∞∞∞∞∞∞∞a √æ√° ſ√≠√∞..…. ， ， ******** • • • • 209 6 E U - Pt Univer,ity of Michigan u---- ， ■ |---- t-ae ---- （…）， ū---- ±（-） ● •- t--, |- tae_ae & （） ---- ！_） ） ● --★ → B 3 90 15 OO251 ， ， ， , ， ！e ari ºſº ∞ſae！ ！ - ... • w：sq 4- - 3: *************** a. ~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~ … • • • • ſ. -）, ± … . . *， , ， ， . №ſ - -…）° • × °| .ae:::::：：::. :） №. ！！ ！! ！!,，，,, ，, ... ... №eae. * e & Pp. I 74-177 Sanctity of the pine-tree in the worship of Attis, 174 sq.; Attis as a corn-god, I75 sq. ; Cybele a goddess of fertility, I 76 sq. CHAPTER III.-ATTIS AS THE FATHER-GOD Pp. 178-181 Meaning of the name Attis, 178; relation of Attis to the Mother Goddess, 178 sq.; Attis as a sky-god or Heavenly Father, 179 sqq. CHAPTER IV.-HUMAN REPRESENTATIVES OF ATTIS . * º * s tº Pp. 182-184 Personation of Attis by his high priest, 182 sq.; name of Attis in the royal families of Phrygia and Lydia, 183 sq. CHAPTER V.—THE HANGED GOD . * Pp. 185-191 Death of Marsyas on the tree, 185 sq.; Marsyas apparently a double of Attis, 186; the hanging of Odin on the gallows-tree, 186 sq.; skins of human victims used to effect the resurrection, 187 sq. ; skins of men and horses xii COAVTE/VTS set up at graves, 188 sq.; skulls employed to ensure the ſertility of the ground and of women, 189 sq.; skin of the human representative of the god in Phrygia perhaps used for like purposes, I 90 sq. CHAPTER VI.-ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST . * * * * e Pp. I 92-203 Popularity of the worship of Cybele and Attis in the Roman Empire, 192 sy, , effect of the spread of Oriental faiths on Greek and Roman civilisation, 193 sq.m. ; popularity of the worship of Mithra, its rivalry with Chris- tianity, 195 sq. ; the festival of Christmas borrowed by the Church from the Mithraic religion, 196 sqq). ; the ſestival of Easter perhaps influenced by the festival of Attis, 198 sq.m. ; compromise of Christianity with paganism, parallel with Buddhism, 20I s/. CHAPTER VII.-HYACINTH . & e Pp. 204-207 Hyacinth interpreted as the vegetation which blooms and withers, 2O4 sq. ; tomb of Hyacinth at Amyclae, 205 sy. ; Hyacinth an aboriginal deity, 206 sq. ; his sister Polyboea perhaps originally his spouse, 2O7. B O O K T H I R D OSIRIS . g Pp. 2 op-324 CHAPTER I.--THE MYTH OF OSIRIS g Pp. 2 II-2 19 Osiris the Egyptian counterpart of Adonis and Attis, 2 I I ; his myth, 2 II sq.7. ; Osiris a son of the earth-god and the sky-goddess, 2 II sq. ; he introduces the cultivation of corn and vines, 212 sq. ; his violent death, 21.3; Isis searches for his body and finds it at Byblus, 2 I 3 syſ. ; the members of Osiris treasured as relics in different places, 215 sq.; Osiris as king and judge of the dead, 2 16 sq. ; his resurrection regarded by the Egyptians as a pledge of their own immortality, 217 sq.; combat between Set and Horus, the brother and son of Osiris, for the crown of Egypt, 218 sq. CHAPTER II. — THE OFFICIAL EGYPTIAN CALEN DAR t g $ * ſº Pp. 220-224 The date of a festival sometimes a clue to the nature of the god, 220 ; the year of the Egyptian calendar a vague or movable one, 220 sq. ; divorce of the official calendar from the natural calendar of the seasons, 221 sq.; attempt of Ptolemy III. to reform the calendar by intercalation, 222 sq. ; the fixed Alexandrian year instituted by the Romans, 223 sy. CO/VTEAV7'S xiii CHAPTER III. — THE CALEN DAR OF THE EGYPTIAN FARMER . {- o º Pp. 225-239 § 1. The A'ise and /a// of //he AWile, pp. 225-227.--In Egypt the operations of husbandry dependent on the annual rise and fall of the Nile, 225 sq.; irrigation, Sowing, and harvest in Egypt, 226 sq. ; events of the agri- cultural year probably celebrated with religious rites, 227. § 2. /ºi/es of Irriga/ion, pp. 227-232. –Mourning for Osiris at midsummer when the Nile begins to rise, 227 sq. ; Sirius regarded as the star of Isis, 228 sq.; its rising in July the beginning of the sacred Egyptian year, 229 sq. ; ceremonies observed in Egypt at the cutting of the dams in August, 23.I s/. § 3. A'ites of Sowing, pp. 232-236. – The sowing of the seed in November, 232 ; Plutarch on the mournful character of the rites of sowing, 232 sqq.; his view that the worship of the fruits of the earth sprang from a verbal misunderstanding, 234 ; his theory an inversion of the truth, 234 sq.; respect shown by savages for the fruits and animals which they eat, 235 S/. § 4. A'ites of Aſarzes/, pp. 236-239.--Lamentations of the Egyptian corn-reapers, 236 sy. ; similar ceremonies observed by the Cherokee Indians in the cultivation of the corn, 237 sq. ; lamentations of Californian Indians at cutting sacred wood, 238 sy. ; Arab ceremony of burying “the old man’” at harvest, 239. CHAPTER IV.--THE OFFICIAL FESTIVALS OF OSIRIS . & - • e - Pp. 240-267 § 1. The A’estiza/ aſ Sais, pp. 240-242. --The Egyptian festivals stationary in the solar year aſter the adoption of the Alexandrian calendar in 30 B.C., 240 sq.; the sufferings of Osiris displayed as a mystery at Sais, 241 ; the illumination of the houses on that night suggestive of a Feast of All Souls, 24 I sy. § 2. /*easts of All Souls, pp. 242-256. –Annual festivals of the dead among the natives of America, the East Indies, and eastern Asia, 242-247 ; similar festivals of the dead in Europe, 248-253 ; the Feast of All Souls on 2nd November apparently an old Celtic ſestival of the dead, 253-255 ; similar origin suggested for the Feast of All Saints on 1st November, 2.55 S/. § 3. The Festival in the J/onth of A/hyr, pp. 256-258. —Festival of the death and resurrection of Osiris in the month of Athyr, 256 sy. ; the finding of Osiris, 257 sy. xiv COMTEAVTS § 4. The Festival in the //on//, of Choia/, pp. 258-26 I. —The great Osirian inscription at Dendera, 258 sq.; the death, dismemberment, and recon- stitution of Osiris represented at the festival of Choiak, 259 sqq. § 5. The A’esurrection of Osiris, pp. 261-263. --The resurrection of Osiris represented on the monuments, 261 sq.; corn-stuffed effigies of Osiris buried with the dead to ensure their resurrection, 262 sq. § 6. A'eadjustment of Egyptian Festivals, pp. 263-267. –The festivals of Osiris in the months of Athyr and Choiak apparently the same in substance, 263 sq.; the festival of Choiak perhaps transferred to Athyr when the Egyptians adopted the fixed Alexandrian year, 264 sq.; the dates of all the official Egyptian festivals perhaps shifted by a month at the same time in order to restore them to their natural places in the solar year, 265 sq. CIIAPTER V.—THE NATURE OF OSIRIS . Pp. 268-281 § 1. Osiris a Corn-God, pp. 268-275. –Osiris in the main a personification of the corn, 268 sq.; the legend of his dismemberment perhaps a reminis- cence of a custom of dismembering human victims, especially kings, in the character of the corn-spirit, 269 ; Roman and Greek traditions of the dismemberment of kings and others, 269 sqq. ; dismemberment of the Norse King Halfdan the Black, 271 sq.; custom of dismembering a king and burying the pieces in different places, 272 sq.; Koniag custom of dismembering whalers, 274 ; red-haired Egyptian victims perhaps representatives of the corn-spirit, 274 sq. § 2. Osiris a 7'ree-Spirit, pp. 275-279. —Osiris as a tree-spirit, 275 sq. ; his image enclosed in a pine-tree, 276; the setting up of the Dad pillar at the festival of Osiris, 276 sq.; Osiris associated with the pine, the sycamore, the tamarisk, and the acacia, 277 sq.; his relation to fruit-trees, the vine, and ivy, 279. § 3. Osiris a God of Fertility, pp. 279-280. —Osiris perhaps conceived as a god of fertility in general, 279 ; coarse symbolism to express this idea, 279 $/. § 4. Osiris a God of the Dead, pp. 280-28 I. —Osiris a god of the resurrection as well as of the corn, 280 sq. ; great popularity of his worship, 281. CHAPTER VI.-ISIS º - s - Pp. 282-286 Multifarious attributes of Isis, 282 ; Isis compared and contrasted with the mother goddesses of Asia, 283 ; Isis perhaps originally the corn-goddess, 283 sq.; refinement and spiritualisation of Isis in later times, the popu larity of her worship in the Roman empire, 284 sq.7. CO/W7'EAVTS XV CHAPTER VII.--—OSIRIS AND THE SUN . Pp. 287-294 Osiris interpreted as the sun by many modern writers, 287 sq. ; the later identification of Osiris with Ra, the sun-god, no evidence that Osiris was originally the sun, 288 sq. ; most Egyptian gods at Some time identified with the sun, 290 ; attempt of Amenophis IV. to abolish all gods except the sun-god, 290 sq.; the death and resurrection of Osiris more naturally explained by the decay and growth of vegetation than by sunset and sunrise, 292-294. CHAPTER VIII.-OSIRIS AND THE MOON Pp. 295-304 Osiris sometimes interpreted by the ancients as the moon, 295 ; evidence of the association of Osiris with the moon, 295 sqq). ; identification of Osiris with the moon apparently based on a comparatively late theory of the moon as the cause of growth and decay, 297 sy. ; practical rules founded on this theory, 298 sqq). ; the moon regarded as the source of moisture, 3O2; the moon naturally worshipped by agricultural peoples, 302 sq.; later identification of the corn-god Osiris with the moon, 3O4. CHAPTER IX. —THE DOCTRINE OF LUNAR SYMPATHY - * e - • Pp. 305-313 The doctrine of lunar sympathy, 305 sq. ; ceremonies at new moon often magical rather than religious, being intended not so much to propitiate the planet as to renew sympathetically the life of man, 307 sq. ; the moon supposed to exercise special influence on children, 309 sqq. ; use of the moon to increase money or decrease sickness, 3 I 2 sq. CHAPTER X. —THE KING AS OSIRIS * Pp. 31.4-3.18 Osiris personated by the King of Egypt, 314; the Sed festival intended to renew the king's life, 31.4 sqq. ; identification of the king with the dead Osiris at the festival, 316 sq.; Professor Flinders Petrie's explanation of the Sed festival, 317 sq. CHAPTER XI.-CONCLUSION . - * Pp. 319-324 Essential similarity of Adonis, Attis, and Osiris, 319 ; superiority of the god- desses associated with Adonis, Attis, and Osiris a mark of the system of mother-right, 319 sq.; mother-right in Egypt, 320 S/.3 Egyptian xvi COMZTEAV7'S marriages of brothers änd sisters based on the system of mother-right, 32 I sq.; the mythical marriage of Osiris with his sister Isis a reflection of a real social custom, 322 sq. ; conservatism of the Egyptians, 323 sq.; original type of Osiris better preserved than those of Adonis and Attis, 324. NOTE–-A CHARM TO PROTECT A TOWN . e & . Pp. 325-327 INDEX m - * - e & * $ * . Pp. 329-339 B O O K FIRST AD ON IS C H A P T E R I THE MYTH OF ADONIS THE Spectacle of the great changes which annually pass Over the face of the earth has powerfully impressed the minds of men in all ages, and stirred them to meditate On the causes of transformations SO vast and wonderſul. Their curiosity has not been purely disinterested ; for even the Savage cannot fail to perceive how intimately his own life is bound up with that of nature, and how the same processes which freeze the stream and strip the earth of vegetation menace him with extinction. At a certain stage of development men seem to have imagined that the means of averting the threatened calamity were in their own hands, and that they could hasten or retard the flight of the seasons by magic art. Accordingly they performed ceremonies and recited spells to make the rain to fall, the Sun to shine, animals to multiply, and the fruits of the earth to grow. In course of time the slow advance of knowledge, which has dispelled so many cherished illusions, convinced at least the more thoughtful portion of mankind that the alternations of summer and winter, of spring and autumn, were not merely the result of their own magical rites, but that some deeper cause, some mightier power, was at work behind the shifting scenes of nature. They now pictured to themselves the growth and decay of vegetation, the birth and death of living creatures, as effects of the waxing or waning strength of divine beings, of gods and goddesses, who were born and died, who married and begot children, on the pattern of human life. 3 The changes of the Seasons explained by the life and (le:1th of gods. 4 TA/AE // VTA/ OF A DO/V/S IBOOIK I Magical ceremonies to revive the ſailing energies O the gods. f ſ | The prin- ciples of animal and of vegetable life con- fused in these cere- monies. Thus the old magical theory of the seasons was dis- placed, or rather supplemented, by a religious theory. For although men now attributed the annual cycle of change primarily to corresponding changes in their deities, they still thought that by performing certain magical rites they could aid the god, who was the principle of life, in his struggle with the opposing principle of death. They imagined that they could recruit his failing energies and even raise him from the dead. The ceremonies which they observed for this purpose were in substance a dramatic representation of the natural processes which they wished to facilitate ; for it is a familiar tenet of magic that you can produce any desired effect by merely imitating it. And as they now explained the fluctuations of growth and decay, of reproduction and dissolution, by the marriage, the death, and the rebirth or revival of the gods, their religious or rather magical dramas turned in great measure on these themes. They set forth the fruitful union of the powers of fertility, the sad death of one at least of the divine partners, and his joyful resurrection. Thus a religious theory was blended with a magical practice. The combination is familiar in history. Indeed, few religions have ever succeeded in wholly extricating themselves from the old trammels of magic. The inconsistency of acting on two opposite principles, however it may vex the Soul of the philosopher, rarely troubles the common man ; indeed he is seldom even aware of it. His affair is to act, not to analyse the motives of his action. If mankind had always been logical and wise, history would not be a long chronicle of folly and crime. Of the changes which the seasons bring with them, the most striking within the temperate zone are those which affect vegetation. The influence of the seasons on animals, though great, is not nearly so manifest. Hence it is natural that in the magical dramas designed to dispel winter and bring back spring the emphasis should be laid on vegetation, and that trees and plants should figure in them more prominently than beasts and birds. Yet the two sides of life, the vegetable and the animal, were not dissociated in the minds of those who observed the CH A ſ”. I THAE // V7// OF A DO/W/S 5 ceremonies. Indeed they commonly believed that the tie between the animal and the vegetable world was even closer than it really is ; hence they often combined the dramatic representation of reviving plants with a real or a dramatic union of the sexes for the purpose of furthering at the same time and by the same act the multiplication of fruits, of animals, and of men. To them the principle of life and fertility, whether animal or vegetable, was one and indivisible. To live and to cause to live, to eat food and to beget children, these were the primary wants of men in the past, and they will be the primary wants of men in the future so long as the world lasts. Other things may be added to enrich and beautify human life, but unless these wants are first satisfied, humanity itself must cease to exist. These two things, therefore, food and children, were what men chiefly sought to procure by the performance of magical rites for the regulation of the seasons. Nowhere, apparently, have these rites been more widely Prevalence and solemnly celebrated than in the lands which border the º eastern Mediterranean. Under the names of Osiris, Tam- western muz, Adonis, and Attis, the peoples of Egypt and western sº Asia represented the yearly decay and revival of life, especially of vegetable life, which they personified as a god who annually died and rose again from the dead. In name and detail the rites varied from place to place : in substance they were the same. The supposed death and resurrec- tion of this oriental deity, a god of many names but of essentially one nature, is the subject of the present inquiry. We begin with Tammuz or Adonis." 1 The equivalence of Tammuz and Adonis has been doubted or denied by some scholars, as by Renan (J/ission de Phºtice, pp. 2 I 6, 235) and by Chwol- sohn (/)ie Swabic, und' d', S'yačis/u?/s, ii. 510). But the identification of them by Jerome (Z//s/. lviii. 3, and Co/- f/0/1/. on /ºxeKie/, viii. 14, Migne's /’a/roſogia /a/ina, xxii. 581, xxv. city semifischen Ale/isſionsgeschächte, i. 299; W. Mannhardt, .477/iſſe I Pala’. und Fe/ºu//e, pp. 273 sq/. : Ch. Vellay, “Le dicu Thammuz,” /čevºte de / //istoire dºs /('e/isſions, xlix. (I 904), pp. I 54-162. An Assyrian origin of the cult of Adonis was long ago affirmed by Macrobius (Saſ. i. 2 I. I.). On Adonis and his worship in general 82), Cyril of Alexandria (Com/en/. on //osea, iv. I 5, Migne's /'a/ro/ogia Graeca, lxxi. 136), and Melito (in W. Cureton's Spicſ/ºu/ Syriacum, p. 44), may be accepted as conclusive. See W. W. Graf 13audissin, S///dieſ, see also F. C. Movers, Z), e / 'hot'77'sfer, i. I 91 sy/. : W. H. Engel, Aj%ros, ii. 536 sy). ; Ch. Vellay, Zº cuſ/e et /es fº/es d’.1don's. 7%am/ou/ dans l'Orient a/7//yue (Paris, I 904). 6 TA/A) // YZ"Aſ O/7' A DO/W/S BOOK I Tammuz or Adonis in Baby- lonia. Descent of Ishtar to the nether world to recover Tammuz. The worship of Adonis was practised by the Semitic peoples of Babylonia and Syria, and the Greeks borrowed it from them as early as the seventh century before Christ." The true name of the deity was Tammuz : the appellation of Adonis is merely the Semitic Adon, “lord,” a title of honour by which his worshippers addressed him. In the Hebrew text of the Old Testament the same name Adonai, originally perhaps Adoni, “my lord,” is often applied to Jehovah.” But the Greeks through a misunderstanding con- verted the title of honour into a proper name. If scholars are right in deriving the name of Tammuz from a Sumerian phrase meaning “true Son,” or, more fully, “true son of the deep water,” we must conclude that the Semites of Babylonia took over the worship from their predecessors the Sumerians, an ancient people apparently of the Turanian stock, who had occupied the country, tilled the soil, tended cattle, built cities, dug canals, and attained to a considerable pitch of civilisation before the Semitic hordes appeared on the banks of the Euphrates." Be that as it may, we first meet with Tammuz in the religious literature of Babylon. He there appears as the youthful spouse or lover of Ishtar, the great mother goddess, the embodiment of the repro- ductive energies of nature. The references to their con- nection with each other in myth and ritual are both fragmentary and obscure, but we gather from them that every year Tammuz was believed to die, passing away from the cheerful earth to the gloomy subterranean world, and that every year his divine mistress journeyed in quest of him “to the land from which there is no returning, to the * The mourning for Adonis is men- 1896), pp. 134 377, ; L. W. King, tioned by Sappho, who flourished about /3aby/onian /('eligion and /////iolog 6OO H. C. See Th. Bergk's /’oe/ae /yrici (London, 1899), pp. I s/. ; II. Graeci,” iii. 897; Pausanias, ix. 29.8. Winckler, in E. Schrader's oft. cit. pp. * /2ncyclopaedia Biblica, ed. T. K. Io s/., 349 ; Fr. Hommel, Grundráss Cheyne and J. S. Black, iii. 3327. der Geographie und Geschic/i/e des * /2umuzi, more fully /Jumu - 27- al/enz Orien/s, pp. 18 sq.7. However, a/zu. See P. Jensen, Assyrisch- Assyriologists are by no means agreed /a/y/onische //y/hem und E/en (Ber- as to the occupation of Babylonia by lin, 1900), p. 560 ; H. Zimmern, in an alien race before the arrival of the E. Schrader's Die Äei/inschriſten und Semites. See M. Jastrow, Aeligion of das A//e Zestament" (Berlin, 1902), Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 21 sqq., p. 397. 32 s/7, ; M. J. Lagrange, Z/udes sur * C. P. Tiele, Geschic//e der les /'eligions Sémiſiques 4 (Paris, 1905), /('eligion 7/2 A//ertumn, i. (Gotha, pp. 55 sq. : CHAP. I THE MYTH OF A DOM/S 7 house of darkness, where dust lies on door and bolt.” During her absence the passion of love ceased to operate : men and beasts alike forgot to reproduce their kinds : all life was threatened with extinction. So intimately bound up with the goddess were the sexual functions of the whole animal kingdom that without her presence they could not be discharged. A messenger of the great god Ea was accordingly despatched to rescue the goddess on whom so much depended. The stern queen of the infernal regions, Allatu or Eresh-Kigal by name, reluctantly allowed Ishtar to be sprinkled with the Water of Life and to depart, in company probably with her lover Tammuz, that the two might return together to the upper world, and that with their return all nature might revive. Laments for the departed Tammuz are contained in several Babylonian hymns, which liken him to plants that quickly fade. His death appears to have been annually mourned, to the shrill music of flutes, by men and women about midsummer in the month named after him, the month of Tammuz. The dirges were seemingly chanted over an effigy of the dead god, which was washed with pure water, anointed with oil, and clad in a red robe, while the fumes of incense rose into the air, as if to stir his dormant senses by their pungent fragrance and wake him from the sleep of death.' * A. Jeremias, ZJie Øaby/onisch-as- C. Movers, /9te A'hoenizier, i. 2 IO : syrischen Vorstellungen vom Leben mach F. Lenormant, “Il mito di Adone- dem 7 ode (Leipsic, 1887), pp. 4 sqq. ; Tammuz nei documenti cuneiformi,” id., in W. H. Roscher’s Zexikon der -1//; de/ / I’. Congresso /nternazionale griech, u, röm. My/hologie, ii. 808, degli Orien/a/isti (Florence, I 880), iii. 258 sq.). ; M. Jastrow, 7 he A’e/igion i. 144 sq. ; W. Mannhardt, Antiće of Aaby/onia and Assyria, pp. 565-576, IVa/dº- told Zºe/d/ºu//e, p. 275; En- 584, 682 sq. ; W. L. King, Baby/onian A'e/gºoſe and A/y/hology, pp. 178-183; P. Jensen, Alssyrisc/-/aſy/on ische J/y- then und Efen, pp. 8 I s/., 95 sqq., 169 ; R. F. Harper, -1ssyrian and /3abylonian Literature (New York, 1901), pp. 316 sq., 338, 4.08 syſ. ; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Äei/inschriſten und das Aſte 7 esta- ment,” pp. 397 sq/., 561 sq.7. Accord- ing to Jerome (on Ezekiel, viii. 14) the month of Tammuz was June ; but according to modern scholars it corre- sponded rather to July, or to part of June and part of July. See F. cyc/opaedia Biblica, s.a. “Months,” iii. 3 194. My friend W. Robertson Smith informed me that owing to the variations of the local Syrian calendars the month of Tammuz fell in different places at different times, from mid- summer to autumn, or from June to September. According to Prof. M. Jastrow, the festival of Tammuz was celebrated just before the summer solstice (of. ciſ. pp. 547, 682). He observes that “the calendar of the Jewish Church still marks the 17th day of Tammuz as a fast, and Houtsma has shown that the associa- 8 7THE // VTAZ OA' A /)O/V/S IBOOK I The tragical story and the melancholy rites of Adonis are better known to us from the descriptions of Greek writers than from the fragments of Babylonian literature or the brief reference of the prophet Ezekiel, who saw the women of Jerusalem weeping for Tammuz at the north gate of the temple." Reflected in the mirror of Greek mythology, the oriental deity appears as a comely youth beloved by Aphrodite. In his infancy the goddess hid him in a chest, which she gave in charge to Proserpine, queen of the nether world. But when Proserpine opened the chest and beheld the beauty of the babe, she refused to give him back to Aphrodite. The dispute between the two goddesses of love and death was settled by Zeus, who decreed that Adonis should abide with Proserpine in the under world for one part of the year, and with Aphrodite in the upper world for another part. At last the fair youth was killed in hunt- ing by a wild boar, or by the jealous Ares, who turned himself into the likeness of a boar in order to compass the death of his rival. Bitterly did Aphrodite lament her loved and lost Adonis.” In this form of the myth, the contest between Aphrodite and Proserpine for the possession of Adonis clearly reproduces the struggle between Ishtar and Allatu in the land of the dead, while the decision of Zeus that Adonis is to spend one part of the year under ground and another part above ground is merely a Greek version of the annual disappearance and reappearance of Tammuz. tion of the day with the capture of ! Ezekiel viii. 14. Jerusalem by the Romans, represents * Apollodorus, iii. 14. 4; Bion, Zay/, Adonis in Greek mythology. merely the attempt to give an ancient i. ; J. Tzetzes, Schol, on /yco//zon, festival a worthier interpretation.” 83 I ; Ovid, A/e/a/. x. 503 sq/. C H A P T E R II ADONIS AT TBY BLUS THE myth of Adonis was localised and his rites celebrated Worship with much solemnity at two places in western Asia. One. of these was Byblus on the coast of Syria, the other was at Byblus, Paphos in Cyprus. Both were great seats of the worship º of Aphrodite, or rather of her Semitic counterpart, Astarte; 'Cinyras. and of both, if we accept the legends, Cinyras, the father of Adonis, was king.” Of the two cities Byblus was the more ancient; indeed it claimed to be the oldest city in Phoenicia, and to have been founded in the early ages of the world by the great god El, whom Greeks and Romans identified with Cronus and Saturn respectively.” However that may have been, in historical times it ranked as a holy place, the religious capital of the country, the Mecca or Jerusalem of the Phoenicians.” The city stood on a height beside the sea,” and contained a great sanctuary of Astarte," where in the midst of a spacious open court, surrounded by 1 The ancients were aware that the Syrian and Cyprian Aphrodite, the mistress of Adonis, was no other than Astarte. See Cicero, De naſutra deo- rum, iii. 23. 59 ; Joannes Lydus, ZX: //tensibus, iv. 44. * As to Cinyras, see F. C. Movers, /97e /º/toenigier, i. 238 syſ)., ii. 2. 226- 231 ; W. H. Engel, Aj//os (Berlin, 1841), i. 168-173, ii. 94- I 36 ; Stoll, in W. H. Roscher’s Zewiſo), d, griech. //, röm. M/y/ho/ogie, ii. I 189 sy/. Meliton calls the ſather of Adonis by the name of Cuthar, and represents him as king of the Phoenicians with bis capital at Gebal (Byblus). See Meliton, “Oration to Antoninus Caesar,” in W. Cureton's S/ºcſ/cgium Syriacum (London, 1855), p. 44. * Philo of Byblus, quoted by Euse- bius, Zºraeſaratio Æzange/?, i. I O : Prag/te/t/a Aſis/orico/7/m Graccorreſ/, ed. C. Muller, iii. 568 ; Stephanus Byzantius, s. 7. B&BNos. Byblus is a Greek corruption of the Semitic Gebal (951), the name which the place still retains. See E. Renan, ..]/ission de Z'ha'nicie (Paris, 1864), p. I 55. * R. Pietschmann, Geschichte der //oenicier (Berlin, 1889), p. 139. On the coins it is designated “Holy Iłyblus.” * Strabo, xvi. I, I8, p. 755. " Lucian, /9e dea Syria, 6. IO A/DOAV/.S. A 7" /3 V/3/. US JBOOK I cloisters and approached from below by staircases, rose a tall cone or obelisk, the holy image of the goddess." In this sanctuary the rites of Adonis were celebrated.” Indeed the whole city was sacred to him,” and the river Naſir /öra/ti//l, which falls into the sea a little to the south of Byblus, bore in antiquity the name of Adonis." This was the kingdom of Cinyras.” From the earliest to the latest times the city appears to have been ruled by kings, assisted perhaps by a senate or council of elders." We learn from an inscription that one of these kings, Yehaw-melek, son of Yehar-baal, and grandson of Adom-melek or Uri- melek, dedicated a pillared portico with a carved work of gold and a bronze altar to the goddess, whom he worshipped under the name of Baalath Gcbal, that is, the female Baal of Byblus." - The names of these kings suggest that they claimed affinity with their god Baal or Moloch, for Moloch is only a corruption of Melek, that is, “king.” Such a claim at all events appears to have been put forward by many other Semitic kings.” The early monarchs of Babylon were worshipped as gods in their lifetime." Mesha, king of Divinity of Semitic kings. Moab, called himself the son of his god Kemosh." Among * The sanctuary and image are " Ezekiel xxvii. 9. As to the figured on coins of Byblus. See T. name Gebal see above, p. 9, note 3. L. Donaldson, 217 châtec/ttya AVu/lis- ma/ica (London, I859), pp. IO5 sq. ; E. Renan, AZission de //id/licie, p. 177 ; Perrot et Chipiez, Aſistoire de 7 The inscription was discovered by Renan. See Ch. Vellay, / e culle et /es /ē/es d’Adonis - Zhayuyaouz dams /’Orien/ an/ique, pp. 38 sq. ; G. A. Cooke, /'Aré dans "An/iquité, iii. 6o ; R. Pietschmann, Geschic/i/e der Phoe- ſeizier, p. 202 ; G. Maspero, Aſis/oire Ancienne, ii. 173. Renan excavated a massive square pedestal built of colossal stones, which he thought may have supported the sacred obelisk (oft, cit. pp. 174-178). * Lucian, /9e dea Syria, 6. * Strabo, xvi. I. 18, p. 755. * Lucian, /Je dea. Syria, 8 ; E. Renan, //ission de Z'hémècie, pp. 282 $79, * Eustathius, Commentary on ZJiony- sius /*eriege/es, 912 (Ceogra/h. Graeci. //iſtores, ed. C. Müller, ii. 376); Meliton, in W. Cureton's S/iciſegium, ..Syriacum, p. 44. Tex/-book of AVor// - Semitic //uscriptions (Oxford, I 903), No. 3, pp. 18 sq. In the time of Alexander the Great the king of Byblus was a certain Enylus (Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 2O), whose name appears on a coin of the city (F. C. Movers, Die Z'hoe- nizier, ii. I, p. IO3, note 81). * On the divinity of Semitic kings and the kingship of Semitic gods see W. R. Smith, A’eligion of //e Semiſes,” pp. 44 s/., 66 &/7. * H. Radau, AEarly /3a/y/onian A/is- /ory (New York and London, I 900), pp. 307-3 I 7. 10 We learn this from the Moabite stone. See G. A. Cooke, Zext-book of AVor//i-Semific /mscrip/ions, No. 1, p. 2, CHAT’. II .* A DO/V/S A T /3 Y/3/. US I I the Aramaean sovereigns of Damascus, mentioned in the Bible, we find more than one Ben-hadad, that is, “son of the god Hadad,” the chief male deity of the Syrians ; " and Josephus tells us that down to his own time, in the first century of our era, Bend-hadad I., whom he calls simply Adad, and his successor, Hazael, continued to be worshipped as gods by the people of Damascus, who held processions daily in their honour.” Some of the kings of Edom seem to have gone a step farther and identified them- selves with the god in their lifetime; at all events they bore his name Hadad without any qualification.” King Bar-rekub, who reigned over Samal in north-western Syria in the time of Tiglath-pileser (745-727 B.C.), appears from his name to have reckoned himself a son of Rekub-el, the god to whose favour he deemed himself indebted for the kingdom." The kings of Tyre traced their descent from Baal,” and apparently professed to be gods in their own person." Several of them bore names which are partly composed of the names of Baal and Astarte ; one of them bore the name of Baal pure and simple." The Baal whom they personated was no * 2 Kings viii. 7, 9, xiii. 24 sq. ; Jeremiah xlix. 27. As to the god Hadad see Macrobius, Sa/urn, i. 23. I 7-I 9 (where, as so often in late writers, the Syrians are called Assyrians); Philo of Byblus, in Zºragmenta //is/oricorum Graecoru/l, ed. C. Müller, iii. 569 ; F. Baethgen, /3eiräge zur semi/ischen A'eligionsgeschächte (Berlin, 1888), pp. 66-68; G. A. Cooke, ſev/- book of AVor// - Semi/ic /mscrip/ions, Nos. 61, 62, pp. 161 sq., 164, 173, 175 ; M. J. Lagrange, Efudes stºr /es A'e/igions Sémi/i/ues,” pp. 93, 493, 496 sy, * Josephus, A/P///w/i/. ix. 4, 6. * Genesis xxxvi. 35 sy. ; 1 Kings xi. 14-22 ; I Chronicles i. 50 sy. Of the eight kings of Edom mentioned in Genesis (xxxvi. 3 I-39) not one was the son of his predecessor. This seems to indicate that in Edom, as elsewhere, the blood royal was traced in the female line, and that the kings were men of other ſamilies who succeeded to the throne by marrying the hereditary princesses. See my /.cc/t/rcs on //e /...ar/y ///s/org, o/, //, /\!//lgs/, / (London, I 905), pp. 23 I s//. * G. A. Cooke, o/, ciſ. Nos. 62, 63, pp. 163, 165, 173 sq/., 18 I s/y. ; M. J. Lagrange, o/, cł. pp. 496 s.7). The god Rekub-el is mentioned along with the gods Hadad, El, Reshef, and Shamash in an inscription of King Bar-rekub's mortal father, King Pan- ammu (G. A. Cooke, o/, ciſ. No. 6 I, p. I 6 I). ° Virgil, ,-leſ. i. 729 sq., with Servius's note ; Silius Italicus, A'at?tica, i. 86 sy/. " Ezekiel xxviii. 2, 9. 7 Menander of Ephesus, quoted by Josephus, Com/ra .1//oncºſ, i. 18 and 2 I : Aºrag/en/a Aſistoricorum Graccorum, ed. C. Müller, iv. 446 sq. According to the text of Josephus, as edited by 13. Niese, the names of the kings in question were Abibal, Balbazer, Abd- astart, Methusastart, Son of Leastart, Ithobal, Balezor, 13aal, Balator, Merbal. The passage of Menander is quoted also by Eusebius, Chronic. i. pp. I IS, I 20, ed. A. Schoene, I 2 A DO/V/S A 7" /3 V/3/. O.S. IBOOK I doubt Melcarth, “the king of the city,” as his name signifies, the great god whom the Greeks identified with Hercules ; for the equivalence of the Baal of Tyre both to Melcarth and to Hercules is placed beyond the reach of doubt by a bilingual inscription, in Phoenician and Greek, which was found in Malta." In like manner the kings of Byblus may have assumed the style of Adonis ; for Adonis was simply the divine Adon or “lord ” of the city, a title which hardly differs in sense from Baal (“master") and Melek (“king ”). This conjecture would be confirmed if one of the kings of Byblus actually bore, as Renan believed, the name of Adom-melek, that is, Adonis Melek, the Lord King. But, unfortunately, the read- ing of the inscription in which the name occurs is doubtful.” Some of the old Canaanite kings of Jerusalem appear to have played the part of Adonis in their lifetime, if we may judge from their names, Adoni-bezek and Adoni-zedek,” which are divine rather than human titles. Adoni-zedek means “lord of righteousness,” and is therefore equivalent to Melchizedek, that is, “king of righteousness,” the title of that mysterious king of Salem and priest of God Most High, who seems to have been neither more nor less than one of these same Canaanitish kings of Jerusalem." Thus if the old priestly Kings named Adonis. 1 G. A. Cooke, 72.x/-booſ of Mor//- Semific //?scrip/ions, No. 36, p. I O2. this argument, since the title Adoni Melek, “my lord the king,” was oſten used As to Melcarth, the Tyrian Hercules, see Ed. Meyer, in W. H. Roscher’s /...exe/town d, griech. 1. rām. Al/j///ho/ogie, ii. 2650 s/ſy. One of the Tyrian kings seems to have been called Abi-milk (Abi-melech), that is, “ ſather of a king ” or “father of Moloch,” that is, of Melcarth. A letter of his to the king of Egypt is preserved in the Tel- el-Amarna correspondence. See R. F. Harper, Assyrian and /3a/y/o/vian Zi/era/ure, p. 237. As to a title which implies that the bearer of it was the father of a god, see below, p. 32. * E. Renan, quoted by Ch. Vellay, A.e cuſ/e eſ /ey/3/es d’Aldonás-7%a/ſ/lot/2, p. 39. But Mr. Cooke reads Tºpºs (Uri-milk) instead of Tºp-in (Adon- milk) (G. A. Cooke, Text-boo/ of AVor//- Se/i/ic /mscrip/ions, No. 3, p. 18). However, little stress can be laid on in addressing Hebrew See, for example, I Kings i. 2, 13, 18, 20, 21, 24, 27, etc. * Judges i. 4-7 ; Joshua x. I s/y. * Genesis xiv. 18-2O, with Prof. S. R. Driver’s commentary ; //70/c/o- /aedia /3%//ca, s.7/z. “Adoni-bezek,” “Adoni-zedek,” “Melchizedek.” It is to be observed that names com- pounded with Adoni- were occasionally borne by private persons. Such names are Adoni-kam (Ezra ii. I 3) and Adoni-ram (I Kings iv. 6), not to mention Adoni-jah (I Kings i. 5 sy/.), who was a prince and aspired to the throne of his father I)avid. These names are commonly interpreted as sentences expressive of the nature of the god whom the bearer of the name worshipped. See Prof. Th. Nöldeke, in Encyclopaedia /3///ica, s. 7. “Names,” kings. CHAP. II A DO/V/S A1 T /3 V/3/, US I 3 kings of Jerusalem regularly played the part of Adonis, we need not wonder that in later times the women of Jerusalem used to weep for Tammuz, that is, for Adonis, at the gate of the temple." In doing so they may only have been con- tinuing a custom which had been observed in the same place by the Canaanites long before the Hebrews invaded the land. But if Semitic kings in general and the kings of The Baal Byblus in particular often assumed the style of Baal or * Adonis, it follows that they may have mated with the Baalath goddess, the Baalath or Astarte of the city. Certainly we º hear of kings of Tyre and Sidon who were priests of Astarte.” fertility. Now to the agricultural Semites the Baal or god of a land was the author of all its fertility ; he it was who produced the corn, the wine, the figs, the oil, and the flax, by means of his quickening waters, which in the arid parts of the Semitic world are oftener springs, streams, and underground flow than the rains of heaven.” Further, “the life-giving power of the god was not limited to vegetative nature, but to him also was ascribed the increase of animal life, the multiplication of flocks and herds, and, not least, of the human inhabitants of the land. For the increase of animate nature is obviously conditioned, in the last resort, by the fertility of the soil, and primitive races, which have not learned to differentiate the various kinds of life with precision, think of animate as well as vegetable life as rooted in the earth and sprung from it. The earth is the great mother of all things in most mythological philosophies, and the comparison of the life of mankind, or of a stock of men, with the life of a tree, which is so common in Semitic as in other primitive poetry, is not in its origin a mere figure. Thus where the growth of vegetation is ascribed to a particular divine power, the same power receives the iii. 3286. It is quite possible that Z'ex/-book of Aor//i-Semific /mscrip/ions, names which once implied divinity were No. 4, p. 26. According to Justin, aſterwards degraded by application to COlli IT ( ) l l ill CIl. ! Ezekiel viii. 14. * Menander of Ephesus, quoted by Josephus, Con/ra 21ſtonem, i. 18 (Fraş- menta //istoricorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iv. 446); G. A. Cooke, however, the priest of Hercules, that is, of Melcarth, at Tyre, was distinct from the king and second to him in dignity. See Justin, xviii. 4. 5. * Hosea ii. 5 sqq). ; W. Robertson Smith, Keligion of the Semites,” pp. 95-I O7. I4 A ZOO/W/S A 7" /3 Y/B/C US BOOK I thanks and homage of his worshippers for the increase of cattle and of men. Firstlings as well as first-fruits were offered at the shrines of the Baalim, and one of the Commonest classes of personal names given by parents to their sons or daughters designates the child as the gift of the god.” In short, “the Baal was conceived as the male principle of reproduction, the husband of the land which he fertilised.” So far, therefore, as the Semite personified the reproductive energies of nature as male and female, as a Baal and a Baalath, he appears to have identified the male power especially with water and the female especially with earth. On this view plants and trees, animals and men, are the offspring or children of the Baal and Baalath. If, then, at Byblus and elsewhere, the Semitic king was allowed, or rather required, to personate the god and marry the goddess, the intention of the custom can only have been to ensure the fertility of the land and the increase of men and cattle by means of homoeopathic magic. There is reason to think that a similar custom was observed from a similar motive in other parts of the ancient world, and particularly at Nemi, where both the male and the female powers, the Dianus and Diana, were in one aspect of their nature personifications of the life-giving waters.” The last king of Byblus bore the ancient name of Cinyras, and was beheaded by Pompey the Great for his tyrannous excesses.” His legendary namesake Cinyras is said to have founded a sanctuary of Aphrodite, that is, of Astarte, at a place on Mount Lebanon, distant a day's journey from the capital.” The spot was probably Aphaca, at the source of the river Adonis, half-way between Byblus and Baalbec ; for at Aphaca there was a famous grove and sanctuary of Astarte which Constantine destroyed on account of the flagitious character of the worship.” The site of the temple has been discovered by modern travellers near the miserable village which still bears the name of Afka at Persona- tion of the Baal by the king. Cinyras, king of Pyblus. Aphaca and the vale of the Adonis. ! W. Robertson Smith, /&e/igion of * Strabo, xvi. 1, 18, p. 755. //ie Semiſes,” pp. 107 s/. * Lucian, Z26 ded Syria, 9. * See my /ec/ures on ſ/e Zar// * Eusebius, /ö/ø of Cons/au/ime, iii. Aſistory of the A7/19/ai/ (London, 55; Sozomenus, //is/oria Žcc/esiastica, 1905), pp. I 52 307., I 94 %. , 2 I 3 ii. 5; Socrates, //istoria ſºcc/esiastica, 37%. , 283 sq.7. i. 18; Zosimus, i. 58. CHAP. II A/DO/V/S A 7" /3 V/3/. U.S. I 5 the head of the wild, romantic, wooded gorge of the Adonis. The hamlet stands among groves of noble walnut-trees on the brink of the lynn. A little way off the river rushes from a cavern at the foot of a mighty amphitheatre of towering cliffs to plunge in a series of cascades into the awſul depths of the glen. The deeper it descends, the ranker and denser grows the vegetation, which, sprouting from the crannies and fissures of the rocks, spreads a green veil over the roaring or murmuring stream in the tremendous chasm below. There is something delicious, almost intoxicating, in the freshness of these tumbling waters, in thc Sweetness and purity of the mountain air, in the vivid green of the vegetation. The temple, of which some massive hewn blocks and a fine column of Syenite granite still mark the site, occupied a terrace facing the source of the river and Commanding a magnificent prospect. Across the foam and the roar of the waterfalls you look up to the cavern and away to the top of the sublime precipices above. So lofty is the cliff that the goats which creep along its ledges to browse on the bushes appear like ants to the spectator hundreds of feet below. Seaward the view is especially impressive when the sun floods the profound gorge with golden light, revealing all the fantastic buttresses and rounded towers of its moun- tain rampart, and falling Softly on the varied green of the woods which clothe its depths." It was here that, according to the legend, Adonis met Aphrodite for the first or the last time,” and here his mangled body was buried.” A fairer scene could hardly be imagined for a story of tragic love 1 On the valley of the Wahr Ibrahim, its scenery and monuments, see Edward Robinson, /3://ica/ /('esearches in Z'a/cs- time, 3 iii. 603-609; W. M. Thomson, Z'he Land and //ie /300/-, Zebanon, AJamascºts, and//cjoyed Jorda/º (London, 1886), pp. 239-246; E. Renan, A/7s- sºon de //ºcie, pp. 282 s/ſ/. ; G. Maspero, //isſoire Ancienne, ii. 175- 179. Among the trees which line the valley are oak, sycamore, bay, plane, orange, and mulberry (W. M. Thomson, o/. cit. p. 245). Travellers are unanimous in testifying to the extra- ordinary beauty of the vale of the Adonis. Thus Robinson writes : “There is no spot in all my wan- derings on which memory lingers with greater delight than on the sequestered retreat and exceeding loveliness of Aſka.” Renan says that the land- scape is one of the most beautiful in the world. * Z///o/ogicz// Al/açzzz//wz, S. Z. "Aqaxa, p. 175. * Meliton, “Oration to Antoninus Caesar,” in W. Cureton's S//ci/egium, Sºcz//// (London, 1855), p. 44. I6 A/OO/V/S A 7" /? Y/3/. U.S. J}()() JK I and death. Yet, sequestered as the valley is and must always have been, it is not wholly deserted. A convent or a village may be observed here and there standing out against the Sky On the top of Some beetling crag or clinging to the face of a nearly perpendicular cliff high above the foam and the din of the river; and at evening the lights that twinkle through the gloom betray the presence of human habitations on slopes which might seem inaccessible to man. In antiquity the whole of the lovely vale appears to have been dedicated to Adonis, and to this day it is haunted by his memory; for the heights which shut it in are crested at various points by ruined monuments of his worship, Some of them overhanging dreadful abysses, down which it turns the head dizzy to look and see the eagles wheeling about their nests far below. One such monument exists at Ghineh. The face of a great rock, above a roughly hewn recess, is here carved with figures of Adonis and Aphrodite. He is portrayed with spear in rest, awaiting the attack of a bear, while she is seated in an attitude of sorrow." Her grief-stricken figure may well be the mourning Aphrodite of the Lebanon described by Macrobius,” and the recess in the rock is perhaps her lover's tomb. Every year, in the belief of his worshippers, Adonis was wounded to death on the mountains, and every year the face of nature itself was dyed with his sacred blood. So year by year the Syrian damsels lamented his untimely fate,” while the red anemone, his flower, bloomed among the cedars of Lebanon and the river ran red to the Sea, fringing the winding shores of the blue Mediterranean, whenever the wind set inshore, with a sinuous band of crimson. ! E. Renan, AZission de Z'h&n icie, Adonis is a bear, not a boar, pp. 292-294. The writer seems to * Macrobius, Saturn. i. 21. 5 have no doubt that the beast attacking * Lucian, De dea Syria, 8. CHAPTER III ADONIS AT PAPHOS THE island of Cyprus lies but one day's sail from the coast Phoenician of Syria. Indeed on fine summer evenings its mountains gº 1I] may be descried looming low and dark against the red fires of sunset." With its rich mines of copper and its forests of firs and stately cedars the island naturally attracted a com- mercial and maritime people like the Phoenicians; while the abundance of its corn, its wine, and its oil must have rendered it in their eyes a Land of Promise by comparison with the niggardly nature of their own rugged coast, hemmed in between the mountains and the sea.” Accordingly they settled in Cyprus at a very early date and remained there long after the Greeks had also established themselves on its shores ; for we know from inscriptions and coins that Phoenician kings reigned at Citium, the Chittim of the Hebrews, down to the time of Alexander the Great.” ! F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, ii. Znscriptions, Nos. 12-25, pp. 55-76, 2, p. 224; G. Maspero, Histoire 347-349; P. Gardner, AVew Chapters Ancient/te, ii. I 99. in Gree/ //istory, pp. 179, 185. It has been held that the name of Citium is etymologically identical with Aſiſ/ite. If that was so, it would seem that the town was built and inhabited by a non- Semitic people before the arrival of the Phoenicians. See Zncyclopaedia Aiblica, s.7), “Kittim.” Other traces of this older race, akin to the primitive stock of Asia Minor, have been de- tected in Cyprus; amongst them the most obvious is the Cyprian syllabary, the characters of which are neither Phoenician nor Greek in origin. See P. Gardner, op. cit. pp. I 54, 173-175, * G. A. Cooke, Text-book of Semitic 178 sq. * On the natural wealth of Cyprus see Strabo, xiv. 6. 5; W. H. Engel, A3/7′os, i. 40-71 ; F. C. Movers, Die Z'hoentzier, ii. 2, pp. 224 sy. ; G. Maspero, Aſistoire Ancienne, ii. 200 sq. As to the firs and cedars of Cyprus see Theophrastus, ///s/oria Plantarum, v. 7. I, v. 9. I. The Cyprians boasted that they could build and rig a ship complete, from her keel to her topsails, with the native products of their island (Ammi- anus Marcellinus, xiv. 8. I4). 17 C I 8 A ZOO/V/S A T PAPA/OS BOOK I Naturally the Semitic colonists brought their gods with them from the mother-land. They worshipped Baal of the Lebanon," who may well have been Adonis, and at Amathus on the south coast they instituted the rites of Adonis and Aphrodite, or rather Astarte.” Here, as at Byblus, these rites resembled the Egyptian worship of Osiris so closely that some people even identified the Adonis of Amathus with Osiris.” The Tyrian Melcarth or Moloch was also worshipped at Amathus,” and the tombs discovered in the neighbourhood prove that the city re- mained Phoenician to a late period.” But the great scat of the worship of Aphrodite and Adonis in Cyprus was Paphos on the south-western side of the island. Among the petty kingdoms into which Cyprus was divided from the earliest times until the end of the fourth century before our era Paphos must have ranked with the best. It is a land of hills and billowy ridges, diversified by fields and vineyards and intersected by rivers, which in the course of ages have carved for themselves beds of such tremendous depth that travelling in the interior is difficult and tedious. The lofty range of Mount Olympus (the modern Troodos), capped with snow the greater part of the year, screens Paphos from the northerly and easterly winds and cuts it off from the rest of the island. On the slopes of the range the last pine- woods of Cyprus linger, sheltering here and there monasteries in scenery not unworthy of the Apennines. The old city of Paphos occupied the summit of a hill about a mile from the Kingdom of Paphos. 1 G. A. Cooke, 7%x/-hook of AVor/h. Semitic //zscrip/ions, No. I I, p. 52. * Stephanus Byzantius, s. v. 'Apa- 000s ; Pausanias, ix. 4 I. 2 sq. Ac- cording to Pausanias, there was a remarkable necklace of green stones and gold in the sanctuary of Adonis and Aphrodite at Amathus. The Greeks commonly identified it with the necklace of Harmonia or Eriphyle. A terra - cotta statuette of Astarte, ſound at Amathus (?), represents her wearing a necklace which she touches with one hand. See L. P. di Cesnola, Cy/7”/s (London, 1877), p. 275. The scanty ruins of Amathus occupy an isolated hill beside the sea. Among them is an enormous stone jar, half buried in the earth, of which the four handles are adorned with figures of bulls. It is probably of Phoenician manufacture. See L. Ross, /&eisenz mach / os, //a/i/arnassos, /ö/hodes und der ſnse/ Cy/ern (Halle, 1852), pp. I68 sq.7. * Stephanus Byzantius, s. v. 'Apaffoßs. For the relation of Adonis to Osiris at 3yblus see below, p. 293. * Hesychius, s. v. MáXuka. * L. P. di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 254-283 ; Perrot et Chipiez, Z/istoire de l’Art dams /'Antiquité, iii. 2 16- 222. CHA ſ”. [I I A DO/V/S A T PA /2//O.S I9 sea ; the newer city sprang up at the harbour Some ten miles off.” The sanctuary of Aphrodite at Old Paphos (the modern Kuklia) was one of the most celebrated shrines in the ancient world. From the earliest to the latest times it would seem to have preserved its essential features unchanged. For the sanctuary is represented on coins of the Imperial age,” and these representations agree closely with little golden models of a shrine which were found in two of the royal graves at Mycenae.” Both on the coins and in the models we see a façade surmounted by a pair of doves and divided into three Compartments or chapels, of which the central one is crowned by a lofty superstructure. In the golden models each chapel contains a pillar standing in a pair of horns: the Central superstructure is crowned by two pairs of horns, one within the other ; and the two side chapels are in like manner crowned each with a pair of horns and a single dove perched on the outer horn of each pair. On the coins each of the side chapels contains a pillar or candelabra-like object: the Central chapel contains a cone and is flanked by two high Columns, each terminating in a pair of ball-topped pinnacles, with a star and crescent appearing between the tops of the columns. The doves are doubtless the sacred doves of Aphrodite or Astarte," and the horns and pillars remind us of the similar religious emblems which have been found in the great prehistoric palace of Cnossus in Crete, as well as on many monuments of the Mycenaean | D. G. Hogarth, Dezia Cypria and untrustworthy, (London, x $89), pp. 1-3 ; Ancycº- * C. Schuchhardt, Schliemann's paedia /3ri/annica," vi. 747; E. 1usgrabungen,” pp. 231-233 ; P t Reclus, Nouve//e Gºographie Univer. “....” pp. 231-233; Perro tº & Jº A. et Chipiez, Z/isſoire de l’Art dams sel/e, ix. 668. $ ‘. . . . /, ſ , , , /’.1/1//7tti/d, vi. 336 sq., 652-654 ; Journa/ of Hel/emic Studies, ix. (1888) pp. 2 I 3 sy. ; P. Gardner, Aſcºv Chapters in Greek A/istory, p. 181. * T. L. Donaldson, 217 chitectura AVu//lisma/ica, pp. 1 oz. Io9, with fig. 3 I ; /ournal of Æſe/lenic S/tºdies, ix. (1888) pp. 2 IO-2 13 ; George Mac- donald, Catalogue of Gree/ Coins in (he * J. Selden, De dis Syris (Leipsic, Z/u/l/erian Co//ec/ion, ii. 566, with pl. 1668) pp. 274 sq.m. ; S. Bochart, lxi. 19. As to the existing remains of Hierozoicon, ii. 4 syg. Compare the the temple, which were excavated by statue of a priest with a dove in his an English expedition in 1887-1888, hand, which was found in Cyprus See /ournal of Hellenic Studies, ix. (I'errot et Chipiez, Histoire de / Art (1888) pp. 193 syſ). Previous ac- dans /'An/i/u?/4, iii. 510, with fig. counts of the temple are inaccurate 349). Sanctuary of Aphrodite at Paphos. 2O A DO/V/S A T PAPA/OS BOOK I or Minoan age of Greece." If antiquaries are right in regarding the golden models as copies of the Paphian shrine, that shrine must have suffered little outward change for more than a thousand years; for the royal graves at Mycenae, in which the models were found, can hardly be of later date than the twelfth century before our era. Thus the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Paphos was appar- ently of great antiquity.” According to Herodotus, it was founded by Phoenician colonists from Ascalon ; * but it is possible that a native goddess of fertility was worshipped on the spot before the arrival of the Phoenicians, and that the newcomers identified her, with their own Baalath or Astarte, whom she may have closely resembled. If two deities were thus fused in one, we may suppose that they were both varieties of that great goddess of motherhood and fertility whose worship appears to have been diffused all over western Asia from a very early time. The supposition is confirmed as well by the archaic shape of her image as by the licentious character of her rites; for both that shape and those rites were shared by her with other Asiatic deities. Her image was simply a white cone or pyramid." In like manner, a cone was the emblem of Astarte at Byblus,” of the native goddess whom the Greeks called Artemis at Perga in Pamphylia," and of the sun-god The Aphrodite of Paphos a Phoeni- cian or aboriginal deity. Her conical image, | A. Evans, “Mycenaean Tree ser/. viii. 8 ; Servius on Virgil, Aem. and Pillar Cult,” Journal of Hel/emic .S/udies, xxi. (1901) pp. 99 sqq. * Tacitus, A727tals, iii. 62. * Herodotus, i. IOS ; compare Pau- sanias, i. 14. 7. Herodotus only speaks of the sanctuary of Aphrodite in Cyprus, but he must refer to the great one at Paphos. At Ascalon the goddess was worshipped in mermaid- shape under the name of Derceto, and fish and doves were sacred to her (Dio- dorus Siculus, ii. 4 ; compare Lucian, Ale dea Syria, I4). The name Derceto, like the much more correct Atargatis, is a Greek corruption of Atlár, the Aramaic form of As/ar/e. See E. Meyer, Geschächte des A//er//iums, i. 246 s/. * It is described by ancient writers and figured on coins. See Tacitus, A/is/. ii. 3 ; Maximus Tyrius, Z)is- i. 720; T. L. Donaldson, Archi/ec/atra AVumisma/ica, p. I O7, with fig. 3 I ; ſournal of Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888), pp. 2 IO - 212. According to Maximus Tyrius the material of the pyramid was unknown. Probably it was a stone. The English archaeol- ogists found several fragments of white cones on the site of the temple at Paphos : one which still remains in its original position in the central chamber was of limestone and of somewhat larger size (/ournal of Æe//emic Studies, ix. (1888) p. 180). * See above, p. Io. " On coins of Perga the sacred cone is represented as richly decorated and standing in a temple between sphinxes. See B. V. Head, AE/zs/oria Aſumuorum, p. 585; P. Gardner, Zy/es of Greek Coins, pl. xv. No. 3. The Sanctuary CHAP. III A ZOO/V/.S. A 7' PA /2A/O.S 2 I Heliogabalus at Emesa in Syria.” The precise significance of such an emblem remains as obscure as it was in the time of Tacitus.” It appears to have been customary to anoint the sacred cone with olive oil at a solemn festival, in which people from Lycia and Caria participated.” The custom of anointing a holy stone has been observed in many parts of the world, for example, in the sanctuary of Apollo at Delphi." To this day the old custom appears to survive at Paphos, for “in honour of the Maid of Bethlehem the peasants of Kuklia anointed lately, and probably still anoint each year, the great corner-stones of the ruined Temple of the Paphian Goddess. As Aphrodite was supplicated once with cryptic rites, so is Mary entreated still by Moslems as well as Christians, with incantations and passings through perforated stones, to remove the curse of barrenness from Cypriote women, or increase the manhood of Cypriote men.”.” Thus the ancient worship of the goddess of fertility is continued under a different name. In Cyprus it appears that before marriage all women were formerly obliged by custom to prostitute themselves to strangers at the sanctuary of the goddess, whether she went by the name of Aphrodite, Astarte, or what not." Similar customs prevailed in many parts of western Asia. What- ever its motive, the practice was clearly regarded, not as an orgy of lust, but as a solemn religious duty performed stood on a height and a festival was are not told that it was of conical held there annually (Strabo, xiv. 4. 2, shape. See Arnobius, Adversus p. 667). Her native title was Anassa, AWaſiones, vii. 49 : Livy, xxix. I I. 7. that is, “Queen.” See B. V. Head, * Tacitus, Aſist. ii. 3. l.c.; Wernicke in Pauly - Wissowa, 3 ſº e * , & } s a s e We learn this from an inscription A'ea/- Zncyclopädie der classischen 4. ... As g - * † found at Paphos. See /ournal of Alter/u//swissenschaft, ii. I, col. 1397. Aſe/ſenic Studies, ix. (1888) pp. 188 Aphrodite at Paphos bore the same 6% c Studies, ix. ( ) pp. s title. See below, p. 26, note 5. 23 I. g * 1 Herodian v. º, s º COI) e * Pausanias, x. 24. 6, with my note. 5 º * º *. - .." 22 - 2 was of black stone, with some small * D. G. Hogarth, A PPandering knobs on it, like the stone of Cybele Scholar in the Zevant (London, I896), at Pessinus. It is figured on coins of PP. 79 7. Emesa. See B. V. Head, Aſistoria 0 Herodotus, i. 199; Athenaeus, Mumorum, p. 659 ; P. Gardner, xii. I I, p. 516 A ; Justin, xviii. 5. 4 ; Types of Gree/ Coins, pl. xv. No. 1. Lactantius, Divin. Zns/. i. 17 ; W. H. The sacred stone of Cybele, which the Engel, Ajøros, ii. 142 sqq. Asiatic Romans brought from Pessinus to customs of this sort have been rightly Rome during the Second Punic War, explained by W. Mannhardt (Antike was small, black, and rugged, but we Wald- und Feldku/te, pp. 283 sqq.). Sacred prostitution in the worship of the Paphian Aphrodite and of Other Asiatic goddesses. 22 A DO/V/S A T PAPP/O.S BOOK I in the service of that great Mother Goddess of western Asia whose name varied, while her type remained constant, from place to place. Thus at Babylon every woman, whether rich or poor, had once in her life to submit to the embraces of a stranger at the temple of Mylitta, that is, of Ishtar or Astarte, and to dedicate to the goddess the wages earned by this sanctified harlotry. The sacred precinct was crowded with women waiting to observe the custom. Some of them had to wait there for years." At Heliopolis or Baalbec in Syria, famous for the imposing grandeur of its ruined temples, the custom of the country required that every maiden should prostitute herself to a stranger at the temple of Astarte. The emperor Constantine abolished the custom, destroyed the temple, and built a church in its stead.” At Byblus the people shaved their heads in the annual mourning for Adonis. Women who refused to sacrifice their hair had to give themselves up to strangers on a certain day of the festival, and the money which they thus earned was devoted to the god- dess.” This custom may have been a mitigation of an older rule which at Byblus as elsewhere formerly com- pelled every woman without exception to sacrifice her virtue in the service of religion. I have elsewhere suggested a reason why the offering of a woman's hair was accepted as an equivalent for the surrender of her person.” We are told that in Lydia all girls were obliged to prostitute themselves in order to earn a dowry;” but we may suspect that the real motive of the custom was devotion rather than asſica, i. 18. 7 - 9 ; Eusebius, Viſa Cons/an/ini, iii. 58. The last of these writers affirms that matrons as well as maidens prostituted themselves in the | Herodotus, i. 199; Strabo, xvi. I. 2O, p. 745. As to the identity of Mylitta with Astarte see H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader’s ſei/inschriſten und day Alle Zes/ament,” pp. 423, n. 7, 428, n, 4. According to him, the name Mylitta comes from *//u 'a//id/at, “she who helps women in travail.” In this character Ishtar would answer to the Greek Artemis and the Latin Diana. As to sacred prostitution in the worship of Ishtar see M. Jastrow, Zhe Weligion Q/ /3a///onia and Assyria, pp. 475 sq., 484 sy. * Sozomenus, //istoria Žcclesiastica, v. Io. 7 ; Socrates, A/7s/oria Zecles?- Service of the goddess. * Lucian, Oe dea Syria, 6. The writer is careful to indicate that none but strangers were allowed to enjoy the women (h 6é &yoph poſvoto. §etvotoru Trapakééral), * “Artemis and Hippolytus,” /org. migh//, /čeview, December 1904, pp. 985-988. * Herodotus, i. 93 sq.; Athenaeus, xii. I I, pp. 515 sq. CHAP. III A ZOO/V/S A 7" /2A/2A/O.S 23 economy. The suspicion is confirmed by a Greek inscription found at Tralles in Lydia, which proves that the practice of religious prostitution survived in that country as late as the second century of our era. It records of a certain woman, Aurelia Acmilia by name, not only that she herself served the god in the capacity of a harlot at his express command, but that her mother and other female ancestors had done the same before her ; and the publicity of the record, engraved on a marble Column which supported a votive offering, shows that no stain attached to such a life and such a parentage." In Armenia the noblest families dedicated their daughters to the service of the goddess Anaitis in her temple at Aciliscna, where the damsels acted as prostitutes for a long time before they were given in marriage. Nobody scrupled to take one of these girls to wife when her period of service was over.” Again, the goddess Ma was served by a multitude of sacred harlots at Comana in Pontus, and crowds of men and women flocked to her sanctuary from the neighbouring cities and country to attend the biennial festivals or to pay their vows to the goddess.” If we survey the whole of the evidence on this subject, The some of which has still to be laid before the reader, we may Sº, conclude that a great Mother Goddess, the personification of Goddess a all the reproductive energies of nature, was worshipped under º different names but with a substantial similarity of myth and the repro- tº - g gº ductive ritual by many peoples of western Asia ; that associated ... of with her was a lover, or rather series of lovers, divine yet nature. mortal, with whom she mated year by year, their commerce being deemed essential to the propagation of animals and plants, each in their several kind ; * and further, that the fabulous union of the divine pair was simulated and, as it were, multiplied on earth by the real, though temporary, union of the human sexes at the sanctuary of the goddess for the sake of thereby ensuring the fruitfulness of the ! W. M. Ramsay, Ci/ies and Bishop- rics of Z'hyºga, i. 94 sq., II 5. * Strabo, xi. 14. 