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I
THE
HAKLUYT
SOCIETY
VOYAGES
OF
RUSSIA

ARTES
18 17
SCIENTIA
VERITAS
LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
པས ན ་ ཚ ང་ུ;
TUEBOR
QUERIS-PENINSULAM AMIE NAM
CIRCUMSPICE
T
C
161
.H2
ser. I
no. 73
WORKS ISSUED BY
The Hakluyt Society.
EARLY VOYAGES AND TRAVELS
TO
RUSSIA AND PERSIA
No. LXXIII.
EARLY
3863-4
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS
TO
RUSSIA AND PERSIA
BY
ANTHONY JENKINSON
AND OTHER ENGLISHMEN.
WITH
SOME ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST INTERCOURSE OF THE ENGLISH WITH
RUSSIA AND CENTRAL ASIA BY WAY OF THE CASPIAN SEA.
Edited by
E. DELMAR
MORGAN,
MEMBER OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY;
AND
С. Н. СООТЕ,
OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
M.DCCC.LXXXVI.
LONDON:
WHITING AND CO., SARDINIA STREET, LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS.
RENEWAL OF PETITIONS BY JENKINSON AND
SIR H. GILBERT RELATING TO DISCOVERY
TOWARDS CATHAY.
[ANTHONY LENKINSON TO SIR W. CECIL.¹]
PLEASETH it your honour that wheras I did of long tyme sue
to haue the passage discouered to Cataia, and as yet neuer
had any direct answere of the same. Mr. Gilbert and I
(hauinge sins sondry tymes discoursed therof, and nothing
doubting the good successe) do meane (God willing) to make
tryall of the same at our owne costes and charges, with the
help of such as by our procurement shall assist vs in that
behalf, yf it maye please her maiestie to prevelige vs for the
terme of our lyves or the longer lyver of either of vs, accord-
inge to the articles hereafter following.
First, none to go to any parte of the worlde through the
passage by vs, or by our order discouered, vppon payne of
confiscation of bodye, goodes and landes, to vs and our vses,
during our lyues or the longer lyuer of either of vs, according
to the priuelege of all our discoueryes.
Secondlye, ourselues to trade costome free without any pre-
scrybed some, and all such as are lynially discended of eyther
of our houses from our fathers to be fre for euer, and to
1 ¹ S. P., Dom. Add. Eliz., xiii, 69. This letter, transcribed from the
original at the S. P. Office, bears no date. In the calendar of this
series, the year 1567 and month February are hypothetically assigned
to it. The document bears internal evidence, however, of having been
written early in 1566, before Jenkinson started on his third voyage to
Russia. The allusion here to a conference between our traveller and
Sir Humphrey Gilbert on the subject of a voyage of discovery to
the North-East will be dealt with in Gilbert's petition and chapter
8 of his discourse. (See infra, pp. 180-182.)
N
178
JENKINSON TO CECIL.
trafficke their owne stockes, or to the som of five hondreth
pownds stocke of any other mans without paing any costome.
Thirdly, that all they that shalbe fre of this viage shall,
towards the recoueringe of ther fyrst charge, paye no
manor of costome for any kind of marchandise that they do
bringe from any place through this our discouered passage,
duringe the space of twenty-one yers, Hir Maiestie allways
to be answered the ordynary costome of all marchandise
transported from any her Domynions.
And I haue conferred with Mr. Gilbert not only to sollicyt
the same to your honor in bothe our behalfes, but also haue
taken order for the furnishing of the same vyage in everye
respect ageynst my retorne,1 most humbly beseching your
honor to further the same, beinge to the great honor and
profit of the quenes Maiestie and our contrye without any
charge to her highnes.
Endorsed: A. Ienkynson, for the passage into the Cathia,
which shalbe discovered by him.
HUMPHREY GILBERT TO THE QUEEN.
[Nov. 1566.]
To the Quenes most excellent maiestie our dread
souereign ladie, &c., &c.2
PLEASETH it your maiestie That whereas of longe tyme, there
hath bin nothinge saide or done concerninge the discoueringe
of a passage by the Northe,3 to go to Cataia and all other the
1 From his voyage to Russia, infra, p. 189.
2 Brit. Mus., Birch MS. 4159, fol. 175.
3 This petition serves to show that Gilbert was never wholly of
one mind with Jenkinson; this is confirmed by the substitution of
north for north-east, and by his final reversion to his original idea of
a passage by the north-west, as set forth in the extract from his Dis-
course given below.-Cf. Cal. S. P., Col. Series, Nos. 9 and 11.
GILBERT TO THE QUEEN.
179
vast partes of the worlde, Theise are moste humblie to
beseche your maiestie that I maie haue the same preueledges
accordinge to the articles followeinge, And I nothinge doubt-
inge the good successe, doe meane God willinge, to make tryall
thereof, at myne owne costes and charges, with the helpe of
my freindes and suche as by my procurement will assiste me
in that behalf, hoping that your highnes will farther the same,
Beinge to the greate honor and strength, both of your maiestie,
and also your realme, withoute burdeninge of eyther, or
Iniuringe any Christian prince, by crossinge any of them, in
any theire trades or otherwyse, etc. etc.
1. Ffirst, none to go, or by any aduenture, or procurement,
to furnyshe, or sett forthe any others, to passe to any parte of
the worlde, through this vndiscouered passage, uppon paine
of confyscation of the goodes (so aduentured) to my vse,
with farther punyshment at your maiesties pleasure, Except
suche as shalbe by me duringe my lyff made free thereof,
And the same to extend to them and all the heires of theire
bodies for euer.
2. Secondly, my selfe and my ii brothers, duringe the
naturall lives of vs and all those that shall lyneally dyscend
and succead any off vs, to aduenture in the same, for euer
from tyme to tyme, at our pleasures, Annsweringe all customes
accordinge to the rates now vsed and not otherwyse.
3. Thirdly, that I maie haue to my vse the vst. parte of the
customes of the marchaundize restoured by meanes of this.
Discouerye.¹
¹ In the same month (Nov. 1566) Thomas Champneys writes to the
Queen and Sir Wm. Cecil from Naples on the subject of the discovery
of Cathay, saying that he had heard of Jenkinson's travels, and of his
having been obliged to turn back, but that he (Champneys) had met
with a gentleman who had great experience in those countries, who
was ready to undertake to travel for her Majesty, "and so to pratise
with the great Cane himself that not onelie the contrie discovered
bothe by sea and lande, and wich waie your navigation maie be brought
thyther but also to conclude a traficque betwene the Cane and you
wherbie your Maiestie shall haue the commoditie of all his contrie.
."-Cal. S. P., Dom. Eliz., vol. xli; and Hatf. MS., C.P., No. 88.
N 2
180
GILBERT'S DISCOURSE.
The North-
west pass-
ed vnto.
Certaine reasons alledged for the proouing of a pass-
age by the Northeast, before the Queenes Maiestie, and certaine
Lordes of the Counsell, [by Master Anthonie Ienkinson,]
with my seueral answeres¹ then vsed to the same.
CAP. 8.
BECAUSE you may vnderstand as well those things alleaged
against mee, as what doth serue for my purpose, I haue here
added the reasons of [M. Anthonie Ienkinson] a woorthie
gentleman, and a great traueller, who conceiued a better hope
of the passage to Cataia from vs, to be by the Northeast, then
by the Northwest.
He first said² that hee thought not to the contrary, but that
age assent there was a passage by the Northwest, according to mine.
opinio but assured he was that there might be found a
Nauigable passage by the Northeast from England, to goe to
all the East parts of the world, which he endeuoured to pro-
cure three wayes.
The first
reason.
The answer
or resolu-
tion.
The first was that he heard a Fisherman of Tartaria say in
hunting the Morce,³ that he sailed very farre towards the
Southeast, finding no ende of the Sea: whereby he hoped a
thorow passage to be that way.
Whereunto I answered, that the Tartarians were a barbarous
people, and vtterly ignorant in the Arte of Nauigation, not
knowing the vse of the Sea Carde, Compasse or Starre, which
1 The "certaine reasons and several answeres" are contained in
"A discourse for a new passage to Cataia", written by Sir Humphrey
Gilbert, and edited by Geo. Gascoigne, the poet, London, 1576. This
was afterwards reprinted in Hakluyt (1589, pp. 606-7), with Jenkin-
son's name inserted in chap. 8 as above. But Jenkinson is referred
to by name in chap. 2 of the original work as "a man of rare
vertue, great travaile, and experience".
2 Ante, p. 163.
3 Morse, Russian for walrus. These animals were formerly found
in great numbers off the coasts of Spitzbergen and Scandinavia,
whence they have now completely disappeared.
GILBERT'S DISCOURSE.
181
hee confessed true: and therefore they could not (said I) cer-
tainly know the Southeast from the Northeast, in a wide sea,
and a place vnknowen from the sight of the land.
Or if he sailed any thing neere the shore, yet hee (being
ignorant) might bee deceiued by the doubling of many points
and capes, and by the trending of the land, albeit he kept
continually alongst the shore.
nonnun-
tur in suo
And further, it might be that the poore Fisherman through
simplicitie, thought that there was nothing that way but Sea, Visus
because he sawe no land: which proofe (vnder correction) quam falli-
giueth small assurance of a Nauigable Sea by the Northeast obiecto.
to goe rounde about the worlde, For that he iudged by the eye
onely, seeing wee in this our cleare ayre doe account twentie
miles a ken at Sea.
reason or
His second reason is, that there was an Vnicornes horne The second
found vpon the coast of Tartaria, which could not come (sayd allegation.
he) thither by any other meanes then with the tides, through
some fret¹ in the Northeast of Mare Glaciale, there being
no Vnicorne in any part of Asia, sauing in India and Cataia,
which reason (in my simple iudgement) forceth as litle.
or resolu-
First it is doubtfull whether those barbarous Tartarians do The answer
know an Vnicornes horne, yea, or no; and if it were one, yet tion.
it is not credible that the Sea could haue driuen it so farre,
beyng of such nature that it will not swimme.
Also the tides running too & fro, would haue driuen it as
farre backe with the ebbe, as it brought it forward with the
floud.
There is also a beast called Asinus Indicus (whose horne
most like it was) which hath but one horne like an Vnicorne²
in his forehead, whereof there is great plentie in all the
1 Fret, from the Latin fretum, a strait.
2 An allusion to that fabulous animal which has been the subject of
speculation in all parts of Asia, from the Arctic Seas to the Indian
Ocean, and which now took the form of a wild ass, now of a deer or
antelope, and now of the rhinoceros.
182
GILBERT'S DISCOURSE.
The third
and last
reason or
assertion,
The answer
or resolu-
tion.
North parts thereunto adioyning, as in Lappia, Noruegia,
Finmarke &c. as Iacobus Zeiglerus¹ writeth in his historie of
Scondia.
And as Albertus2 saieth, there is a fish which hath but one
horne in his forehead like to an Vnicorne, and therefore it
seemeth very doubtfull both from whence it came, and
whether it were an Vnicornes head, yea, or no.
His third and last reason was, that there came a continuall
streame or current, through Mare Glaciale, of such swiftnesse
(as a Colmax told him) that if you cast anything therein, it
would presently be carried out of sight towards the West.
3
Whereunto I answered that there doth the like from Mæotis
Palus, by Pontus Euxinus, Sinus Bosphorus, and along the
coast of Græcia &c. As it is affirmed by Contarenus, and
diuers others that haue had experience of the same and yet
that Sea lieth not open to any maine Sea that way but
is maintained by freshets as by Tanais, Danubius &c.
In like manner is this currant in Mare Glaciale increased
and maintained by the Dwina, the riuer Ob &c.
Now as I haue here briefly recited the reasons alleaged, to
prooue a passage to Cataia by the Northeast, with my seuerall
answeres thereunto: so will I leaue it to your iudgement to
hope or dispaire of either at your pleasure.*
¹ The title of Jacob Ziegler's work is Quæ intus Continentur, Syria,
Palestina, Arabia, Egyptus, Schondia, etc. Agentorati, 1532.
2 Albertus Magnus, Bishop of Ratisbon, died in 1280; evidently
a reference to his De Animalibus, lib. xxiv, 198. Venice, 1519.
3 Contarini, the Venetian traveller of the fifteenth century.
4 Gilbert wholly fails to meet Jenkinson's arguments in favour of
a north-east passage as given in his petition (ante, pp. 159-66). Never-
theless, the north-west route became the more popular from the
tendency it had to develop colonisation. The whole subject of early
Cathayan enterprise is admirably reviewed by Dr. Asher in his intro-
duction to Henry Hudson the Navigator (Hakl. Soc.).
Anthony Ienkinson, Instructions sent by the mer-
chants aduenturers into Russia to the Emperor there.¹
Mense Aprilis 1566.-The Societie of the merchaunts ad-
venturers trading in Russia doe desier most humbly that
Anthony Ienkynson may haue in commission from the
quenes maiestie To the Emperor of Russia to the tenor
ensewing.
1. Ffurste, that the sayd Anthony Ienkinson (hauing de-
liuered to the Emperor her graces letters) maye declare in
her graces name according to th'effecte of the same letters,
that her grace hath sent him to geve his highnis most harty
thancks for the good affection his highnis bearethe towards
her grace and her subiects and to desier his favor for the
continuance of this amitie and mutuall traffycke.
2. Item, bicawse her maiestie dothe vnderstand that one
Raphael Barberino an Italian (who is lately arriued in his
dominions) hathe abused her maiestie, she thought yt
appertayning to her honnor t'advertise his highnis thereof, to
th'intente he shulde geve no creditt to the said Barbarino
or any joynid with him in societie, but to be well ware of
theire doings, ffor seing they haue taken suche boldnes as to
vse a false suggestion to her roiall person and therby
obteyne her letters of favor to his maiestie.2 Her grace
1 State Papers, For. Eliz. Also printed in Count Tolstoi's collection
under No. 7.
2 This Italian was the youngest son of Carl Barberino. His brother
Ivan resided at Rome, and superintended the education of the sons
of his elder brother, Anthony, of whom the firstborn, Maphæus,
became Pope in 1623, under the title of Urban VIII. Barberino
obtained, under the fraudulent pretence of the recovery of debts owing
184
INSTRUCTIONS FOR JENKINSON
dothe (not without cawse) suspecte they wyll in shorte tyme
vse some further practyses, either to the dishonor of his
maiestie and preiudyce of his subiects or to the subvertinge
to him in Russia, a letter of recommendation from Queen Elizabeth
to the Tsar. In this, dated 23 June 1564, he is described as one who,
"though an Italian, is dear to Us" (S.P., For. Eliz., Royal letters Russia).
Dr. Hamel (p. 172) thinks it probable that Barberino obtained this
introduction through Lord Montague, who was sent with Dr. Woot-
ton, the diplomatist, on a special mission to the Netherlands in 1564
-the same Lord Montague who, in 1557, received the Russian am-
bassador, Osep Nepea, in London. Armed with these credentials,
Barberino arrived in Mosco in the summer of 1564. He was received
in audience by Ivan, dined with him at his palace, and received many
marks of attention. Returning to Antwerp, where he usually resided,
in the summer of 1565, Raphael writes to his brother Francis at
Rome: "Having obtained privileges and a safe conduct in the country
of the Muscovites for me and my people, I hope that in future I may
be enabled to benefit you. Not to lose the opportunity, there-
fore, I despatched on the 11th instant a vessel with 10,000 ducats in
goods and ready money, which, please God, will go and return in
safety." For the free passage of this vessel to Narva, he obtained
leave from the King of Denmark, "at the instance of the Muscovite",
as he writes in another letter, dated from Antwerp the 16th Oct. 1565.
Barberino drew up for his friends a short account of Russia (Rela-
zione di Muscovia). This is preserved in the Barberini palace at
Rome, and was published in 1658. In contains some interesting
particulars of the trade with Russia, and other matters relating to
that country.
.
To overthrow the influence of this wily Italian, and restore the
English merchants to favour, were the chief objects of Jenkinson's
mission to Russia in 1566. On the 20th April of that year the Queen
writes as follows to the Tsar :-"We understand that your Majesty
holds our letters in such esteem that out of respect to their contents
you grant more favours to subjects, and even to foreigners, out of
courtesy to us than we ourselves ask for them. This happened last
year, when we recommended to you a certain Italian named Raphael
Barberino, not as a merchant, but as a traveller. But how this Italian
has dared to abuse our recommendation of him in our letters, as well
as your Majesty's goodness and other things which appertain to the
intercourse between us and ours, our well-beloved servant Anthony
Jenkinson will explain to you personally at greater length, but in our
words, acquainting you with the resolution we have formed.”—
Hamel (p. 175); ib., App. R.
FROM THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS.
185
of her subiects trade vnder his dominions. Whereof her
grace wolde be righte sory, not only for the good wyll she
bearythe to his highnis and her subiects trade but also for
that his highnis shulde not impute thos straungers fawtes
to the late recomendation made to his highnis from her
grace.
3. Item, yf it be demaunded by th'emperor wherein the
said Barbarino hathe abused her grace, that the said Anthony
Ienkynson may annswer that the said Barbarino made
suggestion to her maiestie that certen of his debters¹ were
fleedd into Russia, and for the pursuite of those his debters
desired her letters of comendacions to his highnis, wherevpon
her grace, vppon earnest comendations made to her of the
said Barbarino, and not thinking that he went thyther for
traffycke or eny other cawse then aforesayd, was contentid
to graunte him her favorable lettres agreinge to his sugges-
tion; syns wiche tyme her grace hathe vnderstoode that the
said Barbarino, vnder the coolor and faveur of her lettres of
comendacions, hathe not only placed him self there in his
highnis dominions contrary to his promis made to her highnis,
but also hathe attempted to deface her subiects trade in thos
dominions, affirming that he is able and will serve his highnis
dominions with the naturall Inglyshe comodities better chepe
then her owne subiects, which he nor no other stranger is
able to do.
4. Item, that Anthony Ienkynson maye haue also in
comyssion from her maiestie to saye to the said Emperor of
Russia that for asmotche the Inglishe merchaunts her subiects
haue founde owt and continued by those great charges the
trade to his porte of St. Nichollas Bay, hit wold please his
highnis to graunte that the Inglyshe marchaunts may haue
the only traffycke and landing at that his porte of St.
Nichollas bay, and that no other straungers may be admytted.
or lycencyd to land or trade that waye, as her grace is
Incorrectly assumed by Tolstoi (p. xviii) to be Englishmen.
186
LETTER TO CECIL.
advertysed that certen merchaunts straungers¹ will shortly
attempte a viadge that way.
In Jenkinson's handwriting :-
"The true copy of the artykles, comytted vnto
me by the quenes maiestie, to be declared in her
graces name to th'Emperour off Russia.
"By me, ANTHONY IENKYNSON."
ANTHONY IENKINSON TO SIR W. CECIL.2
[June 26, 1566.]
RIGHT HONORABLE, may yt please you to be aduertysed, that
the eleventh of this present I arryved at St. Nicolas in
Russia with all our shypps in savetye, God be praysed,
meening fourthwith to take my iourney toward the cyttye of
Musko where at this present the Emperor his Maiestie ys
resydent, dystant from hens twelve hundred mylles; &
Although I am but newly arryved, havinge as yett butt small
matter of importance, yett consyderinge your honnors good-
nes alweys toward me, and how good master I have founde
you, I am so bolde to trouble your honnor with these few
words, and to lett you vnderstande such newes as I haue
learned here since my arrivall, accordinge to my bounden
dewty.
The King of Poole hath sent his Embassadors now lately
¹ Referring to the Dutch, who began to trade to the White Sea
shortly after the English had opened intercourse with Russia. The
Muscovy Company were fearful of losing the monopoly they had
enjoyed.
2 State Papers, For. Eliz.
3 It was on the occasion of this embassy of Sigismond that Ivan assem-
bled a council of all estates of his Empire, and submitted to them the
proposals for a peace with Poland. The points upon which they could
not agree were the restitution of Riga and Venden in Livonia. The
assembly broke up, and the ambassadors of the King were dismissed
with the answer that the Tsar would treat further by his ambassadors;
hostilities being for the time suspended.-Karamsin, ix, 141.
LETTER TO CECIL.
187
1
vnto this prynce to intreate peace, which is lyke to be con-
cluded, havinge had mortall warres togyther these six yeres,
and ar agreed of dyvers articles, and in talke for one that is,
that his prynce should render vnto the sayd King of Poole
a great towne in Letto called Pollotskye which the Moscovians.
beseged in May three yeres past. Also this wyntar the
Emperour meanyth to besedge Revell in Lyefland, being
vnder the gouvernment of the Kynge of Swethen,² which wyll
breake league betwyxt the said Swethen and hym. Vallargia³
also, a countrey adyoyninge to the Mare Euxinum of the
Greeks lawe and subiecte to the Turke, hath rebelled of late
and slayne the bassha their gouvernor with many other
Turks; also the Crystyan bondemen in Constantinople dyd of
late conspyre and practyze to haue burnt the cyttye, but
beinge betrayed by a Crystian renegat they wer putt from ther
porpose, and a great nombre cruelly putt to death upon stakes.*
Further, this Emperor of Moscovia hath used lately great
cruelty towards his nobyllyte and gentlemen by puttynge to
death, whyppynge, and banyshynge, above four hundred with
confyscatyon of Lands and goods for small offence, and
specyally toward four of theyrn, viz., one wurryed with beares,
of another he cutt of his nose, hys tonge, hys eares, and hys
lyppes, the thyrde was sett upon a pole, and the fourth he
commanded to be knocked in the head, and putt vnder the
yse in the Ryvar.5 His Maiestie is now buyldinge of a castell
1 Ivan took Polotsk after a fortnight's siege in 1563, i.e., three years
before the date of Jenkinson's letter.
2 On the fall of the Livonian order of Teutonic Knights, Revel,
with the whole of Esthonia, submitted to Eric XVI, King of Sweden.
3 Wallachia, one of the Danubian principalities.
4 This incident is not mentioned by either Knolles or Hammer
Purgstall.
5 This last act of cruelty is also noted by Edward Webbe, then a
boy of twelve, who accompanied Jenkinson upon this his third voy-
age as personal attendant. Webbe's subsequent adventures in Russia
and elsewhere are recorded in a curious and now rare volume, from
which the following is an extract "I also noted that if any Noble-
:-
188
LETTER TO CECIL.
which wylbe fowre square and two thousand four hundred
fathom in compas. A fort most stronge and sumptuous,
havinge dayly in number above ten thousand men. The
stones for the sayd buyldynge ar fetched five hundred mylles
and cost the caryage of a hundreth weyght xiid.1
Other newes I haue not at this present, besechynge your
honnor to stande my good master in my absence as I haue
alweys founde in presence and in the sute commenced by
Mr. Iylbert and me, for the dyscouery of Cathay, that yf our
request be graunted and the sayd Mr. Iylbert mynded to
procede in the same in my absence, that yt wyll please your
honnor that I may be joyned in with hym, accordynge to our
fyrste motyon;2 yt may please you, I haue sent you by Wm.
Aborough,3 Master of one of the Companyes shipps, a straunge
beast called a Loysche, and bred in the countrey of Cazan in
Tartaria. Trustynge your honnor wyll accept my good wyll,
besechynge God to prosper your honnor with long lyff and
good successe in all your affayres, to the comfort and benefytt
of the wholle Realme. From Colmogour a cyttye in Russia
this xxvith of Iune 1566.
4
Your honnors to commaunde during lyff,
A. IENKYNSON.
Endorsed To the righte honnorable William Cecyll,
man do offend the Emperor of Russia......there is a great hole made
in the Ise ouer some great Riuer, and there the partie principal
put in, and after him his wife, his children and all other his kins-
folkes." Webbe his Travailes, 1590, p. 1.
1 The new palace had the appearance of an impregnable fortress.
Nevertheless the Tsar did not consider himself secure there. Taking
an aversion to Mosco as a residence, he fixed his ordinary abode in the
suburb of Alexandrofsky.—Karamsin, ix, 106.
2 Alluded to in his first letter to Cecil (ante, p. 176).
3 William Burrough, or Borough. This family took its name from
their estate of Borough, in the parish of Northam, Devonshire.
• Loysche, probably the same word as Loss, the Russian for elk.
This animal is numerous in the northern governments of Russia at
the present day.
JENKINSON'S THIRD VOYAGE TO RUSSIA.
189
Knighte, Secretary to the Quenes Maiestie, Master of the
wards¹ and one of Her Hyghnis Privye Counsell. At the
courte.
A very briefe remembrance of a voyage made by
M. Anthony Ienkinson, from London to Moscovia, sent from the
Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour, in the yeere 1566.2
The fourth day of May in the yeere aforesaid, I imbarked
myselfe at Grauesend in the good ship called the Harry of
London, and hauing had a prosperous voyage arriued at the bay
of S. Nicholas in Russia the tenth day of July³ following, and
immediately I sent in post to the Emperour to aduertise of
my comming, and trauelling then thorow the country. I with
my company came to the Mosco, where the Emperor kept his
court, the 23. of August, and forthwith gaue the Secretarie to
vnderstand of my arriuall, who aduertised the Emperors
Maiesty of it; and the first day of September, being a solemne
feast among the Russes, I came before the Emperours
Maiesty, sitting in his seat of honour, and hauing kissed his
hand, & done the Queenes Maiesties commendations, &
deliuered her Graces letters and present, he bade me to
dinner, which I accepted, and had much honor done vnto me
both then & all the time of my abode in Russia.
1 I.e., Warden of the Cinque Ports, an office held in the present day
by Her Majesty's Secretary for Foreign Affairs.
2 Hakluyt, 1589, p. 397.
3 Evidently an error for June.-— Cf. p. 186.
The
way discouered by water by vs Thomas Southam,
and Iohn Sparke, from the towne of Colmogro, vnto the citie
of Nouogrode in Russia, conteining many particulers of
the way, and distance of miles as hereafter
foloweth. Anno 1566.1
A verst is
but 3 quar-
ters of an
English
mile.
4
WE departed from Colmogro² about 10. of the clocke afore
noone³ in a Lodia or Barke, which we hired to bring vs along
the coast to a place called Soroka, & in the said barke we
hired 6 mariners and a boy to conduct vs to the place before
rehearsed.
The Lodia or barke was of the burden of 25. tunnes or
thereabout, wherewith wee valed downe the riuer of Dwina,
the wind being then calme, vnto a monasterie called S.
Michael, where we were constrained to anker, because of a
contrary wind which there met vs.
6
From Colmogro to this monasterie are 50 versts or miles of
Russia, at which place we taried till the 21. day in the
morning, and then hauing the wind somewhat faire, we set
saile and departed thence.
1 Hakluyt, 1589, p. 390.
2 Colmogro (Kholmogori), ante p. 23.
* See below.
3 July 20th.
5 I.e., dropped down, ante p. 121.
• The monastery of St. Michael was built in the twelfth century by
Ivan, Archbishop of Novgorod. Its destruction by the Norsemen in
1419 is recorded in the Dwina MS. In 1584, the Voievodes, Naschokin
and Volokhof, built a wooden town round the monastery, and this,
at first known as New Kholmogori, afterwards became the city of Arch-
angel. The tercentenary of the foundation of Archangel was cele-
brated last year (1884). In 1637 the town and monastery were
destroyed by fire, and the monastery was afterwards rebuilt on its
present site, in a quarter of the city known as Niacheri.—Semeonof.
7 Throughout the narrative Southam, as a rule, uses the word
miles to express Russian versts, each of which must be reckoned at
two-thirds of an English mile.

64°
62
26°
28°
30°
32°
34
36°
38°
40°
42°
A MAP
to illustrate the
JOURNEY OF
SOUTHAM & SPARKE
in 1566
Russian Versts
50
100
200
F
I
Dolatick P
Suzma
SENicholas Monastery
St Michael Monastery
Archangel)
Colmogro
(Probmogori
&
взова
1
a
Kon
Sorola
WHITE
SEA
Sogisney (Jijghink It)
Anger (Anzer (4)
Abdon
salma
Gulf of
Onega
Some
(Suma
Paranda Laping
Voyets Tousk Sumozero
Harnitch
Quequerich
Koikaritsa
Carraich
(Kar08)
One ga
Bay
Toutich Talvishr
Lake
Segozero
༠ 8
Tellekinny
Oreiche'
Pouensa
Povenets)
Newho
(Nerphsa)
Onega
0
K
ក
Salo Somal
Tobuo
pobraisky)
L.Voalo
Petrosgodsk
ments
(Remetsky 14)
L. One ga
Swire
LADISKAIE
(LAKE LADO GA)
60°
GULF OF FINLAND
Ladoga
(ST PETERSBURG)
Youch of
Vassiano
(Vajinsk
Selucave/Semaks),
SNicholas Medued
(New Ladoga)
Gosmopolie
(Gostino potiye)
Moisto)
Orati
58
Narova
Lake
Peipus
Petro Suetoe
(Petrovskoye)
Nouogrod
(Novgorod)
Ilmen
28°
30°
oGrussia
Grusino)
32°
Vossnessuno Christo
Svir R.)
Voznesinsk)
R. Kovja
L. Bjelo osero
R.Sheksna
By Kargokol
L.Lachozero
R.She
ساكس
L.Voje-ozero or
Charonda
R. Dwi
Skupinskoje
Vologda
R.Suchana
649
62°
60°
Ljubim
58
R
Volga
40°
Ed Weller lith.
Longitude East 34 from Greenwich 36°
38°
7
:
JOURNEY OF SOUTHAM AND SPARKE.
3
191
21.¹ We departed from the monasterie of S. Michael, hauing
the wind somewhat faire, and arriued at Rose Island,² over
and against the monasterie of S. Nicholas, the 22. day at 2. of
the clocke in the morning, which is 35 miles distant from
the monasterie of S. Michael. By reason of contrary wind
and tide we were constrained to tarie there all that day.
23. We departed from the monasterie of S. Nicholas at 7.
of the clocke in the euening, and came to an anker at the
beacons, and continued there vntil half an hower past 10. of
the clocke, and then set from thence, the wind being South :
our course was West vntil 5. of the clocke in the morning,
when as we came to an anker against Newnox towne, where
we continued vntil the 25. day.
The said towne of Newnox is from the monasterie of S. At this
Nicholas 35. miles.
towne of
Newnox
Richard
Chanceler
voyage,
25. We departed from Newnox hauen at one of the clocke in his first
in the after noone, the wind at South and Southeast, and our with his
course Northwest and by West.
The point of Tolsticke,5 which is the headland before the releeued.
1 Of July.
2 Rose Island-so-called from the quantity of roses which there
grew luxuriantly—was separated from the mainland, on which stood
the monastery of St. Nicholas, by the narrow, southernmost mouth of
the Dwina, called in old documents Malokurje. Here the English
established themselves, and built their house; here the goods were
taken out of the vessels on arriving from England, and then conveyed
in boats and lighters up the Dwina to Kholmogori, and so on to
Vologhda.-Hamel, p. 196; Purchas, iii, 744 (10).
3 For a description of the monastery of St. Nicholas, see Randolph's
Embassy, infra.
4 Newnox (Nenoksa), 72 versts (48 miles) from Archangel (St.
Michael) along the post road to Onega; 203 houses. It is mentioned in
a MS. of the fourteenth century, and was known to the Novgorodians
in the early part of the fifteenth century as a salt depot. The brine-
pits of Nenoksa have continued in operation down to the present time,
and its inhabitants carry the salt in their vessels to Archangel and
other places on the coast.-Semeonof.
5 Tolstick, a local term signifying steep bank or headland.
company a
shipboord,
were
192
ANZERSK.
SUZMA.
JIJGHINSK.
entrance of Newnox hauen, and the headland of Seusemskie,¹ lie
next South east and by South, Northwest and by North.
We came to an anker there this day at 4. of the clock in the
afternoone, being from Newnox hauen 15. miles, where we
continued in harbour til the 27. day of the moneth, by reason
of contrary winds.
27. We departed from Seusemskie in the morning at 5. of
the clocke, the wind next at East and by North, and our
course Northwest and by West. The said land of Seusem-
skic¹ and the headland going into Owna² riuer lieth East and
by South west and by North, and betweene them is 25 miles.
This day at Sunne set we came to an Island called
Sogisney, passing betwixt it and the maine, with the wind at
South and by East, our course was West and by South, being
85. miles from Ouna river.
3
Being past the said Island 10. miles, the wind came con-
trary, whereupon we returned to the Island of Sogisney,
where we remained vntil the 29. day.
29. The 29. day we departed from Sogisney aforesaid, at 5.
of the clocke in the afternoone, the wind at East northeast,
& our
course was Southwest & by west, passing by an
Island called Anger, being 30 miles from Sogisney, and
¹ Seusemskie (Suzma) 64° 42′ N., 39° 5′ E. The name of a headland
and village on the coast near the mouth of a small river of the same
name. Suzma is celebrated for its sea-bathing.
2 Owna (Una), a small river falling into a bay, 64° 39′ N., 38° 12′ E.
3 Sogisney (Joghjinsk on Fr. map; Jijghinsk on Ad. chart), an island
at the entrance to the Gulf of Onega, two and a half miles from the
shore. In its centre is a hill, on which a lighthouse has been built, in
65° 12′ N., 36° 51′ E. The only inhabitants are the people in charge
of the lighthouse, but tradition is still preserved of this island having
once been the haunt of the pirate Jojga.-Semeonof.
4 Anger (Anzersk Island), the second in size of the Solovetzky group,
and lying four versts to the east of the principal island. In a bight
of this island, north of Cape Troitsky (Trinity), is a cave inhabited
for many years by the monk Eleazer, a dissident of Solovetsky
monastery. Nikon, the reformer and patriarch of the Russo-Greek
church, was a monk of Anzersk, and a disciple of Eleazer.
VOYAGE TO SOLOVETSKY.
193
keeping on our course, wee came by the headland of an Island
called Abdon,¹ being from the Island of Anger 15. miles, where
wee found many rockes: and if the great prouidence of God
had not preserued vs, wee had there perished, being fallen
amongst them in the night time, and our pilot none of the
perfectest, which was contrary to his profession as we found it.
But whosoeuer will trauell that way must either keepe
hard aboord the shore, for that there is a chanell which goeth
along the coast within the rockes, or els giue the headland a
birth of 6. miles at the least, and so goe a seaboord all: for
there are ledges of rockes that lie fiue miles from the headland.
We gaue the headland a birth of 3. miles, notwithstanding
there lay two rocks two miles to seaboord of vs, so that we
were inclosed with them, and sate upon the highest of them :
but it pleased God to make it calme, and giue vs the day
also, or els we had miscaried.
30. We departed from the headland of the Island of Abdon,
at 4. of the clocke in the morning, directing our course
West, and at 10. of the clocke before noone, we arriued at a
monasterie named Soloffekay,2 which is 15 miles from Abdon.
At this monasterie we continued vntill the 31. day of this
moneth. Wee had here deliuered vs by the chiefe monkes.
of the monasterie, their letter and house seale, and a seruaunt
1 Abdon, a name now no longer found on any map or chart. Its
identity with Muksalma seems to be fixed not only by its position in a
S.W. course, midway between Anzersk Island and the monastery of
Solovetsky, as required by the narrative, but also by the mention of
"ledges of rockes that lie five miles from the headland", which is
exactly their position S.E. from Muksalma, as defined by Imray's
Directions for the White Sea, 1870, p. 34.-Cf. Eng. Ad. Charts, sec. 2,
Nos. 2274 and 2276.
2 Soloffekay (Solofki), a common term for the monastery of Solo-
vetsky. This island monastery (ante, p. 19), founded by the Father
Herman and Sabbatheus, a monk of the monastery of St. Cyril of
Bielozero, has a world-wide reputation, and holds a high place in the
orthodox Russo-Greek church. It had been in existence when
Southam wrote, a little more than a century.-Semeonof.
194
THE STONE HOUSE. ABBOT PHILIP.
August.
of theirs to conduct vs safely through the dangerous riuer of
Owiga.
The people of all those partes are wilde, and speake another
kind of language, and are for the most part all tenants to the
monasterie.¹ The effect of the letter was, that they should bee
readie to helpe and assist vs in all dangerous places, and carie
our boats and goods ouer land in places needful, as in deed
they did, as hereafter shall appeare.
Note, that at our being at the monasterie, there was no
Abbot for the place as then chosen: for 15. dayes before our
arriuall there, the Abbot was sent for by the Emperour, and
made Metropolitane of the realme, as he now is2: The number
of monkes belonging to the monasterie are at the least 200.
31. Wee departed from the monasterie of Soloffekay, as is
aforesayd, to a faire stone house³ of theirs which is 5. miles
from the monasterie, lying from it South and by West.
1. We departed from the Stone house at 3. of the clocke
in the morning: our course was West for 60. versts, and then
passing betwixt diuers and sundry rocks, with many small
Islands round about us for the space of 20. miles, keeping
most commonly the same course still, wee then shaped a new
course, and yet sundry times shifting, but we alwayes kept
1 About the middle of the fifteenth century Solovetsky monastery
received territorial grants on the mainland, comprising the districts of
Suma and Kem, inhabited by Karelians-a Finnish tribe-the "wilde
people" mentioned above. After his war with Sweden, a number of
these Karelian captives were transferred by Ivan, and again in the
seventeenth century by the Government, to Central Russia. To this
day they form the chief population of Kem, and retain certain
typical characteristics of their race, though they have become Russians
in language and religion.-Semeonof.
2 This Abbot's name was Philip. He remained only two years
Metropolitan, being dragged from the steps of the altar of the Cathe-
dral of the Assumption at Mosco by Ivan's myrmidons in 1568, and
banished to Tver, where he ended his days.-Karamsin, ix, p. 131.
3 The "stone house" was begun in 1552 by the abbot named in the
previous note.
-
SOROKA. FALLS ON THE VYG.
195
the Southwest, and neerest of all South southwest, vntill
we came within two miles of the entrance of the riuer Owiga,
where we were to beare in, West and by North.
From the river Owiga,¹ to the Islands and rocks before men- The riuer
tioned, are 20. miles.
We arriued about 4. of the clocke in the after noone
within the riuer of Owiga, at a place named Soroka,² at which
place we forsooke our barke or Lodia, and continued there in
making prouision for small boates to carie vs vp the riuer
vntil the 3. day of the same.
3. We departed from Soroka at two of the clocke in the
afternoone, with 3. boates and 12. men to rowe, and set the
foresaid boates vp the riuer of Owiga, which we hired.
Owiga.
a riuer.
We went this day 7. miles to a place called Ostroue, where
we lay all night, but in the way, 4. miles from Soroka at a
place where the water falleth from the rockes, as if it came The fall of
steepe downe from a mountain, we were constrained to take
out our goods and wares out of the said boats, and caused
them to be carried a mile ouer land, & afterwards also had
our boats in like sort caried or drawn ouer land by force of men
which there dwelled, being tenants to the monasterie aforesaid.
And when our boates were come to the place where our
wares were laied, wee launched our boates and laded our
wares againe, and went to the place before named, where wee
continued and remained that night.
1 Owiga (Vyg). This river falls into the Gulf of Onega, near
Soroka, and is divided into upper and lower by a lake of the same
name. It is only navigable by small boats, such as those mentioned
in the text, owing to rapids, and at places it is altogether impassable.
The scenery on the Vyg is very picturesque.-Semeonof.
2 Soroka (Soroka), 64° 32′ N., 52° 27′ E., a village on the coast in the
district of Kem. Here St. Sabbatheus, one of the founders of Solo-
vetsky monastery, died; the spot where he was buried, marked first
by a chapel, and later by a church, is dedicated to the Trinity. In
1550 Soroka was given by Ivan to that monastery.
3 Ostroue (Ostrof), merely signifies "island".
0 2
196
VOITSK.
PARANDA.
We departed from Ostroue in the morning before Sunne
rising, rowing and setting vp the riuer 5. miles, where wee
came to a place, whereas wee were againe constrained to take
out our wares and to carie them and our boates three miles
ouer land, so that with rowing, drawing and setting wee went
this day 7. mile more, to a place called Sloboday,¹ where we
lay all night.
5. We departed from Sloboday in the morning at Sunne
rising, and at 6. of the clocke in the afternoone we came to a
village called Paranda, which is from Sloboday 30. miles,
where wee remained all night.
6. We departed from Paranda at 6. of the clocke in the
morning, and all that day, what with setting and drawing our
boats, we went but 11. miles, for we twise vnladed our wares
and drew our boats ouerland, in one place a mile & an
halfe, in an other place as it were the eight part of a
mile, and so we came to a place called Voyets, were we
taried all that night.
7. We departed from Voyets at 4. of the clocke in the
morning, and so came to an Ozora or lake called after the
name of the riuer, and vnto a place called Qucquenich,5 we
rowed all this day, and came thither by one of the clocke in
the afternoone, which is 25. miles from Voyets, and there
1
Sloboday (Sloboda), from the word Svoboda, signifying free, in
the sense of outside a particular jurisdiction. Thus a suburb is
"Sloboda"; in the present instance, perhaps, it refers to a settlement,
independent of the monastery which, as we have seen, owned the
land.
2 Paranda, a village on the Vyg.
3 Voyets (Voitsk), not far from the outflow of the Vyg, from the
lake of the same name. The cataracts here are quite unnavigable.
Voitsk will always be memorable in the annals of Russian mining
as the place where gold was first discovered by the peasant Anton
Tarassof, in 1837.-Semeonof.
4 The rapids of Voitsk being impassable, boats ascend a right
tributary of the Vyg to Lake Voitsk.
5 Quequenich (Koikanitsa on Fr. map), a village on Lake Voitsk.
VYGOZERO.
TELEKINA.
POVENETS.
197
wee remained all night to hire men and boates to carie vs
forward on our iourney.
Here departed backe from vs the seruant which wee had
at the monasterie, being sent by the monkes to goe thus farre
with vs.
And after that he had hired the boats and taken
the mens names that should conduct vs, and giuen them
charge to deliuer vs with all things in safetie at a place being
a litle towne called Pouensa, then hee departed from vs
without taking any reward for his paines, for so he was
charged and commanded by the monkes.
ful of
8. We departed from Quequenich at Sunne rising, and all
that day rowed upon the lake amongst many Islands. The
inhabitants doe there report that there are as many Islands A lake very
in their lake as there are dayes in the yeere.¹ In the euening Islands.
wee came to a village named Tellekina,2 which is 60 miles
from Quequenich.
9. We departed from Tellekina in the morning at 5. of the
clocke and so entring into a riuers we went that day 13.
miles. In one place we caried our boates and goods ouer
land 3. miles. At euening we came to a place called Oreiche
na maclay, where we lay all night.
1
10. We departed thence at 5. of the clocke in the morning,
and so rowing, came to a place where ye riuer ended, being 20.
miles distant from the place where we lay all night, at which
place we forsooke our boates and vnladed our wares, and sent
a man to the towne of Pouensa, which was seuen mile off, for
horses to carie vs and our wares to the sayd place. The
horses came, and we laded our goods, and at 6. of the clocke
1 Though Lake Vyg is full of islands, only thirty-two are marked.
on the Fr. map, and but one, Korelsk, is inhabited.
2 Tellekina (Telekina), a river flowing into lake Vygozero from the
South.
3 Probably the Yugu, uniting lakes Konshe and Matko.
4 Oreiche na maelay, i.e., Oreiche on the shallows, probably a settle-
ment near the river.
198
LAKE ONEGA. SUMA.
The famous
lake of
Onega.
in the afternoone wee arriued at the towne of Pouensa, with
all things in safetie.
This town of Pouensa¹ standeth within one mile of the
famous lake of Ozera or Onega, which is 320. miles long, and
in some places 70. miles ouer. But where it is narowest, it
is 25. miles ouer, being fed with many goodly riuers which
fall into it. Hard aboord the shore within 6. miles you
shall haue 40. & 45. fathoms of depth.2
Here it is to be noted that from this place of Pouensa vnto
the village of Soroka downe those dangerous riuers which we
came thorough, at no time of the yeere can or may any man
carrie or transport any goods that come from Nowogrode, or
the Narue, and such other places for in the Sommer it is
impossible to carie downe any wares by reason of the great
1 Pouensa (Povenets), 62° 51′ N., 52° 29′ E., a district town of the
Government of Olonets, at the head of Lake Onega. From an old
grant of Tsar Vassili Ivanovitch Shuisky, dated 1603, Povenets
appears to have been owned by the Viajitsky monastery in Novgorod
as early as the reign of Ivan. In 1703 Peter the Great founded some
iron-works here, and made the town independent of the monastery;
yet, in spite of its advantageous position and the abundance of its
iron ore, Povenets has made but little progress since that time.-
Semeonof.
2 Lake Onega, the second largest of the freshwater lakes of
European Russia, is 220 versts (145 miles)-not 320 versts, as erro-
neously given in the text-long, and 75 versts (50 miles) wide
in the broadest part from a little below Petrozavodsk to a bay north
of the mouth of the Vodla. The depth and bottom of this lake have
hardly been surveyed, though the former is said to exceed an average
of 80 fathoms, and to attain 200 fathoms in places. Whether these
figures are exaggerated or not, the fact of its being deeper than Lake
Ladoga, and even than the White Sea, has been ascertained beyond
doubt. A line drawn across this lake in its broadest part divides it
into two parts, physically distinct. The southern and larger area
is characterised by shores, but slightly indented, and an absence of
islands; the northern has a deeply indented, rocky margin, a large
number of islands and sunk rocks. Receiving a number of running
streams, the waters of Lake Onega have an outlet to Lake Ladoga by
the river Svir. The somewhat scanty population of the Olonets
Government is mostly grouped round this lake.—Semeonof.
TOLVUISKY.
199
SALO-SALMA.
fals of water that doe descend from the rockes. Likewise
in the Winter by reason of the great force and fall of waters,
which make so terrible raises, that in those places it neuer
freezeth, but all such wares as come frō Nouogrode to Pouensa
are transported by land to a place called Some in the Winter,
which Some¹ standeth on the Seaside, as doth Soroka. The
ready way from Pouensa by land to this place of Some, with
the distance of miles, I will shew hereafter.
12. We departed from Pouensa at 9. of the clocke in the
morning, with 2. small boates which we hired to carie vs to
a place called Toluo2 vpon the Lake of Onega, being 50. miles
from Pouensa, where we arriued the 13. day in the morning,
where we bought a boate that caried vs and all our wares
from thence to the citie of Nowogrode.
14. We departed from Toluo at 3. of the clocke in the
afternoone, and at the euening arriued at a certain Island
named Salasalma, vpon the said lake, 7. miles from Toluo,
and by reason of contrary windes we there taried vntil the
16. day of this moneth.
16. We departed from Salasalma at 8. of the clocke in the
¹ Some (Suma, Sumsky posad), 64° 16′ N., 53° 8′ E., a small settle-
ment on the banks of a river of the same name, seven miles above its
estuary in the White Sea, and owned by the monastery of Solo-
vetsky (see p. 194, note 1). In 1590, 1592, and 1611, it successfully
withstood the attacks of Swedes and Poles. In summer its in-
habitants are chiefly engaged in transporting pilgrims to the monas-
tery.-Semeonof.
2 Toluo (Tolvuisky), on the west shore of Lake Onega, is remark-
able as having been the place of exile of Martha Ivanovna, mother
of Mikhail Feodorovitch, first Tsar of the Romanof dynasty, who
rewarded its inhabitants by grants of land and other privileges for
their services to his mother. Her terem, or rather the foundations
upon which it was built, are surrounded by a fence. Tolvuisky was
the birthplace of St. Zosimus, one of the founders of Solovetsky
monastery, who lived in the first half of the fifteenth century.
3 Salasalma (Salo-Salma), an uninhabited rocky island in Lake
Onega, a favourite resort for fishing boats, 500 of which congregate
here in autumn.
Uor M
200
KLEMETSKY. VAJINSK. THE SVIR.
morning, and came to an Island the 17. day in the morning,
named Vorronia, where we continued by reason of contrary
windes vntill the 21. day of the said moneth, and it is 60.
miles from Salasalma.
21. We departed from Vorronia Island two howers before
S. Clement day, and arriued at S. Clements monasterie,2 at 2 of the clocke
in the afternoone, being from Vorronia 48. miles.
his monas-
tery.
Or Sør-
maxe.
22. We departed from S. Clements monasterie at the breake
of the day, hauing a faire wind all along the lake: wee sailed
without striking of sail vntil 2. howers within night, and
then entred into a riuer called Suire, at a monasterie called
Vosnessino Christo, 5. miles from the entrance of the riuer,
where we taried all night. It is from S. Clements monasterie
160 miles: the streame of that riuer went with vs.
4
23. We departed from Vosnessino Christo before sunne
rising, and valed' down the riuer sometime sailing, and some-
time rowing, so that this day wee went 90. miles, and lay at
night at a place called Vassian.
24. We departed from Vassian at the breake of the day,
and came to a place called Selucaxe, where we lay all night,
and is 10 miles from Vassian.
1 Vorronia (Voroninsky), another of the islets which fringe this
part of the coast.
2 St. Clements (Klemetsky, on Fr. map Klementsky), a large island
off the southern extremity of the remarkable promontory of Za-onejie.
In the last century there were upwards of thirty hamlets on Kle-
metsky Island.
3 Swire (Svir). This river flows from the southernmost extremity
of Lake Onega to Lake Ladoga, with a course of 201 versts (134 miles),
and forms part of a system of inland navigation known as Mariinsky.
* Vosnessino Christo (Voznesensk, i.e., ascension), a hamlet at the out-
fall of the Svir from Lake Onega, remarkable for its wharves, at which
a large number of barges and river craft are loaded and unloaded
during the summer.
5 Valed, see ante, p. 190.
• Vassian (Vajinsk), on the right bank of the Svir at its confluence
with the Vajina, also extensively engaged in the transit traffic.
7 Selucare (Sermaks), a hamlet at the confluence of the Svir and
LAKE LADOGA. THE VOLKHOF.
201
25. We departed from Selucaxe at 4. of the clocke in the
morning, and entred vpon the Lake of Ladiskaie,¹ the wind
being calme all that day sauing 3. howers, and then it was
with vs, so that we sailed and rowed that day 10. miles,
along vpon the said lake, and entred into the riuer of
Volhuskie, which riuer hath his beginning 20. miles aboue
Nouogrode, and runneth through the midst of the citie and so
falleth into this lake, which is farre longer then the lake of
Onega but it is not so broad³. This lake falleth into the sea
that commeth from the Sound: where any vessell or boat,
hauing a good pilot, may go through the Sound into England.
As soone as wee were entred into the riuer, wee came to
a monasterie called S. Nicholas Medued, where we lay all that
night.
4
Oyati, well known for its wharves. Here vessels engage pilots to
cross Lake Ladoga.
¹ Ladiskaie (Ladoga). From time immemorial Lake Ladoga has
played a prominent part as a highway of commerce. By it the Ilmen
Slavs communicated with the Varangians, and the Hanse towns traded
with Novgorod. With the decline of Novgorod, and the discovery of
the White Sea by the English, Ladoga lost much of its importance;
but when Peter the Great established his capital on the Neva, it took
a fresh start, especially after the construction of three great canal
systems, which unite the Volga and the lakes and rivers of Northern
Russia with the Baltic. The lake itself, however, owing to the canals
which circumvent it, is of secondary importance, and the navigation
on it is chiefly local. Of the sixty rivers which discharge into Lake
Ladoga, the Svir and Volkhof are the largest.-Semeonof.
2 Volhushie (Volkhof). This river has its source in Lake Ilmen,
five versts (three miles) above Novgorod, and enters Lake Ladoga after
a course of 208 versts (139 miles), approximately from south to north.
Its navigation is impeded by two rapids, with a fall of thirty-two
feet in about twelve miles. In other parts the current is so sluggish
that barges have to be towed even down stream. Semconof.
3 Our author evidently trusts to hearsay; this lake is both longer
and broader than Lake Onega (cf. note, p. 198).
4 St. Nicholas Medued, or St. Nicholas the Bear, was a monastery on
the left bank of the Volkhof, near its mouth. When Peter the
Great inspected the neighbourhood in 1704, he closed the monastery,
and selected it as the site of his new town, which he called New
Ladoga, removing hither the inhabitants of Old Ladoga.
The riuer of
Volhuskie.
The lake of
Ladeskaie.
202
NOVGOROD THE GREAT.
The monas-
26. Wee departed from S. Nicholas Medued, at 5. of the
clocke in the morning, rowing and drawing our boates all
terie of Gos- day, and came at night to another monastrie called Gosnopolie,¹
which is 30 miles from S. Nicholas Medued, where we lay all
that night.
nopoli.
27. We departed from Gosnopolie at 6. of the clocke in
the morning; at euening came to a place called Moislaue²
where we lay all night, being 46. miles from the monasterie
of Gosnopolie.
28. We departed from Moislaue, and the said day at night
came to a place called Grussina,3 35. miles from Moislaue
where we lodged.
29. We departed from Grussina in the morning, & the
same day at euening came to a place called Petroe Suetoe,
where we lay all night, being 40. miles from Grussina.
30. We departed from Petroe Suetoe in the morning, &
at two of the clocke in the afternoone we arriued at the citie
The citie of of Nouogrod, being twentie miles from Petroe Suetoe. Here
we found William Rowlie5 Agent to the company, who was
there stayed with all his company, and was not licenced to
Nouogrod.
1 Gosnopolie (Gostino poliye), 34 versts (22 miles) from New Ladoga,
at the head of the Volkhof rapids. This place was known at the
time of the Hanseatic league. Then goods were discharged at a
village below the rapids, and reshipped above them on an open field,
which, from its being the place of meeting of the foreign guests with
the Novgorodian merchants, was known as Gostinie pole, i.e., guests'
field. Here, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, wharves
were built, and here pilots and labourers are hired to pass the rapids.
The monastery alluded to was dedicated to St. Nicholas the Miraculous,
and has long since been closed.-Semeonof.
2 Moislaue (Mouislovo), a village on the right bank of the Volkhof.
3 Grussina (Grusino), a village on the Volkhof, here crossed by a
ferry.
4 Petro Suetoe (Petrovskoye), a village on the Volkhof. This place
is mentioned in MSS. as early as 1499, when it was included in the
Votskaia piatina.
5 Afterwards chief agent of the Russia Company at Kholmogori
and Mosco. Cf. infra, p. 215.
TRADE ROUTE.
NOVGOROD TO WHITE SEA.
203
depart thence for the Mosco, by reason that the plague was
then in the citie of Nouogrod.¹ Unto him we deliuered all
the wares that we brought from Colmogro, for by the way we
sold not a peny worth, the people of the countrey euery
where be so miserable.
The right way to bring and transport wares from Nowogrod
to Rose island into S. Nicholas bay, where our shippes yeerely
lade, with the distance of miles from place to place, is as
followeth.
20 Miles from Nowogrod to Petroe Suetroe.
40 Miles from thence to Grusina.
35 Miles from thence to Moislave.
46 Miles from thence to the monasterie Gosnopolie.
15 Miles from thence to Ladega towne.
15 Miles from thence to Selunax, ouer the lake of Ladega,
albeit there be many villages all along the lake.
180 Miles from Ladega towne vp the riuer of Swire, vnto
the monasterie of Vosnessino Christo, albeit there are many
villages vpon the riuer: for within euery fiue or sixe miles
you shall haue villages or small townes.
160 Miles from Vosnessino Christo to S. Clements monastery,
albeit there be many villages all along the lake of Onega.
48 Miles from thence to Voronia.
67 Miles from thence to Toluo towne: and there are diuers
1 Nowogrod (Novgorod the Great), 58° 31′ N., 48° 57′ E. At the time
of our travellers' visit it had already fallen from the pre-eminent posi-
tion it once held among Russian cities. Ivan III dealt the first blow to
its liberties in 1471, by transferring its chief boyards and citizens to
Mosco. Ivan IV, in 1570, on the pretence that its citizens were in
treaty to deliver it into the hands of the King of Poland, massacred
thousands of the inhabitants, throwing their corpses into the Volkhof,
which ran with blood. This terrible scene, enacted day after day,
and followed by universal pillage, lasted six weeks. Novgorod was
left desolate, and even now' silence reigns in its deserted streets and
squares. This happened only four years after the journey of Southam
and Sparke, whose mention of the plague is confirmed by contemporary
writers.-Karamsin, ix, 134, 187.
204
POVENETS TO SUMA.
villages all along the lake where the carryers may lie, and
haue meat for man and horse.
50 miles from thence to Pouensa, where Onega lake end-
eth.
The way from Pouensa to Some town is this:
30 Miles from Pouensa to Mastellina.1
10 Miles from thence to Tellekina.2
30 Miles from thence to Toluich.3
35 Miles from thence to Carraich.*
20 Miles from thence to Varnich.5
10 Miles from thence to Ostrouo.6
15 Miles from thence to Lapina.7
20 Miles from thence to Some itselfe.
Note that from the citie of Nouogrod vnto the towne of
Some is 936 miles,s & from the towne of Some, vnto the
monasterie of S. Nicholas or Rose island, ouer and against
where our shippes do ride, is iust as many miles as is Soroka
village from S. Nicholas, as the Russes do account it, as also
we do iudge it, namely 325 miles. So that from Nouogrod to
S. Nicholas road, is by our account 1261 miles or versts.
Furthermore it is to be noted that all such wares as shall
be bought at Nouogrod, and are sent to Some towne, must be
Trauell by sent by sled way in the winter: for if any ware should be
sleds.
sent from Nonogrod by water in the spring of the yeere,
after the yce is gone, then must the sayd wares remaine at
¹ Mastellina. Perhaps Maselga.—Cf. Russ. map.
2 Tellekina, ante, p. 197.
3 Toluich. Probably Talvish Navolok, a headland on Lake Vygo-
zero.
4 Carraich. Probably near Lake Karos.
5 Varnich (Varnikh), on south shore of Lake Sumozero.
6 Ostrouo (an island). Probably Sumostrov on the above lake.
7 Lapina (Lapinska).-Cf. Russ. map.
* The distances, as given in the above Itinerary, make a total of 846
miles (versts) from Novgorod to Suma.
PARTICULARS OF CARRIAGE.
205
Pouensa towne all that summer, by reason that in the summer
there is no way to go from Pouensa vnto Some towne.
At Pouensa there are many warehouses to be hyred, so
that if there were as much goods as ten ships could cary
away, you might haue warehouses to put it in: but if there
should remaine much ware all the summer, to be caryed in
the winter to Some towne, then horses are not easily to be
gotten at that place to cary it thither: so that your wares
once bought at Nouogrod, you must haue caryers there to
cary it to the towne of Some by sleddes, whereof you may
there haue 2000 if you will, by the report of the Russes.
2000 sleds
belonging
to one
For from Nowogrod yeerely there go many sleddes in the towne.
winter to fetch salt from Some, with carryers and emptie
sleddes there to buy it, and to bring it to Nowogrod to sell it
in the market or otherwise.
From Nowogrod vnto Some towne you may haue a pood of
wares carryed for eight pence or nine pence: but in any wise
your wares must be sent from Nowogrod by the sixt of
January, so that the wares may be at Some by Candlemas, or
soone after for if your wares should tary by the way vntill
the 15 of February, when the sunne is of some power, then is
it dangerous: for the heat of the sunne in the day causeth A good
the deepe lakes of Ladega, and specially of Onega, to cleaue,
and if there should come then a sudden thaw, as oftentimes
:
in that time of the yeere doth, then doe these lakes open and
breake, whereby many men are lost, and both men and horse
drowned, although other riuers do remaine frozen a long
time after.
In the towne of Some also there are many warehouses,
whereof we can not be destitute for the reposing of our wares,
as also as many barks as you will to transport your wares
from thence to S. Nicholas road, and that for three pence a
poods caryage: so that from the citie of Nowogrod vnto S.
Nicholas road you may haue wares caryed for two altines.
The pood commeth vnto 23 altines the tunne.
caueat for
seasonable
trauell.
206
LETTER FROM THE RUSSIA COMPANY
Nouogrod
within 180
Prouided alwayes, that you buy your wares there your selfe,
miles of the and send it thence: for there is no hope that the natiues will
Narve.
bring their wares from Nouogrod to Some, in hope to sell vnto
us, considering the great trade that they haue of the Narue,
which is within 180 miles off them.
Written by Thomas Sowtham
a seruant to the company.
[THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS OF ENGLAND, ETC.,
TO THEIR AGENTS IN RUSSIA.]
The 18 Aprill 1567 In London.¹
1. AFTER our hartie comendatione, we haue receaued your too
Letters by our shippes retourned the last yeare and also the wares
laden by you in our shippes well conditioned, sauing as herafter is
expressed.
2. Item. We haue diuers tymes written into those partes that
we should be yearly certefied of the waight, measure, and nombres
of all such commodities as should be then solde and sent vs, and
speciallie the content of every Corob,2 what you packed therin,
that straight waye vpon the vew of the numbers we might certainely
knowe what weare packed in the same, with marking from the
number one and so forward, that we haue not eny too parcells of
wares marked with one number, and continew your nombres vpon
all sortes of wares, which hitherto hath not bene obserued, and
we thinck it good that you sealed substantially the Corrobye of
ffurres and yarne, for vndoubghtedly hertofore the best furres hath
bene taken out and in stead therof worse put in. The marrinars
bring every yeare excellent ffurres, and none of ours to be compared
¹ MS. Cott. Nero B. xi, fol. 321.
2 Corob, a package, case, or basket, bent or plaited. Lat. corbis,
Eng. corb, Germ. korb, Fr. corbeille.
TO THEIR AGENTS.
207
to none of theres, and many of ours of the wurst sorte, wherin we
suspect not only the mariuars but owre owne seruunts resiant the
which haue had the custodie and handeling of our ffurres, and
therfore loke with all circumspection that those wares be sent vs
that we paye for, and trust our stipendaries and seruants no
farther then you must of necessitie.
3. Item. Aduertise vs by your next what ffurres you packed in
the Corobey with the beltis¹ sent in the Swallow, which was emptie;
and we can not finde 15 timbres² of minckes, 7 goetskins, 2 Squirell
pellches³, a white beares skynne, wherof mention is made bothe in
the book and lettres.
4. Item. Our shippes retourned the last yeare from St. Nicholas
lacking of ther lading, which was much contrarie to our expecta-
tion, conseidering that you wrote for so many tonnes lading as
those shippes being full laden coulde haue brought awaye, and also
conseidering the great remainder ther of our goodes allreadie solde
and imploid in Russia wares; you¹ and Mr. Glovar knewe well of
our great debtes here, wherby you and he had more cause to vse
dilligence to haue procured a greater retourne to pay our debtes
with all. And examining your masters of ther want of lading
they haue enfourmed vs that ther was no more wares at St.
Nicholas except 3..or 4. packes flaxe which weare not to be
carried awaye, and whether this be true we desire to be enformed
of you.
5. Item. We desire you to vse some dilligence and circum-
spection that our masters may stow the wares in the shippes to
the most advantage.
6. Item. We haue found our selues hertofore agreued by sundry
of our letters that our factors in those parts haue not sent home
yearly the hole retourne of our goods sent from hence the yeare
before, but kept continually a remainder in Russia of a great masse
of wares, to our intollerable hinderaunce; which wares vndoubtedly
1 Query pelts.
2 Timbre, a legal quantity of small skins, 40 or 50 packed between
two boards. Of some skins the number is 120.-Webster.
3 Pellches, furred skins. Eng. pilch and pelt, Germ. pelz, Fr. pelisse,
from Lat. pellis.
4 Mr. Rowley, ante, p. 202.
208
LETTER FROM THE RUSSIA COMPANY
might have ben well vttered considering the great plentie of wares
ther[e] and at the Narue, and herof we haue complained most
earnestly the last yeare as by our letter maye appeare. Wherunto
Thomas Glouar hath andswered this last yeare for the xcuse that
diuars commodities like vnto ours wear brought into Russia by other
strangers, and that diuars of our commodities weare so base that the
could not be vttered; with the which andswer we be not satisfied,
because the vnvendable wares weare dispatched, and in place therof
such others sent thether by vs as be most vendable ther[e], as
appeareth by the sales of the 12. viage vnto Rubbles 23481 17s. 4d.
as by th'accompt sent vs from thence apearith, we coulde nevar
haue home in one viage so many Rubbles as we sent thether the
same yeare pounds sterling in good wares.
7. Item. We like well that ther weare no more furres sent vs
this yeare, seing they be so excessiue deare.
8. Item. Sope ashes are not here in such request that they
will acquite the chardges to be sent, and therfore we wold haue no
more sent at no hand, for we cannot make the principall at ye
price the cost.
9. Item. If you can sell the rounde pewtar for 2 Rubbles the
pece, being ordinarie sortes, we are contented, but without your
further advise we mind to send no more.
10. Item. If you make 12 dingots cleare of a poode of salt we
se no cause whie you should so much mislike the sending of the
same to St. Nicholas, seing our shippes which take in the same
for lack of lading wheras otherwise the[y] must passe in ther
ballest.
11. Item. We like well of the Cordag sent this yeare both for
the size and workmanship, sauing that we wold haue a more pro-
portion of Cables of 7. or 8. ynches, and we hope our Ropemakers
will continue still ther well doeing till they haue brought our ropes
in like credit with those of Dansick.
12. Item. We haue prouided thre Ropemakers which cam[e] in
these shippes, that is to saye Robart Wilson, [Robart Bland and
John Bushell] to serue there 4. yeares after £9 a yeare wages, wherof
4 markes is to be paid yearely heare to his assignes, and the resi-
TO THEIR AGENTS.
209
diue to himself in Russia; and Bland to serue 6. yeares for £5
yerly during the first 3. yeares and £6 sterling during the later 3.
yeares.'
cordage.
13. Item. We desire that a perfect accompt may be kept of
our Cordag[e] by such one of our seruuntes as shall haue charge of Note for
the stuff for cordage, viz. how much the hempe deliuered from
tyme to tyme to every workman waieth, to whome by name the
same is deliuered, and how much the yarne vntarred waieth when
it is [received] againe of every workman; also the names and the
numbre of all the workmen and bondmen, what daies the[y] worke,
the[i]r wages, apparrell, meate and drinck and other chardges
ther[e]to belonging, and this to be orderly kept from daye to daye.
Finally such furthar order to be taken and obserued toutching
that accompt and vsage of our chardges of cordage as by Master
Jenkinson shalbe thought expedient, for we do vnderstand that
th'accompt of our Cordage hath bene kept in such disorder that.
great losse and spoile hath bene made of our hempe and cordag[e]
that we do not perceiv[e] whether we be gainers therby or not.
cordage.
14. Item. We desire that according as we haue w[r]itten herto-
fore that a iust waight of our Cordag[e] may be knowen, that is to Note for
saie what the wast[e] of our hempe is and also what the Cordage
tarred ought to way. And therfore the hempe is to be waied there
at the delivry, and the yarne mad[e] therof to be receaved ther[e]
againe by waight before it be tarred; and this company accompt to
be then charged by waight as white yearne as the manner of Dan-
sick is, and the waight of the yarne vntarred being certified
we shall iudge how our hemp wasteth from tyme to tyme.
mesures &
15. Item. Send vs a iust note and contrepoize of all the waightes
and iust staunderd of all measures, we meane as well those of Note for
Russia as Persia and Media, that therby we may knowe how the weyghts of
same andswereth with ours; we had them heare but the[y] will Persia.
not be founde.2
16. Item. Write vs your opinions by these shippes and more per-
fectly by Master Jenckinson, for what quantitie of wares maye be
1 In estimating the corresponding value at the present day, multiply
by six.-Arber's English Garner, iii, p. 18.
2 See John Hussey.-Hakl., p. 293.
Russia and
P
210
LETTER FROM THE RUSSIA COMPANY
vttered in the Emperors dominions, wher the places of traffick be,
and what quantitie of wares may be vttered in euery place, the
collers and sorts of cloth and what other wares be most in estima-
tione, and this to be donne from yeare to yeare. Item, of your
opinion what wares are to be prouided for Persia and Media, and
what commoditis be to be had from those contries, that vpon your
advertisment of the state of bothe viages we may deliberat what
further ordar to giue this next yeare for the furniture of bothe
viages. Arthure Edwardes¹ writeth in his lettre that we may bestow
a great substaunce viz. for 30 or 40 thousand poundes every yeare
in Persia and Media, we doubt whether he meaneth for so much in
vallue of our money or so much in waight in Silkes or Spices.
Therfore more plaines should haue bene vsed in a point of such
importaunce.
17. Item. We wold vnderstand how you sell the gold and silver
and silver lace, and which sorte you like best, sending vs paternes
with a note of the quantetie to be sent of eiche sorte; the like do
for your haberdasse ware which is most in request there, and
whether we shall send any more spectacles and what sortes; and in
your accompt sent to vs, you vse this gennerall tearme, "solde in
haberdasse weare so muche", and do not expresse the particulars
or quantetie of eiche sort, which herafter must be amended.
18. Item. The price of Russe wares is here to be sold as followith:
first, fflaxe 28 and 30 shillinges; Item, waxe the Ct. £3 13. 4. or
£iiij the Ct.; Tallowe the Ct. 18s.; Tanned hides the pece 3s. 4d.;
loshe hides the pece 6s. 8d.; Traine oyles the tonne £10; yarne
the lb. 11d.; tarred ropes the Ct. 18s.; hempe the Ct. 12s.
19. Item. We desire to be aduartised whether the peace be con-
cluded betwene the Emperour and the King of Poole², with what
princes he is in warre or in amitie that be bordering vpon his
dominion, what preparation of warres, what quiet in the contry,
what notable thinges chaunsd in the country; wherby we maye dis-
course vpon the order or alteration of our trade and of such
matters and other worthie the writing we maye be yearly certified.
1 Arthur Edwards was associated with Richard Johnson and Alex-
ander Kitchin in the third venture to Persia.-Hakluyt, 1599, i, 354.
2 Ante, p. 186.
TO THEIR AGENTS.
211
ye com-
Hawtric.
20. Item. Certifie vs of the proceding of our Poledauies men, wher Omytted till
the[y] work, how many lomes¹ be goeing, what quantitie one lome ming of
maketh in a yeare, what quantitie may be made ther[e]. We wolde
haue as many lomes goeing as may be possible, for that the
poldauies² is a goodly commoditie for this Realme, beware ther[e] be
no fflaxe put in the Poldauies as it was in our Cables at the first
beginning. We wold vnderstand how many slaues be sett to that
worke, whether they be apt to that arte; if nead be we will sende
more men from hence, but if slaues³ there be docible it weare
better to traine them vp (for diuars considerations) then haue many
of our nation from hence except it be master of the work. And
you must giue order that the masters do the[i]r goodwill and dilli-
gence to traine vpp others in that arte and that a good order be
taken for the accompt keping of the hempe, that it be not wasted as it
hath ben in our Cordage accompt. Talk with the workmen touching
these matters according to your discretion and certifie vs at lardge
therof, with the hole state and chardges of poldauies making and
also the Englishman's oppinion, whethar ther[e] maye be any good
canvas mad[e] of that countrie fflaxe or hemp, and what quantitie
a yeare.
21. Item. We haue desired Master Jenckinson to trauaill¹ for a
licence to make Iron in those dominions, if it be not allreadie ob-
tained, and when it is obtained we do desire to knowe with speade
what workmen with other furniture we must send from hence for
making of Iron, alwaie to be remembred that the Iron be laden in
our shippes from St. Nicholas and not from the Narve.
22. Item. By Master Merickes accompt, our late Agent here,
there aperith a remainder of £3000; if the same goodes remaining
be vendable, that they be sold ther[e] and the retourne therof to
1 Looms.
2 Poldavies (Poldways), a kind of coarse sacking, purchased for the
dockyards in Elizabeth's time.-Hist. of Agriculture and Prices in
England (Thorold Rogers), vol. iv, p. 557.
³ Slaves were mostly captives taken in war. They were quite dis-
tinct from serfs first introduced by Boris Godunof in 1590. Slave-
markets were held in Western Siberia as recently as the beginning of
the present century.
4 Travaill (Fr. travailler), to labour, to toil.
P 2
212
LETTER FROM THE RUSSIA COMPANY
Note well
this article.
be shipped hether; and if they be not vendable, these then to be
retourned and sent hether so sone as may be according to ye par-
ticulers her[e]with sent.
23. Item. Forasmuch as vpon the retourne of these our shippes
we make vp our hole accompt of all our aduentures for a diuidend
to be made according to our statutes, which we haue nevar don
since the first beginning of our aduentures, which was in anno 1552
[-3]; as also that we wold knowe certainely what wares, debtes,
houses, and other goodes of ours Thomas Glouar levith behind him
in Russia and Persia vnder your chardge or accompt; therfore our
desire is that you certifie vs by thes shippes if it be possible,
otherwise by Master Jenckinson or with the first messengar, what
manner of wares, debts, botes, houshold stuff, landes and other
goodes what soeuer he leavith with you, ouer and besides the wares
and goodes to be sent vs from thence this yeare, with a particular
declaracion wher[e] the same remaineth and what the vallue is as
it is worth ther[e]; who be the debtors, as you will charg your self
with all to andswer it vs. And in this declaration of yours to com-
prehend by hit [sic] self what is the vallwe of our goodes appointed
for the Persia accompt, how much therof in Persia, how much in
Russia; and the same to be vallwed after the Russe money, and
vallue it as it is in the place wher the Persia wares do remaine
at the tyme when you certifie vs; for so much as you confesse
will we chardge you with all, and we shall see whether your ac-
compt will agree with Glovars, for as we be aduartised from Glouar
the truth we know not as yet. He had 2 yeares past but a
remainder of Rubb: 2139: 14: 4, when we iudged bothe by
our accomptes here and his owne lettres and accomptes to be
at the least Rubb. 6907: 2: 14, we trust or [ere] it be longe to
trye out the truth herof, for that we loke for him this yeare.
24. Item. That you cause a true Remainder of our wares and
goodes in Russia to be made yerely in every of our houses, to be
perfectly drawen out by such of our servantes as haue the charge
therof, that such priuat accomptes of our servuntes and abstractes
of remainders maye in all thinges agree with your gennerall book
of accompt yerely to be sent vs; in which point we haue found
great negligence and oversight that the bookes haue not bene con-
fferred together but do much disagree.
TO THEIR AGENTS.
213
25. Item. Hertofore the gennerall accomptes haue ben sent vs
with such gennerall tearmes that causeth a suspition of priuat
traffick of our Agent and servantes; therfore we require that in
th'accompt yearly to be sent vs more plaines and more particular
declaration may be made, viz. wher[e] and what the[y] haue re-
maining in redy money, what in wares (the kind), sortes of clothes,
sortes of haberdasse ware, and vallwe to be deliuered in particular,
what in debtes and the debtors names, wher[e] the[y] dwell to be
expressed with the severall debtes.
26. Item. We wolde be certified yerly of the particulars of
cariages of wares to and from, which we wold yerly see to th’intent
we may iudge of the alteration of these charges which increase
yerly and now do double the vall we they weare at the first; wherat
we much marvaill and ther[e] be Rub. 248 asked allowaunce in the
last accompt for ordinary chardges, which seame to exced more
then reason wold.
27. Item. We pray you vse all circumspection when you receue
accomptes of our servuntes substituted for eny place, that you
examine well the particulars, taking from them imediately vpon
the accomptes such redy money and goodes as you find resting in
ther handes vpon th'accompt, and also the billes of debtes made of
our goodes. And if ye debtors be knowen to you you will speake
with them or otherwise vse all the meanes to knowe if it be the[i]r
debt. And good heede to be taken that our servants at the
accompting do not deceaue you in making a greater remainder of
goodes and debtes then ther[e] is in deade, that they do not faine
debtes and remainders of goodes when in troth ther[e] is none such,
for we thinck this waye will cut of[f] occasion of priuate traffick of
our servuntes. And it wear good you chaunged some tymes our Note.
servuntes from the[i]r chardge vppon a soubdaine and required
the[i]r accomptes often tymes.
28. Item. We desire you to be circumspect that none of our ser-
vuntes or stipendaries do vse priuat traffick as we he[a]re saie they
doe for furres and other wares in Russia and especiallie betwene
Russia and Persia. And if you hauing forbiden them to do the
same, they breake your commandement, shippe them home. It is
tolde vs our money is giuen out ther[e] to interest for peculiar
214
LETTER FROM THE RUSSIA COMPANY
gaine with other false packing diuars waies; the which you must
mete withall herafter with diligence, severitie and vigilauncy better
then we be able to prescribe, thincking that the priuat traffick is
the onely hinderer of our affaires, which we leaue to your
consideration.
29. Item. The charges of houskeping are double as much as they
were wont to be, which causeth vs to iudge a riotousnes, remisnes
and Idlenes of our servuntes; therfore we desire Master Jenckinson
and you to make a frugall proportion of fare per man in every house
and a commandement to be giuen not to exced; and that propor-
tion to be kept with all severitie and vigilancy. And that order be
giuen that our servuntes kepe a book of achates¹ in every house, and
the same yearly to be sent home, and in your boke of acchates or
any other vse no Russe tearmes vnles you put the significacon
therof in Englishe afterward.
30. Item. We vnderstand that our servuntes and stipendaries
haue accoustomed to giue wyne and meate to comers and goers to our
houses, that the same maye be left by litle and litle; we knowe the
manner of the contrie is not to welcom with wine except we haue
brought vp this coruption, therfore if this typling be not left we
will sende no more wyne, and we mervaill greatly ther is no more
made yerly of our wynes.
31. Item. Certaine of our servuntes and stipendaries be sus-
pected of horedom, Incontinency, dronckennes and Idellnes; if
they do not amende ship them home, for where ether of these
vices do raigne is no dilligence or faithfull dealling.
32. Item. It is notorious what excesse of apparrell and vtter
countenance is vsed by our servuntes, the[y] ride and goe like
lordes ; therfore we desire you to reduce them to the vniformetie of
apparrell herwith prescribed, and cause the same to be kept with all
severitie; if it be against the manner of that countrie we will make
Order to be it the manner rather then forbeare our money with losse to clothe
Master Jen them in velvets or Silkes or maintaine them to ride when we goe
afoote. We will haue none of our prentises to ride in ye townes
in any wise and therfore lett the horses and mares be solde. Also
taken by
kynson to
weigh this
article.
1 O. Eng., acates, provisions purchased, victuals; from O. F. acat,
buying, purchase.
TO THEIR AGENTS.
215
reduce our stipendaries to a better order in apparrell, forbid them
riding in the townes for diuars causes, such excessiunes corupteth
all good natures, bringeth obloqui to our nation, causeth vs
to allowe greate wages and finally owre purse must bear all in
the end.¹
33. Item. It is also notorious that our prentesis and stipendaries.
make superfluous buildinge at Colmogro and Vologda, rather for
ostentation, fancy and pleasure then for necessitie, which causeth
many comers and goers to our great hinderaunce and cost of our
purse and affaires. Therfore no bylding or reparation (tiling ex-
cepted and for defence our wares) to be made before our principall
agent in presence and vew of the place shall allow the same; for
the manners of our servuntes and stipendaries may be such that
we beinge bannished the country shall leave those houses to other
straungers perchaunse our ennemies.
34. Item. We vnderstand that our servuntes kepe dogges, beares
and other superfluous burdens; we desire you to vse your discretion
for the banishment therof, as also that none of our stipendaries or
seruuntes haue any bonde men or women attending vppon them
other then such as you shall appoint for our workes or by your
discretion shalbe assigned, for the seruice of such engendreth pride,
contempt of you and vs in our seruuntes, corrupteth ther manners,
agilitie and industrie, besides the greate charg[e] of the[i]r finding.
Also that you kepe not aboue one Russe subiect in one house, for
hertofore you haue kept many in one house, which is contrarie to
our prviledg, wherunto giue you good heade as you will andswer
to the contrarie.
35. Item. We desire you, Master Rowlay, in most earnest manner
to haue continually in remembrance that we haue appointed you
vpon a singular trust to be our chef Agent in those forraine
partes; you sustaine therby no small expectation of your well
doeing and passing of our affaires; and you, considering the great
charge to you committed, do not giue vs occasion and cause her-
1 Cf. "note of one year's apparel for an apprentice in Russia",
infra.
2 William Rowley was chief agent of the Company from 1567 to
1571.-Cf. ante, p. 202.
216
LETTER FROM THE RUSSIA COMPANY
Note for
Persia.
after to saye, you haue deceaved or disapointed vs, for assure your
self we will laye it to your chardge and lack of gouernment if you
do not redresse and see to our seruuntes and stipendaries behauiour,
amend the excessiue chardg of house keping, apparell, stopp the
priuat occupiing, and amende such faultes and errors as be ther
notorious.
36. Item. Our commandement is that our prentesis and stipen-
daries do take and esteme you as ther master, obey your commande-
ment, and follow your direction and order with dwe obedience; and
he that will contrarie your commandement (if he be a prentise),
giue him dwe correction, and if he be a stipendarie, shipp him home
with aduartisement of his behauiour. We haue desired Master Jenc-
kinson to declare by mouth from vs to such of our stipendaries
and prentesis as he shall see, an exhortation to obedience towards
you and fathfulnes with dilligence in our affaires.
37. Item. We thinck it good that you did vse one or two of our
stipendaries to your assistans, whome you shall thinck most fittest,
communicating to him or them the privitie and state of all our
affaires, that if any casualltie should chaunce to you he might
supply and succeed in your roume, now that Hawtery¹ comith home
or goeith into Persia. We like well of Atherton, you must haue
the care of a naturall father to prouid for your succession, and if
God vesite you with sicknes that you doubt your self, you ioyne one
other at your choise with your successor, they both iointly to passe
our affaires till you recouar or we giue furthar orders from hence;
and send vs worde by Master Jenckinson whome you thinck fittest
to comitt the trust vnto.
38. Item. We doubt that Alcockes death proceaded not by
asking paiment of our debtes (as Edwardes writeth) but that he
1 Thomas Hawtrey was for some time the Company's agent at
Vologda. He, with Jenkinson and others, signed the translation
of the privileges obtained in 1567 (infra, p. 236). However, he ap-
pears afterwards to have carried on business in an illegal manner for
himself.-Hamel, p. 135.
2 Andrew Atherton, who succeeded Rowley as agent at Novgorod,
was afterwards arrested for forwarding merchants' letters to England,
and released at the instance of Randolph. (See infra.)
TO THEIR AGENTS.
217
ether quarreled vnaduisedly in that straung[e] countrie or ells that
he contraried the people touching ther[i] religion, lawes or manners;
being giuen to our nation otherwise then wisdome wolde to mis-
like and mocke other straungers; wherof we wishe all our country-
men to be aduartised, we meane bothe those which be and shalbe
resiant in Persia and Russia, in any wise not to vtter any misliking
of the Religion or gouernement but to seame onely to followe the
trade of merchandiz.
39. Item. That no stipendaries do take to his own vse or for his
accquaintance any of our haberdasse or other ware, but that he
paye forthwith for the same as it is solde there; and we vnderstand
that somme of them buye our haberdasse and cloth at the price it
cost here and bestow it in their own apparrell or gratifie ther frendes.
40. Item. These 2 yeares past we haue written that if any of our
wares weare deliuered ether to our seruuntes for apparell or to
straungers for giftes that the same should be particularly vallwed
and put to accompt, of ... charges for seruuntes, or charges of giftes,
making th'one accompt debtor, and th'other accompte of wares
creditor for the same; but this hath not bene obserued, but such
gennerall wordes and paragrafes vsed in the accomptes and lettres
sent vs that the wonderfull wast[e] of our seruuntes was much
shaddowed and hid.
41. Item. In like manner when you send any goodes for Persia,
Media, or any other places, we wolde haue the same vallwed as the
like goodes are sold in the place from whence the[y] be sent, and
so much chardged in the Persia accompt.
42. Item. We sende you for St. Nicholas shipping for 800 tonnes
ladinge at the least, according to Thomas Glovars aduise the last
yeare sent by Master Jenckinson, and moreover sende you clothes and
collored pennystones¹ for this viage. We send you the lesse wares
this yeare consideringe our great remainder in that contry and
the small retourne sent vs this last yeare, which hath not paid half
our debtes here, which be at this daye about £20,000 [£120,000
now], which daylie encraise vpon vs for lack of retourne from thence.
1 Pennystones, a kind of coarse woollen cloth in common use for
linings. “Transpose thy plush to pennystone and scarlet.”—Citye
Match, 1639, p. 5; Halliwell.
218
LETTER FROM THE RUSSIA COMPANY
Note for
Persia.
43. Item. We haue sent Master Christopher Hoodston¹ this
yeare
to the Narve (whome we thinck to be ariued ther by this tyme)
about 200 clothes, 200 Carsaies, 7 shippes laden with salt and
other wares to the vallwe of £11,000, and shippes to the burden
of about 1300 tonnes ther to be laden and the wares solde and the
hole retourne to be made this sommer if it be possible.
44. Item. If you send any goodes by the waye of the Narve of
St. Nicholas accompt, you must not confound the same with the
Narve accompt; and therfore diuars markes must be vsed that the
one adventure maye be knowen from the other, for ther be but
certaine persones of the companie which haue and do venture to
the Narve.
45. Item. We trust you haue ben aduartised that th'accompt of
every yeares viage is to be kept severally, that you and we
may knowe of what viages the remainder of the goodes is.
46. Item. We mislike with Ric. Johnson2 that he wolde not
suffer Arthure Edwardes to be priuie to our accomptes in Persia,
for our mindes be that our Agentes or Seruuntes beinge English-
men should haue open accesse to the bookes of accompt and to be
priuie to our reckoninges, both for th'avoiding of vntrwe dealinge
as also they may learne experience. Therfore when you appoint
more then one in a place giue order that all may be priuie to the
reckoninges.
