affair, not his. X. The
pamphlet against Adams was passionate, fool-
ish, and contradictory in itself, and it placed
Hamilton in a weak and false position, but it
was an open attack, and was not liable to the
charge of bad faith.
If anything was needed to make the over-
throw of the Federalists certain, this unfortu-
nate pamphlet would have done it. But the
party's doom was already sealed. South Caro-
lina would vote only for a southern man, and
Pinckney, with the chivalrous sense of duty
which he always displayed, refused to be sepa-
rated from Adams. The result was the defeat
of the candidates of the Federalists and the
close of their party career as rulers of national
politics. The struggle of the election did not,
however, come to an end in the electoral col-
leges. The equal vote received by Burr and
Jefferson threw the final decision into the House
of Representatives, and the former began at
once to sound his way toward an arrangement
which should bring him in as President over
Jefferson. The Federalists in Congress, mad-
dened and reckless by defeat, turned with avid-
ity to the chance of snatching the office from
their arch-enemy Jefferson. The crisis was
very grave, and indeed threatened civil war.
Once more the Federalists at Washington were


236 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
running to perilous extremes, and once more
Hamilton checked them. The wild passion,
which had led him into the attack on Adams,
had spent itself, and he was, again, the cool,
wise, far-seeing statesman with his prejudices
and impulses under the control of reason. He
knew that Jefferson was the fairly chosen Presi-
dent, and that such was the intention of the
people. He saw the danger which setting Jef-
ferson aside by an intrigue would bring. Much
as he disliked the man, he knew that his former
colleague was timid, cautious, and trained in
politics of the better sort. He also knew Burr,
and rightly believed the hero of New York city
politics to be shallow, dangerous, and utterly
unscrupulous. Putting aside all personal feel-
ing, he threw himself into the conflict and ex-
erted his powerful influence to check the mad
projects of the Federalists. His intervention
probably had a decisive effect. It was cer-
tainly courageous, high-minded, and such as be-
came the distinguished leader of a great party.
After the storm of the election and the bitter-
ness of party faction it was a fit conclusion to
Hamilton's career as a public man, which prac-
tically ended with the downfall of his party.









CHAPTER X.
PROFESSIONAL LIFE. – DUEL AND DEATH.
THE defeat of the Federalists left Hamil-
ton wholly free to devote himself to the prac-
tice of the law. Fortunately for him, his work
was something very different from the merely
nominal occupation which retired statesmen
and disappointed politicians sometimes dignify
by the name of “their profession.” The pro-
scriptive laws against Tories, as I have said, had
given to Hamilton, Burr, and a few others,
complete possession of the New York practice
after the Revolution. Hamilton had not neg-
lected the opportunity thus offered. While
deeply engaged in the work of the constitution
he labored at his profession, in which he had
been the leader almost from his first appear-
ance. He laid aside a lucrative practice when
he took the treasury, and having exhausted his
Savings while in office returned to the bar a
poor man, with his mind fixed on making money
and fame as a lawyer. With his brilliant repu-
tation as a public man and party leader he at
once received more business than he had left in





238 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
1789. In a few months he was again at the
head of the bar and master of a large and grow-
ing practice. After the election of Jefferson he
became even more absorbed in the law than be-
fore, and drifted steadily out of the current of
public affairs. With this he was now well con-
tent. He said with truth that he had no desire
to reënter public life, unless called forth by the
contingency of a foreign or civil war. Unfortu-
mately for himself, he considered the latter mis-
fortune only too likely to happen.
yMuch might be written of Hamilton as a
lawyer. His professional success has been
dimmed by the brilliancy of his career as a
statesman; but there can be no doubt that he
deserves a very high place among those Ameri-
cans who have been most distinguished at the
bar. As a constitutional lawyer it is not neces-
sary to go beyond the argument on the national
bank to show a capacity in this direction of the
very first order. Hamilton's powers of state-
ment and of clear, cogent reasoning were ad-
mirably adapted for arguments to the court on
points of law and equity, and in this field he
shone from the outset. Fortunately, we have
proof of his power before the court and also of
his effectiveness with a jury, the most evanes-
cent form of legal ability, in two very famous
cases which were of sufficient importance tº
escape oblivion.


A.
f
-
-
º
-
THE CROS WELL CASE. 239
One was a prosecution for libel directed
against Henry Croswell, a Federalist editor of a
small local journal. The obnoxious paragraph
was to the effect that Jefferson had paid Callen-
der to slander Washington and Adams. This
statement was not particularly outrageous if
compared to those which filled the newspapers
on both sides at that time, and it had moreover
already appeared in substance in the “New York
Evening Post.” But the Democratic leaders,
now that they had come to power, were resolved
to try their hand at muzzling the press and put-
ting a stop to the stinging attacks of their
opponents. They, therefore, selected a weak
assailant and prepared to make an example
of him for the benefit of the Federalist editors.
With a Democratic sheriff, Democratic grand-
jury, and Democratic judge, they obtained an
indictment, after exhibiting a rough disregard
of the rights of the defendant. When the case
came to trial, Hamilton, who had been urged to
assume the defence, was unable to appear, and
the prosecution was pushed unrelentingly. Cros-
well's counsel asked for time, in order to get
witnesses from Virginia to testify to the truth
of the libel; but Judge Lewis held that the
jury were judges only of the fact, and not of
the truth or intent of the publication. After
a night's deliberation the jury found Croswell



240 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
guilty, and his counsel at once moved for a
new trial on the ground of misdirection by the
judge. The ruling of Judge Lewis was in di-
rect contradiction of the famous New York pre-
cedent established in the Zenger trial, but it
found support in the law of England. The
issue raised the great question of general ver-
dicts, on which Erskine won his renown and
stemmed the tide of reactionary violence in Lon-
don. It appealed to Hamilton both as a lawyer
and statesman, and as the consistent friend of a
free press in accordance with what he believed
to be the true principles of the common law.
He therefore laid everything aside in order to
make the principal argument in support of the
motion before the Supreme Court at Albany.
The case excited intense interest. Every one
flocked to the court room, and the legislature
could not obtain a quorum. Hamilton closed
the case the first day, and the court adjourned
before he had finished. He concluded the next
morning, and occupied in all six hours. His
argument was a splendid piece of reasoning
and eloquence, marked by all the qualities of
thought and expression for which he was distin-
guished. Chancellor Kent, whose notes have
preserved to us all that we know of this argu-
ment, said that “it was the greatest forensic
effort Hamilton ever made. He had bestowed
º
Nº.
THE CROS WELL CASE. 241
unusual attention on the case, and he came pre-
pared to discuss the points of law with a per-
fect mastery of the subject. There was an un-
usual solemnity and earnestness on his part in
the discussion. He was, at times, highly im-
passioned and pathetic. His whole soul was
enlisted in the cause. The aspect of the times
was portentous, and he was persuaded that if he
could overthrow the high-toned doctrine of the
judge it would be a great gain to the liberties
of this country. . . . The anxiety and tender-
ness of his feelings, and the gravity of his
theme, rendered his reflections exceedingly im-
pressive. He never before in my hearing made
any effort in which he commanded higher rev-
erence for his principles, nor equal admiration
for the power and pathos of his eloquence.”
There is no need to attempt any addition to this
statement. A man who could win praise, so
high and so unstinted, from such a man as
Chancellor Kent, requires no further testimony
to his rank and ability as a great lawyer.
The other famous case which has come down
to us, and to which I have already alluded, was
a murder trial, which appealed strongly to the
interest and sympathies of the community, and
which exhibits Hamilton's powers in a new
light, and one very different from that of the
prosecution of Croswell. The body of a gir




16
242 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
was found in a well, and her lover, a young
mechanic of good character, was suspected, in-
dicted, and put on trial for the murder. Ham-
ilton was retained for the defence, the difficulty
of which was greatly enhanced by the strong
popular feeling against his client. The evi-
dence was nearly all circumstantial, and Hamil-
ton dealt with it as it was put in very effectively,
and greatly impaired its effect. The govern-
ment then called their principal witness, one
Croucher, a fellow of evil repute and on whose
direct testimony the verdict depended. Hamil-
ton had become convinced that Croucher was
the real culprit, and he knew that his evidence
was the crucial point in the case. When the
examination in chief was concluded the night
was well advanced. Hamilton sent for two can-
dles and by placing one on each side of the wit-
ness box threw Croucher's face into strong re-
lief, and then confronted him with a fixed and
piercing gaze. Objection was made to this
procedure, but the court overruled the objec-
tion, and Hamilton then said with deep solem-
nity, “I have special reasons, deep reasons, rea-
sons that I dare not express, reasons that, when
the real culprit is detected and placed before
the court, will then be understood.” He paused,
and the attention of every one was riveted in
breathless silence upon the witness. Hamilton

THE EXAMINATION OF CROUCHER. 243
-
%
continued: “The jury will mark every muscle
of his face, every motion of his eye. I conjure
you to look through that man's countenance to
his conscience.” A severe cross-examination
followed. The wretched witness stumbled, con-
tradicted himself, and utterly broke down. The
jury acquitted the prisoner without leaving their
seats. The subsequent history of Croucher,"
who left the court room covered with suspicion
and contumely, justified Hamilton's device,
which under ordinary circumstances would not
be permissible. The incident shows in Ham-
ilton that quickness of apprehension, force of
personality, and fertility of resource as well as
the dramatic sense, which are all such impor-
tant and necessary qualities to great advocates
before a jury. These two cases, in different
Ways, are good illustrations of Hamilton's power
and success at the bar.
The popular belief in the certainty of Ham-
ilton's winning cases was extraordinary, and
While it brought him briefs without number it
reveals at the same time the great secret of his
Success as an advocate. Men came to think
that, if he exerted himself, he could compel
any one, whether judge or juryman, to agree
* Croucher was convicted of rape on a child, was pardoned,
went to Virginia, there committed a fraud, and fled to England,
where he is said to have been executed for a heinous crime.



244 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
with him. This idea sprang from a vague per-
ception of what was, in reality, the very es-
sence of Hamilton’s mind and character. Force
of intellect and force of will were the sources
of his success. Eloquence he had in abundance,
but it was that of the parliamentary orator and
debater rather than of the advocate to a jury.
He was, above all things, fitted for the Senate,
and it was the eloquence of the Senate that he
brought into the courts. He rarely attempted
to deal with that complicated machine, a jury,
by any of the various and difficult methods
characteristic of the greatest advocates, but he
addressed them as he did a convention, or as he
did the public when he spoke through his es-
says, always relying, mainly, on his power to
carry conviction to their reason. Yet he never
forgot, when he was speaking, that while he
convinced he must also persuade, that reason
must not only be satisfied, but prejudices sub-
dued. He supported arguments by resorting
to the emotions. He was full of pathos, fervor,
and indignation, and when he was stirred they
gave warmth and light to all he said. He
never indulged in rhetorical flourishes, and his
style was simple and severe. He seldom sought
to move the passions of men through their im-
agination, Directness was his most distinguish-
ing characteristic, and whether he appealed to
CONTINUES LEADER OF THE FEDERALISTS. 245
the head or the heart, he went straight to the
mark. The secret lay in the force with which
he did it. It was the passionate energy, the
strong nature, the commanding, irresistible will
which carried his hearers by storm when rea-
Soning had made a practicable breach, and these
were the qualities which made men believe that
Hamilton could extort assent and compel sub-
mission from the most stubborn and unwilling
opponent.
But while Hamilton was thus employed in
winning fortune and in adding the fame of the
great lawyer to that of the distinguished states-
man, while he was ever withdrawing more and
more from politics, planning a great work on
civil government, enjoying his family and or-
\ dering the affairs of his farm, at that moment
his fate was close upon him. He continued, of
\course, to take an interest and a more or less
active part in public concerns. The Federalists
broke up rapidly after their defeat, but he was
still the trusted chief of all who held together.
Whenever the responsibility of leadership forced
him to act he never shrank from the duty, and
it was one of these occasions that brought him
to his death.
Aaron Burr defeated Hamilton in the strug-
gle for the control of New York, which cost the
Federalists the Presidency, but he could not

246 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
drive his great opponent from his path. Ham-
ilton had stood between him and a foreign
mission, and came again athwart his course,
by frustrating his intrigue for the Presidency.
Thus baffled among the Federalists, Burr
turned to his own party only to see his power
waning, and to encounter the dislike and sus-
picion of Jefferson. The crafty Virginian was
bent on the destruction of his would-be rival,
and Burr soon found himself hopelessly en-
tangled in the subtilely woven meshes of pres-
idential intrigues, and falling helplessly toward
certain ruin. To extricate himself from the
disastrous field of national politics, he sought
the governorship of New York, behind which
was the possibility of a northern confederacy
and presidency, a phantom evoked by the mur-
murs of secession now heard among New Eng-
land leaders. Again Hamilton arose and stood
in the way of these intrigues, denouncing the
schemes of secession, and so dividing the Fed-
eralists of New York as to give the election to
Lewis, Burr's Democratic rival. Then it was
that Burr determined upon revenge. Ven-
geance must have been his principal if not his
only motive, inasmuch as killing Hamilton was
not likely to improve his own condition, even
though it removed his arch enemy. In 1800
there were many stronger incentives to call