16, p. 532. * Strabo, xii. 3. 32, 34 and 36, pp. 557-559 ; compare xii. 2, 3, p. 535. Other sanctuaries in Pontus, Cappa- docia, and Phrygia swarmed with sacred slaves, and we may conjecture, though we are not told, that many of these slaves were prostitutes. See Strabo, xi. 8. 4, xii. 2. 3 and 6, xii. 3. 3 I and 37, xii. 8. I4. * On this great Asiatic goddess and her lovers see especially W. M. Ramsay, Ci/ies and /8 shoprics of Phrygia, i. 87 sqq. 24 ADO/V/S A 7" PAPA/OS BOOK I ground and the increase of man and beast.” And if the conception of such a Mother Goddess dates, as seems probable, from a time when the institution of marriage was either unknown or at most barely tolerated as an immoral infringement of old communal rights, we can understand both why the goddess herself was regularly supposed to be at once unmarried and unchaste, and why her worshippers were obliged to imitate her more or less completely in these respects. For had she been a divine wife united to a divine husband, the natural counterpart of their union would have been the lawful marriage of men and women, and there would have been no need to resort to a system of prostitu- tion or promiscuity in order to effect those purposes which, on the principles of homoeopathic magic, might in that case have been as well or better attained by the legitimate inter- course of the sexes in matrimony. Formerly, perhaps, every woman was obliged to submit at least once in her life to the exercise of those marital rights which at a still earlier period had theoretically belonged in permanence to all the males of the tribe. But in course of time, as the institution of individual marriage grew in favour, and the old com- munism fell more and more into discredit, the revival of the ancient practice even for a single occasion in a woman's life became ever more repugnant to the moral sense of the people, and accordingly they resorted to various expedients for evading in practice the obligation which they still acknowledged in theory. One of these evasions was to let the woman offer her hair instead of her person ; another apparently was to substitute an obscene symbol for the obscene act.” But while the majority of women thus con- Her worship perhaps reflects a period of sexual com- munism. 1 Compare W. Mannhardt, Am/ike Wald. und Zºe/d/ºu//e, pp. 284 sq. Similarly in Camul, formerly a pro- vince of the Chinese empire, the men used to place their wives at the disposal of any foreigners who came to lodge with them, and deemed it an honour if the guests made use of their opportunities. The emperor, hearing of the custom, forbade the people to observe it. For three years they obeyed, then, finding that their lands were no longer fruitful and that many mishaps befell them, they prayed the emperor to allow them to retain the custom, “for it was by reason of this usage that their gods bestowed upon them all the good things that they possessed, and without it they saw not how they could continue to exist.” (Marco Polo, translated by Col. Henry Yule (London, 1875), i. 212 sq.). Here apparently the fertility of the soil was deemed to depend on the in- tercourse of the women with strangers, not with their husbands. * Clement of Alexandria, Pro/rept. ii. 14, p. 13, ed. Potter ; Arnobius, CHAP. III A ZOO/V/S A 7" PAPA/OS 25 trived to observe the forms of religion without sacrificing their virtue, it was still thought necessary to the general welfare that a certain number of them should discharge the old obligation in the old way. These became prostitutes either for life or for a term of years at one of the temples f dedicated to the service of religion, they were invested with a sacred character," and their vocation, far from being deemed infamous, was probably long regarded by the laity as an exercise of more than common virtue, and rewarded with a tribute of mixed wonder, reverence, and pity, not unlike that which in some parts of the world is still paid to women who seek to honour their Creator in a different way by renouncing the natural functions of their sex and the tenderest relations of humanity. It is thus that the folly of mankind finds vent in opposite extremes alike harmful and deplorable. At Paphos the custom of religious prostitution is said to The have been instituted by King Cinyras,” and to have been º practised by his daughters, the sisters of Adonis, who, having incurred the wrath of Aphrodite, mated with strangers and ended their days in Egypt.” In this form of the tradition the wrath of Aphrodite is probably a feature added by a later authority, who could only regard conduct which shocked his own moral sense as a punishment inflicted by the goddess instead of as a sacrifice regularly enjoined by her on all her devotees. At all events the story indi- cates that the princesses of Paphos had to conform to the custom as well as women of humble birth, The legendary history of the royal and priestly family The of the Cinyrads is instructive. We are told that a Syrian º man, by name Sandacus, migrated to Cilicia, married of the Pharnake, daughter of Megassares, king of Hyria, and ‘’” founded the city of Celenderis. His wife bore him a son, Cinyras, who in time crossed the sea with a company of people to Cyprus, wedded Metharme, daughter of Pygmalion, king of the island, and founded Paphos." These legends Adversus Mationes, v. 19 ; compare * Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. Firmicus Maternus, Oe err, profan. ii. 13, p. 12, ed. Potter : Arnobius, nelig. IO. Adversus Mationes, v. 19 ; Firmicus ! In Hebrew a temple harlot was regu- Maternus, De err, profan, relig. Io. larly called “a sacred woman” (kºdesha). See Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v." Harlot”; S. R. Driver, on Genesis xxxviii. 21. * Ibid. iii. 14. 3. I follow the text * Apollodorus, iii. 14. 3. 26 A /)O/V/S A 7' PA PA/OS 13OOK I seem to contain reminiscences of kingdoms in Cilicia and Cyprus which passed in the female line, and were held by men who married the hereditary princesses. There are some indications that Cinyras was not in fact the founder of the temple at Paphos. An older tradition ascribed the founda- tion to a certain Aerias, whom some regarded as a king, and others as the goddess herself.” Moreover, Cinyras or his descendants at Paphos had to reckon with rivals. These were the Tamirads, a family of diviners who traced their descent from Tamiras, a Cilician augur. At first it was arranged that both families should preside at the ceremonies, but afterwards the Tamirads gave way to the Cinyrads.” Many tales were told of Cinyras, the founder of the dynasty. He was a priest of Aphrodite as well as a king,” and his riches passed into a proverb.” To his descendants, the Ciny rads, he appears to have bequeathed his wealth and his dignities; at all events, they reigned as kings of Paphos and served the goddess as priests. Their dead bodies, with that of Cinyras himself, were buried in the sanctuary.” But by the fourth century before our era the family had declined and become nearly extinct. When Alexander the Great reading * Tacitus, //7s/. ii. of R. Wagner’s edition in 3 ; Hesychius, Meyagadºpov too "ſpléaju flagu)\éws. As to Hyria in Isauria see Stephanus Byzantius, s. 2. ‘Tota. The city of Celenderis, on the south coast of Cilicia, possessed a small harbour pro- tected by a ſortified peninsula. Many ancient tombs survived till recent times, but have now mostly disappeared. It was the port from which the Turkish couriers from Constantinople used to embark for Cyprus. As to the situa- tion and remains see F. Beaufort, Aarºnanza (London, 1817), p. 201 ; W. M. Leake, Journal of a Tour in Asia /l/Znor (London, 1824), pp. I 14- 1 18; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” Denkschriſten der kais. Ažademie der Wissenschaſlem, Philosoph. - /º/orische Classe, xliv. (1896), No. vi. p. 94. The statement that the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Paphos was founded by the Arcadian Agapenor, who planted a colony in Cyprus after the Trojan war (Pausanias, viii. 5. 2), may safely be disregarded. 1 Tacitus, Aſºsz, ii. 3, Annals, iii. 62. 3,7). Tapupéðat. 3 Pindar, Zºy//.. ii. 13-17. 4 Tyrtaeus, xii. 6 (Poe/ae /yrici Graeci, ed. Th. Bergk,” ii. 4O4); Pindar, Py//. viii. 18; Plato, Zaws, ii. 6, p. 660 E ; Clement of Alexandria, Aaedag. iii. 6, p. 274, ed. Potter ; Dio Chrysostom, Ora/. viii. (vol. i. p. 149, ed. L. Dindorf); Julian, Æ/7s/, lix. p. 574, ed. F. C. Hertlein; Diogenianus, viii. 53; Suidas, s.7). Karaympáoats. * Schol. on Pindar, ////. ii. 15 (27); Hesychius, s. v. Kuvvpáðat ; Clement of Alexandria, Pro/reſ/, iii. 45, p. 40, ed. Totter ; Arnobius, Adversus Naționes, vi. 6. That the kings of Paphos were also priests of the goddess is proved, apart from the testimony of ancient writers, by inscrip- tions found on the spot. See H. Collitz, Samu/u/ung der griechischem Diale//inschriſten, i. p. 22, Nos. 38, 39, 40. The title of the goddess in these inscriptions is Queen or Mistress (Favao (a)as). It is perhaps a transla- tion of the Semitic Baalath. CIHAP. III A ZOO/V/S A T PAPA/OS 27 expelled a king of Paphos for injustice and wickedness, his envoys made search for a member of the ancient house to set on the throne of his fathers. At last they found one of them living in obscurity and earning his bread as a market gardener. He was in the very act of watering his beds when the king's messengers carried him off, much to his astonishment, to receive the crown at the hands of their master.” Yet if the dynasty decayed, the shrine of the goddess, enriched by the offerings of kings and private persons, maintained its reputation for wealth down to Roman times.” When Ptolemy Auletes, king of Egypt, was expelled by his people in 57 B.C., Cato offered him the priesthood of Paphos as a sufficient consolation in money and dignity for the loss of a throne.” Among the stories which were told of Cinyras, the Incest of ancestor of these priestly kings and the father of Adonis, §. there are some that deserve our attention. In the first place, daughter he is said to have begotten his son Adonis in incestuous ºn intercourse with his daughter Myrrha at a festival of the of Adonis. corn-goddess, at which women robed in white were wont to offer corn-wreaths as first-fruits of the harvest and to observe strict chastity for nine days." Similar cases of incest with a 1 Plutarch, De A/exandri J/agn? fortuna auſ z77/uſe, ii. 8. The name of the gardener-king was Alynomus. That the Cinyrads existed as a family down to Macedonian times is further proved by a Greek inscription found at Old Paphos, which records that a certain IDemocrates, son of Ptolemy, head of the Cinyrads, and his wife Eunice, dedicated a statue of their daughter to the Paphian Aphrodite. See L. Ross, “Inschriſten von Cypern,” Aheinisches A/useum, N. F. vii. (1850), pp. 520 sy. It seems to have been a common practice of parents to dedicate statues of their sons or daughters to the goddess at Paphos. The inscribed pedestals of many such statues were found by the English archaeologists. See /ournal of Hel/emic S/udies, ix. (1888), pp. 228, 235, 236, 237, 24 I, 244, 246, 255. * Tacitus, His/. ii. 4; Pausanias, viii. 24. 6. * Plutarch, Cato the Younger, 35. * Ovid, Aſeſam. x. 298 sqq.; Hy- ginus, /a/. 58, 64; Fulgentius, A/P//- o/og. iii. 8 ; Lactantius Placidius, AWarraf. Fabuſ. x. 9 ; Servius on Virgil, Ec/. x. 18, and Aen. v. 72 ; Plutarch, Para//e/a, 22 ; Schol. on Theocritus, i. Io'ſ. It is Ovid who describes (J/e/am. X. 43 I sqq.) the festival of Ceres, at which the incest was committed. His source was prob- ably the A/etamorphoses of the Greek writer Theodorus, which Plutarch (/.c.) refers to as his authority for the story. The festival in question was perhaps the Thesmophoria, at which women were bound to remain chaste (Schol. on Theocritus, iv. 25 ; Schol. On Nicander, Zher. 70 sq.; Pliny, Mać. Aſist. xxiv. 59 ; Dioscorides, ZXe A/ateria A/edica, i. 134 (135); com- pare Aelian, Z26 natura animalium, ix. 26). According to another account, Adonis was the fruit of the incestuous intercourse of Theias, a Syrian king, with his daughter Myrrha. See Apollo- dorus, iii. 14. 4 (who cites Panyasis as 28 A DO/V/S A T PA PA/OS BOOK I Legends of royal incest, a suggested explana- tion. daughter are reported of many ancient kings." It seems unlikely that such reports are without foundation, and per- haps equally improbable that they refer to mere fortuitous outbursts of unnatural lust. We may suspect that they are based on a practice actually observed for a definite reason in certain special circumstances. Now in countries where the royal blood was traced through women only, and where consequently the king held office merely in virtue of his marriage with an hereditary princess, who was the real sove- reign, it appears to have often happened that a prince married his own sister, the princess royal, in order to obtain with her hand the crown which otherwise would have gone to another man, perhaps to a stranger.” May not the same rule of descent have furnished a motive for incest with a daughter P For it seems a natural corollary from such a rule that the king was bound to vacate the throne on the death of his wife, the queen, since he occupied it only by virtue of his marriage with her. When that marriage terminated, his right to the throne terminated with it and passed at once to his daughter's husband. Hence if the king desired to reign after his wife's death, the only way in which he could legitimately continue to do so was by marrying his daughter, and thus prolonging through her the title which had formerly been his through her mother. In this connection it is worth while to remember that at Rome the Flamen Dialis was bound to vacate his priesthood on the death of his wife, the Flaminica.” The rule would be intelligible if the Flaminica had originally been the more The Flamen Dialis and his Flaminica. at Rome. his authority); J. Tzetzes, Schol, on Lycophron, 829 ; Antoninus Liberalis, Zºransform. 34 (who lays the scene of the story on Mount Lebanon). 1 A list of these cases is given by Hyginus, /a/. 253. It includes the incest of Clymenus, king of Arcadia, with his daughter Harpalyce (compare Hyginus, /a/. 206); that of Oeno- maus, king of Pisa, with his daughter Hippodamia (compare J. Tzetzes, Schol, on Zycophron, I 56; Lucian, Charidemutts, 19); that of Erechtheus, king of Athens, with his daughter Procris; and that of Epopeus, king of Lesbos, with his daughter Nyctimene (compare Hyginus, /a/. 204). * The custom of brother and sister marriage seems to have been especially common in royal families. See my note on Pausanias, i. 7. I (vol. ii. pp. 84 sq.); as to the case of Egypt see below, pp. 32 I s/. The true explana- tion of the custom was first, so far as I know, indicated by J. F. McLennan (The Patriarchal ZTheory, p. 95). * Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 22 ; J. Marquardt, Æðmische Staatsverwaltung, iii.” 328. CHAP. III A ZOOAW/S A 7T PA PA/OS 29 important functionary of the two, and if the Flamen held office only by virtue of his marriage with her. Elsewhere I have shown reason to suppose that he and his wife represented an old line of priestly kings and queens, who played the parts of Jupiter and Juno, or perhaps rather Dianus and Diana respectively." If the supposition is correct, the custom which obliged him to resign his priesthood on the death of his wife seems to prove that of the two deities whom they personated, the goddess, whether named Juno or Diana, was indeed the better half. But at Rome the goddess Juno always played an insignificant part ; whereas at Nemi her old double, Diana, was all-powerful, casting her mate, Dianus or Virbius, into deep shadow. Thus a rule which points to the superiority of the Flaminica over the Flamen, appears to indicate that the divine originals of the two were Dianus and Diana rather than Jupiter and Juno, and further, that if Jupiter and Juno at Rome stood for the principle of father- right, or the predominance of the husband over the wife, Dianus and Diana at Nemi stood for the older principle of mother-right, or the predominance of the wife in matters of inheritance over the husband. If, then, I am right in holding that the kingship at Rome was originally a plebeian institu- tion and descended through women,” we must conclude that the people who founded the sanctuary of Diana at Nemi were of the same plebeian stock as the Roman kings, that they traced descent in the female line, and that they worshipped a great Mother Goddess, not a great Father God. That goddess was Diana ; her maternal functions are abun- dantly proved by the votive offerings found at her ancient shrine among the wooded hills.” On the other hand, the patricians, who afterwards invaded the Country, brought with them father-right in its strictest form, and consistently enough paid their devotions rather to Father Jove than to Mother Juno. Cinyras is said to have been famed for his exquisite Cinyras beauty" and to have been wooed by Aphrodite herself.” . al Lectures on the Early A/istory of * Lucian, A'hetorum fraeceptor, I I ; //he A7/19ship, pp. 202 sq., 2I4 SW7. Hyginus, Pab. 270. * /bid. pp. 23.I s/7. * Clement of Alexandria, Protrepſ. * /bid, p. 17. ii. 33, p. 29, ed. Potter. 3O ADO/V/S A 7' PAPA/OS BOOK I Thus it would appear, as scholars have already observéd," that Cinyras was in a sense a duplicate of his handsome son Adonis, to whom the inflammable goddess also lost her heart. Further, these stories of the love of Aphrodite for two members of the royal house of Paphos can hardly be dissociated from the corresponding legend told of Pygmalion, the Phoenician king of Cyprus, who is said to have fallen in love with an image of Aphrodite and taken it to his bed.” When we consider that Pygmalion was the father-in-law of Cinyras, that the son of Cinyras was Adonis, and that all three, in Successive generations, are said to have been con- cerned in a love-intrigue with Aphrodite, we can hardly help concluding that the early Phoenician kings of Paphos, or their sons, regularly claimed to be not merely the priests of the goddess” but also her lovers, in other words, that in their official capacity they personated Adonis. In point of fact it appears to be certain that the title of Adonis was regularly borne by the sons of all the Phoenician kings of Cyprus." It is true that the title strictly signified no more than “lord ”; yet the legends which connect these Cyprian princes with the goddess of love make it probable that they claimed the divine nature as well as the human dignity of Adonis. The story of Pygmalion points to a ceremony of a sacred marriage in which the king wedded the image of Aphrodite, or rather of Astarte. If that was so, the tale was in a sense true, not of a single man only, but of a whole series of Pygmalion and Aphrodite. The Phoenician kings of Cyprus or their sons appear to have been hereditary lovers of the goddess. ! W. H. Engel, Á3%ros, ii. 585, 612 ; A. Maury, //?stoire des /čeligions de la Grèce An/ă/ue, iii. 197, n. 3. * Arnobius, Adversus AWa/iones, vi. 22 ; Clement of Alexandria, Pro/re//, iv. 57, p. 51, ed. Potter; Ovid, //e/a/. x. 243 - 297. The authority for the story is the Greek history of Cyprus by Philostephanus, cited both by Arnobius and Clement. In Ovid's poetical version of the legend Pygmalion is a sculptor, and the image with which he falls in love is that of a lovely woman, which at his prayer Venus endows with life. That King Pygmalion was a Phoenician is mentioned by Porphyry (/)e abs/?nem/ia, iv. I 5) on the authority of Asclepiades, a Cyprian. * See above, p. 26. * In his treatise on the political insti- tutions of Cyprus, Aristotle reported that the sons and brothers of the kings were called “lords” (àvakres), and their sisters and wives “ladies '' (Övaoroat). See Harpocration and Suidas, s. z. "Avakres. Compare Iso- crates, ix. 72; Clearchus of Soli, quoted by Athenaeus, vi. 68, p. 256 A. Now in the bilingual inscription of Idalium, which furnished the clue to the Cypriote syllabary, the Greek version gives the title Fóvač as the equivalent of the Phoenician Adon (ins). See Corpus /nscrip/lonuſ/l Semiticarum, i. No. 89 ; G. A. Cooke, Text-book of Mor//-Semific /mscriptions, p. 74, note I. CHAP. III A/DO/V/S A 7' PA PAIOS. 3 I men, and it would be all the more likely to be told of Pygmalion, if that was a common name of Semitic kings in general, and of Cyprian kings in particular. Pygmalion, at all events, is known as the name of the famous king of Tyre from whom his sister Dido fled ; ' and a king of Citium and Idalium in Cyprus, who reigned in the time of Alexander the Great, was also called Pygmalion, or rather Pumi-yathon, the Phoenician name which the Greeks corrupted into Pygmalion.” Further, it deserves to be noted that the names Pygmalion and Astarte occur together in a Punic inscription on a gold medallion which was found in a grave at Carthage; the characters of the inscription are of the earliest type.” As the custom of religious prostitution at Paphos is said to have been founded by King Cinyras and observed by his daughters," we may surmise that the kings of Paphos played the part of the divine bridegroom in a less innocent rite than the form of marriage with a statue ; in fact, that at certain festivals each of them had to mate with one or more of the sacred harlots of the temple, who played Astarte to his Adonis. If that was so, there is more truth than has commonly been Supposed in the reproach cast by the Christian fathers that the Aphrodite worshipped by Cinyras was a common whore.” The fruit of their union would rank as Sons and daughters of the deity, and would in time become the parents of gods and goddesses, like their fathers and mothers before them. In this manner Paphos, and perhaps all sanctuaries of the great Asiatic 1 Josephus, Com/ra Apionem, i. 18, ed. B. Niese ; Appian, Punica, I ; Virgil, Aen. i. 346 sq. ; Ovid, Aasºº, iii. 574 ; Justin, xviii. 4; Eustathius on Dionysius Periegetes, I 95 (Geo- graphi Graeci A/inores, ed. C. Müller, ii. 250 sq.). % Pumi-yathon, son of Milk-yathon, is known from Phoenician inscriptions found at Idalium. See G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semific /mscrip- tions, Nos. I2 and I 3, pp. 55 sq., 57 sq. He was deposed by Ptolemy (Diodorus Siculus, xix. 79. 4). Most probably he is the Pymaton of Citium who purchased the kingdom from a dissolute monarch named Pasicyprus some time before the conquests of Alexander (Athenaeus, iv. 63, p. 167). In this passage of Athenaeus the name Pymaton, which is found in the MSS. and agrees closely with the Phoenician Pumi-yathon, ought not to be changed into Pygmalion, as the latest editor (G. Kaibel) has done. * G. A. Cooke, oft. cit. p. 55, note I. Mr. Cooke remarks that the form of the name (ºbbie instead of inºpe) must be due to Greek influence. * See above, p. 25. * Clement of Alexandria, Protrºff. ii. 13, p. 12 ; Arnobius, Adžersus AVationes, v. 9; Firmicus Maternus, ZXe errore profanarum religione, Io. 32 A DOAVIS A T PA PA/OS BOOK I goddess where sacred prostitution was practised, might be well stocked with human deities, the offspring of the divine king by his wives, concubines, and temple harlots. Any one of these might probably succeed his father on the throne * or be sacrificed in his stead whenever stress of war or other grave junctures called, as they sometimes did,” for the death of a royal victim. Such a tax, levied occasionally on the king's numerous progeny for the good of the country, would neither extinguish the divine stock nor break the father's heart, who divided his paternal affection among so many. At all events, if, as there seems reason to believe, Semitic kings were often regarded at the same time as hereditary deities, it is easy to understand the frequency of Semitic personal names which imply that the bearers of them were the sons or daughters, the brothers or sisters, the fathers or mothers of a god, and we need not resort to the shifts employed by some scholars to evade the plain sense of the words.” A constant feature in the myth of Adonis was his premature and violent death. If, then, the kings of Paphos regularly personated Adonis, we must ask whether they imitated their divine prototype in death as in life. Tradition varied as to the end of Cinyras. Some thought that he slew himself on discovering his incest with his daughter; * “father of Moloch’”). On the hypo- thesis put forward in the text the father of a god and the son of a god stood precisely on the same footing, and the same person would often be both one and the other. Where the common Traditions as to the death of Cinyras. practice prevailed of naming a father after his son (Zhe Golden Bough,” i. 412 * That the king was not necessarily succeeded by his eldest son is proved by the case of Solomon, who on his accession executed his elder brother Adoni-jah (I Kings ii. 22-24). Simi- larly, when Abimelech became king of Shechem, he put his seventy brothers in ruthless oriental fashion to death. See Judges viii. 29-31, ix. 5 sq., 18. * The Golden Bough,” ii. 34 sqq. * The names which imply that a man was the father of a god have proved particularly puzzling to some eminent Semitic scholars. See W. Robertson Smith, /če/ºgzon of the Semites,” p. 45, note 2 ; Th. Nöldeke, s. z. “Names,” Ancyclopaedia Bib/ica, iii. 3287 sq.7. Such names are Abi- baal (“father of Baal”), Abi-el (“father of El "), Abi-jah (“father of Jehovah”), and Abi-melech (“father of a king” or sq.), a divine king in later life might often be called “father of such-and-such a god.” In Egypt, where the kings were hereditary gods, the queen, under the New Empire, was called “the wife of the god" and “the mother of the god" (A. Erman, Aegy//en und aegy//isches JCeòen ºn A//ey/u/z, p. I 13). * Hyginus, Fab. 242. So in the version of the story which made Adonis the Son of Theias, the father is said to have killed himself when he learned what he had done (Antoninus Liberalis, 7% ansform. 34). CHAP. III A DO/W/S A T PAPA/OS 33 others alleged that, like Marsyas, he was defeated by Apollo in a musical contest and put to death by the victor.” Yet he cannot strictly be said to have perished in the flower of his youth if he lived, as Anacreon averred, to the ripe age of one hundred and sixty.” If we must choose between the two stories, it is perhaps more likely that he died a violent death than that he survived to an age which surpassed that of Thomas Parr by eight years,” though it fell far short of the antediluvian standard. The life of eminent men in remote ages is exceedingly elastic and may be lengthened or shortened, in the interests of history, at the taste and fancy of the historian. * Scholiast and Eustathius on * Anacreon, cited by Pliny, Mat. Homer, //ºad, xi. 20. Compare F. C. A/ist. vii. 154. Nonnus also refers to Movers, ZXie Phoenizier, i. 243 sq. ; the long life of Cinyras (ZPionys. xxxii. W. H. Engel, Á3%ros, ii. Io9-1 16; 212 sq.). Stoll, in W. H. Roscher’s Lexikon d. * Encyclopaedia Britannica,” xiv. griech. al. röm, Mythologie, ii. I 19 I. 858. C H A P T E R IV THE BURNING OF MELCARTH IF a custom of putting a king or his son to death in the character of a god has left small traces of itself in Cyprus, an island where the fierce zeal of Semitic religion was early tempered by Greek humanity, the vestiges of that gloomy rite are clearer in Phoenicia itself and in the Phoenician colonies, which lay more remote from the highways of Grecian commerce. We know that the Semites were in the habit of sacrificing some of their children, generally the first-born, either as a tribute regularly due to the deity or to appease his anger in Seasons of public danger and calamity.' If commoners did so, is it likely that kings, with all their heavy responsibilities, could exempt them- selves from this dreadful sacrifice for the fatherland P In point of fact, history informs us that kings steeled themselves to do as others did.” It deserves to be noticed that Mesha, king of Moab, who sacrificed his eldest son by fire, claimed to be a son of his god,” and no doubt transmitted his divinity to his offspring ; and further, that the same sacrifice is said to have been performed in the same way by the divine founder of Byblus, the great seat of the worship of Adonis.” This suggests that the human representatives of Adonis formerly perished in the flames. At all events, a custom of periodically burning the chief god of the city in effigy appears to have prevailed 1 Zhe Golden Bough,” ii. 38 sq.7. * Above, p. Io. Semitic custom of sacrificing a member of the royal family. The burning of Melcarth at Tyre, 4 Philo of Byblus, in Zºragmenta * Philo of Byblus, quoted by Historicorum, Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, Eusebius, A'rae/ar. Zºza/zg. i. Io. 29 iii. pp. 569, 570, 57 I. See above, sq.; 2 Kings iii. 27. D. 9. 34 T}K. I. C.H., IV THAE /3 U/8/V//VG O/7 MA / CA/C 7:// 35. at Tyre and in the Tyrian colonies down to a late time, and the effigy may well have been a later substitute for a man. For Melcarth, the great god of Tyre, was identified by the Greeks with Hercules," who is said to have burned himself to death on a great pyre, ascending up to heaven in a cloud and a peal of thunder.” The common Greek legend, immortalised by Sophocles, laid the scene of the fiery tragedy on the top of Mount Oeta, but another version transferred it significantly to Tyre itself.” Combined with the other evidence which I shall adduce, this latter tradition raises a strong presumption that an effigy of Hercules, or rather of Melcarth, was regularly burned at a great festival in Tyre. That festival may have been the one known as “the awakening of Hercules,” which was held in the month of Peritius, answering nearly to January." The name of the festival suggests that the dramatic representation of the death of the god on the pyre was followed by a semblance of his resurrection. The mode in which the resurrection was supposed to be effected is perhaps indicated by the state- ment of a Greek writer that the Phoenicians used to sacrifice quails to Hercules, because Hercules on his journey to Libya had been slain by Typhon and brought to life again by Iolaus, who held a quail under his nose : the dead god snuffed at the bird and revived.” Certainly a close connec- tion seems to have subsisted between quails and Melcarth ; for legend ran that Asteria, the mother of the Tyrian Hercules, that is, of Melcarth, was transformed into a quail.” * See above, pp. I I sq. * Sophocles, Zºrachiniae, I 19 I s/º. ; Apollodorus, ii. 7.7 ; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 38; Hyginus, Fab. 36. * [S. Clementis Romani], ſecogni- Zºones, x. 24, p. 233, ed. E. G. Gersdorf (Migne's Patro/ogia Graeca, i. I434). * Josephus, Antiquit. viii. 5. 3, Contra A/ionem, i. 18. Whether the quadriennial festival of Hercules at Tyre (2 Maccabecs iv. 18-20) was a different celebration, or only “the awakening of Melcarth" celebrated with unusual pomp once in four years, we do not know. * Eudoxus of Cnidus, quoted by Athenaeus, ix. 47, p. 393 D E. That the death and resurrection of Melcarth were celebrated in an annual festival at Tyre has been recognised by scholars. See Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” Mºmoires de 2’Académie des /uscriptions et Ae//es- I.eſ/res, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 25 sqq. ; H. Hubert et M. Mauss, “Essai sur le sacrifice,” L’Année Sociologique, ii. (1899) pp. 122, 124 ; M. J. Lagrange, E/udes sur les Aeli- gºons Sémitigates,” pp. 308-3 II. " The Tyrian Hercules was said to be a son of Zeus and Asteria (Eudoxus. of Cnidus, quoted by Athenaeus, ix. 47, p. 392 I) ; Cicero, De natura deorum, iii. 16. 42). As to the transformation of Asteria into a quail see Apollodorus, 36 TA/AE /3 U/8/V/AWG OF ME/LCA1/87 A/ BOOK I It was probably to this annual festival of the death and resurrection of Melcarth that the Carthaginians were wont to send ambassadors every year to Tyre, their mother- city." Worship of In Gades, the modern Cadiz, an early colony of Tyre on Melcarth º : … 2 º ... the Atlantic coast of Spain,” there was an ancient, famous, and trace of a custom & * ..fiji. Indeed the god was said to be buried on the spot. him there in effigy. and wealthy sanctuary of Hercules, the Tyrian Melcarth. NO image stood in his temple, but a perpetual fire burned on the altar, and incense was offered by white-robed priests, with bare feet and shorn heads, who were bound to chastity. Neither women nor pigs might pollute the holy place by their presence. In later times many distinguished Romans went on pilgrimage to this remote shrine on the Atlantic shore when they were about to embark on some perilous enterprise, and they returned to it to pay their vows when their petitions had been granted.” One of the last things Hannibal himself did before he marched on Italy was to repair to Gades and offer up to Melcarth prayers which were never to be answered. Soon after he dreamed an ominous dream." Now it would appear that at Gades, as at Tyre, though no image of Melcarth stood in the temple, an effigy of him was made up and burned at a yearly festival. For a certain Cleon of Magnesia related how, visiting Gades, he was obliged to sail away from the island with the rest of the multitude in obedience to the command of Hercules, i. 4. I ; J. Tzetzes, Scho/. on //co/h?’on, 4o I ; Hyginus, /a/. 53 ; Servius on Virgil, Aen. iii. 73. Quails were per- haps burned in honour of the Cilician Hercules or Sandan at Tarsus. See below, p. 49, note I. * Quintus Curtius, iv. 2. Io ; Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 24. 5. * Strabo, iii. 5. 5, pp. 169 sq. ; Mela, iii. 46; Scymnus Chius, Orbis Z)escrip/io, I 59-16I (Geograp/hi Graeci. Minores, ed. C. Müller, i. 200 s/.). 3 Silius Italicus, iii. 14-32 ; Mela, iii. 46; Strabo, iii. 5. 3, 5, 7, pp. 169, 170, 172 ; Diodorus Siculus, v. 2O. 2 ; Philostratus, Vita A/o//on??, v. 4 sq.; Appian, Złs/anica, 65. Compare Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 16. 4. That the bones of Hercules were buried at Gades is mentioned by Mela (/.c.). Compare Arnobius, Adversus AWa/iones, i. 36. In Italy women were not allowed to participate in sacrifices offered to Hercules (Aulus Gellius, xi. 6. 2.; Macrobius, Sa/urn. i. 12. 28 ; Sextus Aurelius Victor, De origine ge/?/?s /ēowlanae, vi. 6; IPlutarch, Quaes/domes ſºo/anae, 60). Whether the priests of Melcarth at Gades were celibate, or had only to observe con- tinence at certain seasons, does not appear. At Tyre the priest of Mel- carth might be married (Justin, xviii. 4, 5). * Livy, xxi. 21. 9, 22. 5-9 ; Cicero, /06 ZXizºna/Zone, i. 24. 49 ; Silius Italicus, iii. I s/y. , 158 sqq. CHAP. IV T//E /3 U//º/V//VG O// ///E/LCA/87TH 37 that is, of Melcarth, and how on their return they found a monstrous man of the Sea Stranded on the beach and burning ; for the god, they were told, had struck him with a thunderbolt.' We may conjecture that at the annual festival of Melcarth strangers were obliged to quit the city, and that in their absence the mystery of burning the god was consummated. What Cleon and the rest saw on their return to Gades would, on this hypothesis, be the smoulder- ing remains of a gigantic effigy of Melcarth in the likeness of a man riding on a sea-horse, just as he is represented on coins of Tyre.” In like manner the Greeks portrayed the sea-god Melicertes, whose name is only a slightly altered form of Melcarth, riding on a dolphin or stretched on the beast's back.” At Carthage, the greatest of the Tyrian colonies, a reminiscence of the custom of burning a deity in effigy seems to linger in the story that Dido or Elissa, the foundress and queen of the city, stabbed herself to death upon a pyre to escape the fond importunities of one lover or in despair at the cruel desertion of another.” We are told that Dido was worshipped as a goddess at Carthage so long as the country maintained its independence.” Her temple stood in the centre of the city shaded by a grove of solemn yews and firs." The two apparently contradictory views of her character as a queen and a goddess may be reconciled if we suppose that she was both one and the other ; that in fact the queen of Carthage in early days, like the queen of Egypt down to historical times, was regarded as divine, and had, like human deities elsewhere, to die a violent death either at the end of a fixed period or whenever her bodily and mental powers began to fail. In later ages the stern old custom might be softened down into a pretence by substituting an effigy for the queen or by allowing her to * Justin, xviii. 6. I-7 ; Virgil, Aen. iv. 473 sq.g., v. i. 379. ; Ovid, Fas/?, iii. 545 sqq). According to Varro it was not Dido but her sister Anna who * Pausanias, x. 4, 5. * B. V. Head, Aſistoria AVumorum, p. 674; G. A. Cooke, 7 ex/-book of AVor/h-Se/7/7c /nscri//ions, p. 35 I. * F. Imhooſ-Blumer and P. Gardner, AVu/zism/a/ic Com/en/avy on Z’artsanzas, pp. I O - 12, with pl. A ; Stoll, in W. H. Roscher’s / exi/ºon d, griech. 7/. röm. Mythologie, ii. 2634. slew herselſ on a pyre for love of Aeneas (Servius on Virgil, Aen. iv. 682). * Justin, xviii. 6, 8. 9 Silius Italicus, i. 81 sqq. Evidence of a custom of burning a god or goddess at Carthage. 38 7//E /3 UA’AV//VG OF ///º/, CA /&T// BOOK I The fire- walk at Tyre. pass through the fire unscathed. A similar modification of the ancient rule appears to have been allowed at Tyre itself, the mother-city of Carthage. We have seen reason to think that the kings of Tyre, from whom Dido was descended, claimed to personate the god Melcarth, and that the deity was burned either in effigy or in the person of a man at an annual festival.” Now in the same chapter in which Ezekiel charges the king of Tyre with claiming to be a god, the prophet describes him as walking “up and down amidst the stones of fire.” “ The description becomes at once intelligible if we suppose that in later times the king of Tyre com- pounded for being burnt in the fire by walking up and down on hot stones, thereby saving his life at the expense perhaps of a few blisters on his feet. It is possible that when all went well with the commonwealth, children whom strict law doomed to the furnace of Moloch may also have been mercifully allowed to escape on condition of running the fiery gauntlet. At all events, a religious rite of this sort has been and is still practised in many parts of the world : the performers Solemnly pace through a furnace of heated stones or glowing wood-ashes in the presence of a multitude of spectators. Examples of the custom could be multiplied.” Here I will cite only one. At Castabala, in southern Cappadocia, there was worshipped an Asiatic goddess whom the Greeks called the Perasian Artemis. Her priestesses used to walk barefoot over a fire of charcoal without sustaining any injury. That this rite was a substitute for burning human beings alive or dead is suggested by the tradition which placed the adventure of Orestes and the Tauric Artemis at Castabala; " for the men or women sacrificed to the Tauric Artemis were first put to the sword and then burned in a pit of sacred fire." Among the Carthaginians another trace of such a practice may perhaps be detected in the story that at the desperate battle of The fire- walk at Castabala. The Car- thaginian king Hamilcar sacrifices himself in the fire. * See above, pp. I I s/., 34 s/y. * Ezekiel xxviii. 14 ; compare 16. * A. Lang, Modern A/V//ho/ogy, pp. 148 sq.7. ; 7%e Golden /3ough,” iii. 306 377. * Strabo, xiv. 2. 7, p. 537. In Greece itself accused persons used to prove their innocence by walking through fire (Sophocles, Am/gome, 264 sy., with Jebb's note). " Euripides, ////genza in 7azards, 62 I-626. Compare Diodorus Siculus, xx. 14. 6. CHAP, IV ZAZE BU/8/V//VG OF MAE/CCAA TAZ 39 Himera, fought from dawn of day till late in the evening, the Carthaginian king Hamilcar remained in the camp and kept sacrificing holocausts of victims on a huge pyre ; but when he saw his army giving way before the Greeks, he flung himself into the flames and was burned to death. Afterwards his countrymen sacrificed to him and erected a great monument in his honour at Carthage, while lesser monuments were reared to his memory in all the Punic colonies." In public emergencies which called for extraordinary measures a king of Carthage may well have felt bound in honour to sacrifice himself in the old way for the good of his country. That the Carthaginians regarded the death of Hamilcar as an act of heroism and not as a mere suicide of despair, is proved by the posthumous honours they paid him. The foregoing evidence, taken altogether, raises a The death strong presumption, though it cannot be said to amount :"..." to a proof, that a practice of burning a deity, and especi- version o ally Melcarth, in effigy or in the person of a human º representative, was observed at an annual festival in Tyre Melcarth. and its colonies. We can thus understand how Hercules, in so far as he represented the Tyrian god, was believed to have perished by a voluntary death on a pyre. For on many a beach and headland of the Aegean, where the Phoenicians had their trading factories, the Greeks may have watched the bale-fires of Melcarth blazing in the darkness of night, and have learned with wonder that the strange foreign folk were burning their god. In this way the legend of the voyages of Hercules and his death in the flames may be supposed to have originated. Yet with the legend the Greeks borrowed the custom of burning the | Herodotus, vii. 167. This was the Carthaginian version of the story. the suffetes, or supreme magistrates, of Carthage were two in number ; According to another account, Hamilcar was killed by the Greek cavalry (Diodorus Siculus, xi. 22. I). His worship at Carthage is mentioned by Athenagoras (Supp/caſio Aro Chris- tianis, p. 64, ed. J. C. T. Otto). I have called Hamilcar a king in accord- ance with the usage of Greek writers (Herodotus, vii. 165 sq.; Aristotle, Poſitics, ii. I I ; Polybius, vi. 5 I ; Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 54. 5). But whether they were elected for a year or for life seems to be doubtful. Cornelius Nepos, who calls them kings, says that they were elected annually (AE'annibal, vii. 4), and Livy (xxx. 7. 5) compares them to the consuls ; but Cicero (De re publica, ii. 23. 42 sq.) Seems to imply that they held office for life. See G. A. Cooke, Zerº-book of AVorth-Semific Inscriptions, pp. I I 5 §4). 4O THE BURAWI WG OF MELCAR 7'H' BK. I. CH. IV god ; for at the festivals of Hercules a pyre used to be kindled in memory of the hero's fiery death on Mount Oeta.” We may suppose, though we are not expressly told, that an effigy of Hercules was regularly burned on the pyre. - º wº. * Lucian, Amores, I and 54. C H A P T E R V THE BURNING OF SAN DAN § 1. The Baal of Tarsus IN Cyprus the Tyrian Melcarth was worshipped side by The Tyrian side with Adonis at Amathus," and Phoenician inscriptions Nº. prove that he was revered also at Idalium and Larnax Lapethus. At the last of these places he seems to have been regarded by the Greeks as a marine deity and identified with Poseidon.” A remarkable statue found at Amathus may represent Melcarth in the character of The lion- the lion-slayer, a character which the Greeks bestowed º on Hercules. The statue in question is of Colossal size, and exhibits a thickset, muscular, hirsute deity of almost bestial aspect, with goggle eyes, huge ears, and a pair of stumpy horns on the top of his head. His beard is square and curly : his hair falls in three pigtails on his shoulders : his brawny arms appear to be tattooed. A lion's skin, clasped by a buckle, is knotted round his loins ; and he holds the skin of a lioness in front of him, grasping a hind paw with each hand, while the head of the beast, which is missing, hangs down between his legs. A fountain must have issued from the jaws of the lioness, for a rectangular hole, where the beast's head should be, Com- municates by a channel with another hole in the back of the statue. Greek artists working on this or a similar barbarous model produced the refined type of the Grecian Hercules with the lion's scalp thrown like a cowl over 1 See above, p. 18. Semific Inscriptions, Nos. 23 and 29, pp. 73, 83 sq., with the notes on pp. * G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North- 81, 84. 4 I 42 7T///E /3/1A/. O/7 TA/C.S. U.S. HOOK I his head. Statues of him have been found in Cyprus, which represent intermediate stages in this artistic evolu- tion.' But there is no proof that in Cyprus the Tyrian Melcarth was burned either in effigy or in the person of a human representative.” On the other hand, there is clear evidence of the observance of such a custom in Cilicia, the country which lies across the sea from Cyprus, and from which the worship of Adonis, according to tradition, was derived.” Whcther the Phoenicians ever colonised Cilicia or not is doubtful," but at all events the natives of the country, down to late times, worshipped a male deity who, in spite of a superficial assimilation to a fashionable Greek god, appears to have been an Oriental by birth and character. He had his principal seat at Tarsus, in a plain of luxuriant fertility and almost tropical climate, tempered by breezes from the snowy range of Taurus on the north and from the sea on the south.” Though Tarsus boasted of a school of Greek philosophy which at the beginning of our era surpassed those of Athens and Alexandria," the city apparently remained in manners and spirit essentially Oriental. The women went about the Streets muffled up to the eyes in Eastern fashion, and Dio Chrysostom reproaches the natives with resembling the most dissolute of the Phoenicians rather than the Greeks whose civilisation they aped." On the coins of the city | Perrot et Chipiez, //isſoire de Herodotus says (vii. 91) that the The Baal of Tarsus, an Oriental god of corn and grapes. //17:A dams /"/17/7/zzi/º, iii. 566-578. Cilicians were named aſter Cilix, a The colossal statue ſound at Amathus son of the Phoenician Agenor. may be related, directly or indirectly, to the Egyptian god Bes, who is represented as a sturdy misshapen dwarf, wearing round his body the skin of a beast of the panther tribe, with its tail hanging down. See E. A. Wallis Budge, 7% e God's oſ //e Ag///av/s, ii. 284 sq/. ; A. Furt- wängler, in W. H. Roscher’s / ex//o/, d. 977tc/. 1/, 7%///, ////ho/ogie, i. 2 I 43 sq. * However, human victims were burned at Salamis in Cyprus. See below, p. 63. * See above, p. 25. * For traces of Phoenician influence in Cilicia see F. C. Movers, /Jºe Z'hoenizier, ii. 2, pp. 167- I 74, 207 $77, * As to the fertility and the climate of the plain of Tarsus, which is now very malarious, see E. J. Davis, /öſe in Asia/ic Zºurkey (London, 1879), chaps. i.-vii. The gardens for miles round the city are very lovely, but wild and neglected, full of magnificent trees, especially fine oak, ash, orange, and lemon-trees. The vines run to the top of the highest branches, and almost every garden resounds with the song of the nightingale (E. J. IDavis, o/, cf/. p. 35). " Strabo, xiv. 5. I 3, pp. 673 sq. 7 Dio Chrysostom, Or. xxxiii. vol. ii. pp. 14 sq., 17, ed. L. Dindorf. CHAP. V TAZA, BAA/L OF 7A/C.S US 43 they assimilated their native deity to Zeus by representing him seated on a throne, the upper part of his body bare, the lower limbs draped in a flowing robe, while in one hand he holds a sceptre, which is topped sometimes with an eagle but often with a lotus flower. Yet his foreign nature is indicated both by his name and his attributes; for in Aramaic inscriptions on the coins he bears the name of the Baal of Tarsus, and in one hand he grasps an ear of corn and a bunch of grapes." These attributes clearly mark him out as a god of fertility in general, who con- ferred on his worshippers the two things which they prized above all other gifts of nature, the corn and the wine. He was probably therefore a Semitic, or at all events an Oriental, rather than a Greek deity. For while the Semite cast all his gods more or less in the same mould, and expected them all to render him nearly the same services, the Greek, with his keener intelligence and more pictorial imagination, invested his deities with individual character- istics, allotting to each of them his or her separate function in the divine economy of the world. Thus he assigned the production of the corn to Demeter, and that of the grapes to Dionysus ; he was not so unreasonable as to demand both from the same hard-worked deity. § 2. The God of Jöreez Now the suspicion that the Baal of Tarsus, for all his posing in the attitude of Zeus, was really an Oriental is confirmed by a remarkable rock-hewn monument which is to be seen at Ibreez in southern Cappadocia. Though the place is distant little more than fifty miles from Tarsus as the crow flies, yet the journey on horseback occupies five days ; for the great barrier of the Taurus mountains rises * F. C. Movers, ZXie Phoenizier, ii. Aſun/erian Collection, ii. (Glasgow, 2, pp. 171 sq.; P. Gardner, Zypes of 1901) p. 547; Perrot et Chipiez, Greek Coins, pl. x. Nos. 29, 30 ; B. Histoire de /'Art dams /'Antiquité, V. Head, Historia Mumorum, p. 614; iv. 727. In later times, from about G. F. Hill, Catalogue of Greek Coins 175 B.C. onward, the Baal of Tarsus of Zycaonia, Zsauria, and Ci/icia was completely assimilated to Zeus on (London, 1900), pp. 167 - 176, pl. the coins. See B. V. Head, op. cit. xxix. -xxxii. ; G. Macdonald, Cata- p. 617; G. F. Hill, op. cit. pp. 177, Aogue of Greek Coins in the 181. The Baal of Tarsus has his COUlnter- part at Ibreez in Cappa- docia. 44 TA// GO/) OA' M/3/8/2/2Z. BOOK I like a wall between. The road runs through the famous pass of the Cilician Gates, and the scenery throughout is of the grandest Alpine character. On all sides the mountains tower skyward, their peaks sheeted in a dazzling pall of Snow, their lower slopes veiled in the almost inky blackness of dense pine-forests, torn here and there by impassable ravines, or broken into prodigious precipices of red and grey rock which border the narrow valley for miles. The magnificence of the landscape is enhanced by the exhilar- ating influence of the brisk mountain air, all the more by contrast with the sultry heat of the plain of Tarsus which the traveller has left behind. The rock- The village of Ibreez is charmingly situated at the º northern foot of the Taurus, some six or seven miles south represent a of the town of Eregli, the ancient Cybistra. From the 5..." town to the village the path goes through a richly cultivated and grapes adored district of wheat and vines along green lanes more lovely by his wor- tº e tº .." than those of Devonshire, lined by thick hedges and rows º or of willow, poplar, hazel, hawthorn, and huge old walnut- is trees, where in early summer the nightingales warble on every side. Ibreez itself is embowered in the verdure of orchards, walnuts, and vines. It stands at the mouth of a deep ravine enclosed by great precipices of red rock. From the western of these precipices a river clear as crystal, but of a deep blue tint, bursts in a powerful jet, and being reinforced by a multitude of springs becomes at once a raging impassable torrent foaming and leaping over the rocks in its bed. A little way from the source a branch of the main stream flows in a deep narrow channel along the foot of a reddish weather-stained rock which rises like a wall from the water. On its face, which has been smoothed to receive them, are the sculptures. They consist of two colossal figures, representing a god adored by his worshipper. The deity, some twenty feet high, is a bearded male figure, wearing on his head a high pointed cap adorned with several pairs of horns, and clad in a short tunic, which does not reach his knees and is drawn in at the waist by a belt. His legs and arms are bare ; the wrists are encircled by bangles or bracelets. His feet are shod in high boots with turned-up toes. In his right hand he holds a vine-branch CHAP. V TA/E GO/O OF //3/8/2A.Z. 45 laden with clusters of grapes, and in his raised left hand he grasps a bunch of bearded wheat, such as is still grown in Cappadocia; the ears of Corn project above his fingers, while the long stalks hang down to his feet. In front of him stands the lesser figure, some twelve feet high. He is clearly a priest or king, more probably perhaps both in one. His rich vestments contrast with the simple costume of the god. On his head he wears a round but not pointed cap, encircled by flat bands and ornamented in front with a rosette or bunch of jewels, such as is still worn by Eastern princes. He is draped from the neck to the ankles in a long robe heavily fringed at the bottom, over which is thrown a shawl or mantle secured at the breast by a clasp of precious stones. Both robe and shawl are elaborately carved with patterns in imitation of embroidery. A heavy necklace of rings or beads encircles the neck; a bracelet or bangle clasps the one wrist that is visible ; the feet are shod in boots like those of the god. One or perhaps both hands are raised in the act of adoration. The large aquiline nose, like the beak of a hawk, is a conspicuous feature in the face both of the god and of his worshipper ; the hair and beard of both are thick and curly." The situation of this remarkable monument resembles The that of Aphaca on the Lebanon ; * for in both places we see fertility of Ibreez a noble river issuing abruptly from the rock to spread fertility contrasted through the rich vale below. Nowhere, perhaps, could man more appropriately revere those great powers of nature to whose favour he ascribes the fruitfulness of the earth, and through it the life of animate creation. With its cool bracing air, its mass of verdure, its magnificent stream of with the 1 E. J. Davis, “On a New Hama- thite Inscription at Ibreez,” Zºrans- actions of the Society of Biblica/ Archaeology, iv. (1876) pp. 336-346; 7d., Life in Asiatic Turkey (London, 1879), pp. 245-26O ; Perrot et Chipiez, Aſſistoire de l'Art dans /'Antiquiſtſ, iv. 723-729 ; Ramsay and Hogarth, “Pre- hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” A’ecueil de 77tazaux º & /a. Phi/- ologie et à l'Archéologie Egyptiennes et Assyriemmes, xiv. (1903) pp. 77-81, 85 sq., with plates iii. and iv.; Messerschmidt, Corpus /nscriptionum, Aſet/ificarum (Berlin, 1900), Taſel xxxiv. Of this sculptured group Messrs. W. M. Ramsay and D. G. Hogarth say that “it yields to no rock-relief in the world in impressive character” (American/ournal of Archae- ology, vi. (1890) p. 347). For the route from Tarsus to Ibreez (Ivriz.) see E. J. Davis, Zºſe in Asiatic 7Turkey, pp. 198-244. * See above, pp. 14 rºy. desolation of the sur- rounding country. 46 THAZ GO/D OF WEAEA, EZ BOOK I The horned god. pure ice-cold water—so grateful in the burning heat of Summer—and its wide stretch of fertile land, the valley may well have been the residence of an ancient prince or high- priest, who desired to testify by this monument his devotion and gratitude to the god. The seat of this royal or priestly potentate may have been at Cybistra,” the modern Eregli, now a decayed and miserable place straggling amid orchards and gardens full of luxuriant groves of walnut, poplar, willow, mulberry, and oak. The place is a paradise of birds. Here the thrush and the nightingale sing full-throated, the hoepoe waves his crested top-knot, the bright-hued woodpeckers flit from bough to bough, and the swifts dart screaming by hundreds through the air. Yet a little way off, beyond the beneficent influence of the springs and streams, all is desola- tion—in Summer an arid waste broken by great marshes and wide patches of salt, in winter a broad sheet of stagnant water, which as it dries up with the growing heat of the sun exhales a poisonous malaria. To the west, as far as the eye can see, stretches the endless expanse of the dreary Lycaonian plain, barren, treeless, and solitary, till it fades into the blue distance, or is bounded afar off by abrupt ranges of jagged volcanic mountains, on which in Sunshiny weather the shadows of the clouds rest, purple and soft as velvet.” No wonder that the smiling luxuriance of the one landscape, sharply contrasting with the bleak sterility of the other, should have rendered it in the eyes of primitive man a veritable garden of God. Among the attributes which mark out the deity of Ibreez as a power of fertility the horns on his high cap should not be overlooked. They are probably the horns of a bull; for to primitive cattle-breeders the bull is the most natural emblem of generative force. At Carchemish, the great Hittite capital on the Euphrates, a relief has been discovered which represents a god or a priest clad in a rich robe, and wearing on his head a tall horned cap surmounted by a disc.” Sculptures found at the palace of Euyuk in north- * Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. 264 sq., 270-27.2. Compare W. J. * E. J. Davis in 7% ansactions of //ie Hamilton, /ēesearches in Asia Minor, Society of Biblica/ Archaeology, iv. A on/us, and Armenia, ii. 304-307. (1876) pp. 336 sq., 346 ; 2d., /ö/ø 27? * L. Messerschmidt, 7%e //i//i/es Asia/7c Zºurkey, pp. 232 sq., 236 sq., (London, 1903), pp. 49 sq. On an CHAP, V THE GO/O OF I./3/RAEAEZ 47 western Cappadocia prove that the Hittites worshipped the bull and sacrificed rams to it." Similarly the Greeks con- ceived the vine-god Dionysus in the form of a bull.” § 3. Sandan of Tarsus That the god of Ibreez, with the grapes and corn in his The god hands, is identical with the Baal of Tarsus, who bears the º: same emblems, may be taken as certain.” But what was deity. his name P and who were his worshippers ? The Greeks apparently called him Hercules ; at least in Byzantine times the neighbouring town of Cybistra adopted the name of Heraclea, which seems to show that Hercules was deemed the principal deity of the place.” Yet the style and costume of the figures at Ibreez prove unquestionably that the god was an Oriental. If any confirmation of this view were needed, it is furnished by the inscriptions carved on the rock beside the sculptures, for these inscriptions are composed in the peculiar system of hieroglyphics now known as Hittite. It follows, therefore, that the deity worshipped at Tarsus and Ibreez was a god of the Hittites, that ancient and little-known people who occupied the centre of Asia Minor, invented a system of writing, and extended their influence, if not their dominion, at one time from the Euphrates to the Aegean. From the lofty and arid table- lands of the interior, a prolongation of the great plateau of Central Asia, with a climate ranging from the most burning heat in summer to the most piercing cold in winter,” these hardy highlanders seem to have swept down through the Assyrian cylinder, now in the British Museum, we see a warlike deity with bow and arrows standing on a lion, and wearing a similar bonnet decorated with horns and surmounted by a star or sun. See De Vogüé, Al/ºlanges d’Archéologie Orientale (Paris, 1868), p. 46, who interprets the deity as the great Asiatic goddess. ! See below, p. 54. 2 The Golden Bough,” ii. 164 sq.; Miss J. E. Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek /*e/isſion, pp. 432 $97. , 537. * The identification is accepted by E. Meyer (Gesch ichte des Alter/hums, i. pp. 305, 309), Perrot and Chipiez (A/istoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité, iv. 727), and P. Jensen (A/i//iter und Armenter, p. I45). * Ramsay and Hogarth, “Pre-Hel- lenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” A'ecueiſ de Travaux relatifs à la Phiſ. ologie et à l’Archdo/ogie Egyptiennes et Assyriennes, xiv. (1893) p. 79. * G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne, ii. 360-362; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art dans l’An/iguita', iv. 572 sqq., 586 sq. 48 SAA/OAAW OF TA /ć.S US BOOK I The burning of Sandan or Hercules at Tarsus. mountain-passes and established themselves at a very early date in the rich southern lowlands of Syria and Cilicia.” Their language and race are still under discussion, but a great preponderance of opinion appears to declare that neither the one nor the other was Semitic.” In the inscription attached to the colossal figure of the god at Ibreez two scholars have professed to read the name of Sandan or Sanda.” Be that as it may, there are independent grounds for thinking that Sandan, Sandon, or Sandes may have been the name of the Cappadocian and Cilician god of fertility. For the god of Ibreez in Cappadocia appears, as we saw, to have been identified by the Greeks with Hercules, and we are told that a Cappadocian and Cilician name of Hercules was Sandan or Sandes.” Now this Sandan or Hercules is said to have founded Tarsus, and the people of the city commemorated him at an annual or, at all events, periodical festival by erecting a fine pyre in his honour.” Apparently at this festival, 1 That the cradle of the Hittites was in the interior of Asia Minor, particu- larly in Cappadocia, and that they spread from there south, east, and west, is the view of A. H. Sayce, W. M. Ramsay, D. G. Hogarth, W. Max Müller, F. Hommel, and L. Messer- schmidt. See Pales/?ne AExploration Aºund Quarter/y Statement for 1884, p. 49 ; W. Max Müller, Asien und Auropa (Leipsic, 1893), pp. 319 Sø7. ; A'ecueil de Zºrazaux rela/iſs & la Philo- logie et à l’Archéologie, xv. (1893) p. 94; F. Hommel, Grundriss der Geo- graphie und Geschich/e des al/en. Orients, pp. 42, 48, 54 ; L. Messerschmidt, The A/7//i/es (London, I 903), pp. I 2, I 3, I 9, 20. % G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne, ii. 351, note 3, with his references ; L. Messerschmidt, 7%e //7//g/es, p. Io; F. Hommel, op. cit, p. 42 ; W. Max Müller, Asien und Zuropa, p. 332. g . . . 