47. Item. We wrate the last yeare that a iournay should be made
for the search of the passage by water betwene St. Nicholas and
1 Christopher Hodson had been a clerk to Alderman Sir George
Barnes. He came to Russia in 1555; was sent to Nijny Nov-
gorod to sell cloth, and was afterwards employed in developing
the trade with Narva (cf. ante, p. 109; Hamel, p. 125). His name
appears with that of William Burrough at the foot of a letter sent
to the Emperor, dated from Narva, 15th July 1570, announcing the
capture of five Danish piratical ships by an English fleet of thirteen
sail off the island of Tuttee (Tüter), in the Gulf of Finland.-Hakl.,
1589, p. 425.
2 Richard Johnson sailed with Stephen Burrough to the coast of
Nova Zembla early in 1556; he and his brother Robert accompanied
Jenkinson to Bokhara in 1558-9; and subsequently, in 1565, Richard
commanded in the third voyage to Persia.-—Ante, p. 41; Hakluyt,
1599, pp. 283, 324, 354.
TO THEIR AGENTS.
PERSIAN AFFAIRS.
219
the Narve, and therfore we loke to haue perfect aduise and discrip-
tion of the travaill which ware therto appointed, what departeth
the riuars or waters, by which waye the[y] trench, how many
myles by riuars, how many by ye lakes, how many by sea, how
many by lande, how commodious the cariage by lande, how bigge
boates may passe, with other circumstances; and a perfect carde to
be made if it may be of the iournay. Yf Salt and other commodities
maye be carried betwene St. Nicholas and Narve, to or betwene
St. Nicholas and Novogrod the great, it wolde doubtles in tyme
serue our tourne to muche purpose.¹
48. Item. That you certifie vs this yeare and so yearly herafter,
which of our seruuntes you entend to leaue at every severall place,
with the coppie of the[i]r comissions and what wares you will leaue
with them; and the wares to be speacified in the Comission In-
dented, subscribed with ther handes; the last yeare you sent a cop-
pie of the[i]r comissions but no advartisement what wares they had.
49. Item. We will that Ralf Ruttar² shall attend vppon Master
Jenckinson for that he is fittest for an Interpretour, and Master
Jenckinson's advise to be followed touching Rotters retourning into
England.
50. Item. We mervaill that Richard Johnson was sent into
Persia as chefe, being a man in our opinnions vnfitt for that chardge
and nothing so fitt as another. He hath disclosed his vnabillitie in
his owne letters (besides the reporte), which although they do
desire no andser at our handes yet vppon consideration we thought
it good to write him an andswer herewith inclosed; which when
you haue read it and perceaued some parte of our greffes, Seale
it and cause it to be deliuered or sent him.
51. Item. You and Thomas Glovar gaue order the last yeare that
Arthure Edwardes shoulde retourne out of Persia. We haue at
this present a good opinnion of Edwardes and wishe he might be
one to continwe in Persia, notwithstanding we committ this matter
to your discretion.
1 Cf. Southam and Sparke's journey, ante, pp. 190-206.
2 Ralph Rutter was afterwards concerned with Glover, Bennett,
Chappell, and others, in malpractices against the Company, and his
extradition was demanded by Randolph, infra.
220
LETTER FROM THE RUSSIA COMPANY
Note for
Persia.
Note for
Persia.
Note for
Persia.
Note for
Persia.
52. Item. Master Jenckinson by his greate experience putteth vs
in good hope for a beniffitiall trade of Spices, drugges and silkes
out of Persia¹; so dothe Arthur Edwardes by his letter² and en-
courageth vs for the obtaininge of letters of priviledge at the
Sophies handes. We send you a copie of his letter herewith inclosed
which we desire you to consider. Our chef desire is to haue a greate
trade for the said spices and drugges to serue this reallme, for that
we haue vndertaken (at this late parliament tyme) to perfourme
the same to the Quenes Maiestie and the nobillitie of this Realme.
And therfore you must vse herin all dilligence, circumspection and
trauaill which waye it may be sonest and best brought to passe,
and giue such orders from tyme to tyme that we haue as small
remainders in Persia and Media as is possible, and thinck when ther
is great remainder left in wares or debtes then ther[e] is the more
priuate occupinge.
53. Item. We wishe that contin waunce of frendship might be
kept with the Morsay nowe kinge, by liklihood kinge of Shirvan or
Media,³ with som present convenient from the companie as a
congratulation of his coming to ye Crown if he be chosen kinge.
54. Item. We vnderstand that the Casbin (wher the Sophies
courte is) is but 3 daies iourney from the Caspian Sea, and that
the Kinge of Gulian bordereth vpon the said sea, his dominion
beinge betwene the Casbin and the sea, almoste as neare to
Astracan as Shamochie is. And we thinck it very good that the
same kinge be practised withall for a trade &c. And for that we
vnderstand he dothe exersise merchaundise himself (as the king
of Portingall dothe), it weare best that treatie weare had with
himself for a bargaine of Spices and drugges, and to trade with the
merchauntes of his countrie for the commodities there.
55. Item. That the said king of Gulian and king of Media be
practesed with all that they wyll builde fortes vpon the hauen or
place wheare our bark shall lie at anckre that they may be salf
from Rouars or pirates &c.
56. Item. It is to be liked that the shippes, sailes, ancres and
1 Cf. ante, p. 149.
2 Hakluyt, 1599, i, 356.
3 Referred to by Jenkinson, cf. ante, pp. 141, 147.
4 Ghilan, cf. Alcock's letter, infra.
TO THEIR AGENTS.
221
cables be brought a land in a salf place at Nazanoe¹ the porte in
Media or other portes where they lande, which is to be donue
allwaies for feare that other rovars or the countrie people do carry
away our bark when we should neade it, which the[y] cannot do
so easely if the vessell lack her fourniture.
57. Item. We can be well contented that our men take fraight
on the Caspian Sea to the full lading of our bark.
Persia.
58. Item. We be desirous to haue a Sea Carde made of the viage Note for
on the Caspian sea with a note in writing of the Courses, sondinges,
markes, daungerous places, varrieinge of the compasse and latitude
of places, quallitie of harbaroughes; and that you giue order that at
every viage into Persia, you haue, sende or deliuar such remem-
braunces in writing at large bothe of the sailinge outwardes and
homewardes; and that from yeare to yeare you send vs a coppie
therof, for by comparation of diuars yeares and dyvars mens travaill,
the viage shalbe by Godes grace be com of lesse daunger. Will
Johnson (as we haue written to him) to make you a Carde of the
Caspian sea and viage down the Volga, and also deliuer you in
writing his obseruation and knowledge touchinge these pointes
mentioned in this Artickle.
59. Item. We thinck our selve [s] very ill dealt withall that we
haue had no worthie aduartisement sent vs of the Persia affaires and
trade there, and that the perfect accompt of our seruuntes and
factors doeinges there be not sent vs.
60. Item. That you send vs yearly a perfect accompt of the
Persia trade and particulars of all the chardges to and from in
Persia, from tyme to tyme, and perfect advise of the state of that
trade.
61. Item. Arthure Edwardes writeth that he aduised our
Agentes in Russia what commodities of Russia be to be sent into
Persia, that you will haue regarde therunto.2
Persia.
62. Item. We thinck it not good that any of our carsais³ be sold Note for
in Russia, for the last year the Russes carried packes of Carsaies
1 Probably Nossavoi, from Noss, Russian for headland. The port
referred to is probably Shabran, ante, p. 131.
2 Cf. Arthur Edwards' letters, infra.
3 Carsaies (Kerseys), ante, p. 115.
222
LETTER FROM THE RUSSIA COMPANY
Note.
(bought at the Musco) into Persia and therby hindered our Sales;
and therfore lett none of them be solde herafter in Russia.
63. Item. Wheras Arthure Edwardes writeth that there be
slaues to be bought at the Caspian which haue been at Oromes¹
(the staple of Spices) and speake the Portugal and Persia tounge,
we thincke it good you gaue order some of theim be bought, by
whome to [the] state of Oromes traide might be opened; and vpon
there reporte to send some one or two of those slaues with some
one or 2. of our men to Oromes or hard by, ther to practise for the
trade of Spices and drugges to be brought to the Casbin from
Oromes or Callecut, and we thinck that Spark² is a fitt man
for that purpose for that he hath the Spanishe tounge.
3
64. Item. We send you a coppie of the act of parliament passed
in the fauour of the Companie, touching our trade, which we
desire you to peruse. And if any obiection be made by the
Emperour or his counsaill touching the restrainte of traffick to his
countrie, that you enfourme them there be aboue 400. persons of
this ffellowship; and that the statute was made vppon occasion that
certaine Englishmen did make fraies and showid them selues dis-
orderly at the Narue in bringing away the subiectes of Russia,
wherby the ffellowshippes goodes might haue ben in daunger; and
that now if any disorder be comitted within his dominions the
Quenes Maiestie knowith where to laye the fault and to punishe
the same; for she tenderith the good name and order of her sub-
iectes as she dothe the quiet and amitie of that Emperour &c.; and
this Societie is able to furnishe the Emperours dominions with all
thinges as if the hole realme did trade thether.
65. Item. That the originall letters of priviledge graunted vnder
the Emperours great seale be brought the next yeare to St.
Nicholas, that if vppon conference with Thomas Glouar we shall
thinck meate to haue them sent home they maye there be readie
for that purpose, and that in the meane tyme so many exemplifi-
1 Oromes (Ormuz), ante, p. 147.
2 Companion of Southam in the journey to Novgorod, ante, p. 190.
Spark perished with other Englishmen at the burning of Mosco by
the Crim Tartars in 1571.-See infra.
3 Printed in Hakluyt, 1589, pp. 394-397.
TO THEIR AGENTS.
223
cations or vidimus to be made of this priviledge as Master
Jenckinson and you shall seame good.
66. Item. We haue desired Master Jenckinson to confarre with Note.
you and ayde you as well touching such matters as we priuitly
elarge to you, as other orders to be taken and concluded vpon with
you, whose aduise we desire you to followe. And of such orders as
he and you be agreed vpon (which be not here so plainely speacified),
we desire you sende them vs by him or[ere] the next yeares ship-
ping, subscribed with bothe your handes, that we maye knowe what
order is left there. And if ther be any doubt of our meaning in
these our lettres we refarre the exposition therof to Master Jenc-
kinson who knowith our mindes in all thinges, willing you to giue
credit to him and assist him in all things touching this comission,
whome we authorise of himself to redresse such disorders as be ther
to be amended.
67. Item. We finde gret negligence in them that packed our
fflaxe there, for in euery packs we found lacking ether one boundell
or two of fflaxe; and againe, if you send vs any two copies whether
it be b[o]ok, envoice or ffacture,¹ they wounderfullie varie one from
another, which herafter must be amended, seing we lok for more
exactnes at your handes.
68. Item. Such money as Master Jenkinson shall neede for the
atchiving of our sutes and other affaires there, deliuer vnto him,
and we shall accompt with him here at his retorn for the same.
69. Item. The beneuolence of the yong prince2 is to be sought
and contynued from tyme to tyme towards this fellowship by
some small giftes or otherwise as you shall knowe most meetest.
70. Item. Yf any of our seruuntes, workmen or other, shall at
any tyme, during thair abode there in the Emperour's dominions,
deliuer to you any mony there by exchaung to ther ffrendes here,
receaue the same and we will see yt paid here againe. We trust
we shall finde these workmen of our countrie diligent and honest.
Therfore vse them well during their abode there.
71. Item. By the first of our shipps or ells by Master Jenkingson
fayll not to send vs a perfect aduertissement what shipping we shall
1 I.e., invoice.
2 This “yong prince" was Ivan, eldest son of the Tzar, by whom
he was killed in a paroxysm of rage in 1582.
224
LETTER FROM THE RUSSIA COMPANY
send the next yeare not only to St. Nicholas, but also to the Narue.
And at this present we wold both by credit and otherwise you
shuld labour to send vs as much as you cold, for by meanes of
our small retourn the last yeare we are come farre behind the hand
and in debte.
72. Item. Yf a peace shuld be concluded betwene the two kinges
of Sweaden and Denmark, it is to be feared that the trade of the
Narue will in short tyme be translated to Rye [Riga] and Reuell,
wherfore if you shall heare of any such rumor or liklihod sende of
our seruuntes to Nouogorode the grett, Plasco and the townes of trade
adioyning, to engrosse and buy vpp all, or as much as they can, of
waxe, fflax, Tallowe &c. goods, comodities for these partes, to staye
the Russes from Rie [Riga] and Reuell. And the goodes so prouided
may be sent as in Master Jenkinson's Commission we haue enlarged,
ether to the Narue, if that trade be open, downe the Ryuer Onega,
if it be sound and sufficient, or at the lest to St. Nicholas by the
Ryuer Dwyna, ffor our speciall entent is to preuent the Russes
trade to Rie and Reuell, if it were possible the trade of ye Nerue
being shutt vp from vs by any meanes.
73. Item. And for that we wolde gladlie be satisfied in the
premises euen as if we were there ourselues, as we haue ben pain-
full in these our lettres to signifie our aduise at full, euen so we
will that you, Master Rowley, do ether drawe out or cause to be
drawen out, the cheffest notes and orders touching traffique and
our seruuntes; and to sett them in Tables to be sett vpp in
Muscho, Vologdo and Colmogrode, that euerie one may the better
perceaue their duties and our myndes therby.
74. Item. The buffe hiedes the last yeare were verie euill chosen
and bought, many of them being rotton, raskall and killed out of
season. We sold those that were good for vjs viijd the pece, and so
we are still offered for the like. We haue sent you certayn in-
structions howe to choose and order them, which we praye you
to followe, and write we praye you where the said hide be prouided
most and what charges arriseth therupon.
75. Item. There is a certayne kinde of wooll verie good in thoose
partes for hattes and ffeltes. The Tartarians are accoustomed to
make them clookes therof, that is much like the Estrich [Ostrich]
TO THEIR AGENTS.
225
wooll; we praye you to send vs some therof for a prouffe. ffor we
haue more perfect ffeltes made here in London at this present, than
any are made in Spayne, and in grett quantitie also.
76. Item. Master Rowley, yt is determened by ye company that
you shall geve order to lade Thomas Waide with 50/ or 60 fates'
tallowe, 25/ or 30/ Rowelles of waxe, x or xii Cabelles of sondeary
sortes, none aboue 9 or ten inches, but vnder, the Rest in smalle
hasers and other Rygeng Ropes; which shype wylbe ffytt ffor
Byskeye,² and yf she take in x or xv packes of fflaxe or other lyght
wares so yt may be vppermoste, yt may be taken out of hir at
Harwedge³ or in the downes, and she may go alonge with the Rest
which shalbe at the Companyes pleasure at hyr aryvenge.
In lyke case they desyre another of them may be laden with a
good quanttatie of waxe and tallowe, and the Reste to be cabelles,
fflaxe, co Robies, and such lycke as may be taken owte as afore-
saide; and the shipe to go alongest with the Rest, yf they seme
good, for Gallyssia or Lyscheborne.5
The which we make Rekenynge the Hary to be metest for that
perpose because she is our owne shipe &c.
A thyrd shype they wolde haue layden with the lyke comodyties
for waxe and tallowe for to be sent for Roue; wher in may be for
a profe a carobe of yarne, yf you haue bowght any store, and fyll
hyr up with flaxe and hempe rather then faylle, for the flaxe hathe
as good a vent ther[e] as here, and better all this last yeare; which
may be the Charrytie, Mr. Richard Gybes or Kinge. I do not
for[e]se[e] whether of them.
8
In your other thre shippes you may lade your cabelles, some waxe,
tallowe and flaxe and the Comodyties for London, with the trayne9
which you most laid alone and you cane and nether tallowe nor
waxe with yt, for yt Rayes¹0 that marueloes yll, spesyally ye waxe.
fflaxe may lye apone yt but nothing vnder yt &c.
WILLIAM GARRARD, ROWLAND HAYWARD, Govarnours.
1 Fate (fat), a vat or vessel; formerly any tub or packing-case.
-Halliwell.
5 Lisbon.
2 Biscay.
3 Harwich.
6 The Harry, cf. ante, p. 189.
s The name of the third ship.
10 To defile (Halliwell); i.e., taint.
4 In Spain.
7 Rouen.
9 I.e., train oil.
Q
226
LETTER FROM THE RUSSIA COMPANY
Memorandum, to seeke and procure by all meanes to vs the
money dew by the doctor and other artifficers at their daies, which
was lent them by the Companie in London to be Repaid ageyne, as
by the particular accompt which I hav[e] in my Corobia.
I meane money lent them besides that was gyvyn them.
THE NOTE AND STINTEL OF ONE YEARES APPARELL FOR AN
APPRENTYSE IN RUSSIA OR PERSIA, &C.
ffirst, all our apprentises to be apparrelled in one sorte, sute, and
coller [colour] and fasshion so near as may be.
The maner and price of the apparrell that we will our appren-
tises to weare ffor:-
2 vpper garmentes at 7 arshins sorting
Suffolk clothes of Rubb. 12 the clothe
which will amounte vnto
for making, buttons and stitching the same
1 neether garment of 5 arshins Hamshire
carsaies of 4 Rubb. the carsaie amountes.
for furre for the same not aboue
•
for making buttons and stytching of the same
1 workday vpper garment of 7½ arshins cot-
tin or streight without furre or stitching.
will amounte
for making and buttons of the same
3 shirtes at 9 altins the pece amountes
1 pelch of furre which will serue 3 or 4 yeares
3 pair Lynnyn breaches at 4 altins the pair
3 pair hose of cotton or streighte at 20 din-
gers and nott aboue will amounte vnto
3 pair bootes at 8 altins the pair amountes.
The amending of this aparell yerlie will cost
1 Capp for holie dayes not aboue
Rubb. 2. 16. 4
Rubb. 1. 0.0
Rubb. 1.
Rubb. 1.
0.0
Rubb. 1. 0.0
Rubb. 0. 9. 2
Rubb. 1. 7.0
Rubb. 0. 6.0
Rubb. 0. 27. 0
Rubb. 1. 0.0
Rubb. 0. 12.0
Rubb. 0.10. 0
Rubb. 0.24.0
Rubb. 0. 8.0
Rubb. 0.18. 0
Rubb. 0. 8.0
1 Capp for worke dayes will cost.
Girdle gloues and Kniues amounte yearly Rubb. 0. 5.0
•
Sum of all amountes as aperith, [13 Rubles 12 altines 6 dengas]
¹I.e., quantity assigned.
TO THEIR AGENTS.
227
Thus our apprentises being throwlie fournished the first yeare
they shall not nede to stand vs in aboue 3 Rubbles the man by the
yeare afterward, considering the old apparell made of our comoditie
wilbe sold ther againe for so much as will buy them newe for the
next yeare, wherof lett euery seruunt render an accompt to you,
which we desire to see yearlie in your accomptes, declaring the
charge of euery seruuntes apparell in particuler & by name, & if
you finde any apprentise that is not willing to obserue this pro-
portion, shipp him home as an vnprofitable seruunt.
Yours JOHN BROKE.¹
Yours THOMAS HARYS.
ARTHUR DAUBENER.
THON NYLLUAR.
¹ John Brooke, appointed first agent at Wardhouse in 1555 for the
merchant adventurers.-Hakl., 1589, p. 295.
8
NOTE. The only currency in Russia at this period was silver, for
though there was a copper coin called a "pole” [— of ¿d.], it was
only used in almsgiving at Mosco, and for buying cheap refreshments
by the people, such as kvass and fruits, and it was not current among
merchants. The silver coins were a 66
poledenga" [i.e., half-denga
= d.], a “denga" [= 1d.], “nowgrote" [i.e., Novgorod denga=2d.];
2 poledengas made 1 denga, 6 [Novgorod] dengas 1 altine [18.],
23 altines 2 dengas made 1 rouble [= £1 English money]. The
measures used in Russia were the arshine [=1 Flanders or Antwerp
3 of an English ell, or å of an English yard] and the locut
[= } an English yard]; the former used by foreigners and the latter
against them by the Russians.-Cf. The Coins, Weights, and Measures
used in Russia, written by John Hasse in 1554 (Hakl., 1589), p. 293.
ell,
4
A comparison of the relative values of Russian and English coins
then and now would be interesting, but this would lead us too far
from our subject; suffice it to say that within the memory of per-
sons still living, mercantile transactions were settled in silver money,
great bags of which were carried between the different counting-
houses. The introduction of a paper currency dispensed with this
unwieldy system of transacting business, but its too easy manufacture
destroyed the stability of the rouble, which is now (in 1885) worth
less than two shillings.
Q2
The Priuileges granted by the Emperour of Russia
to the English merchants of that company: obteined the 22. of
September, anno 1567, by M. Anthony Ienkinson."
ONE onely strengthener of all things, and God without
beginning, which was before the world, the Father, the Sonne
and the Holy ghost, our onelie God in Trinitie, and maker
of all things, whom we worship in all things, and in all
places, the doer and fulfiller of all things, which is the perfect
knowledge giuer of the true God, our Lord Jesus Christ, with
the comforter the Holy spirit, and thou which art the
strengthener of our faith, keepe vs together, and give vs
health to preserue our kingdome, thou giuer of all good
fruites and helper of all Christian beleeuers.
We, great lord by the grace of God, and great duke John
Vasiliwich, of all Russia, Vollodimar,2 Mosco, Nowogrod, Cassan
[Kazan] Astracan, Plasco,³ Smollensko, Twire, Vgorie,5 Vate-
1 Hakl., 1589, p. 397. Collated with the MS. at the Record
Office.-Cal. S. P., Dom. Eliz., 1581-90, vol. cxcvi.
2 Vollodimar (Vladimir), formerly a Grand Duchy of Russia, in-
cluding Rostof and Murom, but absorbed by Ivan Kalita in the
Grand Duchy of Mosco. This territory was afterwards formed into
the principalities of Suzdal and Vladimir, and finally, in 1778, became
the government of Vladimir. Being centrally situated, and inhabited
for the most part by Russians, it took the first rank among their titles.
3 Plasco (Pskof). Chancellor says: "The towne of Plesco is fre-
quented of Marchants for the good store of honie and waxe that it
yieldeth."-Hakl., p. 289.
Twire (Twer). This Grand Duchy was united to the crown of
Mosco in 1484, having been long the prey of rival princes and in-
vading Tartars and Lithuanians.
5 Ugorie (Ugria), the northernmost province of Russia in those days
east of the Pechora.-(Cf. Jenkinson's map and ante, p. 105; also
Spruner-Menke, Hist. Hand-Atlas, No. 68.)
TITLE OF THE TSAR.
229
4
que,¹ Bulgar,2 Sybir³ and others, Emperor, and great duke of
Nowogrod of the lower land, of Chirnygo,5 Kassan, Pollotskie,7
Rostove, Yereslaue, Bellozer, Vdar,10 Obdar,11 Condine,12 and
8
¹ Vateque (Viatka), the country of the Votiaks, now the govern-
ment of Viatka, in north-eastern Russia. Ivan III subdued this
country, and annexed it to his crown in the year 1489.—Cf. ante,
p. 50.
2 Bulghar, or Bolghar, ceased to exist as a separate kingdom after
the Tartars established themselves at Kazan. This title must, there-
fore, be meant as complimentary.
3 Sybir (Siberia), conquered in this reign by Yermak, the Cossack.
The title of Tsars of Siberia, taken by the Emperors of Russia, only
dates from 1563.
4 I.e., Nijny Novgorod (see ante, p. 45).
5 Chirnygo (Chernigof), in south-western Russia, bordering on Kief
and now comprised in the government of Chernigof.
6 Kassan, evidently a misprint for Rezan, as it is correctly rendered
in the MS. and in the second edition of Hakluyt.
7 Pollotskie (Polotsk). Ivan's sovereignty over Polotsk was only
temporary, for in 1579 Stephen Batory took the town by assault, and
it long afterwards remained a possession of Poland.
8 Rostove (Rostof), one of the old principalities. It comprised at
one time the whole of what is now the government of Yaroslaf,
with part of Vladimir (Suzdal), Novgorod (Bielozero), and Vologda.
Ivan III purchased the rights of the Grand Dukes of Rostof in 1474,
and thus put an end to its separate existence. Descendants of the old
princes of Rostof are still among the prominent families of Russia;
for instance, Prince Lobanof-Rostof, lately ambassador at the court
of St. James, derives his descent from them.
9 Bellozer (Bielozero, i.e., white lake), now a district of the govern-
ment of Novgorod, is celebrated in Russian annals from the time of
Rurik. Four of its princes came to the assistance of Dmitry Donskoi,
and fell at the battle of Kulikova. Bielozero was annexed to Mosco
in 1486.
10 Vdar, in MS. Oudoria (Udoria).-Cf. Hughes' Atlas of Compara-
tive Geography.
11 Obdar, i.e., Obdoria, the region on this side the Ob, and near its
mouth.-Cf. Jenkinson's map, ante, p. 105.
12 Condine (Condora, Condensa) in S. P. MS., misplaced on Jen-
kinson's map. It lay south of Ugria on the border of Siberia.
Cf. Spruner-Menke, No. 70.
230
PRIVILEGES GRANTED
lord of many other lands and of all the North Partes, Com-
mander and Lord of Liffe Land.¹
Whereas our sister Queene Elizabeth, by the grace of God
Queene of England, France and Ireland, hath written to us.
her letters that we would grant her Merchants: William
Gerrard, William Chester, Rowland Heyward, Lawrence
Hussie, John Marsh, Anthony Ienkinson, William Rowlie,5
and their company of England, to come in shippes into this
kingdome; and those merchants, William Gerrard and his
company, haue required of vs that we would grant and licence
them to come into our country of Dwina with all kinde of
wares at will, to our citie of Mosco and to all our castles in
our kingdomes; we, for our sisters sake Elizabeth by the grace
of God Queene of England, France and Ireland, haue licenced
her merchants William Gerrard and his company to passe
in shippes to our kingdome of Colmogro, and to the land of
Dwina, and to all other our inheritances in the North parts,
with all kinde of wares to our citie of Mosco and to all
castles and townes in our kingdome. And Sir William
¹ Liffeland, Livonia, included up to the seventeenth century the
three Baltic provinces of Courland, Livonia, and Esthonia. Ivan
called himself Lord of Livland, by virtue of his victories over the
Poles and Teutonic knights. But these provinces had to be given back
to Poland when the more enterprising and warlike Stephen Batory
(circa 1580) defeated the Russians, and restored these possessions to
the crown of Poland.
2 In MS. "" a letter". No trace of this letter can be found in Eng-
land, though it is referred to by Dr. Hamel (p. 177), who, unfortu-
nately, gives no references. In Ivan's answer by Jenkinson he men-
tions this letter.-Cf. note, infra, p. 238.
3 Sir William Gerrard was governor of the Muscovy Company.
Letters and documents relating to it, of this period, bear his signature as
well as those of Rowland Hayward and William Chester.-Ante, p. 225.
4 John Marsh was Anthony Jenkinson's father-in-law. (See Intro-
duction.)
5 Agent at Novgorod, and afterwards, from the year 1568, chief
agent at Mosco for the company.—Cf. Southam and Sparke's Journey,
ante, p. 202; also p. 215.
TO ENGLISH MERCHANTS.
231
Gerrard and his company desired of vs that we would grant
them licence to passe to our inheritance of Cassan and Astra-
can and into our inheritance of Nouogrod the great and to
our inheritance of Liffeland to Narue and Dorpe,¹ and to
other our castles and townes of Liffeland with all kinde of
wares, and the trade to be without custome; which request
we haue granted to Sir William Garrard and his company,
and haue giuen them licence to passe to our inheritance
of Cassan and Astracan and Nowogrod the great, and into
our inheritance of Liffeland, Narue and Dorpe and other
places of our inheritance in Liffeland with all kinde of
wares to buy, barter and sell at will without custome: and
what wares soeuer they bring out of England or out of any
other countrey, needfull or nesessary, that they shall bring all
those wares needfull or necessary to our treasury, and those
wares there to be opened, and then to take out of the same
such wares as shal be needfull for our treasury, and the rest
being deliuered againe to sell and barter at their pleasure;
and to sell none of the fine² wares before they be seene by
our chancelers, except sorting clothes, and other wares not.
meete for our treasurie: and when our chanceler will send
our treasure out of our treasurie with them, they shall take
it with them, and so sell and barter it for wares meete for our
treasurie, and bring it to our treasurie, and they to take no
other mens wares to barter or sell with them, nor yet our
people to buy or sell for them theyr wares:³ and if those Eng-
1 Dorpe (Dorpat), the now celebrated university, was, even in those
days, the seat of learning. The bishops of Dorpat during the
ascendancy of the Teutonic order took an active part in public affairs.
2 In the S. P. MS., “finest”.
3 This passage shows that the Tsar had become a trader himself,
and wished to share in the commercial enterprise of the English
merchants, though he did speak of their affairs as "boorish”, and
insisted upon Imperial affairs being attended to in the first instance,
and then matters of trade. There is earlier evidence of participation
by the Tsar in the English ventures.-Ante, pp. 125, 155.
232
PRIVILEGES GRANTED
lish merchants do desire to passe out of our kingdome of
Astracan to Bɔghar, Shamakie, Chaday, or into any other
countryes, or els to goe into their owne countrey, then they to
take theyr treasure with them, and to barter and sell it for
wares necessarie for our treasurie, and to bring it and deliuer
it to our chanceler, and when they come backe againe to our
inheritance of Cassan and Astracan or to any other of our
castles & townes, that then our captaine of Cassan &
Astracan, and all other our people of charge, shall not holde
them but with speed let them passe without taking custome
of them or theyr wares, and without opening or looking vpon
them in any wise: and when they haue not our treasure
with them, that then likewise no custome shall be taken of
them nor their wares to be seene of any man.
:
And likewise we haue granted them to buy and sell in all
our kingdomes and castles, with all kinde of wares and we
haue also licenced them, that when those English merchants
doe desire to buy and sell with our marchants wholly
together, that they shall haue libertie so to do wholly
together and they that doe desire to sell their own wares by
retaile in their owne house, that then they sell it in theyr owne
house by retaile to our people & other strangers, as they
can agree and weights and arshenids to be kept in theyr
house with our seale, and they themselues to barter and sell
theyr owne wares and no Russe merchant in Mosco or any
other place in our kingdome [not] to sell for them any wares,
nor to buy or barter any wares for them, nor couler³ any
¹ Bokhara, Shemakha, and Cathay. The Muscovy Company were
still hopeful of establishing a trade with those countries through
Russia.
2 Arshenids (arshines), i.e., retail measures.-Cf. John Hasse,
referred to above (p. 227), and Hakl., p. 293.
3 An old law term. It meant to pass off another person's merchan-
dise as your own, in order to evade duty. This abuse was one of the
causes which led to the revocation of the privileges of the foreign
merchants of the Stillyard.
TO ENGLISH MERCHANTS.
233
:
strangers goods. And wheras those merchants of England,
Sir William Garrard and his company, do desire to sell their
wares at Colmogro, Dwina, Vologda, Yeraslaue, Costrum¹ and
in Nouogrod the lower, Cassan, Astracan, great Nowogrod,
Plasko, Narue, Dorpe, and in other our townes and castles,
they shall haue theyr will to sell it and of their wares of
England and Russeland, no custome shall be taken, neither
they nor theyr wares shal be stayed in any place: and when
they depart out of Mosco to aduertise our chancelor thereof,
and not to giue any note or inuentory of any kinde of theyr
wares they carry away: and when the English merchants
Sir William Gerrard and his companie doe come vpon the
sea and by misfortune haue theyr shippes cast away vpon
those coastes of the North partes, then we will theyr goodes
to be sought out with truth and to be deliuered to Sir Wil-
liam Gerrard and his company, which as then shall be found
in our countrey: and if that Sir William Gerrardes company
be not in the Mosco nor in our countrey, then wee will and
command that those goodes of theyrs shall be layd vp in place
of safegard vntill such time as the sayd Sir William Gerrard
or his company come to demand the same: and then at theyr
comming wee will that it shall be deliuered. And whereas
heeretofore wee haue giuen Sir William and his com-
d
panie in this our kingdome of Mosco, the new castle by the
church of S. Maxim² behinde the market they shall there


**
nment of that name, dates
of the thirteenth century.
Costrum (Kostroma), 230 miles N.E. of Mosco, on the left bank
of the Volga, now the capital of the
its existence as a town from the beging
It was here that Dmitry Donsko
invading Tartar host of Toktan
thither, in 1407, from Yedigher
first of that dynasty, accepted the
times which intervened between
accession. Kostroma was a
it is still noted.
The church of St. Ma
ught refuge from the
Vassili Dmitrevitch fled
stroma, Michail Romanof,
of Russia after the troublous
th of Boris Godanof and his
ous for its flax trade, for which
jenny (the blessed) stood on the
234
THEIR HOUSE IN MOSCO.
still holde theyr house as heeretofore wee haue giuen them,
paying no custome for the same: and wee also doe licence
them to keepe one Russe porter or two, or els of theyr owne
countrey, and those porters shall dwell with them and not
sell for them nor barter nor buy for them. And also I haue
graunted them to buy a house at Vologda and at Colmogro
or in any other place where they can choose for themselues
any good harbour, and there they to set vp those houses
in those places at their owne charges: and in Vologda or the
other houses to keepe two or three porters of their owne or
els two or three Russes, and their wares to be layed vp in
those houses and to sell their owne wares at wil: and the
porters without them to sel none of their wares, neither yet
to buy any for them. And our officers of Colmogro and
Dwina and of other our castles and townes shall not looke
ouer their wares, nor take any custome thereof: neither shall
those English Marchants, Sir William Garrard and his com-
pany, be iudged by any of them. And when the English
Marchants shall sende from our kingdome their owne people
into their owne Countrey by land ouer other kingdomes what
soeuer they be, they may without ware send their owne
people at their pleasure. And when any matter of lawe
doeth fall out in r trade of Marchandise, then they shall
be judged by our Chancellours and lawe shall be done with
equitie betwixt our people and them. And when they cannot
be iudged by law, they then shall be tried by lots, and
whose lot is first taken out, he shall haue the right.¹ And if
it happen any of those Marchants to haue any matter of
lawe in any other part our Dominions for trade of Mar-


Varvarka. It was built
But the English house was.
Mosco in 1571. (See infra.):
1 ¹ Henry Lane gives a curious
tering justice by lot in a suit bet
Hakl., 1599, i, 309.)
nd restored in 1676 (Semeonof).
when the Krim Tartars burnt
of this manner of adminis-
n and some Russian. (See
MONOPOLY OF WHITE SEA TRADE.
235
chants, then our Captaines, Iudges and chiefe officers shall
heare the matter and administer Iustice with equitie and
trueth, and where lawe can take no place, to be tried by lots,
and his lot that is first taken out to haue the right, and for
their matters of lawe no custome to bee payde.
3
Furthermore, wee for our sisters sake Elizabeth haue graunted
that none beside Sir William Gerrard and his Companie, out
of what kingdome soeuer it bee, England or other, shall [not]
come in trade of Marchandise nor otherwise to Colmogro, nor
to the Riuer Ob, nor within Wardhouse, nor to Petzora, nor
Cola, nor Mezen,¹ nor to the Abbey Petchingam,2 nor to
the Islande of Sallawye, nor to any mouth of the riuer of
Dwina, nor to any part of the North Countrey of our coast:
and if any Marchant out of what Countrey soeuer it be, doe
come with shippe or shippes, busses,5 or any other kind of
vessell, to any of our harbors, within all our North parts,
wee will that then the people and goods, shippe or shippes,
shal be confiscate and forfeited to vs the Emperour and
great Duke.
4
Giuen in our kingdome and house of Mosco the yeare from
the beginning of the world 7,000 three score and sixteene, in
¹ Pechora, Kola, and Mezen, all ports on the White Sea. The first
and the last were situated at the estuaries of rivers of the same names.
Kola, on the borders of Karelia, was settled by the Dutch in 1565,
who from thence endeavoured to carry on a direct trade with the
Dwina. The above clause in this privilege was therefore directed
against them. (See Barents' Three Voyages (Hakl. Soc.), pp. vi and vii.)
2 Petshingam (Pechenga), the monastery alluded to in Jenkinson's
narrative.—Ante, p. 19.
3 Sallawye (Solovetsky), the famous island monastery at the en-
trance to Onega Bay.-Ante, p. 19.
4 The northern Dwina has three principal channels in its delta,
emptying into the White Sea, viz., Beriozofsky, Murmansky, and Pudo-
jemsky. Of these, the first is alone navigable for large ships.-Ante,
p. 22.
5 Buss, a small vessel of from 50 to 70 tons burden, used in herring
fishing. (See a curious treatise on Britain's "buss", reprinted in
Arber's English Garner, iii, 621.)
236
JENKINSON'S MESSAGE
the moneth of September, and in the 34. yeere of our raigne,
and in our conquest of Cassan 16. and in our conquest of
Astracan 15. Perused and allowed by vs:
ANTHONIE LENKINSON
WILLIAM ROWLYE
THOMAS HAWTRYE
THOMAS SOWTHAM
RAFE RUTTER translator hereof out
of the Russe tongue.
November 1567.
A message vnto the quenes excellent Maistie from
th'Emperor his highnes of Moscovia, to be doone in secrett vnto
her highnes by me her graces seruant A. Jenkinson.¹
Ffyrst, the sayd Emperor of Muscouia ernestly requireth
that there may be a perpetuall frendshipp and kyndred
betwixt the quenes Maiestie and hym which shalbe the
beginning of further matter to be doone.
Ffurther, the said Emperor requireth that the Quenes
Maiestie and he might be (to all their enemyes) joyned as
one: to say, her grace to be ffrend to his ffrends and enemy
to his enemyes and so p. contra. And that England and
Russland might be in all matters as one.
Ffurther, the sayd prynce hath willed to declare to the
Quenes Maiestie That as the King of Pole is not his ffrend,
even so he sheweth hym self not to be frend to the Quenes
Maiestie, ffor that this last Sommer ther was a Spye taken with
lettres from the King of Pole dyrected to th'Englyshe mar-
¹ Ashm. MS., No. 1729, fo. 148ab; another draft, Cotton MS., Nero
B. xi, f. 332. These documents are admirably preserved, and the
first appears to be in Jenkinson's handwriting.
FROM THE TSAR.
237
chants in Russia wherin was wrytten these wordes. I Sygis-
mond¹ Kinge of Pole, &c., requyre you Englyshe marchants my
trusty servants to aide this bringer, and to assyste and ayde
such Russes as be my frends with money and all other helpes
with other wordes. Wherat th'Emperor at the ffyrst was
much offended. But after by the confession of the Spye
(when he suffred death) yt was knowen to be a practyse of
the Kinge of Pole, as well to haue by that meanes caused
the indignacon of th'Emperor to haue fallen vpon th’Englysh
nation and to haue broke frendship betwyxt the Quénes
Maiestie and hym, As also that he shold haue charged dyvers
of his Nobles with treazon. Wherefore th'Emperor requireth
the Quenes maiestie that she wold bee joyned with hym (as
one) vpon the Pole and not to suffer her people to haue trade
of marchandyze with the subiects of the Kinge of Pole.
Ffurther, the Emperor requyreth that the Quenes Maiestie
wold lycense maisters to cum vnto him wich can make
shippes and sayle them.
Ffurther, that the Quenes Maiestie wold suffer hym to
haue owt of England all kynde of Artyllery and thinges
necessary for warre.
Ffurther, th’Emperor requyreth ernestly that ther may
be assurance made by othe and fayth betwyxt the Quenes
Maiestie and hym, that yf any mysfortune might fall or
chance vpon eyther of theym to goe owt of ther contreys,
1 Sigismond II was extremely jealous of the English trade with
Russia, and employed every means in his power to stop it, even
sending messengers with pretended letters of thanks to English mer-
chants in order to rouse the suspicions of Ivan against them. He
fitted out ships in Danzig, at that time a possession of Poland, to
capture English ships going to Narva, persuaded Denmark and
Sweden not to use that route, and even threatened Elizabeth that
loss of life, liberty, wives, and children awaited those who should
carry wares and weapons to the Muscovite, who was not only the
enemy of the King of Poland, but "the hereditary foe of all free
nations".
238
THE TSAR'S MESSAGE AND
that yt might be lawfull to eyther of them to cum into the
others cuntrey for the saulfgard of them selves and ther lyves.
And ther to lyve and haue relyff without any feare or
danger vntill such tyme as such mysfortune be past, and that
God hath otherwyse provyded, and that the one may be
receyved of th❜other with honner. And this to be kept most
secret.
And of all this matter, th'Emperor requyreth the Quenes
Maiestie most humbly to haue answer by sum of her trusty
counsellers, or by one of more greater estimacyon than my
self. And whatsoeuer the Quenes Maiestie shall requyre of
hym yt shalbe granted and fully accomplyshed.
The Quenes Maiestie answer to be geven th'Emperor
requyreth by St. Petars day¹ next.
Endorsed, Novemb. 1567, Antho. Ienkinson's message to
the Quenes Maiesty from th'Emperor of Moscouia.
1 29th June.
NOTE.-Besides the above "message", the Emperor of Russia wrote
to the Queen by Anthony Jenkinson. This letter, written in Sep-
tember 1567, is preserved at Hatfield House. The following abstract
of it is given in the calendar of the Cecil MSS.:-"Ivan Vasilivitz,
Emperour of all Russia......Has received the Queen's letter by her
messenger Anthony Jenkinson, in which it is stated that the Queen
has sent in the name of the chief of the Company which trafficks in
his dominions, and for friendship's sake, has sent him an architector
[sic], a doctor, an apothecary and other masters, and desiring him to
be good and gracious to her merchants. Anthony has desired him in
behalf of William Garret, William Chester, Rowland Hayward,
Laurence Husey, John Husey, John Marsh and Anthony Jenkinson,
William Roly, and their company, that he should suffer them to come
into the Muscovite dominions and to the town of Dorpt, Narve and the
country of Dwina, and to all havens, to buy and sell without custom,
and to suffer no other merchants of whatsoever country but Garret
and his company to come into the north parts and Dwina to traffic.
LETTER TO THE QUEEN.
239
The Emperor has been gracious to the company aforesaid and has
given them his letters, and the other masters have been well received
in his dominions. And for this the Queen's friendship he has
increased his friendship towards her, and so may she send her great
messenger who shall talk with his council and the Queen's wishes be
fulfilled, that the Queen and himself may be in good friendship and
everlasting love. Written in our princely Court of Muscovy, in the
year from the making of the world 7076, in the month of September,
Indictione 11, of our age the 34, of our Imperial reign in Russia the
21, of Kazan the 16, and of Astrakan the 15.”
Endorsed by Cecil: "Tho. Randolph, Tho. Bannester, Jeffry
Duckett."
[1568. June 16.]
Instructions for Tho. Randolph, esquier, Master of
the Queenes Maiesties posts being sent in Ambassad to the
Emperor of Russia.¹
[The words printed in italics are corrections on the original draft in
the handwriting of Cecil.]
WHERAS the said Emperor of Russia sent vnto vs by Anthony
Ienkinson his lettres dated in September,2 by which among
other things is signified vnto vs that vpon our request he had
inlarged his former graunts of liberties to the company of
the marchants of our Relme of England, trading the north
parties of his countries, and that he was ready to entertayne
all good amitie and friendship betwext him and vs.
further declared to our said seruant Anthony Ienkinson his
desyre to be in frendshipp with vs without end, which he did
communicate vnto vs, and to that end wold haue vs send to
hym our great messenger.3
And
You shall vpon access vnto him and suche ceremonies vsed
as you shall by your discretion think may stande with our
honour, hauing regard to his estate & the vsage of those hist
countreis, declare vnto him the somme of that aboue men-
tioned, and thereupon shall giue him thanks for his frendly
wrytings and other dealings towards our subiects and seruants,
and shall assure him that we meane to retayne the same in
our contynuall memory; and so with lyk good speaches you
shall conclude that we have made choice of you at this
present to com and visit him, and to conferre with him vpon
any maner of mater that shall please him to open or disclose
vnto you.
1 S. P., For. Eliz., 1568, No. 2272.
2 Cf. ante, p. 238, note.
3 Cf. ante, p. 236 and ibid.
INSTRUCTIONS TO RANDOLPH.
241
And you shall saye that our said seruant Anthony Ienkin-
son hath very secretly told vs that the said Emperour was
desirous to haue suche a frendship betwext vs, as if eyther of
vs had cause by any misfortune to seeke refuge out of our
owne countreis, that in that case the one might be a defendour
of the others cause. To which mater you shall saye that we
did think that our said seruant Anthony Ienkynson might
misconceaue the woords of the said Emprour. For thoughe
we think it very trew that the Emperour might propounde
to our said servant a motion to haue Amitie and frendship
to be keptt betwext vs, yet consydering on the one parte
thoroughe Gods goodnes allwais shewed vnto vs, we haue no
manner of doubt of the contynuance of our peceable gouern-
ment without danger eyther of our subiects or of any forren
ennemys. And on the other parte, we know not anything
to the contrary of the state of the said Emperour, of whos
power and wisdom we haue good reporte made to vs by our
subiects trading in his countreis, we doo think that our said
seruant hath mistaken the intencion of the said emperors
speche vnto him. And yet neuertheles, for the clearer vnder-
standing of his mynde, we haue willed you to repete this
matter, therin to know cleerly his Intencion, assuring him
that if any mischance might happen in his estate (as all
things vnder heauen are subiecte at Gods will to mutations
and changes) we doo assure him, he shall be frendly receiued
into our dominions, and shall finde assured frendship in vs
toward the mayntenance of all his just causes, in as good
sorte as if he had speciall graunts or couenants from vs in
that behalfe signed with our hand and sealed with our
seale.
And in such good generall sorte we wold haue you satisfie
him without giuing occasyon to enter into any speciall
Treaties or Capitulacion of any such legue as is called offen-
siue and defensiue betwext vs. Whereof though the sayd
Anthony Tenkynson made mention to vs, yet we wold have you
R
242
INSTRUCTIONS TO RANDOLPH.
pass those matters with silence, for we are not ignorant of the
Inmitie that is betwext him and the Empire of Roome, and
also betwext him and the Kings of Pole, Sweden, & suche
others: so as it cannot be convenyent for vs to make any
outward treaty with him, otherwise than to haue some
graunts from him for priuilegs to the benefit of our merchants.
In which cause our special Intencion is to haue you to trauell
and that is our speciall cause of sendyng you thither.
Item. We haue ordeyned that you shall present him from
vs with a riche standing cupp of the weight of ¹ouncs,
conteyning in it greate nombere of peeces of plat[e] artificially
wrought, which when you shall present, you shall recommend
it for the Rarytie of the fashon, assuring him that we doo
send him that same rather for the newnes of the devise than
for the value, it being the first that euer was made in these
partes of that manner. And so as you see cause to sett fourth
the gift, as in de[e]d the woork of it self doth well deserue.
And where the societie of the merchants haue made choice
of ii trusty wyse merchants of their companye, Thomas Ban-
nister & Geoffrey Ducket, to whom also we have for their
more Credit giuen commission with your self to treate with
the said Emperor about the maters of their traffick. Because
the said societye hath best knowledge how to aduaunce that
Treaty, we must wholly referr you to suche instructions as
the said societie hathe in that behalfe deuised, and doo requier
you to vse all your diligence & wysdom & credit to the
furderance of the same & specially to the recouering of the
stock & store of the said societie, out of the hands of such
as haue been ther put in trust by them with their trade, &
haue notoriously abused & falsly deceiuid the same mar-
chants.
Endorsed. Copy of Instructions for Master Randolph, sent
into Moscovia, 16 Junii 1568.
2 Words, or figures, omitted in the MS.
HIS EMBASSY.
243
1. To complement yet not lyk in with anie formers.
2. To ofer him retreat here if occasion serus.
3. To recall the Ienkinsons messag from him selfe of his
desier of a league offensyu and defensyu, which the Queene
cannot mak in regard of his discord with the Emperor,
Pole and Swede.
4. To deliuer a present and comend the purity of the
workmanship, not the value.
5. To draw especiall his establishing the trade, and thereto
tak that consell of 2 merchants named in the instruccions.
The Ambassage of the right worshipfull M. Thomas
Raudolfe, Esquire, to the Emperour of Russia, in the yeere
1568. Briefly written by himselfe,¹
age went
Banister
THE 22. day of June, in the yeere of our Lord 1568. I went In this voy-
aboorde the Harry, lying in the roade at Harwich with my Thomas
companie, being to the nomber of 40. persons or there about: and Geofrey
of which the one halfe were Gentlemen, desirous to see the their voy-
world.
Within one dayes sayling, we were out of the sight of all
lande, and following our course directly North, till wee came
to the North Cape, wee sailed for the space of 12. dayes with
a prosperous winde, without tempest or outrage of sea :
Hauing compassed the North Cape, we directed our course.
flatte southeast, hauing vpon our right hande Norway, Ward-
house, Laplande, all out of sight till wee came to Cape Gallant 2
And so sayling betweene two Bayes, the two and thirtieth
day after our departure from Harwiche, we cast ancre at
S. Nicholas roade. In all the time of our voyage, more then
¹ Hakl., 1589, pp. 399-402.
2 Sviatoi Noss, cf. unte, p. 20, and W. Boroughs' map.
R 2
Ducket, for
age into
Persia.
244
THE ABREY OF ST. NICHOLAS.
of S. Nicho-
las of 20.
Monks.
1
the great number of Whales ingendering together, which wee
might plainely beholde, and the Sperma cetæ, which we might
see swimming vpon the sea, there was no great thing to be
wondered at. Sometimes we had calmes, wherein our
Mariners fished and tooke good store of diuers sorts. At
The abbey S. Nicholas wee landed the 23. of July, where there standeth
an abbey of Monkes (to the nomber of 20.) built all of wood:
the apparel of the monkes is superstitious, in blacke hoods
as ours haue bene. Their Church is faire, but full of painted
images, tapers and candles. Their owne houses are lowe and
small roomes. They lie apart, they eate together, and are
much giuen to drunkennesse, vnlearned, write they can,
preach they doe neuer, ceremonious in their Church and
long in their prayers.
At my first arriuall I was presented from their Prior with
two great rye loaues, fish both salt and fresh of diuers sorts,
both sea fish and fresh water, and sheepe aliue, blacke with
a white face, to be the more grateful vnto me, and so with
many solemne words inuiting me to see their house, they tooke
their leaue.
Towne or habitation at S. Nicholas there is none more then
about 4. houses neere the abbey and another built by the
The English English Companie for their owne vse.
house at S.
Nicholas.
This part of the Countrey is most part wood, sauing here
& there pasture & arable ground, many riuers and diuers
Islands vnhabited, as the most part of the Countrey is, for
the coldnesse in winter.
S. Nicholas standeth Northeast: the eleuation of the pole
64. degrees. The riuer that runneth there into the sea is
1 Prof. Nordenskiöld says: It is very remarkable that whales still
occur in great abundance on the Norwegian coast, though they have
been hunted there for a thousand years, but only occasionally east of
the White Sea." (Voyage of the Vega, i, 168, and cf. ante, p. 16.)
The spermaceti seen by our author refers to the well-known secre-
tion of the whale, called by old writers "ambergris", and noticed by
Olaus Magnus, who mentions early legends concerning it.
KHOLMOGORI.
245
called Dwina, very large but shallow.
This riuer taketh his The riuer of
beginning about 700. miles within the countrey, and vpon
this riuer standeth Colmogro & many prettie villages, well
situated for pasture, arable land, wood and water. The
riuer pleasant, betweene high hils of either side inwardly in-
habited, and in a maner a wildernes of high firre trees and
other wood.
Dwina.
At Colmogro being 100. verstes, which we accompt for 3. Colmogro.
quarters of a mile euery verst, wee taried 3. weekes, not being
suffered to depart before the Emperour had worde of our
comming; who sent to meete vs a Gentleman of his house to
conuey vs and to see vs furnished of victuals and all things
needefull vpon his owne charge.
The allowance of meate and drinke was for euery day 2.
rubbles, besides the charge of boates by water, and 4. score
post horses by lande, with aboue 100. cartes to carrie my
wines and other carriage.
Colmogro is a greate towne builded all of wood, not walled
but scattered house from house.¹ The people are rude in
maners & in apparell homely, sauing vpon their festiuall and
marriage dayes.
The people of this towne, finding commoditie by the
English mens trafique with them, are much at their com-
mandement, giuen much to drunkennes and all other kinde of
abominable vices.
An English
In this towne the Englishmen haue landes of their owne house with
giuen them by the Emperour, and faire houses with offices
for their commoditie very many.
Of other townes vntil I come to Vologda I write not,
because they are much like to this and the inhabitants not
differing from them.
I was 5. whole weekes vpon the riuer of Dwina till I came
to Vologda, being drawen with men against the streame, for
other passage there is none.
' Cf. ante, p. 23, note.
lands at
Colmogro.
246
YAROSLAF.
VOLOGHDA.
The descrip-
tion of the
Vologda standeth vpon the riuer of Vologda, which com-
meth into Dwina. The towne is great and long, built all of
wood as all their townes are.
In this towne the Emperour hath built a castle inuironed
with a wall of stone and bricke, the walles faire and high
rounde about.¹ Here (as in all other their townes) are many
Churches, some built of bricke, the rest of wood, many
Monkes and Nunnes in it: a towne also of great trafique
and many rich marchants there dwelling.
From hence we passed by lande towardes Mosco in poste,
being 500. verstes great,2 which are equall with our miles. In
their townes we baited or lay, being post townes.
The countrey is very faire, plaine and pleasant, wel
inland of inhabited, corne, pasture, medowes ynough, riuers and woods
Moscouie.
faire and goodly.
3
At Yeraslaue wee passed the riuer of Volga, more then a
mile ouer. This riuer taketh his beginning at Beatla Ozeraª
and decendeth into Mare Caspium, portable thorow of very
great vessels with flatte bottomes which farre passe any that
our countrey vseth.
To saile by this riuer into Mare Caspium, the English Com-
¹ Cf. ante, note, p. 26.
2 There seems to have been two kinds of versts in Russia at this
time: one, the modern verst, equal to about two-thirds of an English
mile (cf. ante, p. 190); the other, the "great verst", now obsolete,
equal to a full English mile.
3 Cf. p. 28, note.
4 Beatla Ozero (Bielo Ozero), i.e, white lake, in the Government of
Novgorod, a sheet of water covering an area of 986 square versts,
oval in shape, without any bays worth mentioning. Its greatest
length is 40 versts (27 miles), and width 30 versts (20 miles). The
lake is fed by thirty-one tributaries, and discharges by the river
Sheksna, a left navigable tributary of the Volga; but the source of this
latter river is considered to be a marshy spring situated in a plain in
57° N. latitude, 840 feet above sea level. The channel of this spring is
lined with timber, and a small chapel near the village of Volgino
Verkhovia (Volga's source) marks the exact spot.—Semeonof.
ARRIVAL OF RANDOLPH IN MOSCO.
247
panie caused a barke to be built of 27. tunne, which there
was neuer seene before. This barke built and readie rigged
to the sea with her whole furniture, cost not the companie
aboue one hundredth marks there.
at Mosco.
To Mosco we came about the ende of September receiued His arriual
by no man, not so much as our owne countreymen suffered
to meete vs, which bred Suspicion in mee of some other
course intended then we had hetherto found.
A special
house at
Mosco, built
We were brought to a house built of purpose by the
Emperour for Embassadours, faire and large, after the fashion for Em-
of that Countrey.
Two gentlemen were appointed to attend vpon me, the
one to see vs furnished of victuals and that we lacked
nothing of the Emperors allowance: the other to see that we
should not goe out of the house, nor suffer any man to come
vnto vs, in which they left nothing vndone that belonged to
their charge. But specially he that looked to our persons,
so straightly handled vs, that we had no small cause to doubt
that some euill had bene intended vnto vs. No supplication,
suite or request could take place for our libertie, nor yet to
come to his presence.
Hauing passed ouer 17. weekes in this sort, the Emperour
sendeth word that we should be readie against tuesday the
20. of Februarie at 8. a clocke in the morning.
bassadours.
The houre being come that I should go to the Court, the
two Gentlemen, Pristaues (as they cal them) came vnto me 2. Pristaues.
apparelled more princely then before I had euer seene them.
They presse vs to depart, and mounted vpon their owne
horses and the Embassadour vpon such a one as he had
borrowed, his men marching on foote to their great
griefe.
The Embassadour (being my selfe) was conueyed into an
office where one of the Chancellers doeth vse to sit; being
there accompanied with the 2. foresaid Gentlemen I tarried
2. long houres before I was sent for to the Emperour. In the
248
RECEPTION BY THE EMPEROR.
His admis-
Emperors
presence.
ende message being brought that the Emperour was set, I
was conueyed by my gentlemen vp a paire of staires through
a large roome, where sate by my estimation 300. persons, all
in riche attire taken out of the Emperours wardrobe for that
day, vpon three rankes of benches, set round about the place
rather to present a Maiestie then that they were either of
qualitie or honour.¹
At the first entrie into the Chamber, I with my cappe
gaue them the reuerence, such as I iudged their stately
sitting, graue countenances and sumptuous apparel required,
and seeing that it was not answered againe of any of them, I
couered my head, and so passing to a chamber where the
sion to the Emperour was, there receiued mee at the doore from my 2
Gentlemen or gouernours, two of the Emperors Counsellers
and shewed me to the Emperor and brought mee to the
middle of the chamber, where I was willed to stand still and
to say that which I had to say. I by my Interpreter opened
my message as I receiued it from the Queene my Mistresse,
from whom I came, at whose name the Emperour stood vp
and demaunded diuers questions of her health and state :-
wherevnto answere being made, he gaue me his hand in
token of my welcome and caused me to sit downe, and further
asked me diuers questions.2
The
Queenes
present.
This done I deliuered her Maiesties present, which was a
notable great Cuppe of siluer curiously wrought with verses
¹ Kotoshikin, a writer on early Russian customs quoted by Mr.
Morfill in his Slavonic Literature (p. 92), says of the boyars that they
are all ignorant men, and even in the Tsar's douma or council “sit
silently stroking their beards, and make no reply when there is need
of their advice".
2 With reference to this episode of Randolph's embassy, Karamsin
writes (ix, 168) :—“Le fier Anglais, offensé de cette injure, se couvrit
sur le champ. A cet acte de vigueur on s'attendait à voir éclater le
courroux du tzar; il accuellit, au contraire, Randolph avec bonté,
l'assura de l'amitié qu'il portait à sa chère sœur Elizabeth, et rendit
ses bonnes grâces aux marchands anglais."
AND ENTERTAINMENT.
249
grauen in it, expressing the histories workmanly set out in
the same.¹
perors
All being said and done (as appeared) to his contentment,
he licensed mee and my whole company to depart, who were
all in his presence, and were saluted by him with a nodde of
his head, and said vnto me: I dine not this day openly for The Em-
great affaires I haue, but I wil send thee my dinner and giue the Embas-
leaue to thee and thine to goe at libertie and augment our
allowance to thee in token of our loue and fauour to our
sister the Queene of England.
I with reuerence took my leaue, being conueyed by 2.
other of greater calling then those that brought me to the
Emperors sight: who deliuered me to the two first Gentlemen
who conducted me to the office where I first was, where came
vnto mee one called the long Duke, with whom I conferred a
while and so returned to my lodging.
Within one houre after in comes to my lodging a duke
richly apparelled, accompanied with 50. persons, eche of them
carrying a siluer dish with meate and couered with siluer.
The duke first deliured 20. loaues of bread of the Emperors
owne eating, hauing tasted the same, and deliuereth euery
dish into my hands and tasted of euery kinde of drinke that
he brought.
This being done, the duke and his companie sate downe
with me and tooke part of the Emperors meate, and filled
themselues well of all sorts and went not away from me un-
rewarded.
Within few nights after the Emperor had will to speake
secretly with mee, and sent for me in the night by the Long
duke; the place was farre off and the night cold, and I hauing
changed my apparell into such as the Russes doe weare found
great incommoditie thereby.
Hauing talked with him aboue 3. houres, towards the
morning I was dismissed and so came home to my lodging,
1 Cf. Instructions to Randolph, ante, p. 242.
speach to
sadour.
250
RANDOLPH RETURNS WITH SAVIN.
A second
conference
with the
Emperor.
where I remained aboue 6. weekes after before I heard againe
from the Emperor, who went the next day to Slouoda, the
house of his solace.¹ After the ende of which 6. weekes,
which was about the beginning of April, the Emperor re-
turned from Slouoda aforesaid and sent for me againe to
make repaire vnto him. And being come I dealt effectually
with him in the behalfe of our English Marchants, and found
him so gratiously inclined towards them that I obtained at
his hands my whole demands for large priuileges in general,
together with all the rest my particular requests.
And then hee commended to my conduct into England a
nobleman of his, called Andrewe Sauin, as his Embassadour
for the better confirmation of his priuiledges graunted and
other negotiations with her Maiestie. And thus being dis-
patched with full contentment, the saide Embassadour and
my selfe departed and imbarked at S. Nicholas about the
ende of Iuly, and arriued safely at London in the moneth of
September following.2
1 Alexandrofsky Sloboda, referred to above, ante, p. 188, note.
2 "The 27 of August", says John Stowe, in his Summary (p. 524),
"Andrew Gregoreuiche Sauin, Embassadour from Muscouy, landed
at the Tower wharfe, and was ther receyued by the Lord Maior of
London, the Aldermen, and shriues in skarlet, with the marchants
aduenturers in coates of blacke veluet al on horsebacke, who con-
uaied him, riding throughe the citie, to the Muscouye house in Sedinge
Lane ther to be lodged."
A Commission giuen by vs Th. Randolph, Embassa-
dour for the Queenes Maiestie in Russia, and Th. Bannister, etc.,
Vnto James Bassendine, James Woodcocke, and Rich. Browne,
the which Bassendine, Woodcocke, and Browne, we appoint
ioyntly together and ayders, the one of them to the other, in
a voyage of discouery to be made (by the grace of God)
by them, for searching of the sea and border of
•
the coast from the riuer Pechora to the East-
wardes, as hereafter followeth, Ann. 1588
[1568]. The first of August.¹
INPRIMIS, when your barke with all furniture is ready, you shall
at the beginning of the yeere (as soone as you possible may) make
your repaire to the Easterne part of the riuer Pechora, where is
an island called Dolgoieue, and from thence you shall passe to the
Eastwardes alongest by the Sea coast of Hugorie or the mayne
land of Pechora, and sayling alongst by the same coast you shall
passe within seuen leagues of the Island Vaigattes, which is in the
straight, almost halfe way from the coast of Hugorie, vnto the
coast of Noua Zembla, which island Vaigattes and Noua Zembla
you shall finde noted in your plat,³ therefore you shall not neede
to discouer it but proceede on alongest the coast of Hugorie,
towardes the riuer Obba.
There is a Bay betweene the saide Vaigattes & the riuer Obba,
that doth byte to the Southwardes into the land of Hugorie, in
which Bay are two small riuers, the one called Cara Reca, the
1 Hakl., pp. 406-408. Collated with MS. Lansd. 10, f. 35.
2 In the MS. spelt "Yougorie"; the words " or Pechora" are added;
cf. ante, p. 228.
3 Chart.
4 The qualifying adjective "small" is omitted in the MS., and
should not be applied to the Kara, which has a course of 250 versts
(170 miles), and a breadth of two-thirds of a mile in its lower
course.
252
A COMMISSION TO EXPLORE
other Narmsye,¹ as in the paper of notes which are giuen to you
herewith may appeare, in the which Baye you shall not neede to
spende any time for searching of it, but to direct your course to
the river Ob (if otherwise you be not constrained to keepe alongst
the shoare). And when you come to the Riuer Ob, you shall not
enter into it, but passe over vnto the Easterne parte of the
mouth of the said riuer.
And when you are at the Easterne part of the mouth of Obba
Reca you shall from thence passe to the Eastwards, alongst by the
border of the said coast, describing the same in such perfect order,
as you can best doe it. You shall not leaue the saide coaste or
border of the land, but passe alongst by it, at least in sight of the
same, vntill you haue sailed by it so farre to the Eastwards and
the time of the yeere so farre spent, that you doe thinke it time
for you to returne with your barke to Winter, which trauell may
well be three or 400. leagues to the Eastwards of the Ob, if the
sea doe reach so farre, as our hope is it doth: but and if you
finde not the said coast and sea to trende so farre to the Eastwards,
yet you shall not leaue the coast2 at any time, but proceede alongst
by it, as it doth lie, leauing no part of it vnsearched or seene,
vnlesse it be some baye or riuer, that you doe certainly know by
the report of the people that you shall finde in those borders, or
else some certaine tokens whereby you of your selues may iudge
it to be so. For our hope is that the said border of land and sea,
doth in short space after you passe the Ob incline East and so to
the Southwardes.3 And therefore we would haue no part of the
land of your starreboord side, as you proceede in your discouerie,
to be left vndiscouered.
But and if the said border of lande doe not incline so to the
Eastwards as we presuppose it, but that it doe prooue to incline
and trende to the Northwardes and so ioyne with Noua Zembla,
making the sea from Vaigats to the Eastwards but a baye: yet we
1 Narmsye appears on old maps on Yalmal peninsula east of Kara
bay; there is no river of this name.
2 In MS.: "that coast".
3 In MS.: "and then to the southwardes".
THE NORTH-EAST COAST.
253
will that you doe keepe alongst by the said coast, and so bringe vs
certaine report of that forme and manner of the same baye.
And if it doe so prooue to be a baye, and that you haue passed
rounde about the same and so by the trending of the land come
back vnto that part of Noua Zembla that is against Vaigats,
whereas you may from that¹ see the said Island Vaigats, if the
time of the yeere will permit you, you shall from thence passe
alongst by the said border & coast of Noua Zembla to the West-
wards and so to search whether that part of Noua Zembla doe
ioyne with the lande that sir Hugh Willoughbie discouered in anno
53. and is in 72. degrees,2 and from that part of Noua Zembla
120. leagues to the Westwards, as your plat doth shewe it vnto
you. And if you doe finde that lande to ioyne with Noua Zembla
when you come to it, you shall proceede further along the same
coast,³ if the time of the yeere will permit it, and that you doe
thinke there will be sufficient time for you to retourne backe with
your barke to winter, either at Pechora, or into Russia at your
discretion for we referre the same to your good iudgements,
trusting that you will lose no time that may further your know-
ledge in this voyage.
Note you, it was the 20. of August 56. ere the Serchethrifts
began to returne backe from her discouerie, to winter in Russia.
And then she came from the Island Vaigats, being forcibly driuen
from thence with an Easterly winde and yce. And so she came into
the riuer Dwina and arriued at Colmogro the 11. of September, 56.
If the yce had not bene so much that yeere as it was in the
¹ In MS.: "from it", i.e., from Nova Zembla.
2 The land sighted by Willoughby was that portion of the west
coast of Nova Zembla known to Russians as the Goose Coast.
Cf.
Barents' Three Voyages (Hakl. Soc.), second edition, p. lxvi.
3 In MS.: "to the westwards so farr as you thinck the time of the
year", etc.
4 In MS.: "for we refer the time".
5 In MS., in brackets: "a pinace sent to discouer first", etc.
It was, however, not till the 22nd August that Stephen Burrough
decided to return. Cf. "His Navigation and Discovery towards the
River Ob," Hakl., p. 320,
і
254
NOTES FOR NORTH-EASTERN
Streights, on both sides of the Island Vaigats, they in the said
pinnesse would that yeere haue discouered the partes that you are
nowe sent to seeke: which thing (if it had pleased God) might
haue bene done then: but God hath reserued it for some other.
Which discouerie, if it may be made by you, it shall not onely
proue profitable vnto you, but it will also purchase perpetuall
fame and renowne both to you and our Countrey. And thus not
doubting of your willing desires, and forwardnes towards the same,
we pray God to blesse you with a luckie beginning, fortunate
successe, and happily to ende the same. Amen.
NECESSARIE NOTES TO BE OBSERUED AND FOLLOWED IN YOUR
DISCOUERIE, AS HEREAFTER FOLLOWETH [BY WILLIAM
BURROUGH].
When your barke with all furniture and necessaries shall be in
readines for you to depart to the sea (if it be that you take your
barke at S. Nicholas or any part of Dwina Reca) you shall from
thence, euen as timely in the spring as the yce will permit you,
saile and make all expedition that may be vnto the mouth of the
riuer Pechora (as your commission doth leade you). And as you
passe by the coast all alongst, notwithstanding the plat that
sheweth you the description of the said coast from Dwina vnto
Vaigats) yet you shall seeke by all the meanes that you can to
amend the same plat, vsing as many obseruations as you possibly
can doe and these notes following are to be obserued by you
principally:
1. First that you doe obserue the latitude as often and in as
many places as you may possibly doe it, noting diligently the
place where you doe so obserue the same.
2. Also that you doe diligently set with your compasse how the
land doth lie from point to point, all alongst¹ as you goe, and to
vse your iudgementes howe farre there may bee betweene eche of
them.
3. Item, that you doe alwayes vse to drawe the proportion and
byting of the land, as well the lying out of the poyntes and head
In MS.: all alongst the coast as you travayle".
Drontham (Trondhjem)
Nomendale
Helga land (Helge land)
Rust Ilonds (Rust or Rost Ids.)
Sayre yee (Soroe Id.)
Loffowt (Lotoden)
Zenam (Senjen Id.)
Assumption point
North Cape
Sketneness (Slaet ness)
Ongonge (Omgangs Klubb
W. side of Tana fiord)
C. good hope
Wardhows (Vardö)
Domshaff (Varanger fiord)
pechengam Monastery (Peisen)
khegore (Ribatski pen.)
meanauolok (mai navolok)
St. Mary ness
Kola flu (R. Kola)
Kiluna Ilond (Kildyn Id.)
C. sowrbear (C. Teriberskoy)
Camensky flu (R. Kamensky)
St. Peters Ilonds
St. Pauls I.
St. Georges Ilonds
Nocoyeua ostroue (Nokuev Id.)
Arzina flu (R. Arzina)
C. comfort (C. Cherni)
St. John's Ilonds (Iukanskie Ids.)
C. Gallant (Sviatoi noss)
lomboshok (Lumbovski bay)
Corpus Xri. p. (perhaps Gorodetsky)
Knok John (Orlovska shoal)
C. race (C. Orlov)
Tre ostrouy (Tri ostrova pt.)
ponoy flu (R. Ponoi)
C. grace (Krasni pt.)
Cros Ilond (Sosnovets)
powlogne flu (Poulonga R.)
GULF OF MEZEN
WHITE SEA
E. SHORE.
GULF
OF ARCHANGEL.
NAMES ON WILLIAM BOROUGHS' MAP
With Identifications.
WEST SHORE.
Tetrele noze (Tetrina)
Niconemsko noze (Nikodimskoi pt.)
Strelna Alu (Strelnaia)
chauon (Chavanga pt.)
Varziga flu (R. Varzouka)
Onega flu (R. Onega)
Solofka (Solovetsky)
Owna (Ouna)
Newnox (Nenoksa)
St. Nicolas
Colmogro (Kholmogori)
Yemsa (Iemsa)
Duyna fl (R. Dwina)
pinego fl (R. Pinega)
Micola
St. Myghels (St. Michael, Archangel)
Sugha mora (The Dry Sea)
Koska noze (Kouiski pt.)
Poscha flu (probably Bol. Kozli)
Fox noze (C. Kerets)
Toua flu (river indicated, unnamed)
poynt paynticost (perhaps Pr. Intsi)
Cape good fortune (C. Voronov)
pt. lowk owt
Kowsoay flu (R. Kouloi)
Kowsoay
Mezena flu (R. Mezen)
lampas Lampojna)
C. St. John (C. Kanushin)
Canynoze (C. Kanin noss)
Morgeouets (Morjovets Id.)
Colgoyeue (Kolguev Id.)
Suati noze (Sviatoi noss)
Pechora (R. Pechora)
Dolgoyene (Dolguev)
Vaygattes (Vaigats)
Nouo Zembla (Novaya Zemlia)
WHITE SEA
E. SHORE.

72
00
Hi
Coffowt
fayre yee
Rut Honds.
Helga Land
Nomendale
x
Drontham
Zenam
E
Affumption point
Ruffia myles
Engleh myles
Scala
10 30
North cape
T
Stelnenie
Or gonge
[CHART OF NORTHERN NAVIGATION]
good hope
Sward hows
Domshaf
pechongam
monetary of
Miliarium
Ruffes
pakay
is a great sound
Lagnus Normy, und
youth for into
as Nisyreport.
kbegöre
calo
that
Land
meanauolok
Smary ne
Rolu
lorella, sous the cords
Small beates yerely @""
Jish on
heyare
olaflu
kiluna Hond
Cfourbear
Camenty flu
P
P
Lake Bella
71
Speters fonds
9 pawls!.
68
69
St Georges Honds
Hug
7ny ryver
Argina
PS. Nocoyena of roue
Johns Hond Gallant
being f
67
A
is calledd of & Rufies Suatinee
aty point of it, the stranic
pasing by trang y Rufies
Their Coates I ofte
hyer of drowning, wherfere
pasing by they offer to o nichas
forth they call
of fortune
on yesray
C. race
ponoy flu
grace
powlogne flu
Nicom ko nore
Strelna flu
Sarriga flu
Onaga ryver goath through Cordia
into Cargapola, where it
enterally into
Er
falicil, an other ryver into Sing
finicus not far from ye
Naruc. In this rint
Oncya al thentring is
depe water is 10
Or 12 fathoms but
before it come to
Bella
sholdes
not 3 or 4
200
1810
there be
passe
as the trader
report
chanon
40
80
120
160
210
610
1010
4310
30
60
90
120
150
410 STO
7080
10 10
130 140
Et. william borough
4.
h
Onega flu.
Tetrene noze
466
& Solofka
65
owna
New
nox
Tombolhak
Corpus pi.p.
knok lohn
Canynoze
Tree oftrouy Clohn
Cros Ilond
morzouets.
Cape
good
fortune.
point paynticoft
Toua flu
Fox noze
polda flu
koska noze;
Sugha
4
mora
5 Nicolas myghels
64
Colmogra
Yem fa
lowkart
kowlogy flu
A
C
Tampas
Mozena flu
kowloay
pinige flu & Micola
Duynafl
O
myrgeouets
Cof
goyene
0
Suati noze
N
D
ORA
Nouo zemla
800
00
A Pachom
dolgoyeue
[0.R. Lib. 18. D.iii]
ay
gadies
DISCOVERY BY BURROUGH.
255
lands, vnto the which you shall giue some apt names (at your
discretion), as also the forme of the Bayes, and to make some
marke in drawing the forme and border of the same, where the
high cliffs are and where lowe lande [is], whether sandie hilles or
whatsoeuer: omitte not to note any thing that may be sensible
and apparant to you which may serue to any purpose.
4. In passing along by any coast that you keepe your lead.
going often times and sound at the least once euery glasse, and
oftener if you thinke good as occasion doeth serue, and note dili-
gently the depth, with the maner of the grounde, and at euery
time, howe farre the same sounding may be from the next shore to
it and howe the next poynt or head land doth beare from you.
[And in the sea, after you set off from your porte, you shall orderly
at the end of enery foure glasses sound, and if you finde ground,
note the depth and what grounde, but if you can finde no ground,
you shall also note in what depth you could finde no ground. ]¹
5. Also that you doe diligently obserue the flowing & ebbing in
euery place and how the tides do set, which way the flood doth
come, and how much water it doth high in euery place, and what
force the same tide hath to driue a ship in an houre as neere as
you can iudge it.
6. Also that you doe seeke to obserue with the Instrument
which I deliuer you herewith, according as I taught you at Rose
Island, the true platformes3 and distances in as many places as
conueniently you may, for it serueth very aptly your purpose.
>
2
7. Also that you take with you paper and ynke and keepe a
continuall iournall or remembrance day by day of all such things.
as shal fal out worth the knowledge, not forgetting or omitting to
write it and note it, that it may be shewed and read at your
returne.
8. These orders if you shall diligently obserue it will bee easie
for you to make a platte and perfect description of your discouerie,
and so shall your notes bee sufficient to answere that which is
Paragraph omitted in MS.
2 In MS.: "at St. Nicholas".
3 Ground plan or design.
256
RANDOLPH TO CECIL.
looked for at your handes. But withall you may not forgette to
note as manie thinges as you can learne and vnderstande by the
reporte of anie people whatsoeuer they be, so that it appertaine
any way to our desires. And thus the Lord God prosper your
voyage. Amen.¹
THOMAS RANDOLPH TO SIR WM. CECIL.
[1568, Aug. 12.12
KNOWINGE how willinge your honnor wilbe to heare of our saulf
arrivall in this Emperours countrie, yt may please you to vnder-
stande that we landed here at St. Nicholas the thyrde of this
instante in the morning. Our passage for suche as are good sea
men well to be lyked of, and as yt apperethe fare enoughe from
daynger yf yt be taken in tyme, xx dayes or ther abowte we sawe
no land and had sea rowme at will. I was my self the worste
trowbled in the whole Compagnie and feele yet of the paynes I
indured ther. Our prouision layde in by the marchants was with
the meaneste, our beare starke sower, our water so ewle as none
coulde be wurce even from our fyrste imbarkinge to th'ende of our
passage; other then the comen mariners foode we had nothynge
appoynted by them...... To the Master this bearer, William of Bor-
rowe, I am most beholdinge. I lacked nothynge that he myght do,
and fynde his governmente and schill to be suche that I wysshe the
Quenes maiestie maynie men of suche seruice. Yf your honnor,
besyds suche thanks as I truste he shall receave at your hands for
his well doynge towards me, do see further occasion to do hymn good,
I beseche your honnor that he maye be made as myche bounde vnto
you as I knowe that he hathe mynde well to deserve. Hys
1 In the MS. William Borough's signature follows at the foot, and
below it is a rough outline of the coast to be explored. On this sketch
are shown the islands of Vaigats and Dolguev, the estuary of the Ob,
bounded on the east by sandhills, the rivers Cara Reca and Narmze
discharging from opposite sides into a bay, and the Kamen bolshoy, or
great rock, forming the northern extremity of the Ural range, better
known in those latitudes as Paehoi.
2 S. P., For. Eliz., No. 2,414.
RANDOLPH TO CECIL.
257
brother¹ is so well knowne to your honnor for his sufficiencie that
he neadethe nothynge of my comendation. I thynke that I maye
boldelye saye that theie are two soche as the Quenes maiestie hathe
not the lyke ....
At my arrivall at St. Nicholas I found two lettres wryttin
by one Chaynie, one well knowne to the Companie & imployed by
them in their affayres here, directed to the Embassadour of
Englande to the Emperor of Russia. I founde in them other
matter then I looked for, and see what practezes are vsed by soche
as are & were their servants to owerthrowe this trade, of which by
thys little that I have seen I haue better lykinge then at my
beinge in Englande I cowlde be well perswaded of....
One matter I fynde in that lettre of Chaynes sore aggravated
agaynst Jenkenson, as I beleue more then is cawse, as thoughe he
sholde have dealete with this Prynce in some matter of mariage
ether with this Emperour, which is vnlykelye, or with his Sone;
th'one being maried, th'other farre vnfeete for suche a partie.2 Of
the fathers conditions this I have lerned, that of late he hathe
beheaded no small number of his nobilitie, cawsinge their heads to
be layde in the streats to see who durste beholde them or lamente
their deathes. The Chancler he cawsed to be executed openlye,
leavinge nether his wyff, chyldren or brother alive. Divers other
have byne cutt in peeces by hys comandemente, departinge owte
of the Courte to their owne howses withowte accusation or iudge-
mente, and in their owne thynkinge in the princes good grace and
favour. Seinge, as I heare, he hathe longe attended an Embassadors
comynge from the Quenes maiestie I intende to be with hym so
sone as I cane speede as I maye, the beste I beleve wilbe ewle
inoughe, the soner to be owte of hys Countrie whear heads goe so
faste to the potte....
1 Stephen.
Your honnor allwaye to commande
2 Negotiations were subsequently set on foot with the view to the
marriage of Lady Mary Hastings with the Tzar, and Pissemsky was
sent on an embassy to England to obtain an interview with that lady
and report to his master on her personal and mental qualities Pis-
semsky's report has recently been published in the Transactions of the
Russian Hist. Soc., vol. xxxviii, 1883. The son here mentioned is the
Tsarévitch Ivan, born March 28, 1554, cf. ante, p. 223, note.
S
258
BANNISTER AND DUCKETT
I haue visited the monks of St. Nicolas ; theie are more in
drinke then in vertu or sobrietie, full of superstition and in my
iudgemente verie hypocrits, vulearned in all thyngs: Lyttle shewe
or apparance of Chrystian Religion more then the Bible in their
owne tonge. Their howses and Churches full of Images paynted
and their vsage towards them verie Idolatrus.
THO. RANDOLPHE.
Endorsed. To the right honorable Sir William Cecill, Knighte,
principall Secretarie the Quenes maiestie.
THOMAS BANNISTER & GEOFFREY DUCKETT TO SIR. WM. CECIL.
[1568, Aug. 12.]2
RIGHT honnorable, our humble dewties premissid, it may please.
your honnor to be advertysed that departinge from Harweche the
secconude daye of July we aryvid here in good saiftie, thanckes be
vnto God, the Seconde of August. It might have bene sayllid in
half the tyme if it had not bene by Contrary winds, fyndinge the
viage to be one of the goodliest nayvegasions that ever was saillid
the distanc considrede, if it be takine in dewe tymes of the yeare.
We never caste the leade ower Boorde from the co[a]st of England
till we came to an ancker here, fallinge with the goodliest co[a]sts
and harborowes for shipps if nead requier that the lyke we have
not seane, and by our Judgements if we waire to passe againe we
wolde thincke our lyves more asshouride to come hether then yf
we wayre to passe by sea frome London to Andwarpe. And further
may it please your honnor to vnderstand that sence ower aryvinge
here, havinge had full conference with ower Agent and Sarvaunts,
as also by sertenne lettres receiued frome Chayne and Sowtheham,³
our Sarvaunts lyenge at Moskoe, we fynde the estate of the
Company to stande varye evill, as well towchinge the[i]re accompts as
also with the Prence, whiche haith prosedide aponne very lewde
1 Cf. ante, p. 191.
2 S. P., For. Eliz., No. 2415.
³ Southam, whose narrative has been given above, pp. 190-206.
TO SIR W. CECIL.
259
and vntrew pracketises, in suche sort that if my Lord Imbassador¹
and we had not come the holle trayde had bene vtterlye over-
throwen, and how it will doe yet we staude in dowte the matter
being so farre past....This trayde beinge throughlie entride into
and orderly donne it will maynetene thirtie or fortie greate shippes
suche as the lyke be not within the realme of marchants shipps,
it will bread good marryners by reasonne of the distans, and
maynetene a great nombar for the service of the realme, it will
vent the most parte of our coullarid clothes, & in shorte tyme if
neade requier all the Karsayes maid within the realme, whereby
her maiesties subiectes may be sette a wourke and have vent for
the same, how so euer her highnes stand with her nabowres abowte
her, where heretofore they have bene vttride. It retornith home
suche good and profetable waires as ower countrie cannot misse
and noe vayne waires at 2 for the whiche waires in tymes.
past we ware devertid by the prenses Towens of the est parte, in
such sorte as if they had dislykid of vs we could not have had
them. It will furnyshe all her maiesties nayvie as well of Cabulls,
cordaige, masts, Sayles, Pitche and tarr and such lyke furneture if
order be gevine for the same in dew tyme, whereby her grayce is
deliverid owt of Boudage of the Kinge of Denmarke, and the
towen of Danske, which as your honnor knowith at this tyme
dowth mysse vse her Maiesties subiectes, & of longe tyme haith
donne if the trewth were knowen.3 It makith the passaige into
Percia whereby greate benneffit is lyke to insewe to her maiestie in
cowstome & other wyse to the Comon welth. It is a greate
honnor vnto our Countrie to have suche a trayde privately to ower
sealfs, where noe other nations haithe anye entrannce. And finallie
is lieke to growe vnto greate profitte to the Compagnie if things
may be put in order, throughly occupied and trewlie answerid,
whiche will come to passe if vnder correction it wold please the
quenes maiestie & her honnorable counsell to take Cayre of it and
to commaunde the Compaigne so to deale that things may be
1 Randolph.
2 Word omitted in MS.
3 About this time (1568) the Muscovy Company entered into con-
tracts to supply the Government with cables, cordage, etc.-See Cal.