BURR'S CHALLENGE. 247
Hamilton out than in 1804, but Burr had then
held his peace and bided his time. Now, how-
ever, his political fortunes were desperate, and
the obloquy sure to come upon him if Hamil-
ton fell by his hand could hardly make matters
worse. With cool deliberation he set about
forcing a quarrel. He showed his purpose
plainly enough, by selecting a remark attrib-
uted to Hamilton at the time of the caucuses
held to nominate candidates for the governor-
ship, which was really applicable to his general
public character, was not peculiarly severe, and
was perfectly inoffensive, compared with many
of the denunciations launched at him by Ham-
ilton only a few years before. Hamilton had
no desire to fight, but it was impossible to avoid
it, if he admitted the force of the code of honor,
when Burr was determined to fix a quarrel upon
him. There was an exchange of letters, and
finally a meeting was arranged.
Aaron Burr, who was now on the eve of
committing the deed which has done more than
anything else in his worthless life to keep his
memory alive, belonged to a not uncommon
variety of the human species. He was one of
the conspirator class of which Napoleon III.
furnished the most conspicuous example in
modern times. It has been the fashion to por-
tray Burr as a being of great but misguided in-
f
|





248 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
tellect, a human Mephistopheles, – grand, evil,
mysterious. In reality he was a shallow man,
with a superficial brilliancy, and the conspira-
tor's talent for intrigue of all sorts. He was a
successful rake, – bad, unscrupulous, tricky, -
possessing what women and young men call
“fascination,” and utterly devoid of any moral
sense. He would not stab or poison Hamilton,
for he was not a common villain, and had a due
respect for criminal and social law. But he
was perfectly ready to call Hamilton out and
kill him if he could under the rules of a recog-
nized code. This duel has been often spoken
of as a murder. In the forum of conscience,
! before the tribunal of moral laws, Burr was no
doubt a murderer, but by the code which he
and Hamilton alike recognized, and by the sys-
tem under which they were brought up, Burr
acted in strict accordance with his rights. Ham-
ilton certainly had no ground to complain. He
was a fighting man, and he had always admit-
ted the force of the duellist’s code of honor.
Over and over again he had described Burr in
language which, as he was well aware, implied
in that day a readiness to answer for it in
the field. The fact that on this occasion the
words might be confined strictly to Burr's pub-
lic character availed nothing. Hamilton had
repeatedly used “fighting words” in speaking

THE DUEL WITH B U R R. 249
of Burr, and the latter had the right to demand a
reckoning for any particular sentence he might
select. XThere seems to be little doubt that
Burr had come to Hamilton not long before in
great pecuniary distress, and had been relieved
with that large-hearted generosity in which
Hamilton never failed. This incident casts a
still deeper shade of infamy upon Burr's black-
ened character, but it does not affect his stand-
ing under the code. The code of honor, so-
called, was bad and false, barbarous even, but
those who lived by it were responsible to it and
for it. When Hamilton attacked Burr as he
did, he ran the risk of a challenge which he
could accept or decline as he chose. Such a
challenge did not, according to the code of
honor, make Burr a murderer, nor did he be-
come one by practising at a mark before fight-
ing. Every Frenchman, if he has time, goes
to the Salle d’Armes before fighting, and a man
has as much right to prepare for a duel as for
a boat-race or a boxing match. The pity of it
all is, that Hamilton felt obliged to yield assent
to the requirements of the code.
Each man prepared for the meeting in his
own fashion: Burr by pistol practice in his gaſ.
den, Hamilton by settling the business of his
&lients. As the fatal day drew near, Hamilton
displayed a calm cheerfulness, such as became



250 ALEXANIZER HAMILTON.
-
a gallant man of strong character, and wrote
farewell letters to his wife full of the most in-
tense feeling and touching pathos. Burr took
the necessary precautions for the destruction of
compromising letters from women whom he had
seduced. They met at last, on a beautiful July
morning, by the banks of the Hudson. Hamil-
ton fell at the first fire, mortally wounded, dis-
charging his own pistol into the air. He was
taken to his home, lingered a few hours in ter-
rible pain, and died, surrounded by his ago-
nized family. Burr went forth unharmed, to
engage in abortive treason, and to become a
wanderer and an outcast on the face of the
earth.
ZHamilton's suffering and death caused an
outburst of bitter and indignant grief among
men of all parties throughout the nation, which
has been equalled only in our own time by the
popular emotion at the murder of Lincoln and
Garfield. The people knew that a great man
had fallen. The senseless slaughter of a fa-
mous statesman, the useless, needless sacrifice
of a man of brilliant abilities in the prime of
life, was felt to be almost as much a disgrace as
a misfortune. Hamilton's death did more to
abate duelling and make it odious than any
event in our history.
The question, however, which presses on us

WHY HAMILTON ACCEPTED THE CHAL LENGE. 251
as we consider the circumstances of Hamilton's
death is, why did he fight 2 why did such a man
as he bow before the code to which he fell a vic-
tim 2 It was something far deeper than mere
loyalty to a system which he, like other men of
his stamp, had accepted as they found it. Ham-
ilton could have set his foot upon the code. The
personal courage of the man who stormed the
Yorktown redoubt was beyond question or cavil.
He could have said, “I renounce the code; it is
senseless and barbarous. I have attacked you
as a public man, and I choose to consider it a
purely public matter. I decline to fight.” He \
could have said this, and he would have said it
had he not felt that the need of conforming to
certain prejudices made the sacrifice imperative.
Before he went to the fatal meeting he put
upon paper a statement which gave with his
own unrivalled force and clearness the objec-
tions to duelling, and the seemingly all-power-
Y. ful motives which urged him to refuse to risk
his life and the welfare of his children. At
the end of this remarkable paper he gives his
reason for meeting Burr in these words: “The
ability to be in future useful, whether in resist-
ing mischief or effecting good, in those crises of
our public affairs which seem likely to happen,
would probably be inseparable from a conform-
ity with public prejudice in this particular.”
|




252 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
Hamilton was a man, not only of courage
enough to fight a duel, but he possessed that
far higher courage which would have enabled
him to refuse the challenge and face a public
prejudice, the strength of which in his own
case he sadly overestimated. What, then, were
the possible crises which he foresaw, and which
led to his fatal decision ?
The opinions which caused these apprehen-
sions are of the utmost importance to a correct
understanding of his life and work. They fur-
nish the key to the principles which guided him
through a large part of his career as a public
man, and they produced certain settled beliefs
which finally drove him to accept Burr's chal-
lenge and thus hurried him to his death. I pro-
pose, therefore, to trace the growth and devel-
opment of these opinions by means of extracts
from his letters. In these passages we shall see
the effect upon Hamilton of the French revolu-
tion and the dangers which he came to believe
threatened the country. We shall then under-
stand the nature of the crisis which haunted his
imagination, and which caused him to sacrifice
his life. In these same passages we shall also
learn, incidentally, from his own lips, how in-
tense was his love of nationality and how deep
his hatred of secession; and we shall see, too,
in the most striking way, how purely national

OPINIONS AS TO FRENCH REVOLUTION. 253
were the principles which inspired his foreign
policy and how utterly baseless were the accu-
sations of undue sympathy with Great Britain.
The first extract is from a letter to Lafayette
written in October, 1789, when everything
looked so fair and smiling at the dawn of the
French revolution. We see here the wonder-
ful penetration and statesmanlike prescience of
Hamilton as well as his knowledge and keen
perception of forces, social and political, as he
points out the dangers which he dreaded and
which hardly any one then foresaw, but which
all came to pass. In his fears we detect, too,
the first germs of his subsequent opinions. He
Says to his old comrade-in-arms : —
“I have seen with a mixture of pleasure and ap-
prehension the progress of the events which have
lately taken place in your country. As a friend to
mankind and to liberty I rejoice in the efforts you are
making to establish it, while I fear much for the final
success of the attempts, for the fate of those I esteem
who are engaged in it, and for the danger, in case of
success, of innovations greater than will consist with
the real felicity of your nation. If your affairs still
go well, when this reaches you, you will ask why this
foreboding of ill, when all the appearances have been
so much in your favor. I will tell you : I dread dis-
agreements among those who are now united (which -
will be likely to be improved by the adverse party), -
about the nature of your constitution. I dread th






254 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
vehement character of your people, whom I fear you
may find it more easy to bring on, than to keep
within proper bounds after you have put them in
motion. I dread the interested refractoriness of your
nobles who cannot all be gratified, and who may be
unwilling to submit to the requisite sacrifices. And
I dread the reveries of your philosophic politicians,
who appear in the movement to have great influence,
and who, being mere speculatists, may aim at more
refinement than suits either with human nature Or
the composition of your nation.”
The next extract is from a letter written
rather more than three years later, when these
early anticipations had become terrible realities,
and when the storms of the revolution had be-
gun to disturb our own politics. Speculation
as to results in France was at an end. All the
possibilities that Hamilton had dreaded then
were accomplished facts, and he was now anx-
ious to know how much the same perils were
to be feared in this country. He wrote to his
friend Colonel Carrington, in April, 1793, to
learn the state of public opinion in Virginia;
and from Carrington's reply we discover what
his inquiries were, and thus catch the drift of
his thought at that time. He wished to know
what the feeling was in Virginia as to the revo-
lutionary cause in France; as to the execution
of the king, the adoption of a neutrality policy


DANGEROUS ELEMENTS IN UNITED STATES. 255
by the United States, the maintenance or aban-
donment of the French treaties, and as to the
reception of Genet. He soon felt assured, ap-
parently, that the same dangerous forces existed
in this country as in France, and only doubted
as to their extent and power among the people.
In a letter of the same year (1793), after de-
scribing with marked disgust Genet's reception
on arriving in Philadelphia, he speaks of the
promoters of the affair as the opponents of the
government and disturbers of order, and then
Says: —
“We too have our disorganizers. But I trust
there is enough of virtue and good sense in the peo-
ple of America to baffle every attempt against their
prosperity, though masked under the specious garb of
an extraordinary zeal for liberty. They practically,
I doubt not, adopt this sacred maxim, that without
government there is no true liberty.”
Having already expressed his belief in the
probability of “combinations” to control our
politics in foreign interests, he then goes on
after the passage just quoted to deprecate vio-
lent demonstrations of attachment to France
and to repudiate all comparisons between her
revolution and ours. “I own I do not like the
comparison,” he says, and then follow his rea-
Sons, which are worth giving in full because
they state in a moderate and yet forcible man-

256 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
N_2 T *
ner the grounds for his opinions as to the domi-
nant movement of the age, and express very
admirably the causes and the reasoning on which
his principles and those of the Federalists gen-
erally were founded. It is an excellent exposi-
tion of the feelings which actuated the opposi-
tion to the French revolution and its theories:
“When I contemplate the horrid and systematic
massacres of the 2d and 3d of September; when I ob-
serve that a Marat and a Robespierre, the notorious
promoters of these bloody scenes, sit triumphantly in
the convention and take a conspicuous part in its
measures, that an attempt to bring the assassins to jus-
tice has been obliged to be abandoned; when I see
an unfortunate prince, whose reign was a continued
demonstration of the goodness and benevolence of his
heart, of his attachment to the people of whom he was
the monarch, who though educated in the lap of des-
potism, had given repeated proofs that he was not the
enemy of liberty, brought precipitately and ignomin-
iously to the block without any substantial proof of
guilt as yet disclosed, – without even an authentic
exhibition of motives, in decent regard to the opin-
ions of mankind ; when I find the doctrines of athe-
ism openly advanced in the convention and heard
with loud applause ; when I see the sword of fanati-
cism extended to force a political creed upon citizens
who were invited to submit to the arms of France as
the harbingers of liberty; when I behold the hand of
rapacity outstretched to prostrate and ravish the mon,





DANGER OF OUTBREAKS IN NEW YORK. 257
uments of religious worship erected by those citizens
and their ancestors; when I perceive passion, tumult,
and violence usurping those seats, where reason and
cool deliberation ought to prevail, I acknowledge that
I am glad to believe there is no real resemblance be-
tween what was the cause of America and what is
the cause of France; that the difference is no less
great than that between liberty and licentiousness. I
regret whatever has a tendency to compound them,
and I feel anxious, as an American, that the ebulli-
tions of inconsiderate men among us may not tend to
involve our reputation in the issue.”
Two years later he felt that there was dan-
ger of actual outbreaks at a time when our rela-
tions with France had become very strained and
threatening. The dangerous elements, he seems
to have thought, were really on the verge of
open violence in New York. He writes to Wol-
cott in July, 1795: —
“We have some cause to suspect, though not
enough to believe, that our Jacobins meditate serious
mischief to certain individuals. It happens that the
militia of this city, from the complexion of its officers,
cannot in general be depended on, and it will be diffi-
cult for some time to organize a competent armed
substitute. In this situation our eyes turn as a re-
Source in a sudden emergency, upon the military now
in the forts, but these, we are told, are under march-
ing orders. Pray converse confidentially with the


I7
258 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
Secretary at War and engage him to suspend the
march. Matters in eight or ten days will explain
themselves.”
The next extract gives a glimpse of Hamil-
ton's theory of foreign policy and of the purely
national spirit which inspired it. The last
clause shows how deeply he felt the evil of the
colonial mode of thought which was then so
strong that men did not even realize that they
were still beneath its influence. Hamilton al-
ready anticipated the essential need of that
intellectual freedom and individuality toward
Europe which it took years of conflict to bring
to pass. The letter is dated December 16, 1796,
and is addressed to Rufus King: —
“The favorable change in the conduct of Great
TBritain towards us, strengthens the hands of the
friends of order and peace. It is much to be desired
that a treatment in all respects unexceptionable from
that quarter should obviate all pretext to inflame the
public mind.
“We are laboring hard to establish in this coun-
try principles more and more national, and free from
all foreign ingredients, so that we may be neither
* Greeks nor Trojans,’ but truly Americans.”
A few months later (April 10, 1797) he shows :
strongly in a letter to William Smith how
averse he was to violence, either in favor of or
against any foreign people whatsoever, whether