3 A. H. Sayce, “The Hittite In- scriptions,” A'ecueil de Zºravaux relatº/s & la Phi/o/ogie eſ & Z Archéologie AEgyptiennes et Assyriennes, xiv. (1893) pp. 48 sq.; P. Jensen, ////iter und Armenier (Strasburg, 1898), pp. 42 sy. 4 Syncellus, Chronographia, vol. i. p. 290, ed. G. Dindorf: ‘Hpak\éa. Tuvés ºpaqu èv Potulkm Yvapt; ea.0at 2&vöav étrºXeyópºevov, dis Kai pºexpt vöv Útrö Iša trira.6ókwu kal Ku)\{kajv. In this passage 24vôau is a correction of F. C. Movers's (ZXie Phoemzzzer, i. 460) for the MS. reading Awaavöáv, the AI having apparently arisen by dittography from the preceding AI ; and KuNikwu is a correction of E. Meyer's (Zeitschriſt der deutscherz movgen/āndischen Gese//- scha/Z, xxxi. 737) for the MS. reading 'IXtov. Compare Jerome (quoted by Movers and Meyer // ce.): Aſercz//es cognomen/o Z)asanauts in Syria Phoenice clarus habetur. /mde ad mos/ram usque //leſ/1077am a Caſſadoczózſs et AE/ienszózes (a/. Oe/ús) /Xesamazis ad/zic dºcſ/aer. If the text of Jerome is here sound, he would seem to have had before him a Creek original which was corrupt like the text of Syncellus or of Syncellus’s authority. The Cilician Hercules is called Sandes by Nonnus (Dzomys. xxxiv. 183 sy.). Compare Raoul- Rochette in /l/moires de l'Académie des /*escrº/ions et Belles-Ze//res, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. I 59 .577. - * Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8. 3.; Dio Chrysostom, Or. xxxiii. vol. ii. CHAP. V SA/V/DA/V OF TARS US 49 as at the festival of Melcarth, the god was burned in effigy on his own pyre. For coins of Tarsus often exhibit the pyre as a conical structure resting on a garlanded altar or basis, with the figure of Sandan himself in the midst of it, while an eagle with spread wings perches on the top of the pyre, as if about to bear the Soul of the burning god in the pillar of smoke and fire to heaven." In like manner when a Roman emperor died leaving a son to succeed him on the throne, a waxen effigy was made in the likeness of the deceased and burned on a huge pyramidal pyre, which was reared upon a Square basis of wood ; and from the summit of the blazing pile an eagle was released for the purpose of carrying to heaven the soul of the dead and deified emperor.” The Romans may have borrowed from the East a grandiose custom which savours of Oriental adulation rather than of Roman simplicity. The type of Sandan or Hercules, as he is portrayed on the coins of Tarsus, is that of an Asiatic deity standing on a lion. It is thus that he is represented on the pyre, and it is thus that he appears as a separate figure without the p. 16, ed. L. Dindorf. The pyre is mentioned only by Dio Chrysostom, whose words clearly imply that its erection was a custom observed periodi- cally. On Sandan or Sandon see K. O. Müller, “Sandon und Sardana- sometimes called not the pyre but the monument of Sandan. Certainly the cone resting on the square base reminds us of the similar structure on the coins of Byblus as well as of the conical image of Aphrodite at Paphos (see pal,” Kunstarchaeologische Werke, iii. 6 sqq. ; F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. 458 sqq. ; Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” A/ēmoires de / Académie des /nscriptions ef Ac//es-/Let/res, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 178 sqq.; E. Meyer, “Ueber einige Semitische Götter,” Zeitschrift der deu/schen Al/orgen- łóndischen Gesel/schaft, xxxi. (1877) pp. 736-740. * P. Gardner, Ca/a/ogue of Greek Coins, the Seleucid A'ings of Syria, pp. 72, 78, 89, II 2, pl.xxi. 6, xxiv. 3, xxviii. 8 ; G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Zycaonia, Zsauria, and Cºſicia, pp. 18O, 181, 183, 190, 22 I, 224, 225, pl. xxxiii. 2, 3, xxxiv. Io, xxxvii. 9; Journal of He/ſenic Studies, xviii. (1898) pl. xiii. 1, 2. The structure represented on the coins is above, pp. 10, 20 sq.); but the words of Dio Chrysostom make it probable that the design on the coins of Tarsus represents the pyre. At the same time, the burning of the god may well have been sculptured on a permanent monument of stone. The legend OPTTTO6HRA, literally “quail-hunt,” which appears on some coins of Tarsus (G. F. Hill, oft. cit. pp. lxxxvi. sq.), may refer to a custom of catch- ing quails and burning them on the pyre. This explanation of the legend was suggested by Raoul- Rochette (of. cit. pp. 20.1 - 205). Doves were burnt on a pyre in honour of Adonis (below, p. 64). Similarly birds were burnt on a pyre in honour of Laphrian Artemis at Patrae (Pausanias, vii. 18. I 2). * Herodian, iv. 2. Sandan of Tarsus an Asiatic god with the symbols Of the lion and the double 31Xe. 5O SA/VDA/V OF TAA'S US IBOOK I pyre. From these representations we can form a fairly accurate conception of the form and attributes of the god. They exhibit him as a bearded man standing on a horned and often winged lion. Upon his head he wears a high pointed cap or mitre, and he is clad sometimes in a long robe, sometimes in a short tunic. On at least one coin his feet are shod in high boots with flaps. At his side or over his shoulder are slung a Sword, a bow-case, and a quiver, sometimes only one or two of them. His right hand is raised and sometimes holds a flower. His left hand grasps a double-headed axe, and sometimes a wreath either in addition to the axe or instead of it ; but the double-headed axe is one of Sandan's most constant attributes." § 4. The Gods of Boghaz-Keui Now a deity of almost precisely the same type figures prominently in the celebrated group of Hittite sculptures which is carved on the rocks at Boghaz-Keui in north-western Cappadocia. The village of Boghaz-Koui, that is, “the village of the defile,” stands at the mouth of a deep, narrow, and picturesque gorge in a wild upland valley, shut in by rugged mountains of grey limestone. The houses are built on the lower slopes of the hills, and a stream issuing from the gorge flows past them to join the Halys, which is distant about ten hours' journey to the west. Immediately above the modern village a great ancient city, enclosed by massive fortification walls, rose terrace above terrace on the rough broken ground of the mountain-side, culminating in two citadels perched on the tops of precipitous crags. A dense undergrowth of Boghaz- Keui the ancient capital of a Hittite l;ingdom in Cappa- docia. stunted oak coppice now covers much of the site. The ruins * F. É, Imhoof - Blumer, //onnaies S/udies, xviii. (1898) pp. 169-171 ; Grecques (Amsterdam, 1883), pp. P. Gardner, Z}/es of Gree/ Coins, pl. 366 sq., 433, 435, with plates F. 24, 25, II. I4 (Ver/hande///gen der Áo/ām/. A/ademie van Weſenschaft/en, Aſdeeling Letterkunde, xiv.); I’. Inhoof-Blumer und O. Keller, Zºer- and //a/a2c/a/ſ/aer auf //zinzczz zand Ge////zeſz des //assº- schen A//er/u/us (Leipsic, 1889), pp. 70 sq., with pl. xii. 7, 8, 9 ; IF. Imhoof-Blumer, “Coin-types of some Cilician Cities,” /ournal of Z/e//emic xiii. 20 ; G. F. Hill, Ca/a/ogue of //e Gree/ Cons of /ycaonia, /sauria, and C#//cia, pp. 178, 179, 184, 186, 206, 2 I 3, with plates xxxii. I 3, 14, 15, 16, xxxiv. 2, xxxvi. 9; G. Macdonald, Ca/alogue of Gree/ Coins in the A/un/erian Col/ec//on, ii. 548, with pl. lx. I I, The booted Sandan is figured by G. F. Hill, o/, ciſ, pl. XXX v1. 9. CHAP, V TAZAZ GO/OS OF BOGAZAZ–Å EU/ 5 I of a large palace, built of enormous blocks of Stone, Occupy a terrace in a commanding situation within the circuit of the walls. This vast city, some four or five miles in circum- ference, appears to have been the ancient Pteria, which Croesus, king of Lydia, captured in his war with Cyrus. It was probably the capital of a powerful Hittite empire before the Phrygians made their way from Europe into the interior of Asia Minor and established a rival state to the west of the Halys." - From the village of Boghaz-Keui a steep and rugged path leads up hill to the sanctuary, distant about a mile and a half to the east. Here among the grey limestone cliffs there is a spacious natural chamber or hall of roughly oblong shape, roofed only by the sky, and enclosed on three sides by high rocks. One of the short sides is open, and through it you look out on the broken slopes beyond and the more distant mountains, which make a graceful picture set in a massy frame. The length of the chamber is about a hundred feet ; its breadth varies from twenty-five to fifty feet. A nearly level sward forms the floor. On the right- hand side, as you face inward, a narrow opening in the rocks leads into another but much smaller chamber, or rather passage, which would seem to have been the inner sanctuary or Holy of Holies. It is a romantic spot, where the deep shadows of the rocks are relieved by the bright foliage of walnut-trees and by the sight of the sky and clouds over- head. On the rock-walls of both chambers are carved the famous bas-reliefs. In the outer sanctuary these reliefs represent two great processions which defile along the two long sides of the chamber and meet face to face on the | Herodotus, i. 76 ; Stephanus Byzantius, s. v. IITéptov. As to the situation of Boghaz-Keui and the ruins of Pteria see W. J. Hamilton, A’e. searches ºn Asia /l/inor, A on/t/s, and Armenia (London, 1842), i. 39 I s/7. ; H. Barth, “Reise von Trapezunt durch die nårdliche Ilālſte Klein- Asiens,” Ergänzungsheſ gu Peter- mann's Geographischen J/i///ei/ungen (No. 2), 1860, pp. 44-52 ; H. F. Tozer, 7 urkish Armenia and Eastern Asia A/inor (London, 1881), pp. 64, 7 I syſ). ; W. M. Ramsay, “Historical Relations of Phrygia and Cappadocia,” /ou/rna/ of //ie A'oya/ .-Isiatic Society, N.S., xv. (1883) p. Io9 ; 7d., Aſis- /orica/ Geography of Asia Aſinor (London, 1890), pp. 28 sq., 33 sy. ; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de / .47% dans "../n/i/t/i/.', iv. 596 sqq). ; K. Humann und O. Puchstein, A’ersen in Aleinasien und AWord's]'rien (Berlin, 1890), pp. 7 I-So, with Atlas, plates xi.-xiv. ; l. Chantre, J/ission en Cap- Aadoce (Paris, IS98), pp. I 3 sq/. The rock- sculptures in the outer Sanctuary at Boghaz- Keui represent two pro- cessions meeting. 52 TAZE GODS OF BOGAZAZ–/KE UN BOOK I short wall at the inner end. The figures on the left-hand wall are all men, clad for the most part in the characteristic Hittite costume, which consists of a high pointed cap, shoes with turned-up toes, and a tunic drawn in at the waist and falling short of the knees. The figures on the right-hand wall are women wearing tall, square, flat-topped bonnets with ribbed sides ; their long dresses fall in perpendicular folds to their feet, which are shod in shoes like those of the men. On the short wall, where the processions meet, the greater size of the central figures, as well as their postures and attributes, mark them out as divine. At the head of the male procession marches a bearded deity clad in the ordinary Hittite costume of tall pointed cap, short tunic, and turned-up shoes; but his feet rest on the bowed heads of two men, in his right hand he holds a mace or truncheon topped with a knob, while his extended left hand grasps a symbol, which apparently consists of a trident surmounted by an oval with a cross-bar. Facing him, at the head of the female procession, stands a goddess on a lioness or panther. Her costume does not differ from that of the women : her hair hangs down in a long plait behind : in her extended right hand she holds out an emblem to touch that of the god. The shape and meaning of her emblem are obscure. It consists of a stem with two pairs of protuberances, perhaps leaves or branches, one above the other, the whole being surmounted, like the emblem of the god, by an Oval with a cross-bar. Under the outstretched arms of the two deities appear the front parts of two animals, which have been usually interpreted as bulls, but sometimes as goats or cats ; each of them wears on its head the high conical Hittite cap, and its body is concealed by that of the deity. Immediately behind the goddess marches a smaller and apparently youthful male figure, standing like her upon a lioness or panther. He is beardless and wears the Hittite dress of high pointed cap, short tunic, and shoes with turned-up toes. A crescent-hilted Sword is girt at his side ; in his left hand he holds a double-headed axe, and in his right a staff topped by an armless doll with the symbol of the cross-barred oval instead of a head. The entrance to the smaller chamber is guarded on CHAP, V 7"HE GO/DS OF BOGAZAZ–/KAE O// 53 either side by the figure of a winged monster carved on the The rock- rock; the bodies of both figures are human, but one of them ..." has the head of a dog, the other the head of a lion. In the inner tº g g Sanctuary inner sanctuary, to which this monster-guarded passage ... [... leads, the walls are also carved in relief. On one side we Keui. See a procession of twelve men in Hittite costume marching with curved swords in their right hands. On the opposite wall is a colossal erect figure of a deity with a human head The lion- and a body curiously composed of four lions, two above and * two below, the latter standing on their heads. The god wears the high conical Hittite hat : his face is youthful and beardless like that of the male figure standing on the lioness in the large chamber ; and the ear turned to the spectator is pierced with a ring. To the right of this deity a square panel cut in the face of the rock exhibits a group of two The god figures in relief. The larger of the two figures closely º resembles the youth on the lioness in the outer sanctuary. His chin is beardless ; he wears the same high pointed cap, the same short tunic, the same turned-up shoes, the same crescent-hilted sword, and he carries a similar armless doll in his right hand. But his left arm encircles the neck of the smaller figure, whom he seems to clasp to his side in an attitude of protection. The smaller figure thus embraced by the god is clearly a priest. His face is beardless; he wears a skull-cap and a long mantle reaching to his feet with a sort of chasuble thrown over it. The crescent-shaped hilt of a sword projects from under his mantle. The wrist of his right arm is clasped by the god's left hand ; in his left hand the priest holds a crook or pastoral staff which ends below in a curl. Both the priest and his protector are facing towards the lion-god. In an upper corner of the panel behind them is a divine emblem composed of a winged disc resting on what look like two Ionic columns, while between them appear three symbols of doubtful significance. The figure of the priest in this costume, Other though not in this attitude, is a familiar one ; for it occurs ...'. tions of the twice in the outer sanctuary and is repeated twice at the . at great Hittite palace of Euyuk, distant about four and a half ...a hours' ride to the north-east of Boghaz-Keui. In the outer Euyuk. sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui we see the priest marching in the 54 T///E GODS OF BOG/HAZ–/KE Uſ ROO }< I procession of the men, and holding in one hand his curled staff or lituus and in the other a symbol like that of the goddess on the lioness : above his head appears the winged disc without the other attributes. Moreover he occupies a conspicuous place by himself on the right-hand wall of the outer sanctuary, quite apart from the two processions, and carved on a larger scale than any of the other figures in them. Here he stands on two heaps, perhaps intended to represent mountains, and he carries in his right hand the emblem of the winged disc supported on two Ionic columns with the other symbols between them, except that the central symbol is replaced by a masculine figure wearing a pointed cap and a long robe decorated with a dog-tooth pattern. On one of the reliefs at the palace of Euyuk we see the priest with his characteristic dress and staff followed by a priestess, each of them with a hand raised as if in adoration : they are approaching the image of a bull which stands on a high pedestal with an altar before it. Behind them a priest leads a flock of rams to the sacrifice. On another relief at Euyuk the priest, similarly attired and followed by a priestess, is approaching a seated goddess and apparently pouring a libation at her feet. Both these scenes doubtless represent acts of worship paid in the one case to a goddess, in the other to a bull." We have still to inquire into the meaning of the rock- carvings at Boghaz-Keui. What are these processions which are meeting P Who are the personages represented P and what are they doing P. Some have thought that the scene The two deities at the head of the pro- cessions at Boghaz- Keui appear to be the great Asiatic goddess and her COnSOrt. 1 W. J. Hamilton, Æesearches in Asia /l/inor, /o/t/t/s, and Armenia, i. 393 - 395 ; H. F. Tozer, 7 urkish Ar//leſada and Zasle/72 Asia Minor, pp. 59 sq., 66-78; W. M. Ramsay, “Historical Relations of Phrygia and Asia Minor,” Journal of //ie /('oya/ Asia/ic Socie/y, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. I 13-12o ; Perrot et Chipiez, Z/?s/oire de l'Arſ dams /'Am/i/u?/4, iv. 623- 656, 666-672 ; K. Humann und O. Puchstein, /&eisen 772 ATeimaszen ºutd AVords/rieſ?, pp. 55-70, with Atlas, plates vii. -x. ; E. Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce, pp. 3-5, 16-26 ; L. Messer- schmidt, 7%e Aſiſtiles, pp. 42 - 50. Compare P. Jensen, A/E//i/e7 und Armenier, pp. 165 sqq. An interest- ing Hittite symbol which occurs both in the sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui and at the palace of Euyuk is the double- headed eagle. In both places it serves as the support of divine or priestly personages. After being adopted as a badge by the Seljuk Sultans in the Middle Ages, it passed into Europe with the Crusaders and became in time the escutcheon of the Austrian and Russian empires. See W. J. Hamilton, off. cil. i. 383 ; Perrot et Chipiez, o/, ci/. iv. 68 I-683, with pl. viii. E.; L. Messerschmidt, Žhe Aſiſ/ites, p. 50. CHAP. V ZTA/AE GO/DS OF /3OGA/AZ–ÅT/E (// 55 is historical and commemorates a great event, such as a treaty of peace between two peoples or the marriage of a king's son to a king's daughter." But to this view it has been rightly objected that the attributes of the principal figures prove them to be divine or priestly, and that the scene is therefore religious or mythical rather than historical. With regard to the two personages who head the processions and hold out their symbols to each other, the most probable opinion appears to be that they stand for the great Asiatic goddess of fertility and her consort, by whatever names these deities were known, whether as Ishtar and Tammuz, as Aphrodite and Adonis, as Sandan and Mylitta, or as Cybele and Attis ; for under diverse names a similar divine couple was worshipped with similar rites all over western Asia.” The tall flat-topped hat with perpendicular grooves which the goddess wears, and the lioness or panther on which she stands, remind us of the turreted crown and lion-drawn car of Cybele, who was worshipped in the neighbouring land of Phrygia across the Halys.” So Atargatis, the great Syrian goddess of Hierapolis-Bambyce, was portrayed sitting on lions and wearing a tower on her head.” At Babylon an | W. J. Hamilton, A’esearches in Z'Académie des Inscrºft/ions eſ Beſſes- Asia /l/???or, Zºomuſats, and 217-mezz/a, i. 394 sq. ; H. Barth, in A/ozza/s/eric//e der /önig/. A reuss. Aſ Kadey, ie der Wissenschaſſen, 1859, pp. I 28 sqq. ; 2d., “Reise von Trapezunt,” Jºygān- zungs/eſ/ 2nt Petermann's Geograft/. A/i///ei/u/agen (No. 2) (Gotha, 1860), pp. 45 sq. ; H. F. Tozer, Zurkish Armenia and Æas/ern Asia Al/inor, p. 69 ; E. Chantre, A/ission en Caft- Żadoce, pp. 20 sq/. According to I3arth, the scene represented is the marriage of Aryenis, daughter of Alyattes, king of Lydia, to Astyages, son of Cyaxares, king of the Medes (Herodotus, i. 74). For a discussion of various interpretations which have been proposed see Perrot et Chipiez, AI's/oire de l'Art dans l’.1m/i/t/i/., iv. 630 sq.7. * This is in substance the view of Raoul - Rochette, Lajard, W. M. Ramsay, G. Perrot, and C. P. Tiele. See Raoul - Rochette, “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” Aſºmorres de A.eſ/rcs, xvii. I)euxième Partie (Paris, 1848), p. 18O, n. I ; W. M. Ram- say, “On the early Historical Rela- tions between Phrygia and Cappadocia,” Journal of //e /čoya/ Asia/ic Socie/y, N.S. xv. (1885) pp. I I 3-12o ; Perrot et Chipiez, Aſis/oire de / 217 / dans /'.1//i/uitº, iv. 630 sqq. ; C. P. Tiele, Geschächte der /('e/igion im A1//ey/u/n, i. 255-257. * As to the lions and mural crown of Cybele see Lucretius, ii. 6OO sy/. ; Catullus, lxiii. 76 syſ). ; Macrobius, Saſurn. i. 23. 20 ; Rapp, in W. H. Roscher’s Zexikon d', griech. 1ſ. 7.6/77. A/1//ho/ogic, ii. I 644 sq.7. * Lucian, /)e ded Syria, 3 I ; Mac- robius, Saſury. i. 23. I 9. Lucian’s description of her image is confirmed by coins of Hierapolis, on which the goddess is represented wearing a high headdress and seated on a lion. See B. V. Head, //isſoria Aumoruſ/1, p. 654; G. Macdonald, Caſa/ogue of Gree/ Coins in ſ/he Aſunſcrian Co//ec- 56 THA. GODS OF BOGAAZ–/ E U/ BOOK I image of a goddess whom the Greeks called Rhea had the figures of two lions standing on her knees." But in the rock-hewn sculptures of Boghaz-Keui, who is the youth with the tall pointed cap and double axe who stands on a lioness or panther immediately behind the great goddess P His figure is all the more remarkable because he is the only male who interrupts the long procession of women. Probably he is at once the divine son and the divine lover of the goddess ; for we shall find later on that in Phrygian mythology Attis united in himself both these characters.” The lioness or panther on which he stands marks his affinity with the goddess, who is supported by a similar animal. It is natural that the lion-goddess should have a lion-son and a lion-lover. For we may take it as probable that the Oriental deities who are represented standing or sitting in human form The youth on the lioness, bearing the double £uxe, at Boghaz- Keui may be the divine son and lover of the goddess. /ion, iii. I 39 s/. That the name of the Syrian goddess of Hierapolis-Bam- byce was A targatis is mentioned by Strabo (xvi. I. 27, p. 748). On Egyptian monuments the Semitic god- dess Kadesh is represented standing on a lion. See W. Max Müller, Asſeſz und' Zatro/a, pp. 3 14 sq. ' Diodorus Siculus, ii. 9. 5. * In thus interpreting the youth with the double axe I agree with Prof. W. M. Ramsay (“On the early Historical Relations between Phrygia and Cappa- docia,” ſourma/ oſ //e /ēoya/ Asia/ic Socie/y, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. 1 18, 120) and C. P. Tiele (Geschic//e der /('e/igion 2/// A //eſ/////, i. 246, 255). That the youthful figure on the lioness or panther represents the lover of the great goddess is the view also of Pro- fessors Jensen and Hommel. See P. Jensen, ////i/er und Armenier, pp. 173-175, 18O; F. Hommel, Grundráss der Geogra//hie und Geschſc//e des aſſenz Orzeſz/s, p. 51. Prof. Perrot holds that the youth in question is a double of the bearded god who stands at the head of the male procession, their costume being the same, though their attributes differ (Perrot et Chipiez, Aſis/ozze de /'Arº dams /'Am/i/zzi/4, iv. 651). This opinion is not inconsist- ent with that which I have adopted, for the divine son is naturally a double of his divine father. With regard to the lionesses or panthers, a bas-relief found at Carchemish, the capital of a Hittite kingdom on the Euphrates, shows two male figures in Hittite costume, with pointed caps and turned- up shoes, standing on a couching lion. The foremost of the two figures is winged and carries a short curved truncheon in his right hand. According to Prof. Perrot, the two figures repre- sent a god followed by a priest or a king. See Perrot et Chipiez, Aſis/oire de /'Art dans /'An/7/u?/6, iv. 549 sq. Again, on a sculptured slab found at Amrit in Phoenicia we see a god stand- ing on a lion and holding a lion’s whelp in his left hand, while in his right hand he brandishes a club or sword. See Perrot et Chipiez, oft. cz/. iii. 4 I 2-4 14. The type of a god or goddess standing or sitting on a lion occurs also in Assyrian art, ſrom which the Phoe- nicians and Hittites may have borrowed it. See Perrot et Chipiez, oft. cz/. ii. 642-644. Much evidence as to the representation of Asiatic deities with lions has been collected by Raoul- Rochette, in his learned dissertation “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” ////oires de /'Académie des /mscrip/ions e/ /3e//es-/.eſ/res, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. IO6 sqq. Compare De Vogüé, Mélanges d’Archéologie Orien/a/e, pp. 44 ºffſ). CHAP. V TA/E GO/OS OF /3OGAZAZ–ÅA. UM 57 on the backs of lions and other animals were originally indistinguishable from the beasts, and that the complete separation of the bestial from the human or divine shape was a consequence of that growth of knowledge and of power which led man in time to respect himself more and the brutes less. The hybrid gods of Egypt with their human bodies and animal heads form an intermediate stage in this evolution of anthropomorphic deities out of beasts. We may now perhaps hazard a conjecture as to the The meaning of that strange colossal figure in the inner shrine at º Boghaz-Keui with its human head and its body composed of god. lions. For it is to be observed that the head of the figure is youthful and beardless, and that it wears a tall pointed cap, thus resembling in both respects the youth with the double- headed axe who stands on a lion in the Outer Sanctuary. We may suppose that the leonine figure in the inner shrine sets forth the true mystic, that is, the old savage nature of the god who in the outer shrine presented himself to his worshippers in the decent semblance of a man. To the chosen few who were allowed to pass the monster-guarded portal into the Holy of Holies, the awful secret may have been revealed that their god was a lion, or rather a lion-man, a being in whom the bestial and human natures mysteriously co-existed. The reader may remember that on the rock beside this leonine divinity is carved a group which represents a god with his arm twined round the neck of his priest in an attitude of protection, holding one of the priest's hands in his own. Both figures are looking and stepping towards the lion-monster, and the god is holding out his right hand as if pointing to it. The scene may represent the deity revealing the mystery to the priest, or preparing him to act his part in some solemn rite for which all his strength and courage will be needed. He seems to be leading his minister onward, comforting him with an assurance that no harm can come near him while the divine arm is around him and the divine hand clasps his. Whither is he leading him P Perhaps to death. The deep shadows of the rocks which fall on the two figures in the gloomy chasm may be an emblem of darker shadows soon to fall on the priest. Yet still he grasps his pastoral staff and goes forward, as though he said, “Yea, 58 7//E GO/DS OF BOGA/AZ–K/E U/ BOOK I though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I will fear no evil; for thou art with me : thy rod and thy staff they comfort me.” If there is any truth in these guesses—for they are little more—the three principal figures in the processional scene at Boghaz-Keui represent the divine Father, the divine Mother, and the divine Son. But we have still to ask, What are they doing P. That they are engaged in the performance of some religious rite seems certain. But what is it? We may conjecture that it is the rite of the Sacred Marriage, and that the scene is copied from a ceremony which was periodically performed in this very place by human representatives of the deities." Indeed, the solemn meeting of the male and female figures at the head of their respective processions Obviously suggests a marriage, and has been SO inter- preted by scholars, who, however, regarded it as the historical wedding of a prince and princess instead of the mystic union of a god and goddess, Overlooking or explain- ing away the symbols of divinity which accompany the principal personages.” We may suppose that at Boghaz- Keui, as at many other places in the interior of Asia Minor, the government was in the hands of a family who combined royal with priestly functions and personated the gods whose names they bore. Thus at Pessinus in Phrygia, as we shall see later on, the priests of Cybele bore the name of her consort Attis, and doubtless represented him in the ritual.” The pro- cessions at Boghaz- Keui appear to represent the Sacred Marriage of the god and goddess. ! “There can be no doubt that there is here represented a Sacred with probability at the two towns Komana ; at Venasa not far north Marriage, the meeting of two deities worshipped in different places, like the Horus of Edfu and the Hathor of IDendera’’ (C. P. Ticle, Geschich/e der /Če/.gion iſſu /1//e7:////l, i. 255). This view seems to differ ſrom, though it ap- proaches, the one suggested in the text. * See above, p. 55. * See below, p. 182. Compare the remarks of Prof. W. M. Ramsay (“Pre- IHellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” A'ecuteſ/ de Zºrazaux re/a/.../s & /a /º/, iſ- o/ogie eſ & /'Archéologie /g//iennes e/ Assyriemmes, xiii. (1890) p. 78) : “Similar priest-dynasts are a wide- spread feature of the primitive social system of Asia Minor ; their existence is known with certainty or inferred of Tyana, at Olba, at Pessinous, at Aizanoi, and many other places. Now there are two characteristics which can be regarded as probable in regard to most of these priests, and as proved in regard to some of them : (1) they wore the dress and represented the person of the god, whose priests they were ; (2) they were tepēvvpot, losing their individual name at their succession to the office, and assuming a sacred name, often that of the god himselſ or some figure connected with the cultus of the god. The priest of Cybele at Pessinous was called Attis, the priests of Sabazios were Saboi, the worshippers of Bacchos Bacchoi.” As to the priestly rulers of Olba, see below, pp. 6 I s/. CHAP. V T//E GO/OS OA' /3OGA/AZ- ATA (V/ 59 If this was so at Boghaz-Keui, we may surmise that the chief pontiff and his family annually celebrated the marriage of the divine powers of fertility, the Father God and the Mother Goddess, for the purpose of ensuring the fruitfulness of the earth and the multiplication of men and beasts. The principal parts in the ceremony would naturally be played by the pontiff himself and his wife, unless indeed they preferred for good reasons to delegate the Onerous duty to others. That such a delegation took place is perhaps Suggested by the appearance of the pontiff himself in a subordinate place in the procession, as well as by his separate representation in another place, as if he were in the act of surveying the ceremony from a distance." The part of the divine Son at the rite would fitly devolve upon one of the high-priest's own offspring, who may well have been numer- ous. For it is probable that here, as elsewhere in Asia Minor, the Mother Goddess was personated by a crowd of sacred harlots,” with whom the spiritual ruler may have been required to consort in his character of incarnate deity. But if the personation of the Son of God at the rites laid a heavy burden of suffering on the shoulders of the actor, it is possible that the representative of the deity may have been drawn, perhaps by lot, from among the numerous progeny of the consecrated courtesans ; for these women, as incarna- tions of the Mother Goddess, were probably supposed to transmit to their offspring some portion of their own divinity. Be that as it may, if the three principal personages in the processional scene at Boghaz- Keui are indeed the Father, the Mother, and the Son, the remarkable position assigned to the third of them in the procession, where he walks behind his Mother alone in the procession of women, appears to indicate that he was supposed to be more closely akin to her than to his Father. From this again we may con- jecturally infer that mother-right rather than father-right was the rule which regulated descent among the Hittites. * See above, p. 53 sy. * See above, p. 2 I sºy. 6O SA/VDA AM A/VD BAA/. A T TARS US I}OOK I § 5. Sandan and Baal at Tarsus Whatever may be thought of these speculations, one thing seems fairly clear and certain. The figure which I have called the divine Son at Boghaz-Keui is identical with the god San- Sandan at dan, who appears on the pyre at Tarsus. In both personages º to the costume, the attributes, the attitude are the same. Both º sº of represent a man clad in a short tunic with a tall pointed cap ii. On his head, a Sword at his side, a double-headed axe in his ºn hand, and a. lion O1" panther under his feet." Accordingly, if we are right in identifying him as the divine Son at Boghaz- Keui, we may conjecture that under the name of Sandan he bore the same character at Tarsus. The conjecture squares perfectly with the title of Hercules, which the Greeks bestowed on Sandan ; for Hercules was the son of Zeus, the great father-god. Moreover, we have seen that the Baal of Tarsus, with the grapes and the corn in his hand, was assimilated to Zeus.” Thus it would appear that at Tarsus as at Boghaz-Keui there was a pair of deities, a divine Father and a divine Son, whom the Greeks identified with Zeus and Hercules respectively. If the Baal of Tarsus was a god of fertility, as his attributes clearly imply, his identification with Zeus would be natural, since it was Zeus who, in the belief of the Greeks, sent the fertilising rain from heaven.” And the identification of Sandan with Hercules would be equally natural, since the lion and the death on the pyre were features common to both. Our conclusion then is that it was the divine Son, the lion-god, who was burned in effigy or in the person of a human representative at Tarsus, and perhaps at Boghaz-Keui. Semitic parallels suggest that the victim who played the part of the Son of God in the fiery furnace ought in strictness to be the king's son." But no doubt in later times an effigy would be substituted for the II) 3.11. * The figure exhibits a ſew minor * Above, p. 42 sq. variations on the coins of Tarsus. See * L. Preller, Criechische Mythologie,” the works cited above, p. 50, note i. I I 7 syſ/. I. * See above, p. 34. CHAP, V A/e/EST/L V / //VGS OF O/C/BA 6 I § 6. Priestly Kings of O/ba Unfortunately we know next to nothing of the kings and priests of Tarsus. In Greek times we hear of an Epicurean philosopher of the city, Lysias by name, who was elected by his fellow-citizens to the office of Crown-wearer, that is, to the priesthood of Hercules. Once raised to that dignity, he would not lay it down again, but played the part of tyrant, wearing a white robe edged with purple, a costly cloak, white shoes, and a golden wreath of laurel. He truckled to the mob by distributing among them the property of the wealthy, while he put to death such as refused to open their money- bags to him." Though we cannot distinguish in this account between the legal and the illegal exercise of authority, yet we may safely infer that the priesthood of Hercules, that is of Sandan, at Tarsus continued down to late times to be an office of great dignity and power, not unworthy to be held in earlier times by the kings themselves. Scanty as is our information as to the kings of Cilicia, we hear of two whose names appear to indicate that they stood in some special relation to the divine Sandan. One of them was Sandu’arri, lord of Kundi and Sizu, which have been identi- fied with Anchiale and Sis in Cilicia.” The other was Sanda-sarme, who gave his daughter in marriage to Ashur- panipal, king of Assyria.” It would be in accordance with analogy if the kings of Tarsus formerly held the priesthood of Sandan and claimed to represent him in their own person. We know that the whole of western or mountainous Cilicia 48o ; C. P. Tiele, Æabylon isch- assyrische Geschſc//e, p. 360. San- don and Sandas occur repeatedly as names of Cilician men. They are probably identical with, or modified forms of, the divine name. See Strabo, xiv. 5. I4, p. 674 ; Plutarch, Zºo//ico/a, 17; Corpus /mscrip/ioniſm Graecarum, No. 44O I ; Ch. Michel, A'eczeń/ d’Anscrip/ions Grecques, No. * Athenaeus, v. 54, p. 2 I 5 B, C. The high-priest of the Syrian goddess at lierapolis held office for a year, and wore a purple robe and a golden tiara (Lucian, De dea Syria, 42). We may conjecture that the priesthood of Hercules at Tarsus was in later times at least an annual office. 2 E. Meyer, Geschächſe des 21//er- f/iu/ts, i. § 389, p. 475 ; H. Winckler, in E. Schrader’s Aſeſſinsch, ºften und das A//e Zes/a/en/,” p. 88. Kuinda was the name of a Cilician fortress a little way inland from Anchiale (Strabo, xiv. 5. Io, p. 672). ° E. Meyer, o/, ci/. i. § 393, p. 878 ; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” Denkschriftem d. Åaiser. Akademic d. JVissenschafen, Z'hilosoph. his/or. C/asse, xliv, (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 46, I 3 I sq., 140 (Inscriptions II 5, 218, 232). Priests of Sandan- Hercules at Tarsus, Kings of Cilicia related to Sandan. 62 A/0/A2,STZ, V AT/AWGS OF O/L/34 BOOK I was ruled by kings who combined the regal office with the priesthood of Zeus, or rather of a native deity whom, like the Baal of Tarsus, the Greeks assimilated to their own Zeus. These priestly potentates had their seat at Olba, and most of them bore the name either of Teucer or of Ajax,” but we may suspect that these appellations are merely Greek distortions of native Cilician names. Teucer (Teu/eros) may be a corruption of Tark, Trok, Tarku, or Troko, all of which occur in the names of Cilician priests and kings. At all events, it is worthy of notice that one, if not two, of these priestly Teucers had a father called Tarkuaris,” and that in a long list of priests who served Zeus at the Corycian cave, not many miles from Olba, the names Tarkuaris, Tarkumbios, Tarkimos, Trokoarbasis, and Trokombigremis, besides many other obviously native names, occur side by side with Teucer and other purely Greek appellations.” In like manner the Teucrids, who traced their descent from Zeus and reigned at Salamis in Cyprus," may well have been a native dynasty, who concocted a Greek pedigree for themselves in the days when Greek Priestly kings of Olba who bore the names of Teucer and Ajax. The Teucrids of Salamis in Cyprus. 1 Strabo, xiv. 5. IO, p. 672. The name of the high-priest Ajax, son of Teucer, occurs on coins of Olba, dat- Dittenberger, Orien/is Graeci /uscrip- //ones Se/ec/ae, Nos. 752, 753. More- over, Tarkudimme or Tarkuwassimi ing from about the beginning of our era (B. V. Head, ///x/oria AV///ortſ/, p. 609); and the name of Teucer is also known from inscriptions. See below, pp. 68 sq., 76. 2 E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from Western Cilicia,” Journal of Z/e/ſemic S/udies, xii. (1891) pp. 226, 263 ; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” /)en/schriſ/em der Kaiser. A/ade/uſe der Wissenschaſ/en, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 53, 88. 3 Ch. Michel, /ēecuei/ d’/nscri//ions Crecytes, No. 878. Tarkondimotos was the name of two kings of eastern Cilicia in the first century B.C. One of them corresponded with Cicero and ſell at the battle of Actium. See Cicero, Z//s/. ad /a/?//a/es, xv. I. 2 ; Strabo, xiv. 5. 18, p. 676 ; Dio Cassius, xli. 63. I, xlvii. 26. 2, 1. 14. 2, li. 2. 2, li. 7. 4, liv. 9. 2 ; Plutarch, Ayuſoninus, 61 ; B. V. Head, Aſis/oria Mumorum, p. 6 18; W. occurs as the name of a king of Erme (?) or Urmi (?) in a bilingual Hittite and cuneiform inscription engraved on a silver seal. See W. Wright, 7%e //ire of //e ////ites” (London, 1886), pp. 163 sq/.; L. Messer- Schmidt, Corpus /nscrip/ionu/. Aſe//i/i- cartºw, pp. 42 sq., pl. xlii. 9; 2d., 7%e //7//i/es, pp. 29 sq.; P. Jensen, //7//i/ey- and Armenier (Strasburg, 1898), pp. 22, 50 sq. In this inscription Prof. Jensen suggests Tarbibi- as an alter- native reading for Tarku-. Compare P. Kretschmer, Æin/ei/ung in die Gesc//c//e der griechischen S/rache, pp. 362-364. * Isocrates, Or. ix. 14 and 18 sq.; Pausanias, ii. 29. 2 and 4 ; W. E. Engel, Ay/ros, i. 212 sq/. As to the names Teucer and Teucrian see P. Kretschmer, o/, ciſ. pp. 189-191. Prof. Kretschmer believes that the native population of Cyprus belonged to the non-Aryan stock of Asia Minor. CHAP, V PR/EST/L V / //VGS OF O ZBA 63 civilisation was fashionable. The legend which attributed the foundation of the Cyprian Salamis to Teucer, son of Telamon, appears to be late and unknown to Homer.” Moreover, a cruel form of human sacrifice which was practised in the city down to historical times savours rather of Oriental barbarity than of Greek humanity. Led or driven by the youths, a man ran thrice round the altar ; then the priest stabbed him in the throat with a spear and burned his body whole on a heaped-up pyre. The sacrifice was offered in the month of Aphrodite to Diomede, who along with Agraulus, daughter of Cecrops, had a temple at Salamis. A temple of Athena stood within the same sacred enclosure. It is said that in olden times the sacrifice was offered to Agraulus, and not to Diomede. According to another account it was instituted by Teucer in honour of Zeus. However that may have been, the barbarous custom lasted down to the reign of Hadrian, when Diphilus, king of Cyprus, abolished or rather mitigated it by substituting the sacrifice of an ox for that of a man.” On the hypothesis here suggested we must suppose that these Greek names of divine or heroic figures at the Cyprian Salamis covered more or less similar figures of the Asiatic pantheon. And in the Salaminian burnt-sacrifice of a man we may perhaps detect the original form of the ceremony which in historical times appears to have been performed upon an image of Sandan or Hercules at Tarsus. When an ox was sacrificed instead of a man, the old sacrificial rites would naturally continue to be ob- served in all other respects exactly as before : the animal Hadrian. But it is curious to find kings of Cyprus reigning so late. Beside of the Roman 1 W. E. Engel, Á3%ros, i. 216. * Porphyry, De abstinentia, ii. 54 sq.; Lactantius, Ozzºn. Zasz. i. 21. As to the date when the custom was abolished, Lactantius says that it was done “recently in the reign of Hadrian.” Porphyry says that the practice was put down by Diphilus, king of Cyprus, “in the time of Seleucus the Theologian.” As nothing seems to be known as to the date of King Diphilus and Seleucus the Theo- logian, I have ventured to assume, on the strength of Lactantius's statement, that they were contemporaries of the power governors, their authority can have been little more than nominal, like that of native rajahs in British India. Seleucus the Theologian may be, as Fabricius supposed (A70//o/heca Graeca, 4 ed. G. C. Harles, i. 86, compare 522), the Alexandrian grammarian who composed a voluminous work on the gods (Suidas, s. 2. SéXevkos). Sue- tonius tells an anecdote (776erſus, 56) about a grammarian named Seleucus who flourished and faded prematurely at the court of Tiberius. 3urnt sacrifices of human victims at Salamis and traces of a similar CuSton] elsewhere. 64 PR/A2S TV. V. A //VGS OF O/L/34 BOOK I would be led thrice round the altar, stabbed with a spear, and burned on a pyre. Now at the Syrian Hierapolis the greatest festival of the year bore the name of the Pyre or the Torch. It was held at the beginning of spring. Great trees were then cut down and planted in the court of the temple: sheep, goats, birds, and other creatures were hung upon them : sacrificial victims were led round : then fire was set to the whole, and everything was consumed in the flames." Perhaps here also the burning of animals was a substitute for the burning of men. When the practice of human sacrifice becomes too revolting to humanity to be tolerated, its abolition is commonly effected by substituting either animals or images for living men or women. At Salamis certainly, and perhaps at Hierapolis, the substitutes were animals : at Tarsus, if I am right, they were images. In this connection the statement of a Greek writer as to the worship of Adonis in Cyprus deserves attention. He says that as Adonis had been honoured by Aphrodite, the Cyprians after his death cast live doves on a pyre to him, and that the birds, flying away from the flames, fell into another pyre and were consumed.” The statement seems to be a description of an actual custom of burning doves in sacrifice to Adonis. Such a mode of honouring him would be very remarkable, since doves were commonly sacred to his divine mistress Aphrodite or Astarte. For example, at the Syrian Hierapolis, one of the chief seats of her worship, these birds were so holy that they might not even be touched. If a man inadvertently touched a dove, he was unclean or tabooed for the rest of the day. Hence the birds, never being molested, were so tame that they lived with the people in their houses, and commonly picked up their food fearlessly on the ground.” Can the burning of the sacred bird of Aphrodite in the Cyprian worship of Adonis have been a substitute for the burning of a sacred man who personated the lover of the goddess P | Lucian, /Je dea Syria, 49. of Melcarth at Tyre. See his memoir, * Diogenianus, Zºraeſa/io, in Paroe. “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” miographi Graeci, ed. Leutsch et Mémoires de /'Académie des /nscrip/ions Schneidewin, i. 180. Raoul-Rochette eſ /8c//es-Ze//rcs, xvii. Deuxième Partie regarded the custom as part of the (1848), p. 32. ritual of the divine death and resurrec- tion. He compared it with the burning * Lucian, /9e det Syria, 54. C [HA I’. V A/ē//ZS 7/. V. A //VG.S OF O/L/3A 65 If, as many scholars think, Tark or Tarku was the The name, or part of the name, of a great Hittite deity, some- #. times identified as the god of the sky and the lightning,' we of Olba may conjecture that Tark or Tarku was the native name of º the god of Olba, whom the Greeks called Zeus, and that the a native gº sº god Tark. priestly kings who bore the name of Teucer represented the god Tark or Tarku in their own persons. This con- jecture is confirmed by the observation that Olba, the ancient name of the city, is itself merely a Grecised form of Oura, the name which the place retains to this day.” The situa- tion of the town, moreover, speaks strongly in favour of the view that it was from the beginning an aboriginal settle- ment, though in after days, like so many other Asiatic cities, 1 A. H. Sayce, in W. Wright's Ampire of the Aſiſ/ites,” p. 186; W. believed to represent a bundle of thunder-bolts. On the Babylonian M. Ramsay, “Pre - Hellenic Monu- ments of Cappadocia,” ſecueil de Travaux rela/iſs à la Philologie et à /'Archéologie AEgy//iennese/Assyriennes, xiv. (1903) pp. 81 sq.; C. P. Tiele, Geschächte der /ēeligion im Al/er/um, i. 251 ; W. Max Müller, Asien und AEuropa, p. 333; P. Jensen, AZ2//iter 202d Armenier, pp. 70, 150 sq.g., I 55 sqq.; F. Hommel, Grundriss der Geo- graphie und Geschächte des Alten Orien/s, pp. 44, 5 I sq.; L. Messer- Schmidt, Z'he A7//ites, p. 40. Prof. W. M. Ramsay thinks (ſ.c.) that Tark was the native name of the god who had his sanctuary at Dastarkon in Cappadocia and who was called by the Greeks the Cataonian Apollo : his sanctuary was revered all over Cappa- docia (Strabo, xiv. 2. 5, p. 537). Prof. Hommel holds that Tarku or Tarchu was the chief Hittite deity, worshipped all over the south of Asia Minor. The Hittite thunder - god, whatever his name may have been, is supposed to be represented on two stone monuments of Hittite art which have been found at Zenjirli and Babylon. On both we see a bearded male god wearing the usual Hittite costume of tall cap, short tunic and shoes turned up at the toes : a crescent- hilted sword is girt at his side : his hands are raised : in the right he holds a single-headed axe or hammer, in the left a trident of wavy lines, which is slab, which bears a long Hittite in- scription, the god's cap is ornamented with a pair of horns. See K. Humann and O. Puchstein, A’eſsenz in AZeinaszen und Mordsyrzen (Berlin, 1890), Atlas, pl. xlv. 3.; Ausgra- bungen zu Send'schºr/i, iii. (Berlin, 1902) pl. xli. ; R. Koldewey, ZXie A/eſ//ische /mschrift ge/undem in der Aºnigsburg von Babylon (Leipsic, I 9oo), plates I and 2 (Wissenschaft- /ic/e Verôffentlichungen der deutschen Orient - Gese//schaft, Heſt 1); L. Messerschmidt, Corpus /mscrip/zonu/. Aſet/iticarum, pl. i. 5 and 6 ; id., The Hittites, p. 41, fig. 6; M. J. Lagrange, Zºudes sur les /ēeligions Sºmitigues,” p. 93. Prof. W. Max Müller thinks that Targh or Tarkh did not designate any particular deity, but was the general Hittite name for “god.” * J. T. Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” Proceedings of the A'. Geographica/ Society, N.S. xii. (1890) p. 458 ; 7d., “A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” Journal of Hel/emic Studies, xii. (1891) p. 222 ; W. M. Ramsay, Hºs/orica/ Geography of Asia A/inor, pp. 22, 364. Prof. W. M. Ramsay had shown grounds for think- ing that Olba was a Grecised form of a native name Ourba (pronounced Ourwa) before Mr. J. T. Bent dis- covered the site and the name. F 66 A/ø//ZS 7/, / AT//VG.S. O/º O/L/3A BOOK I Western or Rugged Cilicia. it took on a varnish of Greek culture. For it stood remote from the sea on a lofty and barren tableland, with a rigorous winter climate, in the highlands of Cilicia. Great indeed is the contrast between the bleak windy uplands of western or Rugged Cilicia, as the ancients called it, and the soft luxuriant lowlands of eastern Cilicia, where winter is almost unknown and summer annually drives the population to seek in the cool air of the mountains a refuge from the intolerable heat and deadly fevers of the plains. In western Cilicia, on the other hand, a lofty tableland, ending in a high sharp edge on the coast, rises steadily inland till it passes gradually into the chain of heights which divide it from the interior. Looked at from the sea it resembles a great blue wave swelling in one uniform sweep till its crest breaks into foam in the distant snows of the Taurus. The surface of the tableland is almost every- where rocky and overgrown, in the intervals of the rocks, with dense, thorny, almost impenetrable scrub. Only here and there in a hollow or glen the niggardly soil allows of a patch of cultivation ; and here and there fine Oaks and planes, towering over the brushwood, clothe with a richer foliage the depth of the valleys. None but wandering herdsmen with their flocks now maintain a precarious existence in this rocky wilderness. Yet the ruined towns The Cilician pirates. which stud the country prove that a dense population lived and throve here in antiquity, while numerous remains of wine-presses and wine-vats bear witness to the successful cultivation of the grape. The chief cause of the present desolation is lack of water ; for wells are few and brackish, perennial streams hardly exist, and the ancient aqueducts, which once brought life and fertility to the land, have long been suffered to fall into disrepair. But for ages together the ancient inhabitants of these uplands earned their bread by less reputable means than the toil of the husbandman and the vinedresser. They were buccaneers and slavers, Scouring the high seas with their galleys and retiring with their booty to the in- accessible fastnesses of their mountains. In the decline of Greek power all over the East the pirate communities of Cilicia grew into a formidable state, recruited by gangs CHA ſ”. V A/ø//2.S. 7/. V. A //VG.S. O/7 O/L/3A 67 of desperadoes and broken men who flocked to it from all sides. The holds of these robbers may still be seen perched on the brink of the profound ravines which cleave the tableland at frequent intervals. With their walls of massive masonry, their towers and battlements, overhanging dizzy depths, they are admirably adapted to bid defiance to the pursuit of justice. In antiquity the dark forests of cedar, which clothed much of the country and supplied the pirates with timber for their ships, must have rendered access to these fastnesses still more difficult. The great gorge of the Lamas River, which eats its way like a sheet of forked lightning into the heart of the mountains, is dotted every few miles with fortified towns, some of them still magnificent in their ruins, dominating sheer cliffs high above the stream. They are now the haunt only of the ibex and the bear. Each of these communities had its own crest or badge, which may still be seen carved on the corners of the mouldering towers. No doubt, too, it blazoned the same crest on the hull, the sails, or the streamers of the galley which, manned with a crew of ruffians, it sent out to prey upon the rich merchantmen in the Golden Sea, as the corsairs called the highway of commerce between Crete and Africa. A staircase cut in the rock connects one of these ruined The deep castles with the river in the glen, a thousand feet below. ;..." But the steps are worn and dangerous, indeed impassable. Cilicia. You may go for miles along the edge of these stupendous cliffs before you find a way down. The paths keep on the heights, for in many of its reaches the gully affords no foothold even to the agile nomads who alone roam these solitudes. At evening the winding course of the river may be traced for a long distance by a mist which, as the heat of the day declines, rises like steam from the deep gorge and hangs suspended in a wavy line of fleecy cloud above it. But even more imposing than the ravine of the Lamas is the terrific gorge known as the Sheitan dere or Devil's Glen near the Corycian cave. Prodigious walls of rock, glowing in the intense sunlight, black in the shadow, and spanned by a summer sky of the deepest blue, hem in the dry bed of a winter torrent, choked with rocks and tangled with 68 P/º/A2S T/L V / //WGS OF O/L/3A I3OOK I The site and ruins of Olba. thickets of evergreens, among which the oleanders with their slim stalks, delicate taper leaves, and bunches of crimson blossom stand out conspicuous." The ruins of Olba, among the most extensive and remarkable in Asia Minor, were discovered in 1890 by Mr. J. Theodore Bent. But three years before another English traveller had caught a distant view of its battle- ments and towers outlined against the sky like a city of enchantment or dreams.” Standing at a height of nearly six thousand feet above the sea, the upper town commands a free, though somewhat uniform, prospect for immense distances in all directions. The sea is just visible far away to the south. On these heights the winter is long and severe. Snow lies on the ground for months. No Greek would have chosen such a site for a city, so bleak and chill, so far from blue water ; but it served well for a fastness of brigands. Deep gorges, one of them filled for miles with tombs, surround it on all sides, rendering fortification walls superfluous. But a great Square tower, four stories high, rises conspicuous on the hill, forming a landmark and earning for this upper town the native name of /effe/ Hissar, A Greek inscription cut or the Mountain of the Castle. 1 J. Theodore Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” Proceedings of the Aoyal Geographical Society, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 445, 450-453; 2d., “A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xii. (1891) pp. 208, 2 IO-2 I 2, 217-219 ; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” Penkschriſten der Aaiyer. A/ademie der Wissenschafen, Phi/osop/.-historische Classe, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 49, 70 ; D. G. Hogarth and J. A. R. Munro, “ Modern and Ancient Roads in Eastern Asia Minor,” /('oyal Geogra//hical Society, Suſplementary Papers, vol. iii. part 5 (London, 1893), pp. 653 sq. As to the Cilician pirates see Strabo, xiv. 5. 2, pp. 668 sq.; Plutarch, /o/eius, 24 ; Appian, Bellum. //i//hrida/. 92 sq. ; Dio Cas- sius, xxxvi. 20-24 [3-6], ed. L. Din- dorf; Cicero, De imperio Cit. Pom/eiz, II sy. ; Th. Mommsen, ſºoman //?s- tory (London, 1868), iii. 68-70, iv. 40-45, I 18-12O. As to the crests carved on their towns see J. T. Bent, “Cilician Symbols,” Classical /čeview, iv. (1890) pp. 32 I s/. Among these crests are a club (the badge of Olba), a bunch of grapes, the caps of the Dioscuri, the three-legged symbol, etc. As to the cedars and shipbuilding timber of Cilicia in antiquity see Theophrastus, //istoria Plantarum, iii. 2. 6, iv. 5. 5. The cedars and firs have now retreated to the higher slopes of the Taurus. Great destruction is wrought in the forests by the roving Yuruks with their flocks; for they light their fires under the trees, tap the firs ſor turpentine, bark the cedars for their huts and beehives, and lay bare whole tracts of country that the grass may grow for their sheep and goats. See J. T. Bent, in Proceedings of //e A'. Geogr. Society, N.S. xii. (1890 pp. 453-458, * D. G. Hogarth, A Wandering Scholar in the Zevant, pp. 57 sq. CFIA P. V A/C/ES' TV. V. A //VGS OF O/L/3A 69 on the tower proves that it was built by Teucer, son of Tarkuaris, one of the priestly potentates of Olba. Among other remains of public buildings the most notable are forty tall Corinthian columns of the great temple of Olbian Zeus. Though coarse in style and corroded by long exposure to The frost and Snow, these massive pillars, towering above the º: of ruins, produce an imposing effect. That the temple of Zeus. which they formed part belonged indeed to Olbian Zeus is shown by a Greek inscription found within the sacred area, which records that the pent-houses on the inner side of the boundary wall were built by King Seleucus Nicator and re- paired for Olbian Zeus by “the great high-priest Teucer, son of Zenophanes.” About two hundred yards from this great temple are standing five elegant granite columns of a small temple dedicated to the goddess Fortune. Further, the remains of two theatres and many other public buildings attest the former splendour of this mountain city. An arched colonnade, of which some Corinthian columns are standing with their architraves, ran through the town ; and an ancient paved road, lined with tombs and ruins, leads down hill to a lower and smaller city two or three miles distant. It is this lower town which retains the ancient name of Oura. Here the principal ruins occupy an isolated fir-clad height bounded by two narrow ravines full of rock-cut tombs. Below the town the ravines unite and form a fine gorge, down which the old road passed seaward." § 7. The God of the Corycian Cave Nothing yet found at Olba throws light on the nature of Limestone the god who was worshipped there under the Greek name ... " Western ! J. Theodore Bent, “Explorations Hogarth, in American Journal of Cilicia. in Cilicia Tracheia,” A'roceedings of the Archaeology, vi. (1890) p. 345 ; Aoya/ Geographica/ Society, N.S. xii. Ch. Michel, A’ecueil d’Anscrip/ions (1890) pp. 445 sq., 458–460 : id., Grecques, No. 1231. In one place “A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” (Journ. He//en. Sºud. xii. 222) Bent Journa/ of Hellenic Studies, xii. gives the height of Olba as 38oo feet ; (1890) pp. 220-222 ; E. L. Hicks, but this is a misprint, for elsewhere “Inscriptions from Western Cilicia,” (Proceed. A. Geogr. Soc., N.S. xii. ib. pp. 262-27O ; R. Heberdey und 446, 458) he gives the height as A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” exactly 5850 or roughly 6ooo ſeet. ZXenkschriften der Kaiser. .1%ademie der The misprint has unfortunately been Wissenschafen, Philos.-his/or. Classe, repeated by Messrs. Heberdey and xliv, (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. Wilhelm (oft, ci. p. 84, n. 1). 