S. P., For. Eliz., 1568, No. 2209.
s 2
260
BANNISTER AND DUCKETT
orderly and Justlie donne as they will answere to the contrary,
And that Justice may be donne aponne such as offende ether at
home or here. The Esterlings, the Flamyngs, the Etallians, the
Frenshemen & most nations haue practiesid how to prevent vs in
this trayde, and haue cawside Prences to wryte vnto her maiestie,
as your honnor well knoweth, for the staye thereof, whiche hetherto
could nevar prevale till nowe by practise of her maiestes owne
subiectes havinge as well joyned them sealfs with Strangers as it
is thought as otherwyse. So that in ower simple opynyon vnder
correction the dishonnor is so greate as it is not to be borne
withall. Besyedes the losse of suche a trayed as the lyke will
never be founde in all respectes. And besydes the honnor that
will insewe by Bringinge the trayed of Spyces this waye, whereof we
have better hope then ever we had, for that was lerned by sertine
Percians that were at Moskoe the laste yeare. This matter of
Percia towchit the Etallians and straungers verye neare, for the
Etallians have had the holle trayed of silks and also moche spyces
brought by the Venetians, the Flamings; in lyke caise they have
the stapill of all Spyces playsid at Andwarpe by the Portingales,
whereof a greate parte is vtteride in England, so that if we might
bringe the Spyces and silks this waye, they are all towchid, whiche
they are not ignorant of. And therefore there haith wanted noe
practise of long tyme for the overthrowe of this trayde....And
whereby order of the compaigne Bassington was sent over to passe
with vs into Persia, if we thowght it meite or otherwyse to be
imployed for the diskoverie of the Passage to the northestwards at
our discression, for as moche as we knowe not howe we shall stand
with this prence, and that into Persia he canne dow vs no service
exsepte it were to sette owt that whiche is alredie donne; And
cawllinge to remembrance the greate dissier your honnor haith
had for the diskoverye to the estwards & also be cause we wold
have the matter powte owt of dowtt for savegard of further
charges to the Compaigne, whoe mynded to sett fourth twoe Barks
for the diskoverie of the same, which will not be donne with a
thowsande pounde, We havinge consideration hereof have con-
1 Possibly in consequence of Jenkinson's petitions, cf. ante, pp. 159,
177.
TO THE MUSCOVY COMPANY.
261
ferrid with ower maisters the Borrowes¹ and have taken suche
instruckesons of them as is meate for the same, havinge also
chosine owt twoe maryners2 suche as they thinke apte men to joyne
with Bassington, Myndinge to appointe the saide Bassington
marryners and other interpreters, for the diskoverye to passe frome
Pechoray in a Russe boite with the firste opyne wather in the
springe alongst the co[a]st estwardes for the tryall of the said
passaige, which wilbe donne with a smalle coste, and as ower
masters saye to more purpose then if towe barks should be sett
owt for the same, whereby we hope ether to fynde the same
Strayte or otherwise to put it owt of Dowbt, so as the Compaigne
shall save a thousand pounde that wold be spent for the trialle
thereof....
From St. Nicollas the xiith daye of August in Anno. Dom. 1568.
Yr. honnors to commaund,
THOMAS BANNESTER.
GEOFFRYE DUCKETT.
THOMAS BANNISTER & GEOFFREY DUCKETT TO THE MUSCOVY Co.3
[1568, August 12.]
RIGHT worshipfull Sir and Sirs, it may please you to vnderstand
that in our letter to the generallitie we have sertiffied them of
suche matter as we thought neadfull the tyme and Playce con-
sedred....
There is more matter wryttine in one letter of Chany then we
send vnto your worshippes, be cawse it towcheth matter betwixt
the Prences whiche becomyth vs not to medill with all but refar
the same to my Lord imbassator, who upon furder examynacon
when he comyth in playce will serteffie and deale as he seithe
cawse: for the openynge of this matter vnto your worshippes we
reffar you to the redinge of the letters herein closid, with this
¹ Stephen and William, cf. ante, p. 254.
2 Woodcock and Brown, cf. ante, p. 251.
3 S. P., For. Eliz., No. 2417.
262
INTRIGUES AGAINST THE COMPANY.
furder adission, that this matter semyth to be a playne practise
and that of longer tyme then is yet knowen only to set varyence
betwixt the Emperowre and the Body of the companye, to th’end
they might compasse their wickid devyce. And they we[igh]ing the
nature of the Prence have put suche matter into his head as they
well knew wold not be consentid vnto, as playnely dowth appere
by the woordes of Ossipe Nepye, spokine vnto Master Rowley afore
his comynge from Muskow, which were theise," William", saith he,
"I fear me that Anthony Jenkinsonne hath put such matter in the
Emperoures head which lyeth not in him to purfourme, which is
not wyssly donne, for, saith he, when I was in England imbassatur
for my Master, I was sent for vnto the King¹ and great parswasions
maid vuto me to have delte in matters wherevnto I had no comys-
sion, and therefore by no meanes I wold not vnderstand in anye
suche matter. The cheiff Dewke which dowth all in all with
the Emperowre, who was with Jenkinsonne and the Emperowre in
all the[i]re seccrett conference", saith he, "if he come and sertiffie
the Emperowre frome the Quene then shall you haue what you
will." Yt apperith that the Emperowre and the Dewke haith bene
so anematid in this matters as they maid an acompte to haue there
dissier acomplyshid, what the matters be we knowe not, but by con-
iecture of some matters whiche we haue sene and hard sence our
comynge hether which is not for vs to medill withall. But if they
be suche as we coniecture, he had bene a very simple man that
could not haue answerid them at first sight so as he might haue
cowte of[f] all displesour.....where apon thie sartiffied the Empe-
roure and the Dewke that the companye had so practissid in
England that they had of purpose brought Jenkinsonne in dis-
pleshure with the Quene onelie be cause he went abowte to furder
the Emperors matters; and also by the[i]re practisse the imbassator
was also stayed, and so ashurid the Emperowre that no imbassator
nor answere of the Emperours matters should come, whiche
matter being beleuid of the Emperour and the Dewke, in dis-
pleshure of the same the Emperour hath grauntid them the[i]re
previlges and intrest of ower howse...
Edward VI. Nepea, it will be remembered, returned to Russia
with Jenkinson in 1557; cf. ante, p. 11, and Appendix A.
AN ENGLISH BODY GUARD FOR THE TSAR.
263
We vnderstand that John Capell is gonne for England, apon
what practises we knowe not. But ower advyce is that nether he
nor Jenkinsonne nor anye other be towchid or delt withall in this
matter till we haue endid ower matters here, for if they should be
stayed or delt withall, then wold it confereme the[i]re sainge here
that they are punyshid for the Empero wres matters, whiche might
both hassard your goodes and ower bodies and overthrowe the
holle matter. So that our simple opynyons is, vnder correction
and your better consederacon here in to be vsed, that this matter
be opened vnto the honnorable councell, or so muche thereof as
you shall thinke good, and to crave there ayed in this sorte, That
it wold please her Maiestie to wryte vnto the Emperoure to reprove
the[i]re false informacions, and to geve suche furder advyce vnto my
Lorde imbassator as to her highnes shall seame good. And if [in]
anye his requeste to her Maiestie there be anye one small matter
that may be yielded vnto, that it wold please her Maiestie to haue
consederacon of it, Seinge the matter somuch importeth ewery way
as the caise standith. We he[a]re from the Muskow, by talke that
hath passid there when they be in there cowppes, that the Empe-
rowre should requier a hundreth Englishemen to be his garde for
savegard of his person.
If this should be so the matter is not
greate, and myght be so handlid as it should not be the Quenes
Maiesties acte, but passid by vs so as her maiestie might well
answere it vnto all prences that they be suche men as hath passid
in her merchants shippes withowt her knowledge, and we thinke
anne honnor to hire highnes and countrie that so myghtie a prence
could be contentid to comet the garde of his bodye to her sub-
iectes. . . . .It is possible that Jenkinsonne haith not opened vnto
the Quenes Maiestie all suche matter as the Emperoure gave him
in comission, wherefore if hire Maiestie dow wryte againe it were
good it were towched that her Maiestie by her embassator
answered all matters that was bye Jenkinsonne opened vnto her, &
if there were more matter thene her imbassator haith gevin in
comyssion to answere that the same was not by Jenkensonne
opened vnto her....
For provision to be maide, as well for this viage as the Persia
viage for the next yeare, you must prepare it in tyme. Althoughe
264
LETTER TO THE MUSCOVY COMPANY.
you make a new stocke for they may not be vnfurnyshid,
and
although the matter standith here as aforesaid, and so as we canne
geve noe judgement howe things will fall owt but leve in good hope,
seinge the Imbassador is come, whiche is the thinge the Empe-
rowre most dissierid, but we se[e] no remedye but provission must be
maid at adventure, sta[y]inge the shippinge thereof as longe as you
canne for ower answere after we haue delte with the Emperor, then
if it falle owt that we dow not conclude with th'emperour for the
contenewance of the trade....
But we lyve in varye good hope to geve them the ouerthrowe
and to stablish your trayde, and the better if you vse such deli-
gence with the Councell that her Maiestie may geve further adver-
tisment afore the ambassadors retowrne; the more hast is maid
therin the better, for there may be dowt if we goe not well that
he will staye the imbassador till her maiesties furder order, for so
haith he donne with other ambassadors . . . .
We are like to stey yet 20 dayes at Colmagro ere we cane
departe; till the towen post of Colmagro and our poste retowrne
from the Emperore we cane passe no fardar....
Your to commaunde,
THOMAS BANNESTER.
GEOFFRY DUCKETT.
A Copie of the priuiledges graunted by the right
high and mightie Prince, the Emperour of Russia, &c: vnto the
right worshipful felowship of English Marchants, for the
discouerie of new trades: and hither sent by Thomas
Randolfe, Esquire, her Maiesties Embassadour to
the said Emperour, and by Andrew Sauin, his
Embassadour in the yeere of our Lord God,
1569.1
ONE God euerlasting and without end, and before the beginning, the
Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost, the blessed Trinitie, our
onely God, maker and preseruer of all things and replenisher of
all things every where, who by thy goodnesse doth cause all men
to loue the giuer of wisedome, our onely Mediator and leader of
vs all vnto blessed knowledge by the only Sonne, his word, our
Lorde Iesus Christ, holy and euerlasting Spirit; and now in these
our dayes teachest vs to keepe Christianitie and sufferest vs to
enioy our Kingdome in the happie commoditie of our land and
wealth of our people, in despite of our enemies and to our fame
with our friends.
We Iohn Vasiliwich, by the grace of God great Lord Emperour
and great duke of al Russia, Volodemaria, Moscouia, Nouogrode,
Emperor of Cazan, Tuerkie, Vgorskie, Permiskie, Votskie, Bulgaria,
and many others; Lord and great duke of the low Countreis of
Nouogorode, Chernigoskie, Rasanskie, Polotiskie, Rastow, Yeraslave,
Bellosoro, Owderskie, Conduskie, and all Siberland, Great com-
mander of all the North parties, Lord of Leifland, and many other
Northward, Southward and Westward.
1
¹ Hakl., 1589, pp. 402-406. There are two drafts of these privileges
in the State Paper Office (S. P., Domestic Eliz., vols. 54 and 196). One
of these agrees with Hakluyt's version; the other, and obviously the
correct one, differs materially. We have adopted the best reading
(vol. 54) wherever Hakluyt is wrong.
266
PRIVILEGES GRANTED
Whereas our sister Elizabeth, by the grace of God Queene of
England, Fraunce and Ireland, defender of the faith, hath written
vnto vs her letters for her marchants, who hath made suite that
we should graunt our goodnes to the Marchants which are of one
Companie, and giue them free leaue to come to trafique in our
kingdome of Colmogorode and to the Countrey of Dwina, and to
our great Citie of Moscouia, and to all the cities in our Dominions
and through our Countrey to Boghar, to Persia, Casbine and
Chardaye,¹ and to all other Countreis.
1. We Iohn Vasiliwich, Emperour and great duke of all Russia
(for our sister Elizabeths sake, Quene of Englande) haue giuen.
and graunted to the English Marchants, the Gouernours, Consuls,
assistants and felowship, Sir Wil. Garrard, Knight, Rowland
Hayward, Alderman, Iohn Thamworth, Esquire, Iohn Riuers,
Alderman, Henry Beacher, Alderman, Consuls. Sir Wil. Chester,
Knight, Edward Iackman, Alderman, Lionel Ducket, Alderman,
Edward Gilbert, Laurence Huse, Francis Walsingham, Clement
Throgmorton, Iohn Quarles, Nicholas Whealer, Thomas Banister,
Iohn Harrison, Francis Burneham, Anthony Gamage, John Somers,
Richard Wilkinson, Iohn Sparke, Richard Barne, Robert Woolman,
Thomas Browne, Thomas Smith, Thomas Allen, Thomas More,
William Bully, Richard Yong, Thomas Atkinson, Assistants.
Iohn Mershe, Esquire, Ieffrey Ducket, Francis Robinson, Matthew
Field, and all the rest of their Companie and fellowship, and to
their successors and deputies, to come with ships and other vessels
into our Country at Colmogorod and Dwina, and to all the North
parts now being ours, or that hereafter shall at any time be in
our possession by sea, riuer or land, euen to our great Citie of
Mosco, in al the townes of our Countrey, to Cazan and Astracan,
to Nouogorode the great, to Plasko and Leifland, Vriagorod,² to
Narue, and all other townes of Leifland; 2, And to passe through
our land to Boghar, Persia, Casbin, Chardaye and other Countries;
And wheresoeuer they come, there to be and abide freely, and
to barter and bargaine freely all wares of sale, without custome of
all people and marchants strangers whatsoeuer.
1 Cathay.
2 Ivangorod.
TO ENGLISH MERCHANTS.
267
And if so be they bring any fine wares out of England, or any
other Countrey from Boghar, Persia, Casbine, or from any other
place, and those their wares that come by the way of Narue or
any other parte into our Dominion, to bring ye same wares into
our treasure, & our Treasurers to view the same wares and to
take into our Treasurie of the same such as shalbe needefull for
VS. And all such wares as we shal not need, our Chancellour to
redeliuer ye same: And after the view of our Chancellour to
barter it freely to whome they will, not selling any of their
wares needfull for vs before our Chancellour haue seene the same.
And all other grosse and heauy wares that shalbe needfull to our
vse, not being brought to Mosco, to declare and tell our Chancel
lour of the same wares: And to giue a note thereof by name and
how much they leaue there, not brought to Mosco: and then if we
neede not the said wares, the English Marchants, their seruants &
Factors, to conuey their wares the neerest way to Vstiuge the great¹
and so to Colmogorod or elsewhere at their pleasure, there to barter
and sell the same. But those wares that shalbe needeful for
our Treasurie, they shall not hide from vs in any case.
And when our Chancellour shall send our aduenture with the
said Marchants or their Factors, they to take our aduentures with
them, and to sell and to barter for such wares as shalbe meete for
our Treasurie, and to returne it into our Treasurie.
And when wee shall sende any aduenture into England, then our
Chancellour to giue them a yeeres warning, that their ships may
be prouided thereafter, that by taking in of our wares, they leaue
not their owne behinde them.
And to take our Aduenture yeerely when they goe into Persia.
Neither shall ye English marchants reced[e] or colour any of
our peoples goods, nor barter nor sel it in any wise likewise our
people not to barter for the said English marchants, or occupy2 for
them.
3. And when they shall come into our Empire of Cazan and
Astracan and other places of our Dominions, then our Captaines of
Cazan and Astracan, and other authorised people, quietly to let
1 I.e., Veliki Ustiug, cf. ante, p. 24.
2 To employ, i.c., to serve as agents to them, cf. St. Luke xix, 13,
268
PRIVILEGES GRANTED
them passe, not taking any toll or custome of their wares, nor
once to make search therof.
And when we shall send no aduenture with them, yet to suffer
them freely to passe, not viewing their wares, nor taking any kinde
of custome. And whatsoener English marchant will bargaine with
our Marchants or Factors, ware fcr ware, to barter the same at
their pleasure.
And whatsoeuer their Marchant or Factors wil sel their wares at
their house at Mosco, which house I granted them at S. Maxims at
the Mosco, they to sel ye ware to our people, either strangers as
they may best vtter it; keeping within their house arshines,
measures and waights vnder seales.
4. We haue graunted them the said house at S. Maxims in Mos-
koo¹ free and without standing rent, as heretofore we did graunt
it the said English Marchants, sir Wil. Gerrard and the Com-
panie² maintayning in the said house one housekeeper, a Russe, and
two Russe seruants or some of their owne countrey men, and none
other Russes besides they aforesaid. And the said housekeepers
that shall liue at their house with the English marchants, neither
to b[u]ye nor sel any wares for them; but that the said marchants
themselues or their factors shall bye, sell and barter their owne
wares; And our Muscouie marchants not to take the said English-
mens wares to sell them in our townes, nor to bye any wares for
them, neither the English marchant to colour any Russes wares at
any towne.
5. And whatsoeuer English marchant wil sel his wares at Col-
mogor, Dwyna, Vologda, Yeraslaue, Costron,3 Nouogrode the lower,
Casan, Astracan, Nouogrode the great, Vopska, the Narue, Vria-
gorod, or at any owre townes, they to sel their wares there at their
pleasure. And of al wares, as well of other countreis as of Russia,
no Captaine nor officer to take any custome, neither in any place
to stay them in any wise, neither take any kinde of toll of them
for their wares whatsoeuer.
6. And whatsoeuer marchant shal bargaine or b[u]ye any wares,
1 Hakluyt and the MS. referred to above have "in the halfe free",
which is nonsense.
2 Cf. Privileges, ante, p. 233.
3 Kostroma, cf. ante, ibid.
TO ENGLISH MERCHANTS.
269
of English marchants: The said Russe not to returne those wares
vpon the merchants handes againe, but to giue readie money for
the said wares, otherwise they to craue the Iustice to giue right
and to execute the lawe vpon the same with all expedition. And
when the English marchants or factors shal trauaile from Mosckoo
after the dispatche of their wares and busines, then to shewe them-
selues vnto our Chancellour. Whatsoeuer wares of theirs shall goe
from Mosco, they not to shewe the same wares to any of our
officers, nor pay anye custome or toll in any place.
7. If it so happen the English marchants haue any wracke and
the shippes be brought to any port of our Dominions, we to com-
mand the saide goods to be enquired and sought out, and to bee
giuen to the English marchants, being here abiding at that time
in our Countrey, theyre factors, seruants, or deputies of the Com-
panie aforesaid, to whom we haue granted this our gratious letter.
And if there happen none of those English marchants, factors,
seruants, or deputies to bee in our Countreis at such time, then
we will all the said goods to be sought out and bestowed in some
conuenient place, and when any of the Companie aforesayd written
within this our letter shall come for their goods, we to commaund
their goods to be restored vnto them.
1
8. Likewise wee haue granted leaue to the English marchants,
their Gouernours, Consuls, and assistants, namely, Sir William
Gerrard, Knight, Rowland Hayward, and the Companie, to builde
houses at Vollogda, Colmogro, and the seaside, at Iuangorode, at
Cherell, and in all other places of our Dominions as shall bee
needefull for their trade. And they to keepe at the saide house
one housekeeper, a Russe, and two or three men to keepe their
wares at the said houses, making sale thereof to whome they
will, they, their Factors or deputies: the said housekeeper not to
buy nor sell for them.
9. Also we haue giuen and graunted to the English Marchants
that their house, which they have by our goodnesse at S. Maximes
in the Zempskie, and other their houses in owre townes of the
¹ Kebela (?) or Kobela, near Pskof.—Cf. Jenkinson's and Wied's
(1555) maps.
2 Zemski, or national, one of the two divisions which Ivan arbitrarily
made of Russia.
270
PRIVILEGE TO MAKE IRON.
Or chosen
side.
Zempskie,¹ made for the better assurance of their goods, and all
such as they shall set vp hereafter shalbe of the Oprishenye, and
will make them knowen to all them of Oprishenye.2
10. And whereas by our goodnes we haue graunted them a
Ropehouse at Vologda, being farre from the English Marchants
house, nowe we giue them leaue to builde a house for that vse by
the said English house, and haue giuen and graunted them (of
our goodnesse) ground, one hundreth and fourescore fadomes in
length, and fiftie fadomes in breadth, accordinge to their owne
request.
11. Also we haue of our goodnesse giuen and graunted to the
English marchants, leaue to buy them a house at Witchida,³ and
there to search out mines of yron. And where they shall happily
finde it, there to set vp houses for the making of the sayd yron,
and to make the same, and of our goodnesse haue graunted them.
woods, fiue or six miles in compasse about the said houses, to
the making of theire yron, and not to exceede those bounds and
limits: And where they shall cut the saide wood, not to set vp
any village or farme there; bringing the artificers for making of
their yron out of their owne Countrey and to learne our people
that arte, and so freely to occupy the saide yron in these our
Dominions, transporting also of the same home into England,
allowing for euery powde¹ weighte one dengo,5 or Mosckoo pennie.
12. And if any of the said yron shalbe needfull for our workes,
then we to take of the saide yron to our worke, vpon agreement of
price, paying money out of our Treasurie for the same. And when
the said English Marchants or Factors shall send their owne
1 Hakluyt has "in the towne of Zenopskie", as if there were a par-
ticular town of this name. Karamsin (vol. ix, p. 617, note) followed
him in this curious blunder. The correct reading is that given in our
text, as it stands in the original MS.
2 Opritchniya, or reserved part of Russia, the Emperor's peculiar
property. Bannister writes: "So that being of the oppris, may no
man of Esemskye dare meddle with the English."-Cf. infra.
3 I.., in the valley of the river Vychegda, a right affluent of the
Dvina, abounding in iron ore. There is no place of that name.
Hakluyt has "pound"; the Russian "pood"= 36 lb. English.
4
5
d. English, cf. p. 227.
JUSTICE FOR ENGLISH MERCHANTS.
271
people out of our Realme into their Countrey ouer land through
any Countrey whatsoeuer, freely to send the same withowte wares.
13. Also we of our goodnesse haue graunted that if any man
misuse the saide English, theyr Factors or seruants; Or the saide
English Marchants, their Factors or seruants abuse any other at
Mosckoo or any other our townes whatsoeuer within our Dominions,
in trade of Marchandise or otherwise, then they to haue vpright
iustice in all such matters of our counsaile the Oprishenye without
all let or delay. But if our Iustices may not agree the parties,
then lots to be made, and to whose lotte it shall fall, to him the
right to be giuen, and that onely our counsaile at Mosckoo, and
none of our Captaines or authorised people or officers in any other
our townes, giue iudgement vpon the said English Marchants for
anything.
14. Also if any stranger shal haue matter of controuersie with
any English Marchant, Factor or seruant, abiding within this our
Realme; or contrary wise, any English Marchant, Factor, or seruant,
against any other stranger; in all those causes our Counsaile of
the Oprishenye to giue them Iustice and to make agreement &
ende betweene the parties without all delaye; And none to deale
therein saue our Counsaile of the Oprishenye. 15. And if any man
haue action against any English Marchant, being absent, that
then in his absence it shalbe lawful for any other Englishman at
his assignation to answere his cause.
16. If any Englishman happen to be wounded or beaten to
death, or any Russe or stranger slaine or beaten to death. 17. Or any
stollen goods to be found in the saide English houses, then our
Counsellers to cause the guiltie persons to be sought out, and to
doe right and Iustice in the cause; and the partie that is guiltie,
if he deserue punishment, to be corrected accordingly after his
offence; that the said English Marchants, factors, and seruants.
sustaine thereby no hinderance or damage.
18. And whatsoeuer English Marchant, Factor, seruant, or
deputie shalbe guiltie of any fault deseruing our displeasure, then
our Counsailers to cause the guiltie partie to goe vnder suerties,
and their goods to be sealed and kept, vntill our pleasure bee
further knowen, and our Counsaile to examine of the offence, and
272
RECOVERY OF DEBTS.
so to report it vnto vs, then wee too command what shall bee
done therein, and none other to be arrested or haue their goods
sealed which are not guiltie of that offence, nor to stay or appre-
hend them in any of our Dominions for the same.
19. If any English Marchant, Factor, or seruant shal offend, it
shalbe lawfull for their Agent to doe iustice vpon the said partie,
or to send him home into England at his pleasure.
20. If any English Marchant, Factor, or seruant haue lent or
hereafter shall lende money to any of our people, or credit them
with wares, and so depart into any forreigne Countrey, or die.
before the debt bee due to be paide, then our people and Mar-
chants to paye the saide debt to whome soeuer shall be appointed
to the said roome or charge, and the said English Marchant,
factor, or seruant to bring his bill of debt to our Counsell, to
shewe them what is due, and what money is owing them for any
wares and thus to doe truly, not adding any whit to the debt,
and our Counsel to command the debt to be discharged vnto the
English Marchant, factor, or seruant without delay.
21. And whatsoeuer English Marchant shall be arrested for
debt, then our Counsell to command the partie vnder arrest to be
deliuered to the Agent: and if he haue no sueretie, to bind the
Agent with him for the better force of the bond.
And if any English marchant be endebted, we will the creditor
not to cast him in prison, or to deliuer him to the Sergeant, lest
the officer abvse him, but to take ware in pawne of the debt.
22. Also of our goodnes we haue granted the English Marchants
to send our Commission to all our Townes, too officers, Captaines,
and authorized men to defende and gard the saide Marchants
from all theeues, robbers, and euill disposed persons.
23. If in comming or going to and fro our dominions, the Mer-
chants, theyre factors, or seruants be spoiled on the sea by rovers:
our Counsell shall send our letters, and will them to be sought out,
and where they shall finde the goods, cause it to be restored vnto
them againe and the offender to be punished, according to our
commandement.
24. Also of our goodnes we haue granted the saide Merchants
to take vp Brokers, Packers, Wayers and such like labourers as
MONOPOLY OF WHITE SEA TRADE.
273
shall be needefull for them, paying for their hier as the laborers
and they shall agree.
25. We likewise of our goodnes haue licensed the English
Merchants in our Townes of Mosko, Nouogorode the great, and
Plasko,¹ that owre Coiners of the said Townes shall melt Dollers and
coine money for them without custome, allowing for coales and
other necessaries with the workemanship.
26. Also of our goodnes wee haue granted the said English
Merchants to take poste horse at needefull times, leauing with our
officers a note how many they take, and not else; and in no
case hindering or diminishing our treasurie.
2
7
3
4
27. Also for our sister Queene Elizabeths sake, we of our good-
nes haue granted to the merchants within written in this our letter,
and to their successors, that no Englishman nor any other stranger
come without the Quenes leaue to Colmogor, the riuer Obb,
Varzagye, Pechora, Cowlaye, Meseyne, Pechengowe,5 Zolovetskyes
Iland," the riuer of Shame, nor to none other hauen of Dwina, nor
to any part of the northside of Dwina, by hether Wardhouse,
into any hauen with shippe, Busse, or any other vessell, nor to
occupie in any kind of wies, but onely the said English Companie
and their successors, to whome we of our goodnes haue granted
this priuiledge.
28. Also that no English Merchant, without the Queenes leaue,
shall come with any wares to the Narue or Vriagorode.8
29. And whatsoeuer English Merchant, stranger, or other of
whatsoeuer Countrey he be, shall come with shippe, Busse or
any other vessell, to any of the Sea hauens of the north side,
to any part of Dwina, the Narue or Vriagorode, without the
Queenes leaue or knowledge, not being of the Company aboue
written, wee to apprehende and take the same vessell from those
strangers and Merchants, the one halfe to vs, Emperour and
1 Pskof.
2 Varziga or Varzukha, cf. Jenkinson's and Burrough's maps.
3 Kola.
5 Pechenga.
7 Probably the River Souma, in Onega Bay.
4 Mezen.
6 Solovetsky.
s Ivangorod, on the right bank of the Narova, opposite Narva.
T
274
EXCLUSIVENESS ASSURED.
great Duke, the other halfe to the Companie of English Mer-
chants.
30. Also of our goodnes we haue granted the said companie of
English merchants that no English merchants or strangers shall
passe through our dominions to Boghare, Persia, Casbin, Chaaddaye¹
or to other Countries, saue only the Companie of English mer-
chants and our owne messengers.
31. Also whatsoeuer Englishman comming out of England or
any other Countrey into our dominions without the Queens leaue
and knowledge, not being of the said Companie of Marchants
written in these our letters, mind and purpose to abide in our
Realme, contrary to the Queenes will and pleasure, or any way
abuse himselfe; the Agent shall freely send him home to the
Queene his Soueraigne: which, if the Agent of himselfe be vnable
to do, let him pay for aide of the Captaines and officers of Townes
there being, and so send him to prison. And will the saide Cap-
taines not to hinder the said Agent from sending home such euill
persons into England.
32. And if any man within our Countrey runne away to any
other towne or place, the English merchants and factors to haue
free libertie to apprehende him and take their goods from him
againe.
33. And as for our priuiledge giuen to Thomas Glouer, Ralphe
Rutter, Christopher Bennet, John Chappell, and their adherents,
we haue commanded the same priuiledges to be taken from them.
34. Also we of our goodnes haue granted the said Company of
English merchants, their successors, seruants, and deputies, that
doe or shall remaine at Musko, or elsewhere within our dominions,
freely to keepe their owne lawe; and in no wise none of ours to
force them to our lawe and faith against their wills.
Moreouer, besides and with the companie of English merchants,
we permit all strangers to trade to our towne of Narue, Vriagorode,
and to other our townes of Liefland, as they haue done before time
frealie. From the beginning of the world 7077.2 in the moneth of
1 Cathay.
2 Era of Constantinople.
FURTHER GRANTS.
275
June 20. indiction 12. the yeere of our Lordship and reigne 35.
and of our Empire of Rusland 23. Casan 17. Astracan 15.
:
Endorsed Priviledg granted to the Righte Worshipfull Com-
paignie of Merchants, Aduenturers, Discouerers of newe trades,
obtayned by the late Embassadour, Thomas Randolphe, from the
Queenes Maiestie, his Soueraigne, to the Emperor of Russia.
Dom. 1569, Julii 10.
An.
Other speciall graunts by his Maiesties priuate letters at the
suite of Master Randolph, Embassadour :-
Releasement out of prison of Fitzherbert, that was accused for
writing of letters against the Emperour.
Liberty giuen to Thomas Greene,¹ that was accused and troubled
vpon suspition of his dealing with the Embassadour, and license
giuen to him to traffique as he was accustomed.
Andrew Atherton2 and his sureties released at the Narue and his
seruaunt at the Mosko, that were in trouble for sending the
merchants letters into England.
A letter graunted to Thomas Southam³ to the counsaile for
iustice against them that stole the pearles.
His Maiesties fauour promised to the Artificers, and liuings to
be appointed them as they can best deserue.
A letter to the merchants that went into Persia to passe freely
without impeachment in his dominions, as also letters of fauour to
the great Shawe of Persia.
A graunt vnto the Companie that at what time soeuer they
send to the discouery of Cataya, they shalbe licensed to repaire
vnto this countrey, and hane such conducts and guides, marriners,
vessels, Men and victuals as they shall stand in neede of.
1 Green was an assayer by profession. He was sent to Russia with
other craftsmen by Elizabeth in 1567, at the request of Ivan. Green
died in that country, his wife and children returning to England with
Sir Jerom Bowes.
2 Cf. ante, p. 216, note.
I.e., Bannister and Ducket.
3 Ante, p. 190.
T 2
276
EVIL-DOERS TO BE PUNISHED.
3
i
It is also promised by Kneez Alfanas¹ and Peter Gregoriwich,2 in
the Emperours name, that if Benet, Butler, or any Englishman
complaine, deface, hinder in way of traffique, or otherwise goe
about to discredite the worshipfull companie and their doinges,
that therein they shall not bee h[e]arde, and the doers to bee
punished, as in such cases they shalbee iudged to haue deserued.
Certaine persons graunted to be sent home into England that
serued the Company and were practisers against them in that
countrey.*
1 Prince Athanasius Ivanovitch Viazemsky.
2 Peter Gregorief. See infra, p. 281.
3 Probably a misprint for Rutter.
4 A copy of the above grant of Privileges is preserved in the
Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at Mosco.
The greate causes of offence given to the English
Ambassador, Thomas Randolph, from the Queenes Maiestie to
th'Emperor of Russia for the tyme of his beinge there
in the yere 1568.1
FIRST, that it was forbidden by the Chancellor that none of his
countreye men, the Quenes Maiesties subiects, shoulde mete him
or receiue him into the Towne of Mosco, which accordinglie fell out
as was commaunded, sauinge that Master Doctor Reynoldes, with
three or foure craftesmen, mett him with hazard of displeasure.
Next, that from the first of his arryuall at Mosco, which was the
xvth of October 1568, vntill the xxth of Februarye, which day
he had presence of th'emperor, he was so straightlie kepte within
his howse as thoughe he and all his had byn committed prisoners,
with suche uncourtoyse vsage of the Sergeaunt that kept them as
worse coulde not haue byn shewed to an enemy,
Thirdlie, that such lettres as were sent vnto him from the
Quene his Soueraignes affaires in speciall [ 12 of his Legation
were kepte from him, and cowlde never be gotten at their handes
that had them, but interpreted by him³ that moste trayterouslie
hath vsed him selfe against the Quene his Soueraigne.
Fourthelie, that such lettres as the Ambassador wrot[e] into
Englande for the Quenes Maiesties affaires to certaine of her
Maiesties Councellors, and were sent by the saide Ambassador to
the Narue to be sent into Englande, were taken, and as though
the matters conteyned in them were verie haynouse, the saide
Ambassador was charged to haue written treasone in them against
the Emperour, which beinge proved false, and Bennet, the forger
thereof, required to be punished, therfore beinge present before
1 MS. Lansd., 10, 34.
2 Word omitted in MS.
3 Le., by Rutter, mentioned above.
278
RANDOLPH'S COMPLAINTS; HIS LETTER
Knes Offanassic, Peter Gregorwich, and this Ambassador, no thinge
was saide vnto him, but he dismissed, and my lettres open
delivered vnto me againe, translated by Rutter before named.
Fifthlie, that after my leaue taken of th'emperor, which was the
Wednesdaie after dynner at Vologda, beinge the xxiiiith of June,
I was commaunded the Saturdayes morning to departe presentlie,
which was much soner then I cowlde be in a redynes, and was
threatened to haue my baggage throwen out of the do[o]res, this
Ambassador¹ him selfe being the messenger.
What other discourtesies I receiued, for that theie were muche
Lighter than these, vsed as well to my selfe as to my companie, I
thinke them rather to be passed ouer, then to conceale suche as
embase the credit of anny Ambassador sent from his Soueraigne
Maister or Maistres.
THOS. RANDOLP[H] TO THE EMPEROR.2
[1569, April 12.]
FFOR as myche moste noble Emperour as I knowe assuredlye that
the Quene my Soueraigne hathe wrytten her erneste lettres vnto
the[e] agaynst Glouer and Rutter, and divers other of her subiects
for diuers crimes of treason comytted agaynst her and her Realme,
and also for that I haue my self to accuse them of diuers offences
commytted agaynst thy self, I request, in the Quene my mestres
name, that Glouer and Rutter, beinge her[e] present, may be com-
pelled presentlye to answer suche crimes as presently I will charge
them with, and that Bennet, Birket, and Capell maye be sent for to
answer the same. And bycawse Glouer and Rutter do refuse to
fynyshe their accompts with the marchants sent owte of Englande
for that purpose, and haue greate sommes of monie in their hands
wich theie refuse to paye, I desier thy Maiestie that theie may be
compelled to furnyshe their recknynge, and such Justice maye be
1 I.e., Savin.
2 MS. Lansd., 10, f. 134.
TO THE TSAR. FURTHER CORRESPONDENCE.
279
had vppon them as grevous offenders to their Soueraigne, and
shamefull deceavers of their maisters who dyd put them in to russi.
Most Noble Emperour, I beseche the[e] to here my petition with all
expedition and favour.
Mosco, the xiith of Aprill.
T. R.
Endorsed: The coppie of a Lettre to the Emperour of Russia,
from Tho. Randolphe.¹
¹ There are several letters in the State Papers referring to Ran-
dolph's embassy. On the 26th April 1569, the Russia Company wrote
to him with reference to arrangements for his return voyage from St.
Nicholas. They had given order that good provisions should be shipped
for him, "good bysquyte and good beveraige", not the poor stuff he
had complained of in the outward voyage. “And for your paines
taken in our affaires", they conclude, “doubte you not but that the
same be so well taken and shalbe so thankefullye considered, as your
Lordeshippe shall haue good occasion of contentement"... This letter
is signed by William Garrard and William Chester (MS. Lansdowne,
11). Randolph himself appears to have been better satisfied with the
result of his mission than he had reason to expect from its opening.
In a letter, dated "Upon the wild seas, aboard the Harrye, 15th
August 1569, Between Skewtesnes in Norway and Shetland, the pole
elevated 60 degrees”, he writes to Lord Hunsdon that "he has re-
turned thus far from his long journey, having brought with him an
Ambassador from the Emperor (of Russia), a man of good calling and
well esteemed of His Highness. His train is about three score per-
sons. What his doings will be, and how he will govern himself who
now comes into a new world and school of manners, they will know
by the issue. Worse entertainment there was never shown to any
than to himself for a long time, but in the end he sped right well"
(Cal. S. P., For. Eliz., 1569-71). On the 22nd April 1570, he writes
to Cecil that "he is loath that his whole labour should come to nought
and that they should lose the trade of Russia after so many years
possession. He is advertised by Sir W. Garret of strange things that
the Emperor has done to the honestest kind of factors there. Thinks
that if his ambassador [i.e., Savin] be well dismissed, and his requests
so answered as may give his master good cause of liking of England,
all that ever was promised shall be performed” (ibid.).
280
LETTER FROM THE TSAR
TSAR IUAN TO QUEEN ELIZABETH.
[20 Junii, 1569.]¹
Instructions to the Ambassadour of Russia to Queens Maiestie in
manner of a letter.
EUERIE good guift commeth from aboue, &c.
Wee, great Lord and vpholder, Emperour, &c.
Our sister Elizabeth, by the grace of God, &c.
For that you sent to vs your Ambassadour, Thomas Randolph,
with lettres, which letters wee vnderstand; also we beare in minde
your letters written the yere past, in September2, and ye beare in
minde our highnes letters sent to you with our welbeloved seruant,
Anthonie Jenkinson, in the which our letters you know our
pleasure towardes your subiects for your sake, which wee haue
inquired, sought out and doe vnderstand of our highnes good will
and great fauour, and that you wilbe of one minde with vs, even so
hereafter your successors shall not forgett our highnes good will ;
and to make our highnes good will better knowen, our affaires shall
not be wightie to you, for that you sent youre great Ambassadour
about the affaires that wee haue now in hand, your welbeloved and
faithfull servaunt, Thomas Randolphe, whose faithfulnes wee well
vnderstand, who hath accomplished of your highnes affaires in
other landes, as wee well knowe. And for that you thought our
highnes would like well of him, for that he was a man of great
wisdome and experience who was meete to knowe our highnes
secret. Therefore your highnes hath sent this oratore¹ to vs to
open all matter in your name, for that you doe thinke our highnes
will beleeue him. We lett you knowe that we haue receiued this
Ambassadour, and haue giuen him hearing, and that wee haue read
¹ MS. Cotton, Nero B. viii, f. 4. The original Russian letter, of
which the above is a contemporary translation, is also preserved
among the Cotton MSS. (Nero B. xi, 90). It is the oldest Russian
letter from the Tsar in England.-See Hamel, p. 199; Tolstoi, No. 20.
2 In Latin, dated from Windsor 16th September 1568; Tolstoi, No.16.
3 Ante, p. 238, note.
1
Ie., envoy entrusted with a verbal message.
TO QUEEN ELIZABETH.
281
ouer your, our sisters, letters, wee well vnderstand them, and what
your commission was with him hath beene brought befoure our
face. Further, your trustie and faithfull Ambassadour, Thomas
Randolphe, wee haue receiued him accordinge to the manner and
custome of receiuinge Ambassadours, euen as betweene you and
mee brotherhood and frendshippe should bee, and wee sent our
councellor and captaine, Duke Alfonas Euanowich Vazanskie,¹ and
our secretarie, Petro Gregoria,2 to giue answere, and to furnishe
your Ambassadge, as it is meete our brotherhood and frendshippe
to continewe. And they, accordinge to our commandement with
you[r], our sisters, Ambassadour, Thomas Randolphe, haue agreed
vppon the same, wherefore we haue sent to thee againe, our sister,
your Ambassadour, and with him our trustie and faithfull gentle-
man who is neare about our person, Andrew Gregorowitch Sauiena,³
and with him our Secretarie, Symon Sebastana, and of all our
affaires to thee, our Sister, wee haue giuen commission to our
Ambassadour, Andrew Gregorowich Sawina, with your Ambas-
sadour, Thomas Randolphe, how loue and frendshippe should
continewe between us, and that peace maie continew betwixt both
[realms] for encrease of our common wealthes.
4
Further, that it would please your highnes to think no vnkind-
ness that wee keept your ambassadour so longe from our presence.
The reason thereof he was so longe keept backe was when I lett
departe youre messinger Anthonie Ienkinson, and those our affaires
committed vnto him to speake by worde of mouthe when the time
was come that wee did looke for aunswere by Anthonie againe,
we h[e]arde no worde of him, and as then your ambassadoure
[Randolph] was not come. But your messenger, George Middleton,
was come to the Marue [Narva], and with him manie other[s],
naminge themselues to be your messingers, and wee willed to
enquire of them whether your, our sisters, messenger Anthonie
were come to youre presence, and whether they had anie thinge to
saie to vs of the messaidge, or whether Anthonie should come, or
1 Athanasius Ivanovich Viazemsky.
2 Peter Gregorief.
3 Andrew Gregorowitch Savin.
4 Simon Sebastianoff,
282
LETTER FROM THE TSAR.
anie other in his stead; and they beinge embrased with pride, would
make vs no auns were, that they would not come to our neare and
priuie counsaile, and would make them priuie of none of theire
affaires; all that they saide was of marchunt affaires, and settinge
our highnes affares aside, as it is the use of all countries that
princes affaires should be first ended, and after that to seeke a
gaine.
And your ambassadour, Thomas Randolphe, when he was come,
was keept from our presence; in like manner wee sent to him fiue or
six times, that he would come to our counsaile for so muche that
wordes that wee willed¹ to be spoken to thee, our sister, by Anthonie,
and that it was not meete that those affaires should be oppened;
and your ambassadour would not goe to our counsaillers to giue
auns were of the secrite affaires, vppon which that occasion he was
longe delaied.
But when your ambassadour had seen our eies, and had shewed
to our counsaile what affaires was committed to him, and that he
had commission of that I sent to thee by Anthonie, then wee
shewed our gratious fauour to him, and then wee beganne to haue
to doe in those affaires, and endinge those affaires, wee haue sent
your ambassadour to you, our sister, and with him our ambassadour,
Andrew Gregoriwich Sauina. And for that you sent your letters
by George Middletone, your messinger, with the marchunts of
trade of marchandize and of accomptes, wee haue committed that
matter to our counsailer and captaine of Vologerie,³ Duke Alfonas,
Euanowich Vasemskie, with Thomas, your ambassadour, that they
should seeke the right; and your marchaunts did reckon with those
marchaunts Thomas Glouer, that is with vs in our realme, and they
could not come to anie agreement, and wee, vppon that occasion of
accomptes, have sent into thy Kingdome Thomas Glouer, with our
ambassadour, Andrew Gregoriwich, that the marchaunts maie
accompte there with him.
To thee, our sister, Quene Elizabeth, as concerninge the mar-
1 In the original Russian, "for that we would know on what
affairs he was come".
2 Bannister and Ducket.
3
Vologda.
BANNISTER AND DUCKET TO THE COUNCIL.
283
chaunts Glouer, Rutter and Bennett, wee haue giuen commission to
our ambassadour, Andrew Gregoriwich Sauina, in what soever those
marchaunts be guiltie before thy highnes, that it would please thee
for our sake to shew fauour vnto them, and to take awaie thy
displeasure from them, for that those marchaunts, Glouer and
Rutter,¹ in these affaires were the first beginnors how betweene
thee and me brotherhood and frendshippe should be.
Wee haue giuen to thy marchaunts, at thie request, a priuiledge Priviledge.
to traffique thorrowe our realme, and to passe with merchaundize
thorrowe our realme into other realmes, accordinge to the[i]r sup-.
plicacons; and wee haue taken our priuiledge from the marchaunts
Thomas [Glouer] and Raphe [Rutter], and theire fellowshippe, which
was giuen to them for the loue and friendshippe of thee, our sister.
Our letter, written in the Empire of Muscouia, at our auncient
towne of Vologdaye, from the beginning of the world seuen
thousand seauentie and seauen, the xxth of June, fuortieth of our
age, the xxxth yere of our Lordshippe, and the 23 yere of our
Empire, since the wynning of Casane xvii yere, and of Astrecane
xv yere.
MAISTER THOMAS BANNESTER AND MAISTER DUCKETT TO THE
COUNSAIL.2
[25 Junij 1569.]
THAT they being deputed to the Emperor of Russia to settle the
Marchants and trade there, as they should find it conuenient, but
yet notwithstanding that it was her Maiesties pleasure the company,
their seruunts, and all should conforme themselues to their direc-
tions, found they such resistance and oppositions from the Agent,
and all the rest of the society, that they wrought by some nere
about the Emperor so powerfully that they were kept shoot vp in
a house from 16. of October vntil the 9. of February, afore they
could come to the Emperors presence.
In which time he receiued
1 Glover accompanied Jenkinson on his first voyage to Russia in
1557, and Rutter served as his interpreter on that occasion.
2 MS. Cott., Nero B. xi, f. 333 also Cal. S. P., For. Eliz., No. 309.
284
BANNISTER AND DUCKETT.
the 2. letters sent by waye of the Narue, whereby his Maiestie was
otherwise persuaded, gaue them gratious hearing, and since the
like entertainement, is greatly inclined to the Quenes Maiestie,
no prince more, as may be perceiued out of the priuiledges he
granted vnto them. First, that no Nation stranger shall trauell
through his Dominions into Media and Persia, but only the
Company; he hath forbidden all Nations for coming into any his
North partes sauing the Company, vppon peine of losse of bodies,
shipps, and goods, which was before, but not so amply as now it is;
he hath giuen them a mine of iron, with wood and ground to make
the same six miles compasse, lying hard by the waterside, and [this]
is like to growe to great commoditie both to the company and to
our country. He hath giuen them ground at Narue to build a
house on, and ground in his Towne of Voladay,¹ to place a rope
house ioyning to their owne house, and hath taken all their houses
in to the Opprisnay, being to be vnderstood his chosen side of his
people, and that all their causes shalbe hurd and iudged in his
honorable Court of Opprisnay, which doth deliuer them out of
much bondage of his Courte of Esemsekye, so that being of the
Opprisnay, no man of Esemsekye dare meddle with them, or offer
them any wrong.
He commanded Thomas Glouer, hauing a great
stocke of the Companies goods in his hands, to accompt with them,
and made him enter in to bondes to stand to the Merchants
iudgement. The late priuiledges granted to Christophur Bennet,
Thomas Glouar, Raphe Rutter, and Iohn Chappell, who had ioyned
them selues with Jacob de la folia, and other Dutchmen, to over-
throw the Companie. They asked the Emperor nothing but he
granted it. The trade wilbe very commodious, bring the spices in
that waies. They will certifie them more particulurly of the same
at their safe returne out of Persia. Aduise that this trade might be
maintained, and such as goe about to ouerthrow it to be punished.
There is also much salpeter in that Country, but in the Princes
hand; if it please her Maiestie to writte to the Ambassadour about
it, they will deale with the Emperor when they are come backe out
of Persia.
From Valerday [Vologhda], etc.
1 Vologhda.
SAVIN'S REQUEST.
285
[vi May 1570.]
THE AMBASSADORS [SAUINS] REQUEST TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE
MAISTER SECRETARIE.¹
THE Ambassadour from the Emperour of Russia requireth that the
Quenes Maiestie would cause her highnes lettres of Secrit to be
written in Rowsse, word for word as the coppie of lettre of the
Emperour sent, and that her highnes would sett her hand to ye
said lettre, and take an oath before the Emperours Ambassadour,
and to hang her seale to those Letters.
The cause whie the lettres should be written in rowsse [Russ]
is that the Emperour cannot vnderstand anie language but his
owne.
The Emperour would dislike of the lettre yf it be not written
word for word as that lettre which he sent.
And when the said lettre shalbe translated into rowse, that it
maie be donne in the sight of the said Embassador.
And that the Quenes Maiestie would send her Ambassadour to
the Emperour now, with his Ambassadour, and then the Emperour
will cause letters written like word for word, and will hang his
seale to those lettres, and kisse the crosse before the Quenes
Ambassadour.
And that the Queene would send to the Emperour Anthonie
Jenkinson, with her great Ambassadour in comission.
Ffor the cause whie the said Anthonie should goe is because he
was made priuie by the Emperour to the beginnings of this loue
and amitie, and therefore the Emperour will better creditt his
wordes.
1 MS. Cott., Nero B. xi, f. 335; also Cal. S. P., For. Eliz., No. 894.
INSTRUCTIONS TO JENKINSON.
[1570 May.]
Serten instroksyons geven me [Anthony Jenkinson]
by Sir William Garard, Knyght, to move the Ryght honnorabell
Sir William Syssyll of, etc.¹
1. FYRST, that yt may ple[a]s[e] your honnour to perceue the
ambassadors² letter of ansere of hys requests to be wrytten in
Inglyshe.
3
2. And the same to be translated into Rus[s] by Daniell, the
interpretor, and he to make too [two] copys of the same, the one
to le[a]ue with your honnour, the other to take with hyme to
shewe the ambassador, yf vnto your honnour yt shall seem so
good.
3. And for the more certentye that hyr Maiesty shalbe well
asewred [assured] that Danyell hath don[e] the same trewly,
the[re] ys one called Normyntont and Ha[w]try that may perues
[peruse] the same, so shall declare the same agen [again] to your
honnour in Inglyshe.
4. Item, as towtcheng the granteng of traffyke hether [hither]
by them, the Queenes Maiesty may grant the same so ffare as the
sayd emperor hathe alredy in hys preuyleg[e]s prouyded for the
sam[e], whitche tendeth only for hys owen prouysyon, and not
other wyes.
5. Item, as towtcheng the sendeng of another ambasador to
confer the lege [league] &c., yf yt may ple[a]s[e] hyr hyghnes to
reffare the same vntill the next yere, in whitche tyme the emperour
may well consyder of hyr Maiesty grants, and lykeng the same,
than [then] may be confermyd hereafter.
1 Cal. S. P., For. Eliz., No. 896.
2 Savin's. See preceding document.
3 Daniel Sylvester.
ELIZABETH TO IVAN.
287
1
6. That yt may ple[a]s[e] your honnour to haue in remembrance
the calleng home of Rafe Ruter, Chrystofer Bennyt, John Chapell,
and Franses Byrket, thoes spesyallye, with all other Inglyshe men
that dothe remayne ther[e] contrary to the preuyleges granted
the Company, etc.
7. Item, that the sayd Ambassador maybe fully ans[we]red at
thys next me[e]tyng, so as he may take hys le[a]ve, for that the
shypes at[t]ends only apon hym, and the yere is fare spent.
4
8. Item, that hyr Maiesty may be put in memory for [presents
to the ambassador] and the secretarys, whiche assuredly they.
lo[o]ke ffore.
ELIZABETH TO IVAN.5
[1570, May 18.]
BECAUSE we vuderstand from you, Emperour and Great Duke,
our good brother, first by the secrite report of our trustie servaunt,
Anthony Ienkinson, whom we sent as our ambassador to you, Lord,
certen years past, and now last by the noble parson, Andrew
Gregoriwiche Sauiena, whom you sent to vs as your highnes
Ambassadour, in companie with our last Embassadour, Thomas
Randolphe, that you, the said Emperour, doe earnestlie desiere to
enter into some streight contracts of Amitie with vs; and for that
purpose where the said Andrewe Gregoriwiche hath deliuered vnto
vs certaine writinges in the Russian tongue, the which becawse wee
could not vnderstand, for lacke of knowledge of that tongue, the
said Ambassadour hath deliuered vnto vs, in most secreit manner,
certaine other writinges, both in the Romayne tongue and in the
Italian, which are said to be the true translations of the said lettres
in the Russian tongue; both which [wrytyngs] we doe well vnder-
stand, and therbie doe conceiue that the said writings are deuised
onlie as a forme of such a league and confederation as you, our
1 Ralph Rutter, Christopher Bennett, John Chappell, and Francis
Birket had intrigued against the Company in Russia.
3 Wait for.
2 Savin.
4 Sevastianof.
5 MS. Cotton, Nero B. xi, f. 341; cf. Tolstoi, No. 25.
288
LEAGUE ENTERED INTO BY HER.
deare brother Emperour, wold haue with vs for a mutuall streight
amitie. Wheruppon wee haue with good deliberation resolued
to accept in most friendlie manner this, the offer of the good will
of so mightie a Prince, and to contract Amitie with you, the said
Emperour, so farr fourth as the treaties and confederations which
we haue had of longe time, and receiued by succession of our
progenators, Kinges of England (and doe yet continewe), with
other Christian Princes, Emperours, Kinges, and Potentates maie
permitt vs.
And in consideration of your, the said mightie Emperours,
fauour shewd to our subiects trading your contries for merchan-
dize, and in respect of your further [inward and secret]¹ disposition,
which by sundry good meanes we are informed you beare towardes
vs; wee are pleased to contract with you, Emperour and great
Duke, as followeth, with the same wordes as neare as we maie, as
we find contayned in your highnes writinges.
etc.
Wee enter into a frendlie and sisterlie league to continewe for
euer with you, great Lord and Emperour, as a mightie Prince and
our deare brother, Emperour, Lord, and great Duke of all Russia,
Which league wee will so obserue and keepe foreuer, as to
binde our selues with our commen forces to (withstand and) offend
all such as shalbe commen enemies to vs both, and to defend both
our princely honours, the estate of our Realmes and countries,
and to helpe, aide, and fauour eache of vs the other with mutuall
helpes and aides against our commen enemies as farrefourth as
the effect of these our lettres shall stretch. And we will not ayde,
comfort, or suffer anie person or potentate to offend you or your
contries, that we maie to our power and by iustice with reason
staie or impeache.
(Further more your highnes shall vnderstand that) your
ambassadour, Andrea Gregoriwich (hath bene with vs) at sundry
times (and) by his behauiour and discrete vsage of himself, wee
These words have been erased in Cotton MS.
2 In the original draft of this letter the secret document given on
p. 290, infra, comes in here, beginning with the words "yf at anie
time", to the end. See MS. Cott., Nero B. xi, fol. 345, verso. Cf.
Tolstoi, No. 25, p. 97.
т
HER THANKS FOR THE TSAR'S KINDNESS.
289
do think you, the emperour and great duke, haue made a very
good choice of him, as well for the wisdome we perceaue to be in
him, as for the reuerence, care, and duty he beareth vnto your
highnes, and to the conseruacion of your highnes estate and
honour, and in all things which he hath communicated to vs, we
trust by our answers he hath receaued good satisfaction.
Wherefore we meane not to inlarg our lettres any furder, but
do giue your highnes our harty thankes for the priuiledge which
your highnes haue granted to our trusty and welbeloued subiects,
Sir William Garrard, Knight, and his company, being persons
whom we singulerly do esteeme, dowting not but your contreys
and people shall, by the[i]r resort into the same, receaue great
profitt and estimation.
And according to your highnes ambassadors most ernest desires,
and that only for the loue and regard we haue to shew your
highnes pleasour in your request, we haue ben content to license
Thomas Glouer to returne vpon his othe and bond, that he shall
mak[e] full payment to our said merchants of such things as by his
accompt he hath confessed to be due to them, dowting not but
your highnes will of your honour, and for loue of iustice, cawse
him so to do.
And we most ernestly requier you to giue furder order that
Raff Rutter, Christofer Bennett, Iohn Chappell, Frances Byrkett,
and such others Englishmen as our said subiects, Sir William
Garrard and his company, shall by name requier, may be safely
deliuered, to be sent into these our contreys, as of naturall duty
they are bound, who (notwithstandyng the[i]r faults) shall find
such fauour and mercy at our hands as shalbe reasonably by you
required, that with our honour we may grant.
And further we requier your highnes to permitt such other
honest Englishmen, our subiects, as came ouer thether of good will,
and haue ben stayed in your seruice, and are (now very) desirous
to returne, that they may, with your highnes fauour, come home
hither into their natiue contrey, where they haue their wines and
children (who do dayly mak[e] request to vs for the same pur-
poses). And in so doing your (highnes) shall minister good cawse
for many others of like qualities to repaire thether to serue
TT
290
THE QUEEN'S SECRET LETTER
your highnes, being such as we know you will for their coming
[cunning] and knowledg much esteme when they shall come.
And so wishing that this intelligence (and amyty betwixt vs
twoe maye haue long contynuacon and the) mutuall trade betwixt
(our subiects) the people of both our contreys may hereafter
encrease to both our contentations, and (spesially) to the honour
of Almighty God, who hath ordeyned and chosen kings and
princes to employ their (whole) cares to gouerne and defend the
people of God committed to their charg in peace, welth, and
tranquillity, for his honour and service, we commit you to the
tuition of the same Almighty God.
Giuen at our honour of Hampton courte, the xviiith day of the
month of May, in the xiith yere of our reign, and in the yere of
our lord one thousand fyue hundred threescore and tenne.
[1570. May 18.]
MAII 1570. THE COPPIE OF THE QUEENS MAIESTIES [SECRET]
LETTER TO THE EMPEROUR OF RUSSIA.¹
WHERE wee haue by other our letters deliuered to your highnes
ambassadour, the noble person, Andrew Gregoriwiche Sauiena,
made answere to the greatest part of such messages and letters as
the said ambassadors declared and brought to vs, wee haue
thought good in some secreite manner to send your highnes for a
manifest and certaine token of our good will to your highnes
estate and suertye: this our secrit lettre, wherevnto none are
priuie besides our selfe, but our most secreite councell, wee doe so
regard the suertie of you, the Emperour and great Duke, as we
offer that yf at anie time² it so mishappe that you, Lord, our
brother Emperour and great Duke, bee by anie casuall chaunce,
either of secrite conspiracie or outward hostillitie, driuen to change
your countries, and shall like to repaire into our Kingdome and
Dominions, with the noble empresse, your wife, and youre deare
1 Collated with MS. Cott., Brit. Mus., Nero B. xi, 341; and
Tolstoi, No. 26.
2 Cf. note 2, p. 288.
་ ན
TO THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA.
291
Children, the Princes, we shall with such honors and Curtesies
receiue and intreate your highnes and them, as shall become so
great a Prince, And shall earnestlie endeauour to make all things
fall out accordinge to your maiesties desire, to the free and quiett
breedinge of your highnes life, with all those, whom you shall
bringe with you; and that it maie be lawfull for you, the Emper-
our and great Duke, to vse your Christian religion in such sorte as
it shall like you, for nether meane wee to attempte anie thinge to
offend either your maiestie or anie of your people, nor intermeddle
anie waies with your highnes faith and religion, nor yet to seuerre
your highnes houshold from you, or to suffer anie of yours to be
taken from you by violence.
Besides, wee shall appoint you, the Emperour and great Duke, a
place in our Kingdom fitt vppon your owne charges, as longe as ye
shall like to remaine with vs.
And yf it shall seeme good vnto you, the Emperour and great
Duke, to depart from our countries, wee shall suffer you with all
yours quietlie to depart, either into your Empire of Muscouia, or
els whither it shall best like you to passe through our dominions
and countries. Neither shall we anie wise lett or staie you, but
with all offices and curtisies let you, our deare brother Emperour
and great Duke, passe into your countrie or else where at your
pleasure.
This wee promise by virtue of these our lettres, and by the
word of a Christian prince, in witness whereof, and for the further
testificacon of this our lettre, Wee, Queene Elizabeth, doe subscribe
this with our owne hand, in the presence of these our nobles and
councellors.
Nicholas Bacon, Knight, great chauncellor of our Realme of
England.
William, Lord Parr, Lord Marques of Northampton, Knight of
our order of the garter.
Henrie, Earle of Arundel, Knight of our said order.
Frauncis, Lord Russell, Earle of Bedford, Knight of our said
order.
Robert Dudley, Lord of Denbigh, Earle of Lecester, master of our
horse, and Knight of the same order.
U 2
292
THE TSAR'S
Edward, Lord Cleaton and Say, Lord Admirall of England, and
Knight of our said order.
William, Lord Howard of Effeingham, Lord Chamberlayne, and
Knight of the same order.
Frauncis Knolls, Knight, Treaserour of our howse.
James Croft, Knight, Comptroller of our said howse.
William Cicill, Knight, our Principell Secretarie.
And haue also thereto hanged our priuie seale, promisinge that
wee, against our common enimies, shall, with one accord, fight
with our common forces and doe euerie and singuler things men-
coned in this writinge, as longe as God shall lend vs liffe, and that
by the worde and faithe of a Prince.
Giuen at our honor of Hampton court, the xviii daie of the
moneth of Maie, in the xiith yere of our Reigne, and in the yere
of our Lord one Thousand fiue hundred threescore and Tenne.
[The contemporary Russian translation of this document bears the
following inscription.]
"This writinge in the Russian tongue is affirmed by Daniell
Siluester, Englishman, the interpretor of the ambassador of the
Emperore of Russia, being sworne vpon his othe to be the trew
copie of the letter, whiche is written in the English tongue by the
Queenes Maiestie of England."
[24 Octobris 1570.]
THE COPPIE OF THE MUSCOUITTS LETTRE IN ENGLISH, BROUGHT
BY DANYELL SYLUESTER.
TO THE QUEENE Elizabeth of England, Frannce, and IRELAND
AND OF OTHERS.
WEE, great Lord and Emperour of Wolodemerea, of Muscouia, etc.,
to Elizabeth, Queene of England, Fraunce, and Ireland, etc. For
that before time certaine subiects of your brother, Kinge Edward,
namely Richard Chansler and others, being sent for some occasion
to all people and places, and hauinge writinges to all Kinges,
1 MS. Cott., Nero B. xi, fo. 347; collated with the original Russian;
see Tolstoi, No. 28.
LETTER TO QUEEN ELIZABETH.
293
Emperours, Dukes, Lordes, and rulers (but namelie vnto vs not
one word was written), and those your brothers subiectes, Richard
and his fellowes, wee know not after what sort, whither it were
willinglie or vnwillinglie, came and Anchored in our hauen, by the
sea side, and to our towne of Dwena, and wee, as it behooued a
Christian Prince, shewed them so much fauour that wee receiued
them with honor, and at our Princely and appointed Dynners wee
of our goodnes sent for them; and wee sent them backe againe
vnto your brother. And after that it pleased your brother to send
the said Richard Chansler and one Richard Graie vnto vs, and wee
in like cause shewed our goodnes vnto them, and sent them backe
againe. And after that your brother sent the said Richard to vs
the third time,¹ and hereupon wee sent vnto your brother our
messinger, Osipe Gregorie Nepea. And to your brothers marchaunts
and to all Englishe men we gaue our Lettres of Priuiledge so large
as the like was neuer giuen to our merchants, thinkeinge to haue bad
receiued frendshippe of your brother and of you, and seruice of
English men. And in the meane time that we sent our messinger
the same tyme your brother dyed, and your sister Marie succeeded
his place, and so married with Philippe, Kinge of Spaine, the wich
Kinge and your Sister receiued our messinger honorablie, and so
sent him backe againe vnto vs. But they sent no word to vs.
And at that time your marchaunts did worke much deceipt against
our marchaunts, and beganne to sell their wares deare, takeing for
all thinges more then thinges were worth. And after that time
[we were informed that] the Queene, your sister, died, and that
the Kinge Philippe was sent awaie, and that you were crowned
Queene of England; and wee all that time did your marchaunts no
harme, but willed them to traffique as they had donne before time.
And how manie lettres haue beene brought to vs hither, and not one
1 This is a curious mistake, Chancellor only visited Russia twice:
first in 1553, when he had parted company with Sir Hugh Willoughby,
and sailed to the mouth of the Dwina; the second time in 1555. On
his return voyage, the following year, his ship, the Edward Bonaventure,
was wrecked in Pitsligo Bay, on the coast of Scotland, and he lost his
life by drowning, while gallantly rescuing the Russian ambassador,
Nepea, and some of his suite.
294
THE TSAR'S LETTER
lettre that hath beene sealed with one seale, but euerie lettre
hath had a contrarie seale, wich is no princelie fashion, and
such lettres in all places be not creditted, but eurie Prince
hath in his realme one prop[er] seale, but did giue creditt to
your lettres, and accordinge to your lettres wee wrought. And
after that you sent vnto vs your messinger, Anthonie Ienkinson,
aboute the affaires of marchauntes, and wee, thinking him to haue
good credditt with you, wee had therefore sworne him, and also
your marchaunt, Raphe Rutter, because of interpretting, for that
in such waightie affaires wee stood need of trewe interprettinge,
and wee sent you by word of mouth of our great and secrett
meaninge, desireinge frendshippe of you, and that you would haue
sent ouer to vs some neere and trustie seruaunt of yours, and
Anthonie to haue come with him, or ells Anthonie alone, for that
we knewe not whither Anthonie did tell you all our wordes or no,
for we h[e]ard not of him in a yere and a half after, and there
came not from you neither messinger neither Ambassadour; and
therefore wee of our goodnes gaue vnto your marchaunts another
Priviledge, thinkinge them to haue beene in good creditt with you,
and therefore our goodnes was the greater to them. And after
that we had newes that a subiect of yours was come to the Narue,
by name Edward Goodman, wich had manie lettres; but wee sent
to him to inquire of Anthonie, but he told us nothing of him, and
we commaunded him to be serched for lettres, and wee found manie
lettres and in those lettres were written wordes not allowable
against our princelie State and Empire, how that in our Empire
were manie vnlawfull thinges done, and he gaue euill language to
our messingers wich were sent to him; but wee of our goodnes
caused him to be staied honorablie till such time as wee should
haue aunswere from you of his affaires that wee sent of to you by
Anthonie.
And after that there came from you a messinger to the Narue
about marchaunts affaires, namelie, George Middleton, and
we sent to him to know whither Anthonie were come to you or no,
and when he should come from you to vs. But your messinger,
George, would tell vs nothing of this matter, but did misscall our
messingers and Anthonie also; and wee commaunded him to be
TO QUEEN ELIZABETH.
295
keept till such time as wee h[e]ard and knew of the matter that
wee committed to Anthonie.
And not long after that wee were enformed that your Ambassa-
dour, Thomas Randolphe, was come to our port of Dwena, and wee of
our goodnes sent to meete him the sonne of a gentleman,'
and wee commaunded the said gentleman to be his guide,
and we did intreat him with great honor, and wee commaunded
our said gent to enquire of him whither Anthonie were
with him or no; but he told our gentleman nothinge, for
Anthonie was not with him, but all his talke was of bowrishnes and
affairs of marchaunts. And when he was come to our Empire wee
sent vnto him manie times, that he would come and conferre with
our counsaile, that wee might have knowledge of those greate
affaires that we sent you word of by Anthonie; but he, after a rude
manner, denyed to come, but he wrote supplicacions against Glouer
and Rutter, and vppon affaires of Marchauntdize he writt, but of
our Princelie affaires he made them of none effect, and therefore
your Ambassadour was keept the longer from our presence. And
after that our Cittie was stroaken by the hand of God with the
plague, so that it was not possible for vs to giue him presence; but
so soone as it pleased God to withdrawe from vs the plague of
sicknes, we gaue him presence, and all his talke then was vppon
merchaunts affaires; and then wee sent vnto him our Counsellor
and Captaine of Vologdaie, Duke Afonace Ewanowetch Vasemsko,
and our Seale Keep[er], Ewan Mehalowa, and our Secretarie,
Andrew Vasilowa,2 wee willed them to enquire of him yf he had
comission of those affaires wich wee sent you word of by Anthonie,
and he told them that he had comission for those affaires also
thereuppon wee did augment our goodnes vnto him. After that
he was diuers times with vs, and euer he spake about bowrishe³ and
affaires of marchaundize, and verie seldome would talke with vs of
our Princelie affaires. And at that time wee had occasion for to
ride to our inheritance of Wologhdaie [Vologhda], and wee gaue
commaundement to our gentlemen that they should conducte him
1 In the Russian: "son of a boyar", or nobleman.
;
2 Athanasius Ivanovitch Viazemsky, Ivan Mikhailof, and Andrew
Vassilief. 3 In original, mujitski, from mujik, a boor or peasant.
296
HIS ANGER AGAINST HER.
Former
lettres of
the Queene
how much is
aunswered,
and a fitt
aunswere
to be now
made, and
the lettres
framed and
1
thither; and he being ariued thither, we sent vnto him our fore-
saide counsellors and our Secretarie, Peter Gregorewa, and willed.
them to treate with him how those affaires of Amitie might be
betweene vs; but the talke which your Ambassadour had was to
establishe marchaunts, and we willed him to talke with vs of our
affairs; and wee talked of them, and wee did agree how those
affaires should passe betweene vs, and then we wrote our lettres,
and to our lettres wee sett our seale, and then yf they had liked
you, that then you would haue caused your lettres to haue beene
written, and to haue sent some trustie Ambassadour, and that
Anthonie Ienkinson might haue been sent with him. The cause whie
wee were so desirous to haue had Anthonie Ienkinson to haue come
was, that wee would have knowen of him whither the wordes did like
you or no, and howe you were minded of the matter. And so we sent,
in companie with your Ambassadour, our Ambassadour, Andrew
Gregoriwitch Sauin.
2
And you haue sent vs our Ambassadour backe, but you
haue not sent your Ambassadour to vs, and you haue not ended
our affaires according as your Ambassadour did agree vppon.
And your lettres be not thereto agreeable, for such weightie affaires
to be seene be not ended without some golde, or without Ambassadours; but
you have sett aside those great affaires, and your Councell doth
deale with our Ambassadour about Marchaunts affairs. And your
Marchaunts, Sir William Gerrard and Sir Wm. Chester, did rule
brought by all our busines. And wee had thought that you had beene ruler
over your lande, and had sought honor to your self and proffitt to
your Countrie, and therefore wee did pretend those w[e]ightie affaires
between you and vs. But now wee perceiue that there be other
men that doe rule, and not men, but bowers and marchaunts, the
wich seeke not the wealth and honnor of our maiesties, but they
seeke there owne proffitt of marchandize. And you flowe in your
maydenlie estate like a maide; and whosoever was trusted in our
the Russian
ambassa-
donr to be
seene.
are
1 Peter Gregorief.
:
2 Incorrect translation in the original Russian letter the words
"without confirmation by oath".
3 I.e., "flower" for "flourish”. The Tsar here vents his anger
against the Queen and her subjects in abusive language, which called
forth the spirited reply from Elizabeth, which follows on p. 297.
THE QUEEN'S REPLY.
297
affaires and did deceave vs, it were not meete that you should
creditt them.
And now seeinge it is so, wee doe sett aside those affaires; and
those bowrish Marchaunts that haue beene the occasion that the
pretended welthes and honors of our Maiesties hath not come to
passe, but doe seeke their owne wealthes, they shall see what
traffique they shall have here; for our cittie of Musko, before their
traffique to it, hath not greatly wanted Englyshe commodities.
And the priuiledge that wee gaue to your Marchaunts, and sent to
you,
that you would send it vs againe, and whither it be sent or no,
wee will giue commaundement that nothing shalbe donne by it.
And all those priuiledges wich wee have giuen aforetine be from
this daie of none effect. Written at our honor of Mosko, since the
foundation of the world 7069 yeres, the xxviii daie of October.
ELIZABETH TO IUAN.¹
(Probably May or June 1571.)
Elizabeth, by the grace of God, etc.
To the most serene and powerful Prince and Lord, Iohan
Basilius, Emperor of Russia, etc. [Here follows in original MS.
a long series of titles.] To our dearest brother and friend greeting
in our Lord God Iesus Christ, and good fortune with prosperity.
Most serene Prince and dearest Friend, We haue receiued the
letters giuen by your Highness on the 24th October, brought to
vs by Daniel Syluester; from which we vnderstood all the com-
plaints and offences which haue happened from that time, etc.
But inasmuch as neither our Thomas [Randolph], nor your Andrew
[Savin], nor our letters to you, as it appears, haue satisfied you,
we now send you our Orator and seruant, dear to and beloued
by vs, Anthony Ienkinson, whose work and fidelity in the
greatest and most secret affairs we haue always vsed, who will
negotiate in our name, and treat very fully with you concerning
all things. Towards this Anthony we haue desired to show our
¹ Translated and published for the first time from the Baker MS.,
vol. xxxii, pp. 35, 36, in the University Library, Cambridge, see Cat.
Camb. MSS., vol. v, p. 349.
298
GOODWILL OF THE ENGLISH.
esteem, for we haue always known him to be an excellent man,
faithful to vs, and feeling and speaking honorably of your Highness,
from whom your Highness will best vnderstand our mind in euery
thing. For he will tell you most truly that no merchants gouern
our country, but we rule it ourselues, in manner befitting a Virgin
Queen, appointed by the great and good God; nor was euer better
obedience shown to any Prince than to vs by our people. And
since this is the gift of God, to Him giue we our most humble and
best thanks.
And concerning the priuileges of our subiects: although your
Highness has reuoked them in consequence of some offences, yet
do we hope, in consideration of our Goodwill, that they may be as
royally restored as they were royally giuen, for we are most firmly
conuinced that nothing was euer suffered by vs or done by our
subiects, with our knowledge, which ought to haue iustly offended.
you. And we know that our subiects are euer ready to serue
your interests, as when lately they seized the King of Polands
piratical ships called freebooters, and deliuered them into our
hands.¹ Moreouer, they haue exported merchandize, and euery
kind of thing to your Empire, to conciliate your goodwill, which
we do not allow to be exported to any other Princes in the world,
and we can truly assure you that many Princes haue written to vs
to lay aside your friendship; yet we can be influenced by no
letters, but will be constant in our friendship.
Lastly, the treaty of amity was so lately made between vs, that
if we wish to be a constant and Christian like Prince, we cannot
in any way depart from it, or lay aside our goodwill when once it
has been begun.
Wherefore, we doubt not but that after reading these letters
and hearing our Orator, that your Highness will be mindful of our
old goodwill, and will haue the same regard for our subiects which
you haue shown for twenty years past with the greatest constancy:
and to the great glory of your name, God, etc.
1 Referring to the action off Tuttee, in the Gulf of Finland, in
1570. Cf. Hakl., 1589, p. 425.
IVAN TO ELIZABETH.
299
TSAR IUAN TO QUEEN ELIZABETH.'
[August 1571.]
WEE, the greate Lord Emperour and great Duke, Iohn Wassilye-
witz, ouer all the Russes, etc. To the Queene Elizabeth, ouer
Englande, Fraunce, & Ireland, etc. Whereas you haue sent vnto
vs your seruaunte, Robert,2 withe a letter wherin you haue wrytten
vnto vs that Wyllyam Garrarts and William Chester, sythence
the moneth of September last past, by manye and diuers menne
and writtinges, have hadde intelligence that the goods off the
merchaunts (and their seruants also) were stayed and kepte
straightlie vnder areste vnder owre Iurisdiction; the which was
at the first not onlie skarslie beleued, butt rather thought to be
a vayne dispersed rumor, as in your conscience you did iudge itt
to be, and that there was neither by you, nor by no manne ells,
any soche offence comytted or done as shoulde meritte the same,
and that oure Imperiall maiestie, therefore, must not be offended.
And that it ys well knowne vnto you what greate frendship their
hath bene betwixt vs manye yeares, and the great aduancement
and trewe dealinge that hath beene shewed vnto your subiects,
and likewise also the newe compacte and agreement, which of late
hath bene concluded betwixt vs, & that, therefore, you cannot
departe from the same nor withdraw your frendshipp from vs, soe
that we might be good & Christian Rulers together.
But consideringe that there haue bene sent vnto you letters
vpon letters, making mencion thereof at the earneste instance and
request of the sayd merchaunts, you colde not forbeare to wryte
vnto our highnes, and so far forthe as the same letters were found
[to] be trewe that th'enuious doo answere, and if the letters be
not trewe yt may be possible that the dissobedient, not being our
1 Cal. S. P., For. Eliz., 1569-71, p. 500, No. 896; Cotton. MS.,
Nero B. viii, 9; Tolstoi, No. 32.
2 Robert Best.
3 Sir William Gerrard, Governor of the Muscovy Company.
300
IVAN TO ELIZABETH.
frends, haue doone it to alter and change owre hartes, and so
saye those that doo houlde the foresayde Rumore to be trewe, and
that these should be the causes of the stayinge of your goodes.
Firste, because certayne freebuters, mariners, the which owre
highnes Ambassador, Andrewe Gregorowitz Sauin, hadd taken vppe,
should haue bene stayed in your dominions, and not permitted to
come vnto vs. That our subiects did paye custome for their
goodes & wares that they hadd brought with our Ambassador vnto
you: and that you shoulde not haue esteemed owre Ambassador
beinge with you, and that the same hathe bene soe deuised by
suche as beinge currupt by giftes theirunto, or, by reason of their
owne priuate profitte and comoditye, cannot abyde any suche
greate frendshipp in the trade of merchaundize betwixt our
people. Sayinge that the Ambassador (or howsoeuer he ys
otherwise named) should neuer haue spoken to you nor to your
merchants concerninge the sendinge ouer of maryners vnto vs, and
as towching the custome you haue so fauourably and liberally
dealed, as euer any ambassador was dealt withall, howe great
soeuer he was. And as touchinge the ambassadoure himselfe :
That it must first be knowne to all menne that all honnor &
frendshipp hath beene shewed vnto him, referringe yourselfe to
the witness of all them that haue bene present, and of th’imbassa-
dor himselfe. Prayinge, therefore, earnestly oure highnes that
(you being our syster) your persuasion might haue more credite
then the euill disposed people, that the enymyes and ewill willers
to our mutuall amytye and frendshippe, and cannot abyde the
trade of merchandize that is betwene vs, and that we woulde
shewe our selues good and gracious towards your subiects, as they
knowe they haue deserued itt by their seruice towards owre
Maiestye.
That our harte hath conceiued anger by the euill reporte of euill
disposed people, and that we woulde by wrytinge aduertisse you
thereof, and that at the instaunce of your people you had sent vs
your letter, to th'ende we might suffer your merchaunts freelye to
traffike ouer all our dominions; throwghe the great frendshipp
and the new compact made betwixt vs, and in consideracon
of the mutuall comoditie and profytte betwene our subiects;
HIS COMPLAINTS.
301
and you doute nothinge thereof, but hope that itt will lyke vs
well.
We haue redde oute your letter, and well vnderstanden the same,
and we haue written vnto you before, withe Daniell [Sylvester],
the interpreter: yt may please you to looke vpon the same letters,
and their to see the occasion of our anger vpon your highnes; and
whereas you haue written that Willin Garrett and Willin Chester,
haue gyven you the knowledg, beinge gouernoures of the foresaide
marchaunts, lett vs understande what manner of men they be with
you. Yf they be men of warre with you, so ys itt raisonable; but
if they be merchaunts, so were it against reason to wryte for them,
as not beinge worthy of ytt; and that they haue sayde as con-
cerninge merchandize, the same cann you aske your merchaunts,
Vlgan Garrethe and Vigan Chestor, howe that our ambassadour,
Andre Gregoriwitz Sauin, hath bene with you, and they haue lette
our matters and exercyced marchaundize, and nowe haue the
vnderstandinge what gaynes and profittes they haue vpon the
merchaundize, and what goods and wares haue bene taken. And
the same ys happened because that your merchaunts haue em-
ployed themselues to the[i]re trade of merchandize, and not to our
matters, and haue disdayned our merchaunts, and not esteemed
them as right merchaunts, and haue not suffered them to buye
anye good wares.
And you haue not kiste the crosse vpon the Letter in the
presence of Andrew, our ambassadour, and not done that wich of
right is vsed to be donne. And so farforthe as you will haue our
frendshipp¹ towards you, send vnto vs your good seruante, Anthone,2
and then will we, with the same your Ambassador, conclude of all
things that may tend to mayntayne our frendshipp, and also
commune togither concernynge the same goods wich you haue
written for. As touchinge the mariner[s], we haue not bene angrye,
he hath brought vs owre ambassador ; and, as concerninge the
1 In the Russian: love.
2 The Russian for Anthony is Anton.
3 In the Russian: concerning the kindness of which you wrote.
4 In the Russian: our ambassador brought us the mariners.
302
HIS JOY AT JENKINSON'S ARRIVAL.
custome, we haue h[e]arde nothinge, neither hath any mane thereof
made any complaynt vnto vs. Our ambassador hath bene enter-
tayned and serued of vittalls.'
And that which passed wee haue heard from your ambassador,
Robert, and hauinge asked him, he hath spoken vnto vs by the
same wordes that were wrytten in your letter, and we haue
caused answere to be gyven vnto hym vpon his talke, accordinge
as we haue wrytten vnto you in our letter. And as concerninge
the talk that your ambassador, Robert, hath had towchinge
Thomas Greene and Raffe [Rutter], to th'end we might show
them grace and send them to you; howe be yt, those your mer-
chaunts, whylest they haue bene vnder owre Iurisdiction, haue
very euill behaued themselues, and haue daylye vsed the companye
of our traytours, both in frendshipp and councell. Wee, beinge a
Christian Gouernor, haue doone no hurte to them; and so far
forthe as all things doo falle oute well betwixt vs, and amytye and
frendshipp doe contynewe, we will delyver Raffe vnto you and
Thomas Greene ys accordinge to the will of god departed.
2
And whatsoever you haue wrytten concerninge the traffike and
trade of merchaundize, that shalbe donne whensoeuer your ambassa-
dor shalbe come, layinge downe our angre, and agreeinge towching
the angrye matters. And so will [we] be careful of all matters vntill
your ambassadour be come to vs and talke of them, and vntill
suche tyme canne we not helpe the matter. And yf you meane
now to haue frendshipp² with vs, you will send your ambassador³ by
tymes.
And euen nowe haue we hadd tydings that Anthonie is here
arriued, and when Anton cometh vnto vs we will gladly he[a]re
hym, and forther aduertise you thereof.
Written at the Schlebode, anno. 7071, in ye month of August.
Endorsed in Cecil's handwriting: "The lyk letter was sent from
the Emperor of Moscouia to Philip and Mary, in high Duch, dated
in February."
¹ In the Russian: detained and dishonorably treated as to victuals.
2 In the Russian: love.
In the Russian: your ambassadors and Anthony.
LETTER FROM THE QUEEN.
303
ELIZABETH TO IUAN.1
[20th October 1572.]
ELIZABETH by the grace of God, etc.
To His Highness the most powerful Prince, Iohan Basilius,
Emperor of Russia, etc.
Our Ambassador, Anthony Ienkinson, has brought vs the letters,
full of grace and kindness, giuen by your Highness on the Kalends
of May; in which our demands haue been so answered, that
nothing more could haue been desired nor more honourable friend-
ship shown.
And we truly lament that what was contained in our secret
letters should haue come too late to your Highness. For we
certainly, had the occasion presented itself, would haue proffered
all the offices of a louing sister. But since the time has passed,
according as your Highness writes, there now remains but to
returne our best thanks to your Highness. For it was very
grateful to vs that you, our brother, should haue again receiued
into your fauour the company of our merchants, and restored to
them, at our request, their former priuileges which were taken
away.
Of this, if it may so happen in the future that we can
in our turn gratify your merchants in any thing, we will not be
vumindful.
But we chiefly pray your Highness that as you haue nobly done,
so may you always be pleased to fauour and benefit in word and
in deed more and more the company of our merchants, and
especially Thomas Bannister and Geoffrey Ducket, who are now
returning from Persia, as well as Nicholas Proctor, the Factor of
our Merchants in Russia, that they may, with your Highness
grace and fauour, prosper more & more.
1 From the Baker MS., vol. xxxii, pp. 36, 37, in the University
Library, Cambridge; see Cat. Camb. MSS. v, p. 349.
2 The news of Bannister's death had not reached England when
the Queen wrote.
304
FURTHER CORRESPONDENCE.
And that which, as we hope, we shall easily obtain from your
Highness, yet neuertheless do we ask for it-that you will not
open your ears to the accusations and calumnies of those very bad
men, Thomas Glouer, Ralph Rutter, Thomas Pett, & other traitors,
who, hauing nothing themselues, yet squander and liue on the
spoils and goods of others, but may rather deliuer them to the
Factor of the said Company, that he may place them on a ship
and send them to England, in order that they may satisfy their
creditors according to iustice, as our ambassador, Anthony, has
before treated with your Highness.
Lastly, we beg you, our Brother, that if any Englishman offend
against your laws and iustice, the offender may alone suffer the
penalty, but that the whole Company, being innocent of the offence,
may not be punished; for this is equitable, that eueryone should
answer for himself, and not be responsible for others. And by
complying with this, your sisters, demand, Your Highness will
indeed confer benefit, both on your own subiects as well as on
And we shall continue to enioy and keep inuiolate this
our firm friendship. May God always preserue your Highness in
safety and prosperity. Giuen at our castle of Windsor, 20 October
1572.
ours.
NOTE. This is the last document immediately referring to
Jenkinson's last embassy to Russia, though he is frequently men-
tioned in the subsequent correspondence between Ivan and
Elizabeth. The various negotiations relating to the affairs of the
Russia Company, and the secret treaty, were continued through
the agency of Daniel Sylvester, a man well acquainted with the
Russian language, and entrusted with important missions. The
Tsar renews his demands, that the Queen should confirm, in
solemn form, the league made between them, and should request
an asylum in his dominions as he had done in hers. The Queen
replies that the cause of her not having done the former was the
necessity for preserving secrecy, as the Tsar had himself desired,
and as to her asking for an assurance of refuge, in case of necessity,
in his dominions, that if her subjects were in the least to suspect
BETWEEN IVAN AND ELIZABETH.