NATIONAL SPIRIT IN FOREIGN POLICY. 259
they were the English whom he respected, or
the French whom he detested, because he knew
that such violence was inconsistent not only
with dignity but with a true national pride : —
“It is unpleasant to me to know that I have for
some time differed materially from many of my
friends on public subjects, and I particularly regret,
that at the present critical juncture there is in my
apprehension much danger that sensibility will be an
overmatch for policy. We seem now to feel and rea-
son as the Jacobins did when Great Britain insulted
and injured us, though certainly we have at least as
much need of a temperate conduct now as we had
then. I only say God grant that the public interest
may not be sacrificed at the shrine of irritation and
mistaken pride.”
The same feeling finds expression in the fol-
lowing passage from a letter to Oliver Wolcott,
dated June 6, 1797 : —
“I like very well the course of executive conduct
in regard to the controversy with France, and I like
the answer of the Senate in regard to the President's
Speech. -
“But I confess, I have not been well satisfied with
the answer reported in the House. It contains too
many hard expressions; and hard words are very
rarely used in public proceedings. Mr. Jay and other
friends here have been struck in the same manner
With myself. We shall not regret to see the answer


260 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
softened down. Real firmness is good for every
thing. Strut is good for nothing.”
In a similar strain he writes to Pickering a
few months later (March 27, 1798), defining
the proper relations to be maintained with Eng-
land, in case the war against France should be
actively prosecuted : —
“I am against going immediately into alliance with
Great Britain. It is my opinion that her interests
will insure us her coöperation to the extent of her
power, and that a treaty will not secure her further.
On the other hand a treaty might entangle us. Pub-
lic opinion is not prepared for it.”
England, he says, should give sufficient pow-
ers to her minister here to meet all exigencies,
and to enter into alliance if opportunity and
public opinion permitted it. Then he refers
to the necessity of acquiring Louisiana, which
at that moment held a leading place in his
thoughts.
In the next letter, which I shall quote, we
see, for the first time, a plain allusion to the
“crisis” which might in the event of its occur-
rence have a decisive effect upon his actions
and upon his career. The letter is addressed
to Jay, who wished to appoint Hamilton to the
vacancy in the United States Senate, caused
by the resignation of Judge Hobart, and is
dated April 24, 1798.


DREAD OF INFLUENCE OF FRANCE. 261
“I have received your two favors of the 19th in-
stant. I feel, as I ought, the mark of confidence
they announce. But I am obliged by my situation
to decline the appointment. This situation you are
too well acquainted with to render it necessary for me
to enter into explanation. There may arrive a crisis
when I may conceive myself bound once more to sac-
rifice the interests of my family to public call. But
I must defer the change as long as possible.”
How deeply rooted his convictions had now
become as to the dangers to be apprehended
from the influence of France and of French
ideas, and how real and menacing he felt these
perils to be in the United States, are well illus-
trated in a letter to Washington, dated May 19,
1798. I have already referred to this letter in
a previous chapter, but the passage in question
deserves a full quotation in this connection.
“It is more and more evident that the powerful
faction which has for years opposed the government,
is determined to go every length with France. I am
sincere in declaring my full conviction, as the result
of a long course of observation, that they are ready
to new model our constitution under the influence or
coercion of France; to form with her a perpetual
alliance, offensive and defensive, and to give her a
monopoly of our trade by peculiar and eacclusive priv-
ileges. This would be in substance, whatever it
might be in name, to make this country a province of
France. Neither do I doubt that her standard, dis-







262 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
played in this country, would be directly or indirectly
seconded by them, in pursuance of the project I have
mentioned.”
His fears of social confusion were not only,
as we see here, fully aroused, but his pride in
American nationality was deeply touched. In
another passage, in the same letter, his dread
and dislike of anything sectional in our politics,
or of anything suggesting geographical divi-
sion, and consequent secession, come out very
strikingly.
“It is painful and alarming to remark that the
opposition faction assumes so much a geographical
complexion. As yet, from the south of Maryland,
nothing has been heard, but accounts of disapproba-
tion of our government, and approbation of or apol-
ogy for France. This is a most portentous symptom
and demands every human effort to change it.”
The mischiefs which he anticipated seemed
to him in this exciting year to be so close at
hand that we find him preparing in his own
mind practical measures for meeting and over-
coming them. His first thought, of course, was
for the army, upon which he relied for the
maintenance of order and government. It was
with this purpose that he wrote as follows to
Otis, December 27, 1798 : —
“Any reduction of the actual force appears to me
inexpedient. It will argue to our enemies that we
}

HAMILTON'S POLICY IN 1799. 263
are either very narrow in our resources, or that our
jealousy of his designs has abated. Besides, that
with a view to the possibility of internal disorders
alone, the force authorized is not too considerable.
The efficacy of militia for suppressing such disorders
is not too much to be relied on.”
The army was his chief reliance, but he also
had an extended plan for the proper course to
be pursued by the Federalists now that they
were in possession of all branches of the gov-
ernment. This policy is fully set forth in the
well-known letter to Dayton, written in 1799.
I have already referred to it and given an out-
line of its contents. It advised a vigorous
strengthening of the central government in all
directions, including a division of the large
States, and the enactment of sharp alien and
Sedition laws. It is, as I have said, the best
exposition of Hamilton's views at that trying
period, is strongly characteristic of its author,
and was so far as possible carried out by the
Federalists.
A little later in the same year, and in a simi-
lar spirit, he wrote to ask the Attorney General,
Hoffman, to prosecute a newspaper which had
charged him with suppressing the “Aurora
Vy pecuniary means.”
“Hitherto,” he says, “I have forborne to resort to
the laws for the punishment of the authors or abettors


264 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
(of such attacks), and were I to consult personal con-
siderations alone, I should continue in this course, re-
paying hatred with contempt. But public motives
now compel me to a different conduct. The designs
of that faction to overturn our government, and with
it the great pillars of social security and happiness in
this country, become every day more manifest, and
have of late acquired a system which renders them
formidable.”
He then adds that one engine for the destruc-
tion of society is the issue of libels calculated to
destroy the character of the most conspicuous
supporters of the government, as in this in-
stance, by charging them with attempts to stifle
the liberty of the press; and he says that these
intrigues and calumnies are carried on by Amer-
ican citizens aided by foreign gold.
The immediate danger which Hamilton
dreaded at the time of the troubles with
France, dropped out of sight during the heated
struggles which preceded the election of 1800.
Peace came, too, bringing quiet in its train
everywhere, and while it served to make the
contagion of French principles appear less viru-
lent, it also pushed the “crisis,” which Ham-
ilton always anticipated, still farther into
the background. After the excitement of the
political battle had subsided, and when nothing
was left but to watch the course of the Demo-

HAMILTON'S DESPONDENCY. 265
|
|
|
cratic party in full possession of the govern-
ment, Hamilton seems to have given way to a
depression in regard to public affairs very un-
usual to his strong nature. It seemed to him
that all his labors had been wasted and misun-
derstood, and that his achievements, and those
of the great party which he had led, would
crumble away beneath the gradual assaults of
the now triumphant opposition. In this mood
he wrote bitterly to Gouverneur Morris, giving
vent to the disappointment which filled his soul
when he thought of the success of his enemies,
the seeming ingratitude of the people, and, as
he believed, the waste and misapprehension of
all the efforts which he had made for the wel-
fare and glory of his country. The letter in
question is dated February 27, 1802: —
“Mine is an odd destiny,” he says. “Perhaps no
man in the United States has sacrificed or done more
for the present constitution than myself; and, con-
trary to all my anticipations of its fate, as you know,
from the very beginning. I am still laboring to prop
the frail and worthless fabric. Yet I have the mur-
murs of its friends no less than the curses of its foes
for my reward. What can I do better than withdraw
from the scene? Every day proves to me more
and more, that this American world was not made
for me. .
“The time may ere long arrive when the minds of





266 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
men will be prepared to make an effort to recover the
constitution, but the many cannot now be brought to
make a stand for its preservation. We must wait a
while.
“You, friend Morris, are by birth a native of this
country, but by genius an exotic. You mistake if
you fancy that you are more of a favorite than my-
self, or that you are in any sort upon a theatre suited
to you.”
This frame of mind, in which a man in bitter-
ness of spirit gives up a world which he believes
to be hopelessly blind and wrong, was thor-
oughly alien to Hamilton. It could not have
lasted long at any time. No matter how desper-
ate the prospect, Hamilton's instinct was ever
to push the battle, and to fight on despite all dis-
couragements. Soon after this letter to Morris,
therefore, we find him laying out a policy to be
pursued by the Federalists in order to check
their adversaries and recover their lost ground.
The letter is written to Bayard, in April, 1802,
and is one of the most curious and interesting
in all Hamilton's correspondence. It shows
how deeply imbued he had become with his
dread of social disorders, and the extraordinary
scheme which he presents for an association to
combat the poisonous French doctrines, indicates
the development of a state of mind which was
certainly highly strained and almost morbid in

ADVICE TO THE FEDERALISTS IN 1802. 267
f
its extreme views of public affairs. He gives
first some suggestions as to the policy to be fol-
lowed by the Federalists, which show very
strikingly how deeply rooted his opinions had
become as to the dangerous state of society, and
the perils which threatened the country. He
begins by pointing out that men cannot be gov-
erned by reason, his estimate of human nature
having become much lower in the contempla-
tion of Democratic ascendency. He then says
that while the Federalists have neglected to ap-
peal to the passions and especially to the vanity
of men, their opponents have thriven by assid-
uously pandering to these qualities of mankind.
The time has come for the Federalists to repair
this error, not by any unworthy or revolution-
ary devices, but by irregular methods which
would be needless under a sound and stable gov-
ernment. He then continues : —
“In my opinion, the present constitution is the
standard to which we are to cling. Under its ban-
ners bond fide must we combat our political foes, re-
jecting all changes but through the channel itself
provides for amendments. By these general views
of the subject have my reflections been guided. I
now offer you the outline of the plan they have sug-
gested. Let an association be formed, to be denomi
nated ‘The Christian Constitutional Society.” Its
objects to be : 1st. The support of the Christian re.
268 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
ligion. 2d. The support of the constitution of the
United States.”
He then sketches its organization and de-
scribes its purposes as follows : —
“1st. The diffusion of information.
“2d. The use of all lawful means in concert to
promote the election of fit men.
“3d. The promoting of institutions of a charitable
and useful nature in the management of Federalists.
The populous cities ought particularly to be attended
to ; perhaps it would be well to institute in such
places — 1st. Societies for the relief of emigrants.
2d. Academies, each with one professor, for instruct-
ing the different classes of mechanics in the princi-
ples of mechanics and the elements of chemistry.
The cities have been employed by the Jacobins to
give an impulse to the country; and it is believed to
be an alarming fact, that while the question of the
Presidential election was pending in the House of
Representatives, parties were organizing in several of
the cities in the event of there being no election, to
cut off the leading Federalists and seize the govern-
ment.”
In addition to this society he urges a strong
and immediate effort for the repeal of the law
repealing the Judiciary Act, and he counsels in
other respects the adoption of a waiting policy
until popular opinion should be educated and
turned in the right direction.

LETTER TO NEW ENGLAND FEDERALISTS. 269
-ſ7
i
The last letter from which I shall quote, and
Hamilton's last letter on public concerns, re-
lates to the Separatist movement in New Eng-
land. There is a deep and pathetic interest in
these words, written when the shadow of death
was actually lying dark upon his path. They
show once more that in all his dread of democ-
racy and French principles, the national senti-
ment still rose supreme, and that with his latest
breath he resisted any plan which threatened
the unity of the country. The letter is ad-
dressed to Sedgwick, and is dated July 10, 1804:
“I will here express but one sentiment, which is,
that dismemberment of our empire will be a clear sac-
rifice of great positive advantages without any coun-
terbalancing good, administering no relief to our real
disease, which is democracy, the poison of which by
a subdivision will only be the more concentrated in
each part, and consequently the more virulent.”
By these extracts, if they have served their
purpose here, we can perceive the drift of Ham-
ilton's thought. We can see the effect of the
French revolution and of the working of politi-
cal forces in this country upon his opinions, and
we are now in a position to understand and de-
fine the exact nature of that “crisis '' which
had haunted Hamilton for years, which had
grown to be his deepest conviction and his first
thought, and to which he gave up his life


270 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
Hamilton believed the constitution to be un-
equal to the burden imposed upon it, and he
considered the government too weak. At any
moment, as it seemed to him, there might be
a general upheaval, and that then the elements
which had desolated France and swept over
Europe might here engage in a conflict for su-
premacy. Then would the country be menaced
with anarchy and ruin; property would be con-
fiscated, society broken up, religion trampled
under foot, and everything that makes life worth
having would be in jeopardy. Then the salva-
tion of the country and the preservation of con-
stitutional liberty would demand a party of
order, an army, and a leader ready to play the
part of a saviour of society, and establish the
government on strong and enduring founda-
tions. That great part, Hamilton felt, would
fall to him, and if the contingency had been
possible, there can be no doubt that he was the
man to whom the party of order would have
turned. He could not do this, he could not
stand at the head of an army, if it were possible
for any man to cast even the most groundless
imputation upon his personal courage. He was
utterly at fault in supposing that there were in
the United States the same elements and the
same forces as in France. Both race and his-
tory made their existence impossible. The rep.