83-91 ; W. M. Ramsay and D. G. 7o TA//E GO/O OA” TA/AE CO/C YC/A/V CA V/7 BOOK I of Zeus. But at two places near the coast, distant only some fourteen or fifteen miles from Olba, a deity also called Zeus by the Greeks was revered in natural surroundings of a remarkable kind, which must have stood in close relation with the worship, and are therefore fitted to illustrate it. In both places the features of the landscape are of the same general cast, and at one of them the god was definitely identified with the Zeus of Olba. The country here consists of a tableland of calcareous rock rent at intervals by those great chasms which are so characteristic of a limestone formation. Similar fissures, with the accompaniment of streams or rivers which pour into them and vanish under ground, are frequent in Greece, and may be observed in our own country near Ingleborough in Yorkshire. Fossil bones of extinct animals are often found embedded in the stalagmite or breccia of limestone caves. For example, the famous Kent's Hole near Torquay contained bones of the mammoth, rhinoceros, lion, hyaena, and bear ; and red Osseous breccias, charged with the bones of quadrupeds which have long disappeared from Europe, are common in almost all the countries bordering on the Mediterranean." Western Cilicia is richer in Miocene deposits than any other part of Anatolia, and the limestone gorges of the Coast near Olba are crowded with fossil oysters, corals, and other shells.” Here, too, within the space of five miles the limestone plateau is rent by three great chasms, which Greek religion associated with Zeus and Typhon. One of these fissures is The city of Corycus. the celebrated Corycian cave. To visit this spot, invested with the double charm of natural beauty and legendary renown, you start from the dead Cilician city of Corycus on the sea, with its ruined walls, towers, and churches, its rock-hewn houses and cisterns, its shattered mole, its island-fortress, still imposing in decay. Viewed from the sea, this part of the Cilician coast, with its long succession of white ruins, relieved by the dark wooded hills behind, presents an appearance of populousness and splendour. But a nearer approach reveals * Sir Charles Lyell, /?rinciples of 7, viii. 29. I, Geology,” ii. 518 3/7. ; AEncyc/o/aedia * J. T. Bent, in /?roceedings of //he Arg/anzica,” s.7), “Caves,” v. 265 sqq. Aoya/ Geographica/ Socie/y, N.S. Compare my notes on Pausanias, i. 35. (1890), p. 447. CHAP. V ZTA/A GO/D OAT 7///E CO/P VC/A/V CA V/2 7 I the nakedness and desolation of the once prosperous land." Following the shore westward from Corycus for about an hour you come to a pretty cove enclosed by wooded heights, where a spring of pure cold water bubbles up close to the sea, giving to the spot its name of Tatſu-su, or the Sweet Water. From this bay a steep ascent of about a mile along an ancient paved road leads inland to a plateau. Here, The threading your way through a labyrinth or petrified Sea of º jagged calcareous rocks, you suddenly find yourself on the brink of a vast chasm which yawns at your feet. This is the Corycian cave. In reality it is not a cave but an immense hollow or trough in the plateau, of Oval shape and perhaps half a mile in circumference. The cliffs which enclose it vary from one hundred to over two hundred feet in depth. Its uneven bottom slopes throughout its whole length from north to south, and is covered by a thick jungle of trees and shrubs—myrtles, pomegranates, carobs, and many more, kept always fresh and green by rivulets, under- ground water, and the shadow of the great cliffs. A single narrow path leads down into its depths. The way is long and rough, but the deeper you descend the denser grows the vegetation, and it is under the dappled shade of whispering leaves and with the purling of brooks in your ears that you at last reach the bottom. The saffron which of old grew here among the bushes is no longer to be found, though it still flourishes in the surrounding district. This luxuriant bottom, with its rich verdure, its refreshing moisture, its grateful shade, is called Paradise by the wandering herdsmen. They tether their camels and pasture their goats in it and come hither in the late summer to gather the ripe pomegranates. At the southern and deepest end of this great cliff-encircled hollow you come to the cavern proper. The ruins of a Byzantine church, which replaced a heathen temple, partly block the entrance. Inwards the cave descends with a gentle slope into the bowels of the earth. The old path paved with polygonal masonry still runs through it, but soon disappears under sand. At about two hundred feet from its mouth the cave comes to an end, and a tremendous roar of subterranean water is heard. By crawling on all * Fr. Beaufort, Karmania (London, 1817), pp. 240 sq. 72 7 HAE GO/O OF THE COR VC/A/V CA VA. IBOOK fours you may reach a small pool arched by a dripping Stalactite-hung roof, but the stream which makes the deafening din is invisible. It was otherwise in antiquity. A river of clear water burst from the rock, but only to vanish again into a chasm. Such changes in the course of streams are common in countries subject to earth- quakes and to the disruption caused by volcanic agency. The ancients believed that this mysterious cavern was haunted ground. In the rumble and roar of the waters they seemed to hear the clash of cymbals touched by hands divine." If now, quitting the cavern, we return by the same path to the summit of the cliffs, we shall find on the plateau the ruins of a town and of a temple at the western edge of the great Corycian chasm. The wall of the holy precinct was built within a few feet of the precipices, and the sanctuary must have stood right over the actual cave and its subterranean waters. In later times the temple was converted into a Christian church. By pulling down a portion of the sacred edifice Mr. Bent had the good fortune to discover a Greek inscription containing a long list of names, probably those of the priests who superintended the worship. One name which meets us frequently in the list is Zas, and it is tempting to regard this as merely a dialectical form of Zeus. If that were so, the priests who bore the name might be supposed to personate the god.” But many strange and barbarous-looking names, evidently foreign, occur in the list, and Zas may be one of them. Priests of Corycian Zeus. * Strabo, xiv. 5. 5, pp. 670 sq.; Mela, i. 72-75, ed. G. Parthey ; J. T. Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” Proceedings of the Roya/ Geographica/ Socie/y, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 446-448; 2d., “A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” Journal of Hel/emic S/udies, xii. (1890) pp. 212-214 ; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” /)en/schriften der Æaiser. A/ademie der Wºssenscha/Zen, Philos.- /histor. C/asse, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 70-79. Mr. D. G. Hogarth was so good as to furnish me with some notes embodying his recollections of the Corycian cave. All these modern writers confirm the general accuracy of the descriptions of the cave given by Strabo and Mela. Mr. Hogarth indeed speaks of exaggeration in Mela’s account, but this is not admitted by Mr. A. Wilhelm. As to the ruins of the city of Córycus on the coast, distant about three miles from the cave, see Fr. Beaufort, Åaz"//zanza (London, 1817), pp. 232-238; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, o/, cit. pp. 67- 7O. * The suggestion is Mr. A. B. Cook’s. See his article, “The European Sky-god,” C/assical /čezzew, xvii. (1903) p. 418, note 2. CI-IA. P. V. TAZAZ GO/D OF THE CO/" VC/A/V CA V/º 73 However, it is certain that Zeus was worshipped at the Corycian cave; for about half a mile from it, on the summit of a hill, are the ruins of a larger temple, which an inscription proves to have been dedicated to Corycian Zeus." But Zeus, or whatever native deity masqueraded under his name, did not reign alone in the deep dell. A more dreadful being haunted a still more awful abyss which Opens in the ground only a hundred yards to the east of the great Corycian chasm. It is a circular cauldron, about a quarter of a mile in circumference, resembling the Corycian chasm in its general character, but smaller, deeper, and far more terrific in appearance. Its sides overhang and stalactites droop from them. There is no way down into it. The only mode of reaching the bottom, which is covered with vegetation, would be to be lowered at the end of a long rope. The nomads call this chasm Purgatory, to distinguish it from the other which they name Paradise. They say that there is a subterranean passage between the two, and that the smoke of a fire kindled in the Corycian cave may be seen curling out of the other. The one ancient writer who expressly mentions this second and more grisly cavern is Mela, who says that it was the lair of the giant Typhon, and that no animal let down into it could live.” Aeschylus puts into the mouth of Prometheus an account of “the earth-born Typhon, dweller in Cicilian caves, dread monster, hundred-headed,” who in his pride rose up against the gods, hissing destruction from his dreadful jaws, while from his Gorgon eyes the lightning flashed. But him a flaming levin bolt, crashing from heaven, smote to the very heart, and now he lies, shrivelled and scorched, under the weight of Etna by the narrow sea. Yet one day he will belch a fiery hail, a boiling angry flood, rivers of flame, to devastate the fat Sicilian fields.” This poetical description of the monster, * J. T. Bent, in Proceedings of the 7 I-79 ; Ch. Michel, A’ecueil d”/mscrip- Aoyal Geogra//ºcal Socie/y, N.S. xii. Zions Grecques, No. 878; above, p. 62. (1890) p. 448 ; d., in Journal of * Mela, i. 76, ed. G. Parthey. The Ac//emic S//dºcs, xii. (1890) pp. 214- cave of Typhon is described by J. T. 216. For the inscription containing Bent, //.cc. the names of the priests see R. * Aeschylus, /?rom/eſ/letts I-77/c/a/s, Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, op. ci/. pp. 351-372. The cave of the giant Typhon. 74 THE GO/D OF TA/AE CO/C VC/A AV CA V/º BOOK I confirmed by a similar passage of Pindar," clearly proves that Typhon was conceived as a personification of those active volcanoes which spout fire and smoke to heaven as if they would assail the celestial gods. The Corycian Caverns are not volcanic, but the ancients apparently regarded them as such, else they would hardly have made them the den of Typhon. According to one legend Typhon was a monster, half man and half brute, begotten in Cilicia by Tartarus upon the goddess Earth. The upper part of him was human, but from the loins downward he was an enormous snake. In the battle of the gods and giants, which was fought out in Egypt, Typhon hugged Zeus in his Snaky coils, wrested from him his crooked sword, and with the blade cut the sinews of the god's hands and feet. Then taking him on his back he conveyed the mutilated deity across the sea to Cilicia, and deposited him in the Corycian cave. Here, too, he hid the severed sinews, wrapt in a bear's skin. But Hermes and Aegipan contrived to steal the missing thews and restore them to their divine owner. Thus made whole and strong again, Zeus pelted his beaten adversary with thunderbolts, drove him from place to place, and at last overwhelmed him under Mount Etna. And the spots where the hissing bolts fell are still marked by jets of flame.” It is possible that the discovery of fossil bones of large extinct animals may have helped to localise the story of the giant at the Corycian cave. Such bones, as we have seen, are often found in limestone caverns, and the limestone gorges of Cilicia are in fact rich in fossils. The Arcadians laid the scene of the battle of the gods and the giants in the plain of Megalopolis, where many bones of mammoths have come to light, and where, moreover, flames have been seen to burst from the earth and even to burn for years.” These natural conditions would easily suggest a fable of giants who had fought the gods and had been slain by thunder- bolts ; the smouldering earth or jets of flame would be * Pindar, Zºy//l. i. 3O syſy., who notes. Pausanias mentions (viii. 32. 5) speaks of the giant as “bred in the bones of superhuman size which were many-named Cilician cave.” preserved at Megalopolis, and which Battle of Zeus and Typhon. Fossil bones of extinct animals give rise to stories of giants. * Apollodorus, i. 6. 3. popular Superstition identified as the * Pausanias, viii. 29. I, with my bones of the giant Hopladamus. CI-IAP. V T///E GOD OF TA/AE CO/8 VC/A/V CA VE 75 regarded as the spots where the divine lightnings had struck the ground. Hence the Arcadians sacrificed to thunder and lightning." In Sicily, too, great quantities of bones of mammoths, elephants, hippopotamuses, and other animals long extinct in the island have been found, and have been appealed to with confidence by patriotic Sicilians as con- clusive evidence of the gigantic stature of their ancestors or predecessors.” These remains of huge unwieldy creatures which once trampled through the jungle or splashed in the rivers of Sicily may have contributed with the fires of Etna to build up the story of giants imprisoned under the volcano and vomiting smoke and flame from its crater. “Tales of giants and monsters, which stand in direct contact with the finding of great fossil bones, are scattered broadcast Over the mythology of the world. Huge bones, found at Punto Santa Elena, in the north of Guayaquil, have served as a foundation for the story of a colony of giants who dwelt there. The whole area of the Pampas is a great Sepulchre of enormous extinct animals ; no wonder that one great plain should be called the “Field of the giants, and that such names as ‘the hill of the giant,’ ‘the stream of the animal,' should be guides to the geologist in his search for fossil bones.” ” About five miles to the north-east of the Corycian Chasm of º, tº - as ºse zºº, gº Olbian caverns, but divided from them by many deep gorges and Ž. impassable rocks, is another and very similar chasm. It * |ClelS. may be reached in about an hour and a quarter from the Sea by an ancient paved road, which ascends at first very steeply and then gently through bush-clad and wooded hills. Thus you come to a stretch of level ground covered with the well-preserved ruins of an ancient town. Remains of fortresses constructed of polygonal masonry, stately churches, and many houses, together with numerous tombs and reliefs, finely chiselled in the calcareous limestone of the neighbour- hood, bear witness to the extent and importance of the place. Yet it is mentioned by no ancient writer. Inscriptions prove that its name was Kanyteldeis or Kanytelideis, which still | Pausanias, viii. 29. I. 3 E. B. Tylor, Early Aſistory of * A. Holm, Geschächte Siciliens in Mankind,” p. 222, who adduces much A//er/hum, i. pp. 57, 356. more evidence of the same sort. 76 T///Z GOD OF THE COA' VC/A/V CA VE BOOK I The deity of these great chasms was called Zeus by the Greeks, but he was prob- ably a god of fertility embodied in vegeta- tion and Walter. Survives in the modern form of Kanidivan. The great chasm opens in the very heart of the city. So crowded are the ruins that you do not perceive the abyss till you are within a few yards of it. It is almost a complete circle, about a quarter of a mile wide, three-quarters of a mile in circumference, and uniformly two hundred feet or more in depth. The cliffs go sheer down and remind the traveller of the great quarries at Syracuse. But like the Corycian caves, the larger of which it closely resembles, the huge fissure is natural ; and its bottom, like theirs, is overgrown with trees and vegetation. Two ways led down into it in antiquity, both cut through the rock. One of them was a tunnel, which is now obstructed ; the other is still open. Remains of Columns and hewn stones in the bottom of the chasm seem to show that a temple once stood there. But there is no cave at the foot of the cliffs, and no stream flows in the deep hollow or can be heard to rumble underground. A ruined tower of polygonal masonry, which stands on the Southern edge of the chasm, bears a Greek inscription stating that it was dedicated to Olbian Zeus by the priest Teucer, son of Tarkuaris. The letters are beautifully cut in the style of the third century before Christ. We may infer that at the time of the dedication the town belonged to the priestly kings of Olba, and that the great chasm was sacred to Olbian Zeus." What, then, was the character of the god who was worshipped under the name of Zeus at these two great natural chasms ? The depth of the fissures, opening suddenly and as it were without warning in the midst of a plateau, was well fitted to impress and awe the spectator ; and the sight of the rank evergreen vegetation at their bottom, fed by rivulets or underground water, must have presented a striking contrast to the grey, barren, rocky wilderness of the surrounding tableland. Such a spot must have seemed to simple folk a paradise, a garden of ! J. T. Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” Proceedings of Z/he Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” /Jen/sc/ri/Zen der Æaiser- /('oyal Geogra//tical Socie/y, N. S. xii. (1890) pp. 448 sq. ; 7d., “A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” Journa/o/, //e//e/e7c Studies, xii. (1891) pp. 208-2IO ; R. /ic/en. A/ade/zie der Wissenscha/Zen, ////oso//isc/-//s/orisc/e Classe, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 51-61. CHAP. V TA/E GOD OF TA/E COR YO/A/V CA V/º 77 God, the abode of higher powers who caused the wilder- ness to blossom, if not with roses, at least with myrtles and pomegranates for man, and with grass and underwood for his flocks. So to the Semite, as we saw, the Baal of the land is he who fertilises it by Subterranean water rather than by rain from the sky, and who therefore dwells in the depths of earth rather than in the height of heaven." In rainless countries the sky-god is deprived of One of the principal functions which he discharges in cool cloudy climates like that of Europe. He has, in fact, little or nothing to do with the water-supply, and has therefore small excuse for levying a water-rate on his worshippers. Not, indeed, that Cilicia is rainless ; but in countries border- ing on the Mediterranean the drought is almost unbroken through the long months of Summer. Vegetation then withers: the face of nature is scorched and brown : most of the rivers dry up ; and only their white stony beds, hot to the foot and dazzling to the eye, remain to tell where they flowed. It is at such seasons that a green hollow, a shady rock, a murmuring stream, are welcomed by the wanderer in the South with a joy and wonder which the untravelled Northerner can hardly imagine. Never do the broad slow rivers of England, with their winding reaches, their grassy banks, their grey willows mirrored with the soft English sky in the placid stream, appear so beautiful as when the traveller views them for the first time after leaving behind him the aridity, the heat, the blinding glare of the white southern landscape, set in seas and skies of caerulean blue. We may take it, then, as probable that the god of the Analogy Corycian and Olbian caverns was worshipped as a source º of fertility. In antiquity, when the river, which now roars and Olbian underground, still burst from the rock in the Corycian iºd cave, the scene must have resembled Ibreez, where the god the Yale of the corn and the vine was adored at the source of the º, stream ; and we may compare the vale of Adonis in the Lebanon, where the divinity who gave his name to the river was revered at its foaming cascades. The three landscapes had in common the elements of luxuriant vegetation and * See above, pp. 13 sq. 78 7//A2 GO/O OF TA/A, CO/C VC/A/V CA V/º BOOK I Two gods at Olba, perhaps a father and 2L SOD COT)"62- sponding to the Baal and Sandan of Tarsus. Copious streams leaping full-born from the rock. We shall hardly err in supposing that these features shaped the con- ception of the deities who were supposed to haunt the favoured spots. At the Corycian cave the existence of a Second chasm, of a frowning and awful aspect, might well suggest the presence of an evil being who lurked in it and sought to undo the beneficent work of the good god. Thus we should have a fable of a conflict between the two, a battle of Zeus and Typhon. On the whole we conclude that the Olbian Zeus, worshipped at one of these great limestone chasms, and clearly identical in nature with the Corycian Zeus, was also identical with the Baal of Tarsus, the god of the corn and the vine, who in his turn can hardly be separated from the god of Ibreez. If my conjecture is right the native name of the Olbian Zeus was Tark or Trok, and the priestly Teucers of Olba represented him in their own persons. On that hypothesis the Olbian priests who bore the name of Ajax embodied another native deity of unknown name, perhaps the father or the Son of Tark. A comparison of the coin-types of Tarsus with the Hittite monuments of Ibreez and Boghaz-Keui led us to the conclusion that the people of Tarsus worshipped at least two distinct gods, a father and a son, the father god being known to the Semites as Baal and to the Greeks as Zeus, while the son was called Sandan by the natives, but Hercules by the Greeks. We may surmise that at Olba the names of Teucer and Ajax designated two gods who corresponded in type to the two gods of Tarsus ; and if the lesser figure at Ibreez, who appears in an attitude of adoration before the deity of the corn and the vine, could be interpreted as the divine Son in presence of the divine Father, we should have in all three places the same pair of deities, represented probably in the flesh by successive generations of priestly kings. But the evidence is far too slender to justify us in advancing this hypothesis as anything more than a bare conjecture. CJIAP. V C//_/C/A/V GO/D/O AE.S.S./2.S. 79 § 8. Ci/ician Goddesses So far, the Cilician deities discussed have been males; Goddesses we have as yet found no trace of the great Mother Goddess * who plays so important a part in the religion of Cappadocia than gods and Phrygia, beyond the great dividing range of the Taurus. º Yet we may suspect that she was not unknown in Cilicia, though her worship certainly seems to have been far less prominent there than in the centre of Asia Minor. The difference may perhaps be interpreted as evidence that mother - right and hence the predominance of Mother Goddesses survived in the bleak highlands of the interior, long after a genial climate and teeming soil had fostered the growth of a higher civilisation, and with it the advance from female to male kinship, in the rich lowlands of Cilicia. Be that as it may, Cilician goddesses with or without a male partner are known to have been revered in various parts of the country. Thus at Tarsus itself the goddess ‘Atheh was worshipped The along with Baal ; their effigies are engraved on the same coins º of the city. She is represented wearing a veil and seated upon partner of a lion, with her name in Aramaic letters engraved beside her." Baal at Tarsus, Hence it would seem that at Tarsus, as at Boghaz-Keui, the seems to Father God mated with a lion-goddess like the Phrygian hº Cybele or the Syrian Atargatis. Now the name Atargatis Atargatis, is a Greek rendering of the Aramaic Athar-'atheh, a com- pound word which includes the name of the goddess of Tarsus.” Thus in name as well as in attributes the female 1 B. V. Head, Historia Mumorum, p. 616. * The name 'Athar-'atheh occurs in a Palmyrene inscription. See G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, No. I I 2, pp. 267 - 27O. In analysing Atargatis into Athar- 'atheh (Atar-'ata) I follow E. Meyer (Geschächte des A//er/hums, i. § 205, p. 247), F. Baethgen (Beiträge zur semitischen Æe/igionsgeschächte, pp. 68- 75), G. A. Cooke (l.c.), C. P. Tiele (Geschächte der Æeligion 2m. Alter/u/n, i. 245), F. Hommel (Grundriss der Geo- graphie und Geschichte des al/en. Orient, pp. 43 sq.), and Father Lagrange (Etudes sur les Religions Sémitiques,” p. I 3O). In the great temple at Hierapolis - Bambyce a mysterious golden image stood between the images of Atargatis and her male partner. It resembled neither of them, yet combined the attributes of other gods. Some interpreted it as Dionysus, others as Deucalion, and others as Semiramis ; for a golden dove, traditionally associated with Semiramis, was perched on the head of the figure. The Syrians called the image by a name which Lucian translates “sign º’ (a muñtov). See Lucian, De dea Syria, 33. It has 8O C//E/C/A/V GO/D/D/E,SS/ES' BOOK I partner of the Baal of Tarsus appears to correspond to Atargatis, the Syrian Mother Goddess whose image, seated on a lion or lions, was worshipped with great pomp and splendour at Hierapolis - Bambyce near the Euphrates." May we go a step farther and find a correspondence between the Baal of Tarsus and the husband - god of Atargatis at Hierapolis-Bambyce P That husband-god, like the Baal of Tarsus, was identified by the Greeks with Zeus, and Lucian tells us that the resemblance of his image to the images of Zeus was in all respects unmistakable. But his image, unlike those of Zeus, was seated upon bulls.” In point of fact he was probably Hadad, the chief male god of the Syrians, who is supposed to have been a god of thunder and fertility ; for his image at Heliopolis grasped in his left hand a thunderbolt and ears of corn,” and at Zenjirli he is represented with a bearded human head and horns, the emblem of strength and fertility." Now we have seen that the god of Ibreez, whose attributes tally with those of the Baal of Tarsus, wears a cap adorned with bull's horns; ” that the Father God at Boghaz-Keui, meeting the Mother Goddess on her lioness, is attended by an animal which according to the usual interpretation is a bull;" and that the bull itself was worshipped, apparently as an emblem of fertility, at Euyuk near Boghaz-Keui." Thus at Tarsus and Boghaz-Keui, as at Hierapolis-Bambyce, the Father God and the Mother Goddess would seem to have had as their sacred The lion- goddess and the bull-god. * G. A. Cooke, 7 ext-book of Mor//- Semi/ic //mscriſ/ſons, p. 164. On been plausibly conjectured by F. Baethgen that the name which Lucian translates “sign º’ was really ‘Atheh (nny), which could easily be confused with the Syriac word for “sign º' (snR). See F. Baethgen, o/, ciſ. p. 73. The modern writers cited in this note have interpreted this Syrian Athen as a male god, the lover of Atargatis, and identical in name and character with the Phry- gian Attis. They may be right ; but none of them seems to have noticed that the same name 'Atheh (nny) is applied to a goddess at Tarsus. 1. As to the image, see above, p. 55. * Lucian, /9e dea Syria, 3 I. * Macrobius, Saturn. i. 23. I 2 and I7- I 9. Hadad as the Syrian thunder-god see F. Baethgen, /36 iſ rāge ºur semitischeme /Če/gionsgeschſc//e, pp. 66-68; C. P. Tiele, Geschic//e der /će/.gion im A//er- /u/l, i. 248 sy. ; M. J. Lagrange, //udes sur les /'eligions Sé/i/iques,” pp. 92 y/. That Hadad was the consort of Atargatis at IHierapolis- I3ambyce is the opinion of P. Jensen (////i/er und Armenier, p. 17 I), who also indicates his character as a god both of thunder and of fertility (İh. p. 167). * See above, pp. 44, 46. * See above, p. 52. * See above, p. 54. CHAP. V C//_/C/A/V GO/DD/2.SS/ES' 8 I animals or emblems the bull and the lion respectively. In later times, under Greek influence, the goddess was apparently exchanged for, or converted into, the Fortune of the City, who appears on coins of Tarsus as a seated woman with veiled and turreted head, grasping ears of corn and a poppy in her hand. Her lion is gone, but a trace of him remains on a coin which exhibits the throne of the goddess adorned with a lion's leg." In general it would seem that the goddess Fortune, who figures commonly as the guardian of cities in the Greek East, especially in Syria, was nothing but a disguiscq form of Gad, the Semitic god of fortune or luck, who, though the exigencies of grammar required him to be masculine, is supposed to have been often merely a special aspect of the great goddess Astarte or Atargatis conceived as the patroness and protector of towns.” In Oriental religion such permutations or com- binations need not surprise us. To the gods all things are possible. In Cyprus the goddess of love wore a beard,” and Alexander the Great sometimes disported himself in the costume of Artemis, while at other times he ransacked the divine wardrobe to figure in the garb of Hercules, of Hermes, and of Ammon.” The change of the goddess ‘Athen of Tarsus into Gad or Fortune would be easy if we suppose that she was known as Gad-‘Athen, “Luck of Athen,” which occurs as a Semitic personal name.” In like manner the goddess of Fortune at Olba, who had her small temple beside the great temple of Zeus," may have been originally the consort of the native god Tark or Tarku. Another town in Cilicia where an Oriental god and goddess appear to have been worshipped together was Mallus. The city was built on a height in the great Cilician plain near the mouth of the river Pyramus." Its coins exhibit two winged deities, a male and a female, in a kneeling or running attitude. On some of the coins the male deity is * G. F. Hill, Caſalogue of the Greek Servius on Virgil, Aen. ii. 632. Coins of Zycaonia, Isauria, and Ci/icia, * Ephippus, cited by Athenaeus, xii. pp. 181, 182, 185, I88, 190, 228. 53; p. 537. e * E. Meyer, Geschächte des A//er- * F. Baethgen, o/. Cº. p. 77 ; //ums, i. 246 sq.; F. Baethgen, G. A. Cooke, 7 ext-book of AWorth- Beiträge zur semitischen Æe/igions- Semific Inscriptions, p. 269. geschächte, pp. 76 syſ/. * See above, p. 69. * Macrobius, Saturn. iii. 8, 2 ; 7 Strabo, xiv. 5. I 6, p. 675. G In later times the Old goddess became the Fortune of the City. The Phoenician god El and his wife at Mallus in Cilicia. 82 C//./C/A/V GO DDESSES BOOK I represented, like Janus, with two heads facing opposite ways, and with two pairs of wings, while beneath him is the fore- part of a bull with a human head. The obverse of the coins which bear the female deity display a conical Stone, sometimes flanked by two bunches of grapes." This conical stone, like those of other Asiatic cities,” was probably the emblem of a Mother Goddess, and the bunches of grapes indicate her fertilising powers. The god with the two heads and four wings can hardly be any other than the Phoenician El, whom the Greeks called Cronus ; for El was characterised by four eyes, two in front and two behind, and by three pairs of wings.” A discrepancy in the number of wings can hardly be deemed fatal to the identification. The god may easily have moulted some superfluous feathers on the road from Phoenicia to Mallus. On later coins of Mallus these quaint Oriental deities disappear, and are replaced by corresponding Greek deities, particularly by a head of Cronus on One side and a figure of Demeter, grasping ears of corn, on the other." The change doubtless sprang from a wish to assimilate the ancient native divinities to the new and fashionable divinities of the Greek pantheon. If Cronus and Demeter, the harvest god and goddess, were chosen to supplant El and his female consort, the ground of the choice must certainly have been a supposed resemblance between the two pairs of deities. We may assume, therefore, that the discarded couple, El and his wife, had also been worshipped by the husbandman as sources of fertility, the givers of corn and wine. One of these later coins of Mallus exhibits Dionysus sitting on a vine laden with ripe clusters, while on the obverse is seen a male * B. V. Head, //is/oria Mumorum, pp. 605 sq.; G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of /.1%aonia, Zsauria, and Ci/icza, pp. cxvii. sſ/7., 95-98, plates xv. xvi. xl. 9 ; G. Macdonald, Ca/a/ogue of Greek Coins in the Aſun/ey'tazz Col/ec/dowe, ii. 536 sq., pl. lix. I 1 - 14. The male and ſemale figures appear on separate coins. The attribution to Mallus of the coins with the female figure and conical stone has been questioned by Messrs. J. P. Six and (3. I’. Hill. I follow the view of Messrs. F. Imhoof-Blumer and B. V. Head. * See above, p. 20. * Philo of Iłyblus, in Zºragmenta Aſis/oricorum Graecozºztml, ed. C. Müller, iii. 569. El is figured with three pairs of wings on coins of Byblus. See G. Maspero, AZ7s/oire Ancienzee, ii. I 74 ; M. J. Lagrange, Žludes sur/es A'eligions Sémi/iſſues,” p. 72. * Imhoof-Blumer, in W. H. Roscher’s Zexi/ºon der griech. und 76/7. //y//- ologie, ii. 1572; G. I. Hill, Caſa/ogue of Gree/ Coins of /j/caouzia, /sauria, and Człłcza, pp. cxxii. 99, pl. xvii. 2. CHAP. V C//_/C/A/V GO/D/D/E.S.S.A.S. 83 figure guiding a yoke of oxen as if in the act of ploughing." These types of the vine-god and the ploughman probably represent another attempt to adapt the native religion to changed conditions, to pour the old Asiatic wine into new Greek bottles. The barbarous monster with the multiplicity of heads and wings has been reduced to a perfectly human Dionysus. The sacred but deplorable old conical stone no longer flaunts proudly on the coins ; it has retired to a decent obscurity in favour of a natural and graceful vine. It is thus that a truly progressive theology keeps pace with the march of intellect. But if these things were done by the apostles of culture at Mallus, we cannot suppose that the clergy of Tarsus, the capital, lagged behind their provincial brethren in their efforts to place the ancient faith upon a sound modern basis. The fruit of their labours seems to have been the more or less nominal substitution of Zeus, Fortune, and Hercules for Baal, ‘Atheh, and Sandan.” We may suspect that in like manner the Sarpedonian Sarpe. Artemis, who had a sanctuary in south-eastern Cilicia, near º, the Syrian border, was really a native goddess parading in borrowed plumes. She gave oracular responses by the mouth of inspired men, or more probably of women, who in their moments of divine ecstasy were probably deemed incarnations of her divinity.” Another even more trans- The god- parently Asiatic goddess was Perasia, or Artemis Perasia, ºn at who was worshipped at Hieropolis - Castabala in eastern Hieropolis- & tº º º * º & Castabala. Cilicia. The extensive ruins of the ancient city, now known as Bodroum, cover the slope of a hill about three-quarters of * G. F. Hill, op. cit. pp. cxxi. sq., 98, were men or women. There was a pl. xvii. I. headland called Sarpedon near the mouth of the Calycadnus River in western Cilicia (Strabo, xiii. 4. 6, p. 627, xiv. 5. 4, p. 670), where Sarpe- don or Sarpedonian Apollo had a temple and an oracle. The temple was hewn in the rock, and contained an image of the god. See R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” A)enkschriften der Kaiser. AAEademie der lºssenschaftem, Philosoph.-histor. Classe, xliv. (Vienna, 1896), No. vi. * Strabo, xiv. 5. I 9, p. 676. The pp. 1 OO, IOW. Probably this Sarpe- expression of Strabo leaves it doubtful donian Apollo was a native deity akin whether the ministers of the goddess to Sarpedonian Artemis. * Another native Cilician deity who masqueraded in Greek dress was prob- ably the Olybrian Zeus of Anazarba or Anazarbus, but of his true nature and worship we know nothing. See W. Dittenberger, Orien/i's Graeci. Inscrip- tiones Se/ec/ae, No. 577; Stephanus Byzantius, s. v. "Aóava (where the MS. reading"ONuggpos was wrongly changed by Salmasius into "OXvpatros). 84 C//_/C/A/V GO/D/DESS/ES I3OOK I a mile to the north of the river Pyramus. Above them towers the acropolis, built on the summit of dark grey precipices, and divided from the neighbouring mountain by a deep cutting in the rock. A mediaeval castle, built of hewn blocks of reddish-yellow limestone, has replaced the ancient citadel. The city possessed a large theatre, and was traversed by two handsome colonnades, of which some columns are still standing among the ruins. A thick growth of brushwood and grass now covers most of the site, and the place is wild and solitary. Only the wandering herdsmen encamp near the deserted city in winter and spring. The neighbourhood is treeless ; yet in May magnificent fields of wheat and barley gladden the eye, and in the valleys the clover grows as high as the horses' knees." The ambiguous nature of the goddess who presided over this City of the Sanctuary (Hieropolis)" was confessed by a puzzled worshipper, a physician named Lucius Minius Claudianus, who confided his doubts to the deity herself in some very indifferent Greek verses. He wisely left it to the goddess to say whether she was Artemis, or the Moon, or Hecate, or Aphrodite, or Demeter.” All that we know about her is that her true name was Perasia, and that she was in the enjoyment of certain revenues.” Further, we may reasonably conjecture that at ! E. J. Davis, Zife in Asia/ic 7urkey, pp. 128-134; J. T. Bent, “Recent Dis- coveries in Eastern Cilicia,” Journal of Aſe/lenic S/udies, xi. (1890), pp. 234 sq.; E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from Eastern Cilicia,” bid., pp. 243 sq.7. ; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, op. cil. pp. 25 sqq. The site of Hieropolis- Castabala was first identified by J. T. Bent by means of inscriptions. As to the coins of the city, see Fr. Imhoof- Blumer, “Zur Münzkunde Kilikiens,” Zeitschriſt fir AVum is/wa/i/., x. (1883), pp. 267-29O ; G. F. Hill, Ca/a/ogue of the Gree/ Coins of //caonia, Zsauria, and Ci/ścia, pp. c.-cii. 82-84, pl. xiv. I-6; G. Macdonald, Ca/a/ogue of Gree/ Coins in the Aſun/eria/z Col/ec/ion, ii. 534 $7. polis and Hierapolis see W. M. Ramsay, Aſis/orical Geography of Asia A/ºnor, pp. 84 sy. According to him, the cities designated by such names grew up gradually round a sanctuary : where Greek influence prevailed the city in time eclipsed the sanctuary and became known as Hierapolis, or the Sacred City, but where the native element retained its predominance the city continued to be known as Hiero- polis, or the City of the Sanctuary. ° E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from Eastern Cilicia,” /ournal of Z/e//emic Studies, xi. (1890), pp. 251-253 ; R. IIeberdey und A. Wilhelm, op. ci. p. 26. These writers differ somewhat in their reading and restoration of the verses, which are engraved on a lime- Stone basis among the ruins. I follow the version of Messrs. Heberdey and * On the difference between Hiero. " Wilhelm. * J. T. Bent and E. L. "'icks, o/, cit. pp. 235, 246 sq.; R. Iſeberdey und A. Wilhelm, op. cit. p. 27. CHAP. V C//_/C/A/V GODDA2.SSAE.S. 85 the Cilician Castabala she was worshipped with rites like those which were held in honour of her namesake Artemis Perasia at another city of the same name, Castabala in Cappadocia. There, as we saw, the priestesses of the goddess walked over fire with bare feet unscathed." Probably the The fire- walk in the worship of same impressive ceremony was performed before a crowd of Perasia. worshippers in the Cilician Castabala also. Whatever the exact meaning of the rite may have been, the goddess was in all probability one of those Asiatic Mother Goddesses to whom the Greeks often applied the name of Artemis ; * and grounds have been shown for thinking that the walk through the fire was a mitigation of an older custom of burning human victims to death.” The immunity enjoyed by the priestess in the furnace was attributed to her inspira- tion by the deity. In discussing the nature of inspiration or possession by a deity, the Syrian philosopher Jamblichus notes as one of its symptoms a total insensibility to pain. Many inspired persons, he tells us, “are not burned by fire, the fire not taking hold of them by reason of the divine inspiration ; and many, though they are burned, perceive it not, because at the time they do not live an animal life. They pierce themselves with skewers and feel nothing. They gash their backs with hatchets, they slash their arms with daggers, and know not what they do, because their acts are not those of mere men. For impass- able places become passable to those who are filled with the spirit. They rush into fire, they pass through fire, they cross rivers, like the priestess at Castabala. These things prove that under the influence of inspiration men are beside them- selves, that their senses, their will, their life are those neither 1 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. See Cappadocia and one in Pontus; at both above, p. 38. The Cilician Castabala, places the same goddess was worshipped the situation of which is identified by with similar rites. See Strabo, xii. 2. inscriptions, is not mentioned by Strabo. 3, p. 535, xii. 3. 32, p. 557. The It is very unlikely that, with his inti- situation of the various Castal)alas mate knowledge of Asia Minor, he mentioned by ancient writers is dis- should have erred so far as to place the cussed by F. Imhoof-Blumer, Zeit- city in Cappadocia, to the north of the schrift für Numismatik, x. (1883), pp. Taurus mountains, instead of in Cilicia, 285-288. to the south of them. It is more prob- 2 See able that there were two cities of the same name, and that Strabo has omitted to mention one of them. Similarly, there were two cities called Comana, one in * See above, p. 38. my article “Artemis and IIippolytus,” Aor/nigh//, A'ez'few', December 1904, p. 993. Insensi- bility to pain regarded as a mark of inspiration. 86 C//_/C/A/V GOD/D/E,SS E.S. JBOOK I of man nor of beast, but that they lead another and a diviner life instead, whereby they are inspired and wholly possessed.”" Thus in traversing the fiery furnace the priestesses of Perasia were believed to be beside themselves, to be filled with the goddess, to be in a real sense incarnations of her divinity.” § 9. The Burning of Cilician God's On the whole, then, we seem to be justified in concluding that under a thin veneer of Greek humanity the barbarous native gods of Cilicia continued long to survive, and that among them the great Asiatic goddess retained a place, though not the prominent place which she held in the highlands of the interior down at least to the beginning of our era. The principle that the inspired priest or priestess represents the deity in person appears, if I am right, to have been recognised at Castabala and at Olba, as well as at the sanctuary of Sarpedonian Artemis. There can be no intrinsic improbability, therefore, in the view that at Tarsus also the divine triad of Baal, Atheh, and Sandan may have been personated by priests and priestesses, who, on the analogy of Olba and of the great sanctuaries in the interior of Asia Minor, would originally be at the same time kings and queens, princes and princesses. Further, the burning of Sandan in effigy at Tarsus would, on this hypothesis, answer to the walk of the priestess of Perasia through the furnace at Castabala. Both were, if I am right, mitigations of a custom of putting the priestly lcing or queen, or another member of the royal family, to death by fire. The divine triad, Baal, 'Atheh, and Sandan, at Tarsus may have been personated by priests and priestesses. 1 Jamblichus, De ways/eries, iii. 4. * Another Cilician goddess was Athena of Magarsus, to whom Alex- ander the Great sacrificed before the battle of Issus. See Arrian, Aziabasis, ii. 5. 9 ; Stephanus Byzantius, y, z. Má'yaporos ; J. Tzetzes, Schoſ. on Zyco- Żhron, 444. The name of the city seems to be Oriental, perhaps derived from the Semitic word for “cave" (nym). As to the importance of caves in Semitic religion, see W. Robertson Smith, Æeſigzon of Zhe Se/12/es,” pp. 197 sqq. The site of Magarsus appears to be at Karatash, a hill rising from the sea at the Southern extremity of the Cilician plain, about ſorty-five miles due south of Adana. The walls of the city, built of great limestone blocks, are standing to a height of several courses, and an inscription which mentions the priests of Magarsian Athena has been ſound on the spot. See R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” Dem/- schriſten der Kaiser, Akademie der Wissenscha/lem, Philosoph. - histor. C/asse, xliv, (1896) No. vi. pp. 6- Io. CH A PTE R VI SARDAN APALUS AND HERCULES § 1. The Burning of Sardanapalus THE theory that kings or princes were formerly burned to Tarsus said death at Tarsus in the character of gods is singularly con- ºve firmed by another and wholly independent line of argument, founded For, according to one account, the city of Tarsus was founded º not by Sandan but by Sardanapalus, the famous Assyrian king Sar- monarch whose death on a great pyre was one of the most ºus famous incidents in Oriental legend. Near the sea, within º: O In a day's march of Tarsus, might be seen in antiquity the a pyre. ruins of a great ancient city named Anchiale, and outside its walls stood a monument called the monument of Sardanapalus, on which was carved in stone the figure of the monarch. He was represented snapping the fingers of his right hand, and the gesture was explained by an accompanying inscription, engraved in Assyrian characters, to the following effect:-" Sardanapalus, Son of Anacyndar- axes, built Anchiale and Tarsus in one day. Eat, drink, and play, for everything else is not worth that,” by which was implied that all other human affairs were not worth a snap of the fingers." The gesture may have been misin- * Strabo, xiv. 5, 9, pp. 67 I sy. ; Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 5; Athenaeus, xii. 39, p. 530 A, B. Compare Stephanus Byzantius, s.7). 'AyxtáXm ; Syncellus, Chronographia, vol. i. p. 312, ed. G. Dindorf. The site of Anchiale has not yet been discovered. At Tarsus itself the ruins of a vast quadrangular structure have sometimes been identified with the monument of Sardanapalus. See E. J. Davis, Zife in Asia/ic 7tarkey, pp. 37-39 ; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de P.177 dans "Antiguºſ,', iv. 536 sqq. But Mr. D. G. Hogarth tells me that the ruins in question seem to be the concrete foundations of a Roman temple. 88 7///? /3 U/CAV/AWG OA' SAA’DAAVA/2A/L U.S. IBOOK I terpreted and the inscription mistranslated," but there is no reason to doubt the existence of such a monument, though we may conjecture that it was of Hittite rather than Assyrian origin ; for, not to speak of the traces of Hittite art and religion which we have found at Tarsus, a group of Hittite monuments has been discovered at Marash, in the upper valley of the Pyramus.” The Assyrians may have ruled over Cilicia for a time, but Hittite influence was probably much deeper and more lasting.” The story that Tarsus was founded by Sardanapalus may well be apocryphal," but there must have been some reason for his association with the city. On the present hypothesis that reason is to be found in the traditional manner of his death. To avoid falling into the hands of the rebels, who laid siege to Nineveh, he built a huge pyre in his palace, heaped it up with gold and silver and purple raiment, and then burnt himself, his wife, his concubines, and his eunuchs in the fire.” The story is false of the historical Sardanapalus, that is, of the great Assyrian king Ashurbanipal, but it is true of his brother Shamashshumukin. Being appointed king of Babylon by Ashurbanipal, he revolted against his suzerain and benefactor, and was besieged by him in his capital. The siege was long and the resistance desperate, for the Babylonians knew that they had no mercy to expect from the ruthless Assyrians. But they were decimated by famine and pestilence, and when the city could hold out no more, King Shamashshumukin, determined not to fall alive into the hands of his offended brother, shut himself up in his palace, and there burned himself to death, along with his IDeaths of Habylonian and Assyrian kings on the pyre. 1 See Perrot et Chipiez, Z/s/oire de l'Aré dams /'An/č/ui/é, iv. 542 sq. They think that the figure probably represented the king in a common attitude of adoration, his right arm raised and his thumb resting on his forefinger. * L. Messerschmidt, Cor/ºus //zscrip- £ionuſ/a Aſe////icarum, pp. I 7-19, plates xxi-xxv. ; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'A7/ dans "An/i/u?/6, iv. 492, 494 s/., 528-530, 547. * Prof. W. Max Müller is of opinion that the Hittite civilisation and the Hittite system of writing were developed in Cilicia rather than in Cappadocia (Asien aſſed Auropa, p. 350). * According to Berosus and Alby- denus it was not Sardanapalus (Ashur- banipal) but Sennacherib who built or rebuilt Tarsus aſter the ſashion of Babylon, causing the river Cydnus to flow through the midst of the city. See Arag//en/a Iſis/oricorum Graec- oru/n, ed. C. Müller, ii. 504, iv. 282 ; C. P. Tiele, Baby/onisch - assyrische Geschäch/e, pp. 297 sy. ° Diodorus Siculus, ii. 27 ; Athen- aeus, xii. 38, p. 529 ; Justin, i. 3. CHAP. W I THAE /3 U/P/V/AWG OF SA/8 DAAVA/2A / US 89 wives, his children, his slaves, and his treasures, at the very moment when the conquerors were breaking in the gates." Not many years afterwards the same tragedy was repeated at Nineveh itself by Saracus or Sinsharishkun, the last king of Assyria. Besieged by the rebel Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, and by Cyaxares, king of the Medes, he burned himself in his palace. That was the end of Nineveh and of the Assyrian empire.” Thus Greek history preserved the memory of the catastrophe, but transferred it from the real victims to the far more famous Ashurbanipal, whose figure in after ages loomed vast and dim against the setting Sun of Assyrian glory. § 2. The Burning of Croesus Another Oriental monarch who prepared at least to die Story that in the flames was Croesus, king of Lydia. Herodotus tells. how the Persians under Cyrus captured Sardes, the Lydian to burn capital, and took Croesus alive, and how Cyrus caused a tº great pyre to be erected, on which he placed the captive monarch in fetters, and with him twice seven Lydian youths. Fire was then applied to the pile, but at the last moment Cyrus relented, a sudden shower extinguished the flames, and Croesus was spared.” But it is most improbable that It is the Persians, with their profound reverence for the sanctity *. of fire, should have thought of defiling the sacred element Persians with the worst of all pollutions, the contact of dead bodies." wº thus Such an act would have seemed to them sacrilege of the 㺠deepest dye. For to them fire was the earthly form of the element heavenly light, the eternal, the infinite, the divine ; death, on 9" ". the other hand, was in their opinion the main source of Corruption and uncleanness. Hence they took the most ! G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne, 111. 422 sq. * Abydenus, in Zºragment. Histor. Graec. ed. C. Müller, iv. 282; Syn- cellus, Chronogra//tia, i. p. 396, ed. G. Dindorf; E. Meyer, Geschſchée des A//crt/iums, i. 576 sy. ; G. Maspero, Aſis/oire Ancienne, iii. 482-485. C. P. Tiele thought that the story of the death of Saracus might be a popular but mistaken duplicate of the death of Shamashshumukin (Babylonisch- assyrische Geschächſe, pp. 4 IO sy.). Zimri, king of Israel, also burned him- self in his palace to escape falling into the hands of his enemies (1 Kings xvi. 18). * I ſerodotus, i. 86 sq. 4 Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule et Phénicien,” J/ºzoires de /'Académie des /uscriptions eſ Ac//es-Alef/rcs, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), p. 274. 90 T///E /3 U/2/V/AVG O/7 CRO.A.S US BOOK I The older and truer tradition was that in the extremity of his fortunes Croesus attempted to burn himself. stringent precautions to guard the purity of fire from the defilement of death." If a man or a dog died in a house where the holy fire burned, the fire had to be removed from the house and kept away for nine nights in winter or a month in summer before it might be brought back ; and if any man broke the rule by bringing back the fire within the appointed time, he might be punished with two hundred stripes.” As for burning a corpse in the fire, it was the most heinous of all sins, an invention of Ahriman, the devil ; there was no atonement for it, and it was punished with death.” Nor did the law remain a dead letter. Down to the beginning of our era the death penalty was inflicted on all who threw a corpse or cow-dung on the fire, nay, even on such as blew on the fire with their breath." It is hard, therefore, to believe that a Persian king should have com— manded his subjects to perpetrate a deed which he and they viewed with horror as the most flagitious sacrilege conceivable. Another and in some respects truer version of the story of Croesus and Cyrus has been preserved by two older witnesses—namely, by the Greek poet Bacchylides, who was born some forty years after the event,” and by a Greek artist who painted the scene on a red-figured vase about, or soon after, the time of the poet's birth. Bacchylides tells us that when the Persians captured Sardes, Croesus, unable to brook the thought of slavery, caused a pyre to be erected in front of his courtyard, mounted it with his wife and daughters, and bade a page apply a light to the wood. A bright blaze shot up, but Zeus extinguished it with rain from heaven, and Apollo of the Golden Sword wafted the pious king and his daughters to the happy land beyond the North Wind." In like manner the vase-painter clearly represents the burning of Croesus as a voluntary act, not as a punishment inflicted 1 J. Darmesteter, Zhe Zend-Azes/a, fire, might not be brought near a vol. i. pp. lxxxvi. lxxxviii.-xc. corpse (id. xv. 3. 18, p. 734). * Zend-Azesta, Vendídàd, Fargard, * Sardes ſell in the autumn of 546 v. (Sacred Zooks of the East, iv. 60 sq.), B.C. (E. . Meyer, Geºchée des 4//en. *x P. p * g e g thumus, i. 604). Bacchylides was * //id. i. pp. xc. 9, 11o sy. (Sacred probably born between 512 and 505 Books of // e Zas/, iv.). B.C. (R. C. Jebb, Bacchylides, the * Strabo, xv. 3. I4, p. 732. Even A'oems and /ºragme/7/s, pp. I sq.). gold, on account of its resemblance to " Bacchylides, iii. 24-62. TAZAZ /3 U/º/V/AVG OF CAE’OA'S OWS on him by the conqueror. He lets us see the king enthroned upon the pyre with a wreath of laurel on his head and a sceptre in one hand, while with the other he is pouring a libation. An attendant is in the act of applying to the pile two objects which have been variously interpreted as torches to kindle the wood or whisks to sprinkle holy water. The demeanour of the king is solemn and com- posed : he seems to be performing a religious rite, not suffering an ignominious death." - Thus we may fairly conclude with some eminent modern scholars” that in the extremity of his fortunes Croesus pre- pared to meet death like a king or a god in the flames. It was thus that Hercules, from whom the old kings of Lydia claimed to be sprung,” ascended from earth to heaven : it was thus that Zimri, king of Israel, passed beyond the reach of his enemies : it was thus that Shamashshumukin, king of Babylon, escaped a brother's vengeance : it was thus that the last king of Assyria expired in the ruins of his capital ; and it was thus that, sixty-six years after the capture of Sardes, the Carthaginian king Hamilcar sought to retrieve a lost battle by a hero's death.” Semiramis herself, the legendary queen of Assyria, is said to have burnt herself on a pyre out of grief at the death of a favourite horse.” CHA P. VI 9 I § 3. Purification by Fire These events and these traditions seem to prove that Death under certain circumstances Oriental monarchs deliberately * chose to burn themselves to death. What were these by the e - ancients as circumstances P and what were the consequences of the ...; apotheosis. | F. G. Welcker, .4/te Dem/máler, iii. pl. xxxiii. ; A. Baumeister, Denk- //záler des Alassischeme Alter/ums, ii. 796, fig. 860 ; A. H. Smith, “Illus- trations to Bacchylides,” Journal of Aſellenic Studies, xviii. (1898) pp. 267 - 269 ; G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne, iii. 618 sq. It is true that Cambyses caused the dead body of the Egyptian king Amasis to be dragged from the tomb, mangled, and burned ; but the deed is expressly branded by the ancient historian as an outrage on Persian religion (Herodotus, iii. 16). * Raoul - Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” Mémoires de /'Académie des Insc, iptions et Belles- Zeffres, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, I848), pp. 277 sq. ; M. Duncker, Geschichte des Alterthums, iv.” 330- 332 : E. Meyer, Geschichte des Aſter- thumus, i. 604 ; G. Maspero, A'is/oire Ancienne, iii. 618. * Herodotus, i. 7. * See above, pp. 38 sy., 88 sq. * Hyginus, Fab. 243; Pliny, viii. I 55. 92 PUR/FICATIO/W B V F/A&E Fire was supposed to purge away the mortal parts of men, leaving the innmortal. BOOK I act P If the intention had merely been to escape from the hands of a conqueror, an easier mode of death would naturally have been chosen. There must have been a special reason for electing to die by fire. The legendary death of Hercules, the historical death of Hamil- car, and the picture of Croesus enthroned in state on the pyre and pouring a libation, all combine to indicate that to be burnt alive was regarded as a solemn sacrifice, nay, more than that, as an apotheosis which raised the victim to the rank of a god." For it is to be remembered that Hamilcar as well as Hercules was worshipped after death. Fire, moreover, was regarded by the ancients as a purgative So powerful that properly applied it could burn away all that was mortal of a man, leaving only the divine and immortal spirit behind. Hence we read of goddesses who essayed to confer immortality on the infant sons of kings by burning them in the fire by night ; but their beneficent purpose was always frustrated by the ignorant interposition of the mother or father, who peeping into the room saw the child in the flames and raised a cry of horror, thus disconcerting the goddess at her magic rites. This story is told of Isis in the house of the king of Byblus, of Demeter in the house of the king of Eleusis, and of Thetis in the house of her mortal husband Peleus.” In a slightly different way the * This view was maintained long ago by Raoul-Rochette in regard to the deaths both of Sardanapalus and of Croesus. He supposed that “the Assyrian monarch, reduced to the last extremity, wished, by the mode of death which he chose, to give to his sacrifice the form of an apotheosis and to identify himself with the national god of his country by allowing himself to be consumed, like him, on a pyre. . Thus mythology and history would be combined in a legend in which the god and the monarch would finally be confused. There is nothing in this which is not conformable to the ideas and habits of Asiatic civilisation.” See his memoir, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” Mémoires de /'Académie des /nscrip/ions el Belles- JLel/res, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 247 sq., 271 sq/. The notion of regeneration by fire was fully recog- mised by Raoul-Rochette (op. cit. pp. 30 sq.). It deserves to be noted that Croesus burned on a huge pyre the great and costly offerings which he dedicated to Apollo at Delphi. He thought, says Herodotus (i. 50), that in this way the god would get posses- sion of the offerings, * As to Isis see Plutarch, /y?’s et Osiris, I 6. As to Demeter see Homer, Z/y/l/z to /Jeme/er, 23 I-262 ; Apollodorus, i. 5. I ; Ovid, /as/#, iv. 547 - 560. As to Thetis see Apoll- onius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 865-879; Apollodorus, iii. 13. 6. Most of these writers express clearly the thought that the fire consumed the mortal element, leaving the immortal. Thus Plutarch says, repukateuv tá 0umrå toº adºplaros. Apollodorus says (i. 5. I), els Tröp Karett0el Tô 3péqos kal Tepuijpet CHA P. W I A UA’IFICATIO/W B V F//PE 93 witch Medea professed to give back to the old their lost youth by boiling them with a hell-broth in her magic cauldron ; and when Pelops had been butchered and served up at a banquet of the gods by his cruel father Tantalus, the divine beings, touched with pity, plunged his mangled remains in a kettle, from which after decoction he emerged alive and young.” “Fire,” says Jamblichus, “destroys the material part of sacrifices, it purifies all things that are brought near it, releasing them from the bonds of matter and, in virtue of the purity of its nature, making them meet for communion with the gods. So, too, it releases us from the bondage of corruption, it likens us to the gods, it makes us meet for their friendship, and it converts our material nature into an immaterial.” Thus we can understand why kings and commoners who claimed or aspired to divinity should choose death by the fire. It opened to them the gates of heaven. The quack Peregrinus, who ended his disreputable career in the flames at Olympia, gave out that after death he would be turned into a spirit who would guard men from the perils of the night; and, as Lucian remarked, no doubt there were plenty of fools to believe him." According to one account, the Sicilian philo- sopher Empedocles, who set up for being a god in his life- time, leaped into the crater of Etna in order to establish his claim to godhead.” There is nothing incredible in the tradition. The crack-brained philosopher, with his itch for notoriety, may well have done what Indian fakirs" and the brazen-faced mountebank Peregrinus did in antiquity, and what Russian peasants and Chinese Buddhists have done in Tås 0vmtās a 4pkas attoo, and again (iii. On 13. 6), eis rô Tūp éykpugoûo a Tijs vukrös &q,0eupév 8 jv at tº 0.9mTöv ratpøov. Apollonius Rhodius says, # uèv yöp (8poréas alel trepi ordpkas &óatev vökta Övö pea a mu ºpxoyug trupós. And Ovid has, Inque ſoco pueri corpus viz'enſe ſavč//a Obruiſ, humanum purget ut igni's onus. 1 She is said to have thus restored the youth of her husband Jason, her father-in-law Aeson, the nurses of Dionysus, and all their husbands (Euripides, A/edea, Argum. ; Scholiast Aristophanes, Anights, 1.32 I ; compare Plautus, Zºeudo/t/s, 879 sqq.); and she applied the same process with success to an old ram (Apollodorus, i. 9. 27 ; Pausanias, viii. I I. 2 ; Iłyginus, Aab. 24). * Pindar, O/y/A. i. 4o syq., with the Scholiast; J. Tzetzes, Schol, on Zycophron, I 52. * Jamblichus, /), / Jºsterås, v. 12. * Lucian, De morſe Peregrini, 27 sq. * Diogenes Laertius, viii. 2. 69 sq. " Lucian, ZDe morée / eregrinſ, 25; Strabo, Xv, I. 64 and 68, pp. 715, 7 17; Arrian, Anabasis. vii. 3. 94 A UA’//7/CA1 TVOAV B V AC/A&AE BOOK I modern times." There is no extremity to which fanaticism or vanity, or a mixture of the two, will not impel its victims. § 4. The Divinity of Zydian Kings But apart from any general notions of the purificatory virtues of fire, the kings of Lydia seem to have had a special reason for regarding death in the flames as their appropriate end. For the ancient dynasty of the Heraclids which preceded the house of Croesus on the throne traced their descent from a god or hero whom the Greeks called Hercules; * and this Lydian Hercules appears to have been identical in name and in substance with the Cilician Hercules, whose effigy was regularly burned on a great pyre at Tarsus. The Lydian Hercules bore the name of Sandon ; * the Cilician Hercules bore the name of Sandan, or perhaps rather of Sandon, since Sandon is known from inscriptions and other evidence to have been a Cilician name." The characteristic emblems of the Cilician Hercules were the lion and the double-headed axe ; and both these emblems meet us at Sardes in connection with the dynasty of the Heraclids. For the double-headed axe was carried as part of the Sacred regalia by Lydian kings from the time of the legendary queen Omphale down to the reign of Candaules, the last of the Heraclid kings. It is said to have been given to Omphale by Hercules himself, and it was apparently regarded as a palladium of the Heraclid sovereignty ; for after the dotard Candaules ceased to carry the axe himself, and had handed it over to the keeping of a courtier, a rebellion broke out, and the ancient dynasty of the Heraclids came to an end. The new king Gyges did not attempt to carry the old emblem of sovereignty; he dedicated it with other spoils to Zeus in Caria. Hence the image of the Carian Zeus bore an axe in his hand and received the epithet of Labrandeus, from labºys, the Lydian word for “axe.”" Such is Plutarch's account ; but we may The Lydian kings Seel]] to have claimed divinity on the ground of their descent from Hercules, the god of the double- axe and of the lion ; and this Lydian Hercules or Sandon appears to have been the same with the Cilician Sandan. 1 The evidence will be given in the * See above, p. 61, note 3. third edition of Z'he Golden Bough. * Plutarch, Quaestiones Graecae, 45. * Herodotus, i. 7. Zeus Labrandeus was worshipped at * Joannes Lydus, De magistra/20tts, the village of Labraunda, situated in a iii. 64. pass over the mountains, near Mylasa CHAP. W I TAZA, Z)/ V/AW/7')/ OF C V/D/AAV / //VG.S. 95 suspect that Zeus, or rather the native god whom the Greeks identified with Zeus, carried the axe long before the time of Candaules. If, as is commonly supposed, the axe was the symbol of the Asiatic thunder-god,' it would be an appropriate emblem in the hand of kings, who are so often expected to make rain, thunder, and lightning for the good of their people. Whether the kings of Lydia were bound Lydian to make thunder and rain we do not know ; but at all ... events, like many early monarchs, they seem to have been for the held responsible for the weather and the crops. In the . reign of Meles the country suffered severely from dearth, so crops. the people consulted an oracle, and the deity laid the blame on the kings, one of whom had in former years incurred the guilt of murder. The soothsayers accordingly declared that King Meles, though his own hands were clean, must be banished for three years in order that the taint of bloodshed should be purged away. The king obeyed and retired to Babylon, where he lived three years. In his absence the kingdom was administered by a deputy, a certain Sadyattes, son of Cadys, who traced his descent from Tylon.” As to this Tylon we shall hear more presently. Again, we read that the Lydians rejoiced greatly at the assassination of Spermus, another of their kings, “for he was very wicked, and the land suffered from drought in his reign.” ” Apparently, like the ancient Irish and many modern Africans, they laid the drought at the king's door, and in Caria. The temple was ancient. At Thyatira this axe-bearing hero was A road called the Sacred Way led called Tyrimnus, and games were held downhill for ten miles to Mylasa, a in his honour. He was identified with city of white marble temples and colon- Apollo and the sun. See B. V. Head, nades which stood in a fertile plain at Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia the foot of a precipitous mountain, (London, 1901), p. cxxviii. On a where the marble was quarried. Pro- coin of Mostene in Lydia the double- cessions bearing the sacred emblems headed axe is represented between a went to and fro along the Sacred Way bunch of grapes and ears of corn, as if from Mylasa to Labraunda. See it were an emblem of fertility (B. V. Strabo, xiv. 2. 