305
that she entertained any doubt or suspicion of their loyalty (as
she knew they would if she consented to make such a request), her
estate might be imperilled. The various letters which passed
between the two sovereigns during this period are preserved in
the State Paper Office, in the Cottonian collection (Nero B. xi) at
the British Museum, and in the University Library at Cambridge
(Baker MSS., vol. xxxii). None of the latter are reproduced either
in Count Tolstoi's book or in Turgénief's collection. Dr. Hamel
noticed all these documents (l.c. pp. 220-225), but gave no
references to them.
A note of the proceeding of M. Anthonie Ienkinson,
Ambassadour from the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, to the
Emperour of Russia, as well [for the affayres] of her Highness
vnto me comi[tted, as for the] compaynie of marchaunts
Trading into Russia, from the time of his arriual
there, being the 26. of Iuly 1571, vntill his
departure from thence the 23. of
Iuly, 1572.1
2
THE said 26. day I arriued with the two good shippes, called the
Swallow and the Harry, in safetie at the bay of S. Nicholas, in
Russia aforesaide, and landed at Rose Island, from whence
immediatly I sent away my Interpreter, Daniel Siluester, in
poste towardes the Court, being then at the Mosco, whereby
his Maiestie might as well be aduertised of my arriaull in his
Dominions, as also to knowe his highnesse pleasure for my
further accesse. And remayning at the saide Island two or
three dayes, to haue conference with your Agent about your
affaires, I did well perceiue by the wordes of the saide Agent,
and others your seruants, that I was entred into great perill
and danger of my life, for they reported to me that they hearde
saide at the Mosco that the Princes displeasure was such against
mee that if euer I came into his Countrey againe, I should loose
my head, with other wordes of discouragement. Whereat I
was not a little dismayde, not knowing whether it were best
1 Hakluyt, 1589, p. 426. Collated with Lansdowne MS. 100, No. 15.
This MS. appears to be in Jenkinson's handwriting, and differs widely
from Hakluyt's version, in which much is omitted. We have supplied
the omitted passages in italics, but, unfortunately, parts of the MS.
are torn away.
2 At the Alexandrofsky Sloboda (suburb) near Mosco. Cf. Jenkin-
son's letter to Lord Burghley, infra, p. 336.
JENKINSON SENDS MESSENGER.
307
for mee to proceed forwards or to returne home againe with
the shippes for the safeguard of my life. But calling to
minde mine innocencie and good meaning, and knowing my
selfe not to haue offended his Maiestie any maner of wayes,
either in word or deede, or by making former promises not
perfourmed, heretofore by mine enemies falsely surmised, and
being desirous to come to the triall thereof, whereby to iustifie
my true dealings, and to reprooue my said enemies as well
here as there, who haue not ceased of late ycres with shame-
full slaunder and by vntrue reporte to impute the cause of
the said Emperours displeasure towards the said marchants
to proceede of my dealings, and promises made to this
Prince at my last being with him, although by his letters
sent the laste yere by Dannyell Siluester to the Queenes Maiestie,
as nowe by his own wordes to mee, the contrary doeth appeare,
I determined with my selfe rather to put my life into his
handes, notwithstanding his tyranny, and by the prouidence
of God to prosecute the charge committed vnto mee, then
to returne home in vaine, discouraged with the wordes of
such of our nation who had rather I had tarried at home
then to haue bin sent ouer with such credite, whereby I
might sift out and knowe their euill doings, the cheife cause
of the Companyes losse.
1
Wherefore, taking leaue of the saide shippes the nine and
twentieth day of the moneth,2 I departed from the seaside,
and the first of August arrived at a cyttye called Colmogro,
where I remayned, attending the returne of my saide
messenger with order from his Maiestie.
But all the Countrey being sore visited by the hande of God
with the plague, passage in euery place was shutte up, that
none might passe in paine of death. My messenger, being
eight hundreth miles vpon his way, was stayed, and kept at a
Cf. ante, pp. 257 and 262.
He arrived at St. Nicholas on the 27th July. Cf. letter, infra, p. 336.
X 2
308
DISCOURTEOUS TREATMENT OF JENKINSON.
towne called Shasko,¹ c... hundredth myles from a cittie
called Voloughday, and might not bee suffered to goe any
further, neither yet to returne backe againe, or sende vnto
mee: by meanes whereof, in the space of foure moneths, I
could neither heare nor knowe what was become of him; in
which time my saide messenger founde meanes to aduertise
the Governour of the said Citie of Vologda, as well of his stay
as of the cause of his comming thither, who sent him worde that
it was not possible to passe any neerer the Prince without
further order from his Maiestie, who was gone to the warres
against the Swethens,2 and that he would aduertise his high-
nesse so soone as hee might conueniently. And so my saide
messenger was forced to remaine there still without answere.
During which time of his stay through the great death (as
aforesaide) I found meanes to sende another messenger with
a guide by an vnknowen way through wildernesse, a
thousande miles about, thinking that way hee should passe
without let: but it prooued contrary, for likewise hee being
passed a great part of his iourney, fell into the handes of a
watche, and escaped very hardly, that hee and his guide,
with their horses, had not bene burnt, according to the lawe
prouided for such as would seek to passe by indirect wayes;
and many haue felt the smart thereof, which had not where-
with to buy out the paine: neither coulde that messenger
returne backe vnto mee.
And thus I was kept without answere or order from his
Maiestie, and remained at the saide Colmogro vntil the 18. of
Ianuarie following, neither hauing a Gentleman to safegard
¹ Shatsk, a town 310 miles north of Tambof, built by Ivan in
1552.-Semeonof.
2 In the end of 1571 Ivan, who had recently lost his third wife,
Martha Sabakina, prepared for hostilities against the Swedes. But
Russia was not in a fit state to go to war, after the sufferings she had
undergone. And the Tsar himself only went as far as Novgorod,
where he signed a truce with the Swedish envoys, who were liberated
from prison for this purpose.-Karamsin, ix, 241.
HE IS RECEIVED BY THE TSAR.
309
me, nor lodging appointed me, nor allowance of victuals
according to the Countrey fashion for Ambassadours, which
argued his grieuous displeasure towards our nation. And
the people of the Countrey perceiuing the same, vsed towards
mee and my companie greate discourtesies [not suffering a]nie
to buy victualles for my money, [manie] times the valewe
thereof: but about the 28. day aforesaid the plague
ceased, and the passages being opened, there came order
from his Maiestie that I should have poste horses, and be
suffered to depart from Colmogro, to goe to another Citie
called Peraslave, neere to the Court, his Maiestie being
newly returned from the said warres. And I arriued at the
said Peraslaue the 3. of Februarie, where I remained vnder
the charge of a gentleman, hauing then a house appointed me,
and allowance of victuals, but so straitly kept that none of our
nation or other might come or send vnto me, nor I to them.
And the 14. of March following I was sent for to the Court,
and being within 3. miles of the same, a poste was sent to
the Gentleman which had charge of mee to returne backe
againe with mee to the said Peraslaue, and to remaine there
vntill his Maiesties further pleasure, wherewith I was much
dismayed, and marueiled what that sudden change ment,
and the rather because it was a troublesome time, and his
Maiestie much disquieted through the ill successe of his
affaires (as I did vnderstand). And the twentieth of the same
I was sent for againe to the Court, and the 23. I came before
his Maiestie, who caused mee to kisse his hande, and gaue
me audience as well in doinge the Queenes maiesties commen-
dacions ...eringe and presentinge hir Highnes princely lettres
& present, gratiously accepted in the presence of all his nobilitie.
The wordes which I spake at my first accesse vnto his maiestie
were these. [The omnipotent and eternall God, the author
and giver of [all] thinges, amongst other his blessid gyftes
bestowed upon [man]kinde, hath ordeyned and appointed by his
greate [beneficen]ce that Princes and greate Rulers upon the
310
JENKINSON'S ORATION.
earthe, Affaires togither (allthough they be far asunder
[owing to th]e distance betwixte theire Countries by Sea & [land
th]at they can not come togither and see one another)
[p]rinces and Rulers by sending Trustie messengers...... may
talke together, and expresse as well the [thoughts] of theire
myndes, and gratifie one another...... humanitie, as allso make
Leagues & assurance [of theire] freindshippe to contynew for
euer. Therefore, [most] mightie and famous prince, throughe
owte many nations [the] greate Lorde, Emperour, and great
Duke, Ewan Vassilliwiche [of] all Russia, Volodymer, Musko,
Nowogrode, Emperor [of] Awstrican and Cassan, Lorde of
Plasko, greate Duke of Smolensko, Otwer, Hugary, Permy,
Vyatsko, & Bulgar, and of many other countries, Lorde and
greate Duke of Nouograde in Neytherlande, Chirnigo, Rezan,
Polotskey, Rostowe, Yerowslawe, Bellosar, Owder, Obder, and
Conden, and of all Siberlande, [Lorde] and commander of the
north partes, Lorde of the inheritaunce of Leyfeland and of
many other countries to thy Maiesties heires and successors
belonginge and appertayninge, [the] moste Excellent and
vertuous Lady of great [wor]the, Elizabethe, by the grace of
God, Queene of [Eng]londe, ffraunce, & Irelande, deffendor of
the christian [f]aithe, & thy maiesties louinge Sister, hauinge
laitely [r]eceyued thy princely lettres sent by Dannyell Siluester,
[an]d hir highnes well understandinge the same, and [perc]eyu-
inge many thinges therein wrytten which coulde not be
[an]swered withowte sendinge of an Ambassador, and [hir
Highnes] havinge greate desire to satysfie thee, lorde, in thy
prinecly Affaires, whereby Amit[ie] ……………. Begonne mighte holde
faste and be [made to] contynew for euer betwixte your maiesties
and the greate profitt of both your Realmes, [her] highnes
hath thoughte good to send me at t[his present] to thy Maiestie in
her Trustie Ambassadge with ...... hartye greetinge and princely
lettres, wishing thee], Lorde, her louing Brother, healthe and
•
honor with prosperous succcsse in all thy [affayres] to the
will of Allmightic God our lorde ...... And hath commanded me
THE TSAR'S SPEECH.
311
to Bowe and doe [homage] vnto thy princely estate in suche sorte
as to [so greate] a prince apperteyneithe. And for that [thy]
Affaires at this present with the Queenes [highnes are of] greate
waighte and parte thereof secrete, [her highnes] hathe not thoughte
it good to answer all the same [by] Letter, but by sondrie lettres,
which yt may [please thee], Lorde, here to Receive, which beinge
Tr[anslated] by a secrete & Trustie Enterpretor [thou mayest]
vnderstande the Queenes Trewe ...... meaninge in all Thinges,
which her high[nes hopeth] may be to the Contentaccion of thee
[hir louing] Brother. And her Maiestie hathe sent for a Token,
a paire of Candlestickes...... Twoo standinge Pottes gilte, which
it may [please thy] highnes to accepte, not for the valewe [thereof,
but for a] Remembrance of freindshippe, and ………….. Betwixte your
maiesties. And I, Lorde ...... Maiestie, hir Ambassador, doo
humbly present thy] highnes a smalle gifte from my selfe, a
[bason] and Ewer of Siluer, a lookinge gl[asse], and a Bushe of
Oystridge [feathers, praying] thy Maiestie to accepte the same.
And so God prosper thee, Lorde, Emperor, and greate Duke, and
giue thee a stronge hande ouer [thy] Enemies. After I had
finished my Oration, and deliuered her highnesse letters and
present (as aforesaid), the Emperour, sitting in royal estate,
stood up and said, How doth Queene Elizabeth, my sister,
is she in health? To whom I answered, God doth blesse
her Maiestie with health and peace, and doeth wish the like
vnto thee, Lord, her louing brother. Then his Maiestie, sitting
downe againe, commanded all his nobilitie and others to
depart, and auoyde the chamber, sauing the chiefe Secretarie
and one other of his Counsell, and willing me to approch neere
vnto him with my Interpretor, said vnto me these words:
Anthonic, the last time thou wast with vs here, wee
did commit vnto thee our trustie and secret Message,
to bee declared vnto the Queenes Maiestie herselfe, thy
Mistresse, at thy comming home, and did expect thy
comming vnto vs againe at the time we appointed,
with a full answere of the same from her highnesse.
312
THE TSAR'S SPEECH.
And in the meane time there came vnto vs at seuerall
times three messengers, the one called Manly, the other
George Middleton, and Edward Goodman, by the way
of the Narue, about the Marchants affaires, to whome
we sent our messengers to knowe whether thou, Anthonie,
were returned home in safetie, and when thou shouldest
returne vnto vs againe. But those messengers could tell vs
nothing, and did miscall, and abuse with euill wordes, both
our messenger and thee, wherewith wee were much offended.
And vnderstanding that the saide Goodman had letters about
him, we caused him to be searched, with whome were found
many letters, wherein was written much against our Princely
estate, and that in our Empire were many vnlawful things
done; whereat wee were much grieued, and would suffer none
of those rude messengers to have accesse vnto vs: and shortly
after we were infourmed that one Thomas Randolfe was come
into our Dominions by the way of Dwina, Ambassadour from
the Queene, and wee sent a Gentleman to meete and conduct
him to our Citie of Mosco, at which time wee looked that thou
shouldest haue returned vnto vs againe. And the saide Thomas
being arriued at our said Citie, wee sent vnto him diuers
times, that hee should come and conferre with our Counsell,
whereby wee might vnderstande the cause of his comming,
looking for answere of those our princely affaires committed
vnto thee. But he refused to come to our saide Counsell;
wherefore, and for that our saide Citie was visited with plague,
the saide Thomas was the longer kept from our presence.
Which being ceased, foorthwith wee gaue him accesse and
audience; but all his talk with vs was about Marchaunts
affaires, and nothing touching ours. Wee knowe that Mar-
chants matters are to bee heard, for that they are the staye
of our Princely treasures: but first Princes affaires are to
bee established, and then Marchants.
After this wee sent [our] Councellors to Thomas, to talke &
knowe of [him if he] had Commission to answer those our
THE TSAR'S SPEECH.
313
aff[ayres of which we wrote] vnto thee. And he answered that
he h[ad commission. Then] wee sent for him again after to
vnder[stand the] same, but th' effecte of his talke [was euer]
aboute marchants affaires. Then ...... to Remoue to our Cittie of
Voloughda [we ordered] that Thomas showlde be conductid
[thither vnto] vs. At whose commynge to our said Cittie [we
sent] vnto him Two of our Trustie Councell[ors to talke] with
him abowte our princely Affaires, w[ishing that] Amytie
might be established betw[een vs]; and matters were agreed and
conclud[ed betwixt] vs and Thomas, the Queenes Ambassador.
And] thereupon wee caused our lettres to be wr[itten, and] sent
our Ambassador into Englande to arrange the same with the
queene. And th[at her Maiestie] (Lykeing thereof) shoulde
cause [Lettres to be] wrytten, and to be subscribed with her
hande, and her Maiestie to haue bin f...... Ambassador for the
performance thereof...... then to have sent her Ambassador with
[ours] again, and wee wolde haue doone the [same] Thinge,
accordinge to our conclusion...... princes waightie Affaires be
made
and greate Assurance. And so our predecessors
[ma]kinge leage with Maximilian, Charles, and other mightie
Princes, haue vsed the same order. But our ambassador
Returned vnto vs againe withoute fynishinge of our princely
Affaires, contrary to our expectation and the Agreement
betwixte vs and your Ambassador.
Thus, when his Maiestie had made a long discourse, I
humbly beseeched his highnesse to heare me gratiously, and
to giue me leaue to speake without offence, and to beleeue
those words to be true which I should speake. Which he
graunted; and these were my wordes:
Most noble and famous Prince, the message which thy
highnesse did sende by mee vnto the Queene her most
excellent Maiestie touching thy Princely and secret affaires,
immediatly, and so soone as I came home,' I did declare both
1 Late in 1567. Cf. Hakluyt, 397.
314
JENKINSON'S ANSWER.
1
secretly and truly vnto the Queenes Maiestie her selfe, word
for word, as thou, Lorde, diddest commaunde mee. Which her
highnesse did willingly heare and accept, and being mindefull
thereof, and willing to answere the same, the next shipping
after, her Maiestie did sende vnto thee, Lorde, her highnesse
Ambassadour, Thomas Randolfe, whose approued wisedome
and fidelitie was vnto her Maiestie well knowen, and therefore
thought meete to be sent to so worthy a Prince, who had Com-
mission from her highnes not onely to treate with thy
Maiestie of Marchants affaires, but also of those Princely
and secret affaires committed vnto mee. And the cause
(most gracious Prince) that I was not sent againe was, for
that I was imployed in seruice vpon the Seas against the
Queenes Maiesties enemies, and was not returned home.
at such time as Master Thomas Randolfe departed with
the Shippes to come into thy Maiesties Countrey, other-
wise I had bene sent. And whereas thy Maiestie sayeth
that Thomas Randolfe would not treate with thy Counsell of
the matters of his Legation, hee did (Lord) therein according
to his Commission, which was: First to deale with thy
Maiestie thy selfe, which order is commonly vsed among all
Princes when they sende their Ambassadours about matters
of great waight. And whereas the saide Thomas is charged
that hee agreed and concluded vpon matters at the same
time, and promised the same should bee perfourmed with
assurance, accordinge to thy Maiesties wordes as rehersed:
whereupon (Lorde) thou diddest send thy Ambassadour
with him into England for answere thereof: it may please
thy Maiestie to vnderstand that as the said Thomas Randolfe
doth confesse that in deede he had talke with thy Highnes
and Counsell diuers times about princely affaires, euen
so he utterly denieth that euer he did agree, conclude, or
This does not refer to Jenkinson's commission for pirates, autumn
1565, but to some other employment at sea. Randolph sailed for Russia
22nd June 1568. Cf. ante, p. 243.
MISUNDERSTANDINGS.
315
make any promise in any condition or order, as is alleaged
otherwise, then it should please the Queene her Maiestie to
like of at his returne home, which he did iustifie to thy
Highnes Ambassador his face in England. Wherefore, most
mightie Prince, it doth wel appeare that either thy Am-
bassador did vntruly enforme thy Maiestie, or els thy
princely minde, and the true meaning of the Queenes Highnes
her Ambassador, for want of a good Interpretor, was not well
vnderstoode. And how thankefully the Queene her Maiestie did
receaue thy Highnes commendations and letters sent by thy
Maiesties Ambassador, and how gratiously she gaue him
audience sundry times, vsing him with such honour in al
points for thy sake, Lord, her louing brother, as the like was
neuer shewed to any Ambassador in our Realme; and how
honorably, with full answere in all things, her Maiestie
dismissed him, when he had finished all thy princely affaires
(as it seemed) to his own contentation, it may well appeare
by a true certificate lately sent with her Highnes letter vnto
thee, Lord, by her Messenger, Robert Best ;¹ and her Maiestie
did suppose that thy Ambassador would haue made report
accordingly, and that by him thy Highnes would haue bene
satisfied in all things, otherwise she would haue sent her
Maiesties Ambassador with him vnto thee, Lord, again.
now her Highness, perceauing that thy Maiestie is not yet fully
satisfied in thy Princely affaires, neither by Thomas Randolfe,
her Highnes layte Ambassador, nor by thine owne Ambassador,
Andrea Sauyne, nor yet by her Maiesties letter, sent by the
said Andrea; and also vnderstanding thy great griefes and
displeasure towards Sir William Garret and his Company,2
But
¹ In consequence of a report having reached England that the
privileges of the English had been abolished, the Queen despatched
Best with a letter to the Tsar, dated 24th January 1570-1571. In
this letter the Queen assured the Tsar that Savin had been treated
with all honour, "ut nihil nec nostra nec aliorum opinione fieri potuerit
honorificentius".—Baker MS., vol. xxxii, pp. 29-30.
2 Cf. the Tsar's letter to the Queen, ante, p. 296.
316
EXPLANATIONS.
merchants traffiking in thy Maiesties dominions, hath thought
good to send me at this present vnto thee, Lord, Emperour and
great Duke, as wel with her Highnes ful mind, touching thy
princely affaires, as also to knowe the iust cause of thy
Maiesties said displeasure towards the said companie of mer-
chants; and hath commanded me to answere to all things in
their behalfe, and according to their true meanings. For
her Highnes doth suppose thy Maiesties indignation to pro-
ceed rather vpon the euill and vntruc reports of thy late
Ambassador in England, and of such wicked persons of our
nation resident here in thy Highnes dominions, rebels to
her Maiestie and their countrie,¹ then of any iust deserts
of the said merchants, who neuer willingly deserued thy
Highnes displeasure, but rather fauour in all their doinges
and meaninges. And since the first time of their traffiking
in thy Maiesties dominions, which is now nineteene yeeres,2
the said merchants haue bene and are alwaies readie and
willing truely to serue thy highnes of all thinges meete
for thy treasurie, in time of peace and of warre, in despite
of all thy enemies; although the Princes of the East seas³
were agreed to stoppe the Sounde, and the way to the
Narue, and haue brought, and do bring, from time to time,
such commoditie to thee, Lord, as her Maiesty doth not suffer
to be transported forth of her Realme to no other Prince of
the world. And what great losses the sayd Sir William
Garret, with his companie, hath sustained of late yeeres in
this trade, as wel by shipwracke as by false seruants, it is
manifestly knowen: and what seruice the said Companies
ships did vnto thy Maiestie against thy enemies two yeeres
past in going to the Narue, when they fought with the King
4
1 Cf. ante, p. 262.
2 I.e., in 1553, when Chancellor opened intercourse with Russia.
3 Denmark, Poland and Germany.
4 This is evidently an allusion to war material.—Cf. Cal. S. P.,
Venetian, 1557, April 3rd, No. 852.
JENKINSON PLEADS FOR HIS COUNTRYMEN.
317
of Poles shippes, Freebutters, and burnt the same, and slew the
people, and as many as were taken aliue deliuered vnto thy
Captaine at the Narue, I trust thy Highnes doth not forget.¹
Wherefore, most mighty Prince, the premises considered, the
Queene, her most excellent Maiestie, thy louing Sister, doeth
request thy Highnes to restore the saide Sir William Garret,
with his companie, into thy princely fauour againe, with their
priuiledges for free traffike, with thy accustomed goodnes and
iustice, to be ministred vnto them throughout all thy Maiesties
dominions, as aforetime; and that the same may be signified
by thy Princely letters, directed to thy officers in all places,
and thy highnesse commandement or restraint to the contrarie
notwithstanding. And further, that it will please thy Maiestie
not to giue credite to false reportes and vntrue suggestions of
such as are enemies, and such as neither would haue mutuall
amity to continue betwixt your Maiesties, nor yet entercourse
betwixt your countries. And for such rebels of our nation as
Ralfe Rutter,2and others which lye lurking here in thy Highnes
dominions, seeking to sowe dissentions betwixt your Maiesties
by false surmises, spending away their masters goodes
riotously, and will not come home to giue vp their accounts,
aduancing themselues to bee merchants, and able to serue thy
Highnes of all thinges fitte for thy treasurie, whereas indeede
they be of no credite, nor able of themselues to doe thy
Maiestie anie seruice at all, the Queenes Highnesse request.
is that it would please thy Maiestie to commaunde that such
persons may bee deliured vnto me to be carried home, least
by their remaining here, and hauing practises and friendship
with such as be not thy highnesse friends, their euill doing
might be a cause hereafter to withdraw thy goodnes from Sir
William Garret and his companie, who haue true meaning in
all their doings, and are ready to serue thy Highnes at all
:
1 Cf. ante, p. 298 note; and Hakl., p. 425.
2 Cf. ante, p. 212, note.
318
FAVOURABLE ANSWER.
times; vsing many other wordes to the aduancement of the
Companies credits, and the defacinge of theire enemies, and so
I ended for that time.
Then said his Maiestie: We haue heard you, and will
consider of all things further when we haue read the Queene
our sisters letters. To whom I answered, that I supposed his
Maiestie should by those letters vnderstand her Highnes full
mind to his contentation, and what wanted in writing, I had
credite to accomplish in word. Wherewith his Maiestie
seemed to be well pleased, and commanded me to sit downe.
And after pawsing a while, his Maiestie said these wordes
vnto me: It is now a time which we spend in fasting and
praying, being the weeke before Easter, and for that we will
shortly depart from hence towardes our borders of Nouogrode,¹
we can not giue you answere, nor your dispatch here; but you
shall goe from hence, and tary vs vpon the way, where we
will shortly come, and then you shall knowe our pleasure, and
haue your dispatch. And so I was dismissed to my lodging,
and the same day I had a dinner ready drest sent me from
his Maiestie, with great store of drinkes of diuers sortes;
and the next day following, being the foure and twentieth of
Marche aforesaide, the Chiefe Secretarie to his Maiestie sent
vnto mee a Gentleman, to signifie vnto mee the Emperours
Maiesties pleasure was, that I should immediatly depart
towards a Citie called Otwer, three hundred miles from the
afore said Sloboda, and there to tary his highnes comming
vnto a place called Staryts,2 three score miles from the said
Otwer.
[Then I sent my Interpretor to the chiefe Secretarie, request-
The Tsar arrived at Novgorod
1 To conclude peace with Sweden.
on May 31st, 1572. Cf. ante, p. 308, note.
2 Staritsa, on the Volga, about fifty miles south-west of Tver.
Ivan favoured this place, and liked to visit it. He stayed here during
his war with Stephen Batory. The old fortress is still standing.-
Semconof.
CONFERENCE AT STARITSA.
319
ing him to further and shewe his fauour vnto our said mer-
chants in their sutes, which they should haue occasion to moue
in my absence: who sent me word againe that they should
be well assured of his friendship and furtherance in all their
sutes.]¹ And forthwith post horses were sent me, with a
Gentleman to conduct me. And so departing from the saide
Sloboda, I arriued at the same Otwer the 28. of Marche afore-
saide, where I remained till the eight of May following. Then
I was sent for to come vnto his Maiestie to the saide Staryts,
where I arriued the tenth of the same, and the twelfth of the
same I was appointed to come to the chiefe Secretarie, who
at our meeting sayde vnto mee these wordes:
Our Lord Emperour and great Duke hath not onely perused
the Queene her Highnes letters sent by you, and thereby doth
perceaue her mind, as well touching their princely affaires, as
also her earnest request in the merchants behalfe, but also
hath well pondered your wordes. And therefore his Maiesties
pleasure is that you let me vnderstand what sutes you haue
to mooue in the merchants behalfe or otherwise, for that to-
morrowe you shall haue accesse againe vnto his Highnes,
and shall haue full answere in all things with your dispatch
away.
Then, after long conference had with him of diuers matters,
I gaue him in writing certaine briefe articles of requests
which I had drawen out ready, as followeth :
1. First, the Queenes Maiestie her request is that it would
please the Emperours Highnes to let me knowe the iust
cause of his great displeasure fallen vpon Sir William Garret
& his companie, who neuer deserued the same, to their know-
ledge.
2. Also, that it should please his Highnes not to giue credite
vnto false and vntrue reportes by such as seeke to sowe
dissention and breake friendshippe betwixt the Queenes
Highnes and his Maiestie.
1 Omitted in MS.
320
JENKINSON'S REQUESTS.
3. Also, that it would please his Maiesty to receaue the said
Sir William Garret, with his companie, into his fauour againe,
and to restore them to their former priuiledges and liberties
for free traffike in, and through, and out of all his Maiesties
dominions in as ample manner as aforetime, according to his
princely letters of priuiledge and accustomed goodnes.
4. Also, it would please his Highnes to grant that the said
companie of merchants may haue iustice of all his subiects, as
well for money owing vnto them as other their griefes and
iniuries throughout all his dominions, suffred since the time.
of his displeasure, during which time the merchants were
forced, by seuere iustice, to answer to all mens demands, but
theirs could not be heard.
5 Also, that his Maiestie would vnderstand that much debts
are owing to the said merchants by diuers of his Nobilitie,
whereof part are in durance and some executed, and the said
merchants know not how to be paid and answered the same,
except his Highness pitie their case, and command some ordre
to be taken therein.
6. Also, it would please his Highnes to command that the
saide merchants may be paide all such summe or summes of
money as are owing and due vnto them by his Maiestie for
wares, as well English as Shamakye, taken into his Highnes
treasurie by his officers in sundry places, the long forbearing
whereof hath bene, and is, great hinderance to the said com-
panie of merchants.
7. Also, it would please his Maiestie to vnderstand that at
this present time there are in Persia, of English merchants,
Thomas Banister and Geofrye Ducket, with their companie and
goods, ready to come into his Maiesties Countrey of Astracan,
and would haue come the last yeere, but that the ship, with
our merchants and marriners appointed to goe for them, were
staied at Astracan by his Highnes Captaine there, to the great
hinderance of the said merchants. Wherefore it may now
please his Maiestie to direct his princely letters vnto his
ASSISTANCE FOR BANNISTER AND DUCKETT.
321
Captaines and rulers, both at Astracan and Cazan, not onely to
suffer our people, as well merchants as marriners, quietly and
freely to passe and repasse with their shippes, barkes, or other:
vessels down the riuer Volga, and over the Mare Caspium, to
fetch the said English merchants, with their companie and
goods, out of the said Persia into his Maiesties dominions, but
also that it would please his Highnes streightly to command
that when the said Thomas Banncster and Geofrye Ducket, with
their charge, shall arriue at the saide Astracan, his Maiesties
Captaine there, and in all other places vppon the riuer Volga,
shall so aide and assist the said merchants as they may be
safely conducted out of the danger of the Crimmes and others.
their enemies.¹
8. Also it may please his Highnes to vnderstand that lately
our merchants comming from Shamakye haue bene ill used by
his Maiesties Customers, both at Astracan and Cazan, at both
which places they were forced to pay custome for their wares,
although they solde no part thereof, but brought the same into
his Highnes treasurie at Sloboda: and the said Customers did
not only exact and take much more custome than was due by
his Maiesties lawes, but also for want of present monie, tooke
wares much exceeding their exacted custome, and doe keepe
the same as a pawne. It may therefore please his Highnes to
direct his princely letters to the said Customers, as well to
signifie vnto them his great goodnes againe restored vnto the
saide English merchants, as also to command them to send the
said merchants their said goods so detained up to the Musko,
they paying such custome for the same as shall be by his
Maiestie appointed.
9. Also that it would please his Highnes to grant that Sir
1 Bannister died in Persia (cf. ante, p. 136, note), but Duckett re-
turned with a rich cargo of merchandise. Before reaching Astrakhan,
however, his vessel was attacked by pirates, and the greater part of
his goods plundered, he himself narrowly escaping with his life.-Sce
Hakl., p. 421.
Y
322
ASTRAKHAN TO BE A MART TOWN.
William Garret, with his companie, may establish their trade
for merchandise at Colmogro in Dwina, and that such wares as
shal be brought out of our Countrey fit for his treasurie might
be looked vpon, and receaued by his officers there. And that
his Maiesties people traffiking with our merchants may bring
downe their commodities to the said Colmogro, by means
whereof the saide English merchants, auoiding great troubles
and charges in transporting their goods so farre, and into so
many places of his dominions, may sell the same better cheape,
to the benefite of his Maiesties subiects,
1
10. Also, if it seemed good to his Highnes, that the whole
trade likewise from Persia, Boghar, and all other those Coun-
treies beyond the Mare Caspium, might be established at
Astracan, the ancient marte towne in times past, which
would be both for the great honour and profite of his Maiestie
and subiects, as I am well able to proue, if it will please his
Highnes to appoint any of his counsell to talke with me
therein.
11. Also forasmuch as it pleased his Maiestie, immediatly
after the burning of the Musko,2 to command that the said
English merchants should giue in a note into his treasurie
for their losses sustained by the said fire, which was done by
William Rowlye, then cheefe Agent for Sir William Garret
and his company, and the particulars in the same note con-
sumed with the said fire, did amount to the summe of
10,000. rubbles and aboue: It may please his Highness,
of his accustomed goodnes and great clemencie, to consider
of the same, and to giue the saide companie so much as
shall seeme good vnto his Maiestie towards their said
losses.
12. Also, that it will please his Highnes to vnderstand that
the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, at the earnest sute and
request of Andrea Sauyne, his Maiesties Ambassador, did
1 Cf. ante, p. 58 and note, ib.
• See infra.
DEBTS OF GLOVER.
323
not onely pardon and forgiue Thomas Glouer his great and
grieuous offences towards her Highnes committed, onely for
his Maiesties sake, but also commanded Sir William Garret,
with his companie, to deale fauourably with the said Glouer
in his accompts, to whome he was indebted greatly, and being
their seruant, detained their goods in his hands a long time :
whereupon the said Sir William Garret, with his companie,
counted with the saide Glouer, and ended all thinges, euen to
his said contentation. And he was found to be debter to the
said companie 4000. robbles and aboue, and bound him selfe,
both by his solemne othe and his hand writing, to pay the same
immediatly after his returne into Russia with the said
Andrea Sauyne, vnto Nicholas Procter, chiefe Agent there for
the said companie of merchants. But although it is now two
yeeres past since the saide agreement, and that the said
Nicholas hath diuers and sundry times requested the said
monie of the said Thomas, yet will he not pay the same debt,
but maketh delay from time to time, alleaging that his
Maiestie oweth him a great summe of money, without the
paiment whereof he can not be able to pay the said mer-
chants his due debt long forborne, to their great hinderance.
In consideration of the said premisses, It may please his
Highness to giue order that the said Glouer may be paid, and
that he may discharge his debt to the saide company of mer-
chants, and the rather for that he found such mercie and
fauour in England, onely for his Maiesties sake.
13. Also, forasmuch as Ralfe Rutter,² a rebell to the Queenes
Maiestie, and an enemie to his Countrey, and to Sir William
Garret and his company, hath of long time remained here,
liuing of the spoiles and goods of the said merchants, which
he wrongfully detained in his hands, riotously spending the
same during the time that he was their seruant, and would
not come home when he was sent for; and also for that the
1 Cf. ante, p. 289.
2 Cf. ante, pp. 219, 287, 289.
Y 2
324
EXTRADITION OF RUTTER.
Queenes Maiestie doth vnderstand that the said Ralfe, with
other his adherents, doe seeke by all false meanes to sowe
dissention, and breake amitie betwixt their Maiesties, and to
ouerthrowe the trade of the said merchants; her Highnes
request is, that the said Ralfe, with his complices, may be
deliuered vnto me to be carried home, and none other of her
Maiesties subiects, not being of the societie of the said Sir
William Garret and his companie, to be suffered to traffike
within his Highnes dominions, but to be deliuered to their
Agent to be sent home, for that the said merchants, with great
charges and losses, both by shipwracke and riotous seruants,
did first find out this trade, and haue continued the same these
19. yeeres, to their great hinderance.
14. Also, whereas diuers masters and artificers of our
nation are here in his Maiesties seruice, and doe finde them-
selves grieued that they can not haue licence to depart home
into their natiue Countrey at their will and pleasure, the
Queenes Maiesties request is, according to her Highnes.
writing in that behalf, that not onely it will please his
Maiestie to permit and suffer such artificers here resident in
the seruice of his Highnes to haue free libertie to depart and
goe home with mee, if they request the same, but also all other
the like which shall come hereafter to serue his Maiestie, to
haue free libertie to depart likewise, without any let or stay.
15. Also, it may please his Maiestie to vnderstand that
during the time of my long being at Colmogro, attending his
Highnes pleasure for my further accesse, I, with my company,
haue not onely bene ill vsed and intreated there, and likewise
the merchants there, by one Besson Myffereuye, his Maiesties
chiefe officer, who hath dishonored me, and smitten my people,
and oweth the said merchants much money, and will not pay
them; but also the said Bessone hath spoken wordes of dishonor
against the Queenes Maiestie. Wherefore it may please his
Highnes to send downe with me to Colmogro a Gentleman, as
well chiefly to serch foorth his euill behauiour towards her
IMPORTATION OF CORN.
325
Maiestie as towards me, her Highnes Ambassador, and to
punish him accordingly. And also that it would please his
Maiestie to sende downe his letter of iustice, by vertue
whereof the said Bessone may be forced to pay all such money
as he oweth to the saide merchants without delay.
16. Also that it would please his Highnes to vnderstand
that Sir William Garret, with his companie, vnderstanding of
the great dearth in his Maiesties dominions, by licence of ye
Queenes Maiestie (not otherwise permitted), hath sent certaine
ships laden with corne into his Highnes Countrey of Dwyna,
rather for the reliefe of his Maiesties subiects then for any
gaine. Yet the good will of the said merchants lightly
regarded, they were forbidden to sell the said corne, to their
great discouragement hereafter to send any more. Wherefore
it may please his Highnes to tender the good will of the said
merchants, as well in sending the said corne as in all other
things ready to serue his Maiestie, and to direct his letters to
his officers of Dwyna to suffer the saide merchants, with their
companie, to sell the said corne by measure, great or small,
at their pleasure, without paying custome.
These articles being deliuered to the chiefe Secretarie, as
aforesaide, and our talke ended for that time, I departed to
my lodging, accompanied with certaine Gentlemen. The next
day, being the 13. of May aforesaide, I had warning earely in
the morning to prepare my selfe to be at the Court betwixt
the howres of 10. and 11. of the clocke, where I should haue
accesse vnto the presence of the Prince, as well to receaue
answere of all things as to be dismissed to goe home. At
which howre I was sent for to the Court, and brought into
the Chamber of presence, where his Maiestie did sit apparelled
most sumptuously, with a rich Crowne upon his head, gar-
nished with many pretious stones, his eldest sonne¹ sitting by
him, and many of his Nobilitie about him: and after my dutie
¹ Mentioned above, p. 257.
326
REPLY OF THE TSAR.
done, his Highnes commanded me to approch very neere vnto
him, and saide vnto me these words:
Anthony, the Queene, our louing sister, her letters wee haue
caused to be translated, and doe well vnderstande the same, and
of all things as well therein contayned, as by worde of mouth
by you to vs declared, wee haue well considered, and doe per-
ceaue that our secrete message¹ vnto you committed was done
truely according to our minde (although we were aduertised to
the contrarie), and now we are by you fully satisfied. And
when we did send our Ambassador into England about those
our great and waightie affaires, to conclude the same with the
Queene, our sister, our Ambassadour could ende nothing for
want of such assurance as was requisite in princely affairs,
according to the manner of all Countreyes, but was dismissed
vnto vs againe, with letters of small effect touching the same,
and no Ambassador sent with him from the Queene: which
caused vs to thinke that our princely affaires were set aside
and little regarded, wherewith we were at that time much
greeued. For the which cause, and for all the euill behauiour
of your merchants resident in our dominions (who haue
diuers wayes transgressed and broken our lawes, liuing wil-
fully in all their doings), we did lay our heauie displeasure
vpon them, and did take away from them their priuiledge,
commanding that the same throughout all our dominions
should be void and of none effect: and thereupon did write
to the Queene, our sister, touching our griefes.
And now her Highnes hath sent vnto vs againe you, her
Ambassador, with her louing letters and full minde, which
we doe thankefully receaue, and are thereby fully satisfied.
And for that our princely and secret affaires were not finished
to our contentation at our time appointed, according to our
expectation, we doe now leaue of all those matters and set
them aside for the time, because our minde is nowe otherwise
charged, and will not ymportunate our Syster any further,
¹ Cf. ante, p. 238.
HIS ANGER WITH THE MERCHANTS.
327
moue VS to the
but hereafter, when occasion shall
like, we will then talke of those matters againe. And for
that it hath pleased the Queene, our louing sister, to sende
vnto vs at this present, and doeth desire to continue in
friendshippe with vs for euer (which wee doe gratefully
accept and willingly agree to the same), we of our good-
nes for her Highnes sake will not onely from hencefoorth
put away and forget all our displeasure towardes the same
Sir William Garret and his companie (as though they had
neuer offended vs), but also will restore them to their priui-
ledges and liberties, in and throughout all our dominions,
and will signifie the same by our letters vnto all our
officers, in all townes and cities where the said merchants
doe traffike, and we will shewe them fauour as afore time,
if they deserue not the contrary. And if the Queene,
our sister, had not sent thee, Anthony, vnto vs at this
present, God knoweth what we should haue done to the
said merchants, or whether we would haue called backe our
indignation.
Then I humbly beseeched his Maiestie to let me know the
particular offences committed by the said merchants, and the
offendors names, to the intent I might make report thereof
vnto the Queenes Maiestie, my mistres, accordingly, that the
said offendors might receaue iust punishment for their
deserts but he said I should not know them, because he had
cleerely remitted all offences: and further, that it was not
princely to forgiue and after accuse the parties, whereby her
Maiesties displeasure might fal vpon them at home. Notwith-
standing, I did after vnderstand some part thereof by other
meanes.
Then his Maiestie proceeding in talke said: As touching the
articles of request concerning the merchants affaires, which
you did yesterday deliuer vnto our Secretarie, we haue not
onely read the same our selfe, but also haue appointed
our said Secretarie to declare vnto you our mind and answere
328
ENTERTAINMENT BY THE TSAR.
to the same. And for that we are now vpon our iourney to-
wards our borders, and will depart from hence shortly, we
will dismisse you to the Queene, our louing sister, your mistres,
with our letters and full mind by word of mouth touching all
your requests, and will send a Gentleman, one of our houshold,
with you, to safeconduct you to your ships: and of our good-
nes wil giue you victuals, boates, men, and post horses, so
many as you shall neede. And there with his Maiestie, standing
vp and putting off his cappe, said vnto me these words: Doe
our hartie commendations vnto our louing sister, Queene
Elizabeth, vnto whome wee wish long life, with happie
successe: and therewith his Highnes extended his hand to
me to kisse, and commanded his sonne, sitting by him, to send
the like commendations, which he did, whose hand likewise
I kissed. And then his Maiestie caused me to sit downe, and
commanded wine and drinkes of diuers sortes to be brought,
whereof he gaue me to drinke with his owne hande, and so
after I departed.
Then the next day, being the 14. of May aforesaid, I was
sent for to come to the cheefe Secretarie and one other of the
Counsell with him, who at our meeting said vnto me these
wordes: We are appointed by the Emperour his Maiestie to
giue you answere from his Highnes touching your requests
deliuered in writing, which his Maiestie hath perused and
answered as followeth :
1. To the first request it is answered that all his Maiesties
greefes and displeasure (now put away from the merchants)
did grow because the Queenes Maiestie did not accomplish
and ende with his Ambassador his secrete and waightie
affaires according to his expectation, and the promise made
by Thomas Randolphe at his being here; and also through the ill
behauiour of your merchants resident here in our Countrey,
as his Maiestie did himselfe yesterday declare vnto you.
2. To the second, his Maiestie willeth you to vnderstand
that he hath not, nor will not hereafter, be moued to breake
ANSWERS TO JENKINSON'S REQUESTS.
329
friendship with the Queenes Maiestie without good and iust
cause.
3. To the third, you are answered by the Emperours Maies-
tie himselfe, that his great goodnes and fauour againe vnto
the merchants shall be restored, and the same to be knowen
by his gratious letters of priuiledge, now and againe granted.
4. To the fourth, his Maiestie hath commanded that your
merchants here resident shall exhibite and put into writing
vnto me, his Maiesties Secretarie, all their griefes and com-
plaints, as well for debts as for other iniuries offred them
since the time of his Highnes displeasure, and they shall haue
iustice truly ministred throughout all his Maiesties
dominions without delay.
5. To the fifth, his Maiestie doth not know of any debts
due vnto the merchants by any of his Noblemen, as is
alleaged; and whether it be true or no he knoweth not. The
trueth whereof must be tried out, and thereupon answere to
be giuen; and hereafter his Maiestie would not haue the
merchants to trust his people with too much.
6. To the sixth it is answered, that his Maiestie hath
commanded search to be made what money is owing to the
merchants for wares receaued into his treasurie, as in the
article, (the most of the bookes of accompt being burnt in
the Musko), and such as is due and founde meete to be paide
shall be paide foorthwith to the merchants, their factors, or
seruants which shall come for the same. And for paiment
of the rest his Maiesties further pleasure shall be signified
hereafter.
7. To the seuenth, his Maiesties answere is, that letters shall
be written foorthwith to his Captaines of Astracan, and Cazan,
and other of his officers vpon the riuer Volga to whome it
appertaineth, not onely to suffer your people, both merchants
and mariners, to passe with their ships or barkes from Astracan
ouer the Mare Caspium to fetche Thomas Bannister and Geofrye
Ducket, with their companie and goods, out of Persia, but also
330
ANSWERS TO JENKINSON'S REQUESTS.
when they shall arriue within his Maiesties dominions to
ayde and assist them, and see them safely conducted vp the
riuer Volga from the danger of enemies.
8. To the eight, his Maiestie hath commanded letters to be
written to the Customers, both of Astracan and Cazan, to make
restitution to the English merchants of their goods deteined
by them for custome, and to take custome for the same
according to his Maiesties letters of priviledge.
9. 10. To the ninth and tenth articles, his Maiestie will
consider of those matters, and hereafter will signifie his
princely pleasure therein.
11. To the eleuenth, as touching an inuentorie giuen into
the treasurie what goods the merchants had burnt in the
Musko, in their house there, his Maiesties pleasure was to
vnderstande the same, to the intent he might knowe the losses.
of all strangers at that present, but not to make restitution,
for that it was Gods doing, and not the Emperours.
12. To the twelfth, concerning Thomas Glouer, his Maiestie
was enformed by his Ambassador of the Queenes great mercie
and clemencie towards the said Thomas for his sake, which
his Highnes receaued in good part, but what agreement or
dealings was betwixt the said Sir William Garret and his
companie and the said Glouer, or what he doth owe vnto the
saide merchants, his Maiestie doth not know. And as for
the money which the said Thomas sayth is owing vnto him
by the Emperour, his Maiesties pleasure is, that so much as
shall be found due and growing vpon wares deliuered vnto
the treasurie, out of the time of his Maiesties displeasure,
shall be paid foorthwith to the saide Thomas, and the rest is
forfeited vnto his Maiestie and taken for a fine, as appertain-
ing to Rutter and Bennet, accompted traytors vnto his Highnes
during the time of his displeasure.
13. To the thirteenth article, concerning Rutter to be de-
liuered vnto you to be caried home, the answere was, that as
his Maiestie will not detaine any English man in his Countrey
SATISFACTION PROMISED FOR INSULTS.
331
that is willing to goe home, according to the Queenes request,
euen so will he not force any to depart that is willing to tary
with him. Yet his Highnes, to satisfie the Queenes Maiesties
request, is contented at this present to sende the saide Ralfe
Rutter home with you, and hath commanded that a letter
shall be written vnto his cheefe officer at the Musko to sende
the saide Rutter away with speed, that he may be with you
at Vologhda by the time of Maye without faile. And touching
the rest of your request in the said article, his Maiesties
pleasure shall be signified in the letters of priuiledge granted
to the said merchants.
14. To the foureteenth, touching artificers, his Maiestie will
accomplish all the Queenes Highnes request in that behalfe,
and now at this present doth licence such and so many to
depart to their natiue Countrey as are willing to goe.
15. To the fyueteenth, touching Besson Messeriucy, the
Emperors maiestie is much offended with him, and wil send
downe a gentleman with you to inquire of his ill behauior, as
wel for speaking of vndecent words against the Queens maiestie
as you haue alleaged, as also against you and the merchants, for
his outrages mentioned in the article. And the said Bessone
being found guiltie, to bee imprisoned and punished by seuere
iustice accordingly, and after to put in suerties to answer ye
Emperours high displeasure, or els to be brought vp like a
prisoner by the said gentleman, to answere his offences before
his maiestie. And his highnes doth request that the Queenes
highnesse herselfe would doe the like iustice vpon George
Middleton and Manlie, her messengers sent hither two yeeres
past, and of all others, for their euill behauiour towards his
maiestie, as may appeare by the letters sent by Daniel
Siluester by his highnesse, least by the cuill demeanor of
such euill persons, the amitie and friendship betwixt their
maiesties might be diminished.
16. To the 16 and last article, touching the corne brought
into the Emperours dominions by the merchants, his maiestie
332
LETTER TO THE QUEEN.
doth greatly commend them for so well doing, and hath
commanded to giue you a letter, forthwith in their behalfe,
directed to his officers of Dwina, to suffer the said merchants.
to sell their corne by measure, great or small, at their pleasure,
without custome.
Thus I received a full answere from his maiestie by his
chiefe Secretarie and one other of his counsell to the 16. articles
afore rehearsed, by me exhibited in writing, touching the
marchants affaires, with his letter, also sent by me to the
Queenes maiestie. Which being done, I requested that the
1
1 This letter, dated from Staritsa, 14th May 1572, is as follows:-
You haue sent to vs your ambassador, Anthony Ienkinson, with your
letters. And in those letters you wrote to vs that you wish our
fauour and our loue, and you wrote to vs on other matters. And
Anthony told vs some speeches on his ambassage; the which letters
and speeches of your ambassador, Anthony, we did hear. And this
you do wisely, that you wish for our fauour and our loue. And the
business about which you wrote to vs in your secret letter, the time
for this business is past, because such business among princes cannot
be done without confirmation by oath, and furthermore, this business
has tarried too long. And when we sent to you our ambassador,
Andrew Sauin, about this business, and you did not write anything to
our Imperial Maiesty about this matter of the oath, but wrote only
about trade. And whereas you wrote in your letter with your
ambassador, Anthony, that you do not so much desire to be in such
brotherly loue with any as with our Imperial Maiesty, you do wisely
that you seek our fauour and brotherly loue. And our Imperial Maiesty
wishes to keep you in our loue. And whereas you wrote to vs about
your merchants, that we should grant them in our dominions liberty
of trade according to our former priuileges, and give to your mer-
chants our charter for their trade. And for your sake we haue
granted to your merchants, and ordered them in all our realms to
trade freely, and haue giuen order to let them pass out of our
dominions into any other dominions, according to their wish, without
let or hindrance. And we haue ordered for your sake to giue
them a charter of priuileges such as is most conuenient to them. And
we haue louingly receiued your letters which you sent to our
Imperial Maiesty, brought by your ambassador, Anthony. And
therefore our Imperial Maiesty wishes to keep loue vnto you. Giuen
in our dominion of the grand dukedom of Tuer, in Staritsa, in the
year 7080, May.-[From Count Tolstoi's Collection, No. 35. The
original document in Russian is preserved at the State Paper Office.]
NEW PRIVILEGES.
333
letters new of priuiledge granted by his highnes vnto the
marchants might be forthwith dispatched, to the intent I
might carie the same with me. Also I requested that such
money due to the marchants, which it had pleased his
maiestie to command to be paid, might be deliuered to
me in the behalfe of the said marchants.
Touching the letters of priuiledge the Secretarie answered
me, it is not possible you can haue them with you, for they
must be first written and shewed vnto the Emperour, and then
three to be written of one tenour, according to your request,
which cannot be done with such speed, for that his maiesties
pleasure is, you shall depart this night before him, who
remooueth himselfe to morrow towards Nowogrode; but
without faile the said letters shall be dispatched vpon the
way, and sent after you with speed to Colmogro. And as
touching the mony which you require, it cannot be paid
here because we haue not the bookes of accounts, for want
whereof wee know not what to paie; wherefore the best is,
that you send one of the merchaunts after the Emperour to
Nouogrode, and let him repaire vnto me there, and without
faile I will pay all such money as shall be appointed by his
maiestie to be paied after the bookes seene.
But forasmuch as there was none of your seruaunts with
mee at that present (although I had earnestly written vnto
your Agent, Nicholas Procter, by Richard Pingle, one of your
owne seruaunts, one moneth before my comming to Starites,
where I had my dispatch, that he should not faile to come
himselfe or send one of your seruaunts to me hither, to follow
all such sutes as I should commence in your behalfs, which
he neglected to doe, to your great hinderance), I requested
the said Secretarie that I might leaue Daniell, my interpreter,
with him, as well for the receit of money as for the speedie
dispatch of the letters of priuiledge; but it would not bee
granted in any wise that I should leaue any of mine owne
companie behind me; and thereupon I did take my leaue with
334
DEPARTURE OF JENKINSON.
full dispatch, and departed to my lodging, and foorthwith
there came vnto me a gentleman who had charge as well to
conduct me and to prouide boates, men, post horses, and
victuals for me all the way to the Seaside, being a thousand
and three hundred miles, as also to doe iustice of the sayd
Bessone as aforesayd. And he sayd vnto me, the Emperours
pleasure is, that you shall presently depart from hence, and
I am appointed to goe with you. And that night I de-
parted from the sayd Starites, being the fourteenth of May
aforesayd. And passing a great part of my iourney, I arriued
at the citie of Vologda the last of the sayd May, where I
remayned fiue dayes, as well expecting a messenger to bring
vnto mee the new letters of priuiledge as the comming of
Rutter, whom the Emperours maiestie himselfe commaunded
before my face should be sent vnto me without faile, and I
did see the letters written to the chiefe officers at the Mosko
for the same. Neuerthelesse the sayd Rutter did not come,
neither could I heare of him after, nor know the sudden cause
of his stay contrary to the princes owne worde and meaning,
as I suppose. But I could not helpe the matter, beyng farre
from the prince, neither could I tell how to haue redresse,
because by absence I could not complaine. Notwithstanding
I vsed all my indeuour, and sent a messenger, Iohn Norton,
one of your seruaunts, from Vologda to Nouogrode, where the
court then lay, expressely with letters, as well to aduertise his
maiestie that the sayd Rutter was not sent vnto me, according
to his highnesse commaundement and order, as also about the
dispatch of the said letters of priuiledge and receit of your
money, with straight charge that he should in any wise
returne vnto me againe before the departing of the ships.
And the first day of June I departed from the said Vologda
by water towards Colmogro, where I arriued on the 21. of
Iune aforesaid,¹ and remained there vntill the 23. of Iulie,
1 From this to the end omitted in the MS., which ends thus: "and
The 23. of July, the shippes bringe reddy to departe, I embarked myself to
RETURN HOME.
335
looking for the said Iohn Norton to haue returned vnto me
in all that time, which had respite fully inough in that space
both to goe to the court to dispatch his businesse and to haue
returned againe vnto me, but he came not, for it was other-
wise determined before his going, as I did after vnderstand,
& can more at large by word of mouth declare vnto your
worships the occasion thereof.
Neuerthelesse I am well assured before this time your
Agent hath receiued into his hands the sayd letters of priui-
ledges, and shall haue dispatch with expedition in all things
touching your affaires, according to his maiesties graunt by
me obtained, as hee hath written to the Queenes maiestie
at this present, wishing that as now by my going the
Emperour hath withdrawen his grieuous displeasure from you,
and restored you againe to his fauour, so your Agent and
others your seruants there resident may behaue, and endeuour
themselues to keepe & augment the same, whose euill doings
haue bene the onely occasion of his indignation now re-
mitted.
ANTHONY JENKINSON TO LORD BURGHLEY.¹
[8 August 1571.]
FFORASMUCHE (Ryghte honorable) and my syngler good Lorde,
yt hath pleased the Quenes most Excellent Maiestie to sende
me (allthoughe unworthie) to the Prince of this Realme, with
hir Highnes Embassadge, I haue thowghte yt my dewtye to
aduertize your honour, as well of my proceadinge hitherto, as
come home, and the 10th of this present September I aryued vpon the
coaste of Norfolke, hauinge bin 7 weekes vpon the seas with very con-
tynuall fowle wether and
windes and dyuers tymes in greate
[perill]." The MS. is endorsed in a different handwriting, "Master
Jenkinsons Negotiation in Moscovia.”
1 S. P., For. Eliz.
336
JENKINSON TO LORD BURGHLEY.
allso of the myserable state of this countreye. Givinge your
Lordship to vnderstande that immediatly vpon my aryuall at
the ro[a]de of St. Nycholas, the xxviith of the laste [i.e., July],
I dyspatched away my poste vnto th'emperour, beinge at one
of his houses, called Slobodo,¹ aboute xiic [twelve hundred]
myles from our landinge place, bothe to aduertyze his
maiestie of my commynge, and allso to knowe his pleasure for
my further accesse, withoute the which (by reason of the
greate plag[u]e which reyneythe throughe the moste partes of
his domynions, and the stoppinge of the ways) I may not
passe nor approche; but doo remayne at this towne, called
Colmogar, attendinge answer. And hauinge had conference
with the cheife Gouernour of the same, I doo perceiue, that
the late Embassadour of this countreye, at his returne home,
did slanderouslye and vntrewlie reporte vnto his Lorde and
master, the greate Duke, howe that he was euill entertayned
and vsed in Englande,2 and especyallie at the marchants
handes, presentinge all his false suggestions by wrytinge[s],
which remayne of recorde, allthowghe he be dead. By
whose meanes, and the spytefull practysis of such abiectes.
and runagates of our natyon as ar[e] here resident, the
Prynces heauie displeasure ys fallen vpon the companie of
marchaunts in suche sorte as he hathe not onely taken away
theire Pryueyledges, but allso forbidden theim [to] traffycke
throwghe owte his domynions, bothe by Lettres and open
Proclaymacyon. And that which he hathe nowe taken from
our marchants he hathe giuen freely to other companyes of
forren natyons, as well Italion, Freynche, as Duche, not a
lytle to the discredit of our people. God graunte that, with
trew reporte, I may appease his wrowthe, and bringe our
marchants to theire former estate. And nowe, somewhat
touchinge the state of this countrye, God hathe plag[u]ed
1 Alexandrofsky Sloboda, near Mosco. Cf. ante, p. 306.
2 Cf. ante, p. 315, note.
WOEFUL STATE OF RUSSIA.
337
it many ways:¹ ffirste by ffamyne, that the people haue been
enforcid to eate breade made of barke of trees, besydes
many vncleane things, ye[a], and [it is] reportyd for certeyn,
that in some places they haue eatten one another. Allso the
Prynce hathe, by soundry torments, putt to deathe a greate
nomber of his people, cheyfely of his nobylitye, gentlemen,
and pryncypall marchaunts. Ffurther, the plag[u]e hathe con-
sumid (by credeble reporte), this laste yere, about iiic thow-
sande [300,000]. Besides all this, the Crymmes, a valyante
natyon of Tartars, in the latter ende of May laste, inuadid
this realme, gaue the Prynce an ouerthrowe in the feildes,
cawsed him to retyre, burnte and consumed all the countrye
before theim, and came to the cyttye of Musko, sett fyer one.
the same, not leauinge one house standinge, and few people
ar[e] now escaped. The nomber of those that wer[e] burnte,
besydes such as wer[e] caryed away captyves² by the said
Crymmes, ys thowghte to be aboue iii thowsand [300,000].
A iuste punyshment of God for such a wycked natyon. Yt
is to be dowtid (my Lord) that the Crymme hathe fownde
suche a reddye way into this countrye, that he will be here
agayn this next yere.
C
Thus, not hauinge further at this present to enlardge
your honour, I
cesse [cease] till better occasyon be
offered, and then hauynge meanes to conuey my let-
tres, your Lordship shall vnderstande more of my pro-
ceadinges, as knowethe God, who preserue you in healthe
1 Karamsin, speaking of this calamitous period, says (ix, 230): “Que
manquait-il encore à ses infortunés après la famine, la peste, le fer,
le feu, la captivité, enfin un tyran pour maitre?" A Dutch merchant
who was an eye witness, says that in four months there died upwards.
of 250,000 of the plague of Mosco; and he adds that it was particu.
larly observed that in the eight days (that is from the 10th to the
18th August 1570), 2,703 priests died of it; and this plague continued
so fiercely that in the end every one wondered when he met an
acquaintance.-Harl. Misc., vol. 3, p. 301.
2 Among whom was Webbe, cf. ante, p. 187.
338
BURNING OF MOSCO
with encrease of honour. Ffrom Colmogar, the viiith of Auguste
1572 [1571].
Your honour at commandment,
ANTHONY IENKINSON.
To the Right honorable his syngler good Lorde, the Lord
Burghley, one of the Quenes Maiesties Priuey Counsell.
At the Courte.
THE BURNING OF Moscow, BY IOHN STOW.
THE following account of the burning of Mosco contains some
interesting particulars :-
The 24 of may, being assention day, ye Kinge of ye Crimmes
came to the Citie muscoui with aboue 120,000 horsemen & men of
warre, & the emperours captens and men of warre beynge in
garrison, and in ye holdes a brode, and ye moscho being vnpro-
uided, the sayd tartars set a fyre the citie, subbarbs, & both
castels. I say all tymber worke therein was consumyd to asshes.
Assuredly I thynke sodome & gomora were not in so short tyme.
consumed. I beleue it was a plage sent by god for ye wickednes
of ye people. The mornynge was exceadynge clere, & fayre, &
calme, without any wynd, but beynge afyre ther was nothynge
but whirlwynds, & such a noyse a[s] thoughe the hevens shuld haue
fallen, and in such terible wise that where men roaze ether in ye
howses or in stretes they were distroyed: ther was a wonderfull
number destroyed, for all the contrye within xx myles compase
came into ye citie & castels. So did all the subburbs, so that all
ye houses & stretes wer full of people, & that men cowld scarse goo for
them in ye strets, and all consomed with fyre, except certen men
of warr, which men sky[r]myshynge with ye tartars & fewe others
that fled ouer ye walls into ye riuer, where some wer drowned &
some saued; and in a few sellers & churches a great nomber of
them wer rosted to death, as out of one of ye companys sellers
in the inglish howse dyed xxx persons, wher of iii of them seruants,
to say, Thomas sowtham, Thomas fylde, & Iohn wauerlaye, and
Artificars Thomas Chaffene, Thomas Caruar poticary, with dyue
others, &c. And in ye next sellar god preserued master Row

BY THE KRIM TARTARS.
339
Iohn Spark, and william glouer. This crewell and sodayne des-
tructyon cam vpon ye moscow in great and wonderfull whirlwynds,
and at ye ende of thre owrs very calme agayne, and fayre wether,
that men myght walke and se ye dede bodyes of men & horses to
no small nomber, besydes those that were burned to powder. I
pray god I neuer see ye lyke agayne. And ye same daye that the
tartar dogge had done this myscheffe, the nyght following he, with
all his power, fled ouer the ryuar oca, which is 20 versse distant
from ye moscow; a verse is iii quarters of an yngleshe myle. The
place wher ye emperour lyeth is called slovobde.
[Another account on same leaf.]
The crymme, vassal to ye Turc, hath ouarron ye best parte of
thes domynions, & within 8 hours after my delyuerance out of
moscow, wherein I note gods good prouydence, ye gates of ye
towne were shut vp, no man suffered to passe out, and such a
candell lyght within vii myles of mosco, in one of ye dukes howses,
that it might be sene of all moscow, beinge by estimation xx myles
in compas, whiche also not longe after was consomed with fyer &
not one stick left; & in one howse perished Thomas Southam, &
thomas field, lohn wauerly, Thomas carwer, apothicary, Thomas
Chafen; these with other strangers, all to the nomber of 25 persons,
dyed in ower howse. The nomber that perished at ye destruction of
muscho was so greate by reporte that I wyll not name it. This
will I say, that all ye country for lx myles round
for
came
to moscow, & ye viii men which in ye townn dyd
not escape.
Two monthes will scarce suffice to fre ye citie (which
now is nothynge but walls, & here and there a stone howse, muche
like a conduit head) from dead corpses of men & horses. All this
was sodaynly done, for at my comynge from thence, all moscow
was troubled with ye sendyne of soldyars agaynst the Crymme,
who that was reportyd to be 300 myles of the place. The fase of
ye Crymme hathe so stricken these peoples harts, that as we came
through pereslaicow, Rostowske, Iuerlawsai, ye people wer flying
with theyr goods into caues & wyldernes so afferd was they lest
all with fire frome ye Crymme wold fly into the skye. In my
mynd athow some armed horsmen myght haue taken all before
them to Vologda, whych is vc myles from moscow. The Crimme
z 2
340
VARIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE FIRE.
hath intrenched hym selffe not farr from moscow.
end of these warrs is vncertain.¹
What wilbe ye
¹The first part of the above narrative appears to have been copied
by Stowe from a letter written by Thomas Glover to Cecil, Lord
Burghley. Glover, the former agent of the Company, and William
Rowley, his successor in that post, escaped together from the cellar of
the English house, where several of their countrymen perished, and
saved themselves in another cellar, in which was also John Sparke,
who had made the journey in 1566 with Southam to Novgorod (ante,
pp. 190-206). Glover made his way to Narva, whence, on the 2nd
July 1571, he sent a description of the misfortune that had befallen
the Company's house to Sir William Gerrard, as a supplement to a
letter which he had sent by his servant, John Hunt, who was to
communicate the details by word of mouth. The second shorter
account appears to have reached London by means of Nicholas
Procter, afterwards chief agent at Mosco, because he writes that he
had quitted the city eight hours before the gates were closed, and
hurried by way of Pereslavl and Rostof to Yaroslavl. We find
Procter soon afterwards, at the end of July, at Rose Island, where he
made the same communication to Richard Uscombe, who had arrived
from England with Jenkinson, and who wrote to his friend, Henry
Lane, on the 5th August, substantially the same account of the fire:
thus both state that there perished altogether five and twenty persons
in the English house, whereas Glover says there were thirty. Hamel,
p. 211, seq.; cf. Hakluyt, 1599, vol. i, p. 402, and State Papers, Foreign
Series, July 2nd, 1571, No. 1842.
Another account of the burning of Mosco, by the same Dutch
merchant quoted above, is preserved in the Harl. Miscellany, vol. iii,
p. 301.
The writer appears to have escaped destruction, as did
the English survivors, by taking refuge in a stone cellar, where
he and his interpreter refreshed themselves from time to time with
some beer, for the smoke would otherwise have stifled them. The
fire only lasted four hours; yet in that time, so rapid was the combus-
tion of the wood-built houses and resinous fir-tree pavements, that
above 200,000 perished. After the fire, the author, with some 25 or 30
others who had escaped, sought refuge in the Kremlin, which they
could only enter by means of long fir-trees, thrown to them from the
inside. These were notched, so as to serve the purpose of ladders;
and in this way they climbed over the walls, and were made welcome
by the Governor.
Karamsin says, with reference to this calamity, that the living
were powerless to bury the dead, whose corpses poisoned the atmo-
sphere of the city, and that so many of these were thrown into the
Moskva that its course was interrupted.
The names of such countries as I, Anthonie Ienkinson,
haue trauelled vnto, from the second of October 1546, at which
time I made my first voiage out of England, vntill the
yeere of our Lord 1572, when I returned last
out of Russia.
FIRST, I passed into Flanders, and trauelled through all
the base countries),¹ and from thence through Germanie:
passing ouer the Alpes, I trauelled into Italy, and from thence
made my iourney through Piemont into France, throughout
all which realme I haue thoroughly iourneied.
I haue also trauelled through the kingdoms of Spaine.
and Portingall, I haue sailed through the Leuant seas
euery way, & haue bene in all the chiefe Islands within
the same sea, as Rhodes, Malta, Sicilia, Cypres, Candie, and
diuers othars.
I haue bene in many partes of Grecia, Morea, Achaia, and
where the olde citie of Corinth stood.
I haue trauelled through a great part of Turkie, Syria, and
diuers other countries in Asia minor.
I haue passed ouer the mountaines of Libanus to Da-
masco, and trauelled through Samaria, Galile, Philistine, and
Palestine, vnto Ierusalem, and so through all the holy
land.
I haue bene in diuers places of Affrica, as Algiers,
1 Base, from the French bas, low, Pays-bas or Low Countries,
Netherlands.
342
JENKINSON SUMMARISES
Cola, Bona, Tripolis, the Gollet, within the gulfe of
Tunis.
I haue sailed farre Northward within the Mare glaciale,
where wee haue had continuall day, and sight of the Sunne
ten weekes together, and that nauigation was in Norway,
Lapland, Samogitia, and other very strange places.
4
I haue trauelled through all the ample dominions of the
Emperour of Russia and Moscouia, which extende from the
North sea, and the confines of Norway and Lapland, euen to
the Mare Caspium.
I haue bene in diuers countries neere about the Caspian
sea, Gentiles and Mahometans, as Cazan, Cremia,5 Rezan,
Cheremisi, Mordouiti, Vachin, Nagaia, with diuers others of
strange customes and religions.
I haue sailed ouer the Caspian sea, and discouered all the
regions thereabout adiacent, as Chircassi, Comul, Shafcal,
Shiruan, with many others.
I haue trauelled 40. daies iourney beyond the said sea,
towards the Oriental India and Cathaia, through diuers
deserts and wildernesses, and passed through 5. kingdomes
¹ Cola (Kolah), on the north coast of Africa, between Algiers and
Bona, E. of Cape Bugiaroni, in long. 6° 34′ E.; probably identical
with Cull or Cullu, the Collopo Magnus of the ancients, a maritime
garrison town of the Algerines. Thomas Shaw, a traveller of the
18th century, found it in a miserable condition, with few antiquities
to boast of.—Pinkerton, xv, p. 541.
2 Bona, a maritime town of Algeria, lat. 36° 54′ 30″, long. 7° 46′
30″ E., known to the Moors by the name of Blad el Aneb, or the
town of Jujubes, from the abundance of fruit gathered there. Bona
is undoubtedly a corruption of Hipponah, and was built out of the
ruins of this ancient town.-Pinkerton, ib.
3 Gollet (Goletta), the water communication between the Lake of
Tunis and the gulf of that name; an inlet of the Mediterranean.
4 Samogitia, or the country of the Samoeds.
5 Cremia (Crimea), the country inhabited by the Crim (Krim)
Tartars, which, in the middle of the sixteenth century, included
the right bank of the Volga between Kazan and Astrakhan,—Ante,
P. 53.
HIS TRAVELS.
343
of the Tartars,¹ and all the land of Turkeman and Zagatay,2
and so to the great citie of Boghar, in Bactria, not without
great perils and dangers sundry times.
After all this, in An. 1562, I passed againe ouer the Cas-
pian sea another way, and landed in Armenia, at a citie
called Derbent, built by Alexander the Great, & from thence
trauelled through Media, Parthia, Hircania, into Persia, to the
court of the great Sophie, called Shaw Tamasso, vnto whom
I deliuered letters from the Queenes Maiestie, and remayned
in his court 8 moneths: and returning homeward, passed
through diuers other countreys. Finally, I made two voyages
more after that out of England into Russia, the one in the
yeere 1566, and the other in the yeere 1571. And thus,
being wearie and growing old, I am content to take my rest
in mine owne house, chiefly comforting my selfe in that my
service hath bene honourably accepted and rewarded of
her Maiesty and the rest by whom I haue been emploied.
¹ These five kingdoms are: Mangishlak, Vezir, Urgendj, Kath, and
Bokhara, each being under its separate chieftain or king.-Cf. ante,
pp. 65-85.
2 Zagatay or Jagatai, son of Jinghiz. His inheritance comprised
the whole region from Kulja on the east to Bokhara on the west. In
this country the spoken language is still known as the Jagatai dialect.
Instructions giuen to Master D. Rogers' and Master
Jenkinson, beinge sent to Embden to treate with the kinge of
Denmarks Commissioners.2
[1577. 20 Iuly.]
WHERAS Vppon the traffique of our Merchants into Russia there
hath growen a controuersye betwene our good Brother, the kinge
of Denmarke, and vs about the said voyage, the said kinge, our
¹ Daniel Rogers, a man of considerable ability in the Court of
Queen Elizabeth, was the son of John Rogers, of Dery tend, in the
parish of Aston, in Warwickshire, where he was born about the year
1540. His father, who had embraced the reformed religion, being
obliged to quit his country on the accession of Queen Mary, took his
son abroad with him, where, at Wittemburg, he was educated under
the celebrated Melancthon. When the death of Queen Mary had put
an end to persecution for the sake of religion, Mr. Rogers, senior,
returned with his family, and placed his son at Oxford, where he
appears to have taken his degree. Afterwards he obtained an intro-
duction to Court, where his talents recommended him to the place of
one of the clerks to the Council, and he had the further honour of
being employed by Queen Elizabeth in embassies to the Netherlands
and other parts. In these embassies he appears to have acted with
wisdom, diligence, and caution, and to have been of the greatest utility
to Cecil, from the correct information he procured of the proceedings
of foreign governments. Many of his letters and instructions are
preserved in the Cottonian and Harleian MSS. at the British Museum.
He died February 11, 1590, and was buried in Sunbury church, in
Middlesex. Among the Harleian papers is his letter to Ortelius,
2 State Papers, Denmark, 1432 to 1588, No. 1, p. 116. See also.
Bishop John Moore's Coll. of MSS. in Public Library, Cambridge,
No. 9670 (18), (cf. Cat. of MSS. iii, p. 205); Cotton MSS. Nero B., 3,
106; Harl. MS. 168, fol. 67; Lansd. MS. 155, fol. 204; Sloane MS.
2442, 11, fol. 77; 5 Peake MS. imperfect, and Hist. MS. Com. 2nd
report, p. 97, b.
COMMISSION TO EMDEN.
345
brother, pretendinge, by vertue of an old league, that our subiects
might not traffique into the parte beyonde Norwaye, which allega-
tion tendeth wholie to the Cuttinge of the said traffique in to
Russia; and we, for our parts, not then presentelie findinge out
suche recordes of former treaties betwene our progenitours and
his, as might haue satisfied our good brother therin, in all respect
desired that ther might be Commissioners appoynted on both
parts to examyne the right of the Cause, and to determine therof,
by vertue of Commission from vs, in suche manner and sorte as
shalbe thought meete and Conueniente for both realmes; and
accordinge to the said motion made by vs, it hath bene agreed and
accorded by vs both to sende both our Ministers and Commissioners
to the towne of Embden, against 24th of this presente moneth of
Iulye, to th'end and purpose aforesaid. We haue thought good,
and so our will and pleasure is, that you do forthwith make your
repayre to the said towne of Embden, that you may be ther ready
at the tyme appoynted to Conferre with the Commissioners of the
said kinge, our good Brother, vppon the Controuersie moued in
suche manner and sorte, as by our Commission giuen vnto you we
haue authorised you in that behalfe.
And in the entraunce of your Conference you shall declare vnto
the Ambassadours of the kinge, our brother, in howe great good parte
we accepted the motion of this meetinge of Commissioners euer
since the first tyme it pleased him to make an ouerture of it by a
dated 20th October 1572, at Antwerp, complimenting him on the
glory he would reap from posterity by his geographical works, and
concluding with the mention of his own commentary on the laws and
manners of the ancient Britons. (Chalmers' Biog. Dict.) From a brief
notice among the Lansdowne papers (982, fo. 168) it appears that
Daniel Rogers was sent to Germany in 1580, with reference to a
religious controversy which had sprung up in Saxony, and which he
was instructed to settle by being the means of calling a synod. This
mission, however, appears to have cost him his liberty, for in a letter
from the Lords of the Council, dated 28th January 1584, the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury is asked to recommend to the clergy that they
should contribute towards the enlargement and return of Daniel
Rogers, sent by Her Majesty into Germany to prevent a division
and schism among the Protestants, and taken prisoner by the way
(cf. Harl. MS. 33, c. 9, fo. 327).
346
INSTRUCTIONS TO
seruaunt of our owne, Iohn [Foxall ?], who brought vs nowe long
since that euident and honourable testimonye of the earnest
desyre the said kinge, our Brother, had not onlye in all Contro-
uersies that might arise betwene vs, our subiects, and realmes, to
haue them Compounded in frendly sort, but also to enter into a
straighter kinde of intelligence then hath heretofore passed
betwene vs and our Progenitours. In consideration wherof, and
for diuerse other good respects, we could not but like well of this
Colloquye and Conference, and dispose ourselues to further it the
best and most ways we coulde.
In which Colloquie and Conference together, our will and
pleasure is, you shall vse all the best reasons you can, as you
shalbe prepared therunto before by Conference had with Dr.
Dale' and the Iudge of the Admiraltie for the Iustice of the Cause,
and other our merchants who can therin sufficientlie enforme howe
necessarie the said voyage is for our realme and subiects to per-
suade the contine wance of our Merchants said traffique into the
Dominions and Countries of the Muscouite, with whom you may
declare vnto them, we wold haue forborne to haue entred into any
suche kinde of Intelligence, if we had not bene throughly and
sufficientlye persuaded by vewe of all former leagues, made
betwene our Auncestors and the kings of Denmarke, ther was no
barre to restrayne vs, and that the intelligence it selfe was of
suche nature & condicion that it could not be but verie honorable
for vs, and profitable for our subiects. So that you may declare
vnto them from vs that our trust is, when they shall haue sene what
we can alleadge for our iust and honorable dealinge therin, beinge
a trade of longe continewance, vsed with great freedome in the
tyme of the raign of our deare brother, king Edwarde the sixte,
and so continewed in the tyme of our deare Sister, Queene Marye,
receauinge in those dayes a Ratification from our said deare
Sister and Kinge Phillippe, our Brother, that they will so con-
clude, by vertue of their authoritie giuen them from our good
Brother, the kinge, as that the foresaid traffique of our subiects in
1 Valentine Dale, LL.D., of Cambridge University, a man of good
wit and intelligence, was employed on various important commissions
during Elizabeth's reign. See Athenæ Cantabrigienses, vol. ii, p. 62.
ROGERS AND JENKINSON.
347
those parts beyonde Norwaye may be continewed, and the good
Intelligence that hath bene betwene vs and our realmes confirmed.
And for that our Merchants haue made complaynte vnto vs of
newe impositions layed vppon them in the parts and places of the
kinge, our good brothers, Dominions wher they vse to traffique,
which haue not bene vsed in former tymes, you shall (vppon in-
structions receaued from our Merchants what the said impositions
are, and in what place exacted vppon them) declare vnto the said
Commissioners our earnest request vnto our good brother, the kinge,
is, that suche payes and customes as haue bene of late years im-
posed vppon our Merchants may be reuolked to the former &
auncient order, and that, amongest other things which shalbe
ordered and agreed vpon in this Colloquye, the same may be
decreed and sett downe as an article which, in all treaties of
traffique and commerce of one nation with another, is of great
substance and momente.
And in case they shall make any ouerture vnto you of a desyre,
that the kinge, our brother, hath to enter into a further and straighter
bonde of amitye & intelligence with vs then hath bene concluded
by any former treaties, you shall require them to sett downe suche
poyntes and articles as they conceaue our good brother, the kinge,
wold haue accorded and agreed by vs; that vpon aduertismente
therof sent vnto vs, because (as you may declare vnto them) you
haue no speciall charge in that behalfe, you may receaue therin
suche direction from vs as, vppon our good likinge of the same,
may be to the good and full satisfaction of our good brother the
Kinge.
SIR,-In anno 77, D. Rogers & Maister Ienkinson' were sent
Commissioners to treate with ye kinge of Denmarkes Commissioners
about ye trafficque of her Maiesties subjects into ye partes beyond
Norwey, and about ye matter of Toles & new Impositions, leuied
by that kinge vpon her Highnesses subiects' goods & marchandises
tradinge throgh ye Sound.
This treatie had this ende, that ye matters there treated of were
referred to ye pleasure of both their Maiestyes, to be further
1 State Papers, Denmark, 1432 to 1588, No. 1, p. 130.
348
DEMANDS OF THE KING OF DENMARK.
orderred by other treatie, when more conuenient time serued: in ye
meane, ye kinge persisteth in his demand for ye stay of that trade
to Muscouia.
Which said demaund ye said kinge hath, from time to time,
yerely euer since renewed; and her Maiestie answered in friendly
sort, as in honor & equitie ye cause required.
Ye wordes ye kinge inforceth for ye maintenance of his demaund
are in ye treatie made in anno 1449, betwene Henry 6. & Chris-
tierne, and are these, Versus Islandiam, Halgalandiam, etc., which
treatie was to continew & stand in force but two yeres, and in all
other treaties made after, ye said word versus was left out, and
full & free libertie giuen to ye subiects of England, per mare,
flumina, aquas dulces et salsas quascunque nauigare, etc., as appeareth
in
ye treaties made betwene Edward 4. & Christierne, anno 1465,
& Henry 7. & Iohn, kinge of Denmarke, anno 1490, & Henry 8. &
Christierne.
Ye clause of her Maiesties letter of ye 11 April anno 77, which
ye Chanceler so strictly standeth on: Quod quidem officium, eo splen-
didius et augustius sese conspiciendum præbet, quo est eo vno facto
prouisum fortunis multorum et negotium ipsum ad pleniorem tractatum
in confessu Commissariorum nostrorum habendum refertur. Quæe
sane res faciunt, vt iis nominibus ingentes s.v. et agamus et habeamus
gratias. Loquimur autem de libera proximaque hac nostrorum
subditorum ad Ruthenos œstiuali nauigatione per vos concessa, donec
res ipsa et caput ipsum inter nos controuersum, amica et fraterna
consentione componi queat. Quæ quidem venia et profectionis donatio,
gratitudinis omne meritum a nobis flagitat, et studium habebit.
C. 17.
Endorsed: Notes how the treaty hath been pro-
ceaded in with ye Kinge of Denmark, touching
the trade beyond Norway.
SUMMARY OF NEGOTIATIONS.
349
THE ORDER OF HER MAIESTIES PROCEEDINGS
FROM TYME то
TYME WITH YE KINGE OF DENMARK, TOUCHING THE NORWAY
NAUIGATION.1
5 May Aº 1576.-The king of Denmarke requyred of her
Maiestie that her subiects might not trade by Norway into Mos-
couia, pretending a prohibition made by the consent of Edward the
fourth, as appeareth by a Treatie of that tyme.
27 Iune A° eodem.-To this pretence and alligation of the said
Treatie, her Maiestie answered that shee cold find no such Treatie
made by kinge Edward the fourth, nether any words tending to
that meaning in any other treatie: Desyred that according (as
motion had bene made before in his name by Foxall)2 Com-
missioners might be appoynted on both syd[e]s to consider vppon
the matter, that accordingly such order might be taken betweene
both their Maiesties as shold best like them.
4 Nouem. A° eodem.--The kinge reioyneth, sending hither Maister
Iames Huitfield, with Letters conteyning his former clayme and
vouche of the treatye with Edward 4, in eadem verba, for the
prohibition of the said Nauigation, accepteth th'offer of Deputacion
of Commissioners.
11 Ian. Aº eod. Her Maiestie persisteth in her answeare as
before, alleadging that no such treatie cold be found, thanketh
the kinge for accepting th'appoynting of Commissioners, prayeth
that their meeting may be at Embden, and that, vntill the said.
meeting, nothing may be attempted against her subiects said
traffique into the said Country by the said waye.
1 March Aº 1577.—The kinge is content to forbeare vntill
the meeting of the Commissioners, which he desyreth may be putt
of from the 25th of Maye vntill the 25th of July, at which tyme
they shall not fayle to meet with her Maiesties Commissioners at
Embden.
6 Iuly A° eod.—Her Maiestie dispatcheth Iohn Rogers, Doctor
of Lawe, and Anthony Ienkinson, gentleman, as Commissioners, to
deale with the kinges Commissioners at Embden. The somme of
1 State Papers, Denmark, 1432 to 1588, No. 1, p. 170.
2 Cf. ante, p. 346.
350
SUMMARY OF NEGOTIATIONS
their Instruccions and Commission was to lay forth before the
Commissioners such matters as by auncient treaties they had to
shewe for the Lawefullnes of that trade, to pray the continuance
therof, and procure establishment.
The Commissioners meet at St. Georges Chappell, and in their
long Conference, which continewed there vntill th'end of August,
they cold not agree betweene themselues vppon th'interpretacion
of the word versus, wherby that Article was referred to both
their Maiesties to determyne therin what they cold best agree
vppon.
12 Sept. A° eod. The kinge, at the retourne of her Maiesties
Commissioners, signifyeth his mislike that the Article in contro-
uersie betweene their Maiesties shold be decyded by Lawe
poynts; descendeth to the equitie of the Treaties, which was that
Vectigalia Oresandensia shold not be lessened by any other Naui-
gations, which was done by this Nauigation, and therfore, by
the equity of the Treaties, it shold be debarred and restrayned;
deferreth the determination of this cause vntill further oppor-
tunity, prayeth in the meane season that the said Nauigation may
be forborne.
8 Decemb. 82.-After this the matter remayned in suspence
vntill the Lord Willoughby his sending into Denmark with the
Garter; at which tyme some thing was moued in it, but no effect
followed. After his Lordships returne, the Chauncellor of Den-
marke wrote to Maister Secreatary, deliuering his opinion in that
matter, and aduise what meanes he thought might most con-
ueniently be taken to appease the kinges mynde, and to establishe
the said trade, which was, in case the Merchants of England
wold be content to yeld the kinge some small acknowledgement
yearely.
25 Ian. 82.-Maister Secretary defendeth her Maiesties cause,
alledging the Treaties and interpretacions of the same, fauouring
and standing wholly with her Maiesties doings, prayeth the
Chauncellour to be a meanes that th'amitye betweene their Maiesties
may be continewed, and by this occasion receaue no breache.
3 Marche 82.-The kinge of Denmark, by a messenger ex-
pressely sent, renueth his former demaund for prohibiting that
BETWEEN ENGLAND AND DENMARK.
351
traffique; requyreth an other Conference of some Ministers to be
sent from her Maiestie.
12 Aprill 83.—Her Maiesty, thanking him for that Request,
promiseth to dispatch some one forthwith with sufficient authoritye
for that Conference.
16 May 83.—Accordingly Maister Iohn Herbert was dispatched,
with Instruccions to stand as long as he cold to the maintenance
of her Maiesties right in the freedome of the said Nauigation;
and in case he cold not preuaile with that course, then to drawe
to enter into some way of composition in such sort as by the
Merchants he shold be directed: which course her Maiestie was
content to take, not for any opinion she conceaued of th'inualiditye
of her right, but only at the humble intreaty of her subiects.