WATURE OF CRISIS FEARED BY HAMILTON. 271
resentative democracy developing in America
was more hostile to the anarchy of the French
revolution than the strongest and most ener-
getic government which the wit of man could
devise. Hamilton's mistake was neither un-
natural nor uncommon; but, joined with his
just belief of the duty which would devolve
upon him in such a crisis as he anticipated, it
made it imperative for him to accept the chal-
lenge of Burr. It is neither fanciful nor
strained to regard Hamilton's death as a result
of the opinions bred by the French revolution.
That terrible convulsion had many illustrious
victims of all nations and all creeds, but hardly
one more brilliant or more uselessly sacrificed
than the great statesman who fell before Burr's
pistol that peaceful July morning.
/ Thus far I have dealt with Hamilton solely
as a public man. It is, indeed, difficult to ap-
proach him in any other way, when his life and
talents were given so constantly and so com-
pletely to the service of the public. He died
a private man, mourned by a nation; he had
lived, except in his very last years, immersed
in the affairs of the commonwealth and in the
full glare of publicity. Every act of his was
scrutinized and examined, every slip chronicled,
every mistake magnified, while he stood for



272 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
years in the highest places, assuming every re-
sponsibility and conspicuous before the eyes of
all men. This unsparing publicity which pur-
sued Hamilton in his life, has attended him in
his death. No American, except Washington,
has had everything which he ever wrote, said,
or did, published with such elaboration as has
fallen to the lot of Hamilton. No other Amer-
ican has been, historically speaking, so much
discussed, so much criticised, and so much writ-
ten about. All this enhances the difficulty of
any fresh study of Hamilton's life, but at the
same time, even the briefest biography would be
incomplete without an attempt, at least, to por-
tray him as a man, to analyze the traits of his
mind and character, and to define the quality of
his greatness.
In person Hamilton was well made, of light
and active build, but very small, much below
the average height. His friends were wont to
call him the “little lion; ” and it is somewhat
remarkable that his stature seems to have inter-
fered so slightly, if at all, with his success as
an orator. A commanding and imposing pres-
ence is a great aid in affecting an audience, and
yet Hamilton was one of the most impressive
speakers of his time. He was, too, the most
eloquent man, and the most effective advocate
of his day, whether in court or in convention,



PERSONAL APPEARANCE. 273
ſ
7
if we can judge by results, by the fragments that
remain of his speeches, and by the testimony
of eye-witnesses. There was certainly no one
who was in active public life during the same
period, unless it be John Adams, or Fisher
Ames on one memorable occasion, who could
for a moment be compared with him as an ora-
tor. It is very plain, too, that Hamilton's suc-
cess in this direction was by no means wholly
due to what he said, or to his power of reason-
ing and of lucid and forcible statement. The
man was impressive. Inches of stature and of
girth were lacking, but he was none the less
full of dignity. In this, of course, his looks
helped him. His head was finely shaped, sym-
metrical, and massive. His eyes were dark,
deep-set, and full of light and fire. He had a
long, rather sharp nose, a well-shaped, close-set
mouth, and a strong, firm jaw. The character-
istics of the spare, clean-cut features are pen-
etration and force. There is a piercing look
about the face even in repose; and when Ham-
ilton was moved a fire came into his eyes which
we are told had a marvellous effect. But it was
the soul which shone through his eyes, and an-
imated his mobile countenance, that made him
so effective in speech. As men listened to him,
they felt profoundly the mastery of the strong
nature, the imperious will, and the passion





18
274 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
energy which gave such force to his pathos, to
his invective and to the even flow of clear, tell-
ing argument. The impression which Hamil-
ton was capable of producing is well illustrated
by the famous scene of the murder trial, when
The laid bare the guilt of Croucher. Yet the
excitement of a court-room was not necessary to
such a feat. In the quiet of an office solely by
his own resistless determination he wrested a
conveyance, which was unjust and had been
unfairly obtained, from the oppressor of his
client. -
/ In private life Hamilton was much beloved
- and most attractive. He talked well and freely.
He was open-hearted and hospitable, full of
high spirits and geniality. In his own family
he was idolized by wife and children. The af-
fection which he inspired in all who knew him
was largely due to the perfect generosity of his
nature. He gave time and money with a lav-
ish hand, to all who sought his aid. He carried
this habit into his business to his own detri-
ment. He would often refuse to make any
charge to poor clients, and never could be per-
suaded to accept anything beyond a reasonable
and modest fee. He had in truth a contempt
for money, and while he made a nation's fort-
une, he never made his own. At his death he
left his family little except his name and fame.
-

-
º
SELF-CONFIDENCE. 275
Like most men of great talents and strong
will, Hamilton had a large measure of self-con-
fidence. Just after he left the treasury, he
feared that Congress would fail to treat the
finances in a proper way. He wrote to a friend
º in great wrath that he would not stand tamely
by and see the nation disgraced; if Congress
> did not do their duty they would have to reckon
with him. On another occasion he was dis-
pleased by what he considered a useless demand
for information on the part of the Senate. He
thereupon addressed a communication” to that
august body in which he lectured them as to
their conduct, and took them to task roundly
for their misbehavior. This letter is quite a
curiosity, and the meekness with which the
Senate apparently accepted the rebuke is not
the least amusing part of the affair. All this
was thoroughly characteristic of the man. The
greater the odds the more defiantly and the
more confidently he faced opposition. On one
or two occasions this self-confidence took the
more disagreeable form of self-assertion, but
Such outbreaks were rare.
Hamilton's defects sprang not from weakness
but from the strength of his passions, which -
Sometimes overmastered his reason. Thus it was
The letter is given in full in Adams's Life of Gallatin,
p. 116.




276 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
in his relations with women which had an un-
enviable notoriety. It was passion again which
led him into the unworthy proposition to Gov-
ernor Jay and into his wild attack upon Ad-
ams. His faults were those of a powerful and
passionate nature when it had broken down all
the barriers of self-control. His errors are all
the more to be regretted because he was a man
of such wide influence and striking abilities,
and for this reason were, of course, all the more
dangerous.
There is no better evidence of Hamilton's
greatness than is to be found in the letters and
sayings of his bitterest enemies. Burr pro-
nounced the man to be lost who put himself on
paper with him. Jefferson called him the “Co-
lossus of the Federalists,” and always referred
to the acts and opinions of his opponents as
those of Hamilton, speaking of that party by
the name of its leader. Ambrose Spencer, the
distinguished judge, who had had many conflicts
with Hamilton, and, on at least one occasion,
had felt the edge of his sarcasm, paid him one
of the handsomest tributes ever rendered to his
abilities, at the same time characterizing the
quality of his greatness and his influence with
peculiar felicity : —
“Alexander Hamilton,” said Spencer, “ was the
greatest man this country ever produced. I knew
-




OPINIONS OF SPENCER AND KENT. 277
him well. I was in situations often to observe and
study him. I saw him at the bar and at home. He
argued cases before me while I sat as judge on the
bench. Webster has done the same. In power of
reasoning Hamilton was the equal of Webster; and
more than this can be said of no man. In crea-
tive power Hamilton was infinitely Webster's supe-
rior, . . . It was he, more than any other man, who
thought out the constitution of the United States and
the details of the government of the Union; and, out
of the chaos that existed after the Revolution, raised
a fabric every part of which is instinct with his
thought. I can truly say that hundreds of politi-
cians and statesmen of the day get both the web
and woof of their thoughts from Hamilton's brains.
He, more than any man, did the thinking of the
time.”
Chancellor Kent, who was one of Hamilton's
warmest admirers, says of him that—
“He rose at once to the loftiest heights of profes-
sional eminence, by his profound penetration, his
power of analysis, the comprehensive grasp and
strength of his understanding, and the firmness, frank-
ness, and integrity of his character. We may say of
him, in reference to his associates, as was said of Pa-
pinian: ‘Omnes longo post se intervallo reliquerit.’”
There is not much to choose between the
praise of the quondam foe and of the constant
friend. Both the Federalist and the Democrat,



278 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
eminent lawyers and judges both, were agreed
as to Hamilton's ability.
Among the Federalists Hamilton had a band
of devoted friends who comprised a very large
proportion of the most distinguished men in
the nation. They were an able, strong, hard-
headed, and rather dogmatic body, most of them
leaders themselves, and holding high places in
the republic. Yet they supported Hamilton
with a fidelity which has been rarely equalled.
The roll of his followers is enough by itself
to establish his position in American history.
Indifference was impossible toward Hamilton.
He was too strong and too open to inspire luke-
warm sentiments, and he was loved and hated.
with equal intensity. At the same time Ham-
ilton, as I have already said, was prečminently
a leader of leaders. He could do “the think-
ing of his time,” he could issue orders, or plan
a policy, or act in conjunction with men who
followed or sustained him in obedience to the
dictates of reason. But he was never an adept
in the difficult and delicate art of managing
men wherein his great rival Jefferson stood .
supreme. He was as far as possible from be- v/
ing a demagogue, and he was not even a pop-
ular leader, for he had too great a distrust of
democracy to appeal successfully to the sym-
pathy of the masses. In this he was a fit and



HIS COURAGE. 279
typical leader of the party to which he be-
longed. He could not float with the currents
of public sentiment and had no faith in them.
He was a leader, and could not follow. He
could mark out a path and walk in it, and if
the people hesitated or held back, he would
walk alone. This did not arise from narrow-
ness, for Hamilton had always great liberality
of mind, but simply from the strength of his
convictions and from reliance on his own abil-
ities, which made it impossible for him to seek
for success by yielding a jot of what he be-
lieved, after mature deliberation, to be right
and true. This implies, of course, great force
of character; but Hamilton had also a bold-
ness of disposition which stamped itself on his
financial and foreign policy, and, at times,
amounted to an almost reckless audacity. The
miserable Reynolds affair has cast a shadow
upon the honor of James Monroe, and its
wretched details have found a place in one of
the biographies of Jefferson. No one can de-
sire to rake over the ashes of this miserable
Scandal, but in its effect it showed the courage
of Hamilton in a most striking manner. Drawn
by his uncurbed passion into a low intrigue
with a worthless woman, he found himself
threatened with a black imputation upon his
official integrity. At the cost of bitter grief


280 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
to himself and to all whom he most loved, he
published a pamphlet in which he told the
whole unpleasant story. The manliness of the
act, the self-inflicted punishment, and the high
sense of public honor thus exhibited, silenced
even his opponents; but the confession was one
which must have wrung Hamilton to the quick,
and it shows an amount of nerve and determi-
nation for which our history can furnish no
parallel.
Hamilton's career as a public man had closed
before his death. Had he lived longer he would
have added to his reputation as a lawyer and
writer; but it is very doubtful if he would have
again entered public life. His work was done.
It was a great work, and had been well per-
formed. He cared but little for office. He was
ambitious, but his objects were fame and power,
to be obtained by advancing the welfare and
dignity of his country. So long as he could
lead his party and help to shape the national
policy, he was perfectly content to remain in a
lawyer's chambers in New York. A great office
had to him no value in itself, but only in what
he was able to achieve by holding it; and every
one will admit that few men have accomplished
so much!). He founded the financial system of
the United States, and converted the barren
clauses of the Constitution into a living organ.

HIS CHARACTER AS A STATES MAN. 281
ism. He established the doctrine of a liberal
construction and of the implied powers; and
he shares with Washington the honor of devis-
ing and carrying out the foreign policy of the
º
United States. This is enough. There is no / |
need to rehearse the almost endless list of lesser
matters which bear the mark of his fertile and
powerful intellect. He was always at work,
and we look in vain for sterile places in his life.
There are two classes of statesmen, - those
who are great in their calling, and those who,
in addition, represent great ideas. Instances of
the former kind abound. Examples of the lat-
ter are rare. Hamilton is one of the statesmen
of creative minds who represent great ideas. It
is for this reason that he left the deep mark of
his personal influence upon our history. His
principles of finance, of foreign affairs, of polit-
ical economy, and of the powers and duties of
government under the constitution may be
found on every page of our history, and are full
of vitality to-day. But Hamilton is identified
with two other ideas which go far deeper, and
which have been the moving forces in our na-
tional development. He did not believe in
democracy as a system of government. He
strove with all his energy to make the experi-
ment of the constitution succeed, but he doubted
its merit at the outset, and finally came to the
*
- -
- -







282 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
conclusion that in its existing form it was
doomed to failure. He believed in class influ-
and in what, for want of a better phrase, may
be called an aristocratic republic. Curiously
enough, this theory was put in practice only in
the South, where Hamilton had scarcely any
followers.
The other great idea of which he was the
embodiment, was that of nationality. No other
man of that period, except Washington, was
fully imbued with the national spirit. To Ham-
ilton it was the very breath of his public life,
the essence of his policy. To this grand prin-
ciple many men, especially in later times, have
rendered splendid services, and made noble sac-
rifices; but there is no single man to whom it
owes more than to Hamilton. In a time when
American nationality meant nothing, he alone
grasped the great conception in all its fullness,
and gave all he had of will and intellect to
make its realization possible. He alone per-
ceived the destiny which was in store for the
republic. For this he declared that the United
States must aim at an ascendant in the affairs
of America. For this he planned the conquest
of Louisiana and the Floridas, and, despite the
frowns of his friends, rose above all party feel-
ings and sustained Jefferson in his unhesitat.