23, pp. 658 sq. The Head, oft. ciſ. p. 162, pl. xvii. 1 1). double-headed axe figures on the ruins * L. Preller, Griechische A/P/ho/ogie, and coins of Mylasa (Ch. Fellows, i.” I 4 I sy. As to the Hittite thunder- Discoveries in Lycia, p. 75 ; B. V. god and his axe see above, p. 65. Head, Aſistoria AVu/norum, pp. 528 sq.). * Nicolaus Damascenus, in Arag- A horseman carrying a double-headed menſa Aſs/oricorum, Graecorum, ed. C. axe is a type which occurs on the coins Müller, iii. 382 sq. of many towns in Lydia and Phrygia. * /hid. iii. 381. 96 7A/E D/l///V/7"Y OF L VI)/A/V KTXAVGS BOOK I thought that he only got what he deserved under the knife of the assassin. With regard to the lion, the other emblem of the Cilician Hercules, we are told that the same king Meles, who was banished because of a dearth, sought to make the acropolis of Sardes impregnable by carrying round it a lion which a concubine had borne to him. Unfortunately at a single point, where the precipices were such that it seemed as if no human foot could scale them, he omitted to carry the beast, and sure enough at that very point the Persians afterwards clambered up into the citadel." Now Meles was one of the old Heraclid dynasty” who boasted their descent from the lion-hero Hercules ; hence the carrying of a lion round the acropolis was probably a form of consecration in- tended to place the stronghold under the guardianship of the lion-god, the hereditary deity of the royal family. And the story that the king's concubine gave birth to a lion's whelp suggests that the Lydian kings not only claimed kinship with the beast, but posed as lions in their own persons, and passed off their sons as lion-cubs. Croesus dedicated at Delphi a lion of pure gold, perhaps as a badge of Lydia,” and Hercules with his lion's skin is a common type on coins of Sardes." Thus the death, or the attempted death, of Croesus on the pyre completes the analogy between the Cilician and the Lydian Hercules. At Tarsus and at Sardes we find the worship of a god whose symbols were the lion and the double-headed axe, and who was burned on a great pyre, either in effigy or in the person of a human representative. The Greeks called him Hercules, but his native name was Sandan or Sandon. At Sardes he seems to have been personated by the kings, who carried the double-axe, and perhaps wore, like their ancestor Hercules, the lion's skin. We may conjecture that at Tarsus also the royal family aped the lion-god. At all events we know that Sandan, The lion- god of Lydia. Identity of the Lydian and Cilician Hercules. 1 Herodotus, i. 84. * Eusebius, Chronic. i. 69, ed. A. Schoene. * Herodotus, i. 50. At Thebes there was a stone lion which was said to have been dedicated by Hercules (Pausanias, ix. 17. 2). * B. V. Head, Historia AV///orum, p. 553; id., Caſa/ogue of the Greek Coins of /, /d/a, pp. xcviii, 239, 240, 24 I, 244, 247, 253, 254, 264, with plates xxiv. 9- I I, 13, xxv. 2, 12, xxvii. 8. CHAP. VI TAIAE DA VAV/TY OF L YDAAV A //VGS 97 the name of the god, entered into the names of Cilician kings, and that in later times the priests of Sandan at Tarsus wore the royal purple." § 5. Hittite God's at Tarsus and Sardes Now we have traced the religion of Tarsus back by a double thread to the Hittite religion of Cappadocia. One thread joins the Baal of Tarsus, with his grapes and his corn, to the god of Ibreez. The other thread unites the Sandan of Tarsus, with his lion and his double axe, to the similar figure at Boghaz-Keui. Without being unduly fanciful, therefore, we may surmise that the Sandon-Hercules of Lydia was also a Hittite god, and that the Heraclid dynasty of Lydia were of Hittite blood. Certainly the influence, if not the rule, of the Hittites extended to Lydia ; for at least two rock-carvings ac- companied by Hittite inscriptions are still to be seen in the country. Both of them attracted the attention of the ancient Greeks. One of them represents a warrior in Hittite costume armed with a spear and bow. It is carved on the face of a grey rock, which stands out conspicuous on a bushy hillside, where an old road runs through a glen from the valley of the Hermus to the valley of the Cayster. The place is now called Karabeli. Herodotus thought that the figure represented the Egyptian king and conqueror Sesostris.” The other monument is a colossal seated figure of the Mother of the Gods, locally known in antiquity as Mother Plastene. It is hewn out of the solid rock and occupies a large niche in the face of a cliff at the steep northern foot of Mount Sipylus.” Thus it would seem that at some time or other the Hittites carried their arms to the shores of the Aegean. There is * See above, p. 61. * Herodotus, i. 5o ; Perrot et Chipiez, Aſis/oire de l'Art dans /'Anti- yzºtē, iv. 742-752 ; L. Messerschumidt, Corpus /nscriptionum Heſtificarum, pp. 33-37, with plates xxxvii., xxxviii. * Pausanias, iii. 24. 2, v. 13, 7 with my note ; Perrot et Chipiez, op. cfſ. iv. 752-759 ; L. Messerschmidt, oft. cif. pp. 37 sq., pl. xxxix. I. Unlike most Hittite sculptures the figure of Mother Plastene is carved almost in the round. The inscriptions which accompany both these Lydian monu- ments are much defaced. H The Cilician and Lydian Hercules (Sandan or Sandon) See II, S to have been a Hittite deity. 98 A//TT/TE GODS A T 7A/CS US AAWD SA RDAES BOOK I no improbability, therefore, in the view that a Hittite dynasty may have reigned at Sardes." § 6. The Resurrection of Tylon The burning of Sandan, like that of Melcarth,” was probably followed by a ceremony of his resurrection or awakening, to indicate that the divine life was not extinct, but had only assumed a fresher and purer form. Of that resurrection we have, so far as I am aware, no direct evidence. In default of it, however, there is a tale of a local Lydian hero called Tylon or Tylus, who was killed and brought to life again. The story runs thus. Tylon or Tylus was a son of Earth.” One day as he was walking on the banks of the Hermus a serpent stung and killed him. His distressed sister Moire had recourse to a giant named Damasen, who attacked and slew the serpent. But the serpent's mate culled a herb, “the flower of Zeus,” in the woods, and bringing it in her mouth put it to the lips of the dead serpent, which immediately revived. In her turn Moire took the hint and restored her brother Tylon to life by touching him with the same plant." A similar incident occurs in many folk-tales. Serpents are often credited with a knowledge of life-giving plants.” But Tylon seems to have been more than a mere hero of fairy- tales. He was closely associated with Sardes, for he figures on the coins of the city along with his saviour Damasen or Masnes, the dead serpent, and the life-giving branch." And IJeath and l'éSUll"I’éC- tion of the Lydian hero Tylon. j 1 The suggestion that the Heraclid kings of Lydia were Hittites, or under Hittite influence, is not novel. See W. Wright, Zmpire of the Aſiſ/ites, p. 59; E. Meyer, Geschichſe des A//er//iums, i. 307, § 257; Fr. Hommel, Cruzadºs der Geographze zaza' Geschic//e des al/enz Orzezz/3, p. 54, n. 2; L. Messerschmidt, Zhe Aft//iſes, p. 22. * See above, pp. 34 377. * Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Amſ:- qui/. Woman. i. 27. I. 4 Nonnus, /Jºonys. XXV. 45 I-55 I ; Pliny, Mat. Aſist. xxv. 14. The story, as we learn from Pliny, was told by Xanthus, an early historian of Lydia. * Thus Glaucus, son of Minos, was restored to life by the seer Polyidus, who learned the trick from a serpent. See Apollodorus, iii. 3. I. For re- ferences to other tales of the same Sort see my note on Pausanias, ii. Io. 3 (vol. iii. pp. 65 sq.). The serpent’s acquaintance with the tree of life in the garden of Eden probably belongs to the same cycle of stories. * B. V. Head, Caſalogue of the Gree/ Cozzas of Zydia, pp. cxi-cxiii, with pl. xxvii. 12. On the coins the Saviour's name appears as Masnes or Masanes, but the reading is doubtful. The name Masnes occurred in Xan- thus's history of Lydia (/ºragmenta CHAP. VI TA/E /*A.S. UA’A’ECTIO/V OF TV/LOAV 99 he was related in various ways to the royal family of Lydia ; for his daughter married Cotys, one of the earliest kings of the country," and a descendant of his acted as regent during the banishment of King Meles.” It has been suggested that the story of his death and resurrection was acted as a pageant to symbolise the revival of plant life in spring.” At all events, a festival called the Feast of the Golden Feast of Flower was celebrated in honour of Proserpine at Sardes,” * ºn probably in one of the vernal months, and the revival of Sardes. the hero and of the goddess may well have been represented together. The Golden Flower of the festival would then be the “flower of Zeus” of the legend, perhaps the yellow Crocus of nature or rather her more gorgeous sister, the Oriental saffron. For saffron grew in great abundance at the Corycian cave of Zeus; ” and it is an elegant conjecture, if it is nothing more, that the very name of the place meant “the Crocus Cave.”" However, on the coins of Sardes the magical plant seems to be a branch rather than a blossom, a Golden Bough rather than a Golden Flower. As to the spring flowers of north- western Asia Minor, Leake remarks (April 1, 1800) that “primroses, violets, and crocuses, are the only Aſistoricorum, Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iv. 629). It is probably the Same with Manes, the name of a son of Zeus and Earth, who is said to have been the first king of Lydia (Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Azz/. Alom. i. 27. I). Manes was the father of King Atys (Herodotus, i. 94). Thus Tylon was connected with the royal family of Lydia by means of his deliverer as well as in the ways mentioned in the text. ' Dionysius Halicarnasensis, l.c. * See above, p. 95. * 13. V. Head, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Zydia, p. cxiii. * /b/d, pp. cx., csiii. The festival seems to be mentioned only on coins. * See above, p. 71. " V. Hehn, ſºul/u///anzen und Aſaus/hiere," p. 261. He would derive the name from the Semitic, or at all events the Cilician, language. The Hebrew word for saffron is Karłóme. flowers to be seen " (Journal of a Zour in Asia J/Znor, p. 143). Near Mylasa in Caria, Fellows saw (March 20, 1840) the broom covered with yellow blossoms and a great variety of a- nemones, like “a rich Turkey carpet, in which the green grass did not form a prominent colour amidst the crimson, lilac, blue, Scarlet, white, and yellow flowers” (Ch. Fellows, ZXiscoveries 27t Aycia, pp. 65, 66). In February the yellow stars of Gagea arzensis cover the rocky and grassy grounds of Lycia, and the field-marigold often meets the eye. At the same season in Lycia the shrub Co/uſca arðorescens opens its yellow flowers. See T. A. B. Spratt and E. Forbes, Zºraweſ's in Zycia (London, 1847), ii. I 33. I must leave it to others to identify the Golden Flower of Sardes. Tho custom of burning a god may have becrl intended to recruit his clivine energies. : © CH A P T E R VII VOLCANIC RELIGION § I. The Burning of a God THUS it appears that a custom of burning a god in effigy or in the person of a human representative was practised by at least two peoples of western Asia, the Phoenicians and the Hittites. Whether they both developed the custom independently, or whether one of them adopted it from the Other, we cannot say. And their reasons for celebrating a rite which to us seems strange and monstrous are also obscure. In the preceding inquiry some grounds have been adduced for thinking that the practice was based on a conception of the purifying virtue of fire, which, by destroying the corruptible and perishable elements of man, was supposed to fit him for union with the imperishable and the divine. Now to people who created their gods in their own likeness, and imagined them subject to the same law of decadence and death, the idea would naturally occur that fire might do for the gods what it was believed to do for men, that it could purge them of the taint of corruption and decay, could sift the mortal from the immortal in their composition, and so endow them with eternal youth. Hence a custom might arise of sub- jecting the deities themselves, or the more important of them, to an ordeal of fire for the purpose of refreshing and renovating those creative energies on the maintenance of which so much depended. To the coarse apprehension of the uninstructed and unsympathetic observer the solemn rite might easily wear a very different aspect. According as he was of a pious or of a sceptical turn of mind, he might : . : ; IOO J3 K. II CH. VII 7TAZ/2 /3 (7/8/V/AWG OF A GO/O J O I denounce it as a sacrilege or deride it as an absurdity. “To burn the god whom you worship,” he might say, “is the height of impiety and of folly. If you succeed in the attempt, you kill him and deprive yourselves of his valuable services. If you fail, you have mortally offended him, and sooner or later he will visit you with his severe displeasure.” To this the worshipper, if he was patient and polite, might listen with a smile of indulgent pity for the ignorance and obtuseness of the critic. “You are much mistaken,” he might observe, “in imagining that we expect or attempt to kill the god whom we adore. The idea of such a thing is as repugnant to us as to you. Our intention is precisely the opposite of that which you attribute to us. Far from wishing to destroy the deity, we desire to make him live for ever, to place him beyond the reach of that process of degeneration and final dissolution to which all things here below appear by their nature to be subject. He does not die in the fire. Oh no | Only the corruptible and mortal part of him perishes in the flames : all that is incorruptible and immortal of him will survive the purer and stronger for being freed from the contagion of baser elements. That little heap of ashes which you see there is not our god. It is only the skin which he has sloughed, the husk which he has cast. He himself is far away, in the clouds of heaven, in the depths of earth, in the running waters, in the tree and the flower, in the corn and the vine. We do not see him face to face, but every year he manifests his divine life afresh in the blossoms of spring and the fruits of autumn. We eat of his broken body in bread. We drink of his shed blood in the juice of the grape.” § 2. The Volcanic Region of Cappadocia Some such train of reasoning may suffice to explain, The though naturally not to justify, the custom which we bluntly . of * tº . e. * urning a call the burning of a god. Yet it is worth while to ask god may whether in the building up of the practice these general ...” considerations may not have been reinforced or modified by relation to cial circumstances: for example, by the natural features º' Spe y ple, Dy pheno- of the country where the custom grew up. For the history mena. dy : * * I O2 7///E VOA. CAAW/C A&AEG/O/V O/7 CA1/2/24/)OC/A ROOK I of religion, like that of all other human institutions, has been profoundly affected by local conditions, and cannot be fully understood apart from them. Now Asia Minor, the region where the practice in question appears to have been widely diffused, has from time immemorial been subjected to the action of volcanic forces on a great scale. It is true that, so far as the memory of man goes back, the craters of its volcanoes have been extinct, but the vestiges of their dead or slumbering fires are to be seen in many places, and the country has been shaken and rent at intervals by tremendous earthquakes. These phenomena cannot fail to have impressed the imagination of the inhabitants, and thereby to have left some mark on their religion. Among the extinct volcanoes of Anatolia the greatest is Mount Argaeus, in the centre of Cappadocia, the heart of the old Hittite country. It is indeed the highest point of Asia Minor, and one of the loftiest mountains known to the ancients; for in height it falls not very far short of Mount Blanc. Towering abruptly in a huge pyramid from the plain, it is a conspicuous object for miles on miles. Its top is white with eternal snow, and in antiquity its lower slopes were clothed with dense forests, from which the inhabitants of the treeless Cappadocian plains drew their supply of timber. In these woods, and in the low grounds at the foot of the mountain, the languishing fires of the volcano manifested themselves as late as the beginning of our era. The ground was treacherous. Under a grassy surface there lurked pits of fire, into which stray cattle and unwary travellers often fell. Experienced woodmen used great caution when they went to fell trees in the forest. Elsewhere the soil was marshy, and flames were seen to play over it at night." Superstitious fancies no doubt gathered thick around these perilous spots, but what shape they took we cannot say. Nor do we know whether The great extinct volcano Mount Argaeus in Cappa- docia. 1 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 538. Mount H. F. Tozer. See W. J. Hamilton, Argaeus still retains its ancient name A’esearches in Asia /l/inor, Æon/us, and in slightly altered forms (Ardjeh, Armenia, ii. 269-281 ; H. F. Tozer, Ardfic/, Zijäus). Its height is about 7urkish Armenia and Zasſern Asia I3,OOO feet. In the nineteenth cen- //???or, pp. 94, II 3-13 I ; I. Reclus, tury it was ascended by at least two AVozſve/le Géographie Onizerse//e, ix. English travellers, W. J. Hamilton and 476-478. CHAP. VII ZTA/A2 VOA.C.A/V/C A&AEG/O/V OF CA /2/PA/) OC/A IO3 sacrifices were offered on the top of the mountain, though a curious discovery may perhaps be thought to indicate that they were. Sharp and lofty pinnacles of red porphyry, inaccessible to the climber, rise in imposing grandeur from the eternal snow of the summit, and here Mr. Tozer found that the rock had been perforated in various places with human habitations. One such rock-hewn dwelling winds inward for a considerable distance ; rude niches are hollowed in its sides, and on its roof and walls may be seen the marks of tools." The ancients certainly did not climb mountains for pleasure or health, and it is difficult to imagine that any motive but superstition should have led them to provide dwellings in such a place. These rock- cut chambers may have been shelters for priests charged with the performance of religious or magical rites on the summit. § 3. Fire- Worship in Cappadocia Under the Persian rule Cappadocia became, and long continued to be, a great seat of the Zoroastrian fire-worship. In the time of Strabo, about the beginning of our era, the votaries of that faith and their temples were still numerous in the country. The perpetual fire burned on an altar, surrounded by a heap of ashes, in the middle of the temple ; and the priests daily chanted their liturgy before it, holding in their hands a bundle of myrtle rods and wearing on their heads tall felt caps with cheek-pieces which covered their lips, lest they should defile the sacred flame with their breath.” It is reasonable to suppose that the natural fires which burned perpetually on the outskirts of Mount Argaeus attracted the devotion of the disciples of Zoroaster, for elsewhere similar fires have been the object of religious reverence down to modern times. Thus at Jualamukhi, on the lower slopes of the Himalayas, jets of combustible gas issue from the earth ; and a great Hindoo temple, the resort of many pilgrims, is built over them. The perpetual 1 II. F. Tozer, op. cit. pp. 125-127. liturgy. See M. Haug, Essays on * Strabo, xv. 3. I4 sq., pp. 732 sq. the Sacred Language, PPritings, and A bundle of twigs, called the Barsom A^eligion of the Parsis” (London, 1884), (Beresma in the Avesta), is still used pp. 4, n. I, 283. by the Parsee priests in chanting their Persian fire- worship in Cappa- docia. Worship of natural fires which burn per- petually. IO4 A'ſ/C/2- WOA'S AN/A NAV CAA’AA DOC/A BOOK I flame, which is of a reddish hue and emits an aromatic perfume, rises from a pit in the fore-court of the sanctuary. The worshippers deliver their gifts, consisting usually of flowers, to the attendant fakirs, who first hold them over the flame and then cast them into the body of the temple." Again, Hindoo pilgrims make their way with great difficulty to Baku on the Caspian, in order to worship the everlasting fires which there issue from the beds of petroleum. The sacred spot is about ten miles to the north-east of the city. An English traveller, who visited Baku in the middle of the eighteenth century, has thus described the place and the worship. “There are several antient temples built with stone, supposed to have been all dedicated to fire ; most of them are arched vaults, not above ten to fifteen feet high. Amongst others there is a little temple, in which the Indians now worship ; near the altar, about three feet high, is a large hollow cane, from the end of which issues a blue flame, in colour and gentleness not unlike a lamp that burns with spirits, but seemingly more pure. These Indians affirm that this flame has continued ever since the flood, and they believe it will last to the end of the world ; that if it was resisted or suppressed in that place, it would rise in some other. Here are generally forty or fifty of these poor devotees, who come on a pilgrimage from their own country, and Subsist upon wild Sallary, and a kind of Jerusalem artichokes, which are very good food, with other herbs and roots, found a little to the northward. Their business is to make expiation, not for their own sins only, but for those of others; and they continue the longer time, in proportion to the number of persons for whom they have engaged to pray. They mark their foreheads with saffron, and have a great veneration for a red cow.”” Thus it would seem that a purifying virtue is attributed to the sacred flame, since pilgrims come to it from far to expiate sin. * Baron Charles Hügel, Zºrave/s ºn Account o/, //ie British 77ade over Zhe Aashmir and //ie Panjab (London, Caspian Sea: with the Au/hor’s /ourna/ 1845), pp. 42-46; W. Crooke, 7%ings of Zºraze/s, Second Edition (London, //adian (London, I 906), p. 219. I754), i. 263. Compare W. Crooke, * Jonas Hanway, An A/is/orical 7%ings /mdan, p. 219. CHAP. VII TA/AE /3 U/8/V2 / 4 AV/D OA' A VO/A IO5 § 4. The Burnt Land of Lydia Another volcanic region of Asia Minor is the district of The Burnt Lydia, to which, on account of its remarkable appearance, * the Greeks gave the name of the Burnt Land. It lies to the east of Sardes in the upper valley of the Hermus, and covers an area of about fifty miles by forty. As described by Strabo, the country was wholly treeless except for the vines, which produced a wine inferior to none of the most famous vintages of antiquity. The surface of the plains was like ashes; the hills were composed of black stone, as if they had been scorched by fire. Some people laid the scene of Typhon's battle with the gods in this Black Country, and supposed that it had been burnt by the thunderbolts hurled from heaven at the impious monster. The philosophic Strabo, however, held that the fires which had wrought this havoc were subterranean, not celestial, and he pointed to three craters, at intervals of about four miles, each in a hill of scoriae which he supposed to have been once molten matter ejected by the volcanoes." His observa- tion and his theory have both been confirmed by modern science. The three extinct volcanoes to which he referred are still conspicuous features of the landscape. Each is a black cone of loose cinders, scoriae, and ashes, with steep sides and a deep crater. From each a flood of rugged black lava has flowed forth, bursting out at the foot of the cone, and then rushing down the dale to the bed of the Hermus. The dark streams follow all the sinuosities of the valleys, their sombre hue contrasting with the rich verdure of the surrounding landscape. Their surface, broken into a thousand fantastic forms, resembles a sea lashed into fury by a gale, and then suddenly hardened into stone. Regarded from the geological point of view, these black cones of cinders and these black rivers of lava are of comparatively recent formation. Exposure to the weather for thousands of years has not yet softened their asperities and decomposed them into vegetable mould ; they are as hard and ungenial as if the volcanic stream had ceased to 1 Strabo, xii. 8, 18 sq., p. 579 ; district is mentioned by Vitruvius (viii. xiii. 4. 11, p. 628. The wine of the 3, 12) and Pliny (AWar. Hist, xiv. 75). IO6 7///, /3 U/C/V7' /A/V/O OF / VD/A BOOK I flow but yesterday. But in the same district there are upwards of thirty other volcanic cones, whose greater age is proved by their softened forms, their smoother sides, and their mantle of vegetation. Some of them are planted with vineyards to their summits." Thus the volcanic soil is still as favourable to the cultivation of the vine as it was in antiquity. The relation between the two was noted by the ancients. Strabo compares the vines of the Burnt Land with the vineyards of Catania fertilised by the ashes of Mount Etna ; and he tells us that some ingenious persons explained the fire-born Dionysus as a myth of the grapes fostered by volcanic agency.” § 5. The Earthquake God But the inhabitants of these regions were reminded of the slumbering fires by other and less agreeable tokens than the generous juice of their grapes. For not the Burnt Land only but the country to the south, including the whole valley of the Maeander, was subject to frequent and violent shocks of earthquake. The soil was loose, friable, and full of salts, the ground hollow, undermined by fire and water. In particular the city of Philadelphia was a great centre of disturbance. The shocks there, we are told, were continuous. The houses rocked, the walls cracked and gaped ; the few inhabitants were kept busy repairing the breaches or buttres- sing and propping the edifices which threatened to tumble about their ears. Most of the citizens, indeed, had the prudence to dwell dispersed on their farms. It was a marvel, says Strabo, that such a city should have any inhabitants at all, and a still greater marvel that it should ever have been built.” However, by a wise dispensation of Providence, the earthquakes which shook the foundations of their houses only * W. J. Hamilton, A’esearches in sombre and dismal look. Another of Asia /l/Znor, Zºom/us, and 217 menza, the cones, almost equally high, has a i. I 36-I40, ii. 13 I-138. One of the crater of about half a mile in circum- three recent cones described by Strabo ſerence and three or four hundred feet is now called the A'ara /9cv/i/, or deep. Black Inkstand. Its top is about * Strabo, xiii. 4. I I, p. 628. Com- 2500 feet above the sea, but only 500 pare his account of the Catanian feet above the surrounding plain. The vineyards (vi. 2, 3, p. 269). Earth- quakes in Asia Minor. adjoining town of Koula, built of the * //id. xii. 8, 16-18, pp. 578 sy.: black lava on which it stands, has a xiii. 4. IO sy., p. 628. CFIA P. VII ZAIE EA/PT//QUARTE GOD IoW strengthened those of their faith. whose town was repeatedly devastated, paid their devotions in. with great fervour to Poseidon, the earthquake god." Again, quake god. the island of Santorin, in the Greek Archipelago, has been for thousands of years a great theatre of volcanic activity. On one occasion the waters of the bay boiled and flamed for four days, and an island composed of red-hot matter rose gradually, as if hoisted by machinery, above the waves. It happened that the sovereignty of the seas was then with the Rhodians, those merchant-princes whose prudent policy, strict but benevolent oligarchy, and beautiful island -city, rich with accumulated treasures of native art, rendered them in a sense the Venetians of the ancient world. So when the ebullition and heat of the eruption had subsided, their sea-captains landed in the new island, and founded a sanctuary of Poseidon the Establisher or Securer,” a compli- mentary epithet often bestowed on him as a hint not to shake the earth more than he could conveniently help.” In many places people sacrificed to Poseidon the Establisher, in the hope that he would be as good as his name and not bring down their houses on their heads." Another instance of a Greek attempt to quiet the per-Spartan turbed spirit underground is instructive, because similar ..." efforts are still made by savages in similar circumstances. Poseidon Once when a Spartan army under King Agesipolis had taken during an The people of Apameia, Worship of Poseidon, earth- * Strabo, xii. 8. I 8, p. 579. Com- ii. 65 sqq). : C. Neumann und J. Partsch, quake. pare Tacitus, Anna/s, xii. 58. Z'hysikalische Geograft/ſe zoº Griccheſt- * Strabo, i. 3. 16, p. 57. Compare land, pp. 272 syſ). There is a mono- Plutarch, De Zºythiae oracuſ's, I I : Pliny, Maſ. Hist. ii. 202; Justin, xxx, 4. The event seems to have graph on Santorin and its eruptions (F. Fouqué, Santorin cz scs cru//ions, Paris, 1879). Strabo has given a brief happened in 197 B.C. Several other islands are known to have appeared in the same bay both in ancient and modern times. So far as antiquity is concerned, the dates of their appearance are given by I’liny, but some conſusion on the subject has crept into his mind, or rather, perhaps, into his text. See the discussion of the subject in W. Smith's Z);ctionary of Greek and A'oylan Geography, ii. I I 58-II 60. As to the eruptions in the bay of Santorin, the last of which occurred in 1866 and produced a new island, see Sir Charles Lyell, Principles of Geology,” i. 51, but striking account of Rhodes, its architecture, its art-treasures, and its constitution (xiv. 2. 5, pp. 652 sy.). As to the Rhodian schools of art see II. Brunn, Geschächte d'ez: Syricchischeſ, A7/7s/ſey’, i. 459 sy/., ii. SV%. , 286 sq. * Aristophanes, Acharn, 682 ; Pau- sanias, iii. I 1. 9, vii. 2 I. 7 ; Plutarch, 7%.cscºts, 36 ; Aristides, Zs/h///7c. vol. i. p. 29, ed. G. Dindorf; Appian, /38//. Cº. v. 98 ; Macrobius, Saſurn. i. 17. 22 ; Dittenberger, SP//oge ſuscriſſion ſty, Graccarum,” No. 543. * Cornutus, Z26 waſura deorumſ, 22. 2 y in •- J C, Io8 THE EARTHQUAKE GOD BOOIK I the field, it chanced that the ground under their feet was Shaken by an earthquake. It was evening, and the king was at mess with the officers of his staff. No sooner did they feel the shock than, with great presence of mind, they rose from their dinner and struck up a popular hymn in honour of Poseidon. The soldiers outside the tent took up the strain, and soon the whole army joined in the sacred melody." It is not said whether the flute band, which always played the Spartan redcoats into action,” accompanied the deep voices of the men with its shrill music. At all events, the intention of this service of praise, addressed to the earth-shaking god, can only have been to prevail on him to stop. I have spoken of the Spartan redcoats because the uniform of Spartan soldiers was red.” As they fought in an extended, not a deep, formation, a Spartan line of battle must always have been, what the British used to be, a thin red line. It was in this order, and no doubt with the music playing and the sun flashing on their arms, that they advanced to meet the Persians at Thermopylae. Like Cromwell's Ironsides, these men knew how to fight as well as to sing psalms." * Xenophon, //c//en/ca, iv. 7. 4. As to the Spartan headquarters staff (of Tepl 6apoatau), see fal. iv. 5. 8, vi. 4. I4 ; Xenophon, /'es/u///ca /ace- date/l. xiii. I, xv. 4. Usually the Spartans desisted from any enterprise they had in hand when an earthquake happened (Thucydides, iii. 59. I, v. 50. 5, vi. 95. I). * Thucydides, v. 7o. 1. The use of the music, Thucydides tells us, was not to inspire the men, but to enable them to keep step, and so to march in close order. Without music a long line of battle was apt to straggle in advancing to the charge. The air to which the Spartans charged was called Castor's tune. It was the king in person who gave the word for the ſlutes to strike up. See Plutarch, Zy.cz//g/s, 22. * Xenophon, A’es/tt0/ica Zacedaeme. xi. 3.; Aristophanes, Zysis/ra/a, I 140 ; Aristotle, cited by a scholiast on Aristophanes, Acharm. 32O ; Plutarch, Zns/8/u/a /aconica, 24. When a great earthquake had destroyed the city of Sparta and the Messenians were in revolt, the Spartans sent a messenger to Athens asking for help. Aristophanes (/j/sis/ra/a, I I 38 sqq.) describes the man as if he had seen him, sitting as a suppliant on the altar with his pale face and his red coat. * I have assumed that the sun shone on the Spartans at Thermopylae. For the battle was ſought in the height of summer, when the Greek sky is gener- ally cloudless, and on that particular morning the weather was very still. The evening before, the Persians had sent round a body of troops by a diffi- cult pass to take the Spartans in the rear ; day was breaking when they neared the summit, and the first intima- tion of their approach which reached the ears of the Phocian guards posted on the mountain was the loud trampling of leaves under their feet in the oak forest. Moreover, the famous Spartan saying about fighting in the shade of the Persian arrows, which obscured the sun, points to bright, hot weather. See CHAP. VII THE EARTHQUARTE GOD IO9 If the Spartans imagined that they could stop an earth- quake by a soldiers' chorus, their theory and practice resembled that of many other barbarians. Thus the people of Timor, in the East Indies, think that the earth rests on the shoulder of a mighty giant, and that when he is weary of bearing it on one shoulder he shifts it to the other, and so causes the ground to quake. At such times, accordingly, they all shout at the top of their voices to let him know that there are still people on the earth ; for otherwise they fear lest, impatient of his burden, he might tip it into the sea." Similar beliefs and practices prevail in other parts of the East Indies. When the Balinese and the Sundanese feel an earthquake they cry out, “Still alive,” or “We still live,” to acquaint the earth-shaking god or giant with their existence.” The Bataks of Sumatra in the like circum- stances shout “The handle ! The handle !” The meaning of the cry is variously explained. Some say that it contains a delicate allusion to the sword which is thrust up to the hilt into the body of the demon or serpent who shakes the earth. Thus explained the words are a jeer or taunt levelled at that mischievous being.” Others say that when Batara-guru, the creator, was about to fashion the earth he began by building a raft, which he commanded a certain Naga-padoha to support. While he was hard at work his chisel broke, and at the same moment Naga- padoha budged under his burden. Therefore Batara-guru said, “Hold hard a moment The handle of the chisel is broken off.” And that is why the Bataks call out “The IHerodotus, vii. 21 5-226 ; and as to the date of the battle (about the time of the Olympic games) see Herodotus, vii. 206, viii. I2 and 26; G. Busolt, Griechische Geschächſe, ii.” 673, note 9. 1 S. Müller, A’eſsen enz Ondercoe- Äängen in den /ndischen Archipe/ (Amsterdam, 1857), ii. 264 sq. Com- pare A. Bastian, Indonesion, ii. 3. The beliefs and customs of the East Indian peoples in regard to earth- quakes have been described by G. A. Wilken, Het animisſile bij de Volken to lend me his copy of this second part of Wilken's valuable dissertation on animism. See also G. A. Wilken, Aſand/oiding voor de zerº:/ijkend. Ioſ. Æenkunde van AWederlandsch-Indić, pp. 6O4 sy. ; and on primitive conceptions of earthquakes in general, E. B. Tylor, J’rim ifice Cu//ure,” i. 364-366. * H. N. Van der Tuuk, “Notes on the Kawi Language and Literature,” Journa/ of the A'oya/ Asiatic Socie/1, N. S. xiii. (ISSI), p. 50. 8 W. Ködding, “Die batakschen zºan den /ndischen Archiſe/, Tweede Stuk (Leiden, 1885), pp. 247 - 254. Professor E. B. Tylor was so good as Götter und ihr Verhältniss zum Brah- manismus,” -1//geº/cºme Al/issions - Zeiſ- schriſ?, xii. (ISS5), p. 405. East Indian nodes of Stopping an earth- quake by informing the god or giant that there are still men on the earth. I IO THE EA/&T//QUARTE GOD BOOK I handle of the chisel ” during an earthquake. They believe that the deluded Naga-padoha will take the words for the voice of the creator, and that he will hold hard accordingly." When the earth quakes in some parts of Celebes, it is said that all the inhabitants of a village will rush out of their houses and grub up grass by handfuls in order to attract the attention of the earth-spirit, who, feeling his hair thus torn out by the roots, will be painfully conscious that there are still people above ground.” So in Samoa, during shocks of earthquake, the natives sometimes ran and threw themselves on the ground, gnawed the earth, and shouted frantically to the earthquake god Mafuie to desist lest he should shake the earth to pieces.” They consoled themselves with the thought that Mafuie has only one arm, saying, “If he had two, what a shake he would give l’” The Bagobos of the Philippine Islands believe that the earth rests on a great post, which a large serpent is trying to remove. When the serpent shakes the post, the earth quakes. At such times the Bagobos beat their dogs to make them howl, for the howling of the animals frightens the serpent, and he stops shaking the post. Hence so long as an earthquake lasts the howls of dogs may be heard to proceed from every house in a Bagobo village.” The Tongans think that the earth is supported on the prostrate form of the god Móooi. When he is tired of lying in one posture, he tries to turn himself about, and that causes an earthquake. Then the people shout and beat the ground with sticks to make him lie still." During an earthquake the Burmese make a great uproar, beating the walls of their houses and shouting, to frighten away the evil genius who Various modes of prevailing upon the earthquake god to stop. 1 G. A. Wilken, op. cil. p. 252 ; H. N. van der Tuuk, off. cit, pp. 49 sy. For more evidence of similar practices in the East Indies see J. G. F. Riedel, Ze s/uić en Aroesharge 7-asseſ, ſusschen Se/e/es eye Zºaſtta, pp. 330, 398, 428. 2 J. G. F. Riedel, “De Topan- tunuasu of oorspronkelijke Volk- stammen van Central Selebes,” ſºft- dragon /o/ de Zaal- Zand- en Volken- Azazde zan AWederlandsch-Indië, xxxv. (1886) p. 95. * J. Williams, Marrative of //ission- aſy Zn/eſſºrises in the South Sea Zs/azzds, p. 379. * G. Turner, Samoa, p. 21 1 ; Ch. Wilkes, AVarra/ive of the Oniſed States Zx/loring Æyſedition, ii. 13 1. * A. Schadenburg, “Die Bewohner von Süd - Mindanao und der Insel Samal,” Zeitschriſ ſir Z//mologie, xvii. (1885), p. 32. ° W. Mariner, Ma/ives of Zhe I 1 2 37. Accounſ of the 7'onga /s/ands,” ii. CHAP. VII THE EARTHQUAA E GOD I I I is shaking the earth." The Dorasques, an Indian tribe of Panama, believed that the volcano of Chiriqui was inhabited by a powerful spirit, who, in his anger, caused an earth- quake. At such times the Indians shot volleys of arrows in the direction of the volcano to terrify him and make him desist.” Earthquakes are common in the Pampa del Sacra- mento of eastern Peru. The Conibos, a tribe of Indians on the left bank of the great Ucayali River, attribute these disturbances to the Creator, who usually resides in heaven, but comes down from time to time to see whether the work of his hands still exists. The result of his descent is an earthquake. So when one happens, these Indians rush out of their huts with extravagant gestures shouting, as if in answer to a question, “A moment, a moment, here I am, father, here I am.” Their intention is, no doubt, to assure their heavenly father that they are still alive, and that he may return to his mansion on high with an easy mind. They never remember the Creator nor pay him any heed except at an earthquake.” Some of the Peruvian Indians regarded an earthquake as a sign that the gods were thirsty, so they poured water on the ground." An English resident in Fiji attributed a sudden access of piety in Kantavu, one of the islands, to a tremendous earthquake which destroyed many of the natives. The Fijians think that their islands rest on a great serpent and most wicked god named A Dage, who causes earthquakes by turning over in his sleep. So they sacrifice to him things of great value in order that he may turn as gently as possible.” In Nias a violent earthquake has a salutary effect on the morals of the natives. They suppose that it is brought about by a certain Batoo Bedano, who intends to destroy the earth because of the iniquity of mankind. So they assemble and fashion a great image out of the trunk of a tree. They make offerings, they confess their sins, they 1 Sangermano, Description of the /3tºrmese AEmpire (Rangoon, 1885), p. I 3O. 2 A. Pinart, “Les Indiens de l'état de Panama,” Revue d"/2/hnogra/hie, vi. (1887) p. I 19, 3 De St. Cricq, “Voyage du Pérou au Brésil par les fleuves Ucayali et Amazone, Indiens Conibos,” Azz//, //72 de Za Soc㺠de Géographie (Paris), IVème Série, vi. (1853) p. 292. * E. J. Payne, AZisſory of the AVew | Porld ca//cd America, i. 469. * J. Jackson, in J. E. Erskine's Journal of a Cruise among the Zslands of the Iſestern Pacific, p. 473. Religious and moral effects of earth- quakes. I I 2 THE EARTHQUAAE GOD IBOOK I The god of the sca and of the correct the fraudulent weights and measures, they vow to do better in the future, they implore mercy, and if the earth has gaped, they throw a little gold into the fissure. But when the danger is over, all their fine vows and promises are soon forgotten." We may surmise that in those Greek lands which have suffered severely from earthquakes, such as Achaia and the earthquake western coasts of Asia Minor, Poseidon was worshipped not naturally conceived {lS OI!C. less as an earthquake god than as a sea-god.” It is to be remembered that an earthquake is often accompanied by a tremendous wave which comes rolling in like a mountain from the sea, swamping the country far and wide ; indeed on the coasts of Chili and Peru, which have often been devastated by both, the wave is said to be even more dreaded than the earthquake.” The Greeks often ex- perienced this combination of catastrophes, this conspiracy, as it were, of earth and sea against the life and works of man.” It was thus that Helice, on the coast of Achaia, perished with all its inhabitants on a winter night, over- whelmed by the billows; and its destruction was set down to the wrath of Poseidon.” Nothing could be more natural than that to people familiar with the twofold calamity the dreadful god of the earthquake and of the sea should appear to be one and the same. The historian Diodorus Siculus observes that Peloponnese was deemed to have been in 1 J. T. Nieuwenhuisen en H. C. B. und J. Partsch, Physikalische Geo- von Rosenberg, ‘‘Verslag omtrent het eiland Nias,” Verhandelingen zan /ie/ Aalaviaasch Genoo/schaft way? A uſes/en en Welenscha/pen, xxx. (Batavia, 1863) p. I 18. In Soerakarta, a district of Java, when an earthquake takes place the people lie flat on their stomachs on the ground, and lick it with their tongués So long as the earthquake lasts. This they do in order that they may not lose their teeth prematurely. See J. W. Winter, “Beknopte Beschrijving van het hof Soerokarta in 1824,” /3.jdragen tot de Zaa/-, Zand'. en Volkenkunde van AWederlandsch-/ndië, liv. (1902) p. 85. The connection of ideas in this custom is not clear. * On this question see C. Neumann graphie von Griechenland, pp. 332-336. As to the frequency of earthquakes in Achaia and Asia Minor see Seneca, /2/23/. xiv. 3. 9 ; and as to Achaia in particular see C. Neumann und J. Partsch, o/, ci/. pp. 324-326. On the coast of Achaia there was a chain of sanctuaries of Poseidon (L. Preller, Griechische Mythologie, i." 575). * See Sir Ch. Lyell, Princip/es of Geology,” ii. 147 s/º. ; J. Milne, Zar//yuakes (London, 1886), pp. I65 sºy. * See, for example, Thucydides, iii. 89. ” Strabo, viii. 7. I sq., pp. 384 sy. ; Diodorus Siculus, xv. 49 ; Aelian, AWa/. Anºn. xi. 19 ; Pausanias, vii. 24. 5 sy, and I 2, vii. 25. I and 4. CHAP. W II THE EARTHQUAKE GOD II3 ancient days the abode of Poseidon, that the whole country was in a manner sacred to him, and that every city in it worshipped him above all the gods. This devotion to Poseidon he explains partly by the earthquakes and floods by which the land has been visited, partly by the remarkable chasms and subterranean rivers which are a conspicuous feature of its limestone mountains." § 6. Worship of Mephitic Vapours But eruptions and earthquakes, though the most tremendous, are not the only phenomena of volcanic regions which have affected the religion of the inhabitants. Poisonous mephitic vapours and hot springs, which abound especially in volcanic regions,” have also had their devotees, and both are, or were formerly, to be found in those western districts of Asia Minor with which we are here concerned. To begin with vapours, we may take as an illustration of their deadly effect the Guevo Upas, or Valley of Poison, near Batur in Java. It is the crater of an extinct volcano, about half a mile in circumference, and from thirty to thirty- five feet deep. Neither man nor beast can descend to the bottom and live. The ground is covered with the carcases of tigers, deer, birds, and even the bones of men, all killed by the abundant emanations of carbonic acid gas which exhale from the soil. Animals let down into it die in a few minutes. The whole range of hills is volcanic. Two neighbouring craters constantly emit smoke.” In another * Diodorus Siculus, xv. 49. 4 sq. Among the most ſamous seats of the worship of Poseidon in Peloponnese were Taenarum in Laconia, Helice in Achaia, Mantinea in Arcadia, and the island of Calauria, off the coast of were never a seafaring folk. See C. Neumann und J. Partsch, Z'hysika/ische Geographic zon Griechen/and, pp. 330 sq., 335 sq. For Laconian Sanc- tuaries of Poseidon see Pausanias, iii. I I, 9, iii. I2. 5, iii. 14, 2 and 7, Troezen. See Pausanias, ii. 33. 2, iii. I 5. IO, iii. 20. 2, iii. 2 I. 5, iii. 25. 4-8, vii. 24. 5 sq., viii. Io. 2-4. iii. 25. 4. I ia as well as Achaia has suffered tº ºvº º ** s $ Aconia as well as Ac * Sir Ch. Lyell, Principles of much from earthquakes, and it con- tained many sanctuaries of Poseidon. We may suppose that the deity was Geology,” i. 391 syg., 590. * “Extract from a Letter of Mr. worshipped here chiefly as the earth- quake-god, since the rugged coasts of Laconia are ill adapted to maritime enterprise, and the Lacedaemonians Alexander Loudom,” Journal of the A'oyal Geographical Society, ii. (1832) pp. 60-62; Sir Ch. Lyell, Principles of Geo/ogy,” i. 590. I Poisonous mephitic vapours. II 4 WORSA//P OA; MAEAEA// ZYC VA/2O UAE'S 13 OOK I crater of Java, near the volcano Talaga Bodas, the Sul- phureous exhalations have proved fatal to tigers, birds, and countless insects; and the soft parts of these creatures, such as fibres, muscles, hair, and skin, are well preserved, while the bones are corroded or destroyed." The ancients were acquainted with such noxious vapours in their own country, and they regarded the vents from which they were discharged as entrances to the infernal regions.” The Greeks called them places of Pluto (/?/utonia) or places of Charon (Charonia).” In Italy the vapours were personified as a goddess, who bore the name of Mefitis and was worshipped in various parts of the peninsula." She had a temple in the famous valley of Amsanctus in the land of the Hirpini, where the exhalations, supposed to be the breath of Pluto himself, were of so deadly a character that all who entered the place died.” The place is a glen, partly wooded with chestnut trees, among limestone hills, distant about four miles from the town of Frigento. Here, under a steep shelving bank of decomposed limestone, there is a pool of dark ash - coloured water, which continually bubbles up with an explosion like distant thunder. A rapid stream of the same blackish water rushes into the pool from under the barren rocky hill, but the fall is not more than a few feet. A little higher up are apertures in the ground, through which warm blasts of sulphuretted hydrogen are constantly issuing with more or less noise, according to the size of the holes. These blasts are no doubt what the ancients deemed the breath of Pluto. The pool is now called Meſite and the holes Meſtine/le. On the other side of the pool is a smaller pond called the Coccaſio, or Cauldron, because it appears to be perpetually boiling. Thick masses of carbonic acid gas, visible a hundred yards off, float in rapid Places of Pluto Or Charon. The valley of Am- SanCtuS. 1 Sir Ch. Lyell, l.c. * Lucretius, vi. 738 3/77. to whom he stood as to Venus or as Virbius to Leucothoe, Adonis Diana. * Strabo, v. 4, 5, p. 244, xii. 8, 17, p. 579, xiii. 4. I4, p. 629, xiv. i. I I and 44, pp. 636, 649 ; Cicero, ZXe divinatione, i. 36. 79 ; Pliny, AWa/. A/ist. ii. 208. Compare [Aristotle], /2e mundo, 4, p. 395 B, ed. Bekker. * Servius on Virgil, Aen. vii. 84, who says that some people looked on Mefitis as a god, the male partner of As to Mefitis see L. Preller, /'6mische //y//ho/ogie," ii. 144 sq. ; R. Peter, in W. H. Roscher’s / exi/ºon d, griech. aund röm. Mythologie, ii. 25 I 9 Sø7. * Virgil, Aeſt. vii. 563-571, with the commentary of Servius ; Cicero, Z0e divinatione, i. 36. 79 ; Pliny, AWa/, //ist. ii. 208. CIMAP. VII WORSA/IP OF MEPAI/7 'YC VAPO URS II 5 undulations on its surface. The vapours given off by these waters are sometimes fatal, especially when they are borne on a high wind. But as the carbonic acid gas does not naturally rise more than two or three feet from the ground, it is possible in calm weather to walk round the pools, though to stoop is difficult and to fall would be dangerous. The ancient temple of Mefitis has been replaced by a shrine of the martyred Santa Felicita." Similar discharges of poisonous vapours took place at Sanctuaries various points in the volcanic district of Caria, and were the º: º Object of Superstitious veneration in antiquity. Thus at in Caria. the village of Thymbria there was a sacred cave which gave out deadly emanations, and the place was deemed a sanctuary of Charon.” A similar cave might be seen at the village of Acharaca near Nysa, in the valley of the Maeander. Here, below the cave, there was a fine grove with a temple dedi- cated to Pluto and Proserpine. The place was sacred to Pluto, yet sick people resorted to it for the restoration of their health. They lived in the neighbouring village, and the priests prescribed for them according to the revelations which they received from the two deities in dreams. Often the priests would take the patients to the cave and leave them there for days without food. Sometimes the sufferers themselves were favoured with revelations in dreams, but they always acted under the spiritual direction of the priests. To all but the sick the place was unapproachable and fatal. Once a year a festival was held in the village, and then afflicted folk came in crowds to be rid of their ailments. About the hour of noon on that day a number of athletic young men, their naked bodies greased with oil, used to carry a bull up to the cave and there let it go. But the beast had not taken a few steps into the cavern before it fell to the ground and expired : so deadly was the vapour.” ! Letter of Mr. Hamilton (British A coin of Nysa shows the bull carried Envoy at the Court of Naples), in Journal of the Aoyal Geographical Society, ii. (1832) pp. 62-65 ; W. Smith's Dicţionary of Greek and A'oman Geography, i. 127; H. Nissen, //a/ische Zandes/unde, i. 242, 27 I, ii. 81.9 sq. * Strabo, xiv. I. I I, p. 636. * /öid, xiv. I. 44, pp. 649 sq. to the sacrifice by six naked youths and preceded by a naked flute-player. See B. V. Head, Caſa/ogue of the Greek Coins of Zydia, pp. lxxxiii. 18 I, pl.xx. IO. Strabo was familiar with this neigh- bourhood, for he tells us (xiv. 1. 48, p. 650) that in his youth he studied at Nysa under the philosopher Aristodemus. I I6 WORSHIP OF MEPHITIC VAPO URS BOOK I Sanctuary Another Plutonian sanctuary of the same sort existed at .. Hierapolis, in the upper valley of the Maeander, on the or Phrygian borders of Lydia and Phrygia." Here under a brow of the * hill there was a deep cave with a narrow mouth just large enough to admit the body of a man. A Square space in front of the cave was railed off, and within the railing there hung so thick a cloudy vapour that it was hardly possible to See the ground. In calm weather people could step up to the railing with safety, but to pass within it was instant death. Bulls driven into the enclosure fell to the earth and were dragged out lifeless ; and sparrows, which spectators by way of experiment allowed to fly into the mist, dropped dead at once. Yet the eunuch priests of the Great Mother Goddess could enter the railed-off area with impunity; nay more, they used to go up to the very mouth of the cave, stoop, and creep into it for a certain distance, holding their breath ; but there was a look on their faces as if they were being choked. Some people ascribed the immunity of the priests to the divine protection, others to the use of antidotes.” § 7. Worship of Hot Springs The hot The mysterious chasm of Hierapolis, with its deadly * mist, has not been discovered in modern times; indeed it cascades of would seem to have vanished even in antiquity.” It may ” have been destroyed by an earthquake. But another marvel of the Sacred City remains to this day. The hot springs with their calcareous deposit, which, like a wizard's wand, turns all that it touches to stone, excited the wonder of the ancients, and the Course of ages has only enhanced the fantastic splendour of the great transformation scene. The stately ruins of Hierapolis Occupy a broad shelf or terrace on the mountain-side Commanding distant views of extra- ordinary beauty and grandeur, from the dark precipices and dazzling snows of Mount Cadmus away to the burnt summits of Phrygia, fading in rosy tints into the blue of the sky. * Some of the ancients assigned Dio Cassius, lxviii. 27, 3 ; Pliny, Mat. Hierapolis to Lydia, and others to //ist. ii. 208; Ammianus Marcellinus, Phrygia (W. M. Ramsay, Cities and xxiii. 6, 18. Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. 84 sq.), * Ammianus Marcellinus (l.c.) speaks as if the cave no longer existed in his * Strabo, xiii. 4. I4, pp. 629 sº, ; time, CHAP. VII WORSA///? OA’ AſO 7” SAE/º/AWGS 1 17 Hills, broken by wooded ravines, rise behind the city. In front the terrace falls away in cliffs three hundred feet high into the desolate treeless valley of the Lycus. Over the face of these cliffs the hot streams have poured or trickled for thousands of years, encrusting them with a pearly white substance like salt or driven snow. The appearance of the whole is as if a mighty river, some two miles broad, had been suddenly arrested in the act of falling Over a great cliff and transformed into white marble. It is a petrified Niagara. The illusion is strongest in winter or in cool summer mornings when the mist from the hot springs hangs in the air, like a veil of spray resting on the foam of the waterfall. A closer inspection of the white cliff, which attracts the traveller's attention at a distance of twenty miles, only adds to its beauty and changes one illusion for another. For now it seems to be a glacier, its long pendent stalactites looking like icicles, and the snowy whiteness of its smooth expanse being tinged here and there with delicate hues of blue, rose and green, all the colours of the rainbow. These petrified cascades of Hierapolis are among the wonders of the world. Indeed they have probably been without a rival in their kind ever since the famous white and pink terraces or staircases of Rotomahana in New Zealand were destroyed by a volcanic eruption some twenty years ago. The hot springs which have wrought these miracles at The hot Hierapolis rise in a large deep pool among the vast and Hºl imposing ruins of the ancient city. The water is of a with its greenish-blue tint, but clear and transparent. At the . bottom may be seen the white marble columns of a beauti–tions, ful Corinthian colonnade, which must formerly have en- circled the sacred pool. Shimmering through the green-blue water they look like the ruins of a Naiad's palace. Clumps of oleanders and pomegranate-trees overhang the little lake and add to its charm. Yet the enchanted spot has its dangers. Bubbles of carbonic acid gas rise incessantly from the bottom and mount like flickering particles of silver to the surface. Birds and beasts which come to drink of the water are sometimes found dead on the bank, stifled by the noxious vapour; and the villagers tell of bathers who I [8 VVOA’SA///2 OA. AſO 7” S/2/0/AVGS IBOOK I have been overpowered by it and drowned, or dragged down, as they say, to death by the water-spirit. The streams of hot water, no longer regulated by the care of a religious population, have for centuries been allowed to overflow their channels and to spread unchecked over the tableland. By the deposit which they leave behind they have raised the surface of the ground many feet, their white ridges concealing the ruins and impeding the footstep, except where the old channels, filled up solidly to the brim, now form hard level footpaths, from which the traveller may survey the strange scene without quitting the saddle. In antiquity the husbandmen used purposely to lead the water in rills round their lands, and thus in a few years their fields and vineyards were enclosed with walls of solid stone. The water was also peculiarly adapted for the dyeing of woollen stuffs. Tinged with dyes extracted from certain roots, it imparted to cloths dipped in it the finest shades of purple and scarlet." We cannot doubt that Hierapolis owed its reputation as a holy city in great part to its hot Springs and mephitic vapours. The curative virtue of mineral and thermal springs was well known to the ancients, and it would be interesting, if it were possible, to trace the causes which have gradually eliminated the superstitious element from the use of such waters, and so converted many old seats of volcanic religion into the medicinal baths of modern times. It was an article of Greek faith that all hot springs were sacred to Hercules.” Deposits left by the waters of Hierapolis. Hercules the patron of hot Springs. * Strabo, xiii. 4. I4, pp. 629, 630 ; 90 degrees Fahrenheit. The volcanic Vitruvius, viii. 3. Io. For modern district of Tuscany which skirts the descriptions of Hierapolis see R. Apennines abounds in hot calcareous Chandler, Travels in Asia Minor” springs which have produced phenomena (London, 1776), pp. 228-235 ; Ch. like those of Hierapolis. Indeed the Fellows, Journal wri//em during an Zxcursion in Asia ///nor (London, 1839), pp. 283-285 ; W. J. Hamilton, A'esearches ºn Asia ///7207, A'ontus, and A7-mezzia, i. 517-52 I ; E. Renan, Saën/ /au/, pp. 357 sq. ; E. J. Davis, Ana/o/ica (London, 1874), pp. 97-1 12 ; E. Reclus, AVouvelle Géograft/mie Oni- zerselle, ix. 5 IO-5 12 ; W. Cochran, Aezz and Zºezzcá/ S/e/c/tes 272 Asia /l/7/207. (London, 1887), pp. 387-390 ; W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. 84 sq.g. The temperature of the hot pool varies from 85 to whole ground is in some places coated over with tufa and travertine, which have been deposited by the water, and, like the ground at Hierapolis, it sounds hollow under the ſoot. See Sir Ch. Lyell, Principles of Geology,” i. 397 3/7. As to the terraces of Rotoma- hana in New Zealand, which were destroyed by an eruption of Mount Taravera in 1886, see R. Taylor, Ze Z/a A /l/azzz', or AVew Zealand and its Zn/abitants,” pp. 464-469. * Athenaeus, xii. 6, p. 512. CHAP. VII WO/CSA///2 OA’ AſO 7" S/2/0/AVG.S. I IQ “Who ever heard of cold baths that were sacred to Hercules 2" asks Injustice in Aristophanes; and Justice admits that the brawny hero's patronage of hot baths was the excuse alleged by young men for sprawling all day in the steaming water when they ought to have been sweating in the gymnasium.' Hot springs were said to have been first produced for the refreshment of Hercules after his labours ; some ascribed the kindly thought and deed to Athena, others to Hephaestus, and others to the nymphs.” The warm water of these sources appears to have been used especially to heal diseases of the skin ; for a Greek proverb, “the itch of Hercules,” was applied to persons in need of hot baths for the scab.” On the strength of his connection with medicinal springs Hercules set up as a patron of the healing art. In heaven, if we can trust Lucian, he even refused to give place to Aesculapius himself, and the difference between them led to a very unseemly brawl. “Do you mean demanded Hercules of his father Zeus, in indignation, “that this apothecary is to sit down to table before me?” To this the apothecary replies with much acrimony, recalling certain painful episodes in the private life of the burly hero. Finally the dispute is settled by Zeus, who decides in favour of Aesculapius on the ground that he died before Hercules, and is therefore entitled to rank as senior god.” Among the hot springs sacred to Hercules the most Hot famous were those which rose in the pass of Thermopylae, .." and gave to the defile its name of the Hot Gates.” The at Thermo- warm baths, called by the natives “the Pots,” were enlarged "* and improved for the use of invalids by the wealthy sophist Herodes Atticus in the second century of our era. An altar of Hercules stood beside them." According to one to Say,” a burst of ! Aristophanes, C/oud's, IO44- IOS4. Smiting the rock with his club (Anto- * Scholiast on Aristophanes, Clouds, Io 5o ; Scholiast on Pindar, O/y/l/, xii. 25 ; Suidas and Hesychius, s.7). 