22 Iune 83.—Maister Herbert concludeth with the kinges Com-
missioners contine waunce of the said free traffique with condicion
that the Merchants of England shall paye yearly in recognitionem
dictæ concessionis one hundreth Roasenobles, or to the value therof
in other coyne, to the kinge at Elsenore, the said payement to begin
in the spring next in Aº 84, and to continewe during both their
Maiesties lyves.
12 Octob. Aº 83.-This Conclusion and Agreement being sent
ouer by a minister of the kinge, was accepted of by her Maiesty,
and by reason of certaine doubtfull poynts therin conteyned,
a dilucidation sent ouer to the kinge vnder her Maiesties hand
and seall, her highnes by Letters requesting the kinge to send
her the like vnder his hand and seall. The particular forme
of Concession and Acceptation, with all things therunto belonging,
are together in a bundle, and are to be entered in the Queenes
Booke of the Treatises.
Endorsed
Her Maiesties proceedings by Treatie
with ye Kinge of Denmarke about her subiects
trade into Moscouye by Norwaye.
C. 11.
Dennemarke.
12 Oct. 1583.
APPENDIX.
Α Α
CONTENTS OF APPENDIX.
I.—The Voyage wherein Osepp Napea, the Moscouite Ambassa -
dour, returned home into his Countrey.
II.—The Second Voyage into Persia, made by Thomas Alcocke.
III.—The Thirde Voyage into Persia, begun in the yeere 1565.
A Letter of Arthur Edwards.
IV. An other Letter of the said M. Arthur Edwards.
Commodities to be carried out of England into Persia.
Commodities to be brought out of Persia for England.
V.-A Letter of M. Arthur Edwards, written the 8. of August
1566, from the Towne of Shamakie.
VI.-Another Letter of Arthur Edwards, written in Astracan the
16th June 1567.
VII.-The Fourth Voyage into Persia, made by M. Arthur Edwards
in the yeere 1568.
VIII.-Notes concerning this Fourth Voyage into Persia.
The Articles of the Second Priuiledge.
The Maner how the Christians become Busormen.
Of the Tree which beareth Bombasine Cotton.
The Writing of the Persians.
IX.—The First Voyage into Persia made by M. Thomas Banister
and M. Jeffrey Ducket.
Further Obseruations concerning the State of Persia.
Of the Name of the Sophie of Persia.
Of the Religion of the Persians.
X.-Aduertisements and Reports of the Sixth Voyage into the partes
of Persia and Media.
XI. Obseruations of the Latitudes and Meridian Altitudes of
diuers Places in Russia.
I.
The voyage wherein Osepp Napea, the Moscouite
Ambassadour, returned home into his Countrey, with his enter-
tainment at his arrival at Colmogro; and a large descrip-
tion of the manners of the Countrey.¹
THE twelfth of Maye, in the yeere of our Lorde 1567 [1557], there
departed from Grauesende foure good shippes, well appointed for
Marchants, which were presently bound into the Baye of S.
Nicholas, in Russia, with which shippes was transported or caried
home one Osepp Gregoriwiche Napea, who was sent messenger
from the Emperour and Great Duke of Moscouia. The foure
shippes were these whose names followe, viz. :
The Primerose, Admirall.
The John Euangelist, Vice-admirall.
The Anne and the Trinitie, attendants.2
The 13. of Iuly the foresaide foure shippes came to an
anker in the Baye of S. Nicholas, before an Abbey, called
the Abbey of S. Nicholas, whereas the saide Messenger, Osepp
Gregoriwich Napea, went a shoare, and as many Englishmen as
came to serue the Emperour remained with him at the Abbey for
the space of sixe daies; and the saide Messenger was there of all
his acquaintance welcommed home, and had presents innumer- Presents
able sent vnto him, but it was nothing but meate and drinke. Russia, are
Some sent white bread, some rie bread, and some buttered breade most part
and pancakes, beefe, mutton, bacon, eggs, butter, fishes, swannes,
geese, duckes, hennes, and all manner of victuals, both fishe
¹ Hakl., 1589, pp. 338-347. The authorship of this narrative is
attributed by Dr. Hamel to Robert Best, who probably acted as
interpreter to Napea in London, and afterwards to Jenkinson; cf.
Hamel, p. 128. Mr. Hare, in his Studies in Russia, erroneously
credits Jenkinson with it.
2 Cf. ante, p. 10.
vsed in
all for the
of victuals.
A A 2
356
APPENDIX.
and flesh, in the best manner that the rude people could deuise,
for among them these presents are highly esteemed.
The 29. of Iuly we departed from Colmogro, and the 14 of
August we came to Vstioug, where we remained one day, and
changed our barkes, or boates.
The 27. of August wee came to Vologhda, where we remained
foure daies, vnlading the barkes, and lading our chestes and
thinges in small waggons with one horse in a peece, which in their
tongue are called Telegos,¹ and with these Telegoes they caried our
stuffe from Vologhda vnto the Musko, which is 500 verstes; and
we were vpon the same way 14. daies, for we went no faster than
the Teligoes.
There are three great townes betweene the Musko and Vologhda,
that is to say, Yereslaue, Rostaue, & Pereslaua. Vpon one side of
Yereslaua runneth a famous riuer, which is called Volga. It
runneth into the Caspian sea, and it deuideth itselfe before it
come into the Mare Caspium in 50 parts or more; and neere vnto
The citie of the same sea there stands a great citie called Boghare,' the in-
Boghare.
habitants of the which are called by the same name.
The people of the saide Citie doe traffique into the Citie of
Musko; their commodities are spices, muske, ambergreese,
rubarbe, with other drugs. They bring also many furres, which
they buy in Siberia, comming towards the Mosko. The said people
are of the sect of Mahomet.
The 12. of September we came vnto the citie of Mosco, where
we were brought by Napea and two of the Emperours gentlemen.
vnto a large house, where euery one of vs had his chamber
appointed.
¹ Telegos. The teléga is the cart commonly used by the Russian
peasants. It consists of two axles, four wheels, a pair of shafts,
and the box or framework to contain the load. The whole vehicle is
small, inconvenient, and only adapted to bad roads and a low stage
of civilisation. The word is derived from tal, a dole or fraction, and
igo, a burthen-more often used in the moral sense; hence, its earliest
use may have been associated with the idea of servitude peculiar to
those Scythians who, according to some ethnologists, are supposed to
have been the ancestors of the Slavs.
2 Boghare, i.e., Bokhara. Cf. ante, p. 81.
APPENDIX.
357
arriued at
The 14. of September we were commanded to come vnto the They
Emperour, and immediately after our comming wee were brought Mosco.
into his presence, vnto whom each of vs did his dutie accordingly,
and kissed his right hand, his maiestie sitting in his chaire of
estate, with his crowne on his head, and a staff of goldsmiths
worke in his left hand well garnished with rich and costly stones;
and when we had all kissed his hand and done our duties, his
maiestie did declare by his interpreter that we were all welcome
vnto him, and into his countrey, and thereupon willed vs to
dine with him; that day we gaue thanks vnto his maiestie, and so
departed vntill the dinner was ready.
When dinner time approched, we were brought againe into the
Emperours dining chamber, where we were set on one side of a
table that stood ouer against the Emperours table, to the ende
that he might well behold vs all; and when we came into the
foresaid chamber, we found there readie set these tables folow-
ing:
First, at the vpper end of one table were set the Emperour his
maiestie, his brother, and the Emperour of Cassan,¹ which is
prisoner. About two yardes lower sate the Emperour of Cassan
his sonne, being a child of fiue yeeres of age; and beneath him
sate the most part of the Emperours noble men.
And at another table, neere vnto the Emperours table, there
was set a monke all alone, which was in all points as well serued
as the Emperor. At another table sate another kind of people,
called Chirkasses," which the Emperor entertaineth for men of
warre to serue against his enemies. Of which people and of
their countrey I will hereafter make mention.
All the tables aforesaid were couered onely with salt and bread;
and after that we had sitten a while, the Emperour sent vnto
euery one of vs a piece of bread, which were giuen and deliuered
¹ Cf. ante, pp. 31, 49.
2 Chirkasses (Cherkesses), the inhabitants of the country lying north
of the Caucasus. They had taken the oath of allegiance to Russia,
and asked to be led against the Krim Tarters (Karamsin, viii, p.
252). To this day, Cherkesses, clad in shirts of mail and wearing
steel helmets, take part in military pageants at the Russian Court.
358
APPENDIX.
vnto euery man seuerally by these words: The Emperour and
great Duke giueth thee bread this day; and in like maner three or
four times before dinner was ended hee sent vnto euery man
drinke, which was giuen by these words: The Emperour and
great Duke giueth thee to drinke. All the tables aforesaid were
serued in vessels of pure and fine golde, as well basons and ewers,
platters, dishes, and sawcers, as also of great pots, with an in-
numerable sort of small drinking pottes of diuers fashions, whereof
a great number were set with stone. As for costly meates, I haue
many times seene better; but for change of wines and diuers
sortes of meads, it was wonderfull, for there was not left at any
time so much voyd roume on the table that one cuppe more might
haue bene set, and as far as I could perceiue, all the rest were in
the like maner serued.
In the dinner time there came in sixe singers, which stood in
the midst of the chamber, and their faces towards the Emperour,
who sang there before dinner was ended three seuerall times,
whose songs or voices delighted our eares little or nothing.
The Emperour neuer putteth morsell of meate in his mouth but
he first blesseth it himselfe, and in like maner as often as he
drinketh, for after his maner he is very religious, and he esteemeth
his religious persons aboue his noble men.
This dinner continued about the space of fiue howers, which
being ended, and the tables taken vp, we came into the midst of
the chamber, where we did reuerence vnto the Emperours
maiestie, and then he deliuered vnto euery one of vs with his
owne handes a cup of mead, which when euery man had receiued
and drunke a quantitie thereof, we were licensed to depart and so
ended that dinner. And because the Emperour would haue vs to
be mery, hee sent to our lodging the same Euening 3. barrels
of mead of sundry sortes, of the quantitie in all of one hogs-
head.
:
The 16. day of September the Emperour sent home vnto our
lodging for euery of vs a Tartarie horse, to ride from place to
place as we had occasion, for that the streetes of Mosco are very
fowle and mirie in the Summer.
APPENDIX.
359
Standish,
doctor of
The 18. of September there were giuen vnto Master Standish, Master
doctor in Phisike, and the rest of our men of our occupations,
"Phisike.
certaine furred gownes of branched veluet and golde, and some of
red Damaske, of which master Doctors gowne was furred with
Sables, and the rest were furred some with white Ermine and
some with gray squirrell, and all faced and edged round about
with blacke beauer.
The 1. of October, in the morning, we were commanded to come
vnto ye Emperors court, and when we came thether we were
brought vnto ye Emperor, vnto whom we did our duties accord-
ingly, wherupon he willed vs to dine with him that day; & so
with thanks vnto his maiestie, we departed vntil dinner time, at
which time we came and found the tables couered with bread and
salt as at the first. And after that we were all set vpon one side
of the table, the Emperours maiestie, according to his accustomed
maner, sent vnto euery man of vs a piece of bread by some of the
Dukes which attended on his highnesse.
And whereas the 14. of September we were serued in vessels of
gold, we were now serued in vessels of siluer, and yet not so
abundantly as was the first of gold. They brought drinke vnto
the table in siluer boles, which conteined at the least sixe gallons
a piece, and euery man had a small siluer cuppe to drinke in and
another to dip or to take his drinke out of the great boll withall.
The dinner being ended, the Emperor gaue vnto euery one of vs a
cup with mead, which when we had receiued, we gaue thanks and
departed.
Moreouer, whensoeuer the Emperours pleasure is that any
stranger shall dine with him, hee doth send for them in the morn-
ing, and when they come before him, hee with his owne mouth
biddeth them to dinner: and this order he alwayes obserueth.
The 10. of October the Emperor gaue vnto Master Standish
70. rubbles in money, and to the rest of our men of occupations
30. rubbles a piece.
The 3. of Nouember we dined againe with the Emperour, where
we were serued as before.
1 Dr Standish came to Russia with Jenkinson in 1557.-Hamel,
p. 158.
360
APPENDIX.
Long
dinners.
in Russia.
The 6. of December being S. Nicholas day, we dined againe at
the Emperours, for that is one of the principall feasts which the
Moscouites hold. We were serued in siluer vessels, and ordred
in all points as before, and it was past 7. of the clocke at night
before dinner was ended.
The Emperours maiestie vseth euery yeere in the moneth of
December to haue all bis ordinance that is in the citie of Mosko
caried into the fields, which is without the suburbes of the citie,
and there to haue it planted and beat vpon two houses of wood
filled within with earth. Against which two houses there were
two faire white markes set vp, at which markes they did discharge
all their ordinaunce, to the eude the Emperor may see what his
Ordinance Gummers can doe. They haue faire ordinance¹ of brasse of all
sortes, bases, faulcons, minions, sakers, culuerings, cannons
double and royall, basiliskes long and large. They haue sixe
great pieces whose shot is a yard of heigth, which shot a man
may easily discerne as they flee. They haue also a great many of
morter pieces or potguns, out of which pieces they shoote wild fire.³
The 12. of December the Emperours maiestie and all his
nobilitie came into the field on horsebacke, in most goodly order,
hauing very fine Iennets and Turkie horses, garnished with gold
& silner abundantly; the Emperours maiestie hauing on him a
gowne of rich tissue, & a cap of skarlet on his head, set not only
with pearles, but also with a great number of rich and costly
stones. His noblemen were all in gownes of cloth of gold, which
did ride before him in good order by 3. & 3. And before them
there went 5000. harquebuzzers, which went by 5. and 5. in a
ranke in very good order, euery of them carying his gunne vpon
his left shoulder, and his match in his right hand, and in this
A veerely
triumph.
2
1 Prince Vasili Ivanovitch, father of Ivan IV, had German and
Italian cannon founders, but the use of the different kinds of
artillery was not understood in his time. In 1554-5 two large cannon
were cast at Mosco-one weighing 1200 lbs., with a mouth 15 ins. in
diameter; the other 1020 lbs. and 14 ins. in diameter at the mouth.
-Herberstein in Hakl. Soc., i, 98; Hamel, p. 131.
2 Potguns, a name for a short, wide cannon, shaped like a pot.-
Nares's Glossary.
1.c., Greek fire.
APPENDIX.
361
order they marched into the field, where as the foresaid ordinance
was planted.
And before the Emperours maiestie came into the field there
was a certaine stage made of small poles, which was a quarter of a
mile long, and about three score yardes off from the Stage of
poles were certaine pieces of ice of two foote thicke and sixe
foote high set vp, which ranke of ice was as long as the stage of
poles where they setled themselues in order. And when the
Emperours maiestie was setled where he would be, and where he
might see all the ordinance discharged and shot of, the harque-
buzzers began to shoot of at the banke of ice as though it had
bene in any skirmish or battel, who ceased not shooting vntil they
had beaten all the ice flat on the ground.
After the handguns, they shot of their wild fire vp in to the aire
which was a goodly sight to behold. And after this they began
to discharge the small pieces of brasse, beginning with the smallest,
and so orderly bigger and bigger, vntil the last and biggest.
When they had shot them all of, they began to charge them
againe, and so shot them all of 3. times after the first order,
beginning with the smallest and ending with the greatest. And note
that before they had ended their shooting, the 2. houses that they
shot vnto were beaten in pieces, and yet they were very strongly
made of Wood and filled with earth, being at the least 30. foote
thicke. This triumph being ended, the Emperour departed, and
rode home in the same order that he came foorth into the field.
The ordinance is discharged enery yeere in the moneth of Decem-
ber, according to the order before mentioned.
On Christmas day we were all willed to dine with the Emper-
ours maiestie, where for bread, meat, and drinke we were scrued
as at other times before; but for goodly and rich plate, we neuer
saw the like or so much before. There dined that day in the
Emperours presence aboue 500. strangers and two hundred Russes,
and all they were serued in vessels of gold, and that as much as
could stand one by another vpon the tables. Besides this there
were foure cupboards garnished with goodly plate, both of gold
and siluer. Among the which there were 12. barrels of siluer,
conteining about 12. gallons a piece, and at each end of euery
362
APPENDIX.
The hallow-
ing of the
riuer of
Mosco.
barrell were 6. hoopes of fine gold. This dinner continued about
6. howers.
Euery yeere, vpon the twelfe day, they vse to blesse or
sanctifie the riuer Moska, which runneth through the citie of
Moskouia, after this maner.
First, they make a square hole in the ice about 3. fadoms large
euery way, which is trimmed about the sides and edges with
white boords. Then about 9. of the clocke they come out of the
church with procession towards the riuer in this wise.
First and foremost, there goe certaine yong men with Waxe
tapers burning, and one carying a great lanterne. Then follow
certaine banners, then the crosse, then the images of our Ladie, of
S. Nicholas, and of other Saints, which images men carrie vpon
their shoulders. After the images follow certaine priests, to the
number of 100 or more; after them the Metropolitan, who is led
betweene two priests; and after the Metropolitan came the
Emperour, with his crowne vpon his head; and after his maiestie
all his noble men orderly. Thus they folowed the procession vnto
the water; & when they came vnto the hole that was made, the
priests set themselues in order round about it. And at one side
of the same poole there was a scaffold of boords made, vpon which
stood a faire chaire, in which the Metropolitan was set, but the
Emperours maiestie stood vpon the ice.
After this the priests began to sing, to blesse and to sense, and
did their seruice, and so by that time that they had done the
water was holy, which being sanctified, the Metropolitane tooke a
little thereof in his handes and cast it on the Emperour, likewise
vpon certaine of the Dukes, and then they returned againe to the
church with the priests that sate about the water.
But ye
preasse [press] that there was about the water when the Emperor
was gone was wonderful to behold, for there came about 5000. pots
to be filled of that water; for that Muscouite which hath no part
of that water thinks himselfe vnhappy.
And very many went naked into the water, both men and women
and children. After the prease was a litle gone, the Emperours
lennets and horses were brought to drinke of the same water, and
likewise many other men brought their horses thither to drinke;
APPENDIX.
363
and by that means they make their horses as holy as them-
selues.1
All these ceremonies being ended, we went to the Emperour to
dinner, where we were serued in vessels of siluer, and in all other
points as we had been before time.
Lent.
The Russes begin their Lent alwayes 8 weekes before Easter. The Russes
The first weeke they eate egges, milke, cheese, & butter, and
make great cheare with pancakes and such other things, one
friend visiting another; & from the same Sunday vntil our Shrof-
sunday there are but few Russes sober, but they are drunke day
by day, and it is accounted for no reproch or shame among them.
The next weeke, being our first weeke of Lent, or our cleansing
weeke, beginning our Shrofesunday, they make and keepe a great
fast. It is reported, and the people doe verily beleeue, that the
Metropolitan neither eateth nor drinketh any maner of thing for
the space of seuen dayes, and they say that there are many religious
men which do the like.
The Emperours maiestie eateth but one morsell of bread and
driuketh but one draught of drinke once in the day during that
weeke, and all men that are of any reputation come not out of
their houses during that time, so that the streets are almost void
of company, sauing a few poore folkes which wander to and fro.
The other sixe weekes they keepe as we do ours, but not one of
them will eate either butter, cheese, egges, or milke.
On Palme Sunday they haue a very solemne procession in this
maner folowing:
First, they haue a tree of a good bignesse, which is made fast
upon two sleds, as though it were growing there, and it is hanged
with apples, raisins, figs, and dates, and with many other fruits
abundantly. In the midst of the same tree stand 5 boyes in
white vestures, which sing in the tree before the procession. After
this there folowed certaine yong men with waxe tapers in their
hands, burning, and a great lanterne, that all the light should not
goe out.
After them folowed two with long banners, and 6. with
round plates set vpon long staues. The plates were of copper,
Cf. ante, p. 33.
364
APPENDIX.
The Em-
perour
Metropoli-
tans horse
in proces-
sion.
very ful of holes and thinne. Then folowed 6. carying painted
images vpon their shoulders; after the images follow certaine
priests, to the number of 100. or more, with goodly vestures,
whereof 10. or 12. are of white damaske, set and imbrodered round
about with faire and orient pearles, as great as pease, and among
them certaine Saphires and other stones. After them followed
the one halfe of the Emperours noble men. Then commeth the
Emperours maiestie and the Metropolitane, after this maner:
to an asses eares.
First, there is a horse, couered with white linnen cloth down to
the ground, his eares being made long with the same cloth, like
Vpon this horse the Metropolitane sitteth side
long like a woman. In his lappe lieth a faire booke with a crucifix
of Goldsmiths worke vpon the couer, which he holdeth fast with
his left hand, and in his right hand he hath a crosse of gold, with
which crosse he ceaseth not to blesse the people as he rideth.
There are to the number of 30. men, which spread abroad their
garments before the horse; and as soon as the horse is past ouer
any of them, they take them vp againe and run before, and spred
them againe, so that the horse doth alway go on some of them.
They which spred the garments are all priests sonnes, and for
their labours the Emperour giueth vnto them new garments.
One of the Emperours noble men leadeth the horse by the head,
but the Emperour himselfe, goying on foote, leadeth the horse by
leadeth the the ende of the reine of his bridle with one of his hands, and in
the other of his hands he had a braunch of a Palme tree. After
this followed the rest of the Emperours Noble men and Gentle-
men, with a great number of other people. In this order they
went from one church to another within the castle, about the dis-
taunce of two flights shot, and so returned agayne to the Empe-
rours Church, where they made an end of their seruice. Which
being done, the Emperours maiestie and certaine of his noble men
went to the Metropolitane his house to dinner, where of delicate
fishes and good drinks there was no lacke.
The rest of this weeke, vntill Easter day, they keepe very
solemnely, continuing in their houses for the most part, and vpon
Munday and Thursday the Emperour doth alwayes vse to receiue
the Sacrament, and so doth most of his nobles.
APPENDIX.
365
Vpon good Friday they continue all the day in contemplation.
and prayers, and they vse euery yeere, on good Friday, to let loose
a prisoner in the stead of Barabbas. The night folowing they go to
the church, where they sleepe vntil the next morning; & at Easter
they haue the resurrection, and after euery of the Lents they eate
flesh, the next weeke folowing, Friday, and Saturday, and all.
They haue an order at Easter which they alwaies obserue, and
that is this: euery yeere, against Easter, to die or colour red
with Brazzell, a great number of egges, of which euery man and
woman giueth one vnto the priest of their Parish, vpon Easter
day in the morning. And, moreouer, the common people vse to
carrie in their hands one of these red egges, not onely vpon
Easter day, but also three or foure dayes after; and Gentlemen and
Gentlewomen haue egges gilded, which they carrie in like maner.
They vse it, as they say, for a great loue, and in token of the re-
surrection, whereof they reioyce. For when two friends meete
during the Easter holydayes, they come and take one another by
the hand; the one of them saieth, the Lord or Christ is risen, the
other answereth, it is so of a trueth, and then they kisse and vsed in the
exchange their egges, both men and women continuing in kissing church.
4. dayes together.
Kissing
Greeke
The 12. of Aprill, being Tewesday in the Easter weeke, Master
Ienkinson and Master Graie, and certaine other of vs Englishmen,
dined with the Emperour, where we were serued as we had bene
before time. And after dinner the Emperours maiestie gaue vnto
master Ienkinson and vnto Master Gray, and so orderly vnto euery
one of vs, a cuppe of mead, according to his accustomed maner,
which when euery man had receiued and giuen thanks, Master Ienkin-
son stepped into the midst of the chamber before the Emperors
maiestie, and gaue thanks to his highnes for his goodnesse vnto
him extended, desiring his grace to licence him for to depart; and
in like manner did Master Gray. His maiestie did not onely
licence them to depart, but also graunted vnto Master Ienkinson his With these
letter vnder his great seale, vnto all princes through whose do- Master
minions Master Ienkinson should haue occasion to passe, that he might
the sooner and quietlier passe by meanes thereof.¹
1 Cf. ante, p. 41.
Which being
letters
Ienkinson
tooke his
voiage the
same April
to Boghar.
366
APPENDIX.
The Em-
perors
wardrobe.
granted, Master Ienkinson and Gray lowly submitted themselues,
thanking his maiestie. So the Emperour gaue vnto either of
them a cup of mead to drinke, and willed them to depart at their
pleasure in Gods peace.
The 14. of Aprill, in the morning, when Master Gray and I were
redie to depart towards England, the Chancellours sent vnto vs
and willed vs to come to their office in the Chancerie, where at
our comming they shewed vs a great number of the Emperours
iewels and rich robes, willing us to marke and behold them well,
to the ende that at our arriuall into England we might make
report what we had seene there.
The chiefest was his maiesties crowne, being close vnder the
top, very faire wrought; in mine opinion the workemanship of so
much gold few men can amend. It was adorned and decked with
rich and precious stones aboundantly, among the which, one was
a rubie, which stood a handfull higher than the top of the crowne
vpon a small wier; it was as big as a good beane. The same
crowne was lined with a faire blacke Sable, worth by report 40
rubbles.
We saw all his maiesties robes, which were very richly set with
stones; they showed vs many other great stones of diuers kinds,
but the most part of them were vneuen, in maner as they came
out of the worke, for they do more esteeme the greatnes of stones
then they do the proportion of them.
We sawe two goodly gownes, which were as heauie as a man
could easily carrie, all set with perles ouer and ouer.
The gards
or borders round about them were garnished with sapphires and
other good stones abundantly. One of the same gownes was very
rich, for the pearles were very large, round, and orient. As for
the rest of his gownes and garments, they were of rich tissue and
cloth of gold, and all furred with very blacke Sables.
When we had sufficiently perused all these thinges, they willed
master Gray, at his arriuall in England, to prouide, if he could,
such iewels and rich clothes as he had seene there, and better if
hee could, declaring that the Emperour would gladly bestow his
money vpon such things.
So we tooke our leaue the same time, and departed towards
Vologda immediately.
APPENDIX.
367
The Maners, vsages, and Ceremonies of the Russes.
Of the Emperour.
THE Emperours name in their tongue is Euan Vasiliuich,
that is as much to say, as Iohn the soune of Vasilie, and by his Or Basilius.
princely state he is called Otesara, as his predecessors haue bene
before, which, to interprete, is a king that giueth not tribute to
any man.
And this word Otesara, his maiesties interpreters haue
of late dayes interpreted to be an Emperour, so that now he is
called Emperour and great Duke of all Russia, &c. Before his
father, they were neither called Emperours nor Kings, but onely
Ruese [Kniaz¹] Velike, that is to say, great Duke. And as this
Emperour, which now is Euan Vasiliuich, doeth exceede his pre-
decessours in name, that is, from a Duke to an Emperour, euen so
much by report he doth exceed them in stoutnes of courage and
valiantnesse, and a great deale more, for he is no more afraid of
his enemies, which are not few, then the Hobbie² of the larks.
His enemies, with whom he hath warres for the most, are
these: Litto, Poland, Sweden, Denmarke, Lifland, the Crimmes,
Nagaians, and the whole nation of the Tartarians, which are a
stoute and a hardie people as any vnder the Sunne.
This Emperour vseth great familiaritie, as well vnto all his
nobles and subiects, as also vnto strangers, which serue him either
in his warres, or in occupations: for his pleasure is that they
shall dine oftentimes in the yeere in his presence; and besides
that he is oftentimes abroad, either at one Church or another, and
walking with his noble men abroad. And by this meanes he is
not only beloued of his nobles and commons, but also had in great
1 Kniaz, a title of princely rank; perhaps derived from Kon, a
horse (hence Konung, König, King), and originally applied by Slavs to
every owner of a horse; in Croatia and Servia to the brothers of the
King. See Karamsin, i, p. 92.
2 Hobby, a small, but strong-winged, falcon (Falco subbuteo),
formerly trained for hawking.
368
APPENDIX.
dread and feare through all his dominions, so that I thinke no
prince in Christendome is more feared of his owne then he is, nor
yet better beloued. For if he bid any of his Dukes goe, they will
runne; if he giue any euill or angrie worde to any of them, the
partie will not come into his maiesties presence againe of a long
time, if he be not sent for, but will faine him to be very sicke, and
will let the haire of his head grow very long, without either cutting
or shauing, which is an euident token that hee is in the Emperours
displeasure for when they be in their prosperitie, they account it
a shame to weare long haire, in consideration whereof they vse to
haue their heads shauen.
His Maiestie heareth all complaints himselfe, and with his owne
mouth giueth sentence and indgement of all matters, and that
with expedition: but religious matters he medleth not withall,
but referreth them wholy vnto the Metropolitane. His Maiestie
retaineth and well rewardeth all straungers that come to serue
him, and especially men of warre.
Hee delighteth not greatly in hawking, hunting, or any other
pastime, nor in hearing instruments or musike, but setteth all
his whole delight vpon two things: First, to serue God, as vn-
doubtedly he is very deuout in his religion; and the second, howe
to subdue and conquere his enemies. He hath abundance of gold
and siluer in his owne handes or treasurie: but the most part of
his know not a crowne from a counter, nor gold from copper, they
are so much combred therewithall; and he that is worth 2. 3. or
4. grotes, is a rich man.
:
Of their Religious men.
The Metropolitane is next vnto God, our Ladie and S. Nicholas
excepted for the Emperours maiestie iudgeth and affirmeth him
to be of higher dignitie then himselfe ; for that, saith he, he is Gods
spiritual officer, and I the Emperour am his temporall officer;
and therefore his Maiestie submitteth himselfe vnto him in many
things concerning religious matters, as in leading the Metropoli-
tans horse vpon Palme sunday, and giuing him leaue to sit on a
chaire upon the 12. day, when the riuer Mosco was in blessing,
and his maiestie standing on the ice.
*
APPENDIX.
369
All matters of religion are reformed by the Metropolitan, he
heareth the causes and giueth sentence as himselfe listeth, and is
authorized so to doe; whether it be to whip, hang, or burne, his
will must needs be fulfilled.
They haue both monkes, friers, and nunnes, with a great number
of great & rich monasteries; they keepe great hospitalitie, and doe
relieue much poore people day by day. I haue bene in one of
the monasteries called Troietes,' which is walled about with bricke
very strongly, like a castle, and much ordinaunce of brasse vpon
the wals of the same. They told me themselues that there are
seuen hundred brethren of them which belong vnto that house. The
most part of the lands, townes, and villages which are within
fortie miles of it belong vnto the same. They shewed me the
church, wherein were as many images as could hang about or
vpon the wals of the church round about, and euen the roofe of
the Church was painted full of images. The chiefe image was of
our Ladie, which was garnished with gold, rubies, saphires, and
other rich stones abundantly. In the midst of the church stood
12. waxe tapers of two yards long and a fathome about in big-
nesse, & there stands a kettle ful of waxe with about 100. waight,
wherein there is alwaies the wicke of a candle burning, as it were
a lampe which goeth not out day nor night.
2
They shewed mee a coffin covered with cloth of gold, which
stoode vpon one side within their church, in which they told me
lay a holy man, who neuer eate nor dranke, and yet that he
liueth. And they told me (supposing that I had beleeued them)
that hee healeth many diseases, and giueth the blind their sight,
with many other miracles: but I was hard of beliefe because I saw
him worke no miracle whilest I was there.
After this they brought me into their sellers, and made me
1 The famous Troitsa monastery (Troitskaya-Sergieva Lavra),
thirty miles from Mosco. Its walls, founded in 1513 and finished in
1547, are one mile in circuit, thirty to fifty feet high, and twenty feet
thick. It was to this monastery that Ivan IV, with his first wife
Anastasia, made a pilgrimage in 1552 to return thanks for the birth
of their first-born son, Dmitri.-Karamsin, viii, 212.
2 Probably the relics of St. Sergius, shewn at the present day.
BB
370
APPENDIX.
The hospi-
talitie of
their
monas-
teries.
Want of
preachers
taste of diuers kinds of drinkes, both wine and beere, mead, and
quassie of sundry colours and kinds. Such aboundance of drinke
as they haue in their sellers I doe suppose few princes haue more,
or so much at once.
Their barrels or vessels are of an vnmeasurable bignes and sise ;
some of them are 3. yards long and more, and 2. yards & more
broad in their heads; they conteine 6. or 7. tunnes a piece; they
haue none in their sellers of their owne making that are lesse then
a tunne. They haue 9. or 10. great vautes, which are full of those
barrels, which are seldome remooued: for they haue trunkes
which come downe through the roofe of the vautes in sundry
places, through which they powre the drinke downe, haning the
caske right vnder it to receiue the same, for it should be a great
trouble to bring it all downe the staires.
They giue bread, meat, and drinke vnto all men that come to
them, not onely while they are at their abbey, but also when they
depart, to serue them by the way.
There are a great number of such monasteries in the realme,
and the Emperours Maiestie rideth oftentimes from one to another
of them, and lieth at them 3. or 4. dayes together.
The same monkes are as great merchants as any in the land of
Russia, and doe occupy buying and selling as much as any other
men, and haue boates which passe too and fro in the riuers with
merchandize from place to place where any other of their countrey
doe traffique.
They eate no flesh during their liues, as it is reported; but
vpon Sunday, Munday, Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday,
it is lawful for them to eate egges, butter, cheese, and milke,
and at all times to eate fish and after this sort they lead their
liues.
They weare all blacke garments, and so doe none other in all
the land, but at that abbey onely.
They haue no preachers, no not one, in all the land to instruct
great ignor. the people, so that there are many & the most part of the poore in
cause of
ance and
idolatrie.
the country who, if one aske them how many gods there be, they
will say a great many, meaning that euery image which they haue
is a god for all the countrey, and the Emperours Maiestie him-
:
APPENDIX.
371
selfe, will blesse and bowe, and knocke their heads before their
images, in so much that they will crie earnestlie vnto their images
to helpe them to the things which they need. All men are bound
by their law to haue those images in their houses, and ouer every
gate in all their townes and cities are images set vp, vnto which
the people bowe and bend, and knocke their heads against the
ground before them; as often as they come by any church or
crosse they do in like manner. And when they come to any
house, they blesse themselues 3. or 4. times before they will salute
any man in the house.
They reckon and hold it for great sinne to touch or handle any
of their images within the circle of the boord where the painting
is, but they keepe them very daintely, and rich men decke them
ouer and about with gold, siluer, and stones, and hang them ouer
and about with cloth of gold.
The priests are married as other men are, and weare all their
garments as other men doe, except their nightcappes, which is
cloth of some sadde colour, beying rounde, and reacheth vnto the
eares; theyr crownes are shauen, but the rest of their hayre they
let grow, as long as nature will permit, so that it hangeth beneath
their eares vpon their shoulders; their beards they neuer shaue;
if his wife happen to die, it is not lawfull for him to mary againe
during his life. They minister the Communion with bread and
wine, after our order, but he breaketh the bread, and putteth it
into the cuppe vnto the wine, and commonly some are partakers
with them; & they take the bread out againe with a spoone,
together with part of the wine, and so take it themselues, and
giue it to others that receiue with them after the same maner.
Theyr ceremonies are all, as they say, according to the Greeke
church vsed at this present day, and they allow no other religion
but the Greeks and theyr owne, and will not permit any nation
but the Greeks to be buried in their sacred burials or church-
yards.
All theyr churches are full of images, vnto the which the people
when they assemble doe bowe and knocke theyr heads, as I haue
before said, that some will haue knobbes upon theyr foreheads
with knocking, as great as egges.
BB 2
372
APPENDIX.
All their seruice is in the Russe tongue, and they and the com-
mon people haue no other prayers but this, Ghospodi Iesus Christos
esine voze ponuloi nashe. That is to say, O Lord Jesus Christ,
sonne of God, haue mercy vpon us; .and this is their prayer, so
that the most part of the vnlearned know neither Pater noster,
nor the Beliefe, nor ten commandements, nor scarcely vnderstand
the one halfe of the seruice which is read in their churches.
Of their Baptisme.
When any childe is borne, it is not baptised vntill the next
Sunday, and if it chance that it be not baptised then, it must tary
vntill the second Sunday after the byrth; and it is lawfull for
them to take as many Godfathers and Godinothers as they will,
the more the better. When they go to the Church, the Midwife
goeth formost, carying the childe, and the Godfathers and God-
mothers follow into the midst of the Church, where there is a
small table ready set, and on it an earthern pot full of warme
water, about the which the Godfathers and Godmothers, with the
childe, settle themselves: then the clearke giueth vnto euery of
them a small waxe candle burning: then commeth the priest, and
beginneth to say certeine words, which the Godfathers and God-
mothers must answere word for word, among which, one is, that
the childe shall forsake the deuill, and as that name is pronounced,
they must all spit at the word as often as it is repeated. Then
he blesseth the water which is in the pot, and doth breath ouer it;
then he taketh all the candles which the gossips haue, and holding
them all in one hand, letteth part of them droppe into the water,
and then giueth euery one his candle againe; and when the water
is sanctified, he taketh the childe and holdeth it in a small tubbe,
and one of the Godfathers taketh the pot with warme water, and
powreth it all upon the childes head.
After this he hath many more ceremonies, as annointing eares
and eyes with spittle, and making certeine crosses with oyle vpon
the backe, head, and brests of the childe: then taking the childe
in his armes, caricth it to the images of S. Nicholas, and our Lady,
&c., and speaketh vnto the images, desiring them to take charge
APPENDIX.
373
of the childe, that he may liue and beleeue as a Christian man or
woman ought to doe, with many other words. Then comming
backe from the images, he taketh a payre of sheeres and clippeth
the yoong and tender hayres of the childes head in three or foure
places, and then deliuereth the childe, whereunto euery of the
Godfathers and Godmothers lay a hand; then the priest chargeth
them that the childe be brought up in the faith & feare of God or
Christ, and that it be instructed to clinegel and bow to the images,
and so they make an end. Then one of the Godfathers must hang
a crosse about the necke of the childe, which he must alwayes
weare, for that Russe which hath not a crosse about his necke
they esteeme as no Christian man, and thereupon they say that
we are no Christians, because we do not weare crosses as they do.2
Of their Matrimonie.
Theyr matrimony is nothing solemnized, but rather in most
points abhominable, and as neere as I can learne, in this wise fol-
lowing.
First, when there is loue betweene the parties, the man sendeth
vnto the woman a small chest or boxe, wherein is a whippe,
needles, thred, silke, linnen cloth, sheeres, & such necessaries as
she shall occupy when she is a wife, and perhaps sendeth there-
withall resons, figges, or some such thinges, giuing her to vnder-
stand that if she doe offend she must be beaten with the whippe, &
by the needles, thred, cloth, &c., that she should apply her selfe
diligently to sowe, and do such things as she could best doe; and
by the raisins or fruites he meaneth if she doe well, no good thing
shall be withdrawen from her, nor be too dere for her: and she
sendeth vnto him a shirt, handkerchers, and some such things of
her owne making. And now to the effect.
When they are agreed, and the day of marriage appointed,
when they shall go towardes the church the bride will in no wise
1 A Russian word Kláiniatsa, to bow, from the Greek live
whence our word incline.
2 The account here given of the rite of baptism in the Græco-
Russian Church is corroborated by H. C. Romanoff.-See Rites and
Customs of the Græco-Russian Church, pp. 67-74.
374
APPENDIX.
consent to go out of the house, but resisteth and striueth with
them that would have her out, and faineth herself to weepe ; yet
in the end, two women get her out, and lead her towards the
church, her face being couered close, because of her dissimulation,
that it should not be openly perceiued; for she maketh a great
noyce, as though she were sobbing and weeping, vntill she come at
the church, and then her face is vncouered. The man commeth
after among other of his friends, and they carry with them to the
church a great pot with wine or meade. Then the priest coupleth
them together much after our order, one promising to loue and
serue the other during theyr liues together &c. which being done,
they beginne to drinke; and first the woman drinketh to the man,
and when he hath drunke, he letteth the cuppe fall to the ground,
hasting immediatly to tread upon it, and so doth she, and whether
of them tread first vpon it must haue the victory, and be maister
at all times after, which commonly happeneth to the man, for he
is readiest to set his foot on it, because he letteth it fall himselfe.
Then they go home againe, the womans face being vncouered. The
boyes in the streetes cry out and make a noyce in the meanetime,
with very dishonest words.
When they come home, the wife is set at the vpper end of the
table, and the husband next vnto her; they fall then to drinking
till they be all drunke. They perchance haue a minstrell or two,
and two naked men, which led her from the Churche, dance naked
a long time before all the company. When they are weary of
drinking, the bride and the bridegrome get them to bed, for it is
in the euening alwayes when any of them are marryed; and when
they are going to bedde, the bridegrome putteth certeine money,
both golde and siluer, if he haue it, into one of his boots, and then
sitteth down in the chamber, crossing his legges, and then the
bride must plucke off one of his boots, which she will, and if she
happen on the boote wherein the money is, she hath not onely the
mony for her labor, but is also at such choyce as she need not
euer from that day foorth to pull of his boots; but if she misse the
boot wherein the money is, she doth not onely loose the mony,
but is also bound from that day forwards to pull off his boots con-
tinually.
APPENDIX.
375
Then they continue in drinking and making good cheere three
dayes following, being accompanyed with certaine of their friends;
and during the same three daies he is called a duke, & shee a
dutches, although they be very poore persons, and this is as much
as I haue learned of theyr matrimony. But one common rule is
amongst them, if the woman be not beaten with the whip once a
weeke, she will not be good, and therefore they look for it orderly;
and the women say, that if theyr husbands did not beate them,
they should not loue them.
They vse to marry there very yoong, their sonnes at 16.
and 18. yeeres olde, and the daughters at 12. or 13. yeeres
or yoonger: they vse to keepe their wiues very closely, I
meane those that be of any reputation, so that a man shall
not see one of them but at a chance, when she goeth to church at
Christmas or at Easter, or els going to visit some of her
friends.
of Russia
faces.
The most part of the women vse to ride a stride in saddles with
styrrups, as men do, and some of them on sleds, which in summer
is not commendable. The husband is bound to finde the wife The women
coulers to paint her withall, for they vse ordinarily to paint them- paint theyr
selues. It is such a common practise among them, that it is
counted for no shame; they grease their faces with such coulers,
that a man may discerne them hanging on theyr faces almost a
flight shoot off. I can not so well liken them as to a millers wife,
for they looke as though they were beaten about the face with a
bag of meale; but theyr eye browes they couler as black as ieat
[jet].
The best property that the women haue is that they can sowe
well, and imbroder with silke and golde excellently.
Of their Buriall.
When any man or woman dyeth, they stretch him out, and put
a newe payre of shooes on his feet, because he hath a great iourney
to goe; then do they winde him in a sheet, as we do, but they
forget not to put a testimony in his right hand, which the priest
¹ Cf. ante, p. 37, note 2.
376
APPENDIX.
Bread made
of straw.
man or woman.
giueth him, to testifie vuto S. Nicholas that he dyed a Christian
And they put the coarse alwayes in a coffin of
wood, although the partie be very poore; and when they go
towards the church, the friends and kinsemen of the party de-
parted carry in theyr handes small waxe candles, and they weepe
and howle, and make much lamentation.
They that be hanged or beheaded, or such like, haue no testi-
mony with them; how they are receiued into heauen it is a
wonder, without their pasport. There are
There are a great number of
poore people among them, which die dayly for lacke of sustenance,
which is a pitifull case to beholde; for there hath beene buried in
a small time, within these two yeeres, about 80. persons, yoong
and olde, which haue dyed onely for lacke of sustenance: for if
they had had straw and water enough, they would make shift to
liue, for a great many are forced in the winter to dry straw and
stampe it, and to make bread thereof, or at least they eat it in
stead of bread. In the summer they make good shift with grasse,
herbs, and roots; barks of trees is good meat with them at all
times. There is no people in the world, as I suppose, that liue so
miserably as do the pouertie in those parts: and the most part of
nesse of the them that haue sufficient for themselues, and also to relieue others
that need, are so vnmercifull that they care not how many they
see die of famine or hunger in the streets.
The un-
merciful-
Russes to-
ward the
poore.
Stooues or
baths
usuall with
the Musco-
uites.
Reported
by Thos.
Bulley.
It is a countrey full of diseases, diuers and euill, and the best
remedy is for any of them, as they holde opinion, to go often vnto
the hot houses, as in a maner euery man hath one of his owne,
which he heateth commonly twise euery weeke, and all the hous-
holde sweat, and wash themselues therein.
The names of certaine sortes of drinkes vsed in Russia, and commonly
drunke in the Emperours Court.
The first and principall meade is made of the iuyce or liccor
taken from a berrie called in Russia, Malieno,¹ which is of a mar-
uellous sweet taste, and of a carmosant couler, which berry I haue
secne in Paris.
¹ Malino, Russ. for raspberry.
APPENDIX.
377
The second meade is called Visnoua,¹ because it is made of a
berry so called, and is like a black gooseberry but it is like in
couler and taste to the red wine of France.
:
The third meade is called Amarodina or Smorodina,2 short, of a
small berry much like to the small rezon, and groweth in great
plenty in Russia.
The fourth meade is called Chereunikyna,3 which is made of the
wilde blacke cherry.
4
The fift meade is made of hony and water, with other mixtures.
There is also a delicate drinke drawne from the root of the Byrch
tree, called in the Russe toong Berozeuites, which drinke the noble
men and others vse in Aprill, May, and Iune, which are the three
moneths of the spring time: for after those moneths, the sappe of
the tree dryeth, and then they cannot haue it.
1 Vishny, Russ. for cherries.
2 Smorodina, Russ. for currants.
3 Cheriomka, or bird cherry (Cerasus Padus).
4 Beriozovitsa, a sweet drink made from the sap of the birch tree.
II.
The second voyage into Persia made by Thomas
Alcocke, which was slayne there, and by Richard Cheinie,
seruant to the worshipfull companie of Moscouie
merchants in An. 1563. Written by the said
Richard Cheinie.¹
A rubble is
a marke
English.
2
IT may please your worships to vnderstand that, in the yeere
1563 I was appointed by Master Anthonie Jenkinson and
Master Thomas Glouer, your Agent in Russia, to go for Persia
in your worships affaires, one Thomas Alcocke hauing the charge
of the voyage committed to him, and I, one of your worships
seruants, being ioined with him in your busines, hauing with vs,
as they said, fifteene rubbles. And if it shall please you, I cannot
tel certainely what summe of money we had then of the Emper-
ours: for I receiued none, nor disbursed any of it in wares for the
voyage. Also, God I take to record, I could not tell what stocke
your worships had there, for the bookes were kept so priuilie, that
a man could neuer see them. The 10. of May, anno. 1563. we
departed from a towne called Yeraslaue, vpon our voyage towards
Persia. The 24. of July we arriued at Astracan; and the second
of August we departed from Astracan; and the 4. of the same
moneth we came to the Caspian sea; and the 11. day of the said
moneth we arriued at our port in Media; and the 12. of the said
August we arriued at Shammakie, where as the king, Obdolowcan,
lay in the field. We were well entertained of heathen people, for,
the third day after our arriuall at Shammakie, wee were called
before the king: wee gaue him a present, and hee entertained vs
very well.
At our comming to the Court we were commaunted to come
before the king, who sate in his tent vpon the ground with his
legs a crosse, and all his dukes round about his tent, the ground
2 Cf. ante, p. 156.
1 Hakl., 1589, pp. 374-376.
APPENDIX.
379
being couered with carpets. Wee were commaunded to sit downe,
the king appointing euery man his place to sit. And the king
commaunded the Emperour of Russelands Marchants to rise vp,
and to giue vs the vpper hande. The 20. of October Thomas
Alcocke departed from Shammakie towards Castin, leauing me at Casbin.
Shammakie to recouer such debts as the dukes of Shammakie ought
for wares which they tooke of him at his going to Casbin. In the
time I lay there, I could recouer but litle. And at Thomas Alcocks
comming from Casbin, who arriued at a towne called Leuuacta,¹ Leuuacta.
wheras the king Obdolocan lay a day and a halfes iourney from
the towne whereas I lay, I, hearing of his arriuing there, departed
from Sammakie, finding him there in safetie with all such goods
as hee had with him. During his abode there for seuen dayes,
hee made suite to the king for such money as the dukes ought
him. But the king was displeased, for that the Emperour of
Russelands Marchant had slaine a Boser man at his going to A Boser-
Casbin. Thomas Alcocke, seeing the king would shewe vs no Renegado.
fauour, and also hearing from Shammakie that the Russes sent
their goods to the sea side, for that they feared that the king of
Persia should haue knowledge of the death of the Boserman, willed
mee to depart to Shammakie with all such goods as he had
brought with him from Casbin, I leauing him at the Court.
man is a
Alcocke
the way be-
Leuuacta
makie.
The thirde day after mine arriuall at Shammakie, I had newes
that Thomas Alcocke was slaine comming on his way towards me. Thomas
Then the king, Obdolocan, vnderstanding of his deathe, demaunded slaine in
whether he had euer a brother.2 Some said I was, some saide tweene
I was not, his brother. When this fell out, your worships and Sham-
had no other seruant there but mee among those heathen people,
who hauing such a summe of goods lying vnder my handes, and
seeing how the Russes sent their goods with as much hast as they
might to the sea side, and hauing but foure men to sende our
wares to the sea side, I vsed such diligence, that within two dayes
after Thomas Alcocke was slaine, I sent, in company with the
1 Ievat, cf. ante, pp. 138, 149.
2 Alcock's death is mentioned by the Venetian ambassador, Vin-
centio d'Allessandri, who refers to him as "an English gentleman
named Mr. Thomas".-Travels of Venetians, p. 225.
380
APPENDIX.
Keselbash
or Jesel-
bash.
Russes goods, all your worships goods, with a Mariner, William
August, and a Swethen, for that they might the safer arriue at the
sca side, being safely layde in. All which goods afterwards.
arriued in Russeland in good condition, Master Glouer hauing the
receipt of all things which I sent then out of those parties into
Russeland. Concerning my selfe, I remained after I had sent the
goods into Russeland sixe weekes in Shammakie, for the recouerie
of such debts as were owing, and at last, with much trouble,
recouered to the summe of fifteene hundreth robles, or there
about, which Maister Glouer receiued of mee at my comming to
Mosco, and all such goods as I brought with me out of Keselbash,¹
as by a note of my hande that hee hath shall appeare. Also hee
hauing the receipt of all such goods as I sent into Russeland by
these two aboue named, hee then had that voyage in venter of
his owne better then an hundreth rubles, one Richard Iohnson
twentie rubles, one Thomas Pette fiftie rubbles, one Euan Cher-
misin, a Tartar, seuentie rubbles. All these had their returne ;
Master Glouer allowed himselfe, God knoweth howe, I then being
in Persia in your worships affaires.
And whereas he saith the Emperour had but for his part a
dobble, as farre as I can see, knowing what the wares cost in
those parties, hee had treble. If they gaue him so much wares, all
charges turned to your worships, as well of the Emperours as of
their owne returnes. I haue sowen the seede, and other men
haue gathered the haruest; I haue trauailed both by land and by
water, full many a time with a sorrowfull heart, as well as for the
safegarde of their goods as yours, how to frame all things to the
best, and they haue reaped the fruites of my trauaile. But euer
my prayer was to God to deliuer mee out of those miseries which
I suffered for your seruice among those heathen people. There-
fore, knowing my duetie, which I haue done, as a true seruant
ought to doe, I beseech your worships (although I haue but small
recompence for my seruice), yet let me haue no wrong, and God
will prosper you the better.
Also to informe your worships of your Persian voyage what I
1 I.e., Persia. The name of the people-Kizil bash or red heads,
from the colour of their high-peaked hats—to denote the country.
APPENDIX.
381
2
Persia.
iudge. It is a voyage to be followed. The king of Gillan, where, Gillan in
as yet, you haue had no trafique, liueth al by marchandise; and it
is neere Cashin, and not past six weekes trauaile from Ormus,
whereas all the spices be brought: and here (I meane at Gillan)²
a trade may bee established. But your worships must sende such
men as are no riotous liuers nor drunkerds. For if such men goe,
it will bee to your dishonour and great hinderance, as appeared
by experience the yeere 1565, when as Richard Iohnson went to
Persia, whose iourney had bene better stayed then set forward.
For whereas before we had the name among those heathen people
to be such marchants as they thought none like in al respects, his
vicious liuing there hath made vs to be compted worse then the
Russes.
Againe, if such men trauaile in your affaires in such a voyage,
you shall neuer knowe what gaine is to be gotten. For how can
such men imploy themselues to seeke the trade that are incliued
to such vices, or how can God prosper them in your affaires? But
when a trade is established by wise and discreete men, then will it
be for your worships to trafique there, and not before; for a
voyage or market made euil at the first is the occasion that your
worships shall nener vnderstand what gaines is to be gotten there-
by hereafter.
¹ Ghilan was for many centuries under its own kings, and the
inhabitants, protected by their marshy and unhealthy country, pre-
served their liberties till, in the sixteenth century, the Sufi monarchs
of Persia conquered them. But even as late as the reign of Shah
Abbas the chiefs of Ghilan loved to style themselves shahs, sultans,
etc., in spite of their subjection.-See an article by Chodzko in
Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, 5me série, vols. xx and xxi (1849-50).
2 Ghilan is marked as a town on the maps of Persia in the atlases
of Mercator-Hondius (1606) and Blaeu (vol. x, 1664). No such town
ever existed, but early travellers applied the name of the province
(Ghilan, i.e., the low land, as distinguished from Dailem, the high
land) to its capital, Lahijan, just as Jenkinson and the cartographers
who followed him applied the name of the province Khorasan to its
chief town, Herat. Lahijan is described by Monteith as a “clean
and beautiful little town", much higher, and therefore healthier,
than Resht, the modern capital.—Journal R. G. S., vol. iii, 1833.
Uor M
III.
The thirde voyage into Persia, begun in the yeere
1565, by Richard Iohnson, Alexander Kitchin, and
Arthur Edwards.
A letter of Arthur Edwards to Master Thomas Nicols, Secretarie to
the worshipfull companie trading into Russia and other the
North parts, concerning the preparation of their
voyage into Persia,¹
Ieraslaue,
a towne
vpon the
Riuer of
Volga.
Richard
Iohnson,
chiefe of
the third
voyage into
Persia.
MASTER NICOLS, my bounden duetie remembred with desire of
God for the preseruation of you and yours: you shall vnderstande
that the second of March I was sent by Master Thomas Glouer
(your Agent) vnto Teraslaue, appointed to receiue such goods as
should come from Vologhda, as also such kinde of wares as should
be bought and sent from Mosco by your Agent and Master Edward
Clarke thought meete for your voyage of Persia. And further, I
was to prouide for biscuit, beere, beefe, and other victuals, and
things otherwayes needefull according to aduise. Thus I remained
here vntill the comming of your Agent, which was the 12. of May,
who taried here three dayes, to see vs set forwards on our voyage,
and then hee departed towardes Colmogro, hauing appointed (as
chiefe for your voyage of Persia) Richard Iohnson. For my part
I am willing, as also haue bene, and shall be content, to submit
my selfe vnder him whome the Agent shall appoint, although hee
were such a one as you shoulde thinke in some respects vnmeete.
Thirtie two packes of carseis are all of that kinde of cloth that wee
shall haue with vs. The other 18. packes that should haue gone
were solde in Mosco. What other goods are shipped for our voyage
you shall vnderstand by your Agents letters. Whereas Edward
Clarke (being an honest man) was appointed Agent for Persia, as
one of those parts more fit than any I doe knowe here, God hath
taken him vnto his mercie, who departed this present life the 16.
¹ Hakl., 1589, p. 376.
DOLW
APPENDIX.
383
30. tunnes
Ieraslaue,
passe the
seas.
of March last past. I wished of God for my part he had liued; for
my desire was in his companie to haue trauailed into Persia.
Your barke or craer made here for the riuer of Volga and the A barke of
Caspian sea is very litle, of the burthen of 30 tunnes at the made at
most.¹ It is handsomly made, after the English fashion; but I 1561, to
thinke it to litle for your goods and prouision of victuals. If the Caspian
worshipfull companie woulde sende hither a shipwright, being
skilfull to make one of the burden of 60. tunnes or more, drawing
but 6. foote water at the most when it is laden, I thinke it should
bee profitable. For if your owne goods would not lade the same,
here be Marchants that would bee glad and faine to giue great
fraight to lade their goods with vs, whereby your charges would
be much lessened: and so it may happen, the wages of your men
hired here may be saued, and your seruants and goods in farre
greater assurance; for their boates here are dangerous to saile
with and to passe the Caspian sea. There be carpenters here.
that will doe well ynough hauing one to instruct them.
Your wares bought here, and orders taken for those that goe
for your voyage of Persia, are yet vnknowen vnto me: wherefore
I can not (as I would at this present) write to you thereof. Yet
(as you doe knowe) it was the Gouernours minde I should be
acquainted with greater affaires then these. Howbeit, I doubt not
but I shalbe informed of them that are appointed, and al things
shall be bought when they shall see time and haue more leasure.
Thus (in hast, as appeareth) I commit you and yours into the
handes of Almightie God, who preserue you in perfect health with
increase of worship.
From Ieraslaue the 15. of May 1565.
By yours to commaunde here or els where during life,
ARTHUR EDWARDS.
1 Randolph says of this bark that it was 27 tons burden, and cost,
when rigged and ready for sea, not above 100 marks. Cf. ante, p. 246.
2 Cf. ante, p. 96, note.
IV.
An other letter of the said Master Arthur Edwards,
written the 26. of April 1566. in Shamakie, in Media, to the right
worshipfull Sir Thomas Lodge, knight and Alderman. And in
his absence to Master Thomas Nicols, Secretarie to the right
worshipfull companie trading into Russia, Persia, and
other the North and East parts, touching the suc-
cesse of Richard Iohnson in the thirde voyage
into Persia.1
They de-
parted from
Astracan
the 30. of
July 1565.
WORSHIPFULL Sir, my bounden duetie remembred, with heartie
prayer vnto God for the preseruation of you and yours in perfect
health with increase of worship. It may please you that my last
letter I sent you was from Astracan, the 26 of Iuly 1565. From
whence Richard Iohnson, myselfe, and Alexander Kitchin departed
as the 30. of the same. And by meanes of contrary windes, it was
the 23. of August before wee came to our desired porte, named
Nazanoe.2 There, after wee had gotten your goods on lande, with
much labour and strength of men, as also windlesses deuised and
made, wee haled your barke ouer a barre of beach or peeble stones
into a small Riuer, sending your shippes apparell with other
things to an house hired in a village thereby. And assoone as
September. wee might get camels, being the fift of September, wee departed
thence, and came to this towne of Shamakie the 11. of the same:
Presents to and the 17. day following wee presented vnto Abdollocan, the King
the King.
Obdolow-
can.
of this Countrey, one timber of sables, one tunne or nest of siluer
cuppes parsill gilt, three morses teeth, 4. arshines of skarlet, three
pieces of carseis, with 40. redde foxes.
He received our presents with giuing vs thankes for our good
wills, demaunding if Master Ienkinson were in good health, and
whether he would returne into these parts againe. Hee willed vs
¹ Hakl., 1589, pp. 377-379.
2 Nizovaya Pristan (i.e., the lower port) Nizabad, ante, p. 221.
APPENDIX.
385
A house
giuen
men in
in our
Shamakie
by the
also himselfe to sit downe before him the distance of a quoits
cast from his tent, where hee sate with diuers of his counsaile and
nobilitie, sending vs from his table such meate as was before him.
And after certaine talke had with vs, hee saide if hee might
perceiue or knowe any mauer of person to doe vs any wrong, hee
woulde punish them in example of others, whereby wee should liue
in quietnesse, and haue no cause to complaine, giuing vs a little
house for the time, vntill a better might be prouided in such place
as wee should thinke most meete, neuer willing vs to rise or
depart vntill such time as wee of our selues thought it conuenient. King.
At the taking of our leaue, he willed vs to put our whole mindes
and requests in writing, that hee might further vnderstand our
desires. But while we were about to doe so, God tooke this good king The death
our friende out of this present life, the 2. of October past. The want
of him hath bene the cause that as yet wee cannot receiue certaine
debts. Howbeit, we doubt not but wee shall recouer all such
summes of money as are owing vs for this voyage. As for Thomas
Alcocks debts, they are past hope of recouerie, which had not bene
lost if the king had liued. Wee trust, in the place of him, God
will sende as friendly a king towardes vs, who by report (and as
wee be credibly informed) shall be his sonne, named the Mursay,1 Mursay, the
newe King
who, since the death of his father, at our being with him, promised of Media.
to shewe vs more friendship then euer we found. God graunt the
same.
of Abdollo-
can the 2.
of October
1565,
Great troubles haue chaunced in these parts. Of those
which were of the olde kings counsaile, or bare any rule about him
in these quarters, some are in prison, some are pinched by the
purse, and others sent for vnto the Shaugh. These troubles haue
partly bene the let that wares were not solde, as they might, to
more profite. Your Agent, Richard Iohnson, bought foure horses,
minding to haue sent to Cashin, Alexander Kitchin, whome God The death
tooke to his mercie the 23. of October last; and before him ander
departed Richard Davis, one of your Mariners; whose soules I 23. of Octo-
trust the Lord hath receiued to his mercie. We are now destitute
of others to supply their roomes. Foure Mariners were fewe
¹ Mentioned by Jenkinson.-Cf. ante, p. 147.
of Alex-
Kitchin, the
ber 1565.
C C
386
APPENDIX.
The
Caspian
Sea very
shoald at
diuers
places.
The mur-
thering of
Thomas
Alcocks.
ynough to saile your barke whereof at this present we haue but
one, whose name is William Smith, an honest yong man, and one
that doeth good seruice here. For want and lacke of Mariners
that should knowe their labours, wee all were like to bee cast away
in a storme. For all the broad side of our barke laye in the water,
and wee bad much a doe to recouer it; but God of his mercie
deliuered vs. Mariners here may doe you good seruice all the
winter other wayes, and Marchants here will be the gladder
to shippe their goods in vs, giuing good fraight. One Marchant at
this present is content to pay twentie robles for twentie camels
lading fraight to Astracan. Such barkes as must passe these seas
may not drawe aboue fiue foote of water, because that in many
places are very shallowe waters. Wee minde hereafter to make
the Russian boates more strong, and they shall serue our turnes
very well.
And whereas some in times past tooke great paines, trauaile,
and care, and could not haue their desire in the getting of the
Shaughes letters or priuiledge, nowe, I trust (with Gods helpe),
they may bee obtained, which, being had, will be beneficiall to the
companie, and great quietnesse to those that shall remaine here,
although heretofore thinges haue chaunced ill, as the like in other
Countreis hath bene. But I doubt not, this priuiledge once gotten
and obtained, wee shall liue in quietnesse and rest, and shall shortly
growe into a great trade for silkes, both rawe and wrought, with
all kinde of spices and drugs, and other commodities here, as to
Master Anthonie Ienkinson is well knowen, who (I doubt not) hath
long agoe throughly aduertised the Companie thereof.¹
The trueth of the slaughter of Thomas Alcocks, your seruant, is
not certainly knowen. Some thinke it was by the meanes of
a noble man, with whome your saide seruant was earnest in
demaunding of your debts, vpon whose wordes he was so offended
that he procured his death. But other doe thinke verily that, in
riding from the Court without companie, false knaues laye in waite,
thinking hee had much about him, and so slewe him.2 I doubt not,
1 Cf. ante, p. 149.
2 A third cause is assigned for the death of Alcock, although,
apparently, without foundation.-Cf. ante, p. 216.
APPENDIX.
387
though this misfortune hath chaunced, that things shall come well
to passe, and that we shall be better beloued when wee shall be more
knowen.
Cozamo-
met, a
noble man
fauoured
Honest Marchants are glad of our being here, and seeke to growe
in acquaintance with vs, being glad to further vs in that they may,
and haue spoken in our fauours to the chiefest of this Countrey,
one being a noble man, with whome your Agent and I are entred into
friendship, who is at this time in great fauour with the Shaugh. Hee
hath here, and in other places of these parts, set a good stay in
things since the king's death; he is well knowen to Master Ienkin-
son; his name is Cozamomet.¹ Also another duke, named Ameddin-
becke,² is our great friende, and his sister is the Shaughe's wife. These that
two haue promised your Agent, by their lawe, not onely to procure our nation.
to get the Shaughes priuiledge, but also that I shall haue the
debts paide mee of those that went from hence to Casbin, if we
would send one with them. In consideration whereof, I was, vpon
short warning (for want of a better), appointed by your Agent
Master Richard Iohnson, all excuses layde apart, presently to put
my selfe in readinesse, and to depart in company with these noble-
men, with charge, when God should send me to Cashin, to vse my
discretion, with their aduise, for the recouering of your debts and
priuiledge. I shall haue with mee one interpretour and two
bought seruants, one of which partly vnderstandeth this tongue, and
may be put in trust, whatsoeuer should become of me. I haue
receiued 6. tumens in readie money: 200. shaughes is a tumen,3 of a tumen.
reckoning euery shaugh for 6. pence Russe. I haue further
receiued two timbers of sables, one to be solde, the other to bee
giuen to Thomas, the Shaugh; and haue order further to giue, as
I shall see good, to those that shall further my suite, and as
occasion serueth. And for as much as I am commaunded to goe, I
((
1 Cozamomet, probably Khodja Mahomet; Khoja being equivalent to
gentleman".
2 Ameddinbecke, probably Ahmed-uddin-bek.
3 Tumen or tomaun, containing 10 kerams or 200 shahis, worth
£3 2s. 6d. at the beginning of the eighteenth century, now only
9s. 3 d.-Statesman's Year Book.
+ I.e., Shah Tahmasp.
The value
Cc2
388
APPENDIX.
What a
batman is.
shall willingly doe my best, putting my trust in God that hee will
sende mee well to speede in this iourney.
For all kinde of wares bought or solde, you shall throughly be
aduertised by your Agent, Richard Iohnson, whose reckonings or
accompts at no hande I might see or be priuie vnto. Your
carseis were good and well sorted, they are and will be solde from
150. shaughs to 160. the piece. Two hundreth pieces were solde
vnder, that needed not one 100. pieces at 146. and 147. the piece,
but more would haue bene giuen if circumspection had bene vsed.
They were solde to those noblemen afore said, when as yet it was
not knowen that I should haue gone with them. They may stande
vs much in steade, as they haue promised vs their good wils in
that they may doe. Here is at this time bought for England 11.
packes of rawe silke, 25. and 26 batmans being in euery packe.
The batman being 7. li., which may be 6. li. and a halfe of English
waight, being bought here for 66. to 70. shaughes the batman. It
is fine and good: litle course at this time was to be had. And
where course silke might be had, being at Grousin,³ we could not
send thither, for that time was neglected at the first.
When wee
shall haue lidgers4 here to remaine in Sommer we may bye it at
the first hand of the Countrey people that bring it to sel hither,
and to other places. I would to God the companie coulde finde
the meanes to haue a vent to make sales for the one halfe that wee
may bye here. The Companie may haue for 30. or 40. thousande
pounds yeerely. And as appeareth by your Agents wordes, being
1 Cf. ante, p. 218.
2 The batman is a weight in general use among the inhabitants of
Azerbaijan. It varies in different parts of the country, and may
consist of 6 (cf. infra, p. 410), 7, 10, and even 25 lb. (See Kazem-
Beg, op. cit., p. 114.)
3 Grusia or Georgia; another instance of the name of the country
being applied to its chief town. (See ante, p. 381, note 2.)
4 Lidger or leiger, a resident or ambassador at a foreign court, also
a person stationed to wait on the service of another.
legatus.
(6
Now, gentlemen, imagine that young Cromwell's
In Antwerp, leiger for the English merchants."
From Lat.
(Lord Cromwell, Suppl. to Shak., ii, 385; Nares' Glossary.)
APPENDIX.
389
great marte
at Varas,¹ hee and others sawe there so great abundance, that by Varas, a
report of diuers you may bestowe (if it were not for the Turkes) for silke.
for a two hundred thousande pounds, besides silke of all colours
died in graine, bounde vp in pound waights, I thinke 15. of our
ounces to their pound waight, and here solde for 23. shaughes, at
6. d. the shaugh, may be 11. s. 6. pence.
dayes sayl-
From Astracan, in 7. or 8. dayes, wee may saile with our barke Gilan, 7.
to a place named Gilan," the which place in time to come (I ing from
thinke) shall serue our purpose best to goe vnto. Allam is there Alam.
Astracan.
dayes
good cheape, being brought from thence hither to Shamakie, and
solde here for 2. bists their batman, which may be 5. pence in our
money and so I haue bought to be sent home 223. batmans for
example. And at Gilan there is rawe silke ynough for the com-
panies stocke. I beleeue if any great store of wares be sent from
you, that must be the place; and from thence a man may trauaile
in 4. dayes to Cashin, and there make quicke and better sales, at Gilan, 4
which place your commodities are to be solde. For there be the from
chiefe and best marchants, and diuers other cities round about, to
wit, Teueris, Ardaoulle, and Cayshan, being the heart of the
Countrey, where there is more ciuilitie and marchants are better
vsed. Concerning this point I haue inquired of diuers marchants,
both Russes and others that haue bene in those parts, and found
them all agreeing in one tale, and perceiue the same to be true,
1 Arash. We have already a note on Arash (ante, p. 136). It may
here be remarked, however, that the city referred to by Jenkinson
and other Elizabethan travellers under the name of Arrash or Varas
was known as Ganja or Genja in ancient times, and in the eleventh
century was in the Armenian province of Artsakh (Arash). Ganja was
a place of great importance, and was considered by Shah Abbas the key
of the Persian position on the Caspian. It stood on the Ganja-chai, at
an elevation of 1449 feet. About the beginning of the present century
it was taken by the Russians, who named it Elizabethpol, after their
empress, Elizabeth. But since the conquest of Erivan and the
extension of the Russian frontier to the Araxes, it has lost much of
its importance, and is rapidly falling into decay.-Monteith, Notes on
Georgia, p. 14; Le Tour du Monde, 1869, p. 254; Semeonof, art.
Elizabethpol".
(6
2 Cf. ante, p. 381.
iourney
Casbin.
390
APPENDIX.
From
Casbin to
Ormus a
moneths
tranaile
with
camels
and that all kinde of wares come from thence into these parts.
And from Casbin to Ormus is about 30. dayes trauailing with
camels. I haue written the prices of wares in my letter to the
gouernour, both for spices and some drugs, which I doe know.
Also you shall vnderstand here is plentie of yew for bowstaues.¹
I caused three horse loades to be bought vs for to knowe the
trueth; but they were cut out of season this moneth of Aprill, the
sappe being in them. Three moneths I neuer left speaking to the
Countrey men to bring some. Your Agent will send some home
for example.
This day, being the 26. of April, I departed towards Casbin :
God giue mee a good houre and well to speede, with a meerie
heart in returning againe, as my hope is I shall. I haue written
my minde to Master Glouer, your Agent, what Russian wares I
thinke best to be bought for this Countrey, and to sende some one
hither that hath the Russe tongue, for we haue neede. And the
companie shall doe well hereafter in taking of seruants to be sent
hither, to see that they be such as haue discretion and be some-
thing broken in the world, and seene in the trade of Marchandise
and one (if they can get some such) as can speake the Portingall
tongue may doe them as good seruice as those that shall be here
two yeeres before him, for then we may bye a slaue that can speake
this language and the Portingal tongue also, which shall then in-
The secret terprete vnto vs in all your secret doings, not making the Russes
priuie, for they are sorie that we doe trade into these parts. For
wee are better beloued then they are: because they are giuen to
be drunkards, they are much hated of the people. It is to be
wished that none should serue your worships in these parts that
be giuen to that kinde of vice; and that your chiefe Agent and
Factor2 should be able to rule and gouerne himselfe, that no dis-
honestie should be imputed to him and vs. If he were honest he
doings of
the Mos-
couie Com-
panie.
1 The wood of the yew (Taxus baccata) was the best for bowstaves,
which were in great demand for English archers, and by a law of
Henry VIII, merchants were compelled to import good bowstaves in
proportion to their cargo.—Cf. Hamel, p. 159; Hakl., 1599, i, p. 300,
2 Referring to Richard Johnson, companion of Jenkinson in the
journey to Bokhara.— Cf. ante, p. 41.
APPENDIX
391
might doe your worships good seruice, because of his Russian
tongue.
:
of Venice
Your London reds are not to be sent hither, for they will not
giue aboue 18. shaughes their arshine. Here be reds of more
orient colour, being Venice die. The people are giuen much to Orient reds
weare cloth the common people specially were carseis, and the die.
Marchants of more wealth weare broad cloth. You shall doe well
to sende fiue or sixe broad clothes, some blackes, pukes, or other
sadde colours that may be affoarded at 20. shaughes the arshine
and not aboue. It is here reported that King Philip hath giuen
the Turkes a great ouerthrowe at Malta, and taken 70. or 80. of
his chiefe Captaines.'
Thus wishing I had more time to write, I pray you to beare with
this my scribled letter, and after you haue red it that Master
Nicols² may haue a sight thereof.
By your seruant to commaund,
ARTHUR EDwards.
Commodities to be caried out of England into Persia, with their
prices there.
1. Carseis are solde there for 180. shaughes, so that a carsey is
solde there in Persia for 4 li. 10. s. For euery shaugh is 6. d. A shaugh
English, and euery bist is 2. d. halfe penie English, and in Russe lish.
money 3. d.
¹ The rumour has evidently reference to the defeat of Solyman's
army before Malta in 1565. The heroic defence made by the Grand
Master, La Vallette, and the Knights of St. John at Jerusalem is one
of the most glorious events of the sixteenth century. Little credit,
however, is due to Philip, King of Spain, for this victory, for he
delayed sending reinforcements until the gallant defenders were
reduced to a mere handful; and had it not been for the enormous
losses of their besiegers, estimated at 25,000 of their picked soldiers,
Malta must have fallen. The arrival of the long-promised reinforce-
ments from Sicily raised the siege on the 8th September, and gave a
final and crushing defeat to the already disheartened Turks.—Porter's
Hist. of the Knights of Malta, pp. 427-78; Knolles, pp. 793-818.
2 Nicols was secretary to the Russia Company.—-Cf. ante, p. 384.
is 6d. Eng-
392
APPENDIX.
2. Tinne is solde in Persia for 14. and 18. shaughes the batman
-the batman contayning as I haue mentioned before.¹
3. Brasil is at 10. and 12. shaughes the batman.
4. Redde cloth, fine, at 25. and 30. shaughes the yard.
5. Copper at 20. and 25. shaughes the batman.
Commodities to be brought out of Persia for England.
1. Rawe silke at 60. shaughes the batman.
2. Peper² at 32. shaughes the batman.
3. Ginger at 18. and 20. shaughes the batman.
4. Nutmegs at 30. shaughes the batman.
5. Brimstone at 4. shaughs the great batman. The great bat-
man is 12. li. English.
6. Allam at 2. bists and a halfe the batman, and less.
7. Rice at halfe a bist the batman.
8. Galles at halfe a bist the batman.
9. Cloues at 40 shaughes the batman.
10. Yew for bowe staues, at³
1 6 lb. Eng.-Cf. ante, p. 388.
2 Pepper was produced in Ghilan in Gmelin's time.-Hist. des
Découvertes, ii, 348.
3 Blank in Hakluyt.
V.
A letter of Master Arthur Edwards, written the 8.
of August 1566. from the towne of Shamakie in Media, to the
right worshipfull the Gouernours, Consuls, assistants, and
generalitie of the companie of Russia, &c., Shewing his
accesse vnto the Emperour of Persia, his conference
with him, his obteining of a priuiledge: with
diuers other good obseruations.¹
at Casbin
May.
RIGHT worshipfull (sirs), my bounden duetie remembred, with most
humble commendations, and like request to God for the preserua-
tion of your good healthes, with the rest of the companie, &c. It
may please you to vnderstand that the last letter which I sent
you from hence was of the 26. of Aprill of this present yeere, by
Richard Iohnson, at my departure towards Casbin, to which Citie His arriuall
I came the 25. of May following, not slacking any day, houre, nor the 25. of
moment to procure and make friends for the speedie bringing me
before the presence of the Shaugh, being the 29. day of the same
moneth brought before him, with whose Maiestie I was in talke
(as I thinke) two houres. He willed me twise to come neerer him,
demaunding what were my requests; and hauing heard them, he
promised me his gratious letters. Afterwardes he called me twise Conference
againe to come neerer him, and talked with me of our Queenes mands of
Maiestie and Countrey, and what commodities we had, and Shaugh.
what other commodities we desired. And then of other Coun-
treis adioyning to vs, and their commodities; as also of King
Philip, what ouerthrow he gaue the Turkes at the siege of
Malta,² and how long we had traded into Russeland and Mos-
couia, and in what space wee might saile out of England into
Russeland, and how many weekes trauaile it is from Colmogro to
¹ Hakl., 1589, pp. 380-384.
2 Cf. ante, p. 391.
and de-
the
394
APPENDIX.
Astracan; and then came to discourse of Russeland, and what
townes the Emperour had wonne, declaring vnto me himselfe most
of our commodities. In the end he willed that your worships
All sorts of should send him of all sorts of clothes, but of one especially,
sent, speci- which maydens doe make (as he said). He named it Karengi, I
erne dosens thinke it is Westerne dosens died into Scarlets. Time will not
cloth to be
ally West-
died into
scarlet.
London
clothes
much
talked of
in Persia,
Much
Venice
cloth,
worne
in Persia.
permit mee to write at large the conference which I had with his
Maiestie. It was strange to his people (knowing our religion) to
see mee so long in talke with him, willing his Secretarie before
mee to write what he was desirous of, to wit, of London clothes,
three or foure of all sorts for example, being wel shorne and drest.
Violets in graine and fine reds be most worne, but other good
colours will away when they shall see them. I wore a garment of
London russet, being much esteemed. You shall doe well to send
such sorts as be liuely to the sight, and some blackes for womens
garments, with some orenge colours and tawneis. Here is much
broad cloth worne. They talke much of London clothes, and they
that knowe the wearing are desirous of them before the cloth of
the womens making, for they finde it nothing durable, for when
it commeth to weare on the threede it renteth like paper. Here
is much Venice cloth worne, being cromplisted2 a yard and a halfe
broad, and solde here from 24. to 30. shaughes their arshine, being
longer by two intches then the Russe arshine. I wish also that
you send some good chamlets³ and veluets died in graine, with
purple colours and fine reds, because these are most worne. Also
some blacks with other colours, some cloth of gold, tissue, and
botky, some veluets wrought with gold, with sattens and damaskes,
most purple, and reds of all sorts. You may not forget to send
some Western carseis, to wit, dosens, which bee thicked well, and
4
1 According to the table of distances given in Hakluyt (1589 ed.,
p. 386), it took forty-six days and nights to travel from Kholmogori
to Astrakhan, via Vologhda and Yaroslavl, then down the Volga, a
distance of 3,880 versts (2,586 miles).
2 Cromplisted. Crumpled (?), i.e., folded.
3 Chamlets, i.c., camlots, a mixture of silk and hair or wool and silk.
4 Botky, i.e., bodkin, corruption of O. Fr. baudeguin, cloth made of
silk and gold thread.
APPENDIX.
395
close shutte in the weauing, being died into fine reds and some
skarlets, for I thinke there is no such cloth for their cappes.
admission
Shaughes
presence,
the 29 of
June 1568,
at which
time he re-
Your Worships shall vnderstand that, after my first departure
from the presence of the Prince, I neglected no time in daily
attendance on them who had my priuiledge in writing, that I
might haue it in readines at such time as I should againe be
called before the presence of the Shaugh, which was the 29. of
June last. I was in apparell that he gaue vnto me, with other
garments to mine Interpretour, and one of your seruants; and
then I receaued your letter, or priuiledge, according to my desire, The second
sealed and firmed with the Shaughes owne hand. Praised be to the
God, who hath wrought with me, and for me, in all my doings.
The 29. of Iune is one of their chiefe festiuall daies, so that all
his Nobilitie was there present, with two Ambassadors in companie ceaued the
with his Maiestie, who said vnto me, that if my letters were not
to my minde, in time to come they should be mended. Wherupon Shaughs
I made my reuerence, and gaue his Highnes most humble and increase
hartie thankes, saying, that with as much speede as might be, our ledge.
Queenes Maiestie should vnderstand of his goodnes towards her
Marchants, which I thought would write their letters of request
vnto his Highnes, in such forme and order as by them should be
thought meete and requisite for their good assurance in the trade
of marchandizes; who replied with these wordes: when we shall
see their reasonable requests we will shewe them our farther good
will. And so I departed.
Since the receauing of the Shaughes letters I haue eaten in com-
panie of good Dukes, and others, who before would not come
neere me. And every day some would come to my shoppe and
eate and drinke with me out of mine owne dishe. Likewise, in
riding from Casbin hither on the way, when I sate downe to
dinner they would come and eate with me vnbidden, when I
wished them further off, for I spared them that which gladly I
would haue eaten my selfe. I doubt not but we shall liue here
from hence foorth in quietnes, for now in all places where I come
I am friendly vsed with the best.
I was asked by the Shaugh if you were able to bring him yeerely
one hundred thousand peeces of kersies and clothes, and I
priuiledge.
The
promise to
the priui-
396
APPENDIX.
Aleppo, a
city of great
trade.
barter with
tians.
answered him, saying your Worships were able to furnish his
countrey with two hundred thousand. Whereat his Highnes re-
ioyced, for the Turkes Ambassador the last yeere, as dinerse haue
tolde me, did put the Shaugh in despaire, saying that the Turke
would not permit any cloth to be brought into his Countrey.
1
There is a Citie in Turkie named Aleppo, wherein continually
are many Venetians dwelling, besides other that come yeerely, and
there buy wools, gals, tallow, saffron, skinnes, cotton wooll, and
Armenians other wares, and great store of spices. Also the Armenians yeerely
the Vene- receaue at the Venetians hands kersies in barter for rawe silkes,
giuing sometimes 60. peeces of kersies for 70. batmans of silke of
this countrey, and 40. peeces for Grousine² silke. And kersies
solde commonly for ready monie in Aleppo at 11. and 12. duckets
the peece (the ducket being here woorth 12. shillings), may cost
the first peny 132. and 144. shaughes a kersie. By report it is
one moneths trauell from this towne of Shamakye to Aleppo, and
from thence to Tripolis sixe daies iourney, and from Tripolis to
Venice, by water, a moneths or fiue weekes sailing. As I learne,
from hence to Venice may easily be trauelled in lesse then three
moneths. Therefore, I wish your Worships to procure some trustie
and assured friend there, to whome, from hence, letters may be
sent. For I can haue them here to put in suerties to deliuer my
letters and to bring answere. If I had any other here with mee
I woulde nothing haue doubted to haue brought you the Shaughs
letters that way.
The dis-
tance from
Shamaky
to Aleppo.
Armenians
and other
desirous toi
barter silke
The Armenians and other are desirous to barter with vs, giuing
silke for kersies, and also will serue vs of all kind of spices, we
and spices giuing them sufficient warning to fetch it in the Indias, and will
deliuer it vs in Shamakye at these prices :
for kersies.
Pepper: this townes batman for 18. shaughes; every shaugh is
sixe pence.
1 Jenkinson was at Aleppo as early as 1553, and in the privileges
granted to him by Sultan Solyman the Venetians are mentioned
(cf. ante, p. 5); but d'Alessandri (1571) found the traffic through
Aleppo had suffered much from war, and commerce took the route
through Constantinople (Venetians in Persia, p. 225).
2 I.e., Georgian.
APPENDIX.
397
Maces, large, for 40. shaughes, and 45. the batman.
Cloues for 40. shaughes the batman.
Nutmegs for 16. and 18. shaughes the batman.
Sinoman [cinnamon] for 40. shaughes the batman.
I doubt not but there will be profite and good done in spices,
with drugges and other like, in time.
From Casbin to Ormus is sixe weekes trauell, and from hence to
Casbin is 16. daies with camels laden; but if one trauell with a
good Mule vnladen, it may be gone in seuen or eight daies. And I
thinke to Ormus, and other places, may be trauelled in like order
and proportion with cattell vnladen. But here in all places
as men trauell, they must carry their owne prouision on horses,
which they are to buy ; and thus they trauell but a foote pase.
desirous to
bargaine
for our com-
modities.
The Shaugh himselfe is desirous to bargaine with you, who will The Shaugh
giue monie, silke, and other wares as we will, and take our wares
as we may affoord them, willing me himselfe to bring such wares
as we might gaine by him. The Armenians by report, and as I
perceaue, bring from Aleppo yeerely foure, fiue, and sixe thousand
peeces of kersies and clothes, besides those which other men
bringe. If your Worships might procure and finde vent or sales
for rawe silke, and silke died in graine, besides other silkes wrought
and made here, by which profite may be made, then you might
sende a great substance of wares hither. But I feare you shall
be hindred by the Venetians, if they may; for I knowe it will
grieue them, that you doe trade into these partes. For in short
time it shall cleane alter their trade, and hinder the sales of their
clothes in Aleppo, and other places adioyning. You shall vuder-
stand that 60. batmans of silke is a Mules lading; and as it is
reported, one village of the Armenians yeerely carrieth 400.
and 500. Mules lading of silke to Aleppo, and bringeth thence
800. or a thousand Mules laden with kersies and Venice clothes.