SUCCESS OF HAMILTON'S THEORIES. 283
ing seizure of the opportunity to acquire that
vast territory by purchase. To these ends
everything he did was directed, and in his task 2.
of founding a government he also founded a
nation. It was a great work. Others contrib-
uted much to it, but Hamilton alone fully un-
derstood it. On the other side was Jefferson,
also a man who represented ideas, that of de-
mocracy and that of a confederacy, with a weak
general government and powerful states threat-
ening secession. The ideas which these two
men embodied have in their conflict made up
the history of the United States. The demo-
cratic principles of Jefferson, and the national
principles of Hamilton, have prevailed, and
have sway to-day throughout the length and
breadth of the land. But, if we go a step far-
ther, we find that the great Federalist has the
advantage. The democratic system of Jeffer-
son is administered in the form and on the
principles of Hamilton, and while the former
went with the current and fell in with the dom-
inant forces of the time, Hamilton established
his now accepted principles, and carried his
projects to completion in the face of a relentless
opposition, and against the mistaken wishes of
a large part of the people.
To attempt to measure the exact proportions
of a great man is neither very easy nor perhaps
º
---




284 ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
yery profitable. This biography has been writ-
A ten to little purpose if it has failed to show the
* influence of Hamilton upon our history, and
this of itself is a title of the highest distinction.
It is given to but few men to impress their in-
dividuality indelibly upon the history of a great
nation. But Hamilton, as a man, achieved even
more than this. His versatility was extraordi-
nary. He was a great orator and lawyer, and
he was also the ablest political and constitu-
tional writer of his day, a good soldier, and pos-
sessed of a wonderful capacity for organization
and practical administration. He was a master
in every field that he entered, and however he
may have erred in moments of passion, he never
failed. Weakness and incompetency were not
to be found in Hamilton. Comparisons are
valueless, because points of difference between
men are endless. John Marshall ranked Ham-
ilton next to Washington, and with the judg-
ment of their great chief justice Americans are
wont to be content. But wherever he is placed,
so long as the people of the United States form
one nation, the name of Alexander Hamilton
will be held in high and lasting honor, and
even in the wreck of governments that great in
tellect would still command the homage of men.





APPENDIX.
-º-
NOTE. A.
MR. BANCROFT in the eighth volume of his his-
tory of the United States (page 79), in describing the
great meeting at New York in July 1774, says: “It
has been kept in memory, that on this occasion a
young man from abroad, so small and delicate in his
organization that he appeared to be much younger
than perhaps he really was, took part in the debate
before the crowd. . . . He proved to be Alexander
Hamilton, a West Indian. His mother, while he was
yet a child, had left him an orphan and poor. A
father's care he seems never to have known. The
first written trace of his existence is in 1766, when
his name appears as witness to a legal paper executed
in the Danish island of Santa Cruz.” I have fol-
lowed in my first chapter the ordinarily accepted ac-
count of Hamilton's birth and parentage, and after
the most careful consideration and investigation which
I have been able to give, I am not of the opinion that
there is sufficient evidence to justify any biographer
in setting it aside. At the same time grave doubts
have been cast upon this account, and as they pro-
ceeded from so eminent an authority as Mr. Bancroft,


286 APPENDIX.
I felt that it was impossible for me to pass them over
in silence, especially when entirely new material re-
lating to this subject has come to my knowledge.
The question of Hamilton's parentage possesses the
interest which always attaches to the origin of very
distinguished men, and the date of his birth affects
our estimate of his youthful powers. On any theory
Hamilton displayed great talents at a very early age,
but if the accepted date of his birth is correct, his
precocity was almost marvellous. Mr. Bancroft is
evidently of the opinion that Hamilton was older
than he was said to have been when he spoke at the
meeting in the fields, for he could hardly have “ap-
peared” less than seventeen, which is the age given
him by his biographer. Mr. Bancroft's doubts arose
partly, perhaps, from the intrinsic improbability of
such extraordinary intellectual maturity, but chiefly
from the deed signed by Hamilton as a witness in
1766. If Hamilton was born in 1757, he was only
nine years old when he signed this instrument. It is
certainly not a little remarkable that a child of that
tender age should have been accepted as a compe-
tent witness to an important document, but any con-
clusion based on this phenomenon must of course be
mere conjecture. If at thirteen he was able to man-
age the affairs of a considerable merchant he might
very well have been a fit witness at nine. The char-
acter of his signature is of more importance than the
fact of his affixing it to a deed. I have carefully ex-
amined an exact tracing of this signature. The hand-
writing is obviously Hamilton's. The signature is


APPENDIX. 287
.-- -
ſ|
written in a fair, open hand, and might well be the
work of man. Only a close examination, which re-
veals a certain roundness in the letters, and delib-
eration on the part of the writer, suggests youthful
penmanship. The signature is certainly a very re-
markable one to have been written by a boy nine
years old. But then it is not at all an impossible feat,
and is by no means so extraordinary as the letter to
Ned Stevens a few years later, or, indeed, as many of
Hamilton's youthful performances.
This document, signed in 1766, is the only evidence
directly bearing on Hamilton's age, but the fact that
the date of his birth has been questioned, leads nec-
essarily to an inquiry as to the circumstances of his
origin and parentage, which have rendered such
doubts possible. In a letter to a kinsman in Scotland,
in 1797, he himself says: “You no doubt have un-
derstood that my father's affairs at a very early day
Went to wreck; so as to have rendered his situation
during the greatest part of his life ineligible. This
state of things occasioned a separation between him
and me, when I was very young, and threw me upon
the bounty of my mother's relatives, some of whom
were then wealthy, though, by vicissitudes to which
human affairs are so liable, they have been since much
reduced and broken up. I myself, at about sixteen,
came to this country.” This meagre statement is
all Hamilton himself tells us of his origin. He sepa-
rated completely from his past when he joined the
army of the Revolution. We have no letters from
relatives or friends in the West Indies except from


288 APPENDIX.
Dr. Knox, the Nevis clergyman. There is also a
letter, dated in 1785, from Hamilton to a brother
James, who had written to him for money. In this
letter Hamilton says that he has not heard from his
brother and correspondent for years, and does not
know whether he is married or single. He then asks
anxiously about his father, saying that he not only is
totally ignorant of that gentleman's circumstances,
but that he does not know whether his father is alive
or dead." After Hamilton became famous his father
appeared, or rather wrote to him, and he sent his
father money and urged the old gentleman to come
to this country.
This lack of information concerning the family and
early life of such an eminent man is of itself enough
to cause inquiry, and every one versed in American
history is aware of the fact that a certain amount of
mystery has hung over Hamilton's birth and parent-
age. Every student of the period is also familiar
with the story, which oral tradition has handed down,
that Hamilton was the illegitimate son of a rich West
Indian planter or merchant, generally supposed to
have been Mr. Stevens, the father of Hamilton’s early
friend and school-fellow.
This tradition has always been vague and unsup-
ported. In the course of an examination of the
Pickering papers for another object, I found among
the memoranda collected by Colonel Pickering, with
the purpose of writing memoirs of his contemporaries,
two substantially similar accounts of Hamilton's birth
* History of the Republic, by J. C. Hamilton, vol. vii. p. 842,


APPENDIX. 289
º and parentage. It must be remembered that although
| Colonel Pickering did not always agree with Ham-
| ilton he was one of his most devoted admirers. He
considered Hamilton by far the greatest man of his
time and country, ranking him without hesitation
7. above Washington. The memoranda in question are
as follows: —
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, February 15,
| 1822.
º This morning I met with my friend Mr. James Yard
ſ of this city, with whom I have had an acquaintance of
between twenty and thirty years. He and Dr. Stevens of
the West Indies married, if I mistake not, two sisters,
the daughters of the Danish Governor of Santa Cruz, of
the name of Walterstorff (or a name sounding like it).
Mr. Yard first introduced Dr. Stevens to me, when it was
contemplated to appoint him American Consul General
for St. Domingo, at the time that the distinguished negro
General Toussaint L’Ouverture bore the chief sway in
the Island. The conversation led us to speak of General
Alexander Hamilton. I remarked to Mr. Yard, that at
the first sight of Dr. Stevens his likeness to Hamilton
was so strong, I concluded they were brothers, for it was
generally understood that Hamilton was an illegitimate
son of a gentleman of that name. Mr. Yard now told me
that General Hamilton was born in the island of Nevis
(near St. Christophers), the natural son of a Scotch gen-
tleman of the name of Hamilton; that he was an ap-
prentice to Nicholas Cruger, who afterwards removed (or
returned) to New York; that there Hamilton and Stevens
went to school together; and since the death of Hamilton,
an aunt, the sister of his mother, came to New York,
S and was for some weeks in Mrs. Hamilton’s house, from

19
290 APPENDIX.
whom (Mr. Yard naturally concluded) Mrs. Hamilton must
have received full information of her husband’s parent-
age; that this aunt being poor, and removed to Burling-
ton, in New Jersey, received the aids of benevolence,
partly from Mr. Yard; who also facilitated her return to
the West Indies. Mr. Yard added, that General Ham-
ilton’s mother died but two or three years ago.
Mr. Yard told me, that after he knew that the papers,
collected in relation to writing the life of Hamilton, had
been put into the hands of Mr. Joseph Hopkinson, he
advised Hopkinson frankly to state, that Hamilton was
the natural son of a Scotch gentleman in the West In-
dies, as an avowal of a fact for which Hamilton, not
being responsible, ought not to suffer in his reputation.
[Mr. Yard (a gentleman of distinguished sagacity and in-
formation) might also think an open avowal of the fact
more dignified in relation to a person of Hamilton’s ex-
alted talents and integrity, than any other course ; and
that to glide over his birth, the birth of a man so eminent,
without adverting to his father, would amount to a con-
:fession that he was (in I believe English law-language)
“filius nullius, ’’ or in plain English, “Nobody knew
who was his father,” the meaning of both expressions
being that he was some one's natural son.]
As to the strong likeness between General Hamilton
and Dr. Stevens, Mr. Yard could give no account; al-
tho' it seemed apparent that he thought them near of kin.
In cases of this sort, the possibility of kindred blood gives
rise to surmises, or strong suspicions, of which no proof
is attainable. — From the Pickering MSS. vol. li. p. 250.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. June 29, 1822.
Altho' little if anything was publicly spoken, yet it
seemed always to have been understood, among those

APPENDIX. 291
f
-
f
who were acquainted with this extraordinary man, that
he was the illegitimate offspring of a Mr. Hamilton, in
the West Indies. Meeting this morning with Mr. James
Yard, – a merchant of Philadelphia whom I have long
known, a gentleman distinguished for his good sense
and information, and who had lived for some time in the
West Indies, and was particularly conversant with the
Danish Islands of St. Thomas and St. Croix, — I renewed
the subject of General Hamilton’s parentage, of which
we had before conversed, and Mr. Yard repeated : That
Hamilton was born in the Island of Nevis, the reputed
son of a Scotch merchant of the name of Hamilton.
That he was some time in the store of Mr. Cruger (I be-
lieve in St. Croix), and was sent to New York to obtain
an education, it being observed that he possessed a mind
of a superior cast. Mr. Yard supposed that Mr. Cruger
(who was from New York) contributed towards the
means required for that object. Edward Stevens (after-
wards Dr. Stevens with whom I was acquainted in this
city) was sent with Hamilton to New York, for the same
purpose — his education.
About the year 1798, after the French had been massa-
cred or expelled from Hispaniola, and the negroes under
Toussaint were masters of the French part of the island,
it was thought expedient by the American Government
(Adams then the President) to send thither an agent, in
the character of Consul General, and from my inquiries
concerning Dr. Stevens, then in Philadelphia, he ap-
peared in all respects singularly qualified for the office.
He had long resided in the West Indies, understood the
French language, was very intelligent, and a worthy
man. With his brother-in-law, James Yard (for I un-
derstood they had married sisters, the daughters of the
Governor Walterstorff of one of the Danish Islands), I


292 APPENDIX.
had a previous acquaintance; and to him I expressed my
opinion of Dr. Stevens, from what I had heard of his
character, from Mr. Yard, or some other source of in-
formation. The arrangements being thus far advanced, I
said to Mr. Yard: “But I have not yet seen Dr. Stevens.”
Mr. Yard answered, “I will bring him to you.” They
came together to see me. At the first glance, I was
struck with the extraordinary similitude of his and Gen-
eral Hamilton’s faces; I thought they must be brothers.
To-day, Mr. Yard informed me that the remark had been
made a thousand times; that when young children, they
lived together in the family of the father of Stevens, and
were sent together to New York for their education.
Conjecture here will suppose some secrets, which, if
known, might account for the striking likeness of these
two persons.
Mr. Hamilton, the reputed father of the General, be-
came a planter in Granada. Whether he patronized, or
in any way provided even for the education of Alexander,
Mr. Yard did not know. An aunt of Alexander’s came
from the West Indies to New York, some years ago, and
lived a good while in the family of Mrs. Hamilton, the
General’s widow. Thence the aunt (I think Mr. Yard
called her name Mitchell) went to Burlington; where,
becoming blind, a collection was made among some of
Hamilton's friends, to enable her to go back to the West
Indies. There is now in this city a person (I think Mr.
Yard called him a merchant and pronounced his name,
but which I do not recollect) Mr. Yard said, the son of
another sister of General Hamilton’s mother. — From the
Pickering MSS. vol. ii. p. 802; in possession of Mass.
Hist. Soc.
It does not, of course, in any way detract from
Hamilton's fame or from his merits if any of these