'Hpék\eta \outpd. ; Apostolius, viii. 66 : Zenobius, vi. 49 ; Diogenianus, v. 7 ; Plutarch, Proverbia Alexandrinorum, 2 I ; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. I, v. 3, 4. Another story was that Hercules, like Moses, produced the water by ninus Liberalis, Zºransform. 4). * Apostolius, viii. 68 ; Zenobius, vi. 49 ; Diogenianus, v. 7 ; Plutarch, A roverbia Alexandrinorum, 2 I. * Lucian, Dialog: Deorum, I 3. * Strabo, ix. 4. I 3, p. 428. 6 IIerodotus, vii. 176; Pausanias, iv. 35. 9 ; Philostratus, P7/. Sophis/. ii. I. 9. I2O |WORSA/IP OF HOT SPR/AWGS BOOK I story, the hot springs were here produced for his refreshment by the goddess Athena." They exist to this day apparently unchanged, although the recession of the sea has converted what used to be a narrow pass into a wide, Swampy flat, through which the broad but shallow, turbid stream of the Sperchius creeps sluggishly seaward. On the other side the rugged mountains descend in crags and precipices to the pass, their grey, rocky sides tufted with low wood or bushes wherever vegetation can find a foothold, and their summits fringed along the sky-line with pines. They remind a Scotchman of the “crags, knolls, and mounds confusedly hurled ” in which Ben Venue comes down to the Silver Strand of Loch Katrine. The principal spring bursts from the rocks just at the foot of the steepest and loftiest part of the range. After forming a small pool it flows in a rapid stream eastward, skirting the foot of the mountains. The water is so hot that it is almost painful to hold the hands in it, at least near the source, and steam rises thickly from its surface along the course of the brook. Indeed the clouds of white steam and the strong Sulphurous smell acquaint the traveller with his approach to the famous spot before he comes in sight of the springs. The water is clear, but has the appearance of being of a deep sea-blue or sea- green colour. This appearance it takes from the thick, slimy deposits of blue-green sulphur which line the bed of the stream. From its source the blue, steaming, Sulphur- reeking brook rushes eastward for a few hundred yards at the foot of the mountain, and is then joined by the water of another spring, which rises much more tranquilly in a sort of natural bath among the rocks. The sides of this bath are not so thickly coated with sulphur as the banks of the stream ; hence its water, about two feet deep, is not so blue. Just beyond it there is a second and larger bath, which, from its square shape and smooth sides, would seem to be in part artificial. These two baths are probably the Pots mentioned by ancient writers. They are still used by bathers, and a few wooden dressing-rooms are provided for the accommoda- tion of visitors. Some of the water is conducted in an artificial channel to turn a mill about half a mile off at the eastern end 1 Scholiast on Aristophanes, Clouds, IoSo. CHAP. VII |WORSHIP OF HOT SPR/AWGS I 2 I of the pass. The rest crosses the flat to find its way to the sea. In its passage it has coated the Swampy ground with a white crust, which sounds hollow under the tread." We may conjecture that these remarkable springs Hot furnished the principal reason for associating Hercules with #. this district, and for laying the scene of his fiery death on Aedepsus. the top of the neighbouring Mount Oeta. The district is volcanic, and has often been shaken by earthquakes.” Across the strait the island of Euboea has suffered from the same cause and at the same time ; and on its southern shore sulphureous springs, like those of Thermopylae, but much hotter and more powerful, were in like manner dedicated to Hercules.” The strong medicinal qualities of the waters, which are especially adapted for the cure of skin diseases and gout, have attracted patients in ancient and modern times. Sulla took the waters here for his gout ; * and in the days of Plutarch the neighbouring town of Aedepsus, situated in a green valley about two miles from the springs, was one of the most fashionable resorts of Greece. Elegant and commodious buildings, an agreeable country, and abundance of fish and game united with the health-giving properties of the baths to draw crowds of idlers to the place, especially in the prime of the glorious Greek spring, the height of the season at Aedepsus. While some watched the dancers dancing or listened to the strains of the harp, others passed the time in discourse, lounging in the shade of cloisters or pacing the shore of the beautiful strait with its prospect of mountains beyond mountains immortalised in story across the water.” Of all this Greek elegance and luxury hardly a vestige remains. * I have described Thermopylae as I saw it in November 1895. Compare W. M. Leake, Zºrave/s in AVorthern Greece, ii. 33 sqq. ; E. Dodwell, Classical and Zopographica/ through Greece, ii. 66 syſ). ; K. G. Fiedler, A’eise durch al/e 7%e2/e des Aºrtigreichs Griechen/and, i. 207 sq.7. ; L. Ross, Aleſseſ, des Äänig's O//o £n Griechenland, i. 90 sq.7, ; C. Bursian, Geographie von Griechen/and, i. 92 $77. * Thucydides, iii. 87 and 89; Strabo, i. 3. 20, pp. 60 sq. ; C. Neumann und Tower J. Partsch, Physikalische Geographie zon Griechenland, pp. 32 I-323. * Aristotle, Al/eteora, ii. 8, p. 366 A, ed. Bekker ; Strabo, ix. 4. 2, p. 425. Aristotle expressly recognised the con- nection of the springs with earthquakes, which he tells us were very common in this district. As to the earthquakes of Euboea see also Thucydides, iii. 87, 89 ; Strabo, i. 3. I 6, and 20, pp. 58, 60 sq. * Plutarch, Sulla, 26. * Ibid., Quaest. Conºviaſes, iv. 4. I ; id., De fraterno A more, I 7. I 2.2 |AVOA’SA//P OF HOT S/2/8//VG.S' BO() }{ } Yet the healing springs flow now as freely as of old. In the Course of time the white and yellow calcareous deposit which the water leaves behind it, has formed a hillock at the foot of the mountains, and the stream now falls in a steam- ing cascade from the face of the rock into the sea." Once, after an earthquake, the springs ceased to flow for three days, and at the same time the hot springs of Thermopylae dried up.” The incident proves the relation of these Baths of Hercules on both sides of the strait to each other and to volcanic agency. On another occasion a cold spring suddenly burst out beside the hot springs of Aedepsus, and as its water was supposed to be peculiarly beneficial to health, patients hastened from far and near to drink of it. But the generals of King Antigonus, anxious to raise a revenue, imposed a tax on the use of the water ; and the spring, as if in disgust at being turned to so base a use, disappeared as suddenly as it had come.” The association of Hercules with hot springs was not confined to Greece itself. Greek influence extended it to Sicily,” Italy,” and even to Dacia." Why the hero should have been chosen as the patron of thermal waters, it is hard to say. Yet it is worth while, perhaps, to remember that Such springs combine in a manner the twofold and seemingly discordant principles of water and fire," of fertility and Reasons for the association of Hercules with hot Springs, * As to the hot springs of Aedepsus (the modern /i/so) see K. G. Fiedler, the water of the pool. See Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. 4, v. 4. I s/. As to A'eise durch al/e 7%.eſ/e des ĺnºgreſchs Griechenland, i. 487 - 492 ; H. N. Ulrichs, /"eisen und /orsc/ungeſ, in Criechenland, ii. 233-235 ; C. Bursian, Geograft/ſe zon Griechen/and, ii. 4O9 ; C. Neumann und J. Partsch, //y. s?/a/ische Geograp/hie won Griechen/and, pp. 342-344. * Strabo, i. 3. 20, p. 60. * Athenaeus, iii. 4, p. 73, E, D. * The hot springs of Iſimera (the modern Zºey'ſ/1777%) were said to have been produced for the reſreshment of the weary Hercules. See Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. I, v. 3. 4 ; Scholiast on Pindar, O/y/l/. xii. 25. The hero is said to have taught the Syracusans to sacrifice a bull annually to Proserpine at the Blue Spring (Cyane) near Syracuse ; the beasts were drowned in the spring, which is now thickly sur- rounded by tall papyrus-plants intro- duced by the Arabs, see K. Baedeker, Sortſ/tern Italy," pp. 356, 357. * The splendid baths of Alliſae in Samnium, of which there are con- siderable remains, were sacred to IIercules. See G. Wilmanns, Zxe/p/a ///scrip/ſon?//, /a/imaru/, No. 735 C ; II. Nissen, /a/ische /a/?des/unde, ii. 798. It is characteristic of the volcanic nature of the springs that the same inscription which mentions these baths of Hercules records their destruction by an earthquake. " H. Dessau, /mscrip/iones /a/inae Selectae, No. 3891. 7 Speaking of thermal springs Lyell observes that the description of them “might almost with equal propriety CIIA P. V J I VVO/Q.S////? O/7 //O T S AE2/8/AVG.S. I 23 destruction, and that the death of Hercules in the flames seems to connect him with the fiery element. Further, the apparent conflict of the two principles is by no means as absolute as at first sight we might be tempted to suppose ; for heat is as necessary as moisture to the support of animal and vegetable life. Even volcanic fires have their beneficent aspect, since their products lend a more generous flavour to the juice of the grape. The ancients themselves, as we have seen, perceived the connection between good wine and volcanic soil, and proposed more or less seriously to interpret the vine-god Dionysus as a child of the fire." As a patron of hot springs Hercules combined the genial elements of heat and moisture, and may therefore have stood, in one of his many aspects, for the principle of fertility. How far these considerations may serve to explain the custom of burning him, or gods identified with him, in effigy or in the person of a human being, is a question which deserves to be considered. The Indians of Nicaragua used to sacrifice men, women, and children to the active volcano Massaya, flinging them into the craters : we are told that the victims went willingly to their fate.” The Sandwich Islanders were formerly in the habit of throwing vast numbers of hogs into the craters of the great volcano Kirauea during an eruption or when an eruption was threatening. Further, they cast hogs into the rolling tide of lava to appease the gods and stay its progress.” In Java the volcano Bromok is annually worshipped by people who throw offerings of cocoa-nuts, plantains, rice, chickens, cloth, money, and so forth into the crater." Similarly in antiquity people cast into the craters of Etna vessels of gold and silver and all kinds of victims. If the fire swallowed up the offerings, the omen was good ; but if it rejected them, some evil was sure to befall the offerer.” have been given under the head of iv. 250. Compare Ābād, pp. 236, 350. ‘igneous causes,’ as they are agents of a mixed nature, being at once igneous and aqueous” (Princiſſes of Geo/ogy,” i. 392). ! See above, p. 106. * Oviedo, Aſis/oria Genera/ 1. Ma/ural de Was Indias (Madrid, 1851 - 1855), iv. 74. 8 W. Ellis, Zºo/y/lesian A'esearches,” * W. B. d’Almeida, Liſt in Jaza, i. I 66- 173. * Pausanias, iii. 23. 9. Some have thought that Pausanias confused the crater of Etna with the Zago & A/a/7/a, a pool near l'alagonia in the interior of Sicily, of which the water, impregnated with naphtha and sulphur, is thrown into violent ebullition by jets of volcanic Sacri- fices to volcanoes. I 24 WORSHIP OF AZOT SPR/AWGS B1. I, CH, VII These examples suggest that a custom of burning men or images may possibly be derived from a practice of throwing them into the craters of active volcanoes in order to appease the dreaded spirits or gods who dwell there. But unless we reckon the fires of Mount Argaeus in Cappa- docia" and of Mount Chimaera in Lycia,” there is apparently no record of any mountain in western Asia which has been in eruption within historical times. On the whole, then, we conclude that the Asiatic custom of burning kings or gods has probably had no connection with volcanic phenomena. Yet it was perhaps worth while to raise the question of their con- nection, even though it has received only a negative answer. The whole subject of the influence which physical environ- ment has exercised on the history of religion deserves to be studied with more attention than it has yet received.” gas. See [Aristotle], A//rab. Auscul/. 57; Macrobius, Sa/u/77. v. I 9. 26 s/ſy. ; Diodorus Siculus, xi. 89 ; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. IIa)\ukň ; E. H. Bun- bury, in W. Smith’s Dic/ionary of Greek and /ēomaſz Geography, ii. 533 sq. The author of the ancient Latin poem A&/na says (vv. 34o sº.) that people offered incense to the celestial deities on the top of Etna. 1 See above, pp. I O2 sy. * On Mount Chimaera in Lycia a flame burned perpetually which neither earth nor water could extinguish. See Pliny, AWa/, //ist. ii. 236, v. IOO ; Servius on Virgil, Aen. vi. 288 ; Seneca, AEpist, x. 3. 3.; Diodorus, quoted by Photius, /376/io/heca, p. 212 B, I O sqq., ed. Bekker. This perpetual flame was rediscovered by Captain 3eaufort near Porto Genovese on the coast of Lycia. It issues from the side of a hill of crumbly serpentine rock, giving out an intense heat, but no smoke. “Trees, brushwood, and weeds grow close round this little crater, a small stream trickles, down the hill hard bye, and the ground does not appear to feel the effect of its heat at more than a few feet distance.” The fire is not accompanied by earthquakes or noises; it ejects no stones and emits no noxious vapours. There is nothing but a brilliant and perpetual flame, at which the shepherds often cook their food. See Fr. Beaufort, Aarmania (London, 1817), p. 46 ; compare T. A. B. Spratt and E. Forbes, 7%raze/s in /ycia (London, I847), ii. 181 sq. * In the foregoing discussion I have confined myself, so far as concerns Asia, to the volcanic regions of Cappadocia, Lydia, and Caria. But Syria and Palestine, the home of Adonis and Melcarth, “abound in volcanic appearances, and very ex- tensive areas have been shaken, at different periods, with great destruction of cities and loss of lives. Continual mention is made in history of the ravages committed by earthquakes in Sidon, Tyre, Berytus, Laodicea, and Antioch, and in the island of Cyprus. The country around the Dead Sea exhibits in some spots layers of sulphur and bitumen, forming a superficial deposit, supposed by Mr. Tristram to be of volcanic origin '' (Sir Ch. Iyell, Princip/es of Geo/ogy,” i. 592 sq.). As to the earthquakes of Syria and Phoenicia see Strabo, i. 3. I6, p. 58 ; Lucretius, vi. 585. The destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah (Genesis xix. 24-28) has been plausibly explained as the effect of an earthquake liberating large quantities of petroleum and inflammable gases. See S. R. Driver, 7%e Book of Genesis,” pp. 202 sq. C H A P T E R VIII THE RITUAL OF ADONIS THUS far we have dealt with the myth of Adonis and the Results of legends which associated him with Byblus and Paphos. A º discussion of these legends led us to the conclusion that among Semitic peoples in early times, Adonis, the divine lord of the city, was often personated by priestly kings or other members of the royal family, and that these his human representatives were of old put to death, whether periodically or occasionally, in their divine character. Further, we found that certain traditions and monuments of Asia Minor seem to preserve traces of a similar practice. As time went on, the cruel custom was apparently mitigated in various ways, for example, by Substituting an effigy or an animal for the man, or by allowing the destined victim to escape with a merely make-believe sacrifice. The evidence of all this is drawn from a variety of scattered and often ambiguous indications: it is fragmentary, it is uncertain, and the conclusions built upon it inevitably partake of the weakness of the foundation. Where the records are so im- perfect, as they happen to be in this branch of our subject, the element of hypothesis must enter largely into any attempt to piece together and interpret the disjointed facts. How far the interpretations here proposed are sound, I leave to future inquiries to determine. - From dim regions of the past, where we have had to Our know- * g - * ledge of the grope our way with small help from the lamp of history, rites of it is a relief to pass to those later periods of classical à. * g g & Cler) We antiquity on which contemporary Greek writers have shed ji, the light of their clear intelligence. To them we owe º WWI’lterS, I25 I 26 T///Z /ē/7'OA/L OF A DOM/S 13OOJK I almost all that we know for certain about the rites of Adonis. The Semites who practised the worship have said little about it ; at all events little that they said has come down to us. Accordingly, the following account of the ritual is derived mainly from Greek authors who saw what they describe ; and it applies to ages in which the growth of humane feeling had softened some of the harsher features of the worship. At the festivals of Adonis, which were held in western Asia and in Greek lands, the death of the god was annually mourned, with a bitter wailing, chiefly by women ; images of him, dressed to resemble corpses, were carried out as to burial and then thrown into the sca or into springs;" and in some places his revival was celebrated on the following day.” But at different places the ceremonies varied some- what in the manner and apparently also in the season of their celebration. At Alexandria images of Aphrodite and Adonis were displayed on two couches; beside them were Set ripe fruits of all kinds, cakes, plants growing in flower- pots, and green bowers twined with anise. The marriage of the lovers was celebrated one day, and on the morrow women attired as mourners, with streaming hair and bared breasts, bore the image of the dead Adonis to the sea-shore and committed it to the waves. Yet they sorrowed not without hope, for they sang that the lost one would come back again.” The date at which this Alexandrian ceremony was observed is not expressly stated ; but from the mention of the ripe fruits it has been inferred that it took place in late summer.” In the great Phoenician sanctuary of Astarte at Byblus the death of Adonis was annually mourned, to the shrill wailing notes of the flute, with weeping, lamentation, and beating of the breast ; but next day he was believed to come to life again and ascend Festivals of the death and TGSUl!"I (2C- tion of Adonis. up to heaven in the presence of his worshippers. The | Plutarch, A/ci/?ades, 18; id., 77tas? /lor/u?/s, eſ / os/ea rezºviscens, AVăcias, I 3 ; Zenobius, Ce/7/ur. i. 49 ; can iſ uſ alytte /auda///r Enter- 7tes?/7'7"cc/Zone//, Adon/dis Theocritus, xv. 132 sqq.; Eustathius on IIomer, Od, xi. 590. * Besides Lucian (cited below) See Jerome, Com/te/a/. in Azechſel. viii. 14 : ‘‘ ºn ſyua (solemni/a/e) //angiºur ſec/io/te/l e/ //ancſit e/ gaudio /rose/ue/y.” * Theocritus, xv. " W. Mannhardt, tºld Zºe/d/ºu//e, p. 277. Am/?/ºe Wa/a/. CHAP. VIII THE /ē/TUA/L OF A DO/V/S 127 disconsolate believers, left behind on earth, shaved their heads as the Egyptians did on the death of the divine bull Apis ; women who could not bring themselves to sacrifice their beautiful tresses had to give themselves up to strangers on a certain day of the festival, and to dedicate to Astarte the wages of their shame." This Phoenician festival appears to have been a vernal one, for its date was determined by the discoloration of the river Adonis, and this has been observed by modern travellers to occur in spring. At that season the red earth washed down from the mountains by the rain tinges the water of the river, and even the sea, for a great way with a blood-red hue, and the crimson stain was believed to be the blood of Adonis, annually wounded to death by the boar on Mount Lebanon.” Again, the scarlet anemone is said to have sprung from the blood of Adonis, or to have been stained by it; * and as the anemone blooms in Syria about Easter, this may be thought to show that the festival of Adonis, or at least one of his festivals, was held in spring. The name of the flower is probably derived from Naaman (“darling ”), which seems to have been an epithet of Adonis. The Arabs still call the anemone “wounds of the Naaman.” “ The red rose too was said to owe its hue to the same sad occasion ; for Aphrodite, hastening to her wounded lover, trod on a bush of white | Lucian, /Je dea Syria, 6. See above, p. 22. The flutes used by the Phoenicians in the lament for Adonis are mentioned by Athenaeus (iv. 76, p. 174 F). We have seen that flutes were also played in the Baby- lonian rites of Tammuz (above, p. 7). lucian's words, és Töv )épa Tréptroval, imply that the ascension of the god was supposed to take place in the presence, iſ not before the eyes, of the worshipping crowds. The devotion of Byblus to Adonis is noticed also by Strabo (xvi. 2. I 8, p. 755). * Lucian, o/, ci/. 8. The discolora- tion of the river and the sea was observed 1696 1697 See his “Journey ſrom Aleppo to Jeru- salem,” in Bohn's Żarly Z raze's in Zaſes/ine, edited by Thomas Wright by H. Maundrell on ; March (London, 1848), pp. 4 I I sty. Renan remarked the discoloration at the begin- ning of February (A/ission de Phénicie, p. 283). In his well-known lines on the subject Milton has laid the mourn- ing in summer — Z'hammuz came nex/ behind, |Wºose annual wound in Zebanon a//w/7'aſ 7%e Syrian damseſs to lament his ſate //t amorous diſties aſ a stem/zer's day. * Ovid, Al/c/a/. x. 735; Servius on Virgil, 21cm. v. 72 ; J. Tzetzes, Scho/. out 1.j'co//von, S3 I. Bion, on the other hand, represents the anemone as sprung ſrom the tears of Aphrodite (/aſy/. i. 66). * W. Robertson Smith, “ Ctesias and the Semiramis Legend,” Fnglish Z//s/orical /čeview, ii. (1887) p. 307, following Lagarde. J)ate of the festival at Pyblus. The 3].]] CITY On 6: and the red rose the flowers of Adonis. I 28 7THE /ø/7'UAZ, OF A DO/W/S BOOK I roses ; the cruel thorns tore her tender flesh, and her sacred blood dyed the white roses for ever red." It would be idle, perhaps, to lay much weight on evidence drawn from the calendar of flowers, and in particular to press an argument so fragile as the bloom of the rose. Yet so far as it counts at all, the tale which links the damask rose with the Festivals of death of Adonis points to a Summer rather than to a º: * spring celebration of his passion. In Attica, certainly, the Antioch, festival fell at the height of summer. For the fleet which Athens fitted out against Syracuse, and by the destruction of which her power was permanently crippled, sailed at midsummer, and by an Ominous coincidence the sombre rites of Adonis were being celebrated at the very time. As the troops marched down to the harbour to embark, the streets through which they passed were lined with coffins and corpse-like effigies, and the air was rent with the noise of women wailing for the dead Adonis. The circumstance cast a gloom Over the Sailing of the most splendid armament that Athens ever sent to sea.” Many ages afterwards, when the Emperor Julian made his first entry into Antioch, he found in like manner the gay, the luxurious capital of the East plunged in mimic grief for the annual death of Adonis; and if he had any presentiment of coming evil, the voices of lamentation which struck upon his ear must have seemed to sound his knell.” Resem- The resemblance of these ceremonies to the Indian and blance of -- * * º these European ceremonies which I have described elsewhere rites to , is obvious. In particular, apart from the somewhat Indian and e g * E. doubtful date of its celebration, the Alexandrian ceremony cere- is almost identical with the Indian." In both of them the ITY O Ill C.S. tº & © e º g º marriage of two divine beings, whose affinity with vegetation seems indicated by the fresh plants with which they are 1 J. Tzetzes, Scho/, on /ycop/ron, his habitual contempt for the supersti- 831 ; Geo/onica, xi. 17 ; /////ograſ/º tion of his countrymen, disdains to Graeci, ed. A. Westermann, p. 359. notice the coincidence. Adonis was Compare Bion, ///. i. 66; Pausanias, also bewailed by the Argive women vi. 24. 7 ; Philostratus, /ö/øst. i. (Pausanias, ii. 20. 6), but we do not and iii. know at what season of the year the 2 Plutarch, A/czóżades, 18; 7d., lamentation took place. AV/cias, 13. The date of the sailing of the fleet is given by Thucydides (vi. 30, 0épous uégoûvros #6m), who, with * See 7%e Goſden /3ough,” ii. IoS sqq. * Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 9. 15. CHAP. VIII ZTA/A2 /ø/7 UAZ, OA' A DO/V/S I 29 surrounded, is celebrated in effigy, and the effigies are afterwards mourned over and thrown into the water." From the similarity of these customs to each other and to the spring and midsummer customs of modern Europe we should naturally expect that they all admit of a common explanation. Hence, if the explanation which I have The death adopted of the latter is correct, the ceremony of the death º and resurrection of Adonis must also have been a dramatic Adonis a representation of the decay and revival of plant life. The º inference thus based on the resemblance of the customs is for the confirmed by the following features in the legend and ritual * of Adonis. His affinity with vegetation comes out at once revival ºf e * tº * plant life, in the common story of his birth. He was said to have been born from a myrrh-tree, the bark of which bursting, after a ten months' gestation, allowed the lovely infant to come forth. According to some, a boar rent the bark with his tusk and so opened a passage for the babe. A faint rationalistic colour was given to the legend by saying that his mother was a woman named Myrrh, who had been turned into a myrrh-tree soon after she had conceived the child.” The use of myrrh as incense at the festival of Adonis may have given rise to the fable.” We have seen that incense was burnt at the corresponding Babylonian rites," just as it was burnt by the idolatrous Hebrews in honour of the Queen of Heaven,” who was no other than Astarte. Again, the story that Adonis spent half, or ac- cording to others a third, of the year in the lower world and the rest of it in the upper world," is explained most simply and naturally by supposing that he represented vegetation, especially the corn, which lies buried in the * In the Alexandrian ceremony, however, it appears to have been the image of Adonis only which was thrown into the sea. * Apollodorus, Biblio/h. iii. 14. 4 ; Schol. on Theocritus, i. Io9 ; Antoninus Liberalis, Zºransform. 34 ; J. Tzetzes, Scho/. on Zy.co//royz. S29 ; Ovid, Al/c/a/. N. 489 syſ). ; Servius on Virgil, ,-len. v. 72, and on Aucoſ. X. 18; Hyginus, /a/. 58, 164 : Ful- gentius, iii. S. The word Myrrha or Smyrna is borrowed from the Phoenician (Liddell and Scott, Greek Zevicon, s.r. a pºpua). Hence the mother's name, as well as the son's, was taken directly from the Semites. ° W. Mannhardt, -1777& II aſaf- und' Ae/d/ºu//e, p. 283, note 2. * Above, p. 7. * Jeremiah xliv, 17-19. ° Schol. on Theocritus, iii. 48 : Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 7 : Lucian, IDialog. deo”. Ni. I ; Cornutus, Z), //a/atra deorum, 28, p. 163 sq. ed. Osannus ; Apollodorus, iii. 14. 4. R I 30 THAE /ē/TU/A L OF A DO/V/S I3(OO || I earth half the year and reappears above ground the other half. Certainly of the annual phenomena of nature there is none which suggests so obviously the idea of death and resurrection as the disappearance and reappearance of vegetation in autumn and spring. Adonis has been taken for the Sun ; but there is nothing in the sun's annual course within the temperate and tropical zones to suggest that he is dead for half or a third of the year and alive for the other half or two-thirds. He might, indeed, be conceived as weakened in winter, but dead he could not be thought to be ; his daily reappearance contradicts the supposition. Within the Arctic Circle, where the sun annually disappears for a continuous period which varies from twenty-four hours to six months according to the latitude, his yearly death and resurrection would certainly be an obvious idea ; but no one except the unfortunate astronomer Bailly' has maintained that the Adonis worship came from the Arctic regions. On the other hand, the annual death and revival of vegetation is a conception which readily presents itself to men in every stage of savagery and civilisation ; and the vastness of the scale on which this ever-recurring decay and regeneration takes place, together with man's intimate dependence on it for subsistence, combine to render it the most impressive annual occurrence in nature, at least within the temperate zones. It is no wonder that a phenomenon so important, so striking, and SO universal should, by suggesting similar ideas, have given rise to similar rites in many lands. We may, therefore, accept as probable an explanation of the Adonis worship which accords so well with the facts of nature and with the analogy of similar rites in other lands. More- over, the explanation is countenanced by a considerable body of opinion amongst the ancients themselves, who again ! Bailly, /eſ/res sur l’Origine des Parisian mob (/rench Aczo/u/ion, bl. Sciences (London and Paris, I 777), v, ch. 2). My friend the late Professor pp. 255 sq. ; d. , /e//res sur /'.1//av//aſe C. Bendall showed me a book by a de Z’/a/o/? (London and l’aris, I 779), I ſindoogentleman in which it is seriously pp. 1 14-125. Carlyle has described maintained that the primitive home of how through the sleety drizzle of a the Aryans was within the Arctic dreary November day poor innocent regions. See Băl Gangādhar Tilak, Bailly was dragged to the scaffold 7%e Arc/ic //ome in the Pedas (Poona amid the howls and curses of the and Bombay, 1903). CHAP. VIII ZTA/AE /ē/7'OA/C OF A DO/V/S I 3 I and again interpreted the dying and reviving god as the reaped and sprouting grain." The character of Tammuz or Adonis as a corn-spirit comes out plainly in an account of his festival given by an Arabic writer of the tenth century. In describing the rites and sacrifices observed at the different seasons of the year by the heathen Syrians of Harran, he says:–“ Tammuz (July). In the middle of this month is the festival of el-Búgāt, that is, of the weeping women, and this is the Tá-uz festival, which is celebrated in honour of the god Tā-uz. The women bewail him, because his lord slew him so cruelly, ground his bones in a mill, and then scattered them to the wind. The women (during this festival) eat nothing which has been ground in a mill, but limit their diet to steeped wheat, sweet vetches, dates, raisins, and the like.” “ Tā-uz, who is no other than Tammuz, is here like Burns's John Barleycorn— | Schol. on Theocritus, iii. 48, 6 "Aówuts, #yovu 6 giros é a repôuevos, é; aftvas €v Tú yn Troteſ diró Tijs a tropäs kal é pºvas &xet at Töv h ’Aq poèttm, Tovtéo Tuv h evkpaata Toſſ dépos. Kal éktóre \apſ3ávovartv airóv oi äv6porot. Jerome on Ezekiel, viii, 14 : “Ajad:// gen/i/itash uſuscem.od fabulas/loc/arum, quae habent /u/?//udine/l, interpreza/mer subſiliſer in/ey/cc//on.eſ/, et resurrec- tionem .4don/dºs //ancéze eſ gaudio Aro- seq items : 720/7/7ſ al/cruſ/ in seſſiºn iſ us, iv. Fragmen/a Philosophorum Grae- corum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 32 : oi AiyúTT wou . . . attà Tâ otépata 6eous woula'avtes . . . " Iguv prev Tiju yīv . . . "Aówviv 6é Kaptrot's. Joannes Lydus, ZPe men ºuts, iv. 4 : Tó 'A606v16t, TouT- éa Ti Tig Maïg . . . ) (bs àX\ots 60ket, "A6wvus piév éo Tuv Ó Kapirós, KTX. The view that Tammuz or Adonis is a personification of the dying and re- viving vegetation is now accepted by many scholars. See P. Jensen, Aosmo- quae //lorium/ur in Zerra, al/crum in sege/ibus, yttribus morétta semina rena- scientity, os/endº Azttat.” Ammianus Marcellinus, xix. I. I. I. : “in sol- /emnibus Adonidis sacris, yuod similt- ſacru/l aliyttod esse frušuml adu//arum 7te/igiones /11/sticae docen/.” Za. xxii. 9. I 5: “amato I eneris, ut fabulae ſington/, aſ ré denſe /era/; de/e/o, Quod' In adu//o fore sectarum cºt indicium /rr/gum.” Clement of Alexandria, Aſoºn. 6, II (quoted by W. Mannhardt, Antike IVa/d und Feldku//e, p. 281): \apſ3ávovoſt 6é Kai "A6wutu eis (opatous Kapirot's. AEtymolos?city, J/agnum, s. 7. "Aöwvws Kūptov Öğvarat Kal & Kapirós elva, döwvis' otov d6&vetos Kapitãs, dpégkwu. Eusebius, Praeſar. Avayºg. iii. I I. 9 : "Aëwuts Tfis Tóv teNetww Kapiraju & KTouñs a tºpºgo) ov. Sallustius philosophus, “De diis et mundo,” /ogie der Aaby/onier (Strasburg, 1890), p. , 480 ; 2d., Assyrisch-baby/onische Al/j/hen und AEA'en, pp. 4 I I, 56O ; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader’s Aci/; n- schriften und das -1//e Z estament,” p. 397 ; A. Jeremias, in W. H. Roscher's Zevi Áon der gricch. 1ſ. rôm. J/jſf/hologic, iii. 265 ; R. Wünsch, Das Frih/ings/esſ der /nse/.]/a/a (Lejpsic, 1902), p. 2 I : M. J. Lagrange, Etudes sur /es A’e/gions Sémitigates,” pp. 306 sy). Prof. Jastrow regards Tammuz as a god both of the sun and of vegetation (A'c/sºon of Aabylonia and -Assyria, pp. 547, 564, 574, 588). But such a combination of disparate qualities seems artificial and unlikely. * D. Chwolsohn, Z);e Saôfer zºnd der SSaôism iſs, ii. 27 : *d., Ücöer 7 amºn is und' die Alſenschenz'creſhrung bei deſt alten babyſovº'cry', p. 38. Tammuz or Adonis aS Q. COll) - spirit bruised and ground in a mill. I 32 TA/A) /º/TUAA. OA' A DOAV/S BOO IK I They wasſed o'er a scorching ſlamie The marrow of /ais bones, Buſ a miſſer us’d him worst of al/— Aor he crus/’d him, between favo stones. I This concentration, so to say, of the nature of Adonis upon the cereal crops is characteristic of the stage of culture reached by his worshippers in historical times. They had left the nomadic life of the wandering hunter and herdsman far behind them ; for ages they had been settled on the land, and had depended for their subsistence mainly on the products of tillage. The berries and roots of the wilderness, the grass of the pastures, which had been matters of vital importance to their ruder forefathers, were now of little moment to them : more and more their thoughts and energies were engrossed by the staple of their life, the corn ; more and more accordingly the propitiation of the deities of fertility in general and of the corn-spirit in particular tended to become the central feature of their religion. The aim they set before themselves in celebrating the rites was thoroughly practical. It was no vague poetical sentiment which prompted them to hail with joy the rebirth of vegeta- tion and to mourn its decline. Hunger, felt or feared, was the mainspring of the worship of Adonis. It has been suggested by Father Lagrange that the mourning for Adonis was essentially a harvest rite designed to propitiate the corn-god, who was then either perishing under the sickles of the reapers, or being trodden to death under the hoofs of the oxen on the threshing-floor. While the men slew him, the women wept crocodile tears at home to appease his natural indignation by a show of grief for his death.” The theory fits in well with the dates of the festivals, which fell in spring or summer ; for spring and summer, not autumn, are the Seasons of the barley and wheat harvests in the lands which worshipped Adonis.” | The comparison is due to Felix Coptic calendar puts on April 2 Liebrecht (Zur Vol/s/...unde, p. 259). beginning of wheat harvest in upper Egypt, May 2 wheat harvest, lower The mourning for Adonis interpreted as a harvest rite, pp. 307 $7. probably less in Egypt. The Palestine * On this subject Professor W. M. harvest is about the time of that in Flinders Petrie writes to me : “The north Egypt.” With regard to as * M. J. Lagrange, Z/udes sur /es CHA P. VIII 7A//Z /ē/7'UA / OF A DOM//.S. I 33 Further, the hypothesis is confirmed by the practice of the Egyptian reapers, who lamented, calling upon Isis, when they cut the first corn ; * and it is recommended by the analogous customs of many hunting tribes, who testify great respect for the animals which they kill and eat.” Thus interpreted the death of Adonis is not the But natural decay of vegetation in general under the summer º heat or the winter cold ; it is the violent destruction was a spirit of the corn by man, who cuts it down on the field, º stamps it to pieces on the threshing- floor, and grinds it ººs and to powder in the mill. That this was indeed the principal tº be aspect in which Adonis presented himself in later times to º the agricultural peoples of the Levant, may be admitted ; the culti- but whether from the beginning he had been the corn and ** nothing but the corn, may be doubted. At an earlier period he may have been to the herdsman, above all, the tender herbage which sprouts after rain, offering rich pasture to the lean and hungry cattle. Earlier still he may have embodied the spirit of the nuts and berries which the autumn woods yield to the savage hunter and his Squaw. And just as the husbandman must propitiate the Spirit of the corn which he consumes, so the herdsman must appease the spirit of the grass and leaves which his cattle munch, and the hunter must soothe the spirit of the roots which he Palestine we are told that “the har- vest begins with the barley in April ; in the valley of the Jordan it begins at the end of March. Between the end of the barley harvest and the beginning of the wheat harvest an interval of two or three weeks elapses. Thus as a rule the business of harvest lasts about seven weeks” (J. Benzinger, Aebräische 217 châo/ogie, p. 209). As to Greece, Professor E. A. Gardner tells me that harvest is from April to May in the plains and about a month later in the mountains. He adds that “barley may, then, be assigned to the latter part of April, wheat to May in the lower ground, but you know the great difference of climate between different parts; there is the same difference of a month in the vintage.” Mrs. Hawes (Miss Boyd), who excavated at Gournia, tells me that in Crete the barley is cut in April and the beginning of May, and that the wheat is cut and threshed from about the twentieth of June, though the dates naturally vary somewhat with the height of the place above the sea. June is also the season when the wheat is threshed in Euboea (R. A. Arnold, From the Zeziant (London, 1868), i, 250). Thus it seems possible that the spring festival of Adonis coincided with the cutting of the first barley at the end of March, and his summer festival with the threshing of the last wheat in June. Father Lagrange (op. cit. pp. 305 sq.) argues that the rites of Adonis were always celebrated in summer at the solstice of June or Soon afterwards. ! Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. 2. See below, p. 237. * The Golden Bough,” ii. 396 sqq. I 34 7///E /ē/7'UA / OF A /)O/V/.S. Book I digs, and the fruits which he gathers from the bough. In all cases the propitiation of the injured and angry sprite would naturally comprise elaborate excuses and apologies, accompanied by loud lamentations at his decease whenever, through some deplorable accident or necessity, he happened to be murdered as well as robbed. Only we must bear in mind that the savage hunter and herdsman of those early days had probably not yet attained to the abstract idea of vegetation in general ; and that accordingly, so far as Adonis existed for them at all, he must have been the Adom or lord of each individual tree and plant rather than a personifica- tion of vegetable life as a whole. Thus there would be as many Adonises as there were trees and shrubs, and each of them might expect to receive satisfaction for any damage done to his person or property. We have seen reason to think that in early times Adonis was sometimes personated by a living man who died a violent death in the character of the god. Further, there is evidence which goes to show that among the agricultural peoples of the Eastern Mediterranean, the corn- spirit, by whatever name he was known, was often repre- sented, year by year, by human victims slain on the harvest- field.' If that was so, it seems likely that the propitiation of the corn-spirit would tend to fuse to some extent with the worship of the dead. For the spirits of these victims might be thought to return to life in the ears which they had fattened with their blood, and to die a second death at the reaping of the corn. Now the ghosts of those who have perished by violence are surly and apt to wreak their vengeance on their slayers whenever an opportunity offers. Hence the attempt to appease the souls of the slaughtered victims would naturally blend, at least in the popular concep- tion, with the attempt to pacify the slain corn-spirit. And as the dead came back in the sprouting corn, so they might be thought to return in the spring flowers, waked from their long sleep by the soft vernal airs. They had been laid to their rest under the sod. What more natural than to imagine that the violets and the hyacinths, the roses and The pro- pitiation of the corn- spirit may have fused with the worship of the dead. 1 W. Mannhardt, My//ologische /orschungen, pp. I syſ). ; The Goldenz Aough,” ii. 224 sqq. CHA P. VIII T///E /ø/TOWA/L OF A DO/V/S I 35 the anemones, sprang from their dust, were empurpled or incarnadined by their blood, and contained some portion of their spirit? A so/te/t/tes //hi/t/, //a/ 7tever &/ozº's so red 7%e /ēose as where so?/ue Öztried Caesar &led, 7%aſ every //yacin//, //e Garden wears /Jrož/ in her /a/ from some once Zoºſely //ead. And this reviving Aſerº whose tender Green /7/edges ſhe ſºver-Zi/ on which we ſeam— A/, /ean upon it ſightly, for who knows /rom w/a/ once ſove/y Ziff if s/rings unseen 2 At Athens the great Commemoration of the Dead fell The festival in spring about the middle of March, when the early flowers º are in bloom. Then the dead were believed to rise from of flowers. their graves and go about the streets, vainly endeavouring to enter the temples and the dwellings, which were barred against these perturbed spirits with ropes, buckthorn, and pitch. The name of the festival, according to the most obvious and natural interpretation, means the Festival of Flowers, and the title would fit well with the substance of the ceremonies if at that season the poor ghosts were indeed thought to creep from the narrow house with the opening flowers." There may therefore be a measure of truth in the theory of Renan, who saw in the Adonis worship a dreamy voluptuous cult of death, conceived not as the King of Terrors, but as an insidious enchanter who lures his victims to himself and lulls them into an eternal sleep. The infinite charm of nature in the Lebanon, he thought, lends itself to religious emotions of this sensuous, visionary sort, hovering vaguely between pain and pleasure, between slumber and tears.” It would doubtless be a mistake to attribute to Syrian peasants the worship of a conception so purely | This explanation of the name Azz//lesſeria, as applied to a festival of the dead, is due to Mr. R. Wünsch (Das Frih/imgyesſ der /use/ Alſa/a, Leipsic, 1902, pp. 43 sy/.). I cannot accept my friend Dr. A. W. Verrall's ingenious derivation of the word from a verb évadéoroad 6aw in the sense of “to conjure up ’’ (Journal of Hellenic Sºutdººr, xx. (I 900) pp. I I 5-II 7). As to the festival see E. Rohde, Psyche,” i. 236 sqq. ; Miss J. E. Harrison, Pro/egomena to ſhe S/udy of Greek A'e/igion, pp. 32 sqq. * E. Renan, A/ission de (Paris, 1864), p. 216. A hárzicze I 36 * TA/E R/TU/A L OF A DOAVYS BOOK I abstract as that of death in general. Yet it may be true that in their simple minds the thought of the reviving spirit of vegetation was blent with the very concrete notion of the ghosts of the dead, who come to life again in spring days with the early flowers, with the tender green of the corn and the many-tinted blossoms of the trees. Thus their views of the death and resurrection of nature would be coloured by their views of the death and resurrection of man, by their own personal sorrows and hopes and fears. In like manner we cannot doubt that Renan's theory of Adonis was itself deeply tinged by passionate memories, memories of the slumber akin to death which sealed his own eyes on the slopes of the Lebanon, memories of the sister who sleeps in the land of Adonis never again to wake with the anemones and the I'OSCS. CH A P T E R IX THE GARDENS OF ADONIS PERHAPS the best proof that Adonis was a deity of vegeta- Pots of tion, and especially of the corn, is furnished by the gardens º These were baskets or pots flowers, of Adonis, as they were called. filled with earth, in which wheat, barley, lettuces, fennel, and various kinds of flowers were sown and tended for eight Adonis. days, chiefly or exclusively by women. Fostered by the sun's heat, the plants shot up rapidly, but having no root withered as rapidly away, and at the end of eight days were carried out with the images of the dead Adonis, and flung with them into the sea or into springs." These gardens of Adonis are most naturally interpreted These as representatives of Adonis or manifestations of his power ; y called the Gardens of gardens of Adonis they represented him, true to his original nature, in vegetable were form, while the images of him, with which they were carried out and cast into the water, portrayed him in his later the growth human form. All these Adonis ceremonies, if I am right } were originally intended as charms to promote the growth or revival of vegetation ; and the principle by which they were supposed to produce this effect was homoeopathic or imitative magic. For ignorant people suppose that by 1 For the authorities see Raoul Rochette, “Mémoire sur les jardins d'Adonis,” Kevue Archéologique, viii. (1851) pp. 97-123; W. Mannhardt, Ayaſike Wald- und Fe/ºulte, p. 279, note 2, and p. 280, note 2. To the authorities cited by Mannhardt add Theophrastus, His/. Plant. vi. 7. 3 ; 2d., ZXe Causſ's Planſ, i. 12. 2 ; Gre- gorius Cyprius, i. 7 ; Macarius, i. 63; Apostolius, i. 34 ; Uiogenianus, i. 14 ; Plutarch, De sera 77tem. z/ind'. I 7. Women only are mentioned as planting the gardens of Adonis by Plutarch, Z.c.; Julian, Convivium, p. 329 ed. Span- heim (p. 423 ed. Hertlein); Eustathius on Horner, Od, xi. 590. On the other hand, Apostolius and Diogenianus(Z/.cc.) say ‘puretſovres i) puretova'at. The pro- cession at the festiyal of Adonis is mentioned in an Attic description of 3O2 or 3o I B.C. (Dittenberger, Syl/age Inscrip/ionum Graecarum,” No. 726). charms to promote of vege- tation. I37 138 TA/AE GA! /ø/)/2/VS OF A DO/V/.S. BOOK I mimicking the effect which they desire to produce they actually help to produce it; thus by sprinkling water they make rain, by lighting a fire they make sunshine, and so on. Similarly, by mimicking the growth of crops they hope to ensure a good harvest. The rapid growth of the wheat and barley in the gardens of Adonis was intended to make the corn shoot up ; and the throwing of the gardens and of the images into the water was a charm to secure a due supply of fertilising rain." The same, I take it, was the object of throwing the effigies of Death and the Carnival into water in the corresponding ceremonies of modern Europe.” Certainly the custom of drenching with water a leaf-clad person, who undoubtedly personifies vegetation, is still resorted to in Europe for the express purpose of producing rain.” Similarly the custom of throwing water on the last corn cut at harvest, or on the person who brings it home (a custom observed in Germany and France, and till quite lately in England and Scotland), is in some places practised with the avowed intent to procure rain for the next year's crops. Thus in Wallachia and amongst the Roumanians of Tran- sylvania, when a girl is bringing home a crown made of the last ears of corn cut at harvest, all who meet her hasten to throw water on her, and two farm-servants are placed at the door for the purpose ; for they believe that if this were not done, the crops next year would perish from drought.” So The throw- ing of the ‘‘gardens' into water was a rain- charm, 5 IParallel European customs of drenching the corn with water at harvest or Sowing. ! In hot southern countries like Egypt and the Semitic regions of living memory in Wigtownshire, and at Orwell in Cambridgeshire. See /o/*- western Asia, where vegetation de- pends chiefly or entirely upon irriga- tion, the purpose of the charm is doubtless to secure a plentiſul flow of water in the streams. But as the ultimate object and the charms for securing it are the same in both cases, it has not been thought necessary always to point out the distinction. * 7%e Goſden /3ough,” ii. 78 sqq. * //id. i. 94 sqq. * W. Mannhardt, /3a///ºt/l/t/s, p. 214 ; W. Schmidt, /)as /a/.7 ºzd seine 7 age 7/7 //eſ/zzzzz.g. 202d /3/au/c/, dez' A'o/ſi/ie/, Siebenbriz.ge/?s, pp. 1837. The custom of throwing water on the last waggon-load of corn returning from the harvest-field has been practised within /oze /ou//wza/, vii. (1889) pp. 50, 5 I. (In the first of these passages the Orwell at which the custom used to be observed is said to be in Kent ; this was a mistake of mine, which my informant, the Rev. E. B. Birks, formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, aſterwards corrected.) Mr. R. F. Davis writes to me (March 4, 1906) ſrom Camp- bell College, Belfast : “Between 30 and 40 years ago I was staying, as a very small boy, at a Nottinghamshire farmhouse at harvest - time, and was allowed—as a great privilege—to ride home on the top of the last load. All the harvesters followed the waggon, and on reaching the farmyard we ſound the maids of the farm gathered near CII AP. IX 7/// GA /ø/)/2/V.S. O/?' A DO/W/S I 39 amongst the Saxons of Transylvania, the person who wears the wreath made of the last corn cut is drenched with water to the skin ; for the wetter he is the better will be next year's harvest, and the more grain there will be threshed out. Sometimes the wearer of the wreath is the reaper who cut the last corn." In northern Euboea, when the corn-sheaves have been piled in a stack, the farmer's wife brings a pitcher of water and offers it to each of the labourers that he may wash his hands. Every man, after he has washed his hands, Sprinkles water on the corn and on the threshing-floor, expressing at the same time a wish that the corn may last long. Lastly, the farmer's wife holds the pitcher slantingly and runs at full speed round the stack without spilling a drop, while she utters a wish that the stack may endure as long as the circle she has just described.” At the spring ploughing in Prussia, when the ploughmen and sowers returned in the evening from their work in the fields, the farmer's wife and the servants used to splash water over them. The ploughmen and sowers retorted by seizing every one, throwing them into the pond, and ducking them under the water. The farmer's wife might claim exemption on payment of a forfeit, but every one else had to be ducked. By observing this custom they hoped to ensure a due supply of rain for the seed.” Also after harvest in Prussia, the person who wore a wreath made of the last corn cut was drenched with water, while a prayer was uttered that “as the corn had sprung up and multiplied through the water, so it might spring up and multiply in the barn and granary.” ". At Schlanow, in Brandenburg, when the Sowers return home from the first sowing they are drenched with water “in order that the corn may grow.” ” In Anhalt on the same occasion the farmer is still often the gate, with bowls and buckets of water, which they proceeded to throw on the men, who got thoroughly drenched.” * G. A. Heinrich, Algrarische SF//en. tend Gebrät/c/he unſey deſt Sachsen Siebenbürgens (Hermanstadt, 1880), p. 24 ; II. von Wlislocki, S///ey/ und Arauch der Steffenb/i/ger Sachsen (Ham- burg, 1888), p. 32. * G. Drosinis, /a/pd und Zeuſe in AWord-Ezabóa (Leipsic, 1884), p. 53. 8 Matthäus Praetorius, /)c/7czac Z’,‘tts- sicae, p. 55; W. Mannhardt, /3aum- /ºt//t/s, pp. 21.4 sq., note. * M. Praetorius, op. cit. p. 60 ; W. Mannhardt, /3a/mkr///us, p. 2 I 5, note. 5 II. Prahn, “ Glaube und 13rauch in der Mark Brandenburg,” Zeiſschriſ? des Pereins fºr Jo//skunde, i. (1891) p. 186. I 4O THE GAA’/D/E/VS OF A DOAV/S BO() IS I Gardens of Adonis among the Sprinkled with water by his family; and his men and horses, and even the plough, receive the same treatment. The object of the custom, as people at Arensdorf explained it, is “to wish fertility to the fields for the whole year.” " So in Hesse, when the plough men return with the plough from the field for the first time, the women and girls lie in wait for them and slyly drench them with water.” Near Naaburg, in Bavaria, the man who first comes back from Sowing or ploughing has a vessel of water thrown over him by some one in hiding.” At Hettingen in Baden the farmer who is about to begin the sowing of oats is sprinkled with water, in order that the oats may not shrivel up.” Before the Tusayan Indians of North America go out to plant their fields, the women sometimes pour water on them ; the reason for doing so is that “as the water is poured on the men, so may water fall on the planted fields.”" The Indians of Santiago Tepehuacan steep the seed of the maize in water before they sow it, in order that the god of the waters may bestow on the fields the needed moisture." The opinion that the gardens of Adonis are essentially charms to promote the growth of vegetation, especially of Oraons and the crops, and that they belong to the same class of customs Mundas of Pengal. as those spring and midsummer folk-customs of modern Europe which I have described elsewhere," does not rest for its evidence merely on the intrinsic probability of the case. Fortunately we are able to show that gardens of Adonis (if we may use the expression in a general sense) are still planted, first, by a primitive race at their sowing season, and, Second, by European peasants at midsummer. Amongst the Oraons and Mundas of Bengal, when the time comes for planting out the rice which has been grown in seed-beds, a party of young people of both sexes go to the forest and cut | O. Hartung, “Zur Volkskunde aus Anhalt,” Zeitschriſ des Vereins fºr Vo//s/ unde, vii. (1897) p. 150. * W. Kolbe, Aſessische Vol/s-Siſ/en z//?d Ge/yºu/c/he, p. 51. * /3azaréa, Zander- zºnd Wo//s/...unde des Aºngreſchs /3ayern, ii. 297. * E. H. Meyer, /3adisches Vo/s- /cbeſt (Strasburg, t goo), p. 42O, " J. Walter Fewkes, “The Tusayan New Fire Ceremony,” Proceedings of //e /30s/on Society of Maſura/ //is/org/, xxvi. (1895) p. 446. " “Lettre du curé de Santiago Tepehuacan à son &vêque,” Bu//eſ/n de /a Socid/º de Géogra//iſe (Paris), Deuxième Série, ii. (1834) pp. 181 sq. 7 The Goſden /3ough,” i. 190, 193 Sø/. CHAIP. IX. TA/E GA /ē/D/E/VS OF A DO/V/S I4 I a young Karma-tree, or the branch of one. Bearing it in triumph they return dancing, singing, and beating drums, and plant it in the middle of the village dancing-ground. A sacrifice is offered to the tree; and next morning the youth of both sexes, linked arm-in-arm, dance in a great circle round the Karma - tree, which is decked with strips of coloured cloth and sham bracelets and necklets of plaited straw. As a preparation for the festival, the daughters of the headman of the village cultivate blades of barley in a peculiar way. The seed is sown in moist, sandy soil, mixed with turmeric, and the blades sprout and unfold of a pale yellow or primrose colour. On the day of the festival the girls take up these blades and carry them in baskets to the dancing-ground, where, prostrating themselves reverentially, they place some of the plants before the Karma - tree. Finally, the Karma-tree is taken away and thrown into a stream or tank." The meaning of planting these barley blades and then presenting them to the Karma - tree is hardly open to question. Trees are supposed to exercise a quickening influence upon the growth of crops, and amongst the very people in question — the Mundas or Mundaris—“the grove deities are held responsible for the crops.” Therefore, when at the season for planting out the rice the Mundas bring in a tree and treat it with so much respect, their object can only be to foster thereby the growth of the rice which is about to be planted out ; and the custom of causing barley blades to sprout rapidly and then present- ing them to the tree must be intended to subserve the same purpose, perhaps by reminding the tree-spirit of his duty towards the crops, and stimulating his activity by this visible example of rapid vegetable growth. The throwing of the Karma-tree into the water is to be interpreted as a rain-charm. Whether the barley blades are also thrown into the water is not said ; but if my interpretation of the custom is right, probably they are so. A distinction between this Bengal custom and the Greek rites of Adonis is that in the former the tree-spirit appears in his original form as a tree whereas in the Adonis worship he appears in human form, 1 E. T. Dalton, Ethnoſogy of Bengal, p. 259. * 7%e Golden Rough," i. 189 sq.g. I42 T///Z GA! /ē/DA, MS OF A /)O/V/S BOOK I Gardens of Adonis in Rajputama. represented as a dead man, though his vegetable nature is indicated by the gardens of Adonis, which are, so to say, a Secondary manifestation of his original power as a tree-spirit. Gardens of Adonis are cultivated also by the Hindoos, with the intention apparently of ensuring the fertility both of the earth and of mankind. Thus at Oodeypoor in Rajputana a festival is held “in honour of Gouri, or Isani, the goddess of abundance, the Isis of Egypt, the Ceres of Greece. Like the Rajpoot Saturnalia, which it follows, it belongs to the vernal equinox, when nature in these regions proximate to the tropic is in the full expanse of her charms, and the matronly Gouri casts her golden mantle over the verdant Vassanti, personification of spring. Then the fruits exhibit their promise to the eye ; the kohil fills the ear with melody ; the air is impregnated with aroma, and the crimson poppy contrasts with the spikes of golden grain to form a wreath for the beneficent Gouri. Gouri is one of the names of Isa or Parvati, wife of the greatest of the gods, Mahadeva or Iswara, who is conjoined with her in these rites, which almost exclusively appertain to the women. The meaning of gouri is “yellow,’ emblematic of the ripened harvest, when the votaries of the goddess adore her effigies, which are those of a matron painted the colour of ripe corn.” The rites begin when the sun enters the sign of the Ram, the opening of the Hindoo year. An image of the goddess Gouri is made of earth, and a smaller one of her husband Iswara, and the two are placed together. A small trench is next dug, barley is sown in it, and the ground watered and heated artificially till the grain sprouts, when the women dance round it hand in hand, invoking the blessing of Gouri on their husbands. After that the young corn is taken up and distributed by the women to the men, who wear it in their turbans. Every wealthy family, or at least every sub- division of the city, has its own image. These and other rites, known only to the initiated, Occupy several days, and are performed within doors. Then the images of the goddess and her husband are decorated and borne in pro- cession to a beautiful lake, whose deep blue waters mirror the cloudless Indian sky, marble palaces, and Orange groves. Here the women, their hair decked with roses and jessamine, CHAP. IX 7.///E GA/ø/D/E/VS O/* A 7).O/W/S I43 carry the image of Gouri down a marble staircase to the water's edge, and dance round it singing hymns and love- songs. Meantime the goddess is supposed to bathe in the water. No men take part in the ceremony; even the image of Iswara, the husband god, attracts little attention.' In these rites the distribution of the barley shoots to the men, and the invocation of a blessing on their husbands by the wives, point clearly to the desire of offspring as one motive for observing the custom. The same motive prob- ably explains the use of gardens of Adonis at the marriage of Brahmans in the Madras Presidency. Five or nine sorts of seed grains are mixed and sown in little earthen vessels, and the couple water them for four days. On the fifth day the sprouts are taken out and thrown into a tank or river.” In the Himalayan districts of north-western India the Gardens of cultivators sow barley, maize, pulse, or mustard in a basket * in of earth on the twenty - fourth day of the fourth month western and (Asdrh), which falls about the middle of July. Then on the lº last day of the month they place amidst the new sprouts small clay images of Mahadeo and Parvati and worship them in remembrance of the marriage of those deities. Next day they cut down the green stalks and wear them in their head-dress.” Similar is the barley feast known as Jāyī or Jawāra in upper India and as Bhujariya in the Central Provinces. On the seventh day of the light half of the month Säwan grains of barley are sown in a pot of manure, and spring up so quickly that by the end of the month the vessel is full of long, yellowish-green stalks. On the first day of the next month, Bhādon, the women and girls take the stalks out, throw the earth and manure into water, and distribute the plants among their male friends, who bind them in their turbans and about their dress." At * Lieut.-Col. James Tod, .1//wa/s and -1////yui/ies of A'ajas/’/ºaſt, i. (Lon- don, 1829) pp. 570-572. * ///dian -1/1/2/1/ary, xxv, D. I.44. ° E. T. Atkinson, 7%e A////a/ayaſ, Distric/s of //e AVor//- I Western Zºrozºices o/ /ndia, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) p. 870. * W. Crooke, Zºo/w/ar Á'e/gion and /o//-/ore of AWor// cry, Zºdia (West- minster, 1896), ii. 293 sy. Compare (1896) Baboo Ishuree Dass, ZX2///es//c ..]