And 18. peeces of kersies are a Mules lading. But I wish you
not to sende aboue 2000. peeces of kersies, although I haue bene 2000 pecces
willed to write for more. If I might haue had any vnderstanding be sent into
what your Worships had written for in your letters sent this
yeere, I should in this my letter haue bene better able to haue
answered you.
They which be now in Astracan might haue
of kersies to
Persia.
398
APPENDIX.
He de-
parted from
Cashin the
15. of Iuly.
Richard
Iohnsons
great negli
gence.
written some thing vnto me hither, if it had pleased them, or else
haue sent me such letters of mine, as I hope some of my friendes
haue written to me; for here are arriued 8. weekes past, two boates
with wares and Russes, by whome they might haue written, had
it bene but 3. or 4. lines. They promised the Russes to write, but
promise was not kept. I would be sorie that any boate should
depart out of these parts, and not write vnto them, saying how
all things stande. I heare they haue bought a boate, which cost
40. robbles, and shipped certaine wares to come hither. God send
them in safetie. I doe tary their comming, or els I had thought
to haue come to Astracan in those boates which departed hence
lately.
The fifteenth of Inly last I departed from Casbin, and came to
this Towne the 29. of the same. And the fourth of August I
founde meanes to arrest the falsest knaue in this Countrey, to
wit, the Customer for 22. tumens and 100. shaughes (200.
shaughes is a tumen). I haue caused him to put in suerties for
his foorth comming at all times. What end I shall haue with
him God knoweth. The debt wil be recouered, but not yet, for
he must pay the Shaugh 1000. robbles. These parts as yet are
in no stay, for lacke of a Gouernour or head to rule, which I thinke
shall be the Mursey.1
Within 5, or 6. daies we shal know, for it is time, because men
are in feare to trauell for being robbed. If there were a prince
placed, I should soone get in your debts, for they dare not dis-
obey the Shaughes letters or priuiledge: wherein he hath not
onely written that our debts shal be paid, but also that we shall
be taken heede to, so as we need not to doubt, God willing, in
time to come, to be here as wel vsed as we are in Russeland. The
bils of debts that Richard Iohnson left with me had neither the
parties name nor summe of money in two of them, and in other
bils but his owne name. If I had not vsed discretion, in causing
to be written in our priuiledge, that such debts as are owing
should be paide any of vs in the absence of the other, some men
would not haue paid one penny, but onely to Richard Iohnson,
1 Cf. ante, pp. 141, 147, 385.
APPENDIX.
399
was Arthur
friend to
our the Shaugh.
who hath written but his owne name onely in the bils. I receaned
in Casbin of Forackan, in part of 29. tumens, 300. shaughes in
money; the rest he will deliuer me here in silke: and this is all
that I haue receaued to this day. And as for Hawrambecks
twelue tumens, I make accompt that if I could ride to speake
with him, I should be paid in money and wares. Touching
Ackones money, by means of Duke Amedenbeck,¹ who first owed
the debt, because they meant not to pay a penny, he did rather
seeke to hinder my sute then to farther mee; but I founde out a
present remedie, for God sent me friendes that were alwaies
about the Shaugh and daily put on his apparell, who opened all
my sute and brought me to the presence of the Shaugh before
that Cosomomet² sawe the Shaughes eies. But Cosomomet in the Cosomomet
ende was my friende; for he was sent for, and declared vnto the Edwards
Shaugh what good Marchants we were, vsing trueth in all
doings, and howe wee were in great fauour with the Emperour of
Russia, and what good commodities we might bring into his
Countrey, with other talke. And daily he was sent for to the
Shaugh about the affaires in those partes; for no man was able
to aduise the Shaugh of the State and affaires of those Countries
so much as he was. He owed your Worships seuen tumens and
48. shaughes, which was not all this time to be gotten at his
hands, for he was at great charges in riding to Casbin, and giuing
great guifts since his comming, which he twice declared vnto mee.
I, feeling his griefe, became Phisicion to ease his paine, and for-
gaue him his debt abouesaide in recompence of tenne peeces of
kersies that were promised him by Richard Iohnson and mee, to
giue him at the comming of our goods, in consideration that hee
shoulde with speede doe what laye in him to dispatche mee away;
for I perceaued he procured other that did helpe me in my sute to
delay me of till time he had his purpose. I neuer was in quiet till
I had the Princes priuiledge and had got me out of Casbin, for
victuals and all other things are very deere there, because they are Victuals
brought thither from far off. As for all other small debts (which things deere
may be about 7. tumens) when our Marchants are come hither we
shal seeke to get them in as we may.
1 Cf. ante, p. 387.
2 Ibid.
and al
at Casbin.
400
APPENDIX.
I wish your Worships to send some bollion to be coined
here; it will please the prince there, and be profitable to you.
Silke is better cheape by 2. and 3. shaughes the batman then
it was the last yeere. You shal vnderstand that I haue written
2. letters of all my proceedings, which I sent from Cashin long
since, to wit, the 24. and 29. of Iune last, by one of your
seruants to Gilan, there to take ship and to goe to Astracan,
and to deliuer the same vnto your factors, which might haue
bene to their quietnes and mine long ago. But I am right
sorie to heare since my comming hither that he hath plaied the
loitering marchant in Gilan, not going in those boates that went
first, but taried for the last boates. But I will teach him to the
example of other how he shal make haste hereafter in such affaires.
The kersies which you sent last, being bought of Master Quarles,
The ambas- were good and full lengths, and well sorted. The Princes Ambas-
sador of Gilan was in Casbin at my being there. I hope in God.
if I remaine here and may go to Gilan to obtaine for your Worships
the like priuiledge at the kings hand there also. For I haue
something moued the matter, being put in such comfort that I
doubt not the getting thereof with small charges, which I had
done at this time if I had other here with me to put in trust; for
from Cashin to Gilan is but 5. daies riding, which countrey may
riding from be profitable to your Worships. There is, in that Prouince, good
sador of the
prince of
Gilan.
Gilan but
fiue daies
Casbin.
Gals.
Graine.
store of silke, better cheape and better in goodnes then this
Countrey silke is; also great store of Allam being there sold, this
townes batman for one bist and a halfe. I haue made reckoning,
al charges borne from hence to Colmogro & from thence fraight
into England, at three pounds the tunne, all charges accompted,
will not stand you in aboue 18. and 20. shillings the hundreth.
You may haue yeerely by report two or three hundred tunnes
lading. Other commodities there for England I heare not of. As
for gals¹ here to be bought, there is no profit to be done by them.
They be brought from Aleppo, and sold here vnder 3. or 4. shaughs
their batman, being sixe pounds English weight. Graine that
you dye scarlet withall is worth the batman, ready money, 200.
1 Gall-nuts used in dyeing, and for making writing ink; also valu-
able for the acid extracted from them.
APPENDIX.
401
shanghes; reckoning the shaugh for 6. pence Russe, it may be 6.
robbles their batman. Your Worships may send some portion of
money, if you may buy, as I thinke you may, for 12. and 13.
shillings a pound, the berries, so you shall gaine both in the price
and waight. If one Englishman more had bene here with me, to
whom I might haue deliuered our bils of debts and other things
whatsoeuer should haue chaunced of me, I would then haue be-
come seruant to my Interpreter, and so haue gone to Ormus and Ormus.
Aleppo, which both ioyne on the borders of this countrey, being Aleppo.
the chiefe mart Townes whereunto from all places Marchants
resort. And thus would I haue speut 4. or 5. moneths in trauel-
ling for farther knowledge of things for to haue certified your
Worship[s] of.
I hope in God to vse things in such order that yeerely
you shall haue returne of your goods from hence, as you haue
foorth of Russeland, and in those shippes. For if we may, as
I doubt not with diligence, prouide to make sales in time and
with speede receaue silke at the Shaughes hand and other mens, that
it may be sent from hence to be in Astracan at the beginning of
Aprill, from whence it may be sent to Colmogro in three moneths
and lesse, and there to be ready with the rest of your goods by
the ende of Iune for your shippes to receaue; that will be time
inough. This I doubt not to bring to passe within a yeere or two,
when we are throughly settled in these parts and better knowen.
Anthony
offer to the
Moreouer, you shall vnderstand that at my last being in the
presence of the Shaugh, it was said to me that Master Anthonie
Ienkinson did proffer to take all the rawe silke in those parties, Master
deliuering cloth and other commodities for the same. I assure Ienkinsons
you there is in those parts to be had three or fowre thousand Persian.
horses lading, every horse loade being 50 or 60 batmaus, beside
silke of Grosine. Great aboundance of silke at times is sent out
of these parts, to wit, 4. or 5. hundred horse loades at a time, by
the Turkes, who bring great store of siluer to be coyned, to wit,
Dollars at ten shaughes the peece. The Hungarie Ducket is at 12.
shaughs. And hauing monie in readines at the time of the yeere,
they buy silke the better cheape, when the countrey men bring it
first to be solde. If your worships may bargaine with the Vene-
D D
402
APPENDIX.
Master An-
thony len-
mended.
tians to take silke at your hands or otherwise deale with them, I
do not mistrust but to haue at yº Shaughs hand sixe batmans of
silke for two peeces and a halfe of kersies. Your good aduice
herein, and in other matters, I trust you will write with con-
uenient speede.
Master Anthony Ienkinson hath deserued great commenda-
kinson com- tion at all your worships hands; for the good report of his
well and wise doings in those parts was oftentimes a comfort
to me to heare thereof, and some good helpe to me in my proceed-
ings. To this day I never heard from any of our marchants.
God grant me in health to see your worships, for I haue had a
carefull trauell, with many a sorrowful day and vnquiet sleepes.
Neither had I the companie of one English person to whome
sometimes I might haue eased my pensiue heart, as God well
knoweth, who hath deliuered me from mine enemies.
Almighty God grant you in health and wealth long to liue,
Your humble seruant at commandement during life,
Thus
ARTHUR EDWARDS.
{
VI.
Another letter of Arthur Edwards, written in Astra-
can, the 16 of June 1567, at his returne in his first voyage out
of Persia, to the right worshipfull companie trading into
Russia, Persia, and other the North and North-
east partes.¹
Shaughs
the Mos-
Ir may please your Worships that herein I haue written not onely The
certaine articles of your priuiledge, but also the Gouernours letters to
names, with the Consuls, Assistants and generallitie, also such couie
Company.
commodities as the Prince or Emperour of the Countrey hath
written in one of his letters directed to your Worships, to be sent
him with other notes, which I thought good to be remembred,
as may appeare hereafter following. Your priuiledge is written,
granted, and giuen in the names of these sixe persons following, to
wit: Sir William Garrard, Sir William Chester, gouernours; Sir
Thomas Lodge, Master Anthony Ienkinson, Master Thomas Nichols,
and Arthur Edwards.
1. It is granted that you shall pay no manner of Customes or
tolles any kind of wayes now, nor in time comming vnto his heires
after him; and that all English marchants, such as you shall ap-
point nowe and hereafter, shall and may passe and repasse into all
places of his dominions and other Countreyes adioyning in the trade
of marchandise, to buy and sell all manner of commodities, with
all manner of persons.
2. Item, that in all places where any of our Marchants shall haue
their resort or abiding, his chiefe Gouernours, Rulers, and Iustices
shall take heede vnto vs, being our aide and defence against
all euill persons, punishing those that shall doe vs any wrong.
3. Item, that for all such debts as shall be owing by any manner
of person, iustice shall be done on the partie, and we paid at the
day.
1 Hakl, 1589, pp. 384, 385.
DD 2
404
APPENDIX.
4. Item, that no manner of person, of whatsoeuer estate or degree
they be of, shall be so hardie as to take any kind of wares, or any
guifts, without any leaue and good will.
5. Item, if by chance medley any of our Marchants or seruants,
as God forbid, should kill any of his subiects, that no part of your
goods shall be touched or medled withall, neither any partie but
the offendour, and true iustice to be ministred; and being any
of vs, not to suffer without the Princes knowledge and aduise.
6. Item, that all such debts as are nowe owing, or hereafter shall
be, are to be paide vnto any of vs, in the absence of the other, be
the partie dead or aliue.
7. Item, that no person returne any kinde of wares backe againe
being once bought or solde.
8. Item, that when God shall send your goods to shoare, pre-
sently his people shall helpe vs a land with them.
These articles before written,¹ I trust in God will content your
mindes vntill farther letters be hitherto written vnto the Prince,
who, I am assured, will grant your farther reasonable requests,
which his Maiestie hath promised. For I moued the question, de-
claring vnto him that I thought your worships would write your
letters of requests to crane his farther good will as should be thought
meete for your better assurance in the trade of marchandize. You
will hardly beleeue what long and gratious talke he had with me,
which I assure you continued two houres, which was strange vnto
the people and other Marchant strangers.
For betwixt every
question that his Maiestie moued, when I had answered him he
would talke with his Nobles, and other his seruants hauing some
knowledge of our Westerne partes and commodities, and then
againe would demand other questions. He caused his Secretarie
to write the articles before named in al of his foure letters ginen
me (whereof two, as I required, are in the Turkish tongue, to be
sent you). On the backe side of one he hath written what wares
his Maiestie would haue you to sende him.
He helde me one
houre within night before I departed from him.
D
1 Eden ascribes the foregoing privileges to Jenkinson, and says that
he sent them from Mosco to the company of merchants. Cf. Hist. of
Trauaile (Lond., 1577), p. 332; ante, p. 155.
APPENDIX.
405
THESE BE THE NAMES OF THE WARE OR COMMODITIES WHICH, ON THE
BACKE SIDE OF ONE OF HIS LETTERS, THE SHAUGH HATH WRITTEN
TO YOU TO BE SENT HIM.
First, some clothe of golde, with cloth of tyssue and cloth of
bocky' as Veluets wrought with golde.
worne.
Item, good veluets, to wit, cramosins, purples, reds, greenes, and
blackes. These colours his Maiestie requireth, for they are most
And though there be some of these wares made in his
Citie of Casbin, yet nothing like in goodnes to those that you may
procure for him.
Small profite, I thinke, will be in these wares ;
yet for diuers considerations, as also to satisfie the Princes minde,
I wish you to send some, and those that be especiall good.
Item, good damasks and satins of all sortes, with an hundred
peeces of good chamlets, which are worth here 80. shaughes the
peece, at sixe pence the shaugh, and those silkes to be of those
colours aboue written, to wit, cremosins, purples, reds, greenes,
blackes, with some light watchet colours.
Item, three or foure complete harnesses that will abide the shot
of a handgunne, with tenne or twelue targets of steele, being good.
Item, ten or twelue good shirts of male, being very good, or
else none, that may abide the shot of an arrowe, and two buffe
ierkins.
Item, ten or twelue peeces of Westerne Kersies, being thickers
well and close shut in the weauing, and died into scarlets and
fine reds. I thinke there will be no such cloth for Noblemens caps.
The Prince named them Karangies, saying that maidens did By the word
make them, and is desirous of them.
Karangies,
I thinke
they meane
Item, sixe peeces of fine Holland cloth for the Prince, with Karsies.
some other for Noblemen, of a lower price.
Item, twenty handguns, being good, some of them with sixe
lockes, and also sixe good dags" with lockes to trauell withall.
1 I.e., bodkin.-Cf. ante, p. 394.
2 I.e., camlots.-Cf. ante, p. 394.
3 A sort of pistol.
406
APPENDIX.
Item, 100. brushes for garments (none made of swines hair), for
guifts, and otherwise to be solde.
Item, sixe stone bowes' that shoote lead pellets.
Item, a mill to grinde corne in the field as they goe, finely
deuised; for Cozomomet2 willed me to write for one to be sent, to
giue the Prince.
Item, the Prince requireth of all sortes and colours of London
clothes. I wish you to send no lesse then 40. or 50., for I knowe
they will be solde to profite, especially such cloth as may be
affoorded for 20. shaughes the arshine, which is longer by two
of nine ynches then Russia arshine is. Let there be fine scarlets,
violets in graine, fine reds, blackes, browne blewes, foure or fiue of
euery sort for the Prince and other Lordes; the rest of other
colours liuely to the sight, as London russets, tawnies, Lion colours,
good liuely greenes, with other as you shall thinke good. For the
Prince desireth to see of all sortes, which will be an occasion
that the Venetians and Turkes shall be in lesse estimation then
they are, for they themselues doe feare and secretly say the same.
And truely the Princes subiects intend to enter into trade with
vs for spices and other commodities that they were woont to sell
vnto the Venetians and Turkes.
Thus I committe you all to God, who send you health with
increase of Worship. Written at Astracan the 16. of June 1567,
66
By your seruant during life to command,
ARTHUR EDWARDS.
¹ Stone bowes, i.e., cross-bows for shooting stones, etc.-Cf. Shake-
peare: O for a stone-bow, to hit him in the eye".-Twelfth Night,
act 5, sc. 2.
? Cf. ante, p. 387.
VII.
The fourth voyage into Persia made by M. Arthur
Edwards, agent, John Sparke, Laurence Chapman, Christopher
Faucet, and Richard Pingle, in the yeere 1568; declared in
this letter written from Casbin, in Persia, by the fore-
sayd Laurence Chapman to a worshipfull mer-
chant of the companie of Russia, in
London.
Anno Domini 1569. Aprill 28.¹
arriual at
14. of
1568.
WORSHIPFULL Sir, my dutie alwayes remembred, and your pros-
perous health and good successe in all your affayres wished, to
the glory of God and your owne hearts, &c. May it please you to
vnderstand that your Agent, Master Arthur Edwards, & we departed
from Yeraslaue in July 1568, & the 14 of August arriued at our Their
port called Bilbil² with your ship, The Grace of God, & the goods in Bilbill the
her in good safetie, God be thanked for it, finding there neither August
ye people so ready to ayd vs for the bringing of her in & vnlading
of the goods, nor yet so obedient to the Shaughs priuilege, as the
worshipfull companie haue beene informed. Our goods brought
vpon land, we were compelled to open and sell as they would set
the price, or otherwise it would haue bene worse for vs. Being so
satisfied to theyr contentment, we were speedily ayded with camels
by the prince Erasbecke Sultan, his appoyntment to carry our goods
¹ Hakl., 1589, pp. 413-16.
3
2 Bilbill, at the mouth of a small river discharging into the Caspian,
near Shabran, in N. Lat. 41° 20′.—Cf. Fr. map.
3 Cf. ante, p. 404.
4 This "prince" is probably identical with Ares Khan, Khan of
Shirvan, who fought courageously against Osman Pasha and the
Turks in 1578-9, though the title of Sultan given him in the text
shows that he held at this time an inferior grade, viz., that of com-
mander of a legion, the title of Khan being given in Persia to
governors of provinces.-Cf. infra, p. 426; Nouv. Journal Asiatique,
2 ser., vol. xii, 1833, p. 373; Sir Thos. Herbert's Travels, p. 121.
Prince
Erasbecke.
408
APPENDIX.
to Shamakie, to which place we attayned the first of September,
finding it so thoroughly furnished with all maner of commodities,
by occasion of our late comming, and by such as came before vs,
that no man would aske to buy any one piece of karsie of vs. And
lying then the space of one whole moneth before your Agent,
Arthur Edwards, would disperse vs abroad with the goods, such as
came out of Russia afterwardes had brought theyr goods to that
and other places and spoyled those sales we might haue made,
being sent abroad in time conuenient, being no little hinderance
to the worshipfull, as also great griefe vnto vs to see. To conclude,
through our dayly calling vpon him, he bent himselfe for Cashin,
taking with him the greatest summe of the goodes and two of the
worshipfuls seruants, to witte, Iohn Sparkel and my selfe, to
helpe and procure the better sale for the same; and leauing at
Christopher Shamakie, Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle, with three
Richard hundred and fiftie pieces of karsies in theyr hands, supposed to be
solde there or in Arrash before he should be able to make his
returne from Casbin, which so farre forth as I can vnderstand lie
for the greatest part vnsolde. And being vpon our way at a
certayne towne called Ardowill, we chanced to barter nine pieces
of karsies with those merchants for fourescore and foure batemans
of cynnamon, selling the karsies at one hundred and fiftie shaughs
the piece.
Faucet and
Pingle.
And being at that present not farre from Teueris [Tabriz],2
called the principall place in this countrey for vttering of cloth or
karsies, by much intreaty I persuaded your Agent to send thither
to proue what might be done; and receiuing from him foure and
fiftie pieces of karsies, as also his commission for sale of the same,
I proceeded on that voyage my selfe and one Tolmach in company
with me, finding in that place great store of broade cloth and
1 Companion of Southam in the voyage to Novgorod, ante, pp.
190, 266, 340.
2 Tabriz was the principal seat of commerce in Persia, and sup-
plied nearly all the northern and midland countries with the produce
and manufactures of Europe, conveyed to it chiefly from the Black
Sea. Cf. Schiltberger's Travels (Hakl. Soc.), p. 44, and note, ibid.,
p. 155.
APPENDIX.
409
karsies brought thither, some part by the Turkes, who be resident
there, some by the Armenians, who fetch them at Aleppo, and
some by the townesmen, who trauell vnto Venice, and there buy
them, so that no man offred me one penie more then a hundred
and forty shawghs for a karsie; and hauing speciall commission
and charge from your Agent not to stay there aboue the space of
seuen days after my arriuall there, but to repayre to Casbin with
all speed, and furthermore hauing regard to keepe vp the price of
the worshipfuls commodities according to theyr desire, I found
meanes to barter them away for spices, such as were there to be
had, neither in goodnesse nor yet in price to my content; never-
thelesse, considering the colde sales which were there, as well for
your karsies, as also the hot newes that Ormuz way was shut vp War against
by occasion that the Indians do warre against them, which is true gals at
in deed, and, againe, the desire that the worshipfull hath to haue
such commodities bought, I thought it necessarie to buy them,
the prices and weight whereof appeareth at large by my account sent
to the worshipfull, and is, as I thinke, the whole summe of spices
bought at this time.
1
the Portin-
Orinus.
gouernor of
merchant.
It chanced me in that place to meet with the gouernours
merchant of Grozyne,2 who was not a little desirous to bargen with The
me for a hundred pieces of karsies for his master, called Leuontie, Grozine, his
and offering me so good bands [bonds] for the payment of the
money, or silke, to the merchants contentment, vpon the deliuery
of them, as in any place within all this countrey is to be had;
and offering me besides his owne letter in the behalfe of his
maister, that no custome should be demanded for the same, and
the obtaining also at his maisters hand as large a priuilege for
the worshipfull to trauell into all parts of his dominion, as the
Shaugh had giuen them. And hearing good report made of him
by the Armenians, also, and that he was a Christian, I was much
more the willing to bargen with him, and solde him a hundred
pieces for a hundred and three score shawghs a piece, to be payd
1 Thomas Bannister, writing to Cecil in 1571, mentions that the
Portuguese had great wars for three years past with the Queen of
Malabar, and other Princes of India.—Cal. S. P., E. Ind., 1571, p. 9.
2 Grusia, or Georgia.
410
APPENDIX.
to the merchant in Grosine, either in money or silke to his con-
tentment, within three dayes after the deliuerie of the karsies
there, hauing a band [bond] of him made by the Metropolitanes
owne hand for the performance of the same, which is as sure as
any heere is to be deuised; and vpon the same I sent my Tol-
mach from me backe to Shamakie with such goodes as I bought at
Teueris, and to the end he might cause the worshipfuls seruants
there to see this bargen accomplished. At whose arriuall there,
as I do perceiue, the captaine would not accomplish his bargen
to take them, but sayth he hath no need of them. Such is
The gener- the constancie of all men in this countrey, with whomsoeuer
you shall bargen. If the ware be bought and they doe mislike
chants and it afterwardes, they will bring it againe and compell you to
those parts. deliuer the money for it againe, regarding the Shawghs letters,
which manifesteth the contrary, as a straw in the winde; by
meanes whereof the worshipfull may know whether all be true
that hath beene written of this countrey people or not.
all incon-
stancy in
the mer-
dealers of
I am informed by all the brokers in Teueris that the way once
open to Ormuz, from whence commeth no such store of spices as
the worshipfull dothe looke for, that heere will be put away in
Teueris, some for money and other some for barter, to the number
of three hundred or foure hundred pieces of karsies, being in
coulers and goodnesse to the examples here sent you, the rest of
the karsies to make them vp a thousand, and broad clothes to the
summe of a hundred, be as many as will be put away yeerely in
this countrey, so farre as yet I can perceiue.
To breake the trade betwixt the Venetians and the whole com-
pany of the Armenians it is not possible, vnless the worshipfull
will finde some meanes to receiue them yeerely to the number of
100 carters or mules lading, and deliuer them for the same one
third part money, the rest, cloth and karsies fitted in coulers meet
for this countrey; the examples as abouesaid are sent vnto you.
At Amadia,¹ sixe dayes iourney from Teueris, grow abundance
1 Amadia is mentioned by Macdonald Kinneir as a strong town
three marches north of Mosul, and the centre of a Pashalik com-
prising thirty-one well peopled districts. On his map, Amadia is
placed near the headwaters of a left tributary of the Tigris, in N.
APPENDIX.
411
of galles, which are brought vp yeerely by the Venetians, and be
solde there for two bishes the Teueris bateman, which, as your
Agent here sayth, maketh sixe pound English weight¹; but I doubt
it will not so be prooued. Neuerthelesse, it is supposed much
good will be done by buying of them, which might at this present
haue partlie beene prooued if so be that some could doe but halfe
that which hath beene written.
Touching drugges, I finde many, as well at Teueris as also in
Casbin, but the goodnesse nothing like to such as be brought into
England out of other places, and the price is so high, that small
gaine will be had in buying of them; albeit, if I had beene fur-
nished with money, as I might haue beene if some would, I would
haue bought some, to the end the goodnesse of them might haue
beene seene in England. At my comming to Casbin, I found no
maner of sales of any commoditie made, but all lying there whole,
and newes giuen out (as your Agent saith) that the Shaugh would
buy all such commodities as he had, and giue him silke & spices
for the same; but by report the Shaugh neuer tooke cloth into
his treasurie all the dayes of his life, and will not now beginne ;
his whole trade is in raw silke, which he selleth alwayes for money
to the Armenians and Turkes, and such other as vse to buy it;
thus hoping of that which is not like to be had, he hath driuen
off the time, not sending to any other places; by meanes
whereof the worshipfuls goodes be vnsolde to this day, to theyr
great hinderance, which I for my part am not a little sorrie to see.
Babylon2 is from hence fifteene dayes iourney, whereas by true
report be great store of dates,³ and solde for a bisse the bateman ;
Lat, 37° 25′ and E, Long. 43°, about 220 miles distant from Tabriz, as
measured with the compasses; but its true position is unknown.-Cf.
Journey through Asia Minor, Armenia, etc., p. 456; Journal R. G. S.,
vol. viii, p. 77; Monteith's map of Armenia.
1 Cf. ante, p. 388, note.
2 I.e., the ruins of Babylon. Bagdad, on the opposite bank of the
Tigris, is the place of trade referred to.-Cf. Sir A. Sherley's travels,
in Purchas, vol. ii, p. 1387.
3 Babylon dates are a well-known article of commerce, and a forest
of palm and date trees outside and within the city adds greatly to the
picturesque appearance of Bagdad.
412
APPENDIX.
His voyage
to Gillan.
the commoditie fit for England, and the place so neere vnto vs
might easily haue beene knowne if he, whose deeds and sayings
differ much, had beene willing to the same. Cashan, also, is but
seuen¹ dayes iourney from hence, and a place by report where most
store of spices be at all times to be had, ouer and aboue any place
in this countrey. It could not be granted by him to be seene and
proued at this time; if this be losse to the worshipfull, referre
it to the want of one which can do that which he speaketh in
words.
To trauell in this countrey is not onely miserable and vncom-
fortable, for lacke of townes and villages to harbour in when
night commeth, and to refresh men with wholesome victualles in
time of need, but also such scarsitie of water, that sometime in
three dayes iourney together is not to be found any droppe fit for
man or beast to drinke, besides the great danger we stand in for
robbing by these infidels, who do account it remission of sinnes to
wash theyr hands in the bloud of one of vs. Better it is, there-
fore, in mine opinion, to continue a begger in England during life
then to remaine a rich merchant seuen yeeres in this countrey, as
some shall well finde at theyr comming hither.
By commandement of the Agent, also, I went to Gillan, as well.
to see what harbor2 was there for your shippe as also to vnder-
stand what commoditie is there best solde, and for what quantitie.
I found the way from hence so dangerous and troublesome, that
with my penne I am not able to note it vnto you. No man
trauelleth from hence thither but such poore people as need con-
straineth to buy Rice for theyr reliefe to liue vpon, and they lay
not aboue twentie batemans vpon a catter,3 and it lyeth no lower
1 Cashan (Kashan) would be seven days' journey from Tabriz if
the traveller could travel some seventy odd miles per diem, but from
twenty to twenty-five days' at twenty miles a day.
2 The road from Kazvin into Ghilan crosses the Elbruz mountains,
and follows the course of the Rudbar and Sefid-rud to Resht. Enzelli,
the port of Resht, is, perhaps, the best harbour of Ghilan, but the
entrance is shallow, not more than five feet, and with a wind from
the north, the sea rises in a dangerous way, so that boats are prevented
going out.
3 I.e., mule.-Cf. p. 410.
APPENDIX.
413
then the skirts of the saddle: and he escapeth very hardly that
commeth there with the same.
The towne of Layghone,¹ which was the chiefest place in all
that land, haue I seene, and Langroe² and Rosare,³ also, which be
now latelie ouerrunne by the Shawgh and his power, and be so
spoyled, and the people so robbed, that not one of them is able to
buy one karsie. The best commoditie there to be bought is rawe
silke, and is solde in the Summer time for eight and thirtie shawghs
the Layghone bateman, which is little aboue fortie pound weight,
and for readie money; also there is to be had what store of Allome
you will, and solde there for one bisse the Teueris bateman.
of the
merchants.
In these partes be many Turkie merchants resident, which giue The malice
an outward shew as though they were glad of our comming Turkish
hither, but secretlie they be our mortall enemies, searching by all
meanes to hinder our sales, because we should the sooner giue
ouer our trade thither, which in processe of time will, I hope,
grow to better perfection. They wish vs to go to Hallape¹ with
the rest of our commodities vnsolde, where, they say, we shall haue
good intertainment (in spight of the great number of Venetians
which be there resident), and the custome but two in the hundred,
and our karsies to be solde presently, had we neuer so many, for
twelue duckets, which makes of this money one hundred sixe and
fiftie shawghs; but by such as know the place, market, & custome,
it is reported to vs credibly to the contrary, and that such karsies
as ours be are not solde for aboue eight duckets there; the
custome thirtie in the hundred & more; that no place in the
world is so furnished with good cloth and karsies, & of so braue
1 Layghone (Lahijan).—Cf. ante, p. 381.
2 Langroe (Langerud). Langerud is situate in low, swampy ground,
and at the time of Gmelin's visit, was in a ruined state; nothing
but a few reed hovels were to be seen, and a half-ruined bridge and
a mosque. It was near here that the remains of the ship built by
John Elton for Nadir Shah were to be seen.-Holmes' Sketches on the
Shores of the Caspian, p. 129; Hist. des Découvertes, tom. ii, p. 381.
3 Rosare (Rudissar), on the coast of Ghilan, a little more than eight
miles from Langerud, near Mazanderan, and in an equally dilapidated
condition.-Holmes, p. 133.
Aleppo. Cf. pp. 89, 98, 143.
414
APPENDIX.
The price of
spices.
couler as that place is supposing it to be craftily purposed of
them to bring vs into trouble, which God defend vs from.
The prices of spices be these, at this present inhansed by
reason the way is shut to Ormuz,¹ which when God shall send open,
I purpose (God willing) to see, and at my returne to aduertise the
worshipfull what benefit is there to be had in all points, so neere
as I can learne: Pepper 25 shawghs the Teueris bateman; Cloves,
50 shawghs; Long pepper, 25 shawghs; Maces, large, 50 shawghs ;
Ginger, 24 shawghs; ready money all, or els looke not upon them.
And the best sort of raw silke is solde for 60 shawghs the Teueris
bateman. Thus, for want of further matter to inlarge, I end for
this time, beseeching God to preserue you in continuall health.
By your obedient seruant,
LAURENCE CHAPMAN.
1
¹ Cf. ante, p. 409.
VIII.
Notes concerning this fourth voyage into Persia,
begunne in the monthe of Iulie 1568, gathered by Master Richard
Willes from the mouth of Master Arthur Edwards,
which was Agent in the same.¹
London.
WHEN he came first to the Sophies presence at his court in
Casbin, bringing his interpretour with him, and standing far off,
the Sophie (sitting in a seat royall with a great number of his
noble men about him) had him come neere, and that thrise, vntill
he came so neere him that he might have touched him with his
hand. Then the first demand that he asked him was from what
country he came. He answered that he came from England.
Then asked he of his noble men who knew any such countrey.
But when Edwards saw that none of them had any intelligence
of that name, he named it Inghilterra, as the Italians call Eng-
land. Then one of the noble men said Londro, meaning thereby Londro
London, which name is better knowen in farre countries out of
Christendome then is the name of England. When Edwards
heard him name Londro, he said that that was the name of the
chiefe citie of England, as was Teueris of the chiefe citie of Persia.
He asked him many thinges more, as of the realme of England,
maruelling that it should be an Island of so great riches and
power, as Edwards declared vuto him of the riches and abundance
of our merchandize, as he further vnderstoode by our traffike in
Moscouia and other cuntries. He demanded also many things
of the Queenes Maiestie, and of the customes and lawes of the
realme, saying oftentimes in his owne language Bara colla² (that
is to say) Well said. He asked also many things of King Philip,
1 Hakl., 1589, pp. 416, 417.-Cf. Eden's History of Travayle, aug-
mented by Willis (1577), pp. 333-4.
2 I.e., Barak Allah, an exclamation like "God bless (you)", but
signifying approval or "well done".
416
APPENDIX.
The Vene-
tians traf-
land.
and of his wars against the Turke at Malta.¹ Then he demanded
of him what was the chiefe cause of his resort into his realme.
And being certified that it was for the trade of merchandize, he
asked what kinde of merchandize he could bring thither. Such
(said he) as the Venetian merchants do, which, dwelling in our
country in the citie of Londro, send to Venice, and from thence
into Turkie by Halepo and Tripoli, in Syria, from whence, as by
the second and third hands, with great charges of many customes
and thinges thereunto perteining, they are at length brought into
your countrey and cities of Persia. What merchandize are those,
sayd the Sophie. Edwards answered that they were great
abundance of fine karsies, of broad clothes, of all sorts and coulers,
as scarlets, violets, and other of the finest cloth of all the world.
Also that the Venetians brought out of England not onely such
fike in Eng- clothes ready made, but, furthermore, great plentie of fine
wooll to mingle with theyr wools, of which they could not other-
wise make fine cloth; affirming that there went out of England
yeerly that wayes aboue two hundred thousand karsies and as
many broad clothes, beside fine wooll and other merchandize,
beside also the great abundance of like clothes, the which were
carryed into Spaine, Barbarie, and diuers other countries. The
Sophie then asked him by what meanes such merchandize might
be brought into Persia. Right well, sir (said he), by the way of
Moscouia, with more safetie and in much shorter time then the
Venetians can bring them; first from England to Venice, and
from thence into Persia by the way of Turkie. And, therefore, if
it shall please your Maiestie to grant vs free passage into all
your dominions, with such priuileges as may appertaine to the
safegard of our liues, goods, and merchandize, we will furnish
your countries with all such merchandize and other commodities
in shorter time and better cheape then you may haue the same at
the Turks hands. This talke, and much more, was betweene the
Sophie and Edwardes for the space of two hours, all which thinges
liked him so well that shortly after he granted to the said Arthur
Edwardes other priuileges for the trade of merchandize into Persia,
all written in Azure and gold letters, and deliuered vnto the lord
1 Cf. ante, p. 391.
APPENDIX.
417
The lord keeper was named
keeper of the Sophie his great seale.
Coche Califay,¹ who sayd that when the Shaugh (that is, the king
or prince) did sit to seale any letters, that last priuiledge should
be sealed and deliuered to Laurence Chapman. In this priuiledge
is one principall article for seruants and merchants: That if the
Agent do perceiue that vpon their naughtie doings they would
become Bursomen, that then the Agent, wheresoeuer he shall find
any such seruant or seruants, to take them and put them in
prison, and no person to keepe them or maintaine them. This
article was granted in respect of a custome among the Persians,
being Mahometans, whose maner is friendly, to receiue and wel
entertaine both with gifts and liuing all such Christians as, for-
saking their religion, wil become of the religion of the Persians.
Insomuch that before this priuiledge was granted, there was great
occasion of naughtie seruants to deceiue and rob their masters,
that vnder the colour of professing that religion, they might line
among them in such safetie that you might haue no lawe agaynst
them, either to punish them or to recouer your goods at their
hands or elsewhere. For before the Sophie (whom they say to
be a maruelous wise and gracious prince) seemed to favour our
nation and to graunt them such priuiledges, the people abused
them very much, and so hated them that they would not touch
them, but reuiled them, calling them Cafars and Gawars, which
is infidels or misbeleeuers. But after they saw how greatly the
prince fauoured them, they had them afterward in great reuerence,
and would kisse their hands and vse them very friendly. For
before they tooke it for no wrong to rob them, defraud them,
beare false witnesse against them, and such merchandizes as they
had bought or sold make them take it againe and change it, as
often as them listed. And if any stranger by chance had killed
one of them, they would haue the life of two for one slaine; and
for the debts of any stranger, would take the goods of any other
of the same nation, with many other such like abuses in maner
vnknowen to the prince, before the complaints of our men
made vnto him for reformation of such abuses; which were
1 I.e., Khush Khalifa, the happy deputy.
2 Kafirs and Giaours.
2
E E
418
APPENDIX.
the cause that no merchant strangers of contrary religion durst
come into his dominions with their commodities, which might be
greatly to the profite of him and his subiects.
The articles of the Second priuiledge deliuered to Laurence
Chapman, which are to be annexed vnto the former
priuiledge.¹
10. Item, that the merchants haue free libertie, as in their
first priuiledge,2 to goe into Gillan and all other places of his
dominions, now or hereafter when occasion shall be ginen.
11. Item, if by misfortune any of their ships should breake or
fall upon any part of his dominions on the seacoast, his subiects
to helpe with all speed to save the goods, and to be deliuered to
any of the said merchaunts that liueth; or otherwise to be kept
in safetie vntil any of them come to demaund them.
12. Item, if any of the said merchants depart this life in any
citie or towne, or on the high way, his gouernours there to see their
goods safely kept, and to bee deliuered to any other of them that
shall demaund them.
13. Item, the said merchants to take such camell men as they
themselves will, being countrey people, and that no Kissell Bash³
doe let or hinder them. And the said owners of the camels to bee
bound to answere them such goods as they shall receiue at their
hands, and the camell men to stand to the losses of their camels
or horses.
14. Item more, that the said carriers do demaund no more of
them then their agreement was to pay them.
15. Item more, if they be at a price with any carriers and haue
giuen earnest, the Camel men to see they keepe their promise.
16. Item, if any of the said merchants be in feare to trauell, to
¹ Hakl., 1589, pp. 417-418; Eden, pp. 334, 335.
2 Cf. ante, pp. 403-4.
3 Kizil Bash, or red head; i.c., Persian.-Cf. ante, p. 380.
APPENDIX.
419
give them one or more to goe with them and see them in safetie
with their goods to the place they will goe vnto.
17. Item, in all places, to say in all cities, townes, or villages
on the high way, his subiects to gine them honest roume and
vitails for their money.
18. Item, the sayd merchants may, in any place where they
shall thinke best, build or buy any house or houses to their owne
vses. And no person to molest or trouble them, and to stand in
any Carauan where they will or shall think good.
The commodities which the merchants may have by this trade
into Persia are thought to be great, and may in time perhaps be
greater then the Portingals trade into the East Indies, for as much
as by the way of Persia into England, the returne may be made
euery yeere once, whereas the Portingals make the returne from
Calecut¹ but once in two yeeres, by a long and dangerous voiage,
all by sea.2 For whereas the citie and Island of Ormus, lying in
the gulfe of Persia, is the most famous mart towne in all East
India,³ whither all the merchaundises of India are brought, the
same may in shorter time and more safely be brought by land
and riuers through Persia euen vnto the Caspian sea, and from
thence by the countreis of Russia or Moscouia by riuers euen vnto
the citie of Yeraslaue, and from thence by land a hundred and
fourscore miles [versts] to Vologda, and from thence againe, all
by water, euen vnto England.5
4
The merchandises which he had out of Persia for the returne
of wares are silke of all sortes and colours, both rawe and wrought.
Also all maner of spices and drugs, pearles and precious stones,
1 I.e., Calicut.
2 Round the Cape of Good Hope.
+ Cf. Hakl., 1589, p. 386.
3 Cf. ante, p. 147, note.
5 Edwards was evidently too sanguine about the Persian trade.
His idea was to send the merchandise to Astrakhan early in April
(ante, p. 401), thence up the Volga to Yaroslavl, by land 120 miles to
Vologda, and down the Dwina to Kholmogori, so as to be in time to
be shipped the same year for England. This could hardly have been
done under the conditions of transport available in those days. But
with the present improved means of communication by rail and steam-
boat, the quickest and easiest way of reaching Persia is through Russia,
though bulky goods could not probably bear the cost of transport.
EE 2
420
APPENDIX.
likewise carpets of diuers sortes, with diuers other rich merchan-
dises. It was told mee of them that came last from Persia, that
there is more silke brought into some one citie of Persia then is
of cloth brought into the citie of London. Also that one village
of Armenia, named Gilgat, doth carie yeerly fiue hundred, and
sometime a thousand, mules laden with silke to Halepo,¹ in Soria
[Syria], of Turkie, being foure daies iourney from Tripoli, where
the Venetians have their continuall abiding, and send from
thence silkes, which they returne for English karsies and other
clothes into all partes of Christendome.
The maner how the Christians become Busormen,2 and for-
sake their religion.
I haue noted here before, that if any Christian will become a
Busorman, that is one that hath forsaken his faith, and be a
Mahumetan of their religion, they giue him many gifts, and
sometime also a liuing. The maner is that when the deuill is
entred into his heart to forsake his faith he resorteth to the Solton
or gouernour of the towne, to whom he maketh protestation of
his diuilish purpose. The gouernour appointeth him a horse,
and one to ride before him on another horse, bearing a sword in
his hand, and the Busor man bearing an arrow in his hand, and
rideth in the citie, cursing his father and mother; and if euer
after he returne to his owne religion, hee is guiltie of death, as is
signified by the sword borne before him. A yong man, a seruant
of one of our merchants, because he would not abide the correc-
tion of his master for his faultes, was minded to forsake his faith;
Aleppo. In Tavernier's time (1643) Aleppo did a large trade,
and her chief craftsmen were silk and chamlet weavers. The earth-
quake of 1822 completely ruined this city.-See Tavernier's travels
in Harris's Collection, vol. ii, p. 309.
2 I.e., Muhammadans, cf. p. 79, note; Eden, p. 335.
APPENDIX.
421
but (as God would) he fell suddenly sicke and died, before he
gaue himselfe to the deuill. If he had become a Busor man, he
had greatly troubled the merchants, for if he would then haue
sayd that halfe their goods had bene his, they would haue giuen
credite vnto him. For the auoiding of which inconuenience, it
was granted in the priuileges that no Busor man, &c., as there
appeareth.
In Persia, in diuers places, oxen and kine beare the tents and
houshold stuffe of the poore men of the countrey, which haue
neither camels nor horses.
Of the tree which beareth Bombasine¹ cotton or
Gossampine.2
In Persia is great abundance of Bombasine cotton & very fiue.
This groweth on a certaine litle tree or brier, not past ye height of
a mans waste, or litle more. The tree hath a slender stalk like
vnto a brier, or to a carnation gillefloure,³ with very many branches,
bearing on euery branch a fruit, or rather a cod, growing in round
forme, conteining in it the cotton. And when this bud or cod
commeth to the bignesse of a wallnutt, it openeth, and sheweth
foorthe the cotton, which groweth still in bignesse vntill it be
like a fleece of wooll as big as a mans fist, and beginneth to be
loose; and then they gather it, as it were the ripe fruit. The seeds
of these trees are as big as peason, and are blacke, and somewhat
¹ Bombasine was a material made of silk and worsted. By "bom-
basine cotton" is probably meant "bombast", i.e., cotton used for
stuffing garments. The word, however, is derived from the Greek
bombyx, silk. Cotton fabrics had already been manufactured in Eng-
land at that time, and we read of them among the earliest imports
into Russia. Cf. ante, Introductory remarks; Chambers's Etymologi-
cal Dict.
2 Eden, p. 336.
3
³ Gillefloure (Gilly flower), popular name for stock, wallflower, etc.;
so-called from its clove-like smell, from the Greek karyophyllon, “clove-
tree"; Fr. giroflée.-Chambers's Etym. Dict.
422
APPENDIX.
flat and not round; they sowe them in plowed ground, where they
grow in the fields in great abundance in many countries in Persia
and diuers other regions.
The writing of the Persians.¹
Arthur Edwards shewed me a letter of the Sophie, written in
their letters backward, subsigned with the hands both of the
Sophie and his Secretarie. The Sophies subscription was only
one word (his name, I suppose, was Shaugh) written in golden
letters vpon red paper. The whole letter was also written on the
same piece of red paper, being long and narrow, about ye length
of a foote, and not past three inches broad. The priuate signet
of the Sophie was a round printed marke about the bignes of a
riall, onely printed vpon the same paper without any waxe or other
seale; the letters seeme so mishapen and disordered that a man
would thinke it were somwhat scribbled in maner at aduentures.
Yet they say that almost euery letter, with his pricke or circum-
flexe, signifieth a whole word, insomuch that in a piece of paper
as big as a mans hand, their writing doth containe as much as
doth ours almost in a sheete of paper.
¹ Eden, p. 336.
1
IX.
The first Voyage into Persia made by Master
Thomas Banister and Master Jeffrey Ducket,¹ agents for the
Moscouie companie; begun from England in the yeere 1568,
and continuing to the yeere 1574 following.
Written by P. I. from the mouth of Master Lionel Plumtree.2
VPON the 3. day of Iuly 1568 [1569]3 they embarked themselues
at Yeraslaue, being accompanied with Lionel Plumtree and some
12. Englishmen more, in a barke called the Thomas Bonauenture,
of the burden of 70. tunnes, taking also along with them of
Russes to the number of 40. for their vse and imploiments. It
fell out in the way, before they came to Astracan by 40. miles,
that the Nagaian Tartares, being a kind of theeuish and cruell
people, made an assault vpon them with 18. boates of theirs, each
of them being armed, some with swords, some with speares, and
some others with bowes and arrowes, and the whole number of
them they discouered to bee about 300. men. They, for their
partes, although they could haue wished a quiet voiage and iourney,
without blowes and violence, yet not willing to be spoiled with
such Barbarians as they were, began to defend themselues against
4
¹ Bannister and Duckett accompanied Thomas Randolph to Russia
in 1568, and took part in his embassy to the Tsar, being specially
commissioned to settle the affairs of the Russia company.-See their
letters, ante, pp. 258, 264.
2 Hakl., 1589, pp. 419-425.
3 They arrived at St. Nicholas on the 23rd July 1568, and proceeded
with Randolph to Mosco, where they passed the winter of that year.
Their names occur in the privileges granted to the English merchants
in June 1569; and among the special grants mention is made of
letters for their journey to Persia.-Cf. ante, pp. 266, 275.
In the fight which ensued, Bannister was wounded twice, and
owed his preservation to a shirt of mail.-Bannister to Cecil, Cal.
S. P., For. Eliz., 1570, No. 813.
424
APPENDIX.
their assault, by meanes whereof a very terrible and fierce fight
followed, and continued hote and sharpe for two howers, wherein
our men so well plaid their parts with their caliuers that they
forced the Tartares to flee with the losse of 120. of them, as they
were afterwards enformed by a Russe prisoner, which escaped
from the Nagaians, and came to them to Astracan, at which towne
they arriued the 20. of August.
In this towne of Astracan they were somewhat hindered of
their iourney, and staied the space of 6. weekes by reason of a
great armie of 70,000. Turkes and Tartares, which came thither
vpon the instigation of the great Turke, hoping either to haue
surprised it suddenly, or by continuance of siege to win the same.
But in the end, by reason that the winter approched, as also
because they had receiued newes of a great expedition which the
Emperor of Russia was in prouiding for the defence of the sayde
place, they were constrained to raise their siege, and to leave the
towne as they found it.¹
Vpon their departure, our men had opportunitie to proceed on
their voyage; and vsing the occasion, they left Astracan and came
to Bilbil² towards the end of October; from whence they went to
Shauaran,³ where (as they lodged in their tents) they were greatly
1 The event here referred to is the invasion of Russia by Selim, son
of Solyman the Great, in 1569. It was on this occasion that an unsuc-
cessful attempt was made to cut a canal between the Volga and the Don.
The combined force of Turks and Tartars, numbering about 70,000,
arrived before Astrakhan on the 16th September. Finding, however,
the town stronger than they anticipated, and fearing the Tsar would
relieve it, this army retired. Their retreat, begun on the 26th Sep-
tember, was disastrous in the extreme; many perished from famine
and exhaustion in the desert, others were struck down by bands of
Circassians posted in ambush, only a few emaciated survivors return-
ing to Azof.-Karamsin, ix, pp. 155-164; Cal. S. P., For. Eliz., 1570,
No. 813.
2 Cf. ante, p. 407.
3 Shabran, ef, ante, p. 131. This ancient city gave its name to a
district, which formed a considerable portion of the province of Kuba
(now comprised in the government of Baku), and included eighty-
one villages. There are some coins of Tokhtamish Khan stamped in
Shabran about A.D. 1388. Shabran is mentioned by Olearius, secretary
APPENDIX.
425
molested with strange troopes of sholcaues,¹ or foxes, which were
so busie with them that they tooke their meate and victuals out
of their lodgings, and deuoured to the bare bones in one night
a mightie wild Bore that was sent vnto them for a present from
the gouernour of the country.
3
Having staied here some three or foure dayes in prouiding of
cariages and other necessaries for their iourney, they departed
thence and came to Shamachie, which is foure dayes iourney?
from the aforesayd Shauaran. In this towne of Shamachie their
whole company spent out the winter, and from thence to Aprill
following they tooke their iourney towards Ardowil, a place of
great account and much esteemed, by reason of the sepulchres of
the Emperours of Persia, which for the most part lie there buried,
and so is growen to be a place of their superstitious deuotion.
In this towne of Ardowill they soiourned for the space of 5. or 6.
moneths, finding some traffique and sales; but to no purpose, the
towne being more inhabited and frequented with gentlemen and
noblemen then merchants.
The difference of religion bred great broiles in this towne
whiles they remained there; for the brother sought the destruc-
tion of the brother, and the neerest kinsemen rose vp one against
an other, insomuch that one of their companie, Lionell Plumtree,
hath seene in one day sometimes 14. slaine in a garboile.5 And
to the Dutch embassy in 1638. It was destroyed by Stenko Razin's
Cossacks in 1669, and never afterwards rebuilt.—Kazam-bek, op. cit.,
p. 30; Semeonof, arts., "Kuba; Shabran"; Howorth, pt. ii, div. 1, p. 258.
1 Sholcaues (Shakal, Russ.; Chacal, Fr.; Canis aureus, Lat.). The
jackal is common in the Caspian provinces of Persia, and in Caucasia
(see Gmelin, in Hist. des Découvertes, 3, 240; Eastern Persia, ii, 37).—
See infra.
2 Jenkinson reached Shamaky on the sixth day after leaving Sha-
bran.-Cf. ante, p. 131.
3 Ardebil, cf. ante, p. 140.
4 The intestine wars in Persia, in Shah Tahmasp's reign, reduced
that country to a state of great misery.
Garboile, a tumult, uproar, or commotion.
"Look here, and at thy sov'reign leisure read
The garboils she awak'd."-Ant. and Cleop., i, 3.
Nares's Glossary.
426
APPENDIX.
he being further desirous to see their maner of fight, or rather
somewhat more curious to behold, then mistrustfull of their
blowes, was like to have borne a share in their bloodie tragedie,
being twise wounded with their shot and arrowes, although not to
the death.
At this towne the Shaw Thamas sent a messenger for our men
to come to his presence at Casbin, to whome Thomas Banister
failed not to goe, although master Ducket lay very sicke at Ardo-
will, and in such case that they almost despaired of his recouerie.
He being come to the Shaugh, was receiued and entertained of him
with great fauour and speciall countenaunce, and had the most
part of all his requests graunted him': this onely excepted, that
whereas he entreated a priuiledge or sufferance to transport and
carie through his dominions certaine horses into India, the Shaugh
seemed loth to yeeld thereunto, and yet did not altogether denie
it, but referred it to some further time. As for the point of
traffique, hee could not make that motion or request that was not
so soone graunted as it was preferred. And the Shaugh himselfe
bought there of him many kersies, and made him as good paiment
as any man could wishe, and oftentimes would send his money
for the wares before the wares were deliuered, that he might bee
the surer of this honourable intended dealing.
One thing somewhat straunge I thought good in this place to
remember, that whereas hee purposed to send a great summe of
money to Mecca in Arabia, for an offering to Mahomet their
prophet, hee would not send any money or coine of his owne, but
sent to the English merchants to exchange his coyne for theirs,
according to the value of it: yeelding this reason for the same,
that the money of the merchants was gotten by good meanes and
with good consciences, and was therefore woorthie to bee made
an oblation to their holy prophet, but his owne money was rather
got ten by fraud, oppression, and vnhonest meanes, and therefore
was not fit to serue for so holie a vse.
1
1
¹ A copy of the "Priviledges granted by Shah Tahmasp to the
merchants" (among whom are the names of Bannister, Ducket, and
Chapman) "of England, my greatest and best merchants'," etc., is
preserved among the State Papers.-See Cal. S. P., E. Ind., 1570 (?).
เ
APPENDIX.
427
After sixe moneths spent in Casbin, the said Thomas Banister
departed towards the great citie of Tauris, where hauing arriued,
hee found master Ducket well recouered of his sickenesse, whom
he had left ill at Ardowill.
At this citie the foresayd master Ducket made sales of the
English commodities, remaining there to that purpose the space
of two yeeres and a halfe. And besides other kindes of merchau-
dises of that countrey, he bought great store of gals, which grow
in great abundance at a place within one dayes iourney of the
aforesaid Tauris.
1
of Master
After this, Thomas Banister departed from Tauris and went to
Shamakie to giue order for the transporting of those commodities.
which were bought for England; and having dispatched them
away, he went there hence to Arrash, a town foure dayes iour-
ney, with camels from Shamachie, for the buying of rawe silke. 2
But there, by reason of the vnwholesomnesse of the ayre and
corruption of the waters in the hote time of the yeere, hee, with
Lawrence Chapman and some other Englishmen vnhappily died³: The death
which being knowen of master Ducket, hee immediately came from Banister.
Tauris to Arrash to take possession of the goods; for otherwise, by
the custome of the countrey, if there had bene no merchaunt or
other friend of his to enter vpon that which hee left, all had fallen
into the Shaugh's hands; which goods, notwithstanding, could not
bee recouered from the officers which had seased and sealed vp
the same, vntill master Ducket had bene in person with the
Shaugh, and had procured his order for the deliuerie thereof.
1 Duckett writes that he had sent 21,100 batmans (each 6lb. Eng.),
but that for want of carriage they had been left at Astrakhan. All
the galls (ante, p. 400) imported into Christendom came from Persia,
and were brought by the Venetians. He had known them worth £10
the hundred, and he expected the Company would make £10,000 on
this consignment.-Duckett to Cecil, 4th April 1572.—S. P., Colonial,
E. Ind., vol. i.
2 Cf. ante, p. 136.
3 Bannister died at Arrash (Ganja) on the 29th July 1571. Five
Englishmen in all died at this place, and two were robbed and mur-
dered, so that their number was diminished by seven in five weeks.-
Cf. Duckett to Cecil, 4th April 1572; S. P., Colonial, E. Ind., vol. i.
428
APPENDIX.
Lionell Plumtree, in the meane time that master Ducket was
at Casbin in sute for goodes, vpon the perswasion of certayne
Bogharians, made prouision for a iourney to Cathaya with cariages'
and commodities, and, having all things readie, departed secretly
with a carauan. But beyng gone forwards on his way sixe dayes
iourney, some fiftie horsemen, by the procurement of Humfrey
Greensell (who afterwards, beyng at Ormuz in the East Indias, was
there cruelly burnt in the Inquisition by the Portingals), were
sent after him in poste from Soltan Erasbecke,2 the Shaughs lieu-
tenant, to fetche him backe agayne, not suffering him to passe on
so perillous and dangerous a iourney for feare of diuers incon-
ueniences that might follow.
After this, master Ducket returned from Casbin to Shamachie
againe, and immediately made preparation for a iourney to Cashan,
beyng about foures dayes iourney from Shamachie, and caried
with him 4. mules laden with money. In the way of his trauell
hee passed through Persipolis, sometime the royall seate of the
Emperours of Persia, but now altogether ruined and defaced,
wherof remayne to be seene at this day two gates onely, that are
distant one from the other the space of 12. miles, and some few
pinnacles in the mountaines and conueiances for fresh water.
4
The foresayde Cashan is a towne that consisteth all together of
merchaundise, and the best trade of all the lande is there, beyng
greatly frequented by the merchauntes of India. Here our men
bought great store of all maner of wrought silkes and some spices,
and good store of Turkie stones. The towne is much to be com-
1 Cf. Acts xxi, 15: "We took up our carriages". Revised version
reads baggage.
2 Cf. ante, p. 407.
3 Probably an error for twenty-four.— Cf. ante, p. 412.
4 Persepolis, about thirty-five miles N.E. of Shiraz, on the road to
Ispahan. Scant justice is done in our text to the splendid remains of
the ancient capital of Xerxes, visited and described by so many
travellers, from Chardin to modern days, and figured in Fergusson's
Palaces of Nineveh and Persepolis Restored, and Kossowicz' Inscrip-
tiones Palæo-Persicæ (St. Petersburg, 1872), pp. 58, 103. For a recent
account of the ruins of Persepolis, see Telegraph and Travel, by Sir
F. Goldsmid, p. 191.
APPENDIX.
429
mended for the ciuill and good gouernement that is there vsed.
An idle person is not suffered to liue amongst them. The childe
that is but fiue yeeres olde is set to some labour. No ill rule,
disorder, or riote, by gaming or otherwise, is there permitted.
Playing at dice or cardes is by the lawe present death.'
At this Cashan they remayned about the space of tenne weekes,
and then came downe againe to Shamachie, and after some time
spent in diuers places of the countrey for buying of rawe silke and
other commodities, they came at last to Shauaran againe, where
their ship was in harbour. And then they shipt all their goodes
and embarked themselues also, setting sayle the eight day of May
in the yeere 1573, intending to fetch Astracan. By reason of the
varietie of the windes and dangerous flats of the Caspian sea,
they beat it vp and downe some 20. dayes. And the 28. day, riding
at anker vpon the flats, certaine Russe Cassaks, which are outlawes,
or banished men, hauing intelligence of their being there, and of
the great wealth they had with them, came to them with diuers
boates, vnder the colour of friendship, and entred their ship, but
immediately they tooke their hatchets and slew diuers of the
Russes that were of the ship vpon the hatches. Whereupon
Master Ducket, Lionel Plumtree, William Smith, the master, a man
of singular valure, and Amos Riall, being under the spardecke,
did so well behaue themselues that they skowered [secured] the
hatches and slew 14. of the Cassaks gunners, and hurt and
wounded aboue 30. more, being of them all in number 150. at the
1 Kashan, ninety-two miles north of Ispahan, 3,690 feet above sea-
level, is situated on the verge of a desert, but is surrounded by
gardens, and has always been celebrated for its silk industry. Sir
Thomas Herbert says of Kashan, that "the people are orderly and
more giuen to trade than in some greater towns about her. Silkes,
Sattens, and Cloth of Gold are here in great aboundance and at
reasonable prices." Malcolm remarks that the inhabitants of Kashan
are more celebrated as silk-weavers than warriors, and illustrates his
meaning by an amusing story. In 1870 the population of Kashan was
estimated at 90,000, and its inhabitants still retained their industrious
habits and love of peace.-A Relation of Some Yeares Trauaile, Lon-
don, 1634, p. 134; Sketches of Persia, ii, p. 4; Eastern Persia, i,
p. 154.
430
APPENDIX.
least, armed with caliuers and other weapons fit for so villanous a
purpose.
Master Ducket, notwithstanding, and the rest aforesayd receiued
diuers wounds from the enemie, and were so hurt, and withall so
oppressed with the multitude and force of them, that they were
at last constrained to make an agreement with the Cossaks by
rendring the ship into their hands, hauing receiued first their othes
sworne by their crucifixes not to doe any further harm to their
persons.
Thus the shippe beyng taken, and all the English greuously
hurt, the Cassaks immediately discharged the ship of them, putting
them all into the ship boate, with two or three Persian targets full
of grosse flesh and swines fleshe, without further victuals or
reliefe. They being in that case, made the best hast they could to
get to Astracan; and being come to the towne, Master Ducket made
great sute to the captaine to haue men and boates set out for the
reskuing and reconering of the ship if it were possible, who
immediately sent out his sonne with fortie boates and fiue hundred
men to pursue the pirats, and by good hap came to the place
where they rid at anker with the ship, but by reason of their
foolishnesse in striking vp their drummes before they were come
neare them, the Cassaks discouering the boates, cut their cables and
put out to sea; whereupon the boates not being able to follow
them, returned againe to Astracan. After which three score boates
more were sent out to pursue them agayne the second time, and
that second armie came to a place where they found many of
those Cassaks and slew them, and found out the places where
they had hid certaine parcels of their goods in the earth in the
chestes of the ship. All which they recouered againe for the
English merchants, to the valew of 5000. li. of 30. or 40. thousand
pound; but all the rest the Cassaks in the ship had caried
away.
In the same place they found further diuers of the Cassaks
which the English men had slaine buried in the earth, and wrapt,
some in fortie or fiftie yardes of sattin and taffetaes, and some in
Turkie carpets cut out and spoyled by those vilanous pirats, of
whom afterwardes, as many as could be taken by the Persians,
APPENDIX.
431
who entirely loued the English merchants, were put to most cruel
torments in all places, according to their deserts.
But our men, being thus spoyled of their goods and wounded
in their bodies, remained about two moneths at Astracan for their
better recouerie; and hauing gotten some reasonable strength, they
then prouided boates and went vp the riuer Volga to Cazan, with
such goods as they had recouered from the Cassaks. From Cazan
they went towards Yeraslaue, but in the way the ice intercepted
them about the beginning of October, where suddenly in the night
they were taken with a cruell and vehement frost, and there
withall the waters so congeled that their boates were crushed and
cut in sunder with the ice, whereby they sustained both a further
daunger of life and losse of goods. But as much as they could
preserue with much adoe they conueyed ouer land in sleds to
Vologda, and from thence sent much of it to S. Nicholas, to bee
laden in the shippes for England.
But Master Ducket, Lionell Plumtree, and Amos Riall went
with some parcels to the Mosko, and there sold certaine quantities
of it to the Emperour, who, pitying the mightie losse that they
had sustained by his owne rebellious people and subiects, bought
himselfe as much as hee liked, and paied present money for the
same. So that winter beyng spent out in Mosko, and such wares
prouided by them as serued for England, they departed to S.
Nicholas, and there embarked in the moneth of August; and
hauing indured a very terrible passage, in nine weekes and three
dayes, with some hardnesse of victuals, contrary and furious
windes, and other sea accidents, they arriued at London in the
moneth of October, one thousand fiue hundred seventie and foure,
and so made an ende of an vnfortunate voyage, which, if it had
pleased God to prosper that all things had come home as safely as
they were carefully prouided and painfully laboured for, it had
proued the richest voyage and most profitable returne of commo-
ditie that had euer bene vndertaken by English merchants, who,
notwithstanding all misfortunes, lost nothing of their principall
aduenture, but onely the interest and gaine that might haue risen
by the vse of their stocke in the meane time.
432
APPENDIX.
Further obseruations concerning the state of Persia, taken in
the foresayd fift voyage into those partes, and written by Master
Jeffrey Ducket, one of the Agents employed in the same.¹
Shamachie is the fairest towne in all Media, and the chiefest
commoditie of that countrey is rawe silke, and the greatest
plentie thereof is at a towne three dayes iourney from Shamachie,
called Arash; and within three dayes iourney of Arash is a coun-
trey named Groisine, whose inhabitants are Christians, and are
thought to bee they which are otherwise called Georgians. There
is also much silke to bee solde. The chiefe Towne of that coun-
trey is called Zegham, from whence is caried yeerely into Persia
an incredible quantitie of Hasell nuts, all of one sort and good-
nesse, and as good and thinne shaled as our Filberds; of these
are caried yeerely the quantitie of 4000. camels laden.
2
Of the name of the Sophie of Persia, and why he is called the
Shaugh; and of other customes.3
4
The King of Persia, whom here we call the great Sophi, is not
there so called, but is called the Shawgh. It were there daun-
gerous to call him by the name of Sophi, because that Sophi in
the Persian tongue is a begger, and it were so much as to call him
the great begger. He lieth at a towne called Casbin, which is situate
in a goodly fertile valley of three or foure dayes iourney in length.
The towne is but euill builded, and for the most part all of bricke,
not hardened with fire, but onely dried at the Sunne, as is the
most part of the building of all Persia. The King hath not come
out of the compasse of his owne house in three and thirtie or foure
and thirtie yeeres, whereof the cause is not knowen, but as they
¹ Eden, p. 324.
2 Zegham, or Zeghan (Zagan), is mentioned by Colonel Monteith,
who passed it on the road to Tiflis. Before reaching it, he came to
the ruins of an extensive city called Shumkher, described by old
Persian authors as the principal city in this district.
3 Eden, pp. 334, 335, ante.
4 Cf. ante, p. 112, note.
APPENDIX.
433
say, it is vpon a superstition of certaine prophesies, to which they
are greatly addicted. Hee is now about foure-score yeeres of age,
and very lustie. And to keepe him the more lustie, he hath foure
wines alwayes, and about three hundred concubines; and once in
the yeere he hath all the faire maidens and wiues that may be
found a great way about brought vnto him, whom he diligently
peruseth, feeling them in all partes, taking such as he liketh, and
putting away some of them which hee hath kept before, and with
them that he putteth away he gratifieth some such as hath done
him the best seruice. And if he chaunce to take any mans wife,
her husband is very glad thereof; and in recompense of her, often-
times he giueth the husband one of his olde store, whom he thank-
fully receiueth.
strangers
If any stranger, being a Christian, shall come before him, he How
must put on a new paire of shooes made in that countrey¹; and are vsed.
from the place where he entereth, there is digged as it were a
causie [causeway] all the way, vntill he come to the place where
he shall talke with the king, who standeth alwayes aboute in a
gallerie when he talketh with any strangers; and when the
stranger is departed, then is the causie cast downe, and the
ground made euen againe.
Of the religion of the Persians.2
Their religion is all one with the Turkes, sauing that they
differ who was the right successour of Mahumet. The Turkes
say that it was
was one Homer [Omar] and his sonne Vsman
[Osman]; but the Persians say that it was one Mortus Ali,³
which they would prooue in this
this maner. They say there
was a counsell called to decide the matter who should bee
1 This custom is mentioned by Jenkinson (cf. ante, p. 145), but Sir
John Malcolm explains in a note that the fancied insult to Jenkinson,
of sending him a pair of slippers, that his feet should not pollute the
sacred carpet, was attributable to the habits of Persians, who use the
same carpet for eating and sleeping on.—Hist. of Persia, i, 513.
2 Eden, pp. 325, 328.
3 Cf. ante, pp. 145, 154. Ali was cousin and son-in-law of Mahomet,
having married Fatima, the prophet's daughter. Ali's second name
was Murtadha or Murtaza, which signifies "agreeable to God" and
"well received of God".-D'Herbelot, Biblioth. Orientale.
F F
434
APPENDIX.
A goodly
and well
grounded
religion.
the successour; and after they had called vpon Mahumet
to reueale vnto them his will and pleasure there in, there
came among them a litle Lizard, who declared that it was
Mahumets pleasure that Mortus Ali should bee his successour.
This Mortus Ali was a valiant man, and slew Homer,¹ the Turkes
prophet. He had a sword that he fought withall, with the which
he conquered all his enemies, and killed as many as he stroke.
When Mortus Ali died, there came a holy prophet, who gaue them
warning that shortly there would come a white Camell, vpon the
which hee charged them to lay the body & sword of Mortus Ali,
and to suffer the Camel to carie it whither he would.2 The which
being perfourmed, the said white camell caried the sword and body
of Mortus Ali vnto the sea side, and the camell going a good way
into the sea was, with the sword and body of Mortus Ali, taken
vp into heauen, for whose returne they have long looked in Persia.
And for this cause, the king alwayes keepeth a horse readie sadled
for him, and also of late kept for him one of his owne daughters
to be his wife, but she died in the yeere of our Lorde 1573.3
And say, furthermore, that if hee come not shortly, they shalbe of
ɔur beliefe; much like the Jewes looking for their Messias to come
and reigne among them, like a worldly king, for euer, and deliuer
them from the captiuitie which they are nowe in among the
Christians, Turkes, and Gentiles.
The Shaugh, or King of Persia, is nothing in strength and power
comparable vnto the Turke; for although he hath a great dominion,
1 Omar, who succeeded Abu-bekr as second khalif, after Mahomet
was murdered by a Persian slave named Firuz, in the twenty-third
year of the Hejra.-D'Herbelot, Bibl. Orient.
2 Ali's place of burial was always kept concealed during the
Khalifat of the Ommiades, and was not discovered till the reign of
the Abbasides. Hence all kinds of extraordinary stories were set on
foot about his disappearance, and these were generally credited by the
Persians, who still look for his coming, at the end of the world, to
administer justice.—Ibid.
3 Sir Thos. Herbert says that for the first thousand years after
Mahomet, the kings of Persia always kept a horse saddled for him
and one of their daughters reserved for the prophet or for Hussein,
younger son of Ali.—Op. cit., p. 158.
APPENDIX.
435
yet is it nothing to be compared with the Turkes; neither hath
hee any great ordinance, or gunnes, or harquebasses. Notwith-
standing, his eldest sonne, Ismael,¹ about twentie and fiue yeeres
past, fought a great battaile with the Turke, and slew of his armie
about an hundreth thousand men; who, after his returne, was by
bis father cast into prison, and there continueth vntil this day,
for his father, the Shaugh, had him in suspition that he would
haue put him downe and haue taken the regiment vnto himselfe.
opinion of
Their opinion of Christ is, that hee was an holy man and a Their
great Prophete, but not like vnto Mahumet; saying that Mahumet Christ.
was the last prophet, by whome all things were finished, and was
therefore the greatest. To prooue that Christ was not Gods sonne,
they say that God had neuer wife, and therefore could haue no
sonne or children. They goe on pilgrimage from the furthest part
of Persia vnto Mecha, in Arabia, and by the way they visit also the
Sepulchre of Christ at Ierusalem, which they now call Couche Kalye.²
The most part of spices which commeth into Persia is brought
from the Islande of Ormus, situate in the gulfe of Persia, called
Sinus Persicus, betweene the maine lande of Persia and Arabia,
&c. The Portingals touche at Ormus, both in their voyage to
East India and homewarde againe, and from thence bring all such
spices as are occupied in Persia and the regions there about; for
of pepper they bring very small quantitie, and that at a very deare
price.
The Turkes oftentimes bring pepper from Mecha, in Arabia,
which they sell as good cheape as that which is brought from
Ormus. Silkes are brought from no place, but are wrought all
in their owne countrey. Ormus is within two miles of the maine
lande of Persia,³ and the Portingals fetche their fresh water there,
for the which they pay tribute to the Shaugh, or King of Persia.
¹ Ismail was the second son.-Cf. ante, p. 153, and note, ib., where
the same mistake is made.
2 Khush Kala, the good or happy citadel. Schiltberger says the
infidels call Jerusalem "Kurtzitalil". The latter part of this word
is connected by M. Brunn with Abraham.-Schiltberger, in Hak.
Soc., pp. 57, 198.
3 New Ormuz was on an island; old Ormuz on the mainland.
FF 2
436
Their
money.
Their
bookes and
learning.
Such was
the lawe of
the Mace-
donians for
treason.
Dissention
for religion.
APPENDIX.
Within Persia they haue neither golde nor siluer mines, yet
haue they coyned money, both of golde and siluer, and also other
small moneis of copper. There is brought into Persia an incredible
summe of Dutch dolers, which for the most part are there
employed in rawe silke.
They haue fewe bookes and lesse learning, and are for the most
part very brutish in all kinde of good sciences, sauing in some
kind of silke workes, and in such things as pertaine to the furniture
of horses, in the which they are passing good.
Their lawes are, as is their religion, wicked and detestable.
And if any man offend the prinse, he punisheth it extreemely,
not onely in the person that offendeth, but also in his children,
and in as many as are of his kinne. Theft and murther are often
punished, yet none otherwise than pleaseth him that is ruler in
the place where the offence is committed, and as the partie
offending is able to make friends or with money to redeeme his
offence.
There is oftentimes great mutenie among the people in great
townes which of Mortus Ali sonnes was greatest; insomuch that
sometimes in the towne two or three thousande people are
together by the eares for the same, as I haue seene in the towne
of Shamaky and Ardouill, and also in the great city of Teueris,
where I haue seene a man comming from fighting in a brauerie,
bringing in his hande foure or fiue mens heads, carrying them b
the haire of the head; for although they shaue their heads most
com
ommonly twise a weeke, yet leaue they a tuft of haire vpon the
crowne, about two foote long. I haue enquired why they leaue
that tuft of haire vpon their heads. They answere that thereby
they may easyer bee caried vp into heauen when they are dead.
For their religion they haue certaine priestes, who are apparelled
preaching. like vnto other men. They vse euery morning and afternoone to
goe vp to the tops of their churches and tell there a great tale of
Mahumet & Mortus Ali; and other preaching haue they noue.
Their Lent. Their Lent' is after Christmas, not in abstinence from flesh onely,
Their
priests and
1 The fast of Ramazan is here referred to. It lasts a month, and
during its continuance no good Muhammadan will touch food from
sunrise to sunset. The Muhammadan year being lunar, this fast may
come at any season.
APPENDIX.
437
but from all meates and drinkes, vntill the day be off the skie;
but then they eate sometimes the whole night. And although it
be against their religion to drinke wine, yet at night they will
take great excesse thereof, and be dronken. Their lent beginneth
at the new moone, and they doe not enter into it vntill they haue
seene the same. Neither yet doeth their lent ende vntill they
haue seene the next newe moone, although the same (through close
weather) should not be seene in long time.
and holy
They haue among them certaine holy men whome they call Their saints
Setes,¹ counted holy for that they or any of their auncestors haue men.
bene on pilgrimage at Mecha, in Arabia, for whosoeuer goeth Pilgrimage.
thither on pilgrimage to visite the sepulchre of Mahumet, both
hee and all his posteritie are euer after called Setes, and counted
for holy men, and haue no lesse opinion of themselues. And if a
man contrary one of these, hee will say that hee is a Saint,
and therefore ought to be beleeued, and that hee cannot lie,
although he lye neuer so shamefully. Thus a man may be to[o] holy;
and no pride is greater then spirituall pride of a minde puffed
vp with his owne opinion of holinesse. These Setes doe vse to
shaue their heads all ouer, sauing on the sides a little aboue the
temples, the which they leaue vnshauen, and vse to braide the
same as women doe their haire, and to weare it as long as it will
growe.
prayer and
ing of God
humet.
Euery morning they vse to worship God, Mahumet, and Their
Mortus Ali, and in praying turne themselves toward the South, worshipp
because Mecha lieth that way from them. When they be in and Ma-
trauaile on the way, many of them will (as soone as the Sunne
riseth) light from their horses, turning themselues to the South,
and will laye their gownes before them, with their swordes and
beades, and so standing vpright, worship to the South, and
many times in their prayers kneele downe and kiss their beades,
or somewhat els that lieth before them.
When they earnestly affirme a matter they will sweare by Their
God, Mahumet, or Mortus Ali, and sometimes by al at ones, as
1 These Setes (Seyids) are evidently the same as the Zieties men-
tioned above (p. 149); they are descendants of Mahomet.
swearing.
438
APPENDIX.
The King's
magni-
ficence.
thus in their owne language, saying, Olla, Mahumet, Ali. But if
hee sweare by the Shaughes head, in saying Shaugham basshe, you
may then beleeue him if you wil.
The Shaugh keepeth a great magnificence in his Court; and
although sometimes in a moneth or sixe weekes none of his
nobilitie or counsaile can see him, yet goe they dayly to the Court
and tarie there a certaine time vntill they haue knowen his
pleasure, whether he will commaund them any thing or not.
He
is watched euery night with a thousand of his men, which are
Pursiuants. called his curshes, who are they that he vseth to sende into the
The King's
company
with his
wiues and
countries about his greatest affaires. When he sendeth any of
them (if it be to the greatest of any of his nobilitie) he will obey
them, although the messenger should beate any of them to death.
The Shaugh occupieth himselfe alwayes two dayes in the weeke
in his Bathstoue; and when he is disposed to goe thither, he
concubines. taketh with him fiue or sixe of his concubines, more or lesse, and
one day they consume in washing, rubbing, and bathing him, and
the other day in paring his nailes, and other matters. The
greatest part of his life hee spendeth amongst his wines and con-
cubines. Hee hath now reigned about fiftie and foure yeeres,
aud is therefore counted a very holy man, as they euer esteeme
their kings if they haue reigned fiftie yeeres or more; for they
measure the fauour of God by a man's prosperitie, or his dis-
pleasure by a man's misfortune or aduersitie. The great Turke
hath this Shaugh in great reuerence because hee hath reigned
king so long time.
The succes-
sion of the
I haue said before that hee hath foure wiues, and as many con-
kingdome. cubines as him listeth; and if he chaunce to haue any children
by any of his concubines, and bee minded that any of those
children shall inherite after him, then when one of his wines
dieth, the concubine whom hee so fauoreth hee maketh one of
his wiues, and the childe whome he so loueth best hee ordaineth
to bee King after him.
Circumci-
sion.
What I heard of the maner of their marriages, for offending of
honest consciences and chaste eares I may not commit to writing.
Their fasting I haue declared before. They use circumcision vnto
children of seuen yeeres of age, as doe the Turkes.
APPENDIX.
439
houses and
eating.
Their houses (as I haue said) are for the most part made of Their
bricke, not burned, but only dried in the Sunne. In their houses maner of
they have but little furniture of houshold stuffe, except it be their
carpets and some copper worke, for all their kettles and dishes
wherein they eate are of copper. They eate on the ground,
sitting on carpets crosse legged, as doe tailers. There is no man
so simple but he sitteth on a carpet, better or worse, and the
whole house or roome wherin hee sitteth is wholy couered with
carpets. Their houses are all with flat roofes, couered with earth;
and in sommer time they lie vpon them all night.
and bond-
bought and
to hire.
They have many bond seruants, both men and women. Bond- Bondmen
men and bond women is one of the best kinde of marchandise that women.
any man may bring. When they buy any maydes or yong
women they vse to feele them in all partes, as with vs men doe
horses. When one hath bought a young woman, if hee like her Women
hee will keepe for his owne vse as long as him listeth, and then sold and let
selleth her to an other, who doeth the like with her. So that one
woman is sometimes sold, in the space of foure or fiue yeeres,
twelue or twentie times. If a man keepe a bonde woman for his
owne vse, and if hee finde her to be false to him and giue her
bodie to any other, hee may kill her if hee will.
When a marchant or trauailer commeth to any towne where he
entendeth to tary any time, he hireth a woman, or sometimes 2.
or 3. during his abode there; and when hee commeth to an other
towne he doeth the like in the same also; for there they vse to put
out their women to hire, as wee doe here hackney horses.
There is a very great riuer which runneth through the plaine
of Iauat, which falleth into the Caspian seal by a towne called
Backo, neere vnto which towne is a strange thing to behold-for
there issueth out of the ground a marueilous quantitie of Oyle, Abundance
which Oyle they fetch from the vttermost bounds of all Persia; ing out of
it serueth all the countrey to burne in their houses.
This oyle is blacke, and is called Nefte; they use to cary it
throughout all the countrey vpon kine and asses, of which
you
1 The river here referred to is the Kur, but its outfall in the
Caspian is some distance south of Baku.-Cf. ante, p. 138, note.
of oyle issu-
the ground.
140
APPENDIX.
Oleum
Petroleum.
Two sorts
of kine.
Foxes in
great
plentie.
shall oftentimes meete with foure or fiue hundred in a companie.
There is also by the said towne of Backo an other kind of oyle,
which is white and very precious, and is supposed to be the
same that here is called Petroleum. There is also, not farre from
Shamaky, a thing like vnto tarre, and issueth out of the ground,
whereof wee haue made the proofe that in our ships it serueth
well in the stead of tarre.1
In Persia are kine of two sorts-the one like vnto ours in these
partes; the other are marueilous euill fauoured, with great bones
aud very leane, and but little haire vpon them; their milke is
walowish sweete. They are like vnto them which are spoken of
in the Scripture, which in the dreame of Pharao signified the
seuen deare yeeres, for a leaner or more euill fauoured beast can
no man see.
In the countrey of Shiruan (sometime called Media) if you
chaunce to lye in the fields neere vnto any village as the twilight
beginneth, you shall haue about you two or three hundred foxes,²
which make a marueilous waweling or howling; and if you looke
not well to your victuals, it shall scape them hardly but they will
haue part with you.
;
The Caspian sea doeth neither ebbe nor flowe, except sometimes
by rage of winde it swelleth up very high. The water is very salt
howbeit the quantitie of water that falleth out of the great
riuer of Volga maketh the water fresh at the least twentie leagues
into the sea. The Caspian sea is marueilous full of fish, but no
kinde of monstrous fish as farre as I could vnderstand; yet hath
it sundrie sortes of fishes which are not in these partes of the world.
The mutton there is good and the sheepe great, hauing very
great rumps with much fat vpon them. Rise and mutton is their
chiefe victuall.
1 The oil wells in the province of Baku are alluded to by writers
in the thirteenth century. The naptha, or petroleum, is of two
kinds, the black and the white, the quality depending a great deal
upon the soil through which the fluid percolates. The substance like
tar, alluded to in the text, is probably bitumen, closely allied with
petroleum in a semi-solid form.—Kazem-beg, p. 145; Yule's Marco
Polo, 2nd ed., i, p. 48.
2 I.e., jackals, cf. ante, p. 425.
X.
Aduertisements and reports of the Sixt voyage into
the partes of Persia and Media, for the company of English
Merchants, for the discouerie of new trades, in the yeeres
1579, 1580, and 1581, gathered out of sundry letters
written by Christopher Burrough, seruant to the
said company, and sent to his vnkle, Master
William Burrough.¹
FIRST, it is to be vnderstood, that the ships for the voiage to S.
Nicholas, in Russia, in which the factors & merchandise for the
Persian voiage were transported, departed from Grauesend the 19.
of June 1579, which arriued at S. Nicholas, in Russia, the 22. of
Iuly, where the factors and merchants landed, and the merchandize
were discharged and laden into doshnikes,² that is, barkes of the
countrey, to be caried from thence vp by riuer vnto Vologda.
And the fiue and twentie day of the sayde Iulie, the Doshenikes
departed from Rose Island by Saint Nicholas vp the Riuer Dwina,
Peremene, that is to say, poste by continuall sayling, rowing,
setting with poles, or drawing of men, which came to Colmogro
the 27. day, and departed thence the 29. day of Iulie vp the sayd
riuer Dwina, and came to Vstyoug (which is at the head of the
riuer Dwina and mouth of Sughano) the 9. of August, where they
stayed but a small time, prouiding some victualles, and shifting
certaine of theyr cassacks, or barkemen, and so departed thence
3
1 Hakl., 1589, pp. 440-453.
2 Cf. ante, p. 25.
3 Peremene, from peremenyait, to change. The word in the text is
applied to a station on the tow path for providing relays of bargemen
for towing the vessels up the river. Communications in this way
were far more rapid than at first, when the time taken by the laden
boats to ascend the Dwina to Vologhda was five weeks.-Cf. ante,
p. 245.
4 Cf. ante, p. 24.
442
APPENDIX.
the same day by the riuer Sugano, and came to Totma' (which is
counted some what more then halfe the way from Vstioug) the
15. day, where they shifted some of theyr cassaks, and departed
thence the same day, and came to the citie Vologda the 19. of
August, where they landed theyr goods, and stayed at that place
till the 30. of the same. Hauing prouided at Vologda, Telegas,”
our wagons, whereupon they laded theyr goods, they departed
thence with the same, by land, towards Yeraslaue, the sayd 30. of
August, at eight of the clocke in the morning, and came to the
Yeraslaue. East side of the riuer Volga, ouer against Yeraslaue, with 25.