APPENDIX. 293
ſ
stories should be true. It is needless to say that such a
fact would not reflect upon him or upon those who bear
his name, and have the honor to be descended from
him. His rise was remarkable and was equally hon-
orable to his talents and character when it is remem-
bered that he came a stranger from an obscure island,
one of the pettiest possessions of England, and that he
made his way to the very highest rank in everything
which he attempted, unsupported by wealth and un-
aided by family connections. If, in addition to all the
difficulties which he overcame, that of illegitimacy be
added, it is simply a new title to the respect of the
world for his genius and force of character. One of
the penalties of his greatness is the fact that thereby
the question of his birth and parentage assumes con-
siderable historical interest.
It may be said that Colonel Pickering's memoranda
are mere gossip. Such they seem on their face, and
nothing would be more distasteful to me than to
print them, if they could thus be put aside. They
could be condemned in this way if we had a clear,
authentic, and well proved account of Hamilton's
origin. As this is not the case, the memoranda of
Colonel Pickering, taken in conjunction with the
doubts expressed by Mr. Bancroft and the tradition
familiar to students of our history, acquire an impor-
tance and interest which they would not otherwise
possess, and which render it impossible silently to
pass them over in any attempt to write Hamilton's
life. To explain clearly what has just been said, it
is necessary to look closely at the accepted account

294 APPENDIX.
and show briefly why it is of such a nature as to
make doubts possible and give importance to Colonel
Pickering's statements.
We are not told by Mr. John C. Hamilton, either
in the first and unfinished life of his father or in his
second elaborate and complete life, entitled the “His-
tory of the Republic,” the Christian name of Hamil-
ton's maternal grandfather, Mr. Faucette, or of Ham-
ilton’s mother, or of his mother's first husband. We
are not told when or where Mrs. Hamilton was mar-
ried to her first husband Lavine, from whom it is said
she was divorced. Divorce was extremely rare in
the colonies. In England and in the crown provinces
it involved long, difficult, and expensive proceedings
of the greatest publicity. We are not told when,
where, how, or for what cause the divorce was ob-
tained. We are not told when or where Mr. and
Mrs. James Hamilton were married. In the first and
unfinished life it is said that “there were several
sons of whom Alexander was the youngest.” In the
“History of the Republic * it is stated that Hamilton
was the only surviving child; and yet in the appendix
to the same work a letter is given, to which I have
already referred, written by Hamilton to a brother
named James. If this contradiction is explained by
a second marriage of Hamilton's father, it can only
be said that there is no mention of such a marriage.
In the first and unfinished life it is said that Hamil-
ton was confided to the care of his mother's relatives,
Mr. Peter Lytton and his sister, afterwards Mrs
Mitchell. In the “History of the Republic,’ Mr


APPENDIX. 295
º
.*
i
Lytton and Mrs. Mitchell have disappeared and Ham-
ilton's guardians are spoken of simply as his mother's
relatives. From the Pickering memoranda we learn
that Mrs. Mitchell came to this country and lived
with Hamilton's widow, and that she was a sister of
Hamilton's mother. Mr. Peter Lytton was therefore
the brother of Hamilton's mother, and her maiden
name must have been Lytton and not Faucette, unless
there was a second marriage in this instance also,
and the relationship between her and Lytton, there-
fore, only that of the half-blood. Mr. John C. Ham-
ilton says that Hamilton's mother died while Alex-
ander was still a child. Mr. Yard, on the other hand,
who had married into a West Indian family, who was
a close connection of Edward Stevens, Hamilton's
earliest friend and school-fellow, and who was there-
fore in a position to know, says that Hamilton's
mother was living in 1818. The unquestioned re-
semblance between Stevens and Hamilton would be
of no great importance and might readily be dismissed
as accidental were it not for the additional fact that
they were educated, came to this country, and went
to college together, and that, according to Mr. Yard,
Hamilton was brought up in the Stevens family.
Enough has been said to show the cause of the
doubts which have existed as to Hamilton's origin,
and also the reason for the interest and importance
which attach to the Pickering memoranda as the only
evidence we have on the point from Hamilton's con-
temporaries, and which render their publication his-
torically desirable and even necessary. All the evi-


296 APPENDIX.
dence has now been presented so far as I have been
able to collect it, and the readers of this note can
draw conclusions from it as well as I can. The vari-
ous facts from the different sources cannot be rec-
onciled with each other, or formed into a clear and
coherent narrative as they stand, but this is probably
owing to lack of fullness of statement.
The usually accepted version rests on the meagre
statement of Hamilton himself which I have quoted,
and on the vague and unsupported account given by
Mr. John C. Hamilton. It may be said that the au-
thority of Hamilton and of his son is enough on such
a matter, and in the absence of convincing proof to
the contrary, I have so treated it, and fully admitting
the force of this argument, I have accepted their
statement in this biography. As to the question of
- age, Hamilton himself could hardly have been much
mistaken. He says he was sixteen when he came to
this country, and I have no doubt that on any theory
of his parentage this statement is correct, or very
nearly so. He may fairly be accepted as one of the
most remarkable examples of mental precocity of
which we have any knowledge.
In conclusion, let me say more definitely if possible
than I have yet done, that I have discussed this mat-
ter fully, and have printed this note and the Pickering
memoranda, solely because I did not feel that it would
have been honest for a biographer to suppress such
new and important statements, however vague and in-
conclusive, in regard to the birth and parentage of a
man who was so highly distinguished, and who left


APPENDIX. 297
such deep marks of his personal influence upon the
history and institutions of the United States.
NOTE B.
The quarrel between Hamilton and Washington,
which led to the former's leaving the staff of the com-
mander-in-chief, has always been given an importance
which perhaps does not properly belong to it. It has
at all events always been fully discussed by every
one who has had occasion to consider it, and I there-
fore shall be pardoned for adding some facts in re-
gard to it which came to my knowledge after this
volume was in the press. It is well known that
Hamilton was not fully satisfied with his position on
Washington's staff, and that he desired to be appointed
adjutant-general, that he was pressed for this post by
Lafayette (“Memoirs and Correspondence of Lafay-
ette,” vol. i. p. 366), and by General Greene (Ham-
ilton’s “History of the Republic,” vol. i. p. 141), and
that Lafayette subsequently wrote to him in a way
which showed that his resignation from the staff had
been contemplated for some time. (“Memoirs and
Correspondence of Lafayette,” vol. i. p. 302.)
I have been recently informed by a gentleman who
is a most eminent historical authority, and who was a
friend of the late Jared Sparks, that Mr. Sparks told
him of a conversation which he had with Lafayette
on this subject when the latter visited this country in
1825. Lafayette told Mr. Sparks that Hamilton
had pressed Washington for another position; that


298 APPENDIX.
Washington had refused his request, as in the case of
the adjutant-generalship, and that they had had two or
three disagreements growing out of this wish of Ham-
ilton’s before the final breach at New Windsor. This
statement shows that there were causes for the quar-
rel which did not appear on the surface, and that the
separation was neither a new nor a sudden idea upon
Hamilton's part at least.

INIDEX.
-º-
ADAMs, John, elected Vice-Presi-
dent, 83; publishes “Discourses
on Davila,” and is attacked by
Jefferson, 142; Federalist candi-
date for Presidency, 195; elected
to the Presidency, 198; his party
position and relations with Ham-
ilton, 198–200; wishes another ef-
fort for peace with France, 202;
his selection of Commissioners,
203, 204; conduct in affair of
Major-Generals, 206, 207; sus-
pects Hamilton of desire for mil-
itary empire, 215; appointment of
Murray, 217 ; enlarges the com-
mission, 220; orders the envoys
to go, 221; drives Pickering and
McHenry from his Cabinet, 229;
conduct toward, and treatment of
Hamilton, 230, 231; again nomi-
nated for the Presidency, 232; at-
tacked by Hamilton, 233.
Adams, John Quincy, writes es-
says signed “Publicola,” 142.
Adams, Samuel, 75.
André, Major, Hamilton's pity for
and account of, 20.
Annapolis, convention at, 55.
Arnold, Mrs. Benedict, Hamilton's
§erview with and account of,
Asia, British man-of-war, fires on
New York, 101.
Assumption of state debts, excite-
ment about, 120; opposition to,
121, 122; défeated, 123; carried
finally, 129.
BACHE, B. F., supports Genet, 170.
Bancroft, George, doubts as to date
of Hamilton's birth, 285 f.
Benson, Egbert, Hamilton's col-
league at Annapolis, 55.
Bowdoin, James, puts down Shays'
rebellion; efforts for a better
government, 53.
Burr, Aaron, his alliance with the
Livingstons, 82; opinion of Ham-
ilton as a writer, 191, 276; suc-
cess as a ward politician, 226; de-
feats Hamilton, 227; obtains a
copy of Hamilton's pamphlet
against Adams, 233; intrigue for
Presidency, 235; defeated by
Hamilton in intrigues with Fed-
eralists, 246; forces quarrel on
Hamilton ; character of, 247; pre-
pares for the duel, 249; kills
Hamilton, 250.
“CAMILLUs,” Essays of, 191.
Carrington, Col. Edward, letter to
Hamilton in 1793, 254.
“Christian Constitutional Society,”
Hamilton's plan for, 267.
Clinton, George, strength as a local
leader, 52; resists demands of
Congress, 56; leader against Con-
stitution, 66; presides at State
Convention, 71; defeats Hamil-
ton for Congress, 80; defeats
Yates for governorship, 81
Cº. question of device for,
Confederacy, condition of in 1786,
50–52.
Congress, condition of in 1782, 86;
influenced by Luzerne, 38; rec-
ommends grant to States, 40;
threatened by mutineers; thanks
Washington, 42; eagerness to re-
fer matters to Hamilton, 85; re-
solves to fund foreign debt, 117;
effort in, for discrimination in do-
mestic debt, 118; adopts Hamil-
ton's plan for funding domestic
debt and arrears of interest, 120;
defeats assumption, 123; debaté
in, as to device on coins, 130; at-
tack in, on foreign relations, 174.
Cooper, Dr., saved from mob by
Hamilton, 10, 11.



300 INDEX.
-
Croswell, Henry, prosecution of for
libel, 239, 241.
Croucher, cross-examination of, in
murder trial, 242; subsequent
fate, 243, and note.
DAYToN, Jonathan, Hamilton’s let-
ter to, 224.
“Democratic Societies” broken up
by Washington's message, 185.
Duane, James, Hamilton's letter to,
on government, 28.
ENGLAND, treaty with, in 1782, 38;
refuses to carry out treaty on ac-
count of non-payment of British
debts, 48; relations with the
United States in 1789, and subse-
quently, 155; effect of financial
policy upon, 158; war with
France, 161; stupid aggressions
on our commerce, 174, 176; re-
newed during excitement over Jay
treaty, 192; again renewed when
United States on verge of war
with France, 219.
Excise, Hamilton's plan for, 96–99;
resistance to, 1 -
FAUCETTE, Mr., Hamilton's maternal
grandfather, 294.
Fauchet, M., arrives as minister
from France, 179.
“Federalist, The,” value of, 68;
literary merits of, 69.
ederalists carry through funding
of domestic debt, 120; views as to
forms and titles; carry national
bank, 131; development of as a
party, 136; defeat Giles's resolu-
tions of censure, 150; foreign pol-
icy of, while in power, 163; vigor-
ous measures against England,
177; a few come forward at once
$o sustain Jay treaty, 190; possi-
ble candidates of, for Presidency
in 1796, 194; enthusiasm against
France, %3; strong measures
#". France; popular support,
206; feeling of, in regard to ap-
pointment of Major-Generals, 207;
effect of appointment of second
peace commission upon, 218; an-
ger against President; held in
check by Hamilton, 330; results
of their foreign policy, 221; re-
sults of their political supremacy,
222; give general support to alien
and sedition laws, 223; dissen-
sions among, 225; defeated in
Presidential election; intrigues
with Burr, 235; secession move-
ment among, in New England,
§ devotion of, to Hamilton,
ſ
“Fenno's Gazette,” organ of Fed-
eralists, 143.
Fleming, Major, commands volun-
tº: corps joined by Hamilton,
France, attitude towards the Con-
federacy, 51; relations with
United States in 1789, and subse-
quently, 155; public opinion in
United States as to revolution in,
159, 160; war with England, 161;
treatment of first peace commis-
sion, 205; second mission to, 217;
Freneau, Philip, becomes editor bł
the “National Gazette,” 148; at-
tacked by Hamilton, 145; sup-
ports Genet, 170.
GALLATIN, Albert, deserted in Con-
gress on publication of X. Y. Z.
letters, 205.
Gates, Horatio, character; attitude
after surrender of Burgoyne;
Hamilton's mission to, 18, 19.
Genet, Edmond Charles, arrival of,
165; his character; fits out priva-
teers; journey to Philadelphia,
167; sends out the “Little Sa-
rah; ” strives for money for
France, 169; excites agitation in
United States, 170; becomes more
violent, 171; appeals to people
against Washington, 172; replaced
by Fauchet, 179.
Gerry, Elbridge, peace commis-
sioner to France, 20
Giles, William B., heads attack on
Hamilton in Congress, 148; intro-
duces resolutions of censure, and
is defeated, 150; discomfited by
X. Y. Z. letters, 205.
Greene, Nathanael, likes Hamilton,
and introduces him to Washing-
ton, 13.
HAMILTON, Alexander, birth, 1; edu-
cation; business, 2; writes an ac-
count of hurricane; leaves West
Indies for Boston and New York,
8; school and college, 4, 5; es-
pouses the cause of the Colonies,
6; speaks to the people at the
meeting in the field, 7; writes
two pamphlets on colonial side,
8; their success; declines offers