/av/ſers and Customs of the A/indoos of Aoy/hern Zºdia (Benares, 1860), pp. I I I sq. According to the latter writer, the festival of Salono [not Saloman] takes place in August, and the barley is planted by women and girls in baskets a few days before the festival, to be thrown by them into a river or tank when the grain has sprouted to the height of a few inches. I 44 TA/A2 GA R/DEAVS OF A DOAV/S BOOK I Sargal in the Central Provinces of India this ceremony is observed about the middle of September. None but women may take part in it, though crowds of men come to look on. Some little time before the festival wheat or other grain has been sown in pots ingeniously constructed of large leaves, which are held together by the thorns of a species of acacia. Having grown up in the dark, the stalks are of a pale colour. On the day appointed these gardens of Adonis, as we may call them, are carried towards a lake which abuts on the native city. The women of every family or circle of friends bring their own pots, and having laid them on the ground they dance round them. Then taking the pots of sprouting corn they descend to the edge of the water, wash the soil away from the pots, and distribute the young plants among their friends." In some parts of Bavaria it is customary to sow flax in a pot on the last three days of the Carnival; from the seed which grows best an omen is drawn as to whether the early, the middle, or the late sowing will produce the best crop.” In Sardinia the gardens of Adonis are still planted in con- nection with the great Midsummer festival which bears the name of St. John. At the end of March or on the first of April a young man of the village presents himself to a girl and asks her to be his comare (gossip or sweetheart), offering to be her compare. The invitation is considered as an honour by the girl's family, and is gladly accepted. At the end of May the girl makes a pot of the bark of the cork-tree, fills it with earth, and sows a handful of wheat and barley in it. The pot being placed in the Sun and often watered, the corn sprouts rapidly and has a good head by Midsummer Eve (St. John's Eve, the twenty-third of June). The pot is then called Erme or AWenneri. On St. John's Day the young man and the girl, dressed in their best, accompanied by a long retinue and preceded by children gambolling and frolicking, move in procession to a church Outside the village. Here they break the pot by throwing it against the door of the church. Then they sit down in a ring on the grass and eat Gardens of Adonis in Pavaria. Gardens of Adonis on St. John's Day in Sardinia. | Mrs. J. C. Murray - Aynsley, “probably fixes the season for sowing “Secular and Religious Dances,” Zºo/- Some particular crop.” More /ournal, v. (1887) pp. 253 s/. * /3azaria, Landes- und. Po//s/unde The writer thinks that the ceremony des Aºn greichs /3ayern, ii. 298. CHAP. IX 7A/Z GA/º/)/2/VS OF A DO/W/S I 45 eggs and herbs to the music of flutes. Wine is mixed in a cup and passed round, each one drinking as it passes. Then they join hands and sing “Sweethearts of St. John ” (Compare e comare di San Giovanni) over and over again, the flutes playing the while. When they tire of singing they stand up and dance gaily in a ring till evening. This is the general Sardinian custom. As practised at Ozieri it has some special features. In May the pots are made of cork - bark and planted with corn, as already described. Then on the Eve of St. John the window-sills are draped with rich cloths, on which the pots are placed, adorned with crimson and blue silk and ribbons of various colours. On each of the pots they used formerly to place a statuette or cloth doll dressed as a woman, or a Priapus-like figure made of paste; but this custom, rigorously forbidden by the Church, has fallen into disuse. The village Swains go about in a troop to look at the pots and their decorations and to wait for the girls, who assemble on the public Square to celebrate the festival. Here a great bonfire is kindled, round which they dance and make merry. Those who wish to be “Sweethearts of St. John ” act as follows. The young man stands on one side of the bonfire and the girl on the other, and they, in a manner, join hands by each grasping one end of a long stick, which they pass three times back- wards and forwards across the fire, thus thrusting their hands thrice rapidly into the flames. This seals their relationship to each other. Dancing and music go on till late at night." The correspondence of these Sardinian pots of grain to the gardens of Adonis seems complete, and the images formerly placed in them answer to the images of Adonis which accompanied his gardens. Customs of the same sort are observed at the same Gardens of season in Sicily. Pairs of boys and girls become gossips of sº St. John on St. John's Day by drawing each a hair from his Day in or her head and performing various ceremonies over them, * * Antonio Bresciani, Dež costumi Gabriele, “Usi dei contadini della dell’ isola di Sardegna comparati cog/? Sardegna,” Archizºo per Žo studio del/e antichi'ssimi popoli orien/a/i (Rome tradizioni popolari, vii. (1888) pp. 469 and Turin, 1866), pp. 427 sq.; R. sy. Tennant says that the pots are Tennant, Sardinia and its A’esources kept in a dark warm place, and that (Rome and London, 1885), p. 187; S. the children leap across the fire. L 146 1 HE GA RADAE/VS OF A DO/V/S BOOK I such as tying the hairs together and throwing them up in the air, or exchanging them over a potsherd, which they afterwards break in two, preserving each a fragment with pious care. The tie formed in the latter way is supposed to last for life. In some parts of Sicily the gossips of St. John present each other with plates of sprouting corn, lentils, and canary seed, which have been planted forty days before the festival. The one who receives the plate pulls a stalk of the young plants, binds it with a ribbon, and preserves it among his or her greatest treasures, restoring the platter to the giver. At Catania the gossips exchange pots of basil and great cucumbers ; the girls tend the basil, and the thicker it grows the more it is prized." In these In these midsummer customs of Sardinia and Sicily it iºn is possible that, as Mr. R. Wünsch supposes,” St. John sº has replaced Adonis. We have seen that the rites of ... Tammuz or Adonis were commonly celebrated about mid- taken the summer ; according to Jerome, their date was June.” And .." besides their date and their similarity in respect of the pots of herbs and corn, there is another point of affinity between the two festivals, the heathen and the Christian. In both of them water plays a prominent part. At his midsummer festival in Babylon the image of Tammuz, whose name is said to mean “true son of the deep water,” was bathed with pure water : at his summer festival in Alexandria the image of Adonis, with that of his divine mistress Aphrodite, was committed to the waves; and at the midsummer celebration in Greece the gardens of Adonis were thrown into the sea Custom of or into Springs. Now a great feature of the midsummer º: ... festival associated with the name of St. John is, or used to Day of St. be, the custom of bathing in the sea, springs, rivers, or the º dew on Midsummer Eve or the morning of Midsummer Day. Eveor Mid- Thus, for example, at Naples there is a church dedicated to SUtſſ, II) (ºr Day). St. John the Baptist under the name of St. John of the Sea * G. Pitrè, Osi e Cosſumi, Credenze and the tie thus formed is regarded as e /’regiudizi del /o/o/o yżcz/iano, ii. Sacred. See C. Finamore, Credence, 27 I-278. Compare 2d., S/e//acoli e //si e Cos/um? Abruzzesł, pp. 165 sq. **** (* , ‘i sãciſzawle º - º - - * * * * * * ſes/e Aoºſari stºne, pp 297 sy * R. Wünsch, Das /ri/i/ings/es/ In the Abruzzi also young men and ... -- - - &_ ...: ^ - - der //use/ /l/a//a, pp. 47-57. young women become gossips by ex- changing nosegays on St. John's Day, * See above, pp. 7, 128. CHAP. IX 7A/A, GA/ø/D/E/VS OF A DO/V/S I 47 (S. Giovan a mare); and it was an old practice for men and women to bathe in the sca on St. John's Eve, that is, on Midsummer Eve, believing that thus all their sins were washed away." In the Abruzzi water is still supposed to acquire certain marvellous and beneficent properties on St. John's Night. They say that on that night the sun and moon bathe in the water. Hence many people take a bath in the sea or in a river at that season, especially at the moment of Sunrise. At Castiglione a Casauria they go before sunrise to the Pescara River or to springs, wash their faces and hands, then gird themselves with twigs of bryony (vitalba) and twine the plant round their brows, in order that they may be free from pains. At Pescina boys and girls wash each other's faces in a river or a spring, then exchange kisses, and become gossips. The dew, also, that falls on St. John's Night is supposed in the Abruzzi to benefit whatever it touches, whether it be water, flowers, or the human body. For that reason people put out vessels of water on the window-sills or the terraces, and wash them- selves with the water in the morning in order to purify themselves and escape headaches and colds. A still more efficacious mode of accomplishing the same end is to rise at the peep of dawn, to wet the hands in the dewy grass, and then to rub the moisture on the eyelids, the brow, and the temples, because the dew is believed to cure maladies of the head and eyes. It is also a remedy for diseases of the skin. Persons who are thus afflicted should roll on the dewy grass. When patients are prevented by their infirmity or any other cause from quitting the house, their friends will gather the dew in sheets or tablecloths and so apply it to the suffering part.” At Marsala in Sicily there is a spring of water in a subterranean grotto called the Grotto of the Sibyl. Beside it stands a church of St. John, which has been supposed to occupy the site of a temple of Apollo. On St. John's Eve, the twenty-third of June, women and girls visit the grotto, and by drinking of the prophetic water learn whether their husbands have been faithful to them in the year that is past, or whether they themselves will wed J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie,” * G. Finamore, Credence, Uyi i. 490. Costumi Abruzzesſ, pp. I 56-16o. I 48 THE GAA’/D/E/VS OF A /)O/V/S BOOK I in the year that is to come. Sick people, too, imagine that by bathing in the water, drinking of it, or ducking thrice in it in the name of the Trinity, they will be made whole.' At Chiaramonte in Sicily the following custom is observed on St. John's Eve. The men repair to one fountain and the women to another, and dip their heads thrice in the water, repeating at each ablution certain verses in honour of St. John. They believe that this is a cure or preventive of the scald.” When Petrarch visited Cologne, he chanced to arrive in the town on St. John's Eve. The sun was nearly setting, and his host at once led him to the Rhine. A strange sight there met his eyes, for the banks of the river were covered with pretty women. The crowd was great but good-humoured. From a rising ground on which he stood the poet saw many of the women, girt with fragrant herbs, kneel down on the water's edge, roll their sleeves up above their elbows, and wash their white arms and hands in the river, murmuring softly some words which the Italian did not understand. He was told that the custom was a very old one, much honoured in the observance; for the common folk, especially the women, believed that to wash in the river on St. John's Eve would avert every misfortune in the coming year.” On St. John's Eve the people of Copenhagen used to go on pilgrimage to a neighbouring spring, there to heal and strengthen themselves in the water." In Spain people still bathe in the sea or roll naked in the dew of the meadows on St. John's Eve, believing that this is a sovereign preservative against diseases of the skin.” To roll in the dew on the morning of St. John's Day is also esteemed a cure for diseases of the skin in Normandy and Perigord. In Perigord a field of hemp is especially recom- mended for the purpose, and the patient should rub himself with the plants on which he has rolled." At Ciotat in G. Pitrè, Zeste /a/roma/ in Sicilia by J. Grimm, Deutsche //y//hologie,” (Turin and Palermo, I 900), pp. 488, i. 489 sq. - º*º e ſesſe /o/o/arz Mº /le Žemy, September 1898. | J. Lecoeur, Jºsyº/isses du /}ocage * Petrarch, Zhistolae de rebus ſamāſā- AWormland, ii. 8 ; A. de Nore, Cou/umes, arºus, i. 4 (vol. i. pp. 44-46 ed. J. A/y//es et 7'-aditions des //rovinces de Fracassetti). The passage is quoted France, p. 150. CHAP. IX T///E GA/C/D/E/VS OF A DO/V/.S. I 49 Provence, while the midsummer bonfire blazed, young people used to plunge into the Sea and splash each other vigorously. At Vitrolles they bathed in a pond in order that they might not suffer from fever during the year, and at Saint-Maries they watered the horses to protect them from the itch." A custom of drenching people on this occasion with water formerly prevailed in Toulon, Marseilles, and other towns of the South of France. The water was squirted from syringes, poured on the heads of passers-by from windows, and so forth.” From Europe the practice of bathing in rivers and springs on St. John's Day appears to have passed with the Spaniards to the New World.” It may perhaps be suggested that this wide-spread The custom of bathing in water or dew on Midsummer Eve or º Midsummer Day is purely Christian in origin, having been at mid adopted as an appropriate mode of celebrating the day ...". dedicated to the Baptist. But in point of fact the custom Christian, is older than Christianity, for it was denounced and forbidden "*" as a heathen practice by Augustine.” We may conjecture that the Church, unable to put down this relic of paganism, followed its usual policy of accommodation by bestowing on the rite a Christian name and acquiescing, with a sigh, in its observance. And casting about for a saint to sup- plant a heathen patron of bathing, the Christian doctors could hardly have hit upon a more appropriate successor than St. John the Baptist. But into whose shoes did the Baptist step P Was the Old displaced deity really Adonis, as the foregoing evidence heathen festival seems to suggest ? In Sardinia and Sicily it may have of mid- g tº & 2 tº * , & Sll II, II, CI llì. been so, for in these islands Semitic influence was certainly . deep and probably lasting. The midsummer pastimes of and the Sardinian and Sicilian children may therefore be a direct £aSt. continuation of the Carthaginian rites of Tammuz. Yet the midsummer festival seems too widely spread and too deeply * A. de Nore, op. cit. p. 20 ; F. Ramirez (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. Bérenger-Féraud, A’eminiscences poſit- 293. Zaires de la Prozence, pp. I 35-I4 I. * Augustine, Opera, v. (Paris, 1683) * Breuil, in Al/moires de la Sociéſ, col. 903; 7d., Pars Secunda, coll. 461 des An/i/t/aircs de Zºcardie, viii. (1845) sq. The second of these passages pl). 237 Sq. occurs in a sermon of doubtful authen- * Diego Duran, Historia de las ticity. Both have been quoted by J. Andias de AVueva España, edited by J. Grimm, Deutsche Aſythologie," i. 490. I 50 7///; GAA’/) /º/VS OF A DO/V/S' 13 OOK I Mid- Sll In Iller fires and mid- SUlry) Iſher couples in relation to vegetation. rooted in Central and northern Europe to allow us to trace it everywhere to an Oriental origin in general and to the cult of Adonis in particular. It has the air of a native of the soil rather than of an exotic imported from the East. We shall do better, therefore, to suppose that at a remote period similar modes of thought, based on similar needs, led men independently in many distant lands, from the North Sea to the Euphrates, to celebrate the summer solstice with rites which, while they differed in some things, yet agreed closely in others ; that in historical times a wave of Oriental influence, starting perhaps from Babylonia, carried the Tammuz or Adonis form of the festival westward till it met with native forms of a similar festival ; and that under pressure of the Roman civilisation these different yet kindred festivals fused with each other and crystallised into a variety of shapes, which subsisted more or less separately side by side, till the Church, unable to suppress them altogether, Stripped them so far as it could of their grosser features, and dexterously changing the names allowed them to pass muster as Christian. And what has just been said of the midsummer festivals probably applies, mutatis mutandis, to the Spring festivals also. They, too, seem to have originated independently in Europe and the East, and after ages of Separation to have amalgamated under the sway of the Roman Empire and the Christian Church. In Syria, as we have seen, there appears to have been a vernal celebration of Adonis ; and we shall presently meet with an un- doubted instance of an Oriental festival of spring in the rites of Attis. Meantime we must return for a little to the midsummer festival which goes by the name of St. John. The Sardinian practice of making merry round a great bonfire on St. John's Eve is an instance of a custom which has been practised at the midsummer festival from time immemorial in many parts of Europe. That custom has been more fully dealt with by me elsewhere." The instances which I have there cited suffice to prove the connection of the midsummer bonfire with vegetation. For example, both in Sweden and Bohemia an essential part of the festival is the raising of a May-pole or Midsummer-tree, which in Bohemia 1 7%e Golden /3ough,” iii. 266 s/º. GHA [?. IX 7///2 GAA’/D/ZAVS OA. A ZOO/V/S I 5 I is burned in the bonfire." Again, in a Russian midsummer ceremony a straw figure of Kupalo, the representative of vegetation, is placed beside a May-pole or Midsummer-tree and then carried to and fro across a bonfire.” Kupalo is here represented in duplicate, in tree-form by the Midsummer-tree, and in human form by the straw effigy, just as Adonis was represented both by an image and a garden of Adonis; and the duplicate representatives of Kupalo, like those of Adonis, are finally cast into water. In the Sardinian and Sicilian customs the Gossips or Sweethearts of St. John probably answer, on the one hand to Adonis and Astarte, on the other to the King and Queen of May. In the Swedish province of Blekinge part of the midsummer festival is the election of a Midsummer Bride, who chooses her bridegroom ; a collection is made for the pair, who for the time being are looked upon as man and wife.” Such Midsummer pairs may be supposed, like the May pairs, to stand for the powers of vegetation or of fertility in general : they represent in flesh and blood what the images of Siva or Mahaded and Pârvati in the Indian ceremonies, and the images of Adonis and Aphrodite in the Alexandrian ceremony, set forth in effigy. The reason why ceremonies whose aim is to foster the Gardens growth of vegetation should thus be associated with bonfires; * why in particular the representative of vegetation should be foster the burned in the likeness of a tree, or passed across the fire in º effigy or in the form of a living couple, must be reserved and . for discussion in another work.” Here it is enough to ºnly have proved the fact of such association, and therefore crops. to have obviated the objection which might have been | The Golden Bough,” i. 202 sq. primitive mind fire is the most power- * /he Golden Bough,” ii. IoS. * L. Lloyd, Peasant Life in Sweden, p. 257. * In the meanwhile I may refer to 7%e Goſden Bough,” iii. 300 sqq., and the criticisms of Dr. E. Westermarck, The Origin and Development of Mora/ Ideas, i. (London, 1906) p. 56, note 3. In the passage referred to I followed W. Mannhardt in interpreting these bonfires as mainly sun-charms, but I recognised their supposed purgative virtue also, pointing out that “to the ful of all purificatory agents” (p. 312). Dr. Westermarck would explain the fires as purificatory only. I am so far in agreement with him that I believe I overestimated the strength of the evidence for the solar virtue of the fires, and underestimated the strength of the evidence for their purificatory virtue. Meantime I suspend my judgment on the question until I have carefully reconsidered the evidence, as I shall do in the third edition of Z'he Golden Bough. I 52 T//E GA/º/)/2/VS OA' A DO/V/S BOOK I raised to my theory of the Sardinian custom, on the ground that the bonfires have nothing to do with vegeta- tion. One more piece of evidence may here be given to prove the contrary. In some parts of Germany young men and girls leap over midsummer bonfires for the ex- press purpose of making the hemp or flax grow tall." We may, therefore, assume that in the Sardinian custom the blades of wheat and barley which are forced on in pots for the midsummer festival, and which correspond so closely to the gardens of Adonis, form one of those widely-spread midsummer ceremonies, the original object of which was to promote the growth of vegetation, and especially of the crops. But as, by an easy extension of ideas, the spirit of vegetation was believed to exercise a beneficent and fertilis- ing influence on human as well as animal life, the gardens of Adonis would be supposed, like the May-trees or May-boughs, to bring good luck, and more particularly perhaps offspring.” to the family or to the person who planted them ; and even after the idea had been abandoned that they operated actively to confer prosperity, they might still be used to furnish omens of good or evil. It is thus that magic dwindles into divination. Accordingly we find modes of divination practised at midsummer which resemble more or less closely the gardens of Adonis. Thus an anonymous Italian writer of the sixteenth century has recorded that it was customary to sow barley and wheat a few days before the festival of St. John (Midsummer Day) and also before that of St. Vitus; and it was believed that the person for whom they were sown would be fortunate, and get a good husband or a good wife, if the grain sprouted well ; but if it sprouted ill, he or she would be unlucky.” In various parts of Italy and all over Sicily it is still customary to put plants in water or in earth on the Eve of St. John, and from the manner in which they are found to be blooming or fading on St. John's Day omens are drawn, especially as to fortune in love. Amongst the plants used for this purpose Modes of divination at mid- Sulm IY) (ºr like the gardens of Adonis. * W. Mannhardt, Baumſºul/us, p. in the corresponding Indian practices. 464 ; K. von Leoprechting, Aus dem See above, pp. 142-144. Zechražn, p. 183. * The use of gardens of Adonis to * G. Pitrè, Spe/tacoſ e ſesſe popolari fertilise the human sexes appears plainly siciliane, pp. 296 sy. CHAP. IX. 7/7/2 GA ſº/D/E/V.S. O/C A/OO/V/S I 53 are Ciuri di S. Giuvanni (St. John's wort P) and nettles." In Prussia two hundred years ago the farmers used to send out their servants, especially their maids, to gather St. John's wort on Midsummer Eve or Midsummer Day (St. John's Day). When they had fetched it, the farmer took as many plants as there were persons and stuck them in the wall or between the beams; and it was thought that he or she whose plant did not bloom would soon fall sick or die. The rest of the plants were tied in a bundle, fastened to the end of a pole, and set up at the gate or wherever the corn would be brought in at the next harvest. The bundle was called A upole : the ceremony was known as Kupole's festival ; and at it the farmer prayed for a good crop of hay, and so forth.” This Prussian custom is particularly notable, inasmuch as it strongly confirms the opinion that Kupalo (doubtless identical with Kupole) was originally a deity of vegetation.” For here Kupalo is represented by a bundle of plants specially associated with midsummer in folk-custom ; and her influence over vegetation is plainly signified by placing her vegetable emblem over the place where the harvest is brought in, as well as by the prayers for a good crop which are uttered on the occasion. This furnishes a fresh argument in support of the view that the Death, whose analogy to Kupalo, Yarilo, and the rest I have shown elsewhere, originally personified vegetation, more especially the dying or dead vegetation of winter." Further, my interpretation of the gardens of Adonis is confirmed by finding that in this Prussian custom the very same kind of plants is used to form the gardens of Adonis (as we may call them) and the image of the deity. Nothing could set in a stronger light the truth of the theory that the gardens of Adonis are merely another manifestation of the god himself. In Sicily gardens of Adonis are still sown in spring * G. Pitrè, op. cit. pp. 302 sq. ; Antonio de Nino, Úst Abruzzesz, i. 55 sq. ; A. de Gubernatis, C/s; AVlegia/#, pp. 39 sq. Compare Archivio per ſo studio delle tradizionſ popolari, i. 135. At Smyrna a blossom of the Agnus castus is used on St. John's Day for a similar purpose, but the mode in which the omens are drawn is somewhat different (Archivio per ſo studio del/e tradicion; popolarz, vii. (1888) pp. I 28 sq.). * Matthäus Praetorius, Deliciae Z’russicae, herausgegeben von Dr. W. Pierson (Berlin, 1871), p. 56. * The Golden Bough,” ii. IoS sqq. * The Golden Bough,” ſ.c. Sicilian gardens of Adonis in Spring. I 54 T/// GA RADA, MS OF A DO/V/.S. BOOſK I as well as in Summer, from which we may perhaps infer that Sicily as well as Syria celebrated of old a vernal festival of the dead and risen god. At the approach of Easter, Sicilian women Sow wheat, lentils, and canary-seed in plates, which they keep in the dark and water every two days. The plants soon shoot up ; the stalks are tied together with red ribbons, and the plates containing them are placed on the sepulchres which, with the effigies of the dead Christ, are made up in Catholic and Greek churches on Good Friday, just as the gardens of Adonis were placed on the grave of the dead Adonis.” The practice is not confined to Sicily, for it is observed also at Cosenza in Calabria,” and perhaps in other places. The whole custom—Sepulchres as well as plates of Sprouting grain—may be nothing but a continuation, under a different name, of the worship of Adonis. Nor are these Sicilian and Calabrian customs the only Easter ceremonies which resemble the rites of Adonis. “During the whole of Good Friday a waxen effigy of the dead Christ is exposed to view in the middle of the Greek churches and is covered with fervent kisses by the thronging crowd, while the whole church rings with melancholy, monotonous dirges. Late in the evening, when it has grown quite dark, this waxen image is carried by the priests into the street on a bier adorned with lemons, roses, and jessamine, and there begins a grand procession of the multitude, who move in serried ranks, with slow and solemn step, through the whole town. Every man carries his taper and breaks out into doleful lamentation. At all the houses which the procession passes there are seated women with censers to fumigate the marching host. Thus the community solemnly buries its Christ as if he had just died. At last the waxen image is again deposited in the church, and the same lugubrious chants echo anew. These lamentations, accompanied by a strict fast, continue till midnight on Saturday. As the clock strikes twelve, the bishop appears and announces the glad tidings that “Christ Resenn- blance of the Easter ceremonies in the Greek Church to the rites of Adonis. 1 G. Pitrè, Søe//acoli e ſesſe /o/olari 8 Vincenso Dorsa, Za tradizione siciliane, p. 2 I I. Greco-La/ina negli usi e melle credenze * Kátovs (borwoºv čtvraq lovs 'Aöövtål, ſo/o/aré de/la Calabria Câteriore (Co- Eustathius on Homer, Od. xi. 590. Senza, 1884), p. 50. CHAIP. IX TAWE GAA’DA2/VS OF A DO/V/S I 55 is risen,' to which the crowd replies, ‘He is risen indeed,’ and at once the whole city bursts into an uproar of joy, which finds vent in shrieks and shouts, in the endless dis- charge of carronades and muskets, and the explosion of fire-works of every sort. In the very same hour people plunge from the extremity of the fast into the enjoyment of the Easter lamb and neat wine.”" * In like manner the Catholic Church has been accustomed Resem- to bring before its followers in a visible form the death and ...". resurrection of the Redeemer. Such sacred dramas are well ceremonies fitted to impress the lively imagination and to stir the warm º feelings of a susceptible southern race, to whom the pomp Church to and pageantry of Catholicism are more congenial than to º, the colder temperament of the Teutonic peoples. The solemnities observed in Sicily on Good Friday, the official anniversary of the Crucifixion, are thus described by a native Sicilian writer. “A truly moving ceremony is the procession which always takes place in the evening in every commune of Sicily, and further the Deposition from the Cross. The brotherhoods took part in the procession, and the rear was brought up by a great many boys and girls representing Saints, both male and female, and carrying the emblems of Christ's Passion. The Deposition from the Cross was managed by the priests. The coffin with the dead Christ in it was flanked by Jews armed with swords, an object of horror and aversion in the midst of the profound pity excited by the sight not only of Christ but of the Mater Dolorosa, who followed behind him. Now and then the ‘mysteries' or symbols of the Crucifixion went in front. Sometimes the procession followed the ‘three hours of agony’ and the “Deposition from the Cross.’ The “three hours' commemorated those which Jesus Christ passed upon * C. Wachsmuth, Das alte Griechen- /and i'm meltem, pp. 26 sq. The writer compares these ceremonies with the Fleusinian rites. But I agree with Mr. R. Wünsch (Das Frith/ingsfest der Jnsel /l/a//a, pp. 49 sq.) that the re- semblance to the Adonis festival is still closer. Compare V. Dorsa, Za tra- digione Greco-Zalina negli usi e preſ/e credenze popolari del/a Calabria Cite- riore, pp. 49 sq. Prof. Wachsmuth's description seems to apply to Athens. In the country districts the ritual is apparently similar. See R. A. Arnold, A rom the Zeziant (London, 1868), pp. 25 I sq., 259 sq. So in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem the death and burial of Christ are acted over a life-like effigy. See H. Maundrell, in Th. Wright's Early Travels in A'aſes/ine (London, 1848), pp. 443-445. I 56 TA/A, GA /ē/D/E/VS OF A DO/V/S' IBOOK I the Cross. Beginning at the eighteenth and ending at the twenty - first hour of Italian time two priests preached alternately on the Passion. Anciently the sermons were delivered in the open air on the place called the Calvary : at last, when the third hour was about to strike, at the words emiszt spiritum Christ died, bowing his head amid the sobs and tears of the bystanders. Immediately afterwards in Some places, three hours afterwards in others, the sacred body was unnailed and deposited in the coffin. In Castro- nuovo, at the Ave Maria, two priests clad as Jews, repre- Senting Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus, with their servants in costume, repaired to the Calvary, preceded by the Company of the Whites. There, with doleful verses and chants appropriate to the occasion, they performed the various operations of the Deposition, after which the pro- Cession took its way to the larger church. . . . In Salaparuta the Calvary is erected in the church. At the preaching of the death, the Crucified is made to bow his head by means of machinery, while guns are fired, trumpets sound, and amid the silence of the people, impressed by the death of the Redeemer, the strains of a melancholy funeral march are heard. Christ is removed from the Cross and deposited in the coffin by three priests. After the procession of the dead Christ the burial is performed, that is, two priests lay Christ in a fictitious sepulchre, from which at the mass of Easter Saturday the image of the risen Christ issues and is elevated upon the altar by means of machinery.” Scenic representations of the same sort, with variations of detail, are exhibited at Easter in the Abruzzi,” and probably in many other parts of the Catholic world. When we reflect how often the Church has skilfully con- trived to plant the seeds of the new faith on the old stock of paganism, we may surmise that the Easter celebration of the dead and risen Christ was grafted upon a similar celebration The Christian festival of Easter perhaps grafted on a festival of Adonis. 1 G. Pitrè, Sºet/acoli e /es/e poſo- of the Easter spectacle is the death of lari sãci/iane, pp. 216-218. Judas, who, personated by a living man, pretends to hang himself upon a * G. Finamore, Credenze, Usz e tree or a great branch, which has been Costum: Abruzzes?, pp. I 18-12o ; A. brought into the church and planted de Nino, Usi A/ruzzese, i. 64 sq., ii. near the high altar for the purpose (A. 2 Io-2 12. At Roccacaramanico part de Nino, op. cil. ii. 2 II). CHAP. l X 7///Z GA/C/D/E/VS OF A DO/V/S I 57 of the dead and risen Adonis, which, as we have seen reason to believe, was celebrated in Syria at the same season. The type, created by Greek artists, of the sorrowful goddess with her dying lover in her arms, resembles and may have been the model of the Pietà of Christian art, the Virgin with the dead body of her divine Son in her lap, of which the most celebrated example is the one by Michael Angelo in St. Peter's. That noble group, in which the living sorrow of the mother contrasts so wonderfully with the languor of death in the son, is one of the finest compositions in marble. Ancient Greek art has bequeathed to us few works so beautiful, and none so pathetic." In this connection a well-known statement of Jerome The may not be without significance. He tells us that X." Bethlehem, the traditionary birth - place of the Lord, Bethlehem, was shaded by a grove of that still older Syrian Lord, Adonis, and that where the infant Jesus had wept, the lover of Venus was bewailed.” Though he does not expressly say so, Jerome seems to have thought that the grove of Adonis had been planted by the heathen after the birth of Christ for the purpose of defiling the sacred spot. In this he may have been mistaken ; but even if he was right, the choice of Adonis to succeed Christ cannot but strike us as eminently appropriate when we remember the similarity of the rites which commemorated the death and resurrection of the two. One of the earliest seats of the worship of the new god was Antioch, and at Antioch, as we have seen,” the death of the old god was annually celebrated with great solemnity. A circumstance which The attended the entrance of Julian into the city at the time of s." the Adonis festival may perhaps throw some light on the date identified of its celebration. When the emperor drew near to the city vº. he was received with public prayers as if he had been a god, º, * and he marvelled at the voices of a great multitude who signal for cried that the Star of Salvation had dawned upon them in ..." the East." This may doubtless have been no more than a 1 The comparison has already been Grèce Antigue, iii. 221). made by A. Maury, who also com- * Jerome, Epist. lviii. 3 (Migne's pares the Easter ceremonies of the Patrologia Latina, xxii. 581). Catholic Church with the rites of * Above, p. 128. Adonis (Aſistoire des A’eligions de la * Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 9. I 58 TAIAE GA /ø/D/E/VS OF A DO/V/S' I}OOK I fulsome compliment paid by an obsequious Oriental crowd to the Roman emperor. But it is also possible that the rising of a bright star regularly gave the signal for the festival, and that as chance would have it the star emerged above the rim of the eastern horizon at the very moment of the emperor's approach. The coincidence, if it happened, could hardly fail to strike the imagination of a superstitious and excited multitude, who might thereupon hail the great man as the deity whose coming was announced by the sign in the heavens. Or the emperor may have mistaken for a greeting to himself the shouts which were addressed to the star. Now Astarte, the divine mistress of Adonis, was identified with the planet Venus, and her changes from a morning to an evening star were carefully noted by the Babylonian astronomers, who drew omens from her alternate appearance and disappearance." Hence we may conjecture that the festival of Adonis was regularly timed to coincide with the appearance of Venus as the Morning or Evening Star. But the star which the people of Antioch saluted at the festival was seen in the East ; therefore, if it was indeed Venus, it can only have been the Morning Star. At Aphaca in Syria, where there was a famous temple of Astarte, the signal for the celebra- tion of the rites was apparently given by the flashing of a meteor, which on a certain day fell like a star from the top of Mount Lebanon into the river Adonis. The meteor was thought to be Astarte herself,” and its flight through the air might naturally be interpreted as the descent of the amorous goddess to the arms of her lover. At Antioch and elsewhere the appearance of the Morning Star on the day of the festival may in like manner have been hailed as the coming 14 : “Orºzque pro/int/teams in specieſ, ii. 5. The connection of the meteor a/cu/us numână's vo/is exci/i/ur /u/- with the festival of Adonis is not /icis, mira/us voces muſ/7/udini's mag. nae, sa/u/are sidus im/urisse eois far/- &zes ade/a/ta/7/2s.” 1 M. Jastrow, 7%e A’e/igion of Aabylonia and Assyria, pp. 37O 377. ; *JH. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Oze A'ei/inschriften und das A//e 7 es/amen/,” D. 424. * Sozomenus, //istoria /2cclesias/ica, mentioned by Sozomenus, but is con- firmed by Zosimus, who says (///s/. i. 58) that a light like a torch or a globe of fire was seen on the sanctuary at the seasons when the people assembled to worship the goddess and to cast their offerings of gold, silver, and fine raiment into a lake beside the temple. As to Aphaca and the grave of Adonis See above, pp. 14 s/. CHAP. IX THE GARDEAVS OF A DO/V/S I 59 of the goddess of love to wake her dead leman from his earthy bed. If that were so, we may surmise that it was the Morning Star which guided the wise men of the East to Bethlehem,' the hallowed spot which heard, in the language of Jerome, the weeping of the infant Christ and the lament for Adonis. 1 Matthew ii. 1-12. B O O K SECON ID ATTIS I6 I M C H A P T E R I THE MYTH AND RITUAL OF AT TIS ANOTHER of those gods whose supposed death and resurrec- tion struck such deep roots into the faith and ritual of western Asia is Attis. He was to Phrygia what Adonis was to Syria. Like Adonis, he appears to have been a god of vegetation, and his death and resurrection were annually mourned and rejoiced over at a festival in spring." The legends and rites of the two gods were so much alike that the ancients themselves sometimes identified them.” Attis was said to have been a fair young shepherd or herdsman beloved by Cybele, the Mother of the Gods, a great Asiatic goddess of fertility, who had her chief home in Phrygia.” Some held that Attis was her son." His birth, like that of many other heroes, is said to have been miraculous. His mother, Nana, was a virgin, who conceived * Diodorus Siculus, iii. 59, 7 ; Sal- AEcc/es.iasſica, iii. 23. 5.1 sqq. lustius philosophus, ‘‘De diis et mundo,” s • -* * * * e p prus, 3. * Ovid, Aasó, iv. 223 sqq.; Tertullian, iv., A'ragmen/a Philosophorum Grae- corum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33 : Scholiast on Nicander, A/exi//armaca, 8; Firmicus Maternus, ZXe errore fro- fanarum religion”, 3 and 22. The ancient evidence, literary and inscrip- tional, as to the myth and ritual of Attis has been collected and discussed by Mr. H. Hepding in his monograph, Afti's, Seine Al/y/hen und sein Auſ/ (Giessen, 1903). * Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, v. 9, p. 168 ed. Duncker and Schneidewin ; Socrates, Æstoria Apologeticus, I 5 ; id., Ad Aſafones, i. Io ; Arnobius, Aldºersus AWa/rones, iv. 35. As to Cybele, the Great Mother, the Mother of the Gods, conceived as the source of all life, both animal and vegetable, see Rapp, in W. H. Roscher’s Zerikon d, griech. 1, röm. ..]/17/lologie, ii. 1638 sq9. * Scholiast on Lucian, /u?//er 7 ragoedus, 8, p. 60 ed. IH. Rabe (vol. iv. p. 173 ed. C. Jacobitz); Hippolytus, A'efuſatio omnium haeresæum, v. 9, pp. I68, 17o ed. Duncker and Schneidewin. Attis the Phrygian COunter- part of Adonis. IHis relation to Cybele. His miraculous birth. I63 164 THE /l/ VTAZ AAVZ) /ø/ TUA / O/7. A 7'7"/S 13C OJK II by putting a ripe almond or a pomegranate in her bosom. Indeed in the Phrygian cosmogony an almond figured as the father of all things." Such tales of virgin mothers are relics of an age of childish ignorance when men had not yet recognised the intercourse of the sexes as the true cause of offspring. That ignorance, still shared by the lowest of existing savages, the aboriginal tribes of Central Australia,” was doubtless at one time universal among mankind. Even in later times, when people are better acquainted with the laws of nature, they sometimes imagine that these laws may be subject to exceptions, and that miraculous beings may be born in miraculous ways by women who have never known a man. Two different accounts of the death of Attis were current. According to the one he was killed by a boar, like Adonis. According to the other he unmanned himself under a pine-tree, and bled to death on the spot. The latter is said to have been the local story told by the people of Pessinus, a great seat of the worship of Cybele, and the whole legend of which the story forms a part is stamped with a character of rudeness and savagery that speaks strongly for its antiquity.” Both tales might claim the support of custom, or rather both were probably invented to explain certain customs observed by the worshippers. The story of the self- mutilation of Attis is clearly an attempt to account for the self-mutilation of his priests, who regularly castrated them- selves on entering the service of the goddess. The story of his death by the boar may have been told to explain why his worshippers, especially the people of Pessinus, abstained from The death of Attis. | Pausanias, vii. 17. I I ; Hippolytus, versus AWaſiones, v. 5 sqq.) on the /('e/u/a/io omniu/, /ae/ey/u/, v. 9, pp. 166, 168 ed. Duncker and Schneidewin; Arnobius, Adversus AWa/iones, v. 6. * Spencer and Gillen, AWa/ive Zºriſes of Cen/ra/ Z11/s/ra/Ka, pp. 1 24 sq., 265; d., AWor//e77, Z%riſes of Cen/ra/ Aus/ra/ia, pp. I 50, 162, 330 sq., 606. * That Attis was killed by a boar was stated by IHermesianax, an elegiac poet of the ſourth century B.C. (Pau- sanias, vii. 17); compare Scholiast on Nicander, A/exi//ar//aca, 8. The other story is told by Arnobius (Ad. authority of Timotheus, an otherwise unknown writer, who professed to derive it ſrom recondite antiquarian works and ſrom the very heart of the mysteries. It is oliviously identical with the account which l’ausanias (/, c.) mentions as the story current in Pessinus. According to Servius (on Virgil, Aen. ix. I I 5), Attis was ſound bleeding to death under a pine-tree, but the wound which robbed him of his virility and his liſe was not inflicted by himself. CIH. A. P. I THE M VTH AAVD R/TUAL OF A TTIS I65 eating swine." After his death Attis is said to have been changed into a pine-tree.” r The worship of the Phrygian Mother of the Gods was worship adopted by the Romans in 204 B.C. towards the close of their * long struggle with Hannibal. For their drooping spirits had into Rome been opportunely cheered by a prophecy, alleged to be drawn "*" from that convenient farrago of nonsense, the Sibylline Books, that the foreign invader would be driven from Italy if the great Oriental goddess were brought to Rome. Accordingly ambassadors were despatched to her sacred city Pessinus in Phrygia. The small black stone which embodied the mighty divinity was entrusted to them and conveyed to Rome, where it was received with great respect and installed in the temple of Victory on the Palatine Hill. It was the middle of April when the goddess arrived,” and she went to work at once. For the harvest that year was such as had not been seen for many a long day," and in the very next year Hannibal and his veterans embarked for Africa. As he looked his last on the coast of Italy, fading behind him in the distance, he could not foresee that Europe, which had repelled the arms, would yet yield to the gods, of the Orient. The vanguard of the conquerors had already encamped in the heart of Italy before the rearguard of the beaten army fell sullenly back from its shores. We may conjecture, though we are not told, that the Attis and Mother of the Gods brought with her the worship of her º youthful lover or son to her new home in the West. Galli at Certainly the Romans were familiar with the Galli, the Rome. emasculated priests of Attis, before the close of the Republic. These unsexed beings, in their Oriental costume, with little images suspended on their breasts, appear to have been a familiar sight in the streets of Rome, which they traversed in procession, carrying the image of the goddess and chanting their hymns to the music of cymbals and tambourines, flutes * Pausanias, vii. 17. Io ; Julian, * Ovid, A/e/a/. x. IOS syſ). Ora/. v. 177 B, p. 229 ed. F. C. Hertlein. Similarly at Comana in Pontus, the seat of the worship of the II. As to the stone which represented goddess Ma, pork was not eaten, and e ſº & g the goddess see Arnobius, Adversus swine might not even be brought into AWa/zones, vii. 49 the city (Strabo, xii. 8. 9, p. 575). As tº , s = - 3 w a a “t- >7 • to Comana See above, p. 23. 4 Pliny, Aſaf. Hist. xviii. 16. ° Livy, xxix. chs. Io, I I, and 14 ; Ovid, Fasſi, iv. 259 sqq.; Herodian, ii. I66 7A//, // YZ"// A W/) /\!/7 U.A.J. ()/. A 7"T/.S. I}OOK I I and horns, while the people, impressed by the fantastic show and moved by the wild strains, flung alms to them in abundance, and buried the image and its bearers under showers of roses." A further step was taken by the Emperor Claudius when he incorporated the Phrygian worship of the sacred tree, and with it probably the orgiastic rites of Attis, in the established religion of Rome.” The great spring festival of Cybele and Attis is best known to us in the form in which it was celebrated at Rome ; but as we are informed that the Roman ceremonies were also Phrygian,” we may assume that they differed hardly, if at all, from their Asiatic original. The order of the festival seems to have been as follows." At the vernal equinox, the twenty-second of March, a pine-tree was cut in the woods and brought into the sanctuary of Cybele, where it was treated as a great divinity. The duty of carrying the sacred tree was entrusted to a guild of Tree-bearers. The trunk was swathed like a corpse with woollen bands and decked with wreaths of violets, for violets were said to have sprung from the blood of Attis, as roses and anemones from the blood of Adonis ; and the effigy of a young man, doubtless Attis himself, was tied to the middle of the stem.” On the second day of the festival, the twenty- third of March, the chief ceremony seems to have been a blowing of trumpets." The third day, the twenty-fourth of The spring ſestival of Cybele and Attis at Rome. The Day of Blood. * Lucretius, ii. 598 sqq). ; Catullus, /ēe/igion und /ºu//eſs der /ö/ler, pp. lxiii. ; Varro, Sa/ir. //eng//., ed. F. 3ücheler, pp. 176, 178; Ovid, /as//, iv. 18 I s/y. , 223 &//., 361 sy/. ; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, z////i/u?/. /ºoſ/l. ii. I 9 ; compare Polybius, xxii. 18 cq. L. Dindorf. * Johannes Lydus, /)e ///ensibus, iv. 4 I. Sec Robinson I'llis, Co//////en/avy on Ca//////s (Oxford, 1876), pp. 206 sy. ; H. Hepding, Z////s, pp. I42 &/7. * Arrian, 7 ac/ica, 33 ; Servius on Virgil, Men. xii. 836. * On the festival see J. Marquardt, /'6/uische S/aa/szerwal/u/.g., iii.” 370 s/ſ). ; the calendar of Philocalus, in Corpus //uscri//ioniſm /atºzaru//l, i.” p. 260, with Th. Mommsen's comment- ary; W. Mannhardt, 21ſt/i/e Wald- und Zºe/d/ºu/te, pp. 29 I s/ſ/. ; d. , /3al////- Au//us, pp. 572 sq/. ; G. Wissowa, 264 sy/. ; H. Hepding, 2.1///s, pp. 147 Aſ/ſ/. * Julian, Ora/. v. 168 C, p. 218 ed. F. C. II crtlein ; Joannes Lydus, /9e ///en.sg/us, iv. 4 ( ; Arnobius, Adversus A/a/iones, V. chs. 7, 16, 39 ; Firmicus Maternus, /)e errore //o/amaru/, re- /.gion u/, 27; Sallustius philosophus, “De diis et mundo,” iv., /öragmen/a // iſosophoruſ/ Graecorat/, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33. As to the guild of Tree-bearers (/)endro//hori) see Joannes Lydus, /. c. ; II. I.)essau, /mycrºft/Mones /a///lae Se/ec/ae, Nos. 4 I 6 sq., 417 I- 4174, 4 I 76 ; H. Hepding, ...1//is, pp. 86, 92, 93, 96, I 52 sy/. " Julian, /. c. and 169 C, p. 219 ed. F. C. Hertlein. The ceremony may have been combined with the old ºutbi- /us/rium or purification of trumpets, CHIAP, I TA/E MYTH A WD /º/7 UAM. O/* A 7'7/.S. 167 March, was known as the Day of Blood : the Archigallus or high-priest drew blood from his arms and presented it as an offering.' Nor was he alone in making this bloody sacrifice. Stirred by the wild barbaric music of clashing cymbals, rumbling drums, droning horns, and screaming flutes, the inſerior clergy whirled about in the dance with waggling heads and streaming hair, until, rapt into a frenzy of excite- ment and insensible to pain, they gashed their bodies with potsherds or slashed them with knives in order to bespatter the altar and the sacred tree with their flowing blood.” The ghastly rite probably formed part of the mourning for Attis and may have been intended to strengthen him for the resurrection. The Australian aborigines cut themselves in like manner over the graves of their friends for the purpose, perhaps, of enabling them to be born again.” Further, we may conjecture, though we are not expressly told, that it was on the same Day of Blood and for the same purpose that the novices sacrificed their virility. Wrought up to the highest pitch of religious excitement they dashed the severed portions of themselves against the image of the cruel goddess. These broken instruments of fertility were afterwards reverently wrapt up and buried in the earth or in subterranean chambers sacred to Cybele," where, like the which fell on this day. See Joannes Lydus, /Je mensióus, iv. 42 ; Varro, Z)e ſingita Za/ina, vi. I 4 ; Festus, pp. 352, 353 ed. C. O. Müller ; W. Warde Fowler, /ēoman /es//c/a/s of //e /eriod of //ie A'e/u//ic, p. 62. * Trebellius Pollio, C/audius, 4 ; Tertullian, 21/0/ogc/icus, 25. * Lucian, Deorum dialogi, xii. 1 ; Seneca, Algamemnon, 686 sqq.; Martial, xi. 84. 3 sy, ; Valerius Flaccus, Argo/talſ/. viii. 239 syſ).; Statius, 7%e/. x. I 70 sºy. ; Apuleius, Al/c/a/. viii. 27; Lactantius, ZXizºnarum. /ns/fuſion um AC///ome, 23 (18, vol. i. p. 689 ed. Brandt and Laubmann); II. Hepding, 21//is, pp. I 58 sq.7. As to the music of these dancing dervishes see also Lucretius, ii. 618 sqq. 8 Bussel, in Sir G. Grey's /ourna/ of 7 wo Expeditions of Discovery in Mor/h- ||Yes/ and l'estern Australia, ii. 330; F. Bonney, “On Some Cus- /upiter toms of the Aborigines of the River Darling, New South Wales,” /ournal of the An//ropoſogica/ /ns/i/uſe, xiii. (1884) pp. 134 sq. ; A. W. Howitt, Aſa/İze Zºrčhes of Sozz/h-AEas/.1/s/ra/ia, pp. 45 I, 465; Spencer and Gillen, AWa/ize 7"ribes of Cen/ra/ ...I us/ra/ia, pp. 507, 509 sq. The reason assigned for the custom in the text is conjectural. Compare my article “The Origin of Circumcision,” Zhe ſmaſe/enden/A'ez'few', November 1904, pp. 208 sy/. * Minucius Felix, Oc/az'ſ us, 22 and 24 ; Lactantius, ZXizºn. Zws/i/. i. 2 I. 16; id., AEpitoma, 8; Schol. on Lucian, Tragoedus, 8 (p. 60 ed. II. Rabe); Servius on Virgil, -ſen. ix. I I 5 ; Prudentius, /ºr's/c//ian. x. I oé6 sq.m. ; “Passio Sancti Sym- phoriani,” chs, 2 and 6, Migne's A'alrologia Gracca, v. 1463, 1466; Arnobius, Aldºersus Maſiones, v. 14 ; Scholiast on Nicander, 21/exipharmaca, I68 7///E // YT// A N/) /ē/ /"UA/L OF A 7'7"/.S. {}OOK I I offering of blood, they may have been deemed instrumental in recalling Attis to life and hastening the general resurrection of nature, which was then bursting into leaf and blossom in the vernal sunshine. If there is any truth in this conjectural explanation of the custom, we can readily understand why other Asiatic goddesses of fertility were served in like manner by eunuch priests. These feminine deities required to receive from their male ministers, who personated the divine lovers, the means of discharging their beneficent functions : they had themselves to be impregnated by the life-giving energy before they could transmit it to the world. Goddesses thus ministered to by eunuch priests were the great Artemis of Ephesus' and the great Syrian Astarte of Hierapolis,” whose sanctuary, frequented by swarms of pilgrims and enriched by the offerings of Assyria and Babylonia, of Arabia and Phoenicia, was perhaps in the days of its glory the most popular in the East.” Now the unsexed priests of this Syrian goddess resembled those of Cybele so closely that some people took them to be the same." And the mode in which they dedicated themselves to the religious life was similar. The greatest festival of the year at Hierapolis fell at the beginning of spring, when multitudes thronged to the Sanctuary from Syria and the regions round about. While the flutes played, the drums beat, and the eunuch priests slashed themselves with knives, the religious frenzy gradually spread like a wave among the crowd of onlookers, and many a one did that which he little thought to do when he came as a holiday spectator to the festival. For man after man, his veins lºunuch priests in the Service of Asiatic goddesses. both animals have been substitutes ſor the corresponding organs in men 2 As to the Sacrifices of rams and bulls see 8; H. Hepding, A//is, pp. 163 sq. A story told by Clement of Alexandria (Zºro/reſt. ii. 15, p. 13 ed. Potter) sug- gests that weaker brethren may have been allowed to sacrifice the virility of a ram instead of their own. We know ſrom inscriptions that rams and bulls were regularly sacrificed at the mysteries of Attis and the Great Mother, and that the testicles of the bulls were used for a special purpose, probably as a fertility charm. May not the testicles of the rams have been employed for the same purpose 2 and may not those of G. Zippel, “Das Taurobolium,” /es/- sc/77// zum /////ºgyö/rigon Doc/or- 'ubiläum. /.. /ried/aender (Leipsic, 1895), pp. 498 s/. ; II. Dessau, Anscº//iones /a/inae Se/ec/ae, Nos. 41 18377, and below, pp. 172 sq. * Strabo, xiv. I. 23, p. 641. * Lucian, De dea Syria, 15, 27, 50- 53. * Lucian, op. ci/, Io, * Lucian, op. cit. I 5. ( ' || A P. I T///E /l/ VZA/ A /V/D /ø/ / UA/L O/7' A TT/S I 69 throbbing with the music, his eyes fascinated by the sight of the streaming blood, flung his garments from him, leaped forth with a shout, and seizing one of the Swords which stood ready for the purpose, castrated himself on the spot. Then he ran through the city, holding the bloody pieces in his hand, till he threw them into one of the houses which he passed in his mad career. The household thus honoured had to furnish him with a suit of female attire and female ornaments, which he wore for the rest of his life." When the tumult of emotion had subsided, and the man had come to himself again, the irrevocable sacrifice must often have been followed by passionate sorrow and lifelong regret. This natural revulsion of feeling after the frenzies of a fanatical religion is powerfully depicted by Catullus in a celebrated poem.” The parallel of these Syrian devotees confirms the view that in the similar worship of Cybele the sacrifice of virility took place on the Day of Blood at the vernal rites of the goddess, when the violets, supposed to spring from the red drops of her wounded lover, were in bloom among the pines. Indeed the story that Attis unmanned himself under a pine- tree * was clearly devised to explain why his priests did the Same beside the sacred violet-wreathed tree at his festival. At all events, we can hardly doubt that the Day of Blood witnessed the mourning for Attis over an effigy of him which was afterwards buried." The image thus laid in the Sepulchre was probably the same which had hung upon the tree.” Throughout the period of mourning the worshippers fasted from bread, nominally because Cybele had done so in her grief for the death of Attis," but really perhaps for the | Lucian, Ze dea Syria, 49-51. * Catullus, Carm. lxiii. I agree with Mr. H. Hepding (Aſtis, p. 140) in thinking that the subject of the poem is not the mythical Attis, but one of his ordinary priests, who bore the name and imitated the sufferings of his god. Thus interpreted the poem gains greatly in force and pathos. The real sorrows of our fellow-men touch us more nearly than the imaginary pangs of the gods. * Arnobius, Adversus AWationes, v. 7 and 16; Servius on Virgil, ,-len. ix. II 5. * Diodorus Siculus, iii. 59 ; Arrian, 7 actica, 33 ; Scholiast on Nicander, A/cviſ harmaca, 8 ; Firmicus Maternus, AXE errore profanarum re/igion um, 3 and 22 ; Arnobius, -10'-'ersus AWatfones, v. 16; Servius on Virgil, ,-lev. ix. II 5. * See above, p. 166. ° Arnobius, l.c.; Sallustius philoso- phus, “De diis et mundo,” iv., Frag. menta Philosophorum Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33. The mourning for Attis. 17o T//E // YT// AAVD /ē/TUA/L OF A TT/S J3OOK II same reason which induced the women of Harran to abstain from eating anything ground in a mill while they wept for Tammuz." To partake of bread or flour at such a season might have been deemed a wanton profanation of the bruised and broken body of the god. Or the fast may possibly have been a preparation for a sacramental meal.” But when night had fallen, the sorrow of the worshippers was turned to joy. For suddenly a light shone in the darkness : the tomb was opened : the god had risen from the dead ; and as the priest touched the lips of the weeping mourners with balm, he softly whispered in their ears the glad tidings of salvation.” On the morrow, the twenty-fifth day of March, the divine resurrection was celebrated with a wild outburst of glee, which at Rome, and probably elsewhere, took the form of a carnival. It was the Festival of Joy (Hilaria). A universal licence prevailed. Every man might say and do what he pleased. People went about the streets in disguise. No dignity was too high or too sacred for the humblest citizen to assume with impunity. In the reign of Commodus a band of conspirators thought to take advantage of the masquerade by dressing in the uniform of the Imperial Guard, and so, mingling with the crowd of merrymakers, to get within stabbing distance of the emperor. But the plot miscarried." Even the stern Alexander Severus used to The I'estival of Joy (//i/aria) for the rCŞll!')"CC- tion of Attis on March 25th. | Above, p. 13 I. * See below, p. 172. * Firmicus Maternus, /9e errore pro- ſanarum religio/u//z, 22 : “A/oc/e quad. am simult/acrum in lec/ica suffinum ſºoniſure/ /er numeros dºges/is ſle/i/t/s //angi/ur. deinde cuſ/u se //c/a/amen/- a/İone sa/iazerin/, /u///en inſer/ur: /u/ac a sacerdoſe om/?ſu/, /t/, //e/azz/ ſauces zºnguen/ur, 7tſibus ſerumc/fs hoc len/o //zz/7”//12/7% sa/62477-a/. 6appetre pºſo rat Toti 06 ov aea wapévov- êorrow yūp hulu &k Tóvou a wripta, Quaid /liseros hor/aris gaudean/ ? /uid dece//os homânes /ae/ar; com/el/is # quam iſ/is s/e//, 724a/l salu/e//, /unes/a persuasione fromiſ/is # /)ez Zuz mors 720/a es/, Z/7/a 120/? / are/. . . . /do/um //angis, idoluſz de Septe//ura /roſer’s, e/ muiser cum haec ſeceris, galades. Zht deum. /u?/m liberas, /et faceſz/ia /a/idis //te/l/ra com/onis, /a, insensibile corrigº's saxum.” In this passage Firmicus does not expressly mention Attis, but that the reſerence is to his rites is made probable by a comparison with chapter 3 of the same writer’s work. Compare also Damascius, in Photius’s J%0/ioe/heca, p. 345 A, 5 377., ed. I. Bekker: Tóre Tú"IepatróXét éºyka9evöſja as éðokoúv Švap 6 "Artms y&ved 0au, kal plot étriteXeſa (at trapá ràs pºntpés Tóv 0eów Thu rôv (Naplwu ka?\oupévov čoprāv Ötrep éöff)\ov thu Čá úðov yeyovvtav huòu owtn- plav. * Macrobius, Saſuriz. i. 2 I. Io ; I’lavius Vopiscus, Azºre/ianus, i. 1 ; Julian, Or. v. pp. 168 I), 169 D ; Damascius, /.c. ; Herodian, i. Io. 5-7 ; Sallustius philosophus, “De diis et mundo,” Zºragmenta //, /osophoru/, Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33. In like manner Easter Sunday, CHAP, I 7///E /l/ / / // A A//) /º/TO/A/C OF A / / /.S. 17 I relax so far on the joyous day as to admit a pheasant to his frugal board.' The next day, the twenty-sixth of March, was given to repose, which must have been much needed after the varied excitements and fatigues of the preceding days.” Finally, the Roman festival closed on the twenty- seventh of March with a procession to the brook Almo. The silver image of the goddess, with its face of jagged black stone, sat in a waggon drawn by Oxen. Preceded by the nobles walking barefoot, it moved slowly, to the loud music of pipes and tambourines, out by the Porta Capena, and so down to the banks of the Almo, which flows into the Tiber just below the walls of Rome. There the high-priest, robed in purple, washed the waggon, the image, and the other sacred objects in the water of the stream. On returning from their bath, the wain and the oxen were strewn with fresh spring flowers. All was mirth and gaiety. No One thought of the blood that had flowed so lately. Even the eunuch priests forgot their wounds.” Such, then, appears to have been the annual Solemnisa- tion of the death and resurrection of Attis in spring. But besides these public rites, his worship is known to have comprised certain secret or mystic ceremonies, which prob- ably aimed at bringing the worshipper, and especially the novice, into closer communion with his god. Our informa- tion as to the nature of these mysteries and the date of the Resurrection-day of Christ, was called by some ancient writers the Sunday of Joy (/)ominica Gaudii). The emperors used to celebrate the happy day by releasing from prison all but the worst offenders. See J. Bingham, Zhe -1/1///uities of the Christian Church, blº. xx. ch. vi. §§ 5 sq. (Bingham's HP'orks (Oxford, 1855), vii. 317 sqq.). ! Aelius Severus, 37. * Cow/us /uscrip/ionum Latinarum, i.” pp. 260, 31.3 sq.; H. Hepding, A//is, pp. 5 I, I 72. * Ovid, /asſi, iv. 337-346; Silius Italicus, /ºi/nic. viii. 365 ; Valerius Flaccus, Argonau/. viii. 239 syſ). ; Martial, iii. 47. I sq.; Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 3. 7 ; Arnobius, Lampridius, A/exander 2-1dversus AWaſiones, vii. 32 ; Pruden- tius, /’erisſeſ/han. x. I 54 syſ). For the description of the image of the goddess see Arnobius, Adversz's AWa/iones, vii. 49. At Carthage the goddess was carried to her bath in a litter, not in a waggon (Augustine, De civifate Def, ii. 4). The bath formed part of the festival in Phrygia, whence the custom was borrowed by the Romans (Arrian, Zac/ica, 33). At Cyzicus the Placi- anian Mother, a form of Cybele, was served by women called “marine * (9a)\doorwal), whose duty it probably was to wash her image in the Sea (Ch. Michel, A’ecuei/ d”/mscriptions Grecques, No. 537). See further J. Marquardt, A'6mische Staatsverwa/- ſung, iii.” 373; H. Hepding, A//is, pp. I 33 Sº The mysteries of Attis. 