Telegas, laden with the said goods, the seuenth of September, at
fiue of the clocke afternoone. Then the three stroogs,³ or barks,
prouided to transport the said goods to Astracan (where they
should meet the shippe that should carrie the same from thence
into Persia), came ouer from Yeraslaue vnto the same side of the
riner Volga, and there tooke in the said goods; and hauing pre-
pared the said barks ready with all necessarie furniture, they
departed with them from Yeraslaue downe the riuer Volga on the
14. day of September, at nine of the clocke in the morning, and
they arriued at Niznouogod¹ the 17. day, at three of the clocke
afternoone, where they shewed the Emperours letters to passe
free without paying any custome, and tarryed there about three
houres to prouide necessaries, and then departing, arriued at
Cazan (or neere the same towne) on the 22. of September, at fine
of the clocke afternoone, where, through contrary windes and for
prouiding new cassaks in the places of some that there went from
them, they remayned till the 26. day, at what time they departed
thence about two of the clocke after noone, and arriued at Tetus-
hagorod, which is on the Crim side of Volga, and in latitude 55. .
5
¹ Cf. ante, p. 25.
3 Cf. ante, p. 126.
2 Cf. ante, p. 356.
4 Nijny Novgorod.-Cf. ante, p. 45.
5 Tetiushi (lat. 54° 57′ N.), now a district town of the Government
of Kazan, on the right bank of the Volga, had only been founded a
few years at the time of Christopher Burrough's voyage. It was
designed to hold in check the inroads of the Nagays and Krim
Tartars, and was strengthened by fortifications, some traces of which
may still be seen. But these remains may refer to an ancient
APPENDIX.
443
2
At
of Licoras.
degrees 22. minuts, the 28. day at ten in ye forenoone, where they
ankered, and remained about three houres; and departing thence,
came to Oueak, which is on the Crims side (on the westerne side
of Volga), the fift of October, about fiue of the clocke in the
morning. This place is accounted halfe the way betweene Cazan
and Astracan. And heere there groweth great store of Licoras ;¹ Great store
the soile is very fruitfull; they found there apple trees and cherrie
trees. The latitude of Oueake is 51. degrees 30. minuts.
this place had beene a very fayre stone castle, called by the name
Oueake, & adioyning to the same was a towne called by Russes
Sodom. This towne & part of the castle (by report of the
Russes) was swallowed into the earth by the iustice of God, for
the wickednesse of the people that inhabited the same. There
remaineth, at this day, to be seene a part of the ruines of the
castle and certain tombs, wherein, as it seemeth, haue beene laid
noble personages; for vpon a tombe stone might be perceiued
the forme of a horse, and a man sitting on it with a bowe in his
hand and arrowes girt to his side. There was a piece of scutchion
also vpon one of the stones which had characters grauen on it,
whereof some part had beene consumed with the weather, and the
rest left vnperfect; but by the forme of them that remained we
iudged them to be characters of Armenia. And other characters
were grauen also vpon another tombe stone. Now they departed
of the clocke after-
from Oueake the said fift of October, at fiue
noone, and came to Perauoloke the 10. day, about eleuen or
twelue of the clocke at night, making no abode at that place, but
passed alongst by it. This word Perauolokes in the Russe
tongue doth signifie a narrow straight, or necke of land, betweene
two waters; and it is so called by them because from the riuer
Volga at that place to the riuer Don or Tanais is counted thirtie
versts, or as much as a man may well trauell on foot in one day.
town of the Bulghars, which, according to tradition, occupied the site
of the Russian Tetiushi.-Semeonof, art. "Tetiushi"; Shpilefsky, op.
cit., p. 320.
1 Cf. ante, p. 54.
2 See ante, p. 54, note.
3 Cf. ante, p. 55.
444
APPENDIX.
Astracan.
rard.
And seuen versts beneath, vpon an Island called Tsaritsna,¹ the
Emperour of Russia hath fiftie gunners all the summer time to
keepe watch, called by the Tartar name Carawool. Betweene
this place and Astracan are fiue other Carawools,2 or watches.
1. The first is named Kamenie Carawool, and is distant from
Perauoloke 120. versts.
2. The second, named Stupino Carawool, distant from the first
50. versts.
3. The third, called Polooy Carawool, is 120. versts distant
from the second.
4. The fourth, named Keezyur Carawool, is 50 versts distant
from the third.
5. The fift, named Ichkeebre, is 30. versts distant from the
fourth, and from Ichkebre to Astracan is 30. versts.
The 16. of October they arriued at Astracan with theyr three
stroogs in safetie, about nine of the clocke in the morning, where
they found the shippe prouided for the Persia voyage in good order
and readinesse. The 17. day the foure principall factors of the
company, Arthur Edwards, William Turnbull, Matthew Talboys,
Peter Gar- and Peter Garrard, were inuited to dine with the chi[e]fe diake,
or secretarie, of Astracan (Vasilie Pheodorouich Shelepin), who
declared then vnto them the troubles that were in Media and
Persia, and how the Turke, with helpe of the Crims, had con-
quered and did possesse the greatest part of Media. Also he laid
before them that winter was at hand, and yf they should put out
with theyr shippe to the sea, they should be constrayned to take
what hazards might happen them by wintring in the parts of
Media or els where, for backe againe to that place there was no
hope for them to atchieue. Wherupon the said factors deter-
1 On reference to a large scale map, such as the French one often
quoted, it will be seen that a little way below the modern town of
Tsaritsin there is indeed a large island in the Volga, completely corro-
borating the text.
2 The names of the five watches, or guard stations, in the text may
be identified on the French map of Russia, though any importance
they may have once possessed has long since passed away.
APPENDIX.
445
mined to stay there¹ all winter, to learne further of the state of
those countries.
tracan for
The 19. of Nouember, the winde being northerly, there was a
great frost and much ice in the riuer; the next day, being the 20. Ice at As-
of Nouember, the ice stood in the riuer, and so continued vntill foure
Easter day.
The 22. of December departed this life Iohn Moore, the gunner
of the shippe.
moneths.
Thursday, the seuenth of Ianuarie, betweene eight & nine of the Anno 1530,
clocke at night, there appeared a crosse proceeding from the moone,
with two galles at the South and North end thereof.
The sixt of Ianuary, being Twelfe day (which they call Chres-
henia) the Russes of Astracan brake a hole in the ice vpon
the riuer Volga, and hallowed the water with great solemnity,
according to the maner of theyr countrey; at which time all the
souldiors of the towne shotte off theyr small pieces vpon the ice,
and likewise (to gratifie the captaine of the castle, being a duke,
whose name is Pheodore Michalouich Troiocouria, who stood hard
by the shippe, beholding them as they were on the riuer) was
shot off all the ordinance of our shippe, being fifteene pieces, viz.,
two faulcons,2 two faulconets, foure fowlers, foure fowlers cham-
bers, and three other small pieces made for the strooges to shoot
hailestones; and afterwards the great ordinance of the castle was
shot off.
On the 31. of Ianuary there happened a greate eclipse of the
moone, which began about twelue of the clocke at night, and con-
tinued before she was cleare an houre and a halfe, by estimation,
which ended the first of February, about halfe an houre past one
in the morning. She was wholly darkened by the space of halfe
an houre.
The 26. of February the towne of Nagay Tartars, called the
Yourt, which is within three quarters of a mile of the castle of
Astracan, by casualtie was set on fire about ten of the clocke at
1 I.e., at Astrakhan.
2 A kind of cannon named after the bird.
3 What we now term grapeshot.
446
APPENDIX.
Astracan
situate
vpon an
Island.
night, & continued burning till midnight, whereby one halfe of it
was burnt and much cattell destroyed. The Nagayes that
inhabit that towne are the Emperour of Russia his vassals. It is
supposed there are of them inhabiting that place, of men, women,
and children, the number of seuen thousand. That night the
Allarum was made in the castle and town of Astracan. The
captaine thereof had all his souldiors in very good order and
readinesse, being of them in number two thousand gunners and
cassaks; that is to say, a thousand gunners which are accounted
meere souldiours,¹ and are not put to any other seruice then the
vse of theyr pieces, watch, &c., as souldiors which alwayes keepe
the castle, and the cassaks, also vsing theyr pieces, do keepe the
towne, and are commonly set to all kinde of labors.
The seuenth of March 1580. the Nagayes and Crims came
before Astracan to the number of one thousand foure hundred
horsemen, which incamped round about; but the neerest of them
were two Russe versts and a halfe off from the castle and towne.
Some of them lay on the Crims side of Volga, and some on the
Nagay side, but none of them came vpon the Island that Astracan
standeth on. It was sayd that two of the prince of the Crims²
his sonnes were amongst them. They sent a messenger on the
eight day to the captaine of Astracan, to signifie that they would
come and visit him; who answered he was ready to receiue them,
and taking a great shotte or bullet in his hand, willed the mes-
senger to tell them that they should not want of that geare so
long as it would last. The ninth day newes was brought that
the Crims determined to assault the towne or castle, and were
making of fagots of reede to bring with them for that purpose.
The tenth day two Russes that were captiues, and two of the
Tartars bondmen, ranne away from the Nagayes, and came into
Astracan. The same day word was brought to the duke of two
Nagayes which were seene at Gostine house, supposed to be spies,
but were gone againe from thence before they were suspected.
¹ Disciplined soldiers, called "strelitsi" (the "gunners" of the text),
were first introduced in Russia by Ivan IV.
2 Muhammed Girai Khan was chief of the Krim Tartars at this
period.
APPENDIX.
447
This Gostine house is a place a little without the towne where the
Tisiks (or Persian merchants) do usually remaine with theyr mer-
chandize. The 11. day the sayd Nagayes, and one more with
them, came agayne to that house earely in the morning, where
they were taken by the Russes and brought to the captayne of
the castle; and being examined, confessed that theyr comming
was onely to seeke two of theyr bondmen that were runne from
them. Whereupon theyr bondmen were deliuered to them (which
fauor the sayd captaine commonly sheweth if they be not Russes),
and they were set at liberty. The 13. day they brake vp theyr
camps and marched to the northwards, into the countrey of
Nagay.
tion of the
The 17. of Aprill the variation of the compasse obserued in The varia-
Astracan was 13. deg. 40. min. from North to West. This spring compas in
there came newes to Astracan that ye queene of Persia² (the king
1 Gostine house. Astracan, like every other Russian town, has its
Gostinny dvor, or guests' courtyard, generally a row of one-storeyed
shops, built in the form of a square. The Persian shops at Astrakhan
are the best in the place.
2 The text refers to the expedition of Hamza Mirza, eldest son of
Shah Khudabend (the blind). This young prince obtained his father's
consent to attack the Turks, who had taken possession of Media, or
Shirvan, in 1578. He left Kazvin at the head of 12,000 Persian troops,
accompanied by his mother, the Begum (the "Queen" of the text).
On his way towards Shirvan he heard of an invasion of Tartars from
the Black Sea, who were making a diversion in favour of the Turks.
Notwithstanding this news, Hamza pressed forward to Eres,
which he surprised, capturing 200 pieces of artillery. Following up
this success, he advanced on Shemakha, leaving his mother at Eres.
Coming suddenly on the Tartar camp, he attacked and completely
routed it, taking prisoner Abdil (Adil) Ghirai, the Tartar chief, whom
he sent to Kazvin. On arriving before Shemakha, Hamza Mirza
found this city held by Osman Pasha, who managed, however, by a ruse
to escape, and make his way to Derbend, where, as we shall presently
see, he received Burrough and his party. The young Tartar chief,
Abdil Ghirai, made so favourable an impression at the Persian court,
and especially on the Begum, that the latter fell in love with him,
while the unsuspecting Shah, her husband, in proof of his admiration,
wished to make him his son-in-law. But the sultans of Kazvin not
liking this, murdered their captive, in true Persian fashion, in the most
brutal manner, while his royal mistress expiated her indiscretions with
Astracan
was 13. deg.
40. minuts.
448
APPENDIX.
being blinde) had beene with a great armie against the Turks
that were left to possesse Media, and had giuen them a great
ouerthrow; yet notwithstanding, Derbent and a great part of
Media were still possessed by the Turks. The factors of the com-
pany, consulting vpon their affayres, determined to leaue at
Astracan the one halfe of their goods with Arthur Edwards; and
with the other halfe the other three factors would proceed in the
ship on theyr purposed voyage to the coast of Media, to see what
might be done there; where, if they could not finde safe traffike,
they determined to proceed to the coast of Gillan, which is an
Island in the Caspian sea bordering vpon Persia,¹ and therupon
appointed the said goods to be laden aboord the shippe, and tooke
into her also some merchandize of Tisiks, or Persian merchants.
2
The 29. of Aprill Amos Riall and Anthony Marsh,' the com-
panies seruants, were sent from Astracan by the said factors up
the riuer Volga to Yeraslaue, with letters of aduise to be sent for
England, and had order for staying the goods in Russia that
should come that yeere out of England, for mainteining the trade
purposed for Persia, vntill furthur triall were made what might
be done in those parts.
The first day of May, in the morning, hauing the shippe in
readinesse to depart, the factors inuited the duke Pheodore Mica-
louich Troiocoorow and the principall secretary, Vasilie Pheodoro-
her life. The Georgian chronicle gives a somewhat different account
of this affair. According to this, the Begum, on her way back to
Kazvin, was seized and killed, while the Khan of the Tartars perished
by order of Shah Khuda Bend. The name of this energetic queen,
according to a MS. (the Alam Arai Abbasi, the most authentic his-
tory of the Safavi dynasty) at the B. M., was Khairu'n Nisá Khánum
(the good among women); in another (the Zinatu't-Tawarikh) she is
mentioned as Fakhru'n-Nisá (the boast of women), both authorities
agreeing, however, in the statement that she was the daughter of
Mír Abdúlláh, Prince of Mazanderán.—Cf. Hist. de Géorgie, Brosset,
pt. ii, 1re livr., p. 37; Knolles, pp. 940-942; Howorth, pt. ii, p. 15.
1 Ghilan is no island, but part of the mainland.-See p. 381.
2 Anthony Marsh, a connection by marriage of Jenkinson, whose
wife was Judith Marsh. Marsh afterwards got into trouble, and be-
came mixed up in Jerome Horsey's discreditable affairs.
APPENDIX.
449
wich Shelepin, with other of the chiefest about the duke, to a
banket aboord the ship, where they were interteined to theyr good
liking; and at theyr departure was shot off all the ordinance of the
ship. And about nine of the clocke at night the same day they
weyed anker, and departed with theyr ship from Astracan, and
being but little winde, towed her with the boat about three
versts and then ankered, hauing with them a pauos, or lighter, to
helpe them at the flats. The second day, at foure of the clocke in
the morning, they weyed, & plyed downe the riuer Volga toward
the Caspian sea. The seventh of May, in the morning, they
passed by a tree that standeth on the left hand of the riuer as
they went downe, which is called Mahomet Agatch, or Mahomets
tree; and about three versts further, that is to say, to the South-
wards of the said tree, is a place called Vchoog, that is to say, the
Russe weare (but Ochoog is the name of weare in the Tartar
tongue¹), where are certain cotages; and the Emperour hath lying
at that place certaine gunners to gard his fishermen that keepe
the weare. This Vchoog is counted from Astracan 60. versts.
They proceeded downe the said riuer without staying at the
Vchoog. The ninth and tenth dayes they met with shoald water,
and were forced to lighten theyr shippe by the pauos. The 11.
day they sent backe to the Vchoog for an other pauos. This day,
by mischance, the shippe was bilged on the grapnell of the pauos,
whereby the company had sustained great losses if the chiefest
part of theyr goodes had not beene layed into the pauos, for, not-
withstanding theyr pumping with three pomps, heauing out water
with buckets, and all the best shifts they could make, the shippe
was halfe full of water ere the leake could be found and stopt.
The 12. day the pauos came to them from the Vchoog, whereby
they lighted the shippe of all the goods. The 13. day, in the
morning, there came to them a small boat, sent by the captaine
of Astracan, to learne whether the shippe were at sea cleere off the
1 Uchug is a Tartar word, signifying a weir for taking fish.
It con-
sisted of a row of stakes driven upright into the channel of a river,
strengthened by others planted slanting-wise. In this fence were
openings to admit the fish. There were several of these weirs near
Astrakhan.
G G
450
APPENDIX.
The Cas-
pian sea.
flats. The 15. day, by great industrie and trauell, they got theyr
shippe cleare off the shoales and flats, wherewith they had beene
troubled from the ninth day vntill then; they were forced to
passe theyr shippe in three foot water or lesse. The 16. day they
came to the Chetera Bowgeri, or Island of Foure Hillocks, which
are counted fortie versts from Vehoog, and are the furthest land
towards the sea. The 17. day they bare off into the sea, and
being about twelue versts from the Foure hillocks, riding in fiue
foot and a halfe water, about eleuen of the clocke in the forenoone
they tooke theyr goods out of the pauoses into the shippe, and filled
theyr shippe with all things necessary. The 18. day, in the
morning, about seuen of the clocke, the pauoses being discharged,
departed away toward Astracan; the wind then at Southeast, they
road still with the shippe, and obseruing the eleuation of the pole
45. degrees at that place, found it to be 45. degrees 20. minuts. The 19. day,
the winde Southeast, they road still. The 20. day, the winde at
in the Cas- Northwest, they set saile about one of the clocke in the morning,
20. minuts.
The first
obseruation
pian sea.
and stered thence South by West and South southwest about three
leagues, and then ankered in sixe and a halfe water, about nine of
the clocke before noone, at which time it fell calme; the eleuation
of the pole at that place, 45. degrees 13. minuts. The 21., hauing
the winde at Northwest, they set saile and stered thence South by
West and South vntil eleuen of the clocke, and had then nine foote
water; and at noone they obserued the latitude, and found it to
be 44. degrees 47. minuts; then had they three fathoms and a
halfe water, being cleare off the flats. It is counted from the
Foure hillocks to the sea about fiftie versts. From the said noone
tide vntill foure of the clocke they sayled South by East fiue
leagues and a halfe; then they had fiue fathoms and a halfe, and
brackish water. From that till twelue at night they sayled South
within the by East halfe a league, East tenne leagues; then had they eleuen
fathome, and the water salter. From that till the 22. day, three
of the clocke in the morning, they sayled three & fiftie leagues ;
then had they sixtene fathome water. From thence they sayled
vntil noone South and by West seuen leagues and a halfe, the
43. degrees latitude then obserued, 43. degrees 15. minuts, the depth then,
Brackish
water farre
sea.
15. minuts.
1 Cf. ante, p. 127.
APPENDIX.
451
32. minuts.
eight and twentie fathoms, and shallow ground. From that vntill
eight of the clocke at night they sayled South by East fiue
leagues and a halfe; then had they three and fortie fathoms,
shallow ground. From thence till the 23., foure a clocke in the
morning, they sailed South southwest three leagues and a halfe;
then could they get no ground in two and fiftie fathoms deepe.
From thence vntill noone they sailed South nine leagues; then
the latitude obserued was 42. degrees 24. minuts. From that till
the 24. day at noone they sayled South by West seuenteene
leagues and a halfe; then the latitude obserued was 41. degrees 41. degrees
32. minuts. From noone till seuen of the clocke at night they
sailed South southwest foure leagues; then had they perfect
sight of high land or hilles, which were almost couered with snowe,
and the mids of them were West from the shippe;¹ being then
about twelue leagues from the neerest land, they sounded, but
could finde no ground in two hundred fathoms. From thence
they sailed Southwest vntill midnight, about three leagues; from
thence, till the 25. day, foure of the clocke in the morning, they
sailed West three leagues; being then little winde and neere the
land, they tooke in theyr sayles and lay hulling. At noone the
latitude obserued was 40. degrees 54. minuts; they sounded, but
could get no ground in two hundred fathoms. At foure of the
clocke in the afternoone, the wind Northwest, they set theyr
sayles, and from thence till the 26. day at noone they sailed East
southeast foure leagues. From thence they sailed till eight of
the clocke at night Southwest three leagues, the winde then at
North. From thence they sailed vntill the 27. day, two of the
clocke in the morning, West southwest eight leagues, the winde
blowing at North very much. From the said two till foure of the
clocke they sayled South by West one league; then being day
light, they saw the land playne, which was not past three leagues
from them, being very high, ragged land. There were certaine
2
1 I.e., they had a view of the main range of the Caucasus, which
presents an imposing sight when seen from the Caspian.
"He
2 To hull, to drive to and fro, without rudder, sail, or oar.
looked, and saw the ark hull on the flood."-Milton. Smyth's Sailor's
Word Book.
G G 2
452
APPENDIX.
Bilbill.
rocks that lay farre off into the sea, about fiue leagues from the
same land (which are called Barmake Tash'); they sayled betweene
those rocks and the land, and about fiue of the clocke they passed
by the port Bilbill,2 where they should haue put in, but could
not; and bearing longst the shoare, about two of the clocke after-
noone they came to Bildigh,3 in the countrey of Media, or Sheruan,
against which place they ankered in nine foot water. Presently,
after they were at anker, there came aboord of them a boat,
wherein were seuen or eight persons-two Turks, the rest Pérsians,
the Turks vassals-which bade them welcome, and seemed to be
glad of theyr arriuall, who tolde the factors that the Turke had
conquered all Media, or the countrey Sheruan, and how that the
Turks Basha remayned in Derbent with a garrison of Turks, and
that Shamackie was whollie spoyled, and had few or no inhabitants
left in it. The factours then being desirous to come to the speech
of the Basha, sent one of the Tisiks (or merchants that went ouer
with them from Astracan, passingers) and one of the companyes
seruants, Robert Golding, with those souldiours to the captaine of
Bachu port. Backow, which place standeth hard by the sea, to certifie him of
their arriuall, and what commodities they had brought, and to
¹ So called after Mt. Besh Barmak, which rises two miles from
the shore to a height of 1,935 ft. Besh Barmak means "the five
fingers", from the five distinct peaks which formerly stood in a row
along its crest. The rocks, three in number, seen by Burroughs, are
marked on Ivashintsef's charts much nearer the shore than Bur-
roughs says. They only stand 15 ft. above water, and are hardly
visible except from a height; hence they are omitted on old maps of
the Caspian, and even on some modern ones, having been often con-
founded with the Two Brothers, two rocks farther down the coast.
-Puschin, Kaspiiskoye more, 1877, p. 86.
2 Cf. ante, p. 407.
3 Bildigh. Bilginski bay, not named on old maps, on the northern
coast of the peninsula of Apsheron, may be identified as the landing
place of Christopher Burroughs. Baku would be reached in about a
day by the high road to this town, passing near the bay. Like other
roadsteads along this coast, Bilginski bay is much exposed to winds
from the North and East.-Semeonof, art. "Bilginskaya”.
4 Shemakha was destroyed in 1578 by the Persian prince, Hamza
Mirza, as a punishment to the inhabitants for submitting to the
Turks. Cf. ante, p. 447.
APPENDIX.
453
desire friendshippe to haue quiet and safe traffike for the same.
Backow is from Bildih, the place where they road, about a dayes
iourney one foote, easily to be trauelled, which may be sixe leagues
the next [nearest] way ouer land; it is a walled towne, and strongly
fortified. When the sayd messenger came to the captaine of Back-
owe, the said captaine gaue him very friendly intertainement; and
after he vnderstood what they were that were come in the shippe,
and what they had brought, he seemed to reioyce much thereat ;
who gaue the sayd Golding licence to depart backe the next day,
being the eight and twentith day, and promised that he would
himselfe come to the shippe the next day following; with which
answere the sayd Golding returned, and came to the shippe the
sayd eight and twentith day, about nine of the clocke at night.
The nine and twentith day, in the morning, the factours caused a
tent to be set vp at shoare neere the shippe, agaynst the coming
of the sayde captayne, who came thither about three of the clocke
after noone, and brought about thirtie souldiours, that attended
on him in shirts of male [mail]; and some of them had gauntlets
of siluer, others of steele, and very fayre. The factours met him
at theyr tent, and after very friendly salutations passed betweene
them, they gaue him for a present a garment of cloth of veluet
and another of scarlet, who accepted the same gratefullie. After
they had talked together by theyr interpretours, as well of the
state of the voyage and cause of theyr comming thither, as also
learned of the sayde captaine the state of that countrey, the
factours made request vnto him that he woulde helpe them to the
speeche of the Basha, who answered that theyr demaund was
reasonable, and that hee woulde willingly shew them therein what
pleasure he could, and sayd, because the way to Derbent, where the
Basha remayned, was dangerous, he would send thither and
certifie him of theyr arriuall and what commodities they had
brought, and such commodities as they would desire to exchange
or barter the same for he would procure the said Basha to prouide
for them; and therefore willed the factors to consult together
and certifie him what they most desired, and what quantitie they
would haue prouided. So, whilest the factors were consulting
togither thereupon, the captaine talked with a Tisike merchant
454
APPENDIX.
that came ouer in the ship with them from Astracan, which
Tisike, among other matters in talke, certified the captaine that
the night before the factors and theyr company were determined
to haue returned backe againe to Astracan, and they were about
to way theyr ankers, which in deed was true, but the maister of
Thom. the barke, Thomas Hudson of Limehouse, persuaded them that
Limehouse, the winde was not good for them to depart, &c. When the factors
Hudson of
master of
the English
barke.
M. Chris-
toph. Bur-
rough.
came againe to talke with the captaine, they desired to go to the
Basha, and that he would safely conduct them thither. He
granted theyr requests willingly, desiring them to goe with him to
a village hard by, and there to abide with him that night, and the
next day they should go to Backow, and from thence proceed on
their iourney to Derbent. They were vnwilling to go that night
with him, because theyr prouision for the way was not in readi-
nesse, but requested that they might stay till the morning.
Thereupon the captaine sayd it was reported vnto him that they
ment the night before to haue gone away; and if it should so
happen, he were in great danger of loosing his head. For which
cause he requested to haue some one for a pledge; wherefore Master
Garrard, one of the factours, offered himselfe to go, who because
he could not speak the Russe tongue, tooke with him Christopher
Burrough and a Russe interpretour. That night they road from
the sea side to a village about ten miles off, where at supper time
the captaine had muche talke with Master Garrard of our countrey,
demanding where about it did lie, what countries were neere vnto
it, and with whom we had traffike, for by the Russe name of our
countrey he could not coniecture who we should be.
But when,
by the situation, he perceiued we were Englishmen, he demanded
if our Prince were a mayden Queene. Which, when he was certe-
fied of, then (quoth he) your land is called Engleterra, is it not?
Answere was made it was so; whereof he was very glad when he
knew the certainty. He made very much of them, placing Master
Garrard next to himselfe, and Christopher Burrough, with the
Russe interperetour for the Turkie tongue, hard by. There was a
Gillan merchant¹ with him at that present, of whome he seemed to
1 Le., a merchant of Ghilan.
APPENDIX.
455
make great account; him he placed next to himselfe on the other
side, and his gentlemen sate round about him talking together.
Theyr sitting is vpon the heeles, or crosse legged.
Supper being brought in, he requested them to eat. After
theyr potage (which was made of rice) was done, and likewise
theyr boyled meat, there came in platters of rice sodden thicke,
and hony mingled withall; after all which came a sheep rosted
whole, which was brought in a tray and set before the captaine.
He called one of his seruitours, who cut it in pieces, and laying
therof vpon diuers platters, set the same before the captaine; then
the captaine gaue to Master Garrard and his company one platter,
and to his gentlemen another, and to them which could not well
reach he cast meat from the platters which were before him.
Diuers questions he had with Master Garrard and Christopher Bur-
rough at supper time about their diet, inquiring whether they eat
fish or flesh voluntarily or by order. Theyr drinke in those parts
is nothing but water. After supper (walking in the garden) the cap-
taine demanded of Master Garrard whether the vse was in England
to lie in the house or in the garden, and which he had best liking
of. He answered, where it pleased him, but theyr vse was to lye
in houses; thereupon the captaine caused beds to be sent into the
house for them, and caused his kinsman to attend on them in the
night, if they chanced to want anything; he himselfe, with his
gentlemen and souldiors, lying in the garden.
In the morning very early he sent horse for the rest of the
company which should go to Derbent, sending by them that went
tenne sheepe for the shippe. In that village there was a Stoue,¹
into which the captaine went in the morning, requesting Master
Garrard to go also to the same, to wash himselfe, which he
did. Shortly after theyr comming out of the Stoue, whilest
they were at breakfast, Master Turnbull, Master Taylboyes,
and Thomas Hudson, the master of the shippe, came thither;
and when they had all broken theyr fasts, they went to
Backow. But Christopher Burrough returned to the ship,
for that he had hurt his leg, and could not well endure that
I.e., a hot bath.
456
APPENDIX.
trauell. And from Backow they proceeded towards Derbent,
as it was by the captaine promised, being accompanyed on
theyr way for theyr safe conduct with a gentleman and certaine
souldiors, which had the captaine of Backow his letters to the
Basha of Derbent, very friendly written in theyr behalfe. In
theyr iourney to Derbent they forsooke the ordinary wayes, being
very dangerous, and trauelled thorow woods till they came almost
to the towne of Derbent; and then the gentleman road before
with the captaines letters to the Basha, to certifie him of the
English merchants comming; who, receiuing the letters and vnder-
standing the matter, was very glad of the newes, and sent forth
to receiue them certain souldiors, gunners, who met them about
two miles out of the towne, saluting them with great reuerence,
and afterwardes road before them. Then again met them other
souldiours, somewhat neerer the castle, which likewise hauing
done their salutations, road before them; and then came forth
noble men, captaines, and gentlemen to receive them into the
castle and towne. As they entred the castle there was a shot
of twentie pieces of great ordinance, and the Basha sent Master
Turnbull a very fayre horse with furniture to mount on, esteemed
to be worth an hundred markes; and so they were conueyed to his
presence; who, after he had talked with them, sent for a coate of
cloth of golde and caused it to be put on Master Turnbulles backe,
and then willed them all to depart and take theyr ease, for that
they were wearie of theyr iourney, and on the morrow he would
talke further with them. The next day, when the factors came
againe to the presence of the Basha, according to his appointment,
they requested him that he would grant them his priuilege,
whereby they might traffike safely in any part and place of his
countrey, offering him that if it pleased his Maiesty to haue any
of the commodities that they had brought, and to write his minde
thereof to the captaine of Backow, it should be deliuered him
accordingly. The Bashaes answer was that he would willingly giue
them his priuilege; yet for that he regarded theyr safetie, hauing
come so farre, and knowing the state of his country to be trouble-
some, he would haue them to bring theyr commodity thither, &
there to make sale of it, promising he would prouide such com-
APPENDIX.
457
of Bildih. 40.
The varia-
compas, 10.
modities as they needed, and that he would be a defence vnto
them so that they should not be iniured by any. Whereupon.
the factors sent Thomas Hudson backe for the ship, to bring her to
Derbent, and the Basha sent a gentleman with him to the cap-
taine of Backow, to certifie him what was determined; which mes-
sage being done, the captaine of Backow and the Bashaes mes-
senger, accompanied with a doozen souldiours, went from Backow
with Thomas Hudson, and came to the ship at Bildih the 11. day
of Iune. After the captaine and his men had beene aboord and
seene the ship, they all departed presently; but the gentleman,
messenger from the Basha, with three other Turks, remained
aboord, and continued in the shippe till she came to Derbent. The The latitude
latitude of Bildih by diuers obseruations is 40. degrees 25. minuts; deg. 25. min.
the variation of the compasse, 10. degrees 40. minuts from North tion of the
to West. After the returne of Thomas Hudson backe to Bildih, deg. 40.min.
they were constrayned to remayne there with the shippe through
contrary windes vntill the 16. day of Iune, foure of the clocke in
the morning, at which time they weyed anker, set saile, and
departed thence towardes Derbent, and arriued at anker against
Derbent, East and by South from the sayd castle, in foure fathome
and a halfe water, the 22. day of Iune, at ten of the clocke in the
morning. Then they tooke vp their ordinance, which before they
had stowed in holde for easing the shippe in her rowling. In the
afternoone the Basha came downe to the water side against the
shippe, and hauing the said ordinance placed and charged, it was
all shotte off to gratifie him; and presently after his departure
backe, he permitted the factors to come aboord the shippe. The
29. day theyr goods were vnladen and carryed to the Bashaes
garden, where he made choyce of such things as he liked, taking
for custome of euery fiue and twentie karsies, or whatsoeuer, one,
or after the rate of foure for the hundred. The factours, after
his choyce made, determined to send a part of the rest of the
goods to Backow, for the speedier making sale thereof, for which
cause they obteined the Bashaes letter to the captayne of Backow,
written very fauourably in theyr behoofe. And thereupon was
laden and sent in a small boat of that countrey in merchandize to
the value (very neere) of one thousand pounds sterling; videlicet,
458
APPENDIX.
one hundred pieces of karsies, seuen broad clothes, two barrels of
cochenelio,¹ two barrels of tinne, foure barrels of shaffe. There
went with the same, of the companyes seruantes, William Winckle,
Robert Golding, and Richard Relfe, and two Russies, whereof one
was an interpretor, besides foure barkemen. They departed from
Derbent with the sayd barke the 19. of Iuly, and arriued at Bildih
the 25. day. Theyr passage and carriage of their goods to Backow
was chargeable, although theyr sales when they came thither were
small. They had great friendship shewed them of the captaine of
Backow, as well for the Bashaes letter as also for the factours
sakes who had dealt friendly with him, as before is declared.
Robert Golding, desirous to vnderstand what might be done at
Shamakie, which is a daies iourney from Backow, went thither,
from whence returning, he was set on by theeues, and was shot
into the knee with an arrow, who had verie hardly escaped with
his life and goodes, but that by good hap he killed one of the
theeues horses with his caliuer,2 and shot a Turk thorow both
cheeks with a dag. On the sixt day of August, the factors being
aduertised at Derbent that theyr ship was so rotten and weak,
that it was doubtfull she would not carry them backe to Astracan;
did therupon agree and bargen at that place with an Armenian,
whose name was Iacob, for a barke called a Busse, being of
3
4
burden about 35. tunnes, which came that yeere from Astracan,
Zore Islaud, and was at that instant riding at an island called Zere,5 about
three or foure leagues beyond or to the Eastwardes of Bildih,
which barke, for theyr more safety, they ment to haue with them.
in their returne to Astracan, and therupon wrote vnto Wincoll and
the rest at Backow that they should receiue the same Busse, and
lade in her their goods at Bildigh, to be returned to Derbent, and
1 Cochineal.
3 Ante, p. 405.
2 A kind of hand-gun or arquebuse.
4 Ante, p. 235, note.
5 Zere, doubtless one of the numerous islands forming the archi-
pelago of Baku, lying off the peninsula of Apsheron. The principal
of these now bear Russian names, but there is a place called Ziria
on modern maps, a little way inland on the south side of the
peninsula. See map of Apsheron Peninsula by Goolishambarow (in
Eng, and Russ.). Tiflis, 1882.
APPENDIX.
459
to discharge their first boate; which was obserued by them accord-
ingly. When all their goods were laden aborde the saide Busse at
Bildigh, and being readie to haue departed thence for Derbent,
there arose a great storme, with the winde out of the sea, by force
whereof the cables and halsters [hawsers] were broken, and their
vessel put a shoare and broken to pieces against the rockes; euery
of them that were in her saued their liues and part of the goods.
But there was a Carobia, or cheste, wherein were dollers and golde,
which they had receiued for the commodities of the companie
which they solde at Backowe, which at the taking out of the Busse,
fell by the barkes side into the water amongst the rockes, and so
was lost. The packes of cloth which they could not well take out
of the Busse were also lost; other thinges that were more portable
they saued.
The 18. of August the factors receiued from the Basha 500.
Batmans of rawe silke, parcell of the bargaine made with him,
who bade them come the next day for the rest of the bargaine.
The 19. day the Factors went to the Basha, according to his
appointment, but that day they could not speake with him; but it
was deliuered them, as from him, that they should looke and con-
sider whether anything were due vnto him or not, which grieued
the Factors; and thereupon Master Turnebul answered that their
heads and all that they had were at the Bashaes pleasure. But
then it was answered there was no such matter in it; but that
they should cast vp their reckonings to see how it stood betweene
them. The 20. day they cast vp their reckonings. The 21. they
went to haue spoken with the Basha, but were denied audience.
The 22. day they heard newes by a Busse that came from
Astracan that Arthur Edwards (whom the Factors left at Astracan Arthur Ed-
with the moitie of the goods) was dead, who departed this life at Astracan.
the
of¹
The 23. day the Factors receiued more from the Basha 500.
Batmans of silke. The 4. of September newes was brought to
Derbent that Golding, comming from Shammakie, was set on by
theeues (Turkes), and had hurt one of them.
1 Blanks in Hakluyt,
wards dieth
460
APPENDIX.
The 5. Tobias Atkins, the gunners boy, died of the fluxe, who
was buried the 6. day, 2. miles to the Southward of the Castle of
Derbent, where the Armenian Christians do vsually burie their
dead. About the 20. of September newes came to Derbent that
the Busse which they had bought of Iacob the Armenian, as before,
was cast away at Bildih; but they receiued no certaine newes in
writing from any of our people.
The 26. of September was laden aboord the shippe 40. bales of
silke. From the 26. til the 2. of October they tooke into the
shippe bread, water, and other necessary prouisions for their sea
store. The said 2. day of October, the Factors were commanded
vpon the suddaine to auoyd their house, and get them, with their
prouision, out of the towne. Whereupon they were constrained
to remoue and carry their things to the sea side against the ship,
and remained there all the night. The cause of this sudden
auoyding them out of the towne (as afterwards they perceiued)
was for that the Basha had receiued newes of a supplie with
treasure that the Turke had sent, which was then neere at hand,
comming towards him.
The 3. day of October all things were brought from the shoare
aboorde the ship, and that day the Factors went to the Basha to
take their leaue of him, vnto whom they recommended those the
Companies seruants, &c., which they had sent to Backow, making
accompt to leaue them behinde in the countrey; who caused their
names to be written, and promised they should want nothing, nor
be iniuried of any. After this leaue taken, the Factors went
aboord, purposing presently to haue set saile, and departed towards
Astracan, the winde seruing well for that purpose at South South-
And as they were readie to set saile, there came against the
shippe a man who weued [waved]; whereupon the boate was sent
a shoare to him, who was an Armenian sent from William Wincoll
with his writing tables,' wherein the saide Wincoll had written
briefly the mishappe of the losse of the Busse, and that they were
comming from Bildih towardes Derbent; they and such things as
they saued, with a small boate, forced to put a shoare in a place by
east.
1 I.., tablets.
APPENDIX.
461
the sea side, called the Armenian village. Whereupon the Factors
caused the shippe to stay, hoping that with the Southerly winde
that then blew they would come from the place they were at to
the shippe; but if they could not come with that winde, they ment
to saile with the shippe, with the next winde that would serue
them, against the place where they were, and take them in if they
could; which stay and losse of those Southerly windes was a cause
of great troubles that they afterwards sustained through yce, &c.,
entring the Volga, as shalbe declared.
The 4. day, the winde South Southeast, the shippe rode still.
This day Christopher Burrow was sent on shore to Derbent to pro-
uide some necessaries for the voyage, & with him a Tisike or two
which should goe in the shippe passengers to Astracan.
And being
on shoare, he sawe there the comming in of the Turkes treasure,
being accompanied with 200. souldiers and 100. pione[e]rs, besides
Captaines and Gentlemen. The Basha, with his captaines and
souldiers, very gallantly apparelled and furnished, went out from
Derbent about three or foure miles to meete the said treasure, and
receiued the same with great ioye and triumphe. Treasure was The Turke.
the chiefe thing they needed, for not long before the souldiers sent to Der-
were readie to breake into the Court against the Basha for their
pay. There was a great mutenie amongst them, because hee
had long differred and not payed them their due. The treasure
came in 7. wagons, and with it were brought 10. pieces of
brasse.
In the parts of Media where they were, there was no commoditie
to bee bought of any value but rawe silke, neither was that to bee
had but at the Bashaes handes, who, shortly after their comming
thither, taxed the countrey for that commoditie. His dealing with
our Marchants, as it was not with equitie in all points according
to his bargaine, so it was not extreeme ill. Of the commodities
they carried, hee tooke the chiefest part, for which hee gaue but
a small price in respect of the value it was there worth; and because
he had prouided such quantitie of commoditie for them, which
otherwise they coulde not haue had, the countrey being so trouble-
some, and trauaile by land so dangerous, he vsed them at his
pleasure.
his treasure
bent.
462
APPENDIX.
Osman
Basha.
Derbent
built by
the Great.
The newes that was reported to them at Astracan touching the
warres betweene the Turkes and Persians differed litle from the
trueth. For the Turkes armie, with ayde of the Crims (being in
number, by the information of 2. Spaniards that serued in those
warres, about 200,000), inuaded & conquered the countrey of
Media in anno 1577. When the great Turke vnderstoode of the
conquest, he appointed Osman Basha (the said Basha, and now
Captaine of Derbent) gouernour of the whole countrey, who
settled himselfe in Shamakie, the chiefe citie of Media and principal
place of trafique; vnto whome was sent from the great Turke, in
signification of the gratefull acceptation of his seruice and the
great conquest, a sword of great value.
After the said Basha had brought the countrey in order to his
liking, and placed garrisons where hee thought conuenient, the
armie was dissolued and sent backe. When the Persians vnder-
stoode that the Turkes armie was dissolued and returned, they
gathered a power together, and with the Queene2 of their countrey
as chiefe, they entred the countrey of Media, and ouerranne the
same with fire and sword, destroying whatsoeuer they founde, as well
people, cattell, as whatsoeuer els that might be commodious to the
Turkes. And after they had so ouerrunne the countrey, they came
to Shamakie, where the said Basha, Lieutenant generall of the
great Turke, was settled, and besieged it; whereupon the Basha,
seeing he coulde not long indure to withstande them, fledde thence
to Derbent, where he now remaineth.
Derbent is a strong castle, which was built by Alexander the
Alexander Great, the situation whereof is such that the Persians, being
without ordinance, are not able to winne it but by famine. When
the Turkes were filed from Shamakie, the Persians entred the same
and spoyled it, leauing therein neither liuing creature nor any
commoditie, and so returned backe into Persia, and settled them-
selues about Teueris, where there grewe some question among them
for the kingdome. Afterwards the Persians, hauing intelligence
of an armie from the Turke comming into Media, gathered them-
selues together in a great armie, and encountring the saide
2 Cf. ante, p. 447, note.
1 Cf. ante, p. 448.
APPENDIX.
463
Turkes, set vpon them on the sudden and vanquished them,
putting them all to the sworde. This ouerthrowe of the Turkes
grieued the Basha of Derbent, and made him to haue the more
care for his owne safetie.¹
Moreouer, newes was brought vnto him that the Kisel Bashaes
(that is to say, the nobles & gentlemen of Persia) were minded to
set vpon him, and that neere vnto Backow there lay an armie
readie to besiege it. Whereupon the Basha oftentimes would
ride about the Castle of Derbent, viewing the same and the springs
that did come to it, and where he saw any cause for reformation, it
was amended.
of Derbent,
52. min.
The latitude of Derbent (by diuers obseruations exactly there The latitude
made) is 41. deg. 52.2 The variation of the compasse at that 41. deg.
place about 11. deg. from North to West. From Derbent to
Bildih, by land, 46. leagues; from Derbent to Shamakie, by
land, 45. leagues; from Shamakie to Backow, about 10. leagues,
which may be 30. miles
be 30. miles; from Backow to Bildih, 5. or
sixe leagues by land, but by water about 12. leagues. From
the castle Derbent Eastwards there reache 2. stone walles³ to the
border of the Caspian sea, which is distant one English mile.
Those walles are 9. foote thicke and 28. or 30. foote high, and the
space between them is 160. geometrical paces, that is, 800. foote.
There are yet to be perceiued of the ruine of those walles, which
do now extend into the sea about halfe a mile. Also from the
1 According to Knolles, Osman Pasha was left in charge with
10,000 men by Mustapha Pasha, the Turkish general. After the
latter had left the country, the Persians took the offensive, and
appeared before Shemakha, where Osman then was (see p. 447, note).
Finding resistance, useless he fled, and made good his retreat to Der-
bend, the only possession left to the Turks in this country. Osman,
feeling insecure at Derbend, sought the alliance of Sahamal, Lord of
Brussa, whose daughter he married; and then, fearing treachery, put
his father-in-law to death, making his wife accessory to the crime.—
Hist. of the Turks, p. 941.
2 According to modern authorities, the latitude of Derbend is
42° 4' N.
3 These walls are well shown on an old map of the Caspian by
Van der Verden, published by Ottens in Amsterdam, 1723.-Cf. ante,
p. 129.
464
APPENDIX.
Castle Westward into the land they did perceiue the ruines of a
stone wall to extend, which wall, as it is reported, did passe from
thence to Pontus Euxinus, and was built by Alexander the great
when the castle Derbent was made.
The 5. of October, about noone, the winde North Northeast,
they wayed ancre, and set saile from Derbent, being longest the
coast to the Southwards, to seeke their men ; but as they had sailed
about foure leagues, the winde scanted¹ Easterly, so that they were
forced to ancre in three fathome water.
The 6. day they wayed ancre, and bare further off into the sea,
where they ancred in 7. fathome water, the shippe being very leke,
and so rotten abafte the maine maste, that a man with his nailes
might scrape through her side.
The 7. day, about 7. of the clocke in the morning, they set saile,
the winde Southwest. They considered the time of the yeere was
farre spent, the ship weake, leke, and rotten, and therefore deter-
mining not to tary any longer for Wincoll and his fellowes, but to
leaue them behinde, bent themselues directly towards Astracan,
and sayling North northeast vntill midnight, about 16. leagues ;
the winde then came to the North northwest, and blew much, a
very storme, which caused them to take in all their sailes, sauing
the fore corse,² with which they were forced to steere before the sea,
South by West and South southwest. And on the 8. day, about
2. of the clocke in the morning, their great boate sunke at the
ships sterne, which they were forced to cut from the shippe, to
their great griefe and discomfort, for in her they hoped to saue
their liues if the shippe shoulde haue miscaried. About 10. of the
clocke before noone they had sight of the lande, about 5. leagues
to the South of Derbent, and bare longst the coast to the South
eastwards vnto Nezauoo,³ where they came at ancre in 3. fathoms
and black oze, good ancre holde, wherof they were glad, as also
that the winde was shifted to the Northwest, and but a meane
gale. Wincoll and the rest of his felowes being in the Armenian
1 I.e., lessened.
2 Fore-sail.
3 I.e., Nizabad.-Cf. ante, p. 384.
APPENDIX.
465
village, which is about 18. versts to the westwards of Nezauoo,¹ the
place where against they rode at ancre, saw the ship as she passed
by that place, and sent a man in the night following alongst the
coast after her, who came against the ship where she rode, and
with a firebrand in the top of a tree made signes, which was per-
ceiued by them in the shippe; wherupon they hoysed out their
skiffe, and sent her a shoare to learne what was ment by the
fire; which returned a letter from Wincoll, wherein he wrote that
they were with such goods as they had at the Armenian village,
and prayed that there they might, with the same goods, be taken
into the shippes. The 9. day it was litle winde; they wayed and
bare a litle further off into the sea, towards the said village, and
ancred. The 10. day they sent their skiffe to the Armenian
village to fetch those men and the goods they had, with order that
if the winde serued that they could not returne to fetche the
shippe, they of the shippe promised to come for them against the
saide village. This day it was calme.
The 11. day, the winde Northwest, they rode still. The 12. day,
the winde Southeast, they wayed ancre, and bare against and
neere to the Armenian village, where they ancred; and then the
skiffe came aboord, and tolde them that our people at shoare were
like to be spoyled of the Tartars, were it not that the gunners
defended them. Then was the skiffe sent backe againe, to charge
them at any hand they should hasten aboorde the shippe, whatso-
euer it cost them. Wherupon all the companie came aboorde the
same day, sauing Richard Relfe and two Russes; but as soone as
the skiffe was returned aboorde the shippe, the winde blewe at
Southeast, and the Sea was growen so as they were forced to take
in their skiffe into the ship, and rode still till the 13. day; and
then hauing faire weather, early in the morning the skiffe was
hoysed out of the shippe and sent to shoare to fetch the said
Relfe and the two Russes, which were readie at the shoare side, and
with them two Spaniards that were taken captiues at the Goletta,²
¹ There are several villages near Nizovaya, or Nizabad, whose
inhabitants are engaged in the silk industry, and in the cultivation of
the madder root.-Puschin, op. cit., p. 80.
2 Cf. ante, p. 342.
H H
466
APPENDIX.
Two
Spaniards
deliuered
by our
English-
men.
in Barbarie, which serued the Turke as souldiers. Those Spaniards.
(of Christian charitie) they brought also aboord the shippe, to
redeeme them from their captiuitie, which were brought ouer into
England, and set free and at libertie here in London in September
1581. The winde this day at North northeast, faire weather.
The 14. day they sent their skiffe to shoare, and filled fresh water.
The 15. day they rode still, being little winde and fogge. The 16.
day, the winde East Southeast, they wayed ancre and set saile,
bearing Northwards towardes Astracan, and the same night they
ancred in 10. fathoms water, about 5. miles from the shoare of the
Shalkaules' countrey, which place is 8. leagues North northwest
from Derbent. The 17. day, the winde at North, very Stormie,
they rode stil all that day & night. The 18. the winde all South
east, about one of the clocke afternoone they wayed ancre, and
sailed thence til 4. of the clocke North northeast 6. leagues, then
might they see the land Northwest about 10. leagues from [them],
the wind Southeast. From thence they sailed til midnight North
northeast 12. leagues. From thence til ye 19. day, 7. a clocke in
ye morning, they sailed North northeast 8. leagues, the wind
then East southeast, a faire gale: they sounded, and had 17.
fathoms and sand, being (as the Master iudged) about the head of
Shetly. From thence till 12. of the clocke at noone they sailed
North 5. leagues, the winde then at East, a faire gale: they sounded,
and had 5. fadoms. From thence till 8. of the clocke at night
they sailed North 7. leagues, the winde then at Northeast, with
small raine; they tooke in their sailes and ancred in 3. fadoms
water and soft oze, where they rode still all night, and the 20. day
aud night, the winde Northeast, as before, with small raine.
2
The 21. day, the winde Northwest, they likewise rode still. The
22. day, about 3. of the clocke in the afternoone, they wayed ancre,
the winde West Northwest, and sailed from thence till sixe of the
clocke at night North 4. leagues; then they ancred in 2. fathoms
and a halfe, soft oze, the winde at West, a small breath.
The 23. day, about 7. of the clocke in the morning, they wayed
ancre and set saile, being little winde Easterly, and sailed till 2. of
the clocke after noone Northwest, in with the shoare about sixe
1 Cf. ante, p. 128.
2 Cf. ante, p. 127.
APPENDIX.
467
leagues, and then ancred in 6. foote water, hauing perfect sight of
the lowe lande (sande hilles), being about three miles from the
neerest land. This place of the land that they were against they
perceiued to be to the westwards of the foure Islands (called in
the Russe tongue Chetera Bougori) and they founde it afterwards
by due proofe to be about 50. versts, or thirtie English miles, to
the Southwest or Southwest by South from the said Chetera Bogori.¹
The 24. day, the winde at East and by south, a sea winde, called
Gillauat, caused them to ride still. The 25. day they thought
good to sende in their skiffe Robert Golding, and certaine Russes
to rowe him longest Northwards by the shoare, to seeke the foure
Islands, and so to passe vnto the Vchooge, and there to land the
saide Rob. Golding, to proceede to Astracan, to deliuer Amos Riall
a letter, wherein he was required to prouide Pauoses to meete the
shippe at the saide Islands; and the skiffe with the Russes were
appointed to returne from the Vchooge with victuals to the
shippe; which skiffe departed from the shippe about nine of the
clocke in the forenoone. The 26. 27. 28. and 29. dayes, the windes
Easterly and Northeast, they roode still with their shippe. The
30. day, the winde Southeast, they wayed and set saile to the
Northeastwards; but the shippe fell so on the side to the shore-
wards, that they were forced eftsoones to take in their sailes and
ancre againe, from whence they neuer remooued her. That day
they shared their bread; but in their want God sent them two A strange
couies of partridges, that came from the shoare and lighted in and prouision
about their shippes, whereby they were comforted, and one that reliefe.
lay sicke, of whose life was small hope, recouered his health.
The 4. of Nouember the skiffe returned to the shippe with some Nouember.
victuals, and certified that the 4. Islands were about 60. versts
from them to the Northeastwards. When Robert Golding came
to Astracan, and deliuered there the Factors letters to Amos Riall,
the duke, captaine of that place, was done to vnderstand² of the
ships arriual and of the state they were in, and their request for
Pauoses; who was very glad to heare of their safe returne, and
appointed to be sent with all speede 2. Pauoses and a Strooge,
¹ Cf. ante, pp. 127, 450.
2 Like the French idiom, faire comprendre.
accident of
for their
HH 2
468
APPENDIX.
with gunners to garde and to defende them. With the which
Strooge and Pauoses, Amos Riall went down to the Chetera Bou-
gori, or 4. Islands aforesaid, where hee stayed with those barks,
according to the Factors appointment. The 5. day they purposed
to send from the shippe their skiffe, with the carpenter and 4.
Russes to towe him to the 4. Bowgories, to request Amos Riall to
come from thence with the Pauoses to the ship with al possible
speed. The skiffe with those men departed from the ship in the
morning, and within one houre they met with a small boat with
Russes rowing towards the ship, which came from the Ouchooge
with a wilde swine and other victuals to sell; with the same boate
the skiffe returned backe to the ship. After the Russes had
receiued and were satisfied for the victuals they brought, the
same day they returned with their boate backe toward the
Ouchooge, and with them in the same boate was sent the carpenter
of the ship, to the Chetera Bougori, which were in their way, to
declare vnto Amos Riall the message before appointed him.
From the 5. vntill the 9. day the ship rode still, with contrary
winds Easterly. The same 9. day came to the ship certaine
Russes in a small boate, which brought with them some victuals
sent by Amos Riall, and declared that hee, with the Pauoses and
Stroog, had remained at the Chetera Boogori 5. days, expecting
the comming thither of the ship. The 10. day, being doubtfull of
the Pauoses comming, they sent Thomas Hudson, master of the
ship, in the skiffe (and with her went the aforesaid skiffe boat)
towards the Chetera Boogori to the Pauoses, to bring word whether
they would come to the ship or not; the winde then at Northeast,
with fogge. The 11. day, the winde Northerly with fogge, the
ship rode still. The 12. day, Amos Riall, Christopher Fawcet, and
a new gunner came to the ship, and with them the Master,
Thomas Hudson, returned; but the Strooge, with the gunners,
remained at the Chetera Boogori, and from thence (when it began
to freese) returned to Astracan. Amos Riall declared that he
sent the carpenter backe from the Chetera Boogori in a small
boate on the 10. day, and marueiled that he was not come to the
shippe, but in the fogge the day before (as afterwards they
learned) missed the shippe and overshot her, and afterwards
APPENDIX.
469
returning backe, hee found the ship at ancre, and nothing in her
but the Russes that were left to keepe her, and then hee departed
thence and went to the Vchooge, and there stayed. Presently,
vpon the coming of the Pauoses to the shippe, they vsed as much
speede as might be to get the goods out of the shippe into them,
and after the goods were laden in, they tooke in also of the
ships Ordinance, furniture, and prouision as much as they could.
The 13. day in the morning, Amos Riall was sent away in a
small boate towards Astracan, to prouide victuals and carriages to
relieue and helpe them who could passe no further then the foure
Islands; but was there ouertaken with yce and forced to leaue his
boate, and from thence passed poste to Astracan, finding at the
Vchooge the Carpenter returned from his ill iourney, very ill
handled with the extremitie of the colde. The same day they
departed also in those lighters with the goods towards the Chetera
Boogori, leaning the shippe at ancre, and in her two Russes,
which, with three more that went in the Pauoses to prouide
victuals for themselues and the rest, and therewith promised to
returne backe to the shippe with all speede, had offered to vnder-
take, for twentie rubbles in money, to carry the shippe into some
harborowe, where shee might safely winter, or els to keepe her
where shee rode all winter- which was promised to be giuen them
if they did it. And the same day, when with those lighters they
had gotten sight of the 4. Islands, being about eight versts South-
west from them, the winde then at Northeast did freeze the sea so
as they could not rowe, guide, stirre, or remooue the said lighters,
but as the wind and yce did force them. And so they continued
driuing with the yce Southeast into the sea by the space of fourtie
houres, and then, being the sixteene day, the yce stoode. Whiles
they droue with the yce, the dangers which they incurred were
great, for oftentimes when the yce with the force of winde and sea
did breake, pieces of it were tossed and driuen one vpon another
with great force, terrible to beholde, and the same happened at
sometimes so neere vnto the lighters, that they expected it woulde
haue ouerwhelmed them, to their vtter destruction; but God, who
had preserued them from many perils before, did also saue and
deliuer them then.
470
APPENDIX.
Chetera
Babas.
Within three or foure dayes after the first standing of the yce,
when it was firme and strong, they tooke out all their goods,
being fourtie and eight bales or packes of rawe silke, &c., layde it
on the yce, and couered the same with such prouisions as they
had. Then, for want of victuals, &c., they agreed to leaue all the
goods there vpon the yee, and to goe to the shoare; and thereupon
brake vp their chests and Corobias, wherewith, and with such
other things as they coulde gette, they made sleds for euery of
them to drawe vpon the yce, whereon they layde their clothes to
keepe them warme, and such victuals as they had, and such other
thinges as they might conueniently carry; and so they departed
from the saide goods and Pauoses very early, about one of the
clocke in the morning, and trauayling on the yce, directed their
way North, as neere as they could iudge; and the same day,
about two of the clocke in the after noone, they had sight
of the Chetera Babbas (foure hillockes of Islands so called), vnto
the same they directed themselues, and there remained that night.
The goods and Pauoses which they left on the yce they iudged
to be from those Cheter Babas about 20. versts.
And the next morning departed thence Eastwardes, and came to
the Chetera Bougories (or foure Islands before spoken of) before
noone (the distance betweene those places is about fifteene verstes),
where they remained all that night, departing thence towards
Astracan. The next morning very earely they lost their way,
through the perswasion of the Russes which were with them,
taking to[o] much towardes the left hande (contrary to the opinion
of Master Hudson). Whereby, wandering vpon the yce foure or
fiue days, not knowing whether they were entred into the Crimme
Tartars lande or not, at length it fortuned they mette with a way
that had bene trauailed, which croste backewardes towardes the
Sea, that way they tooke, and following the same, within two
dayes trauaile it brought them to a place called the Crasnoyare
(that is to say in the English tongue), redde cliffe, which diuers of
the companie knewe. There they remayned that night, hauing
nothing to eate but one loafe of bread, which they happened to
finde with the two Russes that were left in the shippe to keepe
her all the winter (as is aforesaide), whom they chaunced to meete
APPENDIX.
471
going towards Astracan, about fiue miles before they came to the
said Crasnoyare, who certified them that the shippe was cut in
pieces with the yce, and that they had hard scaping with their
liues.
In the morning they departed early from Crasnoyare towardes
the Ouchooge, and about 9. of the clock before noone, being within.
10. versts of the Vchooge, they mette Amos Riall with the carpenter,
which he founde at Ouchooge, and a gunner newly come out of
Englande, and also sixtie and fiue horses with so many Cassacks
to guide them, and 50. gunners for garde, which brought pro-
uision of victuals, &c., and were sent by the Duke to fetche the
goods to Astracan. The meeting of that company was much ioy
vnto them.
The Factors sent backe with Amos Riall and the saide companie
to fetche the goods, Thomas Hudson, the master, Tobias Paris, his
mate; and so they, the saide Factors and their company, marched
on to the Vehooge, where they refreshed themselues that day and
the night following, and from thence proceeded on towards
Astracan, where they arriued the last day of Nouember.
These that went for the goods, after their departure from the December.
Factors, trauailed the same day vntill they came within 10. versts
of the Chetera Babus, where they rested that night. The next
morning by the breake of the day they departed thence, and before
noone were at the Chetera Babas, where they stayed all night.
But presently departed thence Thomas Hudson, with the carpenter
and gunner, to seeke where the goods lay, who found the same,
and the next day they returned backe to their company at the
Chetera Babas, and declared vnto them in what sort they had
found the said goods.
The 3. day, early in the morning, they departed all from the 4.
Babas towards the saide goods, and the same day did lade all
the goods they coulde finde vpon the said sleds, and with al con-
uenient speede returned backe towardes Astracun. And when
they went to the Chetera Bougori, where they rested the night,
in the morning very early, before the breake of day, they were
assaulted by a great companie of the Nagays Tartars horsemen,
which came showting and hollowing with a great noyse, but our
472
APPENDIX.
Their
returne to
Astracan.
people were so inuironed with the sleds, that they durst not enter
vpon them, but came by and shotte their arrowes amongst them,
and hurt but one man in the head who was a Russe, and so de-
parted presently. Yet when it was day they shewed themselues
a good distance off from our men, being a very great troupe of
them, but did not assault them any more. The same day our
men, with those cariages, departed from thence towards Astracan,
where they arriued in safetie the 4. of December, about 3. of the
clocke in the after noone, where our people greatly reioyced of
their great good happe to haue escaped so many hard euents,
trouble, and miseries as they did in that voyage, and had great
cause, therefore, to praise the Almightie, who had so mercifully
preserved and deliuered them. They remained the winter at
Astracan, where they found great fauour and friendship of the
Duke, Captaine, and other chiefe officers of the place. But that
winter there happened no great matter worth the noting.
In the spring of the yeere 1581. about the mids of March, the
yce was broken up and cleare gone before Astracan; and the ninth
of Aprill, hauing all the goods that were returned from the parts
of Media laden into a Strooge, the Factors, William Turnebull,
Matthewe Tuileboyes, Giles Crowe, Christopher Burrough, Michael
Lane, Laurence Prouse, gunner, Randolfe Foxe, Th. Hudson,
Tobias Parris, Morgan Hubblethorne, the dier, Ric., the surgean,
Rob. Golding, Iohn Smith, Edward Reding, carpenter, aud
William Perrin, gunner; hauing also 40. Russes, whereof 36.
were Cassacks to rowe, the rest Marchants passengers, departed
from Astracan with the said Strooge and goods vp the Folga
towards Yeraslave. They left behind them at Astracan, with the
English goods & Marchandise there remayning, Amos Rial,
W. Wincol, and Richard Relfe, and appointed them to sell &
barter the same, or so much thereof as they could, to the Tisiks,
if there came any thither that spring, and to others as they might,
& the rest, with such as they should take in exchange, to returne
vp to Yeraslaue that summer, when the Emperours carriage
should passe vp to the Volga. The 21. day they came with their
Strooge to the Perauoloke,¹ but made no stay at that place, for
¹ Cf. ante, p. 55.
APPENDIX.
473
they had bene much troubled with yce in their coming from
Astracan. The 3. of May, about noone, they came to Oueke,¹
and from thence proceeding vp the riuer, on the 17. day William
Turnebul departed from the Strooge in a smal boate, and went
before towardes Tetusha,2 to prouide victuals and sende downe to
the Strooge, from which place they were then about 230. versts.
The 23. day they mette a boate with victuals, which William
Turnebull sent from Tetusha; and the same day they arriued with
their strooge at Cazan, where they remayned till the fourth of
Iune; the Factors sent Giles Croue from Cazan to the Mosco
with their letters the 30. of May. The fourth day of lune they
departed from Cazan with their Strooge, and arriued at Yeraslaue
the 22. day, about 5. of the clocke in the morning.
The 23. day they prouided Telegos to carry the goods to
Vologda. The 24. day, hauing the goods laden vpon Telegos, they
departed with the same towards Vologhda, and remained there fiue
verstes from Yeraslaue.
The 29. day they came to Vologhda with all their goods in
safetie and good order. The same 29. William Turnebull and
Peter Garrard departed from Vologhdu port by water towards
Colmogro. The third of Iuly, hauing their goods laden in a small
Doshenike, they departed with the same from Vologhda towards
Rose Island by S. Nicholas, where they arriued in safetie the 16.
of Iuly, and founde there the Agents of Russia, and in the Rode
the ships sent out of England, almost laden ready to depart.
The 25. day departed for England, out of the rode of S. Nicholas,
the shippe Elizabeth.
The 26. day departed thence the Thomas Allen and Marie Susan,
and in the Thomas Allen went William Turnbull, Matthew Tail-
boys, Thomas Hudson, and others. The goods returned of the
Persia voyage were laden into the shippe William and Iohn,
whereof was Master William Bigat, and in her with the same
goods came Peter Garrard and Tobias Parris.
The 11. of August, the same ship being laden and dispatched,
departed from the rode of S. Nicholas, and with her in companie
2 Cf. ante, p. 442.
1 Cf. ante, p. 54, note 3, and p. 443.
3 Cf. ante, p. 356, note.
1
474
APPENDIX.
another of the Companies fraighted ships, called the Tomasin,
whereof was Master Christopher Hal. In their returne homewards
they had some foule weather and were separated at the sea. The
William and Iohn put into Newcastle the 24. of September, from
whence the said Peter Garrard and Tobias Parris came to London
by lande, and brought newes of the arriuall of the shippe.
The 25. of September both the said shippes arriued at the port
of London in safetie, and anchored before Limehouse and Wapping,
where they were discharged, 1581.
XI.
Obseruations of the latitudes and meridian altitudes
of diuers places in Russia, from the North to the South,
Anno 1581.
Michael Archangel.¹
The English house
in Colmogro.2
Recola³
Yeegrist
Towlma5
Meridian altitude obserued at Michael the
Archangel, 42. degrees 30. minuts.
The true latitude, 64. degrees 54. minuts.
The English house in Colmogro, in latitude
64. d. 25. m.
The meridian altitude there obserued, the
29. of Iuly, 42. d. 15. m.
Meridian altitude, the 30. of
Iuly, 41. d. 46. m.
Declination, 16. d. 6. m.
Meridian [altitude], 4. of Au-
gust, 41. d. 50. m.
Declination Northerly, 14. d.
49. m.
Meridian altitude, the 15. of
August, 40. d. 45. m.
Declination Northerly, 11. d.
2. m.
64. d. 20. m.
62. d. 59. m.
1 Archangel (ante, p. 190), in lat. 64° 33′ N.-Semeonof.
2 Kholmogori (cf. ante, p. 100), in lat. 64° 13′ N.
60. d. 17. m.
3 Rakulskoye, a village on the Dwina, 58 versts (29 miles), from
Kholmogori, on the high road from Archangel to the capital. It is
marked on Hessel Gerard's map of Russia, 1614, and is placed on
modern maps (Arrowsmith, Kiepert) in lat. 64° N. approx.
4 Nikolsky Jagryschskio, placed on Arrowsmith's map in lat. 62°
N. approx.
5 Totma (ante, p. 25), according to Semeonof, in lat. 59° 58′ N., 205
476
APPENDIX.
Vologhda
Meridian altitude, the 20. of
August, 40. d.
Declination Northerly, 9. d.
1
17. m.
Meridian altitude, 21. of
August, 39. d. 36. m.
Declination, 8. d. 56. m.
59. d. 17. m.
Vologhda
59. d. 20. m.
Yereslaue².
Latitude by gesse, 57. d. 50. m.
Meridian altitude, 21. of Sep-
Swyaskagorod³
tember, 31. d.
56. d. 4. m.
Declination, 2. d. 56. m.
Meridian altitude, 23. of Sep-
Ouslona Monasterie.4
tember, 30. d. 26. m.
55. d. 51. m.
Declination, 3. d. 43. m.
Meridian altitude, 28. Sep-
Tetuskagorod5
tember, 28. d. 28. m.
55. d. 22. m.
Declination, 5. d. 35. m.
versts (137 miles) N.E. of Vologhda. Totma originally stood at the
mouth of the river of the same name, tributary of the Suhona, 15
versts, or 10 miles, from its present position. In 1539 the Tartars
destroyed it, when the inhabitants transferred their dwelling-places
to the old posad, or settlement, near some salt works, and soon after
that, before 1554, chose a new site, that at present occupied by the
town.
1 Vologhda (cf. ante, pp. 26, 27, 100), in lat. 58° 15′ N. according to
Semeonof, but in Arrowsmith's and Kiepert's maps in 59° 15′ approx.
This discrepancy requires explanation.
2 Yaroslavl, according to Arrowsmith, in lat. 57° 38′ approx.
3 Sviajsk (ante, p. 48), according to Arrowsmith, in lat. 55° 40′ N.
approx.
4 Uslon. There are two villages of this name, upper and lower.
Both of them belonged, till 1764, to the Troitsko-Sergievo Monastery
at Sviajsk, Upper Uslon. The place probably referred to in our
text is 27 versts (18 miles) distant from Sviajsk, on the high road to
Kazan along the Volga.
5 Tetiushi (ante, p. 442), lat. 54° 57′ N. according to Semeonof;
according to Arrowsmith, in lat. 54° 52′ approx. The place is marked
on Gerard's map quoted above.
APPENDIX.
477
Meridian altitude, 5. October,
Quekel
30. d. 12. m.
51. d. 30. m.
Declination, 8. d. 18. m.
Meridian altitude, 22. Octo-
Astracan
ber, 29. d. 36. m.
46. d. 10. m.
Declination, 14. d. 16. m.
2
Astracan
Meridian altitude, 1. of No-
vember, 26. d. 35. m.
Declination, 17. d. 16. m.
1 Uvek (ante, p. 100), lat. 51° 23′ N. according to Yule.
46. d. 9. m.
2 Astrakhan (ante, p. 100), lat. 46° 4' N. according to Semeonof;
46° 21′ N. according to Humboldt (Asie Centrale, ii, p. 229).
In comparing the latitudes in our text, taken by Christopher
Burroughs, with modern determinations, it should be remembered
how rude were the instruments with which the early navigators
worked. The astrolabe and mariner's cross staff, graduated only
to degrees, were the only instruments they had for taking meridian
latitudes. Compare these with the sextant of our day, or even
with the quadrant introduced in 1731, and the wonder is that
they should have been so near the mark. Not only were the
observations taken in this rough way liable to errors, but the method
of computing them was inexact. To find the declination of the sun,
recourse was had to a zodiacal ephemeris, which was also graduated
to degrees only, any fraction of a degree or minutes put down by the
observer being mere guess work. Neither was any account taken or
allowance made for dip of the horizon, refraction, or parallax. Mr.
E. F. Slafter, from whose little work* we borrow these particulars,
says the early latitudes are generally trustworthy to within a single
degree; and this we find the case both with those of Burroughs and
the still earlier observations by Jenkinson, given at page 100.
* History and Causes of the Incorrect Latitudes as Recorded in the
Journals of the Early Writers, Navigators, and Explorers, etc. Boston
(privately printed), 1882.
INDEX.
A.
Aa, Peter van der, copies a portion of
Jenkinson's map, cxlviii
Abdil Ghirai, the Tartar chief, 447
Abdon (see Muksalma)
Abdulla Khan of Bokhara, xxi, 82, 84;
becomes ruler, 85; his invasions of
Khorassan, 86, 92; his conduct
towards Jenkinson, 86
Abdulla Khan (Obdolowcan), King of
Shirvan, xxix, xxxii, xxxiv, clix, seq.;
his governorship, ib.; his court, 132;
entertainment given by, 133; 141,
149, 152; grants privileges, 157; 378,
379. 384; death of, xxxiv, 385
Abubekr Mirza, clxii
Ali Sultan, brother of Hadjim Khan,
70, 72
Almalik, 92
Altyn Immel, cxxx
Amadia, 410
Ambassadors from Central Asia, 94
Ambergris 244, 356
Amelek Channa, legend concerning,
137
Amudaria (see Oxus)
Amurath I, sultan, 2
Anastasia, first wife of Ivan IV, 122,
369
Andros or Andrew's shoal, 12
Anger (Anzersk Island), 192, seq.
Angrim, the name, 103
Abulghazi, the historian, referred to, Anne, the, 7, 10, 11, 355
xix, cxvii, clviii, 71, 76
Accurgar (Ak-Kurghan), cxxxvi, 60
Achates, the word, 214
Acsow (Akhsi), cxxxiii
Ac su (Ak su), 107
Antwerp, cxviii, 184, 258, 260, 345
Apprentices in Russia, 215, 216; one
year's apparel of, 226, seq.
Apsheron, peninsula of, xli, 139, 458
Ara, or Arini (see Votiaken)
Aderbaijan, the province, clxi, seq., Aral Sea, cxiv, cxviii, 71
140
Afonzo Dalboquerque, 147
Agnese, Baptista, cxx
Ahmed-uddin-bek, brother-in-law of
Shah Tahmasp, 387, 399
Aibughir bay,71
Ak Kala, xix
Alabaster, rocks of, clv, 24
Albertus Magnus, 182
Alcock, Thomas, xxxii, clix, seq., 150,
156, 216, 378, seqq.; slain in Persia,
379; referred to by D'Alessandri, ib.;
385; causes of his death, 216, 386
Aldersgate Street, lxxxviii, xci, seq.
Aleppo, Solyman's entry into, v, 1;
Turkish army encamped at, 4; 5, 6,
89, 108, 396, 397, 400, 401. 409, 413;
Venetians in, ib., 416, 420
Arash (see Araxes and Arrash)
Araxes, the river, 98
Archangel, the city, rise of, cxxv, 23;
when founded, 190
Ardebil (Ordowill), the town, xxxvii;
burial-place of the Sufi monarchs,
ib., 140, 425; 141, 149, 152, 389, 408,
425, 426, 427, 436
Ardocke, the river, xx, cxv, cxxviii,
clvii, seq., 68, 74; explained, clviii, 74
Ares Khan (Eras becke) of Shirvan, clx,
seq., 407, 428
Argomack (Argamak), the Turkoman
horse, 89; sent as presents to Tsars
and Emperors, ib.
Armenia, mountains of, 4; 343; cha-
racters of, 443
Arquebusses, 78, 360
Alessandri, d', referred to, 153, 379, Arrash, the city, xxxviii, clxi, 136; un-
396
Alexander the Great, wall built by,
xxviii, 130, 343; Derbend built by,
462, 464
Alexandrofsky Sloboda (suburb),lxxxii,
188, 250, 306, 321, 336
healthiness of, 136, 151, 152; iden-
tified with Ganja, 389, 408, 427.432
Artificers, English, in Mosco, 324, 338
Artillery and war materials required
by Ivan, 237; first use of in Rus-
sia, 360
480
INDEX.
Arzina, or Varzina, river, vii, cxxiii, 20
Ashton, lxxxviii, xcvii
Astrakhan (Astracan), ix, xii, xiv, xv,
xxii, seq., xxvii, xxxii, xxxvi, seq.,
xxxix, xl, xliii, liii, 45, 46, 51, seq.,
54; the old town, 56; Tartar names
for, ib.; sketch of, ib.; taken by
Ivan, ib.; latter history of, 57;
island of, 57, 59; conquest of, 58;
trade of, 58, seq.; 60, 97, 98, 99;
latitude of, 100, 477; 101, 102, 109,
117, 126, 154, 220, 228, 231, 266,
seqq., 320, seqq.; the ancient mart
town, 322; 329, 330, 378, 384, 386. |
389, 394, seqq.; distance from Khol-
mogori, 394; 397, 398, 400, 401, 406,
419, 423; besieged by Tartars, 424;
427, 429, 431, 442; karauls or
watches between Tsaritsin and, 444;
variation of the compass at, 447;
448, seqq., 454, 458, 459, 460, 466,
seqq.
Atherton, Andrew, 216, 275
Aura Soltana, xv, 109
Ayde, H. M. ship the, lxxii, lxxxvi,
167, seqq.
Azim can (see Hadjim Khan)
Azof (Asophe), 55, 56
Azy, or Hadji, name given to pilgrims
to Mecca, 62
B.
423-431 ;
xxxvi, 423, seq.; death of Ban-
nister, 427; Duckett journeys to
Kashan, 428, seq.; is attacked by
pirates on the Caspian, xxvii, 429,
seq.; is wounded, 430; returns to
Mosco, 431; arrives in London, ib.;
further observations by, 432-440
Baptism, ceremony of, 372, seq.
Barak Allah, an exclamation, 415
Barberini, Raphael, xlix, seq., 183, seqq.
Barmak tash rocks, xli, 452
Barnes, Sir George, lvi, 218
Barse, Russian for leopard, 103
Base countries (see Netherlands)
Basmackes, the word, 145
Bass rock, the, 171
attacked by Tartars,
Bassendine, or Bassington, James, 251,
260, 261
Batman, a Persian weight, 388
| Batory, Stephen, 318
Batu Khan, cxxxvii, cxliii, 43, 51
Baughleata, probable identification of,
61
Bawhyata, or Boghnata, 60
Bedford, Francis Russell, Earl of, xlviii;
letter to, 167-169; letter from, 169,
seq., 170; writes to Cecil, 172; his
letter to the Privy Council, 173-176
Bennet, Christopher, 219, 274, 276,
277, 278, 283, 284, 287, 289, 330
Berwick-on-Tweed, xlvii, 168, seq.
Baber, the Emperor, referred to, Best, Robert, lxviii, lxxix, 299, 302,
cxxxiii
Babylon, i.e., Bagdad, 411
Bactria, cxxxiv, 81
Baffin, William, his death, 147
315; narrative attributed to, 355
Bielozero, cxl, 193, 229, 246
Biely Ilmen bay, 63
Bilbil, xxxii, xxxvii, xli, 407, 424, 452
Baiset Soltan (Bajazet), xxix, seq., is Bildigh (Bilginsky) bay, xli, xliii, 452,
put to death 142, seq.
Bakhtiari (Baghtiar), cxxxv, 61
Baku, the town, xxxiii, xlii, 129, 136,
138, seq.; its naphtha springs, ib;
its harbour, 139; historical sketch
of, ib; the name, ib.; oil wells near,
439, seq., 452, seq., 454, seqq., 460,
463
Balak, John, cxv
Balakhna, cxxxix
Balkh (Balke), xxii, cxxxiv, 87, 94
Balsey slade, the passage, 12
Bannister, Thomas, and Geoffrey Duc-
kett, xii, xxxvi, seqq., lxxiii, lxxxiv,
clxi, 242, 251; their opinion of
the Russian trade, lxxv, 259;
their letter to Cecil, 258-261; to
the Muscovy Co., 261-264; 266,
275, 282; their letter to the Privy
Council, 283, seq., 303, 320, 321,
329, 409; their voyage into Persia,
seq.; latitude of, 457; variation of
compass at, ib., 463
Birket, Francis, 278, 287, 289
Biscay, 225
Bitumen, 440
Blacktail spit, 11
Bladebones of sheep, divination by,
77
Blessing the waters, ceremony of, 33,
362; at Astrakhan, 445
Blue sea, Sinye mortso of Russian
maps, 60
Bokhara (Boghar), xvi, xxi, xxii, xxv,
xlv, 81; historical sketch of, 81,
seq.; the name, how derived, ib.;
the city described, 82, seq.; water
of, 83; subject to Persia, 84; king
of, 85; coins of, ib. ; trade of, 87;
silk industry of, 88; exports from,
88; Russian trade with, 89, seq.;
trade from Cathay with, 90; clergy
INDEX.
481
the
of, 93; latitude of 100; 101, 102, | Carobia, a chest, 459, 470
of
107, 108, 126, 232, 266, 274, 322, Cartright, John, author
343, 356
Preacher's Travels, a plagiarist,
136
Bolghar, ancient kingdom of, 229
Bombasine, the material, 421
Bona, 342
Bothwell, Earl of, lands in Scotland,
xlvii, 170, 172, 173
Botky (bodkin), 394, 405
Bow staves, obligatory import of, 390
Bowes, Sir Jerome, xii, 275
Brook, John, 227
Buckland, John, master of the Prim-
rose, 10
Burhan Ali Khan, clix
Burhan, Khan of Bokhara, 84
Burials in Russia, 375, seq.
Burnes, A., referred to, 82
Burrough, Christopher, xvi, xl, seqq.,
lxvii, clxii, 54, 127, 128; his reports
on the sixth voyage into Persia, 441,
seqq.; 452, seq., 455, 461, 472; his
remarks on the decay of the Rus-
sian trade, cviii, seqq.
Burrough, Stephen, v, vii, xiii, lxvii,
seq., cxlviii, 16, 17, 19, 37, 104, 118,
159, 218; his navigation towards the
Ob, 253; 261
Burrough, William, lxvii; his map,
lxviii, cxx, cxlviii, 19, 188, 218, 243;
notes by, 254, seqq., 256, 261; uncle
of Christopher, 441
Burum, son of Budjugi Khan, 76
Busatchi peninsula, 63
Buss, a small vessel, 235, 458, 459
Bussarmans (Mussulmans), 79; how
Christians become, 420
C.
Cabot, Sebastian, lv, seq., 159
Caffa, the town, 55
Calendar, Julian, in use, 149
Calico, the word, 3
Caliver, a kind of hand-gun, 424, 458
Callicut, the place, 222, 419
Cama (Kama), the river, 50, 54, 61
Cambalu (Peking), 103
Cambrics, 88
Camchik (see Campion)
Campion (Kan-chau), 103, 107
Camul (Hami), 107
Cape, to, meaning of the word, 13
Capell, or Chappell, John, 263, 274,
278, 284, 287, 289
Caphars (Kafirs), 62, 79, 85, 417
Cara-calmack (Kara-Kalmak), 103
Cara reca (see Kara river)
Carmanarians, or Carmanians
Kerman)
(see
|
Casbin (Kazvin), the town, xxix, xxxii,
XXXV, xxxvii, seq., 106, 134, 141,
149, 152, 153, 220, 266, 274, 379,
385, 387, 389, 390, 393, 395, 397,
398, 399, 400, 405, 408, 411, 412,
426, 427, 432, 447
>
Cashan (Kashan), the town, xxxviii,
152, 389, 412, 428, seq.; described,
429
Caskayre, also Cashar (see Kashgar)
Caspian Sea, xv, xvi, xxvii, xxxiii, cxix,
cxlviii, erroneous shape of this sea
on old maps, cxviii; 50, 51, 58,
59, 61, 63, seq.; supposed gulf of,
67 seq.; 70, 72, 94; storms on, 96;
St. George's cross on, 97; descrip-
tion of, 97, seq.; 100, 101; discovery
of, 108; 117; pirates on, 126; 129,
135, 154, 220, 221, 321, 322, 329,
342, 343, 356, 378, 383, 419, 429,
440, 451
Cassaks (Kazzaks) Kirghiz, their origin,
90; their Khan Kasim, 91; defeated
by the Nogais, ib.; become powerful,
ib.; meaning of the word, ib.
Cassim (see Kassimof)
Cathay, iii, cxiv, 87, 90; routes to, 92,
101, seqq.; 108, 162, 164, 165; dis-
covery towards, xlv, 159, 166, 177,
178, 182; 232, 266, 274, 275, 342, 428
Caucasus mountains, 97, 98, 129, 135;
wall along ridge of, 130, 137; im-
posing view of, 451
Cazan (Kazan), fall of, ix, xii, xiv,
cxxii, 46, 47; emperors of, xxiii,
lxi, 31, 44, 49, 357; historical
sketch of, 48; described, 49; its
wealth, ib.; conquest of, ib.; 54, 99;
latitude of, 100; 154, 188, 228, 232,
266, 321, 329, 330, 342; 431, 442,
443, 473
Cazanka reca, 49
Cecil, Sir W., Lord Burghley, xii, 1,
lv, lvi, lxix, xcv; letters to, 176,
177, seq., 179, 186-189, 256-258, 258-
261, 279, 335-338, 427; instructions.
given by, 286; 292
Chaggi Memet (Hadji Mahomet), 106
Chahar-Kazzaks, 95
Challica Ostriua (see Cheteri Bugri)
Chamlets (camlots), 394, 405
Champneys, Thomas, 179
Chancellor, Richard, i, seqq., xiii, lv;
9, 107, 124, 159, 292, 293
Chapman, Lawrence, xxxv, clxi; his
ΙΙ
482
INDEX.
letter from Persia, 407-414; 417,
418, 426; death of, xxxviii, 427
Chatalet (see Shetly)
Chavanga, river, cxxiv
Cheboksari, the town, 46, seq.
Cheinie, Richard, xxxii, seq., clix, 156,
257, 258; account of voyage to Persia
written by, 378
Cherell, perhaps Kebela, 269
Corob, also Coroby and Corobia, the
word, xcviii, 206, seq., 226, 459
Corozan (see Khorassan)
Cosomomet (Khoja Mahomet), 387;
befriends the English, 399, 406
Cossacks, piracy of, xxxix, 429, seq.;
exploits of, 55, 61
Costrum (see Kostroma)
Craftsmen required by Ivan, 237
Cheremissi, the people, xiii, 24, 47, 50, Crasko, i.e., Crash. 88
51,342
Chernigof, 229
Chesel (Kizil), river, cxviii
Chester, Sir William, 10, 157, 230,
266, 279, 296, 299, 301, 403
Chetera Babbas islands, 470
Cheteri Bugri (four hillocks) island,
xliv, 127, 450, 467, 470
Chialis (Karashahr), 107
Chirchassi, lady of, 122
Crasnoyare, i.e., red cliff, 470, seq.
Crayer, or Cray, 173, 383
Crimme (Krim) Tartars, make war
upon Russia, xiii, xl, lxxix; 53, 337;
castle made by, 54; 321; extent of
their country, 342, 357; 367, 442,
444; invade Astrakhan, 446; invade
Shirvan, 447; 470
Crosse Island (see Sosnovetz)
Cuchi (Kucha), 107
Chorno-lese, the meaning of the word, Cuocullucia, Turkish for a hood, 2
104
Chuvashes, 46
Chyrcasses (Cherkess) mountaineers
of the Caucasus, 97; their country,
151, 342; 357, 424
Clarke, Edward, xxxii, 151, 156, 382
Clavijo, Ruy Gonzales de, 82
Cloth, first shipment of, vi, lxiv
Cock-boat, 95
Cyrus, river (see Kur)
D.