INDEX.
301
from Tories, 9; joins volunteer
corps; resists patriot mobs, 10,
11; raises and takes command of
an artillery company, 12; meets
Greene and Washington; covers
retreat at Long island, 13; on the
Hudson and in New Jersey; be-
comes a member of Washington's
staff, 14; his views as to his new
position; his duties as an aide,
15; his share in Washington's
military correspondence, 16, 17;
merits of his work as secretary;
sent North for reënforcements,
18; mission to Gates, 19; sent to
meet French at Newport; meet-
ing with Mrs. Arnold and with
André, 20; quarrels with Wash-
ington, 21, 22; leaves Washing-
ton's staff; storms British re-
doubt at Yorktown, 23; leaves
the army, 24; his friendships in
the army, and with the French
offigers, 25; his character as a
soldier, 26; letter to Robert Mor-
ris on the currency and a bank,
27; letter to Duane on the gov-
ernment, 28; to Sears on govern-
ment, 2. icond letter to Morris,
30; marriage with Miss Schuyler,
82; studies law, 33; declines to
be commissioner of French loan,
34; appointed receiver of taxes
for New York; his services in that
capacity, 35; elected to Congress,
86; energy of his efforts for in-
provement, 37; course as to treaty
of peace, 38; efforts to obtain an
impost from Rhode Island, 39;
opposes the policy of recommend-
ing a grant, 40; efforts in behalf
of the army, 41, 42; urges mak-
ing debates public; withdraws
from Congress, 48; his standing
and effect in Congress, 44; effect
of Congress upon the conserva-
tive tendencies of his mind, 45;
beginning of his distrust of de-
mocracy, 46; defends loyalist cli-
ent against Trespass Act, 47; ad-
vocates justice to loyalists in
pamphlets,48; opposes land bank
scheme; aids in foundation of
Cincinnati, 49; exertions for rep-
resentation at Annapolis, 54; ser-
vices at Annapolis; drafts ad-
dress, 55; elected to the legis-
lature; defeated by Clinton in
efforts to sustain Congress, 56;
obtains representation at consti-
tutional convention in Philadel-
phia, and is chosen a delegate,
57; in the Philadelphia conven!
tion, 58; his speech, 59; his plan
of government, 60; its leading
features, 61; object of his speech,
62; withdraws from debates, and
awaits result of convention, 63;
gives his adhesion to the consti.
tution, 64; begins the “Federal-
ist,” 66; share in writing “Feder-
alist,” 67.5 as a literary man, 70;
services in state convention of
New York, 71; again elected to
Congress, 73; his eloquence and
his victory in the New York Con-
vention, 74–77; character of his
eloquence, 77–80; defeated for re-
election to Congress, 80; sup-
ports Yates for governor, 81; in-
sists upon election of King as
Senator, 82; appointed Secretary
of the Treasury, 84; enters upon
his duties, 85; numerous matters
referred to him, 86; organization
of Treasury Department, 87; the
first report on the public credit,
88; objects of the report, 89–91;
plans for funding, 92; the differ-
ent classes of debts, 94; report
on the excise, 96; report on the
national bank, 99; argument in
favor of constitutionality of na-
tional bank, 104; supports the
doctrine of the implied powers of
the constitution, 105; report on
the mint, 106; monetary stand-
ard, 107; coinage, 108; report on
manufactures, fö3, 132; his opin-
ions on protection and free trade,
109–114; character of the finan-
cial policy, 115; argument against
discrimination, 1.19; forces relied
on to carry assumption, 122; de-
termines to save assumption by
giving up site of federal city,
I23; selects Jefferson to help
him, 125; arrangement with Jef-
ferson, 127; absurdity of charge
that he duped Jefferson, 128; car-
ries assumption, 129; suggestion
for device on coins, 130; carries
national bank, 131, 182; treat-
ment of speculation, 133; mistake
as to rate of interest, 133, 134;
completion of the financial policy,
135; comes as leader to Federal-
ists, 136; development of hostility
to him and Federalists, 187; is at-
tacked by opposition, and called


302
INDEX.
“British,” 138; power attributed
to, by opposition, 139; dissension
begins in the cabinet, 140; con-
cludes that Jefferson and Madi-
son are organizing party against
him, 143; replies to criticism of
Mason, 144; attacks Freneau and
Jefferson, 145; replies to Wash-
ington's remonstrance, 147; meas-
ures for redemption of debt, 148;
attack upon him in Congress, 149;
his defence, 150; effects of his vic.
tory, 151,152; his policy as to first
steps to establish proper foreign
relations, 155; his views as to for-
eign policy, 156; as to different
nations, 157; effect of financial
policy on England, 157; takes
part in negotiations with Ham-
mond, 158; loses sympathy with
French revolution, 160; sends for
Washington on news of war be-
tween England and France; feel-
ing as to the two countries, 161 ;
opinion as to policy of United
States as between belligerents,
162; share in neutrality policy,
163; views as to reception of min.
ister, and as to treaties, 164–166;
views as to French privateers and
prizes, 167, 168; urges strong
measures in case of the Little
Sarah, 168; rebuffs Genet in at-
tempts to anticipate payments,
169, 170; writes “Pacificus,” in
support of neutrality policy, 171;
urges peremptory demand for re-
call of Genet, and publication of
correspondence, 172; course in
these complications, 173; opposes
sending to Congress correspond-
ence with Hammond, 175; replies
to Madison on discriminating du-
*ies through Smith, 176; urges
vigorous policy against England,
176; suggests special mission to
England, and is urged as commis-
sioner, 177; drafts Jay's instruc-
tions, 178; fitness of, for mission,
179; distrust of democracy in-
creased by troubles with France,
180; deals with resistance to ex-
cise, 181; wishes to take strong
measures, 182; efficiency in sup-
pression of insurrection, 183; for-
bearance toward insurgents, 184;
sustains Washington in denuncil
ation of “Democratic Societies,”
185; demands further inquiry
into his conduct; leaves the cabi-
net, 186; opinion as to public
feeling about Jay's negotiation,
188; reported opinion as to treaty.
189; attempts to speak at public
meeting in defence of the treaty,
190; writes “Camillus’’ in de-
fence of the treaty, 191; indig-
nant with England, 192; advises
with and sustains Washington as
to ratification of Jay treaty, 193;
qualifications for candidacy for
Presidency, 194; has no desire to
be a candidate, 195; urges policy
of voting equally for Adams and
Pinckney, 196; preference for
Pinckney, 197; relations with
Adams, 1983 opinion of Adams,
199; Hamilton easy to deal with,
200; attempt to force Adams
through cabinet and leaders in
Congress, 201; urges special mis-
sion to France, 202; views as to
composition of peace commission,
203; wishes strong instructions,
204; affair of the Major-Generals,
206, 207; his conduct, 208; or-
ganization of the army, 209; ad-
vises Secretaries of War, Navy,
and Treasury, 210; excellence of
his work of organization, 211;
plan for campaign, and views as
to control of Mississippi and con-
quest of Louisiana, 212, 213; de-
sires an ascendant for the United
States in North and South Amer-
ica, 214; relations with Miranda,
215, 216; does not wish alliancé
with England, 218; his theory of
policy to be pursued at this time,
219; checks extreme Federalists,
and advises strengthening of the
commission, 220; urges delay
upon Adams, 221; opposes first
drafts of alien and sedition laws,
223; but sustains their principle,
and urges a spirited policy, 224;
hostility to Kentucky and Wir-
ginia resolutions, 225; throws
himself into New York elections,
226; defeated by Burr ; proposi-
tion to Jay, 227; nature of this
proposition, and its bad charac-
ter, 228; inquiries of Adams as to
charge of “British Faction,” 230;
urges an equal vote for Adams
and Charles Pinckney ; preference
for the latter, 232; attacks Adams,
233; relations with Adams's cab-
inet, 234; resistance to Burr, and
to efforts of Federalists to make


INDEX. 303
-
Burr President, 236; absorption
in his profession, and increased
success, 237; position as a law-
yer, 238; the Croswell case, 239–
1; the murder trial and cross-
examination of Croucher, 242;
effectiveness with a jury, 243;
character of his eloquence, 244;
gradual withdrawal from politics,
but continues the leader of the
Federalists, 245; baffles Burr's in-
trigues with the Federalists, 246;
accepts Burr's challenge, 247; re-
lations with Burr under the
“code,” 248; generosity to Burr;
prepares for the duel, 249; mor-
tally wounded; death, 250; state-
ment of reasons against fighting,
251; opinions which led him to
believe it necessary to fight, 252;
fears about results of French rev-
olution in 1789, 253; inquiries as
to public sentiment in Virginia,
254; belief in existence of dan-
gerous elements in the United
States, 255; grounds of opposition
to French revolution, 256; fears
outbreaks in New York, 95% Ila-
tional spirit in foreign policy,
258, 259; opposed to hasty alli-
ange with England; refuses ap-
pointment to the Senate, 260;
danger of French influence, 261;
dislike of geographical parties,
262; reliance on the army; ad-
vises energetic policy in 1799,
263; wishes to prosecute a news-
paper for libel, 264; despond-
ency; letter to Morris, 265; pol-
icy for Federalists in 1802, 266;
plan for a “Christian Constitu-
tional Society,” 267, 268; appeal
to New England Federalists
against secession, 269; nature of
the crisis which he apprehended,
270; a victim to reaction against
French revolutionary principles,
271; personal appearance, 272,
278; beloved in private life; gen:
erosity, 274; self-confidence; let-
ter to the Senate, 275; strength of
his passions; opinion of his abili-
ties held by his opponents, 276;
devotion of his party; lack of
skill in managing men, 278; in-
dependence and courage; Rey-
nolds pamphlet, 279; nature of
his ambition, 280; his achieve-
ments; representative of ideas;
opposition to democracy, 281; in-
tensity of his national feeling,
282; influence upon our history
and institutions, 283; his position
in history, 284; question as to
birth and parentage, 284–297;
leaving Washington’s staff not a
sudden idea, 297.
Hamilton, James, brother of Alex-
ander, 288.
Hamilton, John C., account of his
father's birth and parentage
Hammond, George, arrives as min
ister from England, 158.
Hancock, John, strength as a local
leader, 52; resignation of gov-
ernorship, 53; at convention, 75.
Higginson, Stephen, unites with
Hamilton in opposing policy of
recommending grants, 40.
IMPLIED powers of the Constitution,
Hamilton's defence of, 105.
JAY, JoHN, assists Hamilton in writ-
ing “Federalist,” 67; supports
Hamilton in state convention, 71;
sent as special commissioner to
England, 178; popular demon-
strations against his appointment,
188; popular feeling against his
treaty, 189; his treaty ratified,
193; candidacy for Presidency,
194, 195; refuses to accede to
Hamilton's proposition. 227.
Jefferson, Thomas, arrival in Amer-
ica, 125; uncertain as to course
to adopt, 126; helps Hamilton to
carry assumption, 127 ; his ex-
planation of the affair, 128; ar-
gues against constitutionality of
national bank; plan of “allow-
ances,” 132; assumes leadership
of opposition, 139, 140; secret
hostilities against administration
and building up of opposition,
141; attacks, John Adams, 142;
founds “National Gazette,” 143;
insinuations to Washington, 143,
144; attacked by Hamilton, 145;
feels the attacks keenly, 146; re-
ply to Washington's remon-
strance, 147; plans attack on
Hamilton's character, 148; dis-
appointment at his failure, 152;
failure to obtain commercial trea-
ty when in France, 155; love for
France and hatred of England,
161; desires close connection with
France, 166; opposes compensa-