Dag, a kind of pistol, 405, 458
Daghistan, clx
Dailem, the high land, 381
Dale, Valentine, Dr., judge of the Ad-
miralty, 346
Danzic, 208, 237, 259
Coins and measures used in Russia, David, Prince of Georgia, 146
227
Cola (Kolah), 342
Colepecke (Kolpak), a Tartar word,
40
Collom (Kolomna), the town, xiv; his-
torical sketch of, 41, seq.; a muster-
ing ground for expeditions against
the Tartars, 42
Colmogro, or Kholmogori, the city,
iii, vi, vii, xxiv, xxvi, 1, li, lxi, seq.,
23; historical sketch of, 27, 100;
latitude of, ib., 475; lxxix, lxxxi,
cxxii, 105, 109, 119, 122, 156, 188,
190, 203, 215, 230, 234, 245, 264,
266, seq., 268, 273, 307, 308, 309,
322, 324, 333, 334, 336, 338, 356,
382, 393, 400, 419, 473; English
house at, 475
Comfort, cape, cxxiii
Commelski, or Komela, 28
Comorom, probably Karamuren, 104
Condora, the country, cxxvii, 229
Connyke (see Kumyk)
Constantinople, 5, 118
Consuls, 6
Della Valle (de la folia), Jacob, 284
Denmark, King of, prohibits English
trade to White Sea, xcv, 184, 259;
commissioners of, 344, seq.; 348;
proceedings with, 349, seq.
Derbend, xxviii, xli, seqq., cxxxv, 127;
princes of, clix; its position, 129;
343, 448, 452, 454, seq., 456, seq.,
458, seq.; Armenian burial place
at, 460; 461, 462; latitude of, 463;
stone walls of, 129; 463, 464, 466
Desna river, cxlii
Deú-Kesken, clvii, 69
Devlet Ghirei burns Mosco, lxxix, 53
Dimeshaki, the Arab geographer, re-
ferred to, 71
Dimmock, John, 10
Dolgoieue (Dolguev), 251, 256
Dollymant, 4; how derived, clv
Dommeshaff, cxxii (see Varanger fiord)
Don, the river, cxlii, 55; source of, ib.;
424, 443
Donskoi, Dmitri, viii
Dorn, Professor, clviii, seq.
Dorpe (Dorpat), cxliv, 35, 231, 233
Contarini, the Venetian traveller, re- Dosneckes, or Doshnikes, a river craft,
ferred to, xxviii, 56, 182
Cordage, 208, seq., 259
25, 441; the word how derived, 25
Dowbnay, or Dubna, 30
INDEX.
483
Drinks used in Russia, 376, seq.
Duckett, Geoffrey (see Bannister)
Duke, the long, 249
Dünaburg, cxliii
F.
Famine in Russia, 337
Fardle, the word, 115
Faucet, Christopher, clxi, 407, 408
Dutch, the, their trade to the White Faulcons, a kind of cannon, 445
Sea, 186
Dwina, the river, the northern en-
trance to, ii, vii, xxvi, li, lxii; tribu-
taries of, cxlvii; 22, seqq., 26, 126,
182, 190, 224; channels of, 235;
244, 254; country of, 230, 266,
268, 273; 293, 312, 322, 325, 332;
419, 441
E.
Easter in Russia, 365
Eclipse of moon observed at Astra-
khan, xl, 445
Eden, Richard, cited, lxix. cxlviii, 404
Edrisi, the author, referred to, xx
Edward Bonaventure, the, i; wreck of,
iv, 293
Edward VI, ii, lvi, cxxi, 262, 292,
346
Edwards, Arthur, xxxiii, seq., xl, seq.,
clix, seq., 132, 210, 218, seqq.; let-
ters of, 382, seqq., 384, seqq., 393,
seqq.; interviews the Shah, 393,seqq.,
403, 407, 408, 415, 416, 419, 444,
448; his death, 459
El-Biruni, the Arab geographer, re-
ferred to, 75
Elizabeth, Queen, takes measures to
suppress piracy, xlvii; her attention
to mercantile affairs, lxx, 146, 273;
message to, 238, seqq.; petitions to
159, seqq., 178, seq.; her letters to
Ivan, 109, seqq.. 287,seqq., 297, seqq.,
303, seq.; to the great Sophie, 112,
seqq.
Elton, John, 413
Emba, river, xvii, 63; loses itself in
the sand, ib.; 98
Embden, xcv, 344, seq., 349
English bodyguard for the Tsar, lxxvi,
263
English merchants in Russia, 23, 26,
250, 268, 270, seqq.; justice for, 271;
their right to coin money, lxxvi,
273; ill-behaviour of, 326, seqq.
Enuoys (invoices), the word, 115
Enzelli, the port, 412
Erasbecke, Sultan (see Ares Khan)
Eri (see Herat)
|
Finland, gulf of, cxliii, cxlviii
Flamborough head, 13
Fore corse, i.e., fore sail, 464
Forth, Frith of, xlvii, 171
Foxenose, or Cape Kerets, cxxv, 22
Foyst, a vessel with oars, 6
Furs, lxiv, 207, 208, 356
G.
Gall-nuts, 400, 427
Gallant, cape (see Sviatoi noss)
Gallyssia in Spain, 225
Ganja (see Arrash)
Garboile, the word, 425
Garrard, Peter, 444, 454, seq.
Gascoigne, George, the poet, 180
Gastaldo, cxx, cxxviii
Gauta (Kao-tai), 107
Georgia (see Grusia)
Gerard, or Garrard, Sir William, vi,
120, 157, 225, 230, 233, seqq., 266,
268, seq., 279, 286, 289, 296, 299,
301, 315, 316, seqq., 340, 403 (see
Russia Co.)
Ghilan (Gillan), xxxv, 152; king of, 220,
381; name of the province applied
to chief town, 381, 389; 400, 412,
418, 448
Giaour, 145, 146, 417
Gilbert, Sir H., xlvi, 177, seq.; his
petition to the Queen, 178, seq.; his
answers to Jenkinson, 180-182; 188
Gillefloure (Gilly flower), 421
Glover, Thomas, xxxiii, lxvii, 155, 207,
seq., 212, 217, 219, 222; privilege
given to, 274; 278, 282, seq., 284,
295, 304; pardoned, 323, 330;
writes to Cecil and Sir W. Gerard,
340; his escape from fire, ib.; 378,
380, 382, 390
Godoroke (Gorodok), 30
Gog and Magog, 130
Gold and silver plate at Mosco, 32
Golding, Robert, 452, seq., 458; goes
to Shemakha, ib.; narrow escape
of, ib., 459, 467, 472
Goldmore gate, 12
Goletta (Gollet), the, 342, 465
Goodman, Edward, 294, 312
Gorodetsky, point, cxxiii
Eric XVI, king of Sweden, 1, seq., 187 Gorodetz, cxli
Esemskye (see Zemski)
Esperes (see Spahis)
Euphrates, the river, 4
Gostine house, or Gostinny dvor, at
Astrakhan, 447
Gostinny Island, near Kazan, 49
II 2
484
INDEX.
Herat, 106, 152, 381
Gostino Poliye (Gosnopolie), 202, 203 | Helge land (Heilich Islands), vi, 14
Grace (Krasni), cape, cxxiii, seq., 22
Granovitaya Palata at Mosco, 31,
Gravesend, iv, seq., vi, 11, 121, 355,
441
Gray, Richard, iii, lxi, 293, 365, seq.
Greene, Thomas, 275, 302
Gregorief, Peter, 276, 281, 296
Grusia, Grozyne, or Georgia, xxxv;
king of, 146, 150; name of country
for chief town, 388; 401, 409, 432
Grusino, village, 202, 203
Guinea worm, the, 83
Herberstein mentioned, viii, seq., cxx,
cxxii, cxxviii, cxlv; his description
of Mosco, 34; anecdote told by, 38;
Russian dress described by, 39;
alluded to, 40, 44, 105
Herbert, John, concludes an agreement
with the commissioners of Denmark
for the traffic through the Sound
and by Norway, 351
Herbert, Sir Thos., referred to, 429,
434
Güldenstädt, the traveller, mentioned, Hides, buff, 224
127
Hirschvogel, cxx
Gulistan, treaty of, 130; castle of, clix, Hobby, 367
136, seq.
Gurief, the town, 62
Gustavus Vasa, ix, seq.; his fear of
Russia, 36; forms a league against,
ib.; endeavours to gain over Queen
Mary, ib.; makes peace with the
Tsar, ib., 46
H.
Haberdashery, 210
Hadji, the title, 62
Hadjim Khan (Azim Can), xviii, xix,
xxi, 66; receives town of Vezir as
his portion, 68; his five brothers, 68;
their rivalry, 72
Hailstones now termed grapeshot, 445
Hallape (see Aleppo)
Hamel, Dr., liv, seq., 184, 305, 355
Hamza Mirza surprises the Tartar
camp, 447; destroys Shemakha, 452
Han-chau-fu, 92
Hansa (Hanse) league, the, lii, 201
Hare, Mr., his Studies in Russia re-
ferred to, 355
Harry, the, xlix, lxxiii, lxxx, 189, 225,
243, 279, 306
Harwich, 12, 225, 243. 258
Hassan Agha, the great Turke's am-
bassador, 142, seq.
Hasse, John, on coins, etc., used in
Russia, 227
Hastings, Lady Mary, her proposed
marriage with the Tsar, xii, 257
Haucoire Hamshe, perhaps Fakir
Hamzah, 138
Hawking in Shirvan, 134
Hawking in Turkestan, 73
Hawtrey, Thomas, 216, 236, 286
Hayton, King of Armenia. his travels,
82
Hodson, Christopher, 218
Holland, our ladie of, the promontory,
12
Holy Island, 168
Hondius, cxviii
Horses, the Emperor's, brought to
drink, 33; wild, hunting the, 73
Horsey, Sir Jerome, alluded to, 26
Houses in Russia, how built, 27
Hudson, or Hodson, Christopher, lxiv,
109, 218
Hudson, Thomas, master of an English
bark on the Caspian, xlii, 451, seq.,
457. 468, 470, seq., 472, 473
Hull, to, meaning of the word, 451
Humboldt, Alexander von, xv, cxvi
Hunsdon, Lord, letter to, 279
Hyrcania, the country, 112; king of,
129; the name erroneously applied
to Shirvan, 135
I.
Ibn Batuta, the traveller, xvi; his visit
to Urgendj, 71, 75; referred to, 82,
101
Iegur, or Djugara (Sorgho), 69
Ilmen, lake, cxlv; rivers emptying
into, ib.
Ilya Muromets, 44
Imam Riza, sacred shrine of, 84
Inchkeith fort, 171
Indian trade with Bokhara, 88
Inger, or Ingö Sound, 16, 17
Intsi, cape, cxxv
Iron in Russia, 211, 270
Island of merchants, 49, seq.
Ismael, the Nogai prince, 56, 62
Ismail, second son of Shah Tahmasp,
153, 435
Ismail Sufi, xxix, 137, 139, seq., 152
Hayward, Sir Rowland, lxxxviii, 230, Itil, old name of Volga, 98
266, 269
Hazarasp, 68
Iug, or Yug. river, 24
Ivan III, liberates Russia from the
INDEX.
485
Tartars, viii; visits Vologhda, 26;
rebuilds Kolomna, 41; expatriates
the citizens of Novgorod, 203; sub-
dues Viatka, 229
Ivan, eldest son of Ivan IV, killed by
his father, 223, 257
Ivan (IV) Vassilivitch, ii, vi, vii-xiii;
is crowned at Mosco, ix; solicits the
hand of Queen Elizabeth, xi, seq.;
death of, xii; results of his policy,
xii, seq.; his grievances, lxxi, seq. ;
his portrait, cliii, seq.; his visits
to Vologhda, 26; his banquets and
plate, 32, seq.; his conquests, xii, 35,
seq., 46; assumes title of King of Li-
vonia, 35; pardons Shah Ali, 44;
sends an army to Astrakhan, 56;
takes the title of Tsar of Astrakhan,
57; embassies from Central Asia to,
94; letters from Queen Elizabeth to,
109, 287, seqq., 290, seqq., 297, seq.,
303, seq.; his letters to the Queen,
lv, 238, 280, seqq., 292, seqq., 299,
seqq., 332; his wives, xi; 122,
308; his commissions to Jenkin-
son, 125; takes Polotsk, 187; his
cruelties, ib., 203, 337; builds a new
castle at Mosco, 187, seq.; his titles,
228, seqq.; his demands of Eliza-
beth, 236; grants privileges, 228,
seqq., 265, seqq.; his anger against
Elizabeth, 296, seq.; withdraws privi-
leges, lxx, lxxviii, seqq., 297; his dis-
courses to Jenkinson, 311, seqq., 326,
seq.; stays at Staritsa, 318; forgives
the English merchants and restores
their privileges, lxxxv, 326, seq.;
his answers to Jenkinson's requests,
328, seqq.; his pilgrimage to Troitsa,
369; disciplined soldiers first intro-
duced into Russia by, 446
Ivangorod, xii, cxliv, 35, 269
Ivanozero, Ivan's lake, 55
J.
Jagatai, son of Jinghiz Khan, 343;
country and dialect of, ib.
Janizaries, meaning of the word, 2;
their revolts, ib.; their dress, 4
Jaxartes, the supposed flow of, to the
Caspian, cxiv
Jenkinson, Anthony, v, vii, xii, xiii-
xxxii; first Englishman to visit
Kazan, xiv; and enter the Caspian,
xv; his observations, xvi; his map,
ib., cxix, seqq.; his reception in Eng.
land, xxiv; is taken into the public
service, xlv; liii, liv, lxix; reason
for his not going to Russia in 1568,
at
lxxii, 314; contemporary notices of,
cxlviii, seq., clii; his itinerary ex-
plained, clvi, seq.; his dates confus-
ing, clvi; his appearance at Aleppo,
1; safe conduct given to, 5, seq.;
appointed admiral of the fleet and
captain general, 7; embarks at
Gravesend, 11; arrives at Kholmo-
gori, 22; at Vologhda, 26; depar-
ture from Vologhda, 28; arrives at
Mosco, 30; is sent for by the Em-
peror, ib.; appears at court in Rus-
sian dress, 33; dines at the Krem-
lin, 34; his description of Mosco,
34, seq.; leaves Mosco, 41; arrives
at Astrakhan, 58; embarks
Astrakhan, 59; enters the Caspian
Sea, 59; falls ill, 62; is entertained
by the Turkomans, 65; arrives at
Urgendj, 70; is attacked by robbers,
77, seq.; his route to Bokhara, 80,
seq.; arrives at Bokhara, 81; inter-
views Abdulla Khan, 86; passes
winter at Bokhara, 92; is obliged
to return to the Caspian, 93; takes
charge of ambassadors, 94; hoists
English flag in the Caspian, 97;
his inquiries about trade, 98; de-
parts from Astrakhan, 99; returns
to Mosco, ib.; latitudes observed by,
100; his presents to the Tsar, ib.;
writes to Lane, 107-109; presents
Tartar girl to the Queen, 109; 110,
111; remembrance to, 114-120;
travels to Persia, 121-156; embarks
at Gravesend, 121; arrives at St.
Nicholas, ib.; at Vologda, 122; at
Mosco, ib.; refuses to show the
Queen's letters to the secretary,
123; sends a petition to the Tsar, ib.;
delivers letters to the Tsar, ib. ; is
refused permission to pass through
Russia to Persia, 124; sells the Rus-
sia Company's cloth, etc., ib.; is al-
lowed to travel to Persia, 125; dines
in the Emperor's presence,
important commissions given to,
xxvii, 125; departs from Mosco, ib.;
arrives at Astrakhan, 126; lands at
Derbend, xxviii, 129; lands at Sha-
bran, 131; comes to Shemakha, ib.;
visits Abdullah Khan, King of Shir-
van, 132; departs from Shemakha,
138; arrives at the court of the
Shah, 141; is unsuccessful in ob-
taining privileges in Persia, 144; has
an audience of the Shah, 145; is dis-
missed with honour, 150; sends Ed-
ward Clarke to the King of Georgia,
ib. ;
486
INDEX.
further particulars concerning, xcv,
seq.
Jephtha's daughter, story of, 137
Jevat, xxxii, 138; latitude of, 149;
150, 158, 379, 439
Jijghinsk island, 192
Jinghiz Khan burns Bokhara, 81
John Evangelist, the, lix, 7, 10, 11, 12,
355
Johnson, Dr., referred to, 171
Johnson, Richard, xiii, xxv, xxxiii,
seq., clix, 9, 41, 59, 95; his notes
on Bokhara, 101-106, 107, 119, 210,
218, 219, 380, 381, 382, 384, 385,
387, 388, 390, 393, 398
Johnson, Robert, xiii, 41, 59, 95, 107,
218
Juchi, son of Jinghiz Khan, 51
Judd, Andrew, 10
K.
151; arrives at Astrakhan, 154; at
Kazan, ib.; at Mosco, ib.; delivers to
the Tsar the Persian wares, 155;
remains the winter at Mosco, 156;
departs from Colmogro and arrives
in London, ib.; privileges obtained
by, 157, seq., 228-236; petitions the
Queen concerning the north-east pas-
sage, xlvi, 159-166; commands the
Ayde, xlvii, seq., 167, seqq.; writes
to the Earl of Bedford, 167, seqq.;
Bedford's letter to, 169, seq.; writes
to the Privy Council, 170, seqq.;
Bedford's complaints concerning,
174, seqq.; arrests Wilson's ship,
176; renews petition with Sir H.
Gilbert for discovery towards
Cathay, 177, seq.; his reasons for
preferring north-eastern discovery
answered, 180-182; instructions to,
183-186; objects of his mission to
Russia in 1566, xlix. seq., 184;
writes to Cecil, 1, 186, seqq.; sends
Cecil an elk, 188; his third voyage
to Russia, 189; referred to, 209, 211,
212, 214, 216, 219, 220, 223, 230);
is charged with a secret message to
the Queen, 236, seqq.; and letter,
238; referred to, 240, 241; his
secret conference with the Tsar,
262; referred to, 263, 280, 281, seq.,
285; instructions to, 286, seq.; re-
ferred to, 287, 294, 297, 301, 302,
303, 304; his last embassy to Rus-
sia, lxxx, 306-335; lands at Rose
Island, 306; Tsar's displeasure
against, ib.; sends Sylvester to
Mosco, 307; discourtesy shown to,
lxxxi, 308, seq., 324; arrives at Pere-
yaslavl, 309; is received by the Tsar,
ib.; his oration, 309, seqq.; his gifts
to the Tsar, lxxxii, 311; his reply,313,
seqq.; defends the merchants, 314;
arrives at Tver and Staritsa, 319;
has another audience of the Tsar,
325, seqq.; letter sent by, 332; de-
parts from Staritsa, arrives at Khol-
mogori, 334; his letter to Lord
Burghley, 335-338; summarises his
travels, 341, seqq.; his instructions
on being sent to Embden, 344,
seqq.; referred to, 349, 355, 359,
365, 366, 378, 381, 384, 386, 387,
396, 401, 402, 403, 404; his biogra-
phy, lxxxvii, seqq.; his will, lxxxviii,
xcvi, ciii, seqq.; his family, lxxxix,
xciv, xcix, cvii; his marriage, xc;
grant of arms to, ib., c, seqq.; his Kegor, cape (see Ribatchi peninsula)
services to geography, cxiii, seqq.; | Kem, district of, 194, 195
Kait (see Kath)
Kalmuks, their superstitions, cxxx,
seq., 77; their empire, 91; they
take Kashgar, ib.; overthrown by
the Chinese, ib.
Kamen bolshoy (see Pai-hoi)
Kandalaks gulf, cxxiv
Kanin peninsula, cxxvi
Kara bugaz gulf, cxix, 68
Kara-kichu bay, clvi
Kara kul, cxxxiv, 81, 89
Kara (Cara) river, 251, 256
Kara sea, referred to, 119, 164
Karamania, 1
|
|
|
Karamsin the historian, referred to, 1,
248, 337, 340
Karelia, or Carelia, cxlvi
Karelians, the, lxi, 194
Kargopol (Cargopolia), cxlvi
Karshi, cxxxiv
Karsie (kersey), derivation of, 115
116, 221, 259, 382, 388, 391, 405,
410
Kashgar, 90, 101, 102, 107
Kashin, cxli
Kasim, prince of Shirvan, clix
Kassimof (Cassim), the town, xiv;
historical sketch of, 43, 44
Kath (Kait), the fortress, xxi, clviii,
68, 75, 76, 343
Kaufmann's march to Khiva, 81
Kaulbars, Baron, xix, xx ; his notice
of Jenkinson's travels, clv, seqq.
Kavakli, fort, 80
Kazan (see Cazan)
Kazvin (see Casbin)
INDEX.
487
Kerman, the province, 112
Kermina, cxxxiv
Kesh, cxxxiii
Kettelwicke, or Kjodvig, 16
Khanbalikh, cxxviii
Khalifs, first three, 154
Khanikof, his map of the Inner horde
referred to, 61; 85, 129
Khanum, Persian for "lady", 137
Khoja, equivalent to
387
'gentleman",
Kholmogori (see Colmogor)
Kholopia, cxl
Khorasan (Corosan), 70, 84, 86, 381
Khousrem (see Roxolana)
Khudabend, Shah, xli, clxi, 447
Khúsh geldi, 133
Khush Kala, a name applied by Mu-
hammadans to Jerusalem, 435
Khush Khalifa, i.e., the happy deputy,
417
Kief, cxliii
Kildyn island, cxxiii, 18
Killingworth, George, iii, lxi, 45
Kinel river, cxxxvii
Kineshma, cxxxix
Kings, probably a misprint for "Kir-
ghiz", 91
Kirghiz, xiv, cxxxi, cxxxii, seq.; inter-
marriages with, 95
Kitchin, Alexander, xxxiv, clix, 210,
382, 384, 385
Kithay (Cathay), lake of, xx, cxv,
cxxviii, 68, 75
Kizil bash, a name applied to Persians,
101, 380, 418
Klemetsky, 200
Kliazma, river, cxxxix
Kniaz, a princely title, 367
seq., 142, scq.
Lacha, lake, cxlvi
L.
Ladoga, the lake, lii, cxliii, 198, 201;
the towns, old and new, 201, 203
Lahijan, former capital of Ghilan, xxxv
381, 413
| Lampas, cxxvi
Lane, Henry, xxiv, xlv, lxi, 107, 234
340
Langerud (Langroe), 413
Lansdell, Dr., clviii
Lapland (Lappia), the country, vii,
lxi, lxviii, cxxiv, 19, 20
Lapps, the, lxi; described, 20, seqq.
Latitudes of certain places in Russia,
etc., 100, 475-477; errors of old, 477
La Vallette, heroic defence by, 391
Layghone (see Lahijan)
Le Brun, Corneille, the traveller, clv
Lenkoran, 140
Lent, the Russian, 363
Lenz, M., clvi, clviii
Lepekhin, the traveller, alluded to, 45
Lerch, M., his researches at Khiva, 75
Letni, or Summer, coast, cxxv
Letts, the inhabitants of Lithuania, 36;
their language, ib.
Leuuacta (see Jevat)
Levant, the, lxxxviii, 341
Libbard, or leopard, 3
Licorice root on the Volga, 54
Lidger, or Leiger, 388
Lisbon, 225
Livonia, the country, cxliv, 35, 230
Lobanof-Rostof, prince, 229
Locke, Sir John, 108
Lodge, Sir Thomas, 120, 157, 384
Lodia, the Russian coasting vessel,
lviii
Knolles the historian referred to, 1, Lofoote, or Lofoden, Islands, vi, 15
Koikanitsa, 196
Loss (Loysche), Russ. for elk, lxviii,
188
Kola (Cola), lxi; the river, cxxiii, 18, Lovat, river, cxlv
235, 273
Kolguev, island, cxxvii
Kondia (see Condora)
Kostroma, 233, 268
Kotoshikin, cited, 248
Kubensky, lake, cxlvii, 25
Kublai Khan, xxi
Kuchum, Khan of the Kirghiz, cxxxii
Kuisky, cape, cxxv
Kuloi river, cxxv
Kumyk, xxviii, 128
Kunia Urgendj (see Urgendj)
Kur (Cyrus), the river, 98, 130, 136;
its source, etc., 138; its outfall,
439
Kwarezm, xviii, 71
Lucke, or Locke, Sir John, 108
Luki, Veliki. cxlv
Lumbovsky bay, cxxiii
Lyfflanders (see Livonia)
M.
Macarius, Archbishop, made Metro-
politan, 37; his influence with the
Tsar, ib.
Maelstrand, or Maelstrom, the whirl-
pool, 15
Mail, shirts of, 405
Makarief fair, 50
Malcolm, Sir John, referred to, 429,
433
Malta, siege of, 391, 393, 416
488
INDEX.
Mandeville, Sir John, his stories, cxxxi, | Morse (see Walrus)
103
Mangat, or Manghit (see Nagay)
Mangishlak port and peninsula, xvii,
elvi, 64; meaning of the name, ib.;
latitude of, 100; 101, 343
Mangoslaue (see Mangishlak)
Mardouits (see Mordva)
Mares' milk, 53, 73
Margiana (see Merv)
Marsh, Anthony, 448
Marsh, John, father-in-law of Jenkin-
son, lxxxix, seqq., 230, 266
Mosco (Moscua or Musko), vii, xxiii,
lxi. lxiii, lxiv, lxxiv, lxxxi, cxxxix;
road to, 28, seq., 30, 99; described,
34, seq.; latitude of, 100; 114, seqq.,
119, 125, 154, 156, 188, seq.; burn-
ing of, lxxix, 337, 340; 222, 224,
228, 230, 232, 246, seq., 258, 260,
266, seqq.; English house in, lxiii,
268, 340; 269, 273, 277, 306;
plague at, 312, 337; 322, 329, 339,
356, 360, 362, 382, 431, 473
Moskva river, xiv, cxxxix
Mary Temgrukovna, second wife of Mouislovo, village, 202, 203
Ivan IV, xi, 122
Matrimony in Russia, 373, seqq.
Mecca, money sent to, 426; pilgrim-
ages to, 435, 437
Media, 97; of Atropates, 98; 129, 135,
378; trade of, 210 (see Shyrwansha)
Mehrab, clix
Melons, two kinds of, 69
Mendez Pinto, cxxxi
Mercator, Gerard, cxv, cxviii
Mercers' Company, lxxxviii, seq.
lxxxix; letter of, 206
Msta river, cxlv
Muhammed Ghirai, Khan of the
Crimea, clxii, 446
Muhammed Khudabendeh (see Khu-
dabend)
Muksalma Island, 193
Münster, Sebastian, cxxi
Murad III, Emperor of Turkey, his
invasion of Shirvan, clxi
Murmansky Noss, or Cape of the
Normans (see North Cape)
Merchant adventurers, charter to, ii, Murom (Morom), the town, xiv, xxiii;
Meri (see Cheremissi)
Merrike, William, 120, 211
Mertvi Kultuk bay, xvii, clvi, 63
Merv, cxxxv, 112
Meschersk (see Kassimof)
Meschora, cxlvii
Meshed (Meskit), 152
Messerivey, Besson, 324, 331, 334
Metropolitan of Russia, 33, 37; his
horse led by the emperor, 364.368;
the title applied to Muhammadan
dignitaries, 67, 83, 84, 93
Mezen. lxi, cxxiii, cxxv, 235, 273
Michow, Dr., cxx, cxliv
Middleton, George, 281, seq., 294, 312,
331
Milton, the poet, referred to, 135, 147
Mogol dynasty, cxxxiii
Molgomzey (Molgomzaia), 105
Mologa river, cxl
Moluccas, or Spice Islands, 161; dis-
covery of, 162
Molyneux globes, clii
Mongols, the, their hordes ravage
Russia, viii
Montague, Lord, iv, 184
Monteith, Col., rcferred to, 381, 411
Mordva, the, an allied race with the
Cheremissi, 24; sketch of, 47, 53,
342
Morion, an open helmet, 2
Morjovets island, cxxiii
historical sketch of, 44, seq.; name,
how derived, 44; 45, 99
Murray, Countess of, xlviii, 170, 174
Murteza Ali (Mortus Ali), son-in-law of
Mahomet, 145, 153, 154, 433; tra-
ditions concerning, 434, 436, 437
Musk deer, 103
Mustapha, eldest son of Solyman II,
murdered at Enegli, ib.
Mustapha Pasha, clxi, seq.
N.
1
;
Nagay (Nogai) Tartars, xiv, xxxvi,
51, seq.; their name, how derived,
51; their country, ib.; destruction
of, 52; their hordes and mode of
life, 52, seqq., 55, 64, 73; make
peace with Russia, 56; famine and
plague amongst, xv, 57; country
of, 97, 342; 367, 423, 424, 442, 445,
seq.; appear before Astrakhan, 446,
447; assault Burrough's party, 471
Naoshirvan, clviii, 129
Napea, Osep Grogorewich, first Rus-
sian ambassador to England, iv, v,
vi, xxvi, 11, 26, 28, 123; some ac-
count of him, 124, seq., 125, 184,
262, 293; his return home, 355, seqq.
Napier and Ettrick, Lord, 125
Naptha (nefte), 439, seq.
Narmsye, 252, 256
Narva, captured by the Russians, x;
xii, exliv, 35; trade with, lxix, 184,
INDEX.
489
198, 208, 211, 218, 219, 222, 224; | Olearius, referred to, 136, 137, 424,
231, 233, 237, 266, seq., 273. seq.,
281, 284, 294, 312; the way thither
stopped, 316, seq., 340
Narwhal, 164
seq.
Olonets, government of, 198
Omar, successor of Mahomet, 433;
slain by a Persian slave, 434
Nassades, a river craft, 25; the word, Onega, the place, 191; the lake, lii,
how derived, ib.
Navruz Ahmed Khan of Samarkand,
93
Nazanoe (see Nizabad)
Nenoksa (Newnox), ii, cxxiv, 191
Netherlands, 341
Neva river, cxli, cxliii
Nicols, Thomas, secretary to the Rus-
sian company, 382, 384, 391, 403
Nijny Novgorod, the town and castle,
xiv, lxiv, 45; latitude of, 100; 229,
233, 442
Nikodimskoi point, cxxiv
Nikolsky Jagryschskio, latitude of,
475
Nikon, the reformer, 192
198, 203, 204; the river, cxlvi, 224;
the gulf, cxxiv, 192
Opritchnina (Oprishenye), or reserved,
lx, lxxvi, 270, 271, 284
Orator, meaning of the word, 280
Ordnance, different kinds of, 360
Ordowill (see Ardebil)
Orlof, cape, cxxiii
Ormuz, 147, seq., 222, 381, 390, 397
401, 409, 410, 414, 419, 428, 435
Ortelius, his atlas, cxvii, cxviii, cxlviii
Orwell wands, 12
Osman Pasha, Governor of Derbend,
clxii, 407, 447, 456, seqq., 462; es-
capes from Shemakha, 462; murders
his father-in-law, 463
Nizabad (Nazanoe), xxxiii, 221, 384, Osman, son of Omar, 433
464, sey.
Nokuyef bay, vii
Nordenskiöld, Prof., cited, 40, 244
Nortans, vassals of the Turk, 1
North Cape, the, vi, 16, seq., 243
North-east passage, 159, seqq., 180, seq.
Norton, John, 334, seq.
Nova Zembla, xxv, Îxi, cxxvii, 118,
218, 251, 252, seq.; discovered by
Willoughby, 253
Novgorod, the great, li, seq., lxi, seq.,
lxxxv, cxlv, 23, 26, 98; latitude of,
100; 122, 198, 199; plague at, 203;
massacre of its inhabitants, ib. ; its
position, ib.; route to Rose Island
from, 203, seq., 205, seq., 219; 228,
231, 233, 266, 268, 273, 308, 318,
333, 334, 340
Numbers, lucky, 66, 67
Nuremberg, cliii, seq.
Ostrich feathers, 4
Ostroue (Ostrof), an island in the Vyg,
195
Other, king, 14, 17
Otrar, 92
Oueak (Uvek, Ucacu), old Tartar town,
54; latitude of, 100, 443, 477; 473
Ougus river, cxxxiv
Ouruslaue (Buguruslan), cxxxvii
Owchay, or Outscha, 30
Owiga (see Vyg)
Owna (Una), the river and bay, 192
Owpotchka, cxliv
Oxus, the river, or Amu-daria, xviii,
xix, xx, cxiv, cxxxv, clv, seqq., 68,
70; change of its course, cxvii, 71,
75; 80; underground flow of, cxvi
P.
Paihoi, the range, cxxvii, 256
Nyse Nouogrod (see Nijny Novgorod) Pallas, cxxxvii
0.
Ob, the, or Obi, lxi, cxviii, cxxvii, seq.,
104, 105, 164, 182, 235, 251, 252,
256, 273
Obdolowcan (see Abdullah Khan)
Obdoria, the country, cxxvii, 229
Obnor (Olmor), 28
Occient (Uzkand), 102
Odoric, Friar, referred to, 140
Ogotai, Khan, xviii, 68
Palm Sunday in Russia, 363, seq.
Paranda, 196
Paris, Tobias, 471, 472, 473
Paropomisus mountains, cxxxiv, 68
Pechinchow (Pechenga), monastery,
19, 235, 273
Pechora, the river, lxi, cxxvii, 104,
235. 251, 253, 261, 273
Pegolotti, trade route to Peking in his
time, 92, 101
Peipus lake, cxliii
Peking, 92
Oka (Occa), xiv, cxxxviii, seq., 42, Pellches (see Furs)
scqq.
Olaus Magnus, 244
Pennystones, a kind of cloth, 217
Peraslaue, or Pereyaslaf Zalessky,
490
INDEX.
lxxxi, cxxxix; historical sketch of,
29; lake of, ib., 309, 339, 340, 356
Peremene, the word, 441
Pereslavl-Riazan (see Riazan)
Perevitsky Torjok, the village, 42
Perevolog (Perouolog or Perauoloke),
55, 443, 472
Perm, cxlvii
Permia, its extent in the sixteenth
century, 24; united with Muscovy,
50
Persepolis, visit to, xxxviii, 428
Persia, ambassador of, 125; descrip-
tion of, 152; second voyage to, 378-
381; third voyage into, 382-406;
commodities of, 392, 419; wares to
be sent to, 405, seq.; travel in, 412;
fourth voyage into, 407-414; fifth
voyage into, 423-440; sixth voyage
into, 441-474
Persian trade with Bokhara, 88, seq.
Persians, money of, 387, 391; weights
of, 388; the writing of, 422; religion
of, 433, seq., 436, seq.; laws of,
436
Peter the Great, impulse given by him
to geography, cxvii; takes Derbend,
130; founds ironworks at Povenets,
198; 201
Petowse, for Riboftsi, 54
Petroleum, 440
Petrovskoye village, 202, 203
Petrozavodsk, 198
Pett, Thomas, 164, 304, 380
Pewter, 208
Philip II, King of Spain, xlvii, 146,
293, 346, 391, 393, 415
Philip the Abbot made Metropolitan,
194
Pialitsa river, cxxiv
Pinega, the river, cxxv, 23, seq.
Pingle, Richard, clxi, 333, 407, seq.
Piracy, English, xlvii, 167
Pissemsky, his embassy to England,
xii, 257
Pitsing (see Pechenga)
Pitsligo bay, iv
Plasco (see Pskof)
Plate, presents of, to the Emperor of
Russia, 114, 242, 248, seq., 311; at
Mosco, 361
Plessa, cxxxix, seq.
Plogo ozero, cxlii
Plumtree, Lionel, xxxvi, seq., clxi, 423,
425, 428, 429
Poldways (Poldavies), 211
Polo, the brothers, xxi, 82; Marco,
cxix
Polotsk, cliv; captured by the Rus-
sians, xii, 187; retaken by Stephen
Batory, 229
Ponoy river, cxxiii
Porkhof, cxlv
Portuguese (Portingals), masters of the
Indian trade, 88, 148; their voyages
of discoveries, 161, 163; their wars
with the princes of India, 409; 419,
428, 435
| Pot-guns, 360
Poulonga river, cxxiv
Povenets (Povensa), the town, lii, 197,
198; iron works at, ib., 199, 204,
205
Primrose, the, v, lxxxvi, 7, seq., 10, 11;
runs aground, ib.. 355
Privileges, grants of, 155, 157, seq.,
228-236, 265 276, 403, seq., 416, sey.,
418, seq., 426
Privy Council, letters to, 170, seqq.,
173, seqq.
Proctor, Nicolas, lxxx, 303, 323, 333;
writes an account of the burning of
Mosco, 340
Psets, the Arctic fox, 106
Pskof, xii, cxliii, seg, 228, 266, 273
Ptolemy's geography, cxiii, 135
Purchase, to, from O. Fr. pourchas, 160
Q.
Queen of Persia, the, defeats the Turks
in Shirvan, 447, seq; falls in love
with Abdil Ghirai, ib.; her end, ib.;
her name, 448, 462
Quequenich (see Koikanitsa)
Quiquiffs, probably, kav kaz, 137
Quoshe quelde (see Khush geldi)
R.
Rakulskoye, a village on the Dwina,
latitude of, 475
Ramazan, the Muhammadan fast, 436,
seq.
Ramusius, Baptista, 106
Randolph, Thomas, xii, lxxi-lxxvii
lxxxii, seq., xcv; alluded to, 22, 23,
26, 172, 175, 216, 219; instruc-
tions for, lxxi, 240-243; his em-
bassy to Russia, 243-250; lands
at St. Nicholas, 244; his descrip-
tion of the monastery, ib.; ar-
rival at Mosco, 247; reception by
the Tsar, 248; secret interview with
the Tsar, 249, seq.; embarks at St.
Nicholas, 250; arrives in London,
ib.; commission given by, 251-254;
his letter to Cecil, 256, seq.; privi-
lege obtained by, 265-276; special
grants obtained by, 275; causes of
INDEX.
491
offence to, 277, seq.; his letter to the
Emperor, 278, seq.; referred to, 280,
seqq., 287, 295, 297, 312, 314, 315,
328, 383, 423
Rashid Khan, 102
Recola (see Rakulskoye)
Resht, capital of Ghilan, 381
Revel, xii, 187, 224
Reynolds, Dr., liv, 277
Riall, Amos, 448, 467, seqq., 471, 472
Riazan, the town, xiv; historical sketch
of, 42, seq., 45; the province, 55,
229, 342
Riazan, old, 43
Ribatchi, or Fisher's Peninsula, cxxii,
18
Riga, cxliii, 224
Robins, John, master of the Trinity,
10
Rogarin, or Rogasino, 29
Rogers, Daniel, one of the commis-
sioners sent to Embden, 344, seqq.,
349
Rome, Russian enmity with, 242
Roomer, a nautical term, 13
Ropemakers, English, in Russia, 208
Rose Island, lxxx, 191, 203, 204, 255,
306, 340, 441, 473
Rost Islands, 14
Rostof (Rostoue), one of the old prin-
cipalities, 29, 228, seq., 339, 340, 356
Rouen, 225
Roundal, Laurence, master of the John
Evangelist, 10
Rovinsky, Senator, cliii
Rowley, William, liii, 202, 207, 215,
224, 225, 230, 236, 262, 322, 338, 340
Roxolana, favourite wife of Solyman
II, xxix; conspires against Musta-
pha, 1
Rubruquis, cxix
Rudissar (Rosare), 413
Rugodin (see Narva)
Russia, woful state of, 336, seq.
Russia, or Muscovy Co., i, iii, seqq.;
charters granted to, iii, xlviii; first
shipment of cloth by, vi; its Per-
sian voyages, xxxiii, seqq., xl, xliv,
liii; sketch of, lv-lxx; seal of, lvi;
first consuls of, ib.; later history of,
lvii; funds of, ib.; first agents of,
lxi; exports of, lxiv, seqq.; appren-
tices of, lxv, 215, 226; abuses of its
agents, lxv, seqq., 213, seqq.; favour
shown to, lx; house of, lxviii; in-
fluence of, lxix; shipment of corn
by, lxxix, 325; remembrance given
by, 114-120; expeditions organised
by, 118; letters of, 1, liii, lix, 206-
;
|
207, 279; accounts of, 211, scq.; its
servants and stipendiaries, 214, sey.;
its trade with Persia, 220; privileges
granted to, xlix, lx, lxxvi (see Privi-
leges); its connection with the Mer.
chant Adventurers, lxxxix; vessel
built by, 246; its contracts with
Government, 259; mcnopoly of, 186,
273; losses by, lxxxiii, 316; its ac-
count books burnt at Mosco, 329;
letters to, 382, seqq., 384, seqq., 393,
seqq.
Russians, their worship of images,
37, 371; their priests, ib. ; their
feasting and drinking, 37; their
Lents, ib., 363; their monasteries,
369, seq.; their taverns, 38; their
saddles, 39; their dress, ib.; their
leather, ib.; their arms, 40; their
sledges, ib.; their ceremonies, 371,
seqq.
Russian coins almost identical in name
with those of Bokhara, 85
Russian produce, prices of, lxv, 210
Russian women, degraded position of,
37, seq.
Rutter, Ralph, liv, lxxxiii, lxxxv, 219,
236, 274, 276 278, 283, seq., 287,
289, 294, 295, 302, 304; his rebel-
lious conduct, 317, 323, seq.; ordered
to be sent home, 330, seq., 334
S.
Sabakina, Martha, third wife of Ivan
IV, xi, 308
Sabowshare (see Cheboksari)
Safa Ghirei, 31, 56
Salt, shipment of, 208, 219
Salo-salma Island, 199, seq.
Samanide dynasty, 84
Samara (Samar) river, cxxxviii, 54
Samarkand, cxxxiii, 82; king of, be-
sieges Bokhara, 93, 107
Samogitia (see Samoyedes)
Samoyedes, lxi, 36; origin of, ib.;
countries of, 105, seq., 164, 342
Saniaques (see Sanjak)
Sanjak, a Turkish district, 2
Saphian (see Russian leather)
Sarai, capital of the Tartar Khans,
viii, cxxxvii
Saraichik, the headquarters of the
Nogai Tartars, xvi, cxxxvi, 62, 101,
102
Saramet Soltan, probably Suleiman
Sultan, 75
Saratof, site of, 54
Sari-Kamish, lake, xviii, cxv, clvi,
elviii, 68
492
INDEX.
Sarnichoke, a Tartar, notes by, 101
Savin, Andrew Gregorevich, the Rus-
sian ambassador, lxxvii, seq., lxxxiii,
250, 265, 278, 279, 281, seqq.; his re-
quest, 285; referred to, 287, 288,
290, 296, 297, 300, 301; his untrue
reports, 315, seq.; 322, 332, 336
Scant, to, i.e., to lessen, 464
Schlüsselburg, exliii
Schuyler, Mr., referred to, 82
Sebastianoff, Simon, 281, 287
Seething Lane, Muscovy house
lxviii, 250
in,
Selim, son of Solyman II, xxix; in-
vades Russia, xxxvi, 424
Selucaxe (see Sermaks)
Selunax (see Sermaks)
Senjen island, 16
Seraichik (see Saraichik)
Serchethrift, the, 253
Sermaks, 200, 203
Seton, Lord, 172
Seusemskie (Suzma), 192, 199
Seyids (Setes, Zieties), 149, 437
Shabran, the place, xxviii, xxxvii, clix,
131, 138. 407, 424, 425, 429
Shafcayll, or Shalkaules (see Sham-
khal)
Shah Abbas, 139, 145, 153
428, 429, 432, 436, 440, 447; de-
struction of, 452; 459, 462, 463
Shenkursk, cxlvii, 122
Sherard, Sir Philip, xcviii
Shetly (Shatalet) head, 127, 129, 466
Shirvan (Shyrvansha), king of, xxviii
xxxiii, xliv, 129, 131, 139, 143, 220;
history of, clviii, seqq.; the country,
135; a province of Persia, 152, 342,
440; conquest of by the Turks, xl,
452
Sholcaues (Shakal, jackal), 425
Shum (Shame, Souma), the river, 273
Shumkher, ruins of, mentioned by
Monteith, 432
Siberia (Sebaria, Sibir), cxxviii, 98;
conquest of, 229
Sidney, Sir Henry, cxxi
Sigismond Augustus, King of Poland,
espouses the cause of Livonia, 36;
writes to the Tsar, ib.; sends am-
bassador, 1, 186; peace concluded by,
210; intrigues to stop English trade
with Russia, 237; his freebooters,
298, 316
Signior, the Grand, or Great Turke (see
Solyman II)
Simiterro, or Scymetar, 2
Siyunbeka, the Nogai princess, 31
Shah Ali, the Tartar prince, 44, 49, Slaves, in Bokhara, 89; first rescue of
56
Shah Ali Mirza, son of the King of
Shirvan, clx, 141, 147, 148, 220,
385, 398
Shahr Vezir (Sellizure), xviii, xix, clvi,
seq., 65, 68; the castle, 69, seq., 72,
94, 343
Shah Tahmasp, xxix, xli, clix, 86, 137,
140,142; his character, 145, 152, seq.;
343, 387, 426, 432. seq.; his court,
438; his habits of life, ib. ; dura-
tion of his reign, ib.
Shakespeare, Colonel Richmond, 95
Shamackie (see Shemakha)
Shamak, clvii
Shamkhal, 128, 466
Shatsk (Shasko), the town, lxxxi, 308
Sheep of great size, 73
Sheik ul Islam, 67, 83
Shelepin, Vassili Feodorovitch, chief
secretary of Astrakhan, 444, 448,
seq.
Sheloni river, cxlv
Shemakha, the town, xxviii, xxxii, seq.,
xxxvii, seq., clx, seq., 59; trade of,
98; two towns of this name, 131;
134, 135, 136, 150, 152, 220,
232, 320, 321, 378, 379, 380, 384,
389, 393, 396, 408, 410, 425, 427,
|
Russian, 95; in Russia, 211; by
the Caspian, 222
Smille (see Ismail)
Smolensk, lxiii, 228
Sna river, cxlv
Soap ashes, 208
Sogisney (see Jijghinsk)
Soj river, cxlii
Solofki (see Solovetski)
Solovetsky, the monastery, li, seq.,
cxxii, cxxiv, 19, 192; founders of,
193; 194; abbot of, ib.; stone
house at, ib., 199, 235, 273
Soltania (Sultanieh), 106
Solyman II (the Magnificent), v, xxix,
clix; his entry into Aleppo, 1, seqq.;
53; takes Tabriz, 140; 143, 146, 148,
391
Sophi, the Great, or Shah of Persia,
XXV; the Queen's letters to, 112;
why so called, ib., 432; 133, 135,
141, 144, 148, 149, seq., 155, 275,
416, 422 (see also Shah Tahmasp)
Soroka, lii, 190, 195, 199, 204
Sosna river, cxlii
Sosnovets (Fir) island, cxxiii, 22
Sound, the, tolls levied for trading
through, 347
Southam, Thomas, and John Sparke
;
INDEX.
493
their journey, li, seqq., cliii, 190,
seqq.; 206, 222, 236, 258, 275; death
of Southam, 338, seq., 340
Spahis, i.e., Turkish light cavalry, 1
Spaniards, their voyages of discovery,
161, 163
Sparke, John, clxi, 266; his escape
from fire, 339, 407, 408 (see South-
am)
Spices, trade in, liv, 222, 260, 356, 390,
396, seq., 410, 414
Standish, Dr., 28, 359
Sunnis and Shiahs, religious hatred
between, 84
Sutherland, Earl of, 173
Suzdal, 228, seq.
Sviajsk (Swyasko), the town, cxxxviii,
48; its foundation by Ivan, ib. ;
latitude of, 476
Sviatoi Noss, vii, cxxiii; the name
jingled by mariners into Swete nose,
20; 22, 243
Svir (Swire), the river, lii, cxlvii, 200,
203
Staritsa (Staryts), lxxxiv, 318, 332, 333, Swallow. the, xliv, lxxii, lxxx, 114, seq.,
seq.
Starodub, cxlii
Stassof, M. Vladimir, cliii
St Alban's bay, cxxiii
Aldersgate
Street,
St. Botolph's, Aldersgate
lxxxviii
St. Clements (see Klemetsky)
St. George, cross of, 97
St. George's islands, cxxiii
St. John, knights of, 391
St. John's island, cxxiii
121, 156, 207, 306
Swedes, the, enemies of Ivan, 36, 308
Sylvester, Daniel, lxxviii, lxxx, lxxxi,
lxxxv, 286, 292, 297, 301, 304;
acts as interpreter for Jenkinson,
306; 307, 310, 331, 333
Syr river (see Jaxartes)
Sywell, lxxxviii, xci, seqq.
T.
Tabaseran, clix, seq.
St. Maxim, church of, lxiii, 233, 268, Tabriz (Teueris), xxxv, 2, 98, 106; de-
269
St. Michael the Archangel. monastery
of, li, 190, seq.; latitude of, 475
St. Nicholas Medved (the bear), 201,
seq.
St. Nicholas, the bay and roadstead, ii,
vii, xl, xlix, lxii, seq., lxxx, cxxii, cxxiv,
7, 17. 20, 22, 121, 185, 186, 189,
203; the monastery. 191, 244; 205,
207, 208, 211, 217, 222, 224, 243;
English house at, 244; 254, 256,
257; monks of, 258; 306, 307, 336,
355; 360, 372, 423, 431, 441, 473
St. Petersburg, ceremony of blessing
waters at, 33
St. Peter's island, cxxiii
|
scribed, 140; its former magnifi-
cence, ib.; 141, 152, 153, 389, 408,
410, 411, 415, 427, 436
Talboys, Matthew, 444, 455, 472, 473
Tana see Asophe)
Tangut, province of, 107; rhubarb
from, ib.
Tartars, their khans receive tribute
from Russia, viii; their habits and
customs, 73, seq.; five kingdoms of,
343; 367
Tashkend, cxxxiii, 90, 102
Telegas, or carts, the word, 356; 442,
473
Telekina, 197, 204
Teloytske, probably Teliatschia, 28
St. Sergius, founder of Troitsa monas- Temgruk, prince of Circassia, xxviii.
tery, 369
St. Zosimus, 199
Stillyard, merchants of the, 232
Stone-bows, 406
Stowe, John, referred to, 250; burn-
ing of Moscow by, 338, seqq.
Strelna river, cxxiv
Streltsi, or gunners, 57, 446
122, 127, 151
Tents, manner of moving, by Tartars,
55
Terek river, 127; Cossacks, ib.
Terikhovo (Terecouia), the village,
43
Terki, the fortress, 127
Terreuettisko (see Perevitsky)
Stroog, old Russian river-craft, 126, Tetiushi (Tetushagorod), 442, 473;
442, 472
Sugha more, cxxv
Suh-chau (Sowchik), 103, 107
Suhona (Sucana) river, cxlvii, 24, seq.,
441, 442
Suma (Some), district of, 194; the
place, 199, 204; route thither from
Novgorod, 204, 205, seq.
latitude of, 476
Tetrina point, cxxiv
Teutonic Knights, 36; fall of, 187
Thorn, Robert, 159
Tiflis (Tewflish), the city, 130, 151,
432
Tighe, or Teigh, xcviii, seq.
Timbre, a legal quantity of skins, 207
494
INDEX.
|
Timur (Tamerlane), his campaigns | Urgendj, Kunia (old), the town, xix,
against Kwarezm, 75; 82
Timur (Timor), Sultan, a Turkoman
prince, xviii, 66
Tisiks, or Persian merchants, 149, 447,
452
Tiuk Karagan cape, xvii
Tokhtamish Khan, coins of, 424
Tolipan (see Turban)
Tolmatch, a Tartar word for inter-
preter, 41
Tolstick, point of, 191
Tolstoy, Count Yuri, x, lxxiv,
185
Tolvuisky (Tolvo), 199, 203
Torjok, cxli
183,
xx, xxii, cxv, clvi, clviii, 68, 69, 70;
custom paid at, ib.; historical sketch
of, 71; 72, 74, 92, 94; latitude of,
100; 101, 102, 343
Urun daria, old channel of Oxus, clvi,
seq
Uscombe, Richard, 340
Uslon, village and monastery, latitude
of, 476
Ust Urt, cxv, clvii, 69
Usting Veliki, the city, cxlvii, 24, seq.,
267, 356, 441, 442
Ustiushna, cxli
Utamish Ghirei, a Tartar prince, 31, 49
Utch Uchak, 80
Totma, the town, cxlvii, 25, 442; lati. Uzkand (see Occient)
tude of, 475
Towtigin, Pheother, 105
Trinitie, the, 7, 10, 11. 12, 355
Tripolis, 5, 342, 396, 416, 420
Troiocuriew, Feodor Michailovitch,
governor of Astrakhan, 445, 448;
takes measures for rescuing Bur-
rough's party, 467, seq.
Troitsa monastery. 369; pilgrimage to,
ib.; monks of, ib.
Tsar, the title, 367
Tsarev, cxxxvii
Tsaritsin, 55; island in Volga, 444
Tuk, the fortress, 71
Tuke (see Terki)
V.
Vachen (see Votiaken)
Vagani, peasants of Shenkursk. 122
Vago, or Vaga, old province of Rus-
sia, xxvi, 121
Vaigats, lxviii, cxxvii, 118, 164, 165,
251, 252, seqq., 254, 256
Vajinsk (Vassian), 200
Vambéry, the traveller, referred to, 80
Varanger fiord, vii, 19
Varangians, 201
Vardo (see Wardhouse)
Variation of compass, 447
Tumen, or tomaum, its equivalent in Varnikh (Varnich). 204
English money, 387
Tumen, the country, 127
Turban, derivation of the word, 132
Turberville, George, lxxiii
Turfan, 107
Turkemen, or Turkomans, the, xvii,
65; their elders, ib.; bad faith of,
65, seq.; country of, 96, 97, 101
Turnbull, William, xl, 444, 455, 456,
459, 472, 473
Tuttee, island in the Gulf of Finland,
action off, 218, 298
Varziga (Varzagy), exxiv, 273
Vassili III, father of Ivan IV, con-
tinues policy of Ivan III, viii, 44;
founds Vasiliagorod. 46; removes
annual fair to Makarief, 49; intro-
duces foreign cannon founders, 360
Vassili Vassilivitch, the Blind cxlvi;
his dukedom usurped by Shemiaka,
26; 43
Vassiliagorod (Vassilsursk), 46; name
how derived, ib.
Vassilief, Andrew, 295
Tver (Twire, also Otwer), lxxxiv, cxli, | Veliaminof Zernof, the author, referred
98, 228, 318. seq.
Twelfthtide in Russia, 33
U.
Uchug, a Tartar word for weir, 449;
467, 469, 471
Udoria, 229
to, 48
Veliki river (see Narova)
Venetians lose their supremacy in the
Levant, 143; 144; in Aleppo, 396;
410
Venice, 143; distance of, from Tri-
polis, 396; 409
Ugria (Ugori, Hugorie), cxxviii, cxxix, Veramin (Veremi), 106
105, 164, 228, 251
Una bay, li, cxxiv
Unicorn (see Narwhal)
Ural mountains, cxxvii, 256
Ural river (sce Yaik)
Verny, stone idol at, cxxx
Versts of two kinds, 246
Vesselofsky, M., referred to, 75
Vezir (see Shahr Vezir)
Viatka, 51, 229
INDEX.
495
Viazemsky, Prince, 276, 278, 281, seq., | Walsingham, Sir Francis, lxviii, xev,
295
Virgin's castles in the East, 137
Viscovaty, Ivan Mikhailof, xxvi, 30,
123,295
Vitebsk, cxliii
266
Wardhouse, or Vardö, i, vi, cxxii, 17,
18, 19, 225, 235, 273
Wares, fine, for the Tsar's treasury,
231, 267
Vladimir, the Grand Duchy, 228, 265 Warner. William, author of Albion's
Vodlo ozero, cxlvi
Voitsk (Voyets), 196
Volga, the river, ix, xiv, xv, xxiii,
xxviii, xli, xliv, lxxiv, cxiv, 29, 46,
49, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 59; mouths
of, 60; seq., 97; Tartar name of.
98; source of, ib., 246; 125, 126,
154, 221, 246, 321. 329, 330, 356,
383, 419, 424, 431, 440, 442, 445,
448, 449, 472
Volkhof, the river, lii, 201
Volock lacus, cxli
Vologhda, the city, iii. vii. xxiv, xxvi,
xl, lxii, seq., lxxiv. lxxxi, lxxxv, 25,
28; history of, 26; latitude of, 27,
100, 476; distance of, from Mosco,
30; English house at, 99, 234; 107,
109, 119, 122, 215, 224, 245; the
Tsar's castle at, 246; 268, 269;
rope-house at, 270, 284; 278, 282,
295, 308, 313, 331, 334, 339, 356,
366, 382, 394, 419, 431, 441, 442,
473, 476
Vologhda river, cxlvii, 245
Vopska (see Pskof)
Voronetch, cxliv
Voronov, cape, cxxv
|
England, cxlviii
Wax and honey, abundance of, in
Russia, 45
Webbe, Edward, companion of Jen-
kinson, li, 187, seq., 337
Weighel, Hans, cliii, seg.
Weights and measures, 209, 227, 232
Whales, abundance of, 244
White Sea, the (see Bay of St. Nicho-
las)
Wied, his map referred to, cxx, seq.,
cxxviii, cxlvi, cxlviii, 269
Willis, Richard, notes by. xxxvi, 415,
seqq.
Willoughby, Lord, sent to Denmark
with the Garter, 350
Willoughby, Sir Hugh. i, vii, xlvi, 20;
his discovery of Nova Zembla, 253,
293
Winkle, or Wincoll, William, 458, 460
464, 465, 472
Wren, George, 150, 156
Y.
Yaik (Yake, or Ural) river, its source,
xvi, xvii, 61; lends its name to the
Cossacks of the Yaik, ib., 62, 96, 98
Vorronia (Voroninsky) island, 200, Yak's tail, 99
203
Voshansko, probably Vochenskoi, 28
Votiaken, country of the Votiaks, 50,
seq.
Voznesensk (Vosnessino Christo), 200,
203
Vre, probably Der., short for Derevnia,
28
Vrghiz (Irghiz) river, cxxxvii
Vriagorod (not Ivangorod, but Dorpat),
273, 274
Vtzar Zegoline (see Shah Ali)
Vychegda, the river, cxlvii, 270; iron
at, ib.
Vyg, the river, lii, 194; falls of, 195;
196; the lake. cxlvi, 197, 204
Vyshni Volochok, cxlv; canal system
of, ib.
W.
Walrus, 164, 180
Walrus tusks used for knife handles,
40
Wallachia, rebellion in, 187
Yamburg (Yama), cxlv
Yamgurchei, Khan of Astrakhan, sub-
mits to Russia, 56
Yannes, or Yams, posting stations, 30;
etymology of the word, ib.
Yaroslaf (Yeraslaue), xxxii, xxxvi,
lxiv, lxxiv, 28, seq., 233, 246, 268,
339, 340, 356, 378, 382; English
barque built at, 246, seq., 383; 394,
407, 419, 423, 431, 442, 448, 472,
473; latitude of, 476
Yauate (see Jevat)
Yedigher Makhmet, a Nogai prince, 49
Yeegris (see Jagryschskio)
Yem (see Emba)
Yemps, or Yemsa, also Jemza, 24
Yezd (Yesse), 152
Yourt, the town of the Nogai Tartars,
near Astrakhan, 445
Yug river, cxlvii
Yugor Shar, 164
Yugria (see Ugria)
Yule, Col., his identification of Sarai,
cxxxvii
496
INDEX
Yuri, brother of Ivan IV, 31
Yurievitch, cxxxix
Yussuf, a Nogai prince, 52, 56
Z.
Zagatay (see Jagatai)
Zakharin (see Anastasia)
Zarafshan, the, 83
Zauaut (see Jevat)
Zegham, or Zeghan (Zagan), 432
Zenam (see Senjen)
Zemski, or national, lx, lxxvi, 269, 284
Zere. (Ziria ?) Island, 458
Ziegler, Jacob, 182
Zieties (see Seyids)
Zimni, or Winter, coast. cxxv
Zlata Baba, fable of cxxviii, 105
Zolotitsa river, cxxv
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THE
HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
1886.
President.
COLONEL H. YULE, C.B.
Vice-President.
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B.
Council.
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-
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LORD STANLEY of Alderley. Iffued for 1868.
40- The Fifth Letter of Hernan Cortes.
To the Emperor Charles V, containing an Account of his Expedition to
Honduras in 1525-26. Translated from the Spanish by Don Pascual de Gayangos.
Iſſued for 1868.
41-The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas.
By the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega. Translated and Edited, with Notes and
an Introduction, by CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, Esq. Vol. I.
IJued for 1869.
42-The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama,
And his Viceroyalty, from the Lendas da India of Caspar Correa; accompanied
by original documents. Translated and Edited by the LORD STANLEY
Ifſued for 1869.
of Alderley.
43-Select Letters of Christopher Columbus,
With other Original Documents, relating to his Four Voyages to the New
World. Tranflated and Edited by R. H. MAJOR, F.S.A., etc. 2nd Edit.
Iffued for 1870.
44-History of the Imâms and Seyyids of 'Omân,
By Salîl-Ibn-Razîk, from A.D. 661-1856. Tranflated from the original
Arabic, and edited, with Notes, Appendices, and an Introduction, continuing
the Hiſtory down to 1870, by GEORGE PERCY BADGER, F. R. G.S.
Iſſued for 1870.
Vol. 2. Iffued for 1871.
45-The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas.
46-The Canarian,
Or Book of the Conqueſt and Converſion of the Canarians in the year 1402,
by Meffire Jean de Bethencourt, Kt. Compoſed by Pierre Bontier and Jean
le Verrier. Tranflated and Edited, with Notes and an Introduction, by
R. H. MAJOR, F.S.A.
Iffued for 1871.
7
47-Reports on the Discovery of Peru,
Tranſlated and Edited, with Notes and an Introduction, by CLEMENTS R
MARKHAM, C.B.
Inued for 1872.
48-Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas;
Tranflated from the original Spaniſh Manuſcripts, and Edited, with Notes and
an Introduction, by CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C. B., F.R.S.
49-Travels to Tana and Persia,
Ifſued for 1872.
By Joſafa Barbaro and Ambrogio Contarini; Edited by LORD STANLEY of
Alderley; and Narratives of other Italian Travels in Perfia, Tranſlated and
Edited by CHARLES GREY, Esq.
50-Voyages of the Zeni
To the Northern Seas in the Fourteenth Century.
by R. H. MAJOR, F.S.A.
Iffued for 1873.
Tranflated and Edited
Iffued for 1873.
51-The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse in 1547-55
Among the Wild Tribes of Eaſtern Brazil; tranflated by ALBERT TOOTAL,
Esq., and annotated by RICHARD F. BURTON.
Iffued for 1874.
52-The First Voyage Round the World by Magellan.
Tranflated from the Accounts of Pigafetta and other contemporary writers.
With Notes and an Introduction by Lord STANLEY of Alderley.
Jued for 1874.
53-The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,
Second Viceroy of India. Tranflated from the Portuguese Edition of 1774;
with Notes and Introduction by WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, Esq., F.R.S. L.
Iffued for 1875.
Vol. I.
54-Three Voyages to the North-East.
Second Edition of Gerrit de Veer's Three Voyages to the North East by
Barents. Edited, with an Introduction, by Lieut. KOOLEMANS BEYNEN,
of the Royal Dutch Navy.
Iffued for 1876.
55—The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque. Vol. 2.
56-The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster.
Iued for 1875.
With Abstracts of Journal of Voyages preserved in the India Office, and the
Voyage of Captain John Knight to seek the N. W. Passage. Edited by
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C. B., F.R.S. Iued for 1877.
57-Second Edition of the Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Kt.,
In his Voyage into the South Sea in 1593, with the Voyages of his grand-
father William, his father Sir John, and his cousin William Hawkins.
Edited by CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S. Iffued for 1877.
58-The Bondage and Travels of Johann Schiltberger,
From his capture at the battle of Nicopolis in 1396 to his escape and return
to Europe in 1427: translated, from the Heidelberg MS. edited in 1859 by
Professor Karl Freidrich Neumann, by Commander J. BUCHAN TELFER,
R. N.; with Notes by Professor B. BRUUN, and a Preface, Introduction, and
Notes by the Translator and Editor. Ifſued for 1878.
59-The Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator.
Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, by Captain ALBERT H. MARKHAM,
R. N., F.R.G.S.
Ijued for 1878.
The Map of the World, A.D. 1600.
Called by Shakspere "The New Map, with the Augmentation of the Indies."
To Illustrate the Voyages of John Davis. Iffued for 1878.
8
60-The Natural and Moral History of the Indies.
By Father Joseph de Acosta. Reprinted from the English Translated Edition
of Edward Grimston, 1604; and Edited, with Notes and an Introduction, by
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C. B., F.R.S. Vol. I, The Natural History.
Ijued for 1879.
61-The Natural and Moral History of the Indies.
Vol. II, The Moral History.
Map of Peru.
To Illustrate Nos. 33, 41, 45, 60, and 61.
Iffued for 1879.
Iffued for 1879.
Vol. 3.
Iffued for 1880.
62-The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque.
63-The Voyages of William Baffin, 1612-1622.
Edited, with Notes and an Introduction, by CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B.,
F.R.S.
lued for 1880.
64-Narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Abyssinia.
During the years 1520-1527. By Father Francisco Alvarez. Translated from
the Portuguese, and Edited, with Notes and an Introduction, by Lord
STANLEY of Alderley.
Iffued for 1881.
65-The History of the Bermudas or Somer Islands.
Attributed to Captain John Smith. Edited from a MS. in the Sloane
Collection, British Museum, by General Sir J. HENRY LEFROY, R.A.,
K.C.M.G., C. B., F.R.S., etc. Ifued for 1881.
66-Diary of Richard Cocks.
Cape-Merchant in the English Factory in Japan, 1615-1622, with Corre-
spondence. Edited by EDWARD MAUNDE THOMPSON, Esq. Vol. 1.
Issued for 1882.
67-Diary of Richard Cocks.
Vol. 2.
Issued for 1882.
68-The Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru.
By Pedro de Cieza de Leon. Translated and Edited, with Notes and an
Introduction, by CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S.
Issued for 1883.
69-The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque. Vol. 4.
Issued for 1883.
70-71-The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies.
From the Old English Translation of 1598. The First Book, containing his
Description of the East. Edited, the First Volume by the late ARTHUR
COKE BURNELL, Ph.D., C.I.E., of the Madras Civil Service; the Second
Volume by Mr. P. A. TIELE, of Utrecht.
Issued for 1884,
72-73-Early Voyages and Travels to Russia and Persia.
By Anthony Jenkinson and other Englishmen, with some Account of the first
Intercourse of the English with Russia and Central Asia by way of the
Caspian Sea. Edited by E. DELMAR MORGAN, Esq., and C. H. CooTE, Esq.
Issued for 1885.
9
OTHER WORKS UNDERTAKEN BY EDITORS.
The Maldive Islands, by Pyrard de Laval. Edited by ALBERT GRAY, Esq.
The Journal of Sir W. Hedges in Bengal and Persia. 1681-4. Edited by
Rev. J. LONG.
The Voyages of the Earl of Cumberland, from the Records prepared by
order of the Countefs of Pembroke. Edited by W. DE GRAY BIRch,
Esq., F.S.A.
Roſmital's Embaſſy to England, Spain, etc., in 1466. Edited by R. C.
GRAVES, Esq.
The Journal of the Pilot Gallego, and other Documents relating to the Voyages
of Mendaña. Tranflated and edited by W. A. TYSSEN Amherst,
Esq.
The Travels of Ibn Jobair.
WORKS SUGGESTED TO THE COUNCIL FOR
PUBLICATION.
Inedited Letters, etc., of Sir Thomas Roe during his Embaſſy to India.
The Topographia Chriſtiana of Cofmas Indicopleuftes.
Bernhard de Breydenbach, 1483-84, a.D. Travels in the Holy Land.
Felix Fabri, 1483. Wanderings in the Holy Land, Egypt, etc.
El Edrifi's Geography.
Voyage made by Captain Jaques Cartier in 1535 and 1536 to the Ifles of
Canada, Hochlega, and Saguenay.
Ca da Moſto. Voyages along the Weſtern Coaſt of Africa in 1454: tranflated
from the Italian text of 1507.
Leo Africanus.
J. dos Santos. The Hiftory of Eaſtern Ethiopia. 1607.
Icelandic Sagas narrating the Diſcovery of America.
La Argentina. An account of the Diſcovery of the Provinces of Rio de la
Plata from 1512 to the time of Domingo Martinez de Irala; by Ruiz
Diaz de Guzman.
The Eight Letters of Pietro della Valle, written from India.
The History of Ethiopia, by Manoel de Almeida.
Journal of the Jesuit Desideri in Tibet.
io
LAWS OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
I. The object of this Society fhall be to print, for diftribution among its
members, rare and valuable Voyages, Travels, Naval Expeditions, and other
geographical records, from an early period to the beginning of the eighteenth
century.
II. The Annual Subfcription fhall be One Guinea, payable in advance on
the 1st January.
III. Each member of the Society, having paid his Subfcription, fhall be
entitled to a copy of every work produced by the Society, and to vote at the
general meetings within the period fubfcribed for; and if he do not fignify,
before the cloſe of the year, his wiſh to reſign, he ſhall be confidered as a mem-
ber for the fucceeding year.
IV. The management of the Society's affairs ſhall be veſted in a Council
confifting of twenty-one members, viz., a Prefident, two Vice-Preſidents, a
Secretary, and ſeventeen ordinary members, to be elected annually; but
vacancies occurring between the general meetings fhall be filled up by the
Council.
V. A General Meeting of the Subſcribers ſhall be held annually. The
Secretary's Report on the condition and proceedings of the Society ſhall be then
read, and the Meeting ſhall proceed to elect the Council for the enſuing year.
VI. At each Annual Election, fix of the old Council fhall retire, of whom
three ſhall be eligible for re-election.
VII. The Council fhall meet when neceffary, for the diſpatch of buſineſs,
three forming a quorum, including the Secretary, and the Chairman having a
caſting vote.
VIII. Gentlemen preparing and editing works for the Society, ſhall receive
twenty-five copies of fuch works refpectively, and an additional twenty-five
copies if the work is alfo tranflated.
RULES FOR THE DELIVERY OF THE SOCIETY'S VOLUMES.
I. The Society's productions will be delivered without any charge, within
three miles of the General Poft Office.
II. They will be forwarded to any place beyond that limit, the Society
paying the coft of booking, but not of carriage; nor will it be anſwerable in
this cafe for any loſs or damage.
III. They will be delivered by the Society's agent, MR. CHARLES J. CLARK,
30, Sardinia Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields, to perfons having written authority
of fubfcribers to receive them.
IV. They will be ſent to the Society's correfpondents or agents in the prin-
cipal towns throughout the kingdom; and care fhall be taken that the charge
for carriage be as moderate as poffible.
LIST OF MEMBERS
OF THE
Hakluyt Society.
Acland, Captain W. A. Dyke, Oxford.
Adair, John G., Esq., Rathdaire, Monasterevan, Ireland.
Admiralty (The) (2 copies).
Advocates' Library, Edinburgh.
Allen, Mr. E. G., Henrietta-street, Covent Garden.
All Souls College, Oxford.
American Geographical Society.
Amherst, W. A. Tyssen, Esq., M.P., Didlington Hall, Brandon.
Antiquaries, the Society of.
Army and Navy Club, 36, Pall Mall.
Astor Library, New York.
Athenæum Club, Pall Mall.
Badger, Rev. Dr. G. Percy, D.C.L., F.R.G.S., 21, Leamingtou-road Villas, W.
Bain, James, Esq., 1, Haymarket.
Bank of England Library and Literary Association.
Barlow, R. Fred., Esq., 5, Victoria Road, Worthing, Sussex.
Barrow, J., Esq., F.R.S., F.S.A., 17, Hanover-terrace, Regent's Park.
Basan, Marquis de.
Basel, Stadt Bibliothek.
Berlin Geographical Society.
Berlin, the Royal Library of.
Bethell, William, Esq., Rise, Hull.
Birch, W. de G., Esq., British Museum.
Birmingham Library (The).
Birmingham Central Free Library.
Bodleian Library, Oxford (copies presented).
Bombay Asiatic Society.
Boston Athenæum Library, U.S.A.
Boston Public Library.
Bosworth & Co., Messrs., Great Russell-street, W.C.
Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine, U.S.A.
Bremen Museum.
Brevoort, J. C., Esq., Brooklyn, New York.
12
Brine, Rear-Admiral Lindesay, 25, Montagu-street, W.
British Museum (copies presented).
Brooklyn Library, Brooklyn, U.S.A.
Brooklyn Mercantile Library.
Brown, J. Allen, Esq., 7, Kent Gardens, Ealing.
Brown, Mrs. J. Carter, Providence, U.S.A.
Brown, General J. Marshall, Portland, U.S.
Brown, H. T., Esq., Roodeye House, Chester.
Bunbury, E. H., Esq., 35, St. James's-street, S.W.
Burne-Jones, E., Esq., The Grange, West Kensington, W.
Burns, I. W., Esq., Kilmahew, Dumbartonshire.
Burton, Sir Richard F., K. C.M.G., H.M. Consul, Trieste.
Caarten, P. Bicker, Esq.
Cambridge University Library.
Canada, The Parliament Library.
Carlton Club, Pall Mall.
Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bank, Manchester.
Chicago Public Library.
Chile, Oficina Hidrografica de.
Christiania University Library.
Cincinnati Public Library.
Clark, J. W., Esq., Scroope House, Cambridge.
Cohen, Max, & Sohn, Kaiserplatz, No. 18, Bonn, Germany.
Colonial Office (The), Downing-street, S.W.
Congress, Library of, Washington, United States.
Cooper, Lieut.-Col. E. H., 42, Portman-square, W.
Copenhagen Royal Library.
Corning, C. R., Esq., Campagne Monnet, Morillon, Geneva.
Corning, H. K., Esq., Villa Monnet, Morillon, Geneva.
Cotton, R. W., Esq., Woodleigh, Forde Park, Newton Abbot.
Crowninshield, F. B., Esq., 113, Devonshire-street, Boston, U.S.A.
Dalton, Rev. Canon J. N.
Danish Royal Naval Library.
Deane, Charles, Esq., 18, Sparks-street, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A.
Derby, The Earl of, 25, St. James's-square, S.W.
Dismorr, James Stewart, Esq., Stewart House, Gravesend.
Donald, C. D., Esq., jun., 172, St. Vincent-street, Glasgow.
Dresden Geographical Society.
Drummond, E. A., Esq.
Ducie, The Earl, F.R.S., 16, Portman-square, W.
Dufosse, M. E., 27, Rue Guénégaud, Paris.
Dundas, Captain Colin M., R.N., Ochtertyre, Stirling.
Dunedin Athenæum, per W. G. Parsons, Esq.
EDINBURGH, Rear-Admiral H. R.H. the Duke of, R N., K.G.
Elliot, Sir Walter, K. C.S.I., Wolfelee, Hawick, N. B.
Ellis, Sir Barrow, K.C.S.I., India Office, S. W.
13
Foreign Office (The).
Franks, Augustus W., Esq., F. R.S., F.S.A., 103, Victoria-street, S. W.
Gadsden, Capt. Frederick Ord.
Galignani, Messrs., Paris.
George, H., Esq., Lyons.
Gigliucci, Signor M.
Glasgow University Library.
Godman, F. Ducane, Esq., F.R.S., 10, Chandos-street, Cavendish-square, W.
Goodison, Rev. John, U.S.A.
Gore-Booth, Sir H. W., Bart., Lissadell, Sligo.
Göttingen University Library.
Gray, Albert, Esq., Palace Chambers, Westminster, S.W.
Grevel, Mr. H., King-street, Covent Garden.
Grosvenor Library, Buffalo, U.S.A.
Guildhall Library, E.C.
Hailstone, Edward, Esq., Walton Hall, Wakefield.
Harvard College, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Hellwald, Frederick de, Office of the Ausland, Augsburg.
Hervey, Dudley F. A., Esq.
Hippisley, A., Esq., Shanghai.
Horner, J. F. Fortescue, Esq., Mells Park, Somersetshire.
Horrick, Mrs. Perry, Beau Manor Park, Loughborough.
Hoskins, Rear-Admiral Sir Anthony H., K.C.B., 17, Montagu-square, W.
Howard, G., Esq., Naworth Castle, Brampton, Cumberland.
Hull Subscription Library.
India Office (20 copies).
Johnson, General Allen B., Iudia Office.
Jones, Joseph, Esq., Abberley Hall, Stourport.
Kensington, Science and Art Department.
King's Inns Library, Henrietta-street, Dublin.
Kleinseich, M., Imperial Library, Paris.
Krämer, Messrs., Rotterdam.
Kühl, Herr W. H., 73, Jager Str., Berlin, W.
Leeds Library.
Lefroy, Lieut.-General Sir J. Henry, C.B., K.C.M.G., Penquite, Par Station,
Cornwall.
Liverpool Free Public Library.
London Institution, Finsbury-circus.
London Library, 12, St. James's-square.
Long Island Historical Society, Brooklyn, N.Y.
Luyster, A. L., Esq., 10, Silver-street, W.C.
14
Mackern, George, Esq, Buenos Ayres.
Macmillan, A., Esq., 16, Bedford-street, Covent Garden, W.C.
Macmillan & Bowes, Messrs., Cambridge.
Major, R. H., Esq., F.S.A., 51, Holland-road, Kensington, W.
Malcolm, W. Elphinstone, Esq., Burnfoot, Langholm, Carlisle.
Manchester Public Free Libraries.
Mantell, Walter, Esq., Wellington, New Zealand.
Markham, Clements R., C.B., F.R S., 21, Eccleston-square, S.W.
Markham, Captain Albert H., R. N., F.R. G.S.
Massachusetts Historical Society, 30, Fremont-street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
Massie, Admiral T. L., R.N., Chester.
Mayne, Rear-Admiral, C. B.
Medill, Hon. Joseph, Chicago, U.S.A.
Melbourne, Public Library of.
Mitchell Library, Ingram-street East, Glasgow,
Morgan, E. Delmar, Esq., 15, Roland-gardens, South Kensington, S. W.
Munich Royal Library.
Murchison, Kenneth, Esq., Brokehurst, East Grinstead.
National Library, Lisbon.
Natural History Museum, South Kensington.
Netherlands, Geographical Society of the, Nijhoff, The Hague.
Newcastle-upon-Tyne Literary and Scientific Institute.
Newcastle-upon-Tyne Public Library.
New York State Library.
Nicholl, John Cole, Esq., Merthyr Mawr, Bridgend, S. Wales.
Nicholson, Sir Charles, Bart., D C.L., The Grange, Totteridge, Herts, N.
Northbrook, The Earl of, G.C.S.I., Stratton, Micheldever Station.
North, Hon. F. H., C 3, The Albany, W.
Nutt, Mr. D., 270, Strand, W.C.
Ommanney, Admiral Sir Erasmus, C. B., F.R.S., The Towers, Yarmouth,
Isle of Wight.
Ontario, Education Department.
Oriental Club, Hanover-square, W.
Paine, W. Dunkley, Esq., Cockshutt Hill, Reigate.
Paris, Société de Geographie.
Parker, Messrs., Southampton-street, Strand.
Parlane, James, Esq., Rusholme, Manchester.
Peabody Institute, Baltimore, U.S.
Pearson, John F., Esq., Buenos Ayres.
Peckover, Alexander, Esq., Bank House, Wisbech.
Pennsylvania, Historical Society of, Philadelphia, U.S.
Petherick, E. A., Esq., 17, Warwick Square, Paternoster-row, E.C.
Philadelphia, Library Company of, U.S.A.
Phillimore, Charles B., Esq., F.R.G.S., Hurley Manor House, Great Marlow.
Poor, Henry W., Esq., 45, Wall-street, New York.
15
Portico Library, Manchester.
Powis, Earl of, 45, Berkeley-square, W.
Raffles Library, Singapore.
Randall, -, Esq., per Mr. D. Nutt, 270, Strand, W.C.
Rawlinson, Major-General Sir H., K.C.B., 21, Charles-street, Berkeley-square
Reed, F. J., Esq., Hassness, Cockermouth.
Reform Club, Pall Mall.
Riggs, E. F., Esq., Washington, U.S.
Robson, J. R., Esq., Aden, Cockington, Torquay.
Royal Asiatic Society, 22, Albemarle-street, W.
Royal Geographical Society, 1, Savile-row, W. (copies presented).
Rushout, The Hon. Miss, Burford House, Tenbury, Worcestershire.
Russell, Lord Arthur, 2, Audley-square, W.
Ryder, Admiral Sir Alfred, K. C.B., United Service Club.
San Francisco, Mercantile Library at.
Satow, Ernest, Esq., 104, The Common, Upper Clapton, E.
Schwatka, Lieut., U.S.A., Vancouver Barracks, Washington Territory
Signet Library, Edinburgh (Thos. G. Law, Esq., Librarian).
Silver, S. W., Esq., 66, Cornhill, E.C.
Sinclair, W. F., Esq., Bombay C. S.
South African Public Library.
South Australian Legislature Library.
Stanley, Lord, of Alderley, Alderley Park, Chelford, Cheshire.
St. Andrew's University.
St. Louis Mercantile Library, U.S.A.
Stevens, Mr. B. F., 4, Trafalgar-square (for Dept. of State, Washington).
Stockholm, Royal Library of.
Stubbs, Captain Edward, R. N., 13, Greenfield-road, Liverpool.
Surrey County School, Cranleigh, per Rev. Dr. Merriman.
Sydney Free Library.
Telfer, Tobias A., Esq., Rockley House, Southport.
Thomson, Sir William, F.R.S., LL.D., The University, Glasgow.
Thuillier, Lieut.-General Sir Henry, C.S.I., F.R.S.
Thurston, John B., Esq., C.M.G., Colonial Secretary, Fiji.
Tolbort, T. W. H., Esq., 19, Westbourne Park-road, W.
Toronto Public Library.
Toronto University.
Travellers' Club, 106, Pall Mall, S.W.
Trinity College, Cambridge.
Trinity House, The Hon. Corporation of, Tower-hill, E.C.
Trübner, Herr Karl.
Trübner, Messrs., Ludgate-hill, E.C.
Trübner, N., Esq. (the late), Ludgate-hill, E.C.
Union Society, Oxford.
United Service Institution, Scotland Yard, S.W.
16
United States Naval Academy.
University of London, Burlington Gardens, W.
Vienna Imperial Library.
Watkinson Library, Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.A.
Webb, Captain John Sydney, The Trinity House, E.C.
Webb, William Frederick, Esq., Newstead Abbey, Mansfield, Notts.
Whiteway, R. S., Esq., Ajmere, Rajputana, India.
Wigram, R., Esq., Longcroft, Banstead, Epsom.
Wilson, Edward S., Esq., Melton, Brough, East Yorkshire.
Wilson, Lieut.-General J., 14, St. James's-square, S.W.
Worcester, Massachusetts, Free Library.
Wright, R. S., Esq., 1, Paper-buildings, Temple, E.C.
Yale College, U.S.A.
Young, Sir Allen, C.B., 18, Grafton-street, W.
Yule, Colonel H., C.B., 3, Pen-y-wern Road, Earl's Court, S.W.
Zurich, Bibliothéque de la Ville.
The Hakluyt Society.
REPORT FOR 1885.
Two Volumes of "THE VOYAGE OF JOHN HUYGHEN VAN
LINSCHOTEN TO THE EAST INDIES" have been issued to
Members during the present year.
The printing of "THE VOYAGES OF ANTHONY JENKINSON,”
edited by Mr. E. Delmar Morgan, and Mr. Coote of the
British Museum, is nearly completed, and will be issued
early in the year 1886. "THE JOURNAL OF SIR WILLIAM
HEDGES," the Chief of the East India Company's factories
in Bengal, 1681-83, which is edited by the Rev. Mr. Long,
will also be ready for issue next year; and "THE JOURNAL
OF FRANÇOIS PYRARD," edited by Mr. Albert Gray, is in the
press.
Mr. de Gray Birch has undertaken to edit "THE VOYAGES
OF THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND," the Elizabethan navigator,
for the Society, and a portion has already been printed.
A Statement of the Accounts of the Society for the year
1885 accompanies this Report.
2
The following two Members retire from the Council:
REAR-ADMIRAL SIR A. H. HOSKINS, K.C.B.
ADMIRAL SIR ERASMUS OMMANNEY, C.B.
And the following gentlemen are proposed for election:
ALBERT GRAY, ESQ.
CAPTAIN MARKHAM, R.N.
Statement of the Accounts of the Hakluyt Society for the year 1885.
Balance at the Bankers January 1885
Received by the Bankers during the year
C+8
s. d.
£ s. d.
580 3 10
...
186 11 0
Mr. Tiele for his work connected with "Lin-
schoten's Voyages"
20 0 0
£766 14 10
Mr. Jeyes for Indexing the "Commentaries of
Dalboquerque"...
10 10 0
Messrs. Whiting for Printing, etc.
176 8 5
...
Typographic Etching Company
8 8 0
Balance at the Bankers
...
:.
£215 6 5
551 8 5
£766 14 10

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