304
INDEX.
tion for French prizes, 168; fee-
bleness in case of the Little
Sarah, , 169; intercourse with
Genet, 171-174; objects to appeal
to people, 172; course in troubles
with Genet, 173; defeated as to
calling Congress, 174; correspond-
ence with Genet and Hammond
and report on commerce : leaves
cabinet, 175; opposes proclama-
tion against excise, 182; disturbed
by essays of “Camillus,” 191;
elected Vice-President, jjī; OWer-
whelmed by publication of X. Y.
Z. letters, 205; draws Kentucky
resolutions, 225; determines on
ruin of Burr, 246; opinion as to
Hamilton’s abilities, 276; skill in
managing men, 278; ideas repre-
sented by, 283.
KENT, JAMEs, description of Hamil-
ton in the Croswell case, 240;
opinion as to Hamilton’s abili-
ties, 277.
Kººky, resolutions of, in 1799,
King, Rufus, chosen Senator from
New York, 82; consulted by Ham-
ilton as to Miranda, 216.
Knox, Henry, urges strong measures
in case of the Little Sarah, 168;
conduct in affair of Major-Gen-
erals, 207.
Knox, Hugh Dr., friend and adviser
of Hamilton, 3.
LA FAYETTE, MARQUIS DE, account
of Hamilton's leaving Washing-
ton’s staff, 297.
Lansing, John, Jr., chosen delegate
to Philadelphia Convention, 57;
leaves Philadelphia Convention,
63; opposes constitution in state
convention, 71.
Laurens, John, Colonel, admiration
of Hamilton's writings, 17; Ham-
ilton withdraws in his favor for
§ºmissionership of French loan,
Lewis, Morgan, opposes election of
King as Senator, 82; decision in
Croswell case, .239, 240; elected
Governor of New York, 246.
Little Sarah, case of the, 168.
Livingston, Robert R., plan for a
land bank, 49; supports Hamil-
ton in state convention, 71.
Livingstons, their opposition to the
election of King as Senator, 82.
Long Island, Hamilton at battle of,
1
Lytton, Peter, Hamilton's uncle,
294.
MADISON, JAMES, his standing in
Congress in 1782, 36; assists in
writing “Federalist,” 67; advo-
cates discrimination in domestic
debt; begins to separate from
Federalists, 119; argues against
constitutionality of national
bank; plan of allowances, 132;
helps Jefferson organize opposi-
tion, 143; plans attack on Hamil-
ton, 148; votes for resolutions of
censure, 150; resolutions for dis-
criminating duties, 175; resists
-election of Hamilton for English
mission, 178; unwilling to write
against Hamilton, 191.
Manufactures, Hamilton’s report
on, 108–114.
Marshall, John, opinion as to con-
stitutionality of national bank
104; peace commissioner to
France, 203; return from France,
205; sustains Adams, 225; ranks
Hºmilton next to Washington,
Maryland, convention with Wir-
ginia, 54.
Mason, Colonel, his criticism on
Washington’s administration, 143.
Massachusetts, movement in for a
better general government, 53;
constitutional convention in, 75.
McHenry, James, his account of
Hamilton in Congress, 43; leans
on Hamilton for advice in French
war, 210.
Mº Hamilton's report on the,
06.
Miranda, Francisco de, plans for
revolution in South America, 214;
relations with Hamilton, 215, 216.
Mitchell Mrs., aunt of Hamilton,
289, 292, 294.
“Monroe Doctrine,” established by
Yºhington's administration, 153,
6
Monroe, James, opposes selection of
Hamilton for mission to England,
178; career in France, 201; con-
nection with the “Reynolds' af-
fair, 279.
Morris, Gouverneur, opinion of
Hamilton's speech in Philadel-
phia convention, 59; warns Ham-
ilton of difficulties of Treasury



INDEX.
305
|
ſ
Department, 84; opinion as to
importance of finance, 115.
Morris, Robert, Hamilton's letter
on currency to, 27; Hamilton's
Second letter to, on bank, 30; ap-
points Hamilton receiver of taxes
for New York, 35 ; urges Hamil-
ton for Secretary of Treasury, 84.
Murray, William Vans, peace com-
missioner to France, 217.
NATIONAL BANK, Hamilton's report
on, 99; Hamilton’s argument in
favor of its constitutionality, 104;
carried, 131; struggle over, in
cabinet, 132.
“National Gazette,” founded and
attacks administration, 143.
Newburgh, condition of army at,
and addresses from, 41.
New Jersey, gives general powers to
Annapolis delegates, 55.
New Windsor, Hamilton's quarrel
with Washington at, 21.
New York, feeling in, against the
Tories, 46; selfishness of, in re-
gård to general government, 54;
importance of adhesion of, to Con-
stitution, 65; party feeling in, as
to constitution, 66; state con-
vention of, 71; difficulties of car-
rying constitution in, 74, 75;
unrepresented in first electoral
college and Congress, 81; efforts
of Burr to get control of, 246.
Nicholas, John, amendment for hos-
tile discrimination against Eng-
land, 176.
North Carolina, opposition of, to
constitution, 76; resistance to ox-
cise, 181; ceases, 182.
“PACIFICUs,” essays of, 171.
Pennsylvania, fails to protect Con-
gress against mutineers, 42; re-
sistance to excise, 181; becomes
more violent, 182; lost to Feder-
alists, 226.
Philadelphia, constitutional con-
vention at, in 1787, 57,
Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth, min-
ister to France, refused a recep-
tion, 201; peace commissioner to
France, 253; conduct in affair of
Major-Generals, 207; nominated
for Vice-Presidency, 333; conduct
at Presidential election, 235.
Pinckney, Thomas, qualifications
for candidacy for Presidency, 194;
Federalist *; for Wice-
Presidency, 195, 196; defeated for
Vice-Presidency, 197.
Pickering, Timothy, leader of most
extreme war-Federalists, 202; at-
tacks upon Adams; driven from
cabinet, 229; memoranda as to
Hamilton's parentage, 289.
“Publius,” essays of, 66.
Putnam, Israel, General, hurried
forward with his troops by Ham-
ilton, 19.
RANDOLPH, EDMUND, at Annapolis
convention, 55; argues against
constitutionality of bank, 132.
Republicans, name assumed by op-
position, 141.
Reynolds, Mrs., affair of, 279.
Rivington, printer, destruction of
his press, 11.
Rhode Island, refuses to grant im-
post, 39; refuses to call constitu-
tional convention, 76.
SCHUYLER, MISS ELIZABETH, receives
from Hamilton an account of
Mrs. Arnold and of André, 20;
marries Hamilton, 32.
Schuyler, General Philip, position
and character, 32; his offers to
assist Hamilton, 33; elected Sen-
ator from New York, 82.
Sears, Isaac, Hamilton's letter to,
on government, 29.
Shays' rebellion in Massachusetts,
Smith, Melancthon, heads opposi-
tion to constitution in New York
state convention, 71; convinced
by Hamilton, 73.
Smith, William, speech on discrimi-
nating duties, 176.
Smith, William, Colonel, Adams
; Hamilton’s assistance for,
230.
Spain, attitude toward the confed-
eracy, 51; relations with United
i.e. in 1789 and subsequently,
55. -
Spencer, Ambrose, opinion of, as
to Hamilton's abilities, 276. ,
Stevens, Edward, Hamilton's letter
to, 2.; resemblance to Hamilton,
289 f., 295.
TALLEYRAND, CHARLES MAURIGE DE,
alarmed at attitude of United
States and seeks peace, 217.
Thurman, life of, saved by Hamil-
ton, 11.
306
INDEX.
“Travis's mob,” 11.
Trenton and Princeton, Hamilton
in campaign of, 14.
Troup, Robert, helps Hamilton to
save Dr. Cooper, 10; warns Ham-
ilton of difficulties of Treasury
Department, 84.
UNITED STATEs, foreign relations of,
153 ff.; opinion as to French rev-
olution at its opening, 159; change
of opinion, 160; excitement in,
caused by Genet, 170; excitement
in, om reception of Jay's treaty,
189; indigmation in, on publica-
tion of X. Y. Z. letters, 205; feel-
% in, on death of Hamilton,
VIRGINIA, withdraws from impost,
40; efforts for retaliation upon
England, 53; convention with
Maryland; resolutions for con-
vention at Annapolis, 54; con-
vention of, to adopt constitution,
75; resistance to excise, 181;
ceases, 182; resolutions of, in
iigg, 325.
WASHINGTON, city of, question of
site for, 124; fixed on Potomac,
Washington, Fort, Hamilton’s offer
to storm it, 14.
Washington, George, Hamilton pre-
sented to him, 13; invites Ham-
ilton to join his staff, 14; mili-
tary correspondence, 16, 17; sends
to Gates for troops, 18; approves
Hamilton’s conduct of mission to
Gates, 20; treatment of Hamilton
when the latter quarrels with
him, 21; and subsequently, 22;
and at Yorktown, 23; efforts in
behalf of the army ; checks
movement against government at
Newburgh, 41; influence in Vir-
ginia, 75; elected President, 83;
decision as to national bank, 182;
said to have been blinded by
Hamilton, 139; submits Mason's
criticism to Hamilton, 144; troub-
led by Hamilton’s attack upon
Jefferson, and remonstrates with
both, 147; his foreign policy,
153, 154; loses sympathy with
French revolution, 160; neutral-
ity policy, 163; adopts Hamilton's
opinions as to French prizes and
privateers, 168; indignation at
escape of the Little Sarah, 169;
sympathizes with Hamilton about
Genet, 173; transmits to Congress
Hammond correspondence, 175;
approves plan of special mission
to England, 177; wishes to send
Hamilton but appoints Jay, 178;
issues proclamation against ex-
cise, 182; puts down “whiskey re-
bellion,” 183; denounces “Demo-
cratic Societies,” 185; composure
in midst of excitement about
Jay treaty, 190, 192; ratifies the
treaty, 193; withdraws from poli-
tics, 194; relations with Hamil-
ton, 200; appointed commander-
in-chief of provisional army;
opinion as to rank of officers, 206;
forces Adams to give Hamilton
the first place, 208.
Webster, Daniel, compared to Ham-
ilton, 277. -
West Point, betrayal of, 20; ques.
tion of purchase of, referred to
Hamilton, 86; Hamilton's plan
for an academy, 210.
“Whiskey rebellion,” the, 181 ff.
Wºº, Plains, Hamilton at battle
OI, 14.
“X. Y. Z.” correspondence sent to
Congress, 204.
YARD, JAMEs, account of Hamil-
ton's birth and parentage, 289 f
Yates, Chief Justice, chosen dele-
gate to Philadelphia convention,
57 ; leaves Philadelphia conven-
tion, 63; opposes constitution in
state convention, 71; nominated
for governor by Federalists, 81
Yorktown, Hamilton at siege of, 28

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Henry D. Thoreau.
Walden. 12mo, $1.50.
A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers. $1.50.
Excursions in Field and Forest. 12mo, $1.50.
The Maine Woods. 12mo, $1.50.
Cape Cod. 12mo, $1.50.
Letters to various Persons. 12mo, $1.50.
A Yankee in Canada. 12mo, $1.50.
Early Spring in Massachusetts. 12mo, $1.5o.
George Ticknor.
History of Spanish Literature. 3 vols. 8vo, $10 Oo
Life, Letters, and Journals. Portraits. 2 vols. 8vo, $6.00.
Cheaper edition. 2 vols. I2mo, $4 oo.
º
Standard and Popular Library Books. 15
J. T. Trowbridge.
A Home Idyl. $1.25. The Vagabonds. $1.25.
The Emigrant's Story. 16mo, $1.25.
Voltaire.
History of Charles XII. Crown 8vo, $2.25.
Lew Wallace.
The Fair God. 12mo, $1.50.
George E. Waring, Jr.
Whip and Spur. $1.25. A Farmer's Vacation, $3.00.
Village Improvements. Illustrated. 75 cents.
The Bride of the Rhine. Illustrated. $1.50.
Charles Dudley Warner.
My Summer in a Garden. 16mo, $1.00. Illustrated, $1.50.
Saunterings. 18mo, $1.25.
Back-Log Studies. Illustrated. $1.50.
Baddeck, and that Sort of Thing. $1.00.
My Winter on the Nile. 12mo, $2.00.
In the Levant. 12mo, $2.00.
Being a Boy. Illustrated. $1.50.
In the Wilderness. 75 cents.
William A. Wheeler.
Dictionary of the Noted Names of Fiction. $2.00.
Edwin P. Whipple.
Works. Critical Essays. 6 vols., $9.00.
Richard Grant White.
Every-Day English. 12mo, $2.00.
Words and their Uses. 12mo, $2.00.
England Without and Within. 12mo, $2.00.
Shakespeare's Complete Works, 3 vols, cr. 8vo. (In Press.)
Mrs. A. D. T. Whitney.
Faith Gartney's Girlhood. 12mo, $1.50.
Hitherto, 12mo, $1.50.
Patience Strong's Outings. 12mo, $1.50.
The Gayworthys. 12mo, $1.50.
º

16 Houghton, Mifflin and Co.'s Catalogue.
Leslie Goldthwaite.
We Girls.
Real Folks.
The Other Girls.
Sights and Insights.
Odd or Even. $1.50.
Illustrated.
Illustrated.
Illustrated.
Illustrated. 12mo, $1.50.
12mo, $1.50.
I2mo, $1.50.
12mo, $1.50.
2 vols. 12mo, $3.00.
Boys at Chequasset. $1.50.
Pansies. Square 16mo, $1.50.
Just How. I6mo, $1.00.
John G. Whittier.
Poems. Household Edition. Portrait. $2.00.
Cambridge Edition. Portrait. 3 vols. crown 8vo, $6.75:
Red-Zine Edition. Portrait. I2 illustrations. $2.50.
Axiamond AEdition. 18mo, $1.o.o.
Zibrary Edition. Portrait. 32 illustrations. 8vo, $4.00.
Prose Works. Cambridge Edition. 2 vols. $4.50.
John Woolman's Journal. Introduction by Whittier. $1.50.
Child Life in Poetry. Selected by Whittier. Illustrated.
$2.25. Child Life in Prose. $2.25.
Songs of Three Centuries. Selected by J. G. Whittier.
Aousehold Edition. 12mo, $2.00. Illustrated Zibrary
Edition. 32 illustrations. $4.00.
Justin Winsor.
Reader’s Handbook of the American Revolution.
$1.25.
I6mo,
A catalogue containing portraits of many of the above
authors, with a description of their works, will be sent
free, on application, to any address.
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY, BosTON, MAss




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