172 T///, // YZ"// A /V/) /ø/7'UA / OA' A 7'7"/S BOOK II The SaCranlent. The baptism of blood. dieting him on milk like a new-born babe.” their celebration is unfortunately very scanty, but they seem to have included a sacramental meal and a baptism of blood. In the sacrament the novice became a partaker of the mysteries by eating out of a drum and drinking out of a cymbal, two instruments of music which figurcd pro- minently in the thrilling orchestra of Attis.' The fast which accompanied the mourning for the dead god * may perhaps have been designed to prepare the body of the communicant for the reception of the blessed sacrament by purging it of all that could defile by contact the sacrcd clements.” In the baptism the devotee, crowned with gold and wreathed with fillets, descended into a pit, the mouth of which was covered with a wooden grating. A bull, adorned with garlands of flowers, its forehead glittering with gold leaf, was then driven on to the grating and there stabbed to death with a consecrated spear. Its hot reeking blood poured in torrents through the apertures, and was received with devout eagerness by the worshipper on every part of his person and garments, till he emerged from the pit, drenched, dripping, and scarlet from head to foot, to receive the homage, nay the adoration, of his fellows as one who had been born again to eternal life and had washed away his sins in the blood of the bull.” For some time afterwards the fiction of a new birth was kept up by The regenera- tion of the worshipper took place at the same time as the regeneration of his god, namely at the vernal equinox." At | Clement of Alexandria, /?ro/re//, ii. I 5, p. 13 ed. Potter ; Firmicus Maternus, /9e errore profanaru// re- ligional/l, I8. * Above, pp. 169 sq. * H. Hepding, A//?s, p. 185. * Prudentius, /eris/e//ian. x. IOO6- IOSo ; compare Firmicus Maternus, De errore/roſaynarum re/igion?//n, 28.8. That the bath of bull’s blood (/auro- bo/ium) was believed to regenerate the devotee ſor eternity is proved by an inscription found at Rome, which re- cords that a certain Sextilius Agesilaus Aedesius, who dedicated an altar to Attis and the Mother of the Gods, was Zaurobo/io criobo/io/ate ºn aeterm?// 7 amatus (Corpus /mscriptional/l ſalin- aru/n, vi. 5 IO ; H. Dessau, /mscrºft– Ziones Zalinae Se/ec/ae, No. 41 52). The phrase arcanis pe/usionibus in ae/ernum rema/us occurs in a dedica- tion to Mithra (Coyºus /mscrip/ionum, Za/inarum, vi. No. 736), which, how- ever, is suspected of being spurious. As to the inscriptions which reſer to the Zaurobo/iu/, see G. Zippel, “Das Taurobolium,” in ſes/schrift zum ſin/ºigjährigen Doc/orjubi/ium Z. /*ried/ae/rder da/geøyacht zon sein Schif/e77, (Leipsic, 1895), pp. 498-52O. * Sallustius philosophus, “De diis et mundo,” iv., ſºragme/t/a Ahiloso- //hor//l Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33. " Sallustius philosophus, l.c. CHAP, I TA/A) // YT// A /V/O /ē/7'OA / OF A 7'7"/S I73 Rome the new birth and the remission of sins by the The shedding of bull's blood appear to have been carried out Yº. of above all at the sanctuary of the Phrygian goddess on the the worship Vatican Hill, where the great basilica of St. Peter's now * * stands ; for many inscriptions relating to the rites were found when the church was being enlarged in 1608 or 1609." From the Vatican as a centre this barbarous system of superstition seems to have spread to other parts of the Roman empire. Inscriptions found in Gaul and Germany prove that provincial sanctuaries modelled their ritual on that of the Vatican.” From the same source we learn that the testicles as well as the blood of the bull played an important part in the ceremonies.” Probably they were regarded as a powerful charm to promote fertility and hasten the new birth. | Coſ/us ///scrip/ionum, Za/inarum, Za/č/zaru//, No. 2278; G. Wissowa, vi. Nos. 497-504 ; H. Dessau, //uscrip- //ones / alinae Se/ec/ae, Nos. 4 I 45, 4 I 47 - 4 I 5 I, 4 I 53 ; //uscrip/tones Graecae Siciliae eſ //a/iae, ed. G. Kaibel, No. I O2O ; G. Zippel, o/, ci/. pp. 509 sq., 519 ; H. Hepding, 21//is, pp. 83, 86-88, 176. * Com/tºs /mscrip/lonzºyl Za/imaru/, xiii. No. 175 I ; H. I.)essau, /mscrip- (loyzes /a/Znae Selectae, No. 4 I 3 I ; G. Wilmanns, Zxem//a /mscrip/ion u/, /('e/iſion and At///us der /ömer, p. 267 ; H. Hepding, -1///s, pp. 169- 171, 176. * Corpus //uscri/tion itſ/ /a/imarity, xiii. No. 175 I ; G. Wilmanns, Zxe///a Znscrip/ioſultſ// /a/inar///l, Nos. I 19, I 23, 124 ; H. Dessau, /msci’iſſiones /a/2//ae Se/ec/ae, No. 4 I 27 ; G. Wissowa, A’e/igion told A7///us der A'6//e7, p. 269 ; H. Hepding, .4//is, D. I 9 I. C H A P T E R II ATT IS AS A GOD OF VEGETATION THE original character of Attis as a tree-spirit is brought out plainly by the part which the pine-tree plays in his legend, his ritual, and his monuments." The story that he was a human being transformed into a pine-tree is only one of those transparent attempts at rationalising old beliefs which meet us so frequently in mythology. The bringing in of the pine-tree from the woods, decked with violets and woollen bands, is like bringing in the May-tree or Summer- tree in modern folk-custom ; and the effigy which was attached to the pine-tree was only a duplicate representative of the tree-spirit Attis. After being fastened to the tree, the effigy was kept for a year and then burned.” The same thing appears to have been sometimes done with the May- pole ; and in like manner the effigy of the corn-spirit, made at harvest, is often preserved till it is replaced by a new effigy at next year's harvest.” The original intention of such customs was no doubt to maintain the spirit of vegetation in life throughout the year. Why the Phrygians should have worshipped the pine above other trees we can only guess. Perhaps the utility of the tree may have helped to invest it with a sacred character. The cones of the stone-pine contain edible nut-like seeds, which have been used as food since antiquity, and are still eaten, for The sanctity of the pine- tree in the worship of Attis. * As to the monuments see II. * Firmicus Maternus, De errore Dessau, /mscrip/iones /a/inae Se/ec/ae, f/0/a/zarum re/igionum, 27. Nos. 4143, 4 I 52, 4 I 53 ; II. Hepding, * Zhe Golden Bough,” i. 205 sq., ii. A//is, pp. 82, 83, 88, 89. I79, 184, 185, 193-195. 174 BK. II, CH. II A TT/S 24 S A GO/D OF VEG/E TA T/O/V I75 example, by the poorer classes in Rome." Moreover, a wine was brewed from these seeds,” and this may partly account for the orgiastic nature of the rites of Cybele, which the ancients compared to those of Dionysus.” Further, pine- cones were regarded as symbols or rather instruments of fertility. Hence at the festival of the Thesmophoria they were thrown, along with pigs and other agents or emblems of productivity, into the sacred vaults of Demeter for the purpose of quickening the ground and the wombs of women." Like tree-spirits in general, Attis was apparently thought Attis as a to wield power over the fruits of the earth or even to be “"“” identical with the corn. One of his epithets was “very fruitful’’; he was addressed as the “reaped green (or yellow) ear of corn "; and the story of his sufferings, death, and resurrection was interpreted as the ripe grain wounded by the reaper, buried in the granary, and coming to life again when it is sown in the ground.” A statue of him in the Lateran Museum at Rome clearly indicates his relation to the fruits of the earth, and particularly to the corn ; for it represents him with a bunch of ears of corn and fruit in his hand, and a wreath of pine-cones, pomegranates, and other fruits on his head, while from the top of his Phrygian cap ears of corn are sprouting." On a stone urn, which con- ! Encyclopaedia Aritannica,” xix. * Pliny, Aſaf. Aſis/. xiv. Io 3. Io 5. Compare Athenaeus, ii. 49, p. 57. The nuts of the silver-pine (/'izzzas edu/is) are a favourite food of the Californian Indians (S. Powers, 777&cs of California, p. 421); the Wintun Indians hold a pine-nut dance when the nuts are fit to be gathered (ib. p. 237). The Shuswap Indians of British Columbia collect the comes of various sorts of pines and eat the nutlets which they extract from them. See G. M. Dawson, “Notes on the Shuswap People of British Columbia,” Z’ro- ceedings and Zºransac/ions of Z/he A'oyal Society of Canada, ix. (Montreal, 1892), Transactions, section ii. p. 22. The Gilyaks of the Amoor valley in like manner eat the nutlets of the Siberian stone-pine (L. von Schrenk, Die I ?/ker des Amur-Zandes, iii. 440). See also the commentators on Herodotus, iv. I O9 p6elporpáyeovot. * Strabo, x. 3. I 2 sq.7., pp. 469 sqq. However, tipsy people were excluded from the sanctuary (Arnobius, Adºzersus Aſa/iones, v. 6). * Scholiast on Lucian, ZXia/. Al/crety. ii. 1, p. 276 ed. H. Rabe. * Hippolytus, A’eſu/a/io omnium, haerºsium, v. 8 and 9, pp. 162, 168 ed. IDuncker and Schneidewin ; Fir- micus Maternus, De errore Aroſamaru/ religion um, 3 ; Sallustius philosophus, “De diis et mundo,” Frag/en/a Phi/o- sophorum Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33. Others identified him with the spring flowers. See Eusebius, Praeparatio Æzange/ii, iii. II. 8 and I2, iii. I 3. IO ed. F. A. Heinichen ; Augustine, ZOc civitate def, V11. 25. ° W. Helbig, Führer durch die Öffen//ic/en. Samum/ungeſt classischer Alſer/imer in A'om.” i. 481, No. 72 I. 176 A TT/S AS A GO D OF VEGF, TA TVOAV IBOOIK I j tained the ashes of an Archigallus or high-priest of Attis, the same idea is expressed in a slightly different way. The top of the urn is adorned with ears of corn carved in relief, and it is surmounted by the figure of a cock, whose tail consists of ears of corn." Cybele in like manner was con- ceived as a goddess of fertility who could make or mar the fruits of the earth ; for the people of Augustodunum (Autun) in Gaul used to cart her image about in a waggon for the good of the fields and vineyards, while they danced and sang before it,” and we have seen that in Italy an unusually fine harvest was attributed to the recent arrival of the Great Mother.” The bathing of the image of the goddess in a river may well have been a rain-charm to ensure an abundant supply of moisture for the crops. Or perhaps, as Mr. Hepding has suggested, the union of Cybele and Attis, like that of Aphrodite and Adonis, was dramatically represented at the festival, and the subsequent bath of the goddess was a ceremonial purification of the bride, such as is often observed at human marriages." In like manner Aphrodite is said to have bathed after her union with Adonis,” and so did Demeter after her intercourse with Poseidon." Hera washed in the springs of the river Burrha after her marriage with Zeus;" and every year she recovered her virginity by bathing in the spring of Canathus.” How- ever that may be, the rules of dict observed by the worshippers of Cybele and Attis at their solemn fasts are clearly dictated by a belief that the divine life of these deities manifested Cybele as a goddess of fertility. 1 The urn is in the Lateran Museum (No. 1 oA6). It is not described by W. IIelbig in his /ºi/ rer. The in- scription on the urn (A/, /l/odºus A/axx//ults archſgal/us coloniac OS//en.s.) is published by H. Dessau (///scr:/- /iomes /a/imae Se/ec/ae, No. 4 I 62), who does not notice the curious and interesting composition of the cock's tail. The bird is chosen as an emblem of the priest with a punning reference to the word gal/us, which in Latin means a cock as well as a priest of Attis. * Gregory of Tours, co//essor//l, 77 (Migne's /a///za, lxxi. 884). That (less here referred to was /Je gloria A'a/ro/ogia the god- Cybele and not a native Gallic deity, as I ſormerly thought (/ec/ures on //e Zar/y Z//s/ory of //e A77.9% iſ, p. 178), seems proved by the “Passion of St. Symphorian,” chs. 2 and 6 (Migne's /*1//o/ogia Graeca, v. 1463, 1466). * Above, p. 165. * II. I ſepding, A///s, pp. 215-217 ; compare fa. I 75, n. 7. * Ptolemaeus, AVoz. Aſis/. i. p. 183 of A. Westermann’s A/y//ograp/, / Graeci. " Pausanias, viii. 25. 5 sy. 7 Aelian, A/a/. Z1/////. xii. 30. The place was in Mesopotamia, and the goddess was probably Astarte. So I,ucian (/)e d'ea Syria) calls the Astarte of Hierapolis “the Assyrian Hera.” * Pausanias, ii. 38. 2. CHAP. II A 7'7"/S AS A GO/O OF VEGAZ 7.4 7TWOAV 177 itself in the fruits of the earth, and especially in such of them as are actually hidden by the soil. For while the devotees were allowed to partake of flesh, though not of pork or fish, they were forbidden to eat seeds and the roots of vegetables, but they might eat the stalks and upper parts of the plants." * Julian, Oraſ. v. 173 syſ). (pp. 225 s/7, ed. F. C. Hertlein); H. Hepding, A/tis, pp. I 55-I57. However, apples, pomegranates, and dates were also forbidden. The story that the mother of Attis conceived him through contact with a pomegranate (albove, pp. 163 s/.) might explain the prohibition of that fruit. But the reasons for tabooing apples and dates are not apparent, though Julian tried to discover them. He suggested that dates may have been forbidden because the date- palm does not grow in Phrygia, the native land of Cybele and Attis. C H A P T E R III ATTIS AS THE FATHER GOD The name THE name Attis appears to mean simply “father.” This * explanation, suggested by etymology, is confirmed by the "father," observation that another name for Attis was Papas; * for Papas has all the appearance of being a common form of that word for “father ” which occurs independently in many distinct families of speech all the world over. Similarly the mother of Attis was named Nana,” which is itself a form of the world-wide word for “mother.” “The immense list of such words collected by Buschmann shows that the types pa and ta, with the similar forms aſ and at, preponderate in the world as names for ‘father,' while ſma and ma, am and am, preponderate as names for ‘mother.’” " Relation of Thus the mother of Attis is only another form of his §. * divine mistress the great Mother Goddess,” and we are Goddess, brought back to the myth that the lovers were mother and son. The story that Nana conceived miraculously without commerce with the other sex shows that the Mother Goddess of Phrygia herself was viewed, like other goddesses of the 1 P. Kretschmer, Zin/ei/ung in die occur in Phrygia (H. Hepding, Atti's, Geschächte der griechischen Sørache, p. pp. 78 sq.). Compare A. B. Cook, g “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” C/assical * Diodorus Siculus, iii. 58. 4; Æez'iew, xviii. (1904) p. 79. Hippolytus, Aleſu/atio omnium. /aero- ** & * * * Arnobius, Adversus AWa/iones, v. sium, i. 9, p. 168 ed. Duncker and 3. 5 sºftein." Aiai. i.i.amon", " " '' . . . . . A/te /a/a has been found at Aquileia . ! E. B. Tylor, Primi/ive Culture,” (Cumont, in Pauly-Wissowa's /('eaſen- 1 223. cyclopädie, ii. 218O, s. v. “Attepata ‘’; " Rapp, in W. H. Roscher's Mexi- H. Hepding, A//is, p. 86). Greek Mºon d, griech. u, röm. My/hologie, ii. dedications to Papas or to Zeus Papas 1648. 178 BK. II. CH. III A 7'7"/S AS TAZAZ FA 7A/A2/8 GO/O I79 same primitive type, as a Virgin Mother." That view of her character does not rest on a perverse and mischievous theory that virginity is more honourable than matrimony. It is derived, as I have already indicated, from a state of savagery in which the mere fact of paternity was unknown. That explains why in later times, long after the true nature of paternity had been ascertained, the Father God was often a much less important personage in mythology than his divine partner the Mother Goddess. With regard to Attis Attis as a in his paternal character it deserves to be noticed that the i.sº Bithynians used to ascend to the tops of the mountains Father. and there call upon him under the name of Papas. The custom is attested by Arrian,” who as a native of Bithynia must have had good opportunities of observing it. We may perhaps infer from it that the Bithynians conceived Attis as a sky-god or heavenly father, like Zeus, with whom indeed Arrian identifies him. If that were so, the story of the loves of Attis and Cybele, the Father God and the Mother Goddess, might be in one of its aspects a particular version of the widespread myth which represents Mother Earth Stories of fertilised by Father Sky ; * and, further, the story of the * emasculation of Attis would be parallel to the Greek legend of the that Cronus castrated his father, the old sky-god Uranus,” Sky-god. *. was self-sustaining and self - existent, and was secret and unknown, and all- 1. She is called a “motherless virgin " by Julian (Or. v. I66 B, p. 2 I 5 ed. F. C. Hertlein), and there was a Parſhenon or virgin’s chamber in her sanctuary at Cyzicus (Ch. Michel, A’ecueil d’Auscriptions Grecques, No. 538). Compare Rapp, in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon d, griech. 1ſ. rôm. Al/jºhologie, ii. I648, iii. 4 sq. An- other great goddess of fertility who was conceived as a Virgin Mother was the Egyptian Neith or Net. She is called “the Great Goddess, the Mother of All the Gods,” and was believed to have brought ſorth Ra, the Sun, with- out the help of a male partner. See C. P. Tiele, Geschächte der Ale/igion im, Aller/um, i. I I I ; E. A. Wallis Budge, 7 he God's of //ie A.gy//ians (London, 1904), i. 457-462. The latter writer says (p. 462): “In very early times Net was the personification of the eternal female principle of life which pervading ; the more material thinkers, whilst admitting that she brought ſorth her son Rä without the aid of a husband, were unable to divorce from their minds the idea that a male germ was necessary for its production, and finding it impossible to derive it from a being external to the goddess, assumed that she herself provided not only the substance which was to form the body of Ră but also the male germ which fecundated it. Thus Net was the type of partheno-genesis.” * Quoted by Eustathius on Homer, J7. v. 408; Zºrag/en/a Aſistoricorum, Graccorum, ed. C. Müller, iii. 592, Frag. 3O. ° E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture,” i. 32 I s/º., ii. 270 s/y. - * Hesiod, Zheogony, I 59 syſ). I8O A 7'7"YS AS 7TA/A2 /7A TAIAEA GO/O T}OOJK II and was himself in turn castrated by his own son, the younger sky - god Zeus." The tale of the mutilation of the sky-god by his son has been plausibly explained as a myth of the violent separation of the earth and sky, which some races, for example the Polynesians, suppose to have originally clasped each other in a close embrace.” Yet it seems unlikely that an order of eunuch priests like the Galli should have been based on a purely cosmogonic myth : why should they continue for all time to be mutilated because the sky-god was so in the beginning P. The custom of castration must surely have been designed to meet a con- stantly recurring need, not merely to reflect a mythical event which happened at the creation of the world. Such a need is the maintenance of the fruitfulness of the earth, annually imperilled by the changes of the seasons. Yet the theory that the mutilation of the priests of Attis and the burial of the severed parts were designed to fertilise the ground may perhaps be reconciled with the cosmo- gonic myth if we remember the old opinion, held apparently by many peoples, that the creation of the world is year by year repeated in that great transfor- mation which depends ultimately on the annual increase of the sun's heat.” However, the evidence for the celestial aspect of Attis is too slight to allow us to speak with any confidence on this subject. A trace of that aspect appears * Porphyry, ZXe an/ro ny//arum, Jºe/igion in Al/er/u/l, i. 33 sq. Thus I6; Aristides, Oyº. iii. vol. i. p. 35 ed. Dindorf; Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 983. * A. Lang, Custom and My//, (London, 1884), pp. 45 S/7, ; 2d., //y//, /ºi/ua/, and /ºe/igion (London, 1887), i. 299 $/7. In Egyptian mythology the separation of heaven and earth was ascribed to Shu, the god of light, who insinuated himself between the bodies of Seb (Keb) the earth-god and of Nut the sky-goddess. On the monuments Shu is represented holding up the star-spangled body of Nut on his hands, while Seb reclines on the ground. See E. A. Wallis Budge, 7%e Gods of the Ægy//ians, ii. 90, 97 sq., IOO, IO 5 ; A. Erman, /Jºe àgy//ische /ēeligion (Berlin, 1905), pp. 31 sq.; C. P. Tiele, Geschächte der contrary to the usual mythical concep- tion the Egyptians regarded the earth as male and the sky as female. An allusion in the /300/4 of //he Oead (ch. 69, vol. ii. p. 235, Budge's transla- tion) has been interpreted as a hint that Osiris mutilated his ſather Seb at the separation of carth and heaven, just as Cronus mutilated his father Uranus. See II. Brugsch, /('eligion 2/72d A/y//ho/ogée der aſſeſ, Aegy//er, p. 581 ; E. A. Wallis Budge, o/, cit. ii. 99 sq. Sometimes the Egyptians con- ceived the sky as a great cow standing with its legs on the earth. See A. Erman, op. cil, pp. 5 s/. * The evidence of this will be given in the third edition of 7/ke Golden /3ough. CHAP. III ' A 7TT/S AS 7'HAZ /7A 7TAZAZA' GO ZD I 8 I to survive in the star-Spangled cap which he is said to have received from Cybele," and which is figured on some monu- -ments supposed to represent him.” His identification with the Phrygian moon-god Men Tyrannus” points in the same direction, but is probably due rather to the religious specula- tion of a later age than to genuine popular tradition." * Julian, Or. v. pp. 165 B, 17o D (pp. 214, 22 I, ed. F. C. Hertlein); Sallustius philosophus, “De diis et mundo,” iv., /ºragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33. * Drexler, in W. H. Roscher’s Zexikon der griech. und, röm. Myth- ologie, ii. 2745; H. Hepding, Aſtis, p. I2O, n. 8. * H. Dessau, /nscrip/iones Zafinae Selectae, Nos. 4I46-4I49; II. Hepding, Attis, pp. 82, 86 sq., 89 sq. As to Men Tyrannus, see Drexler, in W. H. Roscher’s Zexi/ºon d, griech, u. rām. A/y/h. ii. 2687 sq.7. 4. On the other hand Prof. W. M. Ramsay holds that Attis and Men are deities of similar character and origin, but differentiated from each other by development in different sur- roundings (Cities and Aishoprics of Phrygia, i. 169); but he denies that Men was a moon-god (op. cit. i. I O4, n. 4). C H A PT ER IV HUMAN REPRESENTATIVES OF ATTIS The high FROM inscriptions it appears that both at Pessinus and º'º. Rome the high-priest of Cybele regularly bore the name of Attis bore the god's Attis.” It is therefore a reasonable conjecture that he .." played the part of his namesake, the legendary Attis, at the Seem S to .." annual festival.” We have seen that on the Day of Blood i.” he drew blood from his arms, and this may have been an imitation of the self-inflicted death of Attis under the pine- tree. It is not inconsistent with this supposition that Attis was also represented at these ceremonies by an effigy; for instances can be shown in which the divine being is first represented by a living person and afterwards by an effigy, which is then burned or otherwise destroyed.” The Perhaps we may go a step farther and conjecture that this ... " mimic killing of the priest, accompanied by a real effusion the high & g e e priest's of his blood, was in Phrygia, as it has been elsewhere, a b1 - • e e i.e. * e wº º substitute for a human sacrifice which in earlier times was a substitute actually offered. Professor W. M. Ramsay, whose authority ºng on all questions relating to Phrygia no one will dispute, is º of opinion that at these Phrygian ceremonies “the repre- the Char- acter of the god | In letters of Eumenes and Attalus, scriptions see H. Hepding, Aſtis, p. preserved in inscriptions at Sivrihissar, 79 ; Rapp, in W. H. Roscher’s Zexi- the priest at Pessinus is addressed as ſºon der griech. atzed röm. A/y//hologie, Attis. See A. von Domaskewski, i. 724. See also Polybius, xxii. 18 “Briefe der Attaliden an den Priester (2O), ed. L. Dindorf, who mentions von Pessinus,” Archaeologische - eſ?- a priest of the Mother of the Gods graft/lische Mit/heilungen aus Oester- named Attis at Pessinus. reach - Ongarm, viii. (1884) pp. 96, * The conjecture is that of Henzen, 98; Ch. Michel, /ēecueil d’Inscriptions in Anna/. d. Ins/, 1856, p. I Io, re- Grecques, No. 45 ; W. Dittenberger, ferred to by Rapp, l.c. Orientis Graeci /nscrip/tones Selectae, * Z'he Golden Bough,” i. 209, ii. No. 315. For more evidence of in- 30, 62 sq. I82 BK. II. CH. Iv H (7//A/V /ē/2 P/8/2S/2/VTA 7TWVES OF A 7'77S 183 sentative of the god was probably slain each year by a cruel death, just as the god himself died.” We know from Strabo" that the priests of Pessinus were at one time potentates as well as priests; they may, therefore, have belonged to that class of divine kings or popes whose duty it was to die each year for their people and the world. The name of Attis, it is true, does not occur among the The name names of the old kings of Phrygia, who seem to have borne of Attis in the royal the names of Midas and Gordias in alternate generations; families of but a very ancient inscription carved in the rock above a famous Phrygian monument, which is known as the Tomb of Midas, records that the monument was made for, or dedicated to, King Midas by a certain Ates, whose name is doubtless identical with Attis, and who, if not a king himself, may have been one of the royal family.” It is worthy of note also that the name Atys, which, again, appears to be only another form of Attis, is recorded as that of an early king of Lydia ; * and that a son of Croesus, king of Lydia, not only bore the name Atys but was said to have been killed, while he was hunting a boar, by a member of the royal Phrygian family, who traced his lineage to King Midas and had fled to the court of Croesus because he had unwittingly slain his own brother.” Scholars have recognised in this story of the death of Atys, son of Croesus, a mere double of the myth of Attis ; " and in view of the facts which have come before us in the present inquiry' it is a remarkable circumstance that the myth of a slain 1 Article “Phrygia’’ in Encyclo- Prof. W. M. Ramsay, the conquering paedia Britannica, 9th ed. xviii. 853. Elsewhere, speaking of the religions of Asia Minor in general, the same writer says: “The highest priests and priest- esses played the parts of the great gods in the mystic ritual, wore their dress, and bore their names'' (Cºſies and Aishoprics of Phrygia, i. IoI). * Strabo, xii. 5. 3, p. 567. * W. M. Ramsay, in /ournal of Aſe//emic S/udies, ix. (1888) pp. 379 sqq. ; id., in /ournal of He/ſenic Studies, x. (1888) pp. I 56 sq). ; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans /'Antiquité, v. 82 sqq. * Herodotus, i. 94. According to and ruling caste in Lydia belonged to the Phrygian stock (Journal of Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888) p. 351). * Herodotus, i. 34-45. The tradi- tion that Croesus would allow no iron weapon to come near Atys suggests that a similar taboo may have been imposed on the Phrygian priests named Attis. For taboos of this sort see The Golden /šough,” i. 344 sq.). * Stein on Herodotus, i. 43 ; Ed. Meyer, s.7), “Atys,” in Pauly-Wis. sowa’s, Aea/- Encyclopädie der class- ischen A//erſeemswässenschaft, ii. 2. col. 2262. 7 See above, pp. 9, 12 sq., 29.sg/., 34. Phrygia and Lydia. 184 A/C/MA/V REPRESEAVTA TV VES OF A TT/S BK. II. CII, IV god should be told of a king's son. May we conjecture that the Phrygian priests who bore the name of Attis and represented the god of that name were themselves members, perhaps the eldest sons, of the royal house, to whom their fathers, uncles, brothers, or other kinsmen deputed the honour of dying a violent death in the character of gods, while they reserved to themselves the duty of living, as long as nature allowed them, in the humbler character of kings 2 If this were so, the Phrygian dynasty of Midas may have presented a close parallel to the Greek dynasty of Athamas, in which the eldest Sons seem to have been regularly destined to the altar." But it is also possible that the divine priests who bore the name of Attis may have belonged to that indigenous race which the Phrygians, on their irruption into Asia from Europe, appear to have found and conquered in the land afterwards known as Phrygia.” On the latter hypothesis the priests may have represented an older and higher civilisation than that of their barbarous conquerors. Be that as it may, the god they personated was a deity of vegetation whose divine life manifested itself especially in the pine-tree and the violets of spring ; and if they died in the character of that divinity, they corresponded to the mummers who are still slain in mimicry by European peasants in spring, and to the priest who was slain long ago in grim earnest on the wooded shore of the Lake of Nemi. The Phrygian priests of Attis may have been members of the royal family. ! Zhe Go/den /3ozºgh,” ii. 34 sqq. P. Kretschmer holds that both Cybele * See W. M. Ramsay, s.7), “Phrygia,” and Attis were gods of the indigenous in Æncyclopaedia /ºritannica, 9th ed. Asiatic population, not of the Phrygian xviii. 849 sq.; d., in ſourmz, of //e//en. invaders (Zºe/ei/ung in die Geschächte Stud. ix. (1888) pp. 350 sq. Prof. der griechischeme Sprache, pp. 194 sq.). CHA PTE R V THE HANGED GOD A REMINISCENCE of the manner in which these old repre- The way sentatives of the deity were put to death is perhaps preserved in the famous story of Marsyas. He was said to be a Phrygian satyr or Silenus, according to others a shepherd or herdsman, who played sweetly on the flute. Cybele, he roamed the country with the disconsolate goddess to soothe her grief for the death of Attis.' of the Mother's Air, a tune played on the flute in honour of The composition the Great Mother Goddess, was attributed to him by the people of Celaenae in Phrygia.” Vain of his skill, he in which the repre- sentatives of Attis were put A friend of to death is perhaps shown by the legend of Marsyas, who was hung on a pine-tree and flayed challenged Apollo to a musical contest, he to play on the * *P* flute and Apollo on the lyre. Being vanquished, Marsyas was tied up to a pine-tree and flayed or cut limb from limb either by the victorious Apollo or by a Scythian slave.” His skin was shown at Celaenae in historical times. It 1 Diodorus Siculus, iii. 58 sq. As to Marsyas in the character of a shep- herd or herdsman see Hyginus, Fab. I65 ; Nonnus, Dionys. i. 4 I s/7. He is called a Silenus by Pausanias (i. 24. I). * Pausanias, x. 30. 9. * Apollodorus, i. 4. 2 ; Hyginus, Fab. 165. Many ancient writers men- tion that the tree on which Marsyas suffered death was a pine. See Apollodorus, /.c.; Nicander, Alexi- pharmaca, 301 sq., with the Scholiast's note; Lucian, 7% agodopodagra, 31.4 sq.; Archias Mitylenaeus, in Anthologia Palatina, vii. 696; Philostratus Junior, Imagines, i. 3 ; Longus, Aastor. iv. 8 ; Zenobius, Cenſ. iv. 81 ; J. Tzetzes, Chiſiades, i. 353 sq.7. Pliny alone declares the tree to have been a plane, which according to him was still shown at Aulocrene on the way from Apamea to Phrygia (AWat. Aſist. xvi. 240). On a candelabra in the Vatican the defeated Marsyas is represented hanging on a pine-tree (W. Helbig, Fihrer,” i. 225 sq.); but the monumental evidence is not con- sistent on this point (Jessen, in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon d', griech, u, röm. A/y/ho/ogie, ii. 2442). The position which the pine held in the myth and ritual of Cybele supports the pre- ponderance of ancient testimony in favour of that tree. 185 I86 THA. Aſ AAVGA2/D GOD BOOK II hung at the foot of the citadel in a cave from which the river Marsyas rushed with an impetuous and noisy tide to join the Maeander.' We are told that whenever one of his native Phrygian melodies was played near it, the skin of the dead satyr thrilled ; but if the musician struck up an air in praise of Apollo, the skin remained motionless and as it were deaf.” In this Phrygian satyr, shepherd, or herdsman who enjoyed the friendship of Cybele, practised the music so characteristic of her rites,” and died a violent death on her sacred tree, the pine, may we not detect a close resemblance to Attis, the favourite shepherd or herdsman of the goddess, who is himself described as a piper," is said to have perished under a pine-tree, and was annually represented by an effigy hung, like Marsyas, upon a pine P. We may conjecture that in old days the priest who bore the name and played the part of Attis at the spring festival of Cybele was regularly hanged or otherwise slain upon the sacred tree, and that this barbarous custom was afterwards mitigated into the form in which it is known to us in later times, when the priest merely drew blood from his body under the tree and attached an effigy instead of himself to its trunk. In the holy grove at Upsala men and animals were sacrificed by being hanged upon the sacred trees.” The human victims dedicated to Odin were regularly put to death by hanging or by a combination of hanging and stabbing, the man being strung up to a tree or a gallows and then wounded with a spear. Hence Odin was called the Lord of the Gallows or the God of the Hanged, and he is represented sitting under a gallows-tree." Indeed he is said to have Marsyas apparently a double of Attis. The hanging of Odin and his human victims on Sacred treeS. | Herodotus, vii. 26; Xenophon, Anabasis, i. 2, 8; Livy, xxxviii. 13. 6: Quintus Curtius, iii. I. I-5 ; Pliny, AWał. Aſºsz. v. Io9. Herodotus calls the river the Catarrhactes. * Aelian, War. His/. xiii. 21. * Catullus, lxiii. 22 ; Lucretius, ii. 62o ; Ovid, Fas/i, iv. 181 sq., 341 ; Polyaenus, S/rategem. viii. 53. 4. Flutes or pipes often appear on her monuments. See H. Dessau, /mscrip- Złoſzes Zazzamae Selecſae, Nos. 4 IOO, 4.143, 4145, 4152, 41.53. & * Hippolytus, Zºe/ulatio omnium haeresium, v. 9, p. 168, ed. Duncker and Schneidewin. * Adam of Bremen, Descriptio in- su/arum Aquilonis, 27 (Migne's Paſro- /ogia /a/ina, cxlvi. 643). " S. Bugge, S/udien fiber die AEm!- s/ehung der mèrdischen Gö//er- und Aſe/densagen (Munich, 1889), pp. 339 sq.m. ; K. Simrock, Zºe Zada,” p. 382 ; K. Müllenhoff, Deu/sche A//eſ/ums/unde, iv. 244 sq. ; H. M. Chadwick, Zhe Cult of O/hín (London, 1899), pp. 3-2O. The old English custom of hanging and disembowelling CHAP. V ZTAZAZ AIA/VGAZ /) GO/O 187 been sacrificed to himself in the ordinary way, as we learn from the weird verses of the Havamal, in which the god describes how he acquired his divine power by learning the magic runes: //now f/a/ / /iung on the windy free For mine whole zuig//s, Wounded with the spear, dedicated to Odin, Myself to myself." With this Scandinavian parallel before us we can hardly dismiss as wholly improbable the conjecture that in Phrygia a man-god may have hung year by year on the Sacred but fatal tree. The tradition that Marsyas was flayed and that his skin was exhibited at Celaenae down to historical times may well reflect a ritual practice of flaying the dead god and hanging his skin upon the pine as a means of effecting his resurrection, and with it the revival of vegetation in Spring. Similarly, in ancient Mexico the human victims who personated gods were often flayed and their bloody skins worn by men who appear to have represented the dead deities come to life again.” When a Scythian king died, he was buried in a grave along with one of his concubines, his cup-bearer, Cook, groom, lacquey, and messenger, who were traitors was probably derived from a Zdeas, i. (London, 1906) pp. 439 sq. barbarous practice of thus sacrificing them to Odin ; for among many races, including the Teutonic and Latin peoples, capital punishment appears to have been originally a religious rite, a sacrifice or consecration of the criminal to the god whom he had offended. See F. Lieb- recht, Zur Volkskunde, pp. 8 sq. ; K. von Amira, in H. Paul's Grundriss der german schewa Zºhā/ologie,” iii. I 97 y. ; Vigfussen and Powell, Corpus Zºoeticum, Aorea/e, i. 4 Io; W. Golther, A/and'. Öztch der ger/lantschen A/V//ho/ogie (Leipsic, 1895), pp. 548 sq. ; Th. Mommsen, A'oman Aſis/ory, blº. i. ch. 12 (vol. i. p. 192, ed. 1868); id., A'êmisches S/ra/recht (Leipsic, 1899), pp. 900 sqq.; F. Granger, 7%e blºor- shift of //ie A'omans (London, 1895), pp. 259 sqq. ; E. Westermarck, Zhe Origin and Development of the A/oral So, too, among peoples the slaughter of prisoners in war is often a sacrifice offered by the victors to the gods to whose aid they ascribe the victory. See A. B. Ellis, Zhe Zºshi-speaking Peop/es of the Goſd Coas/, pp. 169 sq.; W. Ellis, A 'olynesian A'esearches,” i. 289; Diodorus Siculus, xx. 65 ; Strabo, vii. 2. 3, p. 294 ; Caesar, ZX be//o Gal/ico, vi. I 7 : Tacitus, Anna/s, i. 6 I, xiii. 57; Pro- copius, De beſ/o Goſh ico, ii. I 5, 24, ii. 25. 9 ; Jornandes, Ge/ica, v. 4 I ; J. Grimm, Deutsche A/P//hologie," i. 36 sq.; Fr. Schwally, Semitische A77egsaſ/ey/ſi/ier (Leipsic, 1901), pp. 29 $/ſ/. * //azama/, I 39 sqq. (K. Simrock, Die Edda," p. 55; K. Müllenhoff, Peutsche Aſtertumskunde, v. 270 sq.). * Zhe Golden Bough,” iii. 136 sq. Use of the skins of human victims to effect their TCSUlr IGC- tion. I88 THAZ AAAWGAE D GO/D BOOK II all killed for the purpose, and a great barrow was heaped up over the grave. A year afterwards fifty of his servants and fifty of his best horses were strangled ; and their bodies, having been disembowelled and cleaned out, were stuffed with chaff, sewn up, and set on scaffolds round about the barrow, every dead man bestriding a dead horse, which was bitted and bridled as in life." These strange horsemen were no doubt supposed to mount guard over the king. The setting up of their stuffed skins might be thought to ensure their spirited or ghostly resurrection. That some such notion was entertained by the Scythians is made probable by the account which the mediaeval traveller de Plano Carpini gives of the funeral customs of the Mongols ; for the Scythians seem to have been a Mongolian people. The traveller tells us that when a noble Mongol died, the custom was to bury him seated in the middle of a tent, along with a horse saddled and bridled, and a mare and her foal. Also they used to eat another horse, stuff the carcass with straw, and set it up on poles. All this they did in order that in the other world the dead man might have a tent to live in, a mare to yield milk, and a steed to ride, and that he might be able to breed horses. Moreover, the bones of the horse which they ate were burned for the good of his soul.” When the Arab traveller Ibn Batuta visited Peking in the fourteenth century, he witnessed the funeral of an emperor of China who had been killed in battle. The dead sovereign was buried along with four young female slaves and six guards in a vault, and an immense mound like a hill was piled Over him. Four horses were then made to run round the hillock till they could run no longer, after which they were killed, impaled, and set up beside the tomb.” When an Indian of Patagonia dies, he is buried in a pit along with some of his property. Afterwards his favourite horse, having been killed, skinned, and stuffed, is propped up on sticks with its Skins of men and horses stuffed and Set up at graves. | Herodotus, iv. 71 sq. * Jean du Plan de Carpin, Aſis/oria //ongaloret/a, ed. D'Avezac (Paris, 1838), cap. iii. § iii. * Voyages d’Z//z /3a/ou/a/, /ex/e Arabe accompagné d'une /raduction, par C. Defrémery et B. R. Sanguinetti, iv. 300 s/. For more evidence of similar customs, observed by Turanian peoples, see K. Neumann, Die //e/enen im Sky//en/ande (Berlin, 1855), pp. 237-239. CHAP, V THE A/A NGED GOD I89 head turned towards the grave. At the funeral of a chief four horses are sacrificed, and one is set up at each corner of the burial-place. The clothes and other effects of the deceased are burned ; and to conclude all, a feast is made of the horses' flesh." The Scythians certainly believed in the existence of the soul after death and in the possibility of turning it to account. This is proved by the practice of one of their tribes, the Taurians of the Crimea, who used to cut off the heads of their prisoners and set them on poles over their houses, especially over the chimneys, in order that the spirits of the slain men might guard the dwellings.” Some of the savages of Borneo allege a similar reason for their favourite custom of taking human heads. “The custom,” said a Kayan chief, “is not horrible. It is an ancient custom, a good, beneficent custom, bequeathed to us by our fathers and our fathers' fathers; it brings us blessings, plentiful harvests, and keeps off sickness and pains. Those who were once our enemies, hereby become Our guardians, Our friends, our benefactors.”” Thus to convert dead foes into friends and allies all that is necessary is to feed and other- wise propitiate their skulls at a festival when they are brought into the village. “An offering of food is made to the heads, and their spirits, being thus appeased, cease to entertain malice against, or to seek to inflict injury upon, those who have got possession of the skull which formerly adorned the now forsaken body.” “ When the Sea Dyaks treatment which the arch - heretic Manichaeus is said to have received at the hands of the Persian king whose son he ſailed to cure (Socrates, A/?s/oria Fcc/esias/ica, i. 22 ; Migne’s Zºaſ ro/ogia Graeca, lxvii. I 37, 139). Still such a punishment may have been suggested by a religious rite. The idea of 1 Captain R. Fitz-roy, Voyages of Aſis Majesty’s Ships “Adventure” and “Aeagle,” ii. I 55 sq. * Herodotus, iv. Io 3. Many Scy- thians flayed their dead enemies, and, stretching the skin on a wooden framework, carried it about with them on horseback (IIerodotus, iv. 64). The souls of the dead may have been thought to attend on and serve the man who thus bore their remains about with him. It is also possible that the custom was nothing more than a barbarous mode of wreaking vengeance on the dead. Thus a l’ersian king has been known to flay an enemy, stuff the skin with chaff, and hang it on a high tree (Procopius, De bel/o Aersico, i. 5. 28). This was the crucifying their human victims appears to have been suggested to the negroes of Benin by the crucifixes of the early Portuguese missionaries. See H. Ling Roth, Great Benin (Halifax, 1903), pp. I4 S/. 3 W. H. Furness, Home- Zife of Aorneo Head - Aſunters (Philadelphia, I902), p. 59. * Spenser St. John, Ziſe in the Porests of the /a, East,” i. 197. The Kayans of Borneo use the skulls of their enemies to ensure the fertility of the ground and of WOInnell, the abun- dance of game, and so forth. I90 THE A/A /WGAE D GO/O BOOK II The stuffed skin of the human representa- tives of the Phrygian god may have been used for like purposes. of Sarawak return home successful from a head-hunting expedition, they bring the head ashore with much ceremony, wrapt in palm leaves. “On shore and in the village, the head, for months after its arrival, is treated with the greatest consideration, and all the names and terms of endearment of which their language is capable are abundantly lavished on it ; the most dainty morsels, culled from their abundant though inelegant repast, are thrust into its mouth, and it is instructed to hate its former friends, and that, having been now adopted into the tribe of its captors, its spirit must be always with them ; Sirih leaves and betel-nut are given to it, and finally a cigar is frequently placed between its ghastly and pallid lips. None of this disgusting mockery is performed with the intention of ridicule, but all to propitiate the spirit by kindness, and to procure its good wishes for the tribe, of whom it is now Supposed to have become a member.”” Amongst these Dyaks the “Head-Feast,” which has been just described, is supposed to be the most beneficial in its influence of all their feasts and ceremonies. “The object of them all is to make their rice grow well, to cause the forest to abound with wild animals, to enable their dogs and snares to be successful in Securing game, to have the streams swarm with fish, to give health and activity to the people themselves, and to ensure fertility to their women. All these blessings, the possessing and feasting of a fresh head are supposed to be the most efficient means of securing. The very ground itself is believed to be benefited and rendered fertile.”” - In like manner, if my conjecture is right, the man who represented the father-god of Phrygia used to be slain and his stuffed skin hung on the Sacred pine in order that his spirit might work for the growth of the crops, the multiplica- pp. 89 - 129. A different view of 1848), pp. 206 sq. 1 Hugh Low, Sarawak (London, In quoting this passage I have taken the liberty to correct a grammatical slip. the purpose of head-hunting is main- tained by Mr. A. C. Kruyt, in his * Spenser St. John, o/, cil. i. 204. See further G. A. Wilken, “Iets over de schedelvereering,” /3%dragon Zo/ de Zaa/- /and- en Vo/en/...unde vaſt AWederlandsch - /ndić, xxxviii. (1889) essay, “Het koppensnellen der Toradja's van Midden- Celebes, en zijne Beteekenis,” Vers/agen era //ededee/ingen der Aonin//j/e A/ademie van We/enschaft/en, Aſdecling Letter- kunde, Vierde Reeks, iii. 2 (Amsterdam, 1899), pp. 147 sq.7. CHAP. V 7THE A/A/VGA2/) GO/O I9 I tion of animals, and the fertility of women. So at Athens an ox, which appears to have embodied the corn-spirit, was killed at an annual sacrifice, and its hide, stuffed with straw and sewn up, was afterwards set on its feet and yoked to a plough as if it were ploughing, apparently in order to represent, or rather to promote, the resurrection of the slain corn-spirit at the end of the threshing." This employment of the skins of divine animals for the purpose of ensuring the revival of the slaughtered divinity might be illustrated by other examples.” Perhaps the hide of the bull which was killed to furnish the regenerating bath of blood in the rites of Attis may have been put to a similar use. * 7%e Goldenz Aough,” ii. 294 377. * 7%e Golden Äough,” ii. 366 sqq. º 7 25 3 ſ/ſ/ Popularity of the worship of Cybele and Attis in the Roman empire. CH A P T E R VI ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST THE worship of the Great Mother of the Gods and her lover or son was very popular under the Roman Empire. Inscriptions prove that the two received divine honours, Separately or conjointly, not only in Italy, and especially at Rome, but also in the provinces, particularly in Africa, Spain, Portugal, France, Germany, and Bulgaria." Their worship survived the establishment of Christianity by Constantine ; for Symmachus records the recurrence of the festival of the Great Mother,” and in the days of Augustine her effeminate priests still paraded the streets and squares of Carthage with whitened faces, scented hair, and mincing gait, while, like the mendicant friars of the Middle Ages, they begged from the passers-by.” In Greece, on the other hand, the bloody orgies of the Asiatic goddess and her consort appear to have found little favour.” The barbarous and cruel character of the worship, with its frantic excesses, was doubtless repugnant to the good taste and humanity of the Greeks, who seem to have preferred the kindred but gentler rites of Adonis. Yet the same features which shocked and repelled the Greeks may have positively * H. Dessau, /mscrip/zones Za/inae * Augustine, De civitate dei, vii. Selec/ae, Nos. 4099, 4 IOO, 4 IO3, 4 IO 5, 26. 4 IO6, 4 II 6, 4 I 17, 4 II9, 4120, 412 I, * But the two were publicly wor- 4123, 4,124, 4 I 27, 4128, 4.131, 4136, shipped at Dyme and Patrae in Achaia, 4139, 4140, 4142, 4 I 56, 4163, 4167 ; (Pausanias, vii. 17. 9, vii. 20. 3), and H. Hepding, A//is, pp. 85, 86, 93, there was an association ſor their 94, 95, Inscr. Nos. 2 I-24, 26, 50, 5 I, worship at Piraeus. See P. Foucart, 52, 6 I, 62, 63. Zes Associations Æe/igieuses chez les ° S. Dill, ſºoman Society in the Zast Grecs (Paris, 1873), pp. 85 sqq., 196; Century of //e Western Empire,” Ch. Michel, A’ecuei/ d"/mscriptions (London, 1899), p. 16. Grecyates, No. 982. I92 RK. II. CII, VI O/ē/E/VTA/L /ø/Z/C/G/O/WS //V T///2 WAES 7" I93 attracted the less refined Romans and barbarians of the West. The ecstatic frenzies, which were mistaken for divine inspiration," the mangling of the body, the theory of a new birth and the remission of sins through the shedding of blood, have all their origin in Savagery,” and they naturally appealed to peoples in whom the savage instincts were still strong. Their true character was indeed often disguised under a decent veil of allegorical or philosophical interpreta- tion,” which probably sufficed to impose upon the rapt and enthusiastic worshippers, reconciling even the more cultivated of them to things which otherwise must have filled them with horror and disgust. The religion of the Great Mother, with its curious The spread blending of crude Savagery with spiritual aspirations, was of Oriental faiths over only one of a multitude of similar Oriental faiths which in the Roman empire the later days of paganism spread over the Roman Empire, juted and by saturating the European peoples with alien ideals of to under- mine the life gradually undermined the whole fabric of ancient j. j. civilisation.” Greek and Roman society was built on the . and O 1 Rapp, in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech, u. rôm. Mythologie, ii. 1656. * As to the savage theory of in- spiration or possession by a deity see E. B. Tylor, Primitive Cu/Zure,” ii. I31 sqq. As to the savage theory of a new birth see Z'he Golden /šough,” iii. 423 sqq. As to the use of blood to wash away sins see id. ii. 2 II s/7. Among the Cameroon negroes accidental homicide can be expiated by the blood of an animal. The relations of the slayer and of the slain assemble. An animal is killed and every person present is smeared with its blood on his face and breast. They think that the guilt of man- slaughter is thus atoned for, and that no punishment will overtake the homicide. See Missionary Autenrieth, in A/itteilungen der geographischen Gesellschaft zu Vena, xii. (1893) pp. 93 sq. In Car Nicobar a man possessed by devils is cleansed of them by being rubbed all over with pig's blood and beaten with leaves. The devils are thus transferred to the leaves, which are thrown into the sea In 3.I] before daybreak. See V. Solomon, in civilisation - !” by inculcat- Journal of the Azz//iropological /ns/i/u/e, ing the xxxii. (1902) p. 227. Similarly the saïvation ancient Greeks purified a homicide by of the means of pig's blood and laurel leaves. individual See my note on Pausanias, ii. 31. 8 soul as the (vol. iii. pp. 276-279). The original supreme idea of thus purging a manslayer was aim of life. probably to rid him of the angry ghost of his victim, just as in Car Nicobar a man is rid of devils in the same manner. The purgative virtue ascribed to the blood in these ceremonies may be based on the notion that the offended Spirit accepts it as a substitute for the blood of the guilty person. This was the view of C. Meiners (Geschächſe der A'eligionen, ii. I 37 sq.) and of E. Rohde (/’syche," ii. 77 sq.). * A good instance of such an attempt to dress up savagery in the garb of phil- osophy is the fifth speech of the emperor Julian, “On the Mother of the Gods” (pp. 206 syſ. ed. F. C. Hertlein). * As to the diffusion of Oriental religions in the Roman empire see G. Boissier, La A'eſigſon Æomaine d’Auguste atta Antonims," i. 349 sq.7. ; j. Reville, La A'e/igion à A'ome sous les O I94 OA’/EAVTA L A*/2/2/G/O/WS //V 7THE WES 7" BOOK II conception of the subordination of the individual to the community, of the citizen to the state ; it set the safety of the commonwealth, as the Supreme aim of conduct, above the safety of the individual whether in this world or in a world to come. Trained from infancy in this unselfish ideal, the citizens devoted their lives to the public service and were ready to lay them down for the common good ; or if they shrank from the supreme sacrifice, it never occurred to them that they acted otherwise than basely in preferring their personal existence to the interests of their country. All this was changed by the spread of Oriental religions which inculcated the commune of the soul with God and its eternal salvation as the only objects worth living for, objects in comparison with which the prosperity and even the existence of the state sank into insignificance. The inevitable result of this selfish and immoral doctrine was to withdraw the devotee more and more from the public service, to concentrate his thoughts on his own spiritual emotions, and to breed in him a contempt for the present life which he regarded merely as a probation for a better and an eternal. The saint and the recluse, disdainful of earth and rapt in ecstatic contemplation of heaven, became in popular opinion the highest ideal of humanity, displacing the old ideal of the patriot and hero who, forgetful of self, lives and is ready to die for the good of his country. The earthly city seemed poor and contemptible to men whose eyes beheld the City of God coming in the clouds of heaven. Thus the centre of gravity, so to say, was shifted from the present to a future life, and however much the other world may have gained, there can be little doubt that this one lost heavily by the change. A general disintegration of the body politic set in. The ties of the state and of the family were loosened : the structure of Society tended to resolve itself into its individual elements and thereby to relapse into barbarism ; for civilisation is only possible through the active co-operation of the citizens and their willingness to subordinate their private interests to the common good. Sévères (Paris, 1886), pp. 47 s/7. ; Century of the Western AEmpire,” pp. S. Dill, /čoman Society in the Zast 76 sqq. CHAP. VI O/P/AEAV7.4/, /ø/2/./G/O/VS //V 7TA/AE WES 7' I95 Men refused to defend their country and even to continue their kind." In their anxiety to save their own souls and the souls of others, they were content to leave the material world, which they identified with the principle of evil, to perish around them. This obsession lasted for a thousand years. The revival of Roman law, of the Aristotelian philosophy, of ancient art and literature at the close of the Middle Ages, marked the return of Europe to native ideals of life and conduct, to saner, manlier views of the world. The long halt in the march of civilisation was over. The tide of Oriental invasion had turned at last. It is ebbing still.” Among the gods of eastern origin who in the decline of the ancient world competed against each other for the allegiance of the West was the old Persian deity Mithra. The immense popularity of his worship is attested by the monuments illustrative of it which have been found scattered in profusion all over the Roman Empire.” In respect both of doctrines and of rites the cult of Mithra appears to have presented many points of resemblance not only to the religion of the Mother of the Gods “but also to Christianity.” The similarity struck the Christian doctors themselves and was explained by them as a work of the devil, who sought to seduce the souls of men from the true faith by a false and insidious imitation of it." So to the Spanish con- * Compare Servius on Virgil, Aeſt. ii. 604, vi. 661 ; G. Boissier, Za A'eligion A'o//vazzie d’Augusée aux Antonins," i. 357 sq.; E. Westermarck, Zhe Origin and Development of the A/ora! /deas, i. 345 sq. * To prevent misapprehension I will add that the spread of Oriental religions was only one of many causes which contributed to the downfall of ancient civilisation. Among these contributory causes a friend, for whose judgment and learning I entertain the highest respect, counts bad government and a ruinous fiscal system, two of the most powerful agents to blast the prosperity of nations, as may be seen by the blight which has struck the Turkish empire. It is probable, too, as my friend thinks, that the rapid diffusion of alien faiths was as much an effect as a cause of wide-spread intellectual decay. Such unwholesome growths could hardly have fastened upon the Graeco-Roman mind in the days of its full vigour. We may remember the energy with which the Roman Government com- bated the first outbreak of the Bacchic plague (Th. Mommsen, A'aman History, iii. I I 5 sq., ed. I 894). * See Fr. Cumont, 7 extes et Aſonzº- ment's ſigure's re/a/2/3 aux AA'sfºres de A/ºthra (Brussels, 1896-1899); Žd., in W. H. Roscher’s Zerikon d, griech. u. röm. Al/y//ho/ogie, ii. 3028 sqq. * Fr. Cumont, Z exſes et A/onuments, i. 333 SW7. ° E. Renan, A/arc-Aurèſe, pp. 576 sqq. ; Fr. Cumont, op. cit. i. 339 Søſ. ° Tertullian, Z)8 corona, I 5 ; id., ZXe praescriptione haereticorum, 4o ; Justin Martyr, Apologia, i. 66; id., Dialogus cum Tryphone, 78 (Migne's Patrologia Popularity of the worship of Mithra ; its resem- blance to Christi- anity and its rivalry with that religion. 196 O/8/EAVTA / RE//G/OAVS NAV 7//E WEST BOOK II querors of Mexico and Peru many of the native heathen rites appeared to be diabolical counterfeits of the Christian sacraments." With more probability the modern student of comparative religion traces such resemblances to the similar and independent workings of the mind of man in his sincere, if crude, attempts to fathom the secret of the universe, and to adjust his little life to its awful mysteries. However that may be, there can be no doubt that the Mithraic religion proved a formidable rival to Christianity, combining as it did a solemn ritual with aspirations after moral purity and a hope of immortality.” Indeed the issue of the conflict between the two faiths appears for a time to have hung in the balance.” An instructive relic of the long struggle is preserved in Our festival of Christmas, which the Church seems to have borrowed directly from its heathen rival. In the Julian calendar the twenty-fifth of December was reckoned the winter solstice,” and it was regarded as the Nativity of the Sun, because the day begins to lengthen and the power of the Sun to increase from that turning point of the year.” Now Mithra was regularly identified by his worshippers with the Sun, the Unconquered Sun, as they called him ;" hence his nativity also fell on the twenty-fifth of December." The Gospels say nothing as to the day of Christ's birth, and accordingly the early Church did not celebrate it. In time, however, the Christians of Egypt came to regard the sixth of January as the date of the Nativity, and the custom of commemorating the birth of the Saviour on that day gradually spread until by the The festival of Christmas borrowed by the Church from the religion of Mithra. Graeca, vi. 429, 66O). Tertullian L. Ideler, Aſandbuch dermal/lema/ischen explained in like manner the resem- blance of the fasts of Isis and Cybele to the fasts of Christianity (De jejunio, I6). } J. de Acosta, Matural and Moral Z//story of Zhe ſºdies, blº. v. chs. I I, 16, 17, 18, 24-28. * Compare S. Dill, /Coman Society Žn the Zast Century of the Western Aºmpire,” pp. 8o $77. 3 E. Renan, Marc-Aurèle, pp. 579 sy. ; Fr. Cumont, Zex/es et //ont- mem/s, i. 338. 4 Pliny, Maſſ. Z/ist. xviii. 221 ; Columella, De re rus/ica, ix. 14. I2 ; zºnd /ec//zischeme Chronologie, ii. 124; G. F. Unger, in Iwan Müller's Aſand- batch der //assischen A//er/u/uszyńssen- schaft, 649. * In the calendar of Philocalus the twenty-fifth of December is marked AV. Zºvić/?, that is, Ma/a/İs So/is /nzyżc/7. See Corpus //uscrip/ional/ /a/imarum, i.” p. 278, with Th. Mommsen's commentary, pp. 338 sq. " I)edications to Mithra the Un- conquered Sun (Soli invic/o A//hrae) have been found in abundance. See Fr. Cumont, oft. cil. ii. 99 s/. * Fr. Cumont, o/, cil. i. 325 sq., 339. CHAP. VI O/ē//º/VTA / /º/, //G/O/VS //W 7//E WES Z' I97 fourth century it was universally established in the East. But at the end of the third or the beginning of the fourth century the Western Church, which had never recognised the sixth of January as the day of the Nativity, adopted the twenty-fifth of December as the true date, and in time its decision was accepted also by the Eastern Church. At Antioch the change was not introduced till about the year 375 A.D.' What considerations led the ecclesiastical authorities to Motives institute the festival of Christmas P. The motives for the º innovation are stated with great frankness by a Syrian Christmas. writer, himself a Christian. “The reason,” he tells us, “why the fathers transferred the celebration of the sixth of January to the twenty-fifth of December was this. It was a custom of the heathen to celebrate on the same twenty-fifth of December the birthday of the Sun, at which they kindled lights in token of festivity. In these solemnities and festivities the Christians also took part. Accordingly when the doctors of the Church perceived that the Christians had a leaning to this festival, they took counsel and resolved that the true Nativity should be solemnised on that day and the festival of the Epiphany on the sixth of January. Accordingly, along with this custom, the practice has pre- vailed of kindling fires till the sixth.” The heathen origin of Christmas is plainly hinted at, if not tacitly admitted, by Augustine when he exhorts his Christian brethren not to celebrate that solemn day like the heathen on account of the sun, but on account of him who made the sun.” In like manner Leo the Great rebuked the pestilent belief that Christmas was solemnised because of the birth of the new sun, as it was called, and not because of the nativity of Christ." * J. Bingham, ZThe An/i/t/i/ies of the Chris/laſt Church, blº. xx, ch. iv. (Bingham's Works, vol. vii. pp. 279 sqq., Oxford, 1855); C. A. Credner, “De natalitiorum Christi origine,” Zeitschriſ? fir die his/orische Zheo/ogie, iii. 2 (1833), pp. 236 sqq.; Mgr L. Duchesne, Origines du Cu//e Chrč/ien,” i. 257 sqq). ; Th. Mommsen, in Coyºus Inscrip/, /a/in, i.” 338. The earliest mention of the festival of Christmas is in the calendar of Philocalus, which was drawn up at Rome in 336 A. D. The words are V///, /a/. Jan., natus Chrisſus in Betſeem /udee (L. Duchesne, op. cit. p. 258). * Quoted by C. A. Credner, op. cit. p. 239, note 46, and by Th. Mommsen, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, i.” 338 sq. 9 Augustine, Serm. cxc, I (Migne's Patrologia Latina, xxxviii. IOO7). * Ileo the Great, Serm. xxii. (al. xxi.) 6 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, 198 O/º/E/VTA/L ſe/E/C/G/OAWS //V TA/E WEST BOOK II Thus it appears that the Christian Church chose to celebrate the birthday of its Founder on the twenty-fifth of December in order to transfer the devotion of the heathen from the Sun to him who was called the Sun of Righteous- ness." If that was so, there can be no intrinsic improba- bility in the conjecture that motives of the same sort may have led the ecclesiastical authorities to assimilate the Easter festival of the death and resurrection of their Lord to the festival of the death and resurrection of another Asiatic god which fell at the same season. Now the Easter rites still observed in Greece, Sicily, and southern Italy bear in some respects a striking resemblance to the rites of Adonis, and I have suggested that the Church may have consciously adapted the new festival to its heathen prede- cessor for the sake of winning souls to Christ.” But this adaptation probably took place in the Greek-speaking rather than in the Latin-speaking parts of the ancient world; for the worship of Adonis, while it flourished among the Greeks, appears to have made little impression on Rome and the West.” Certainly it never formed part of the official Roman religion. The place which it might have taken in the affections of the vulgar was already occupied by the The Easter celebration of the death and rCSUIrrec- tion of Christ appears to have been influenced by the similar celebration of the death and reSUlrrec- tion of Attis, which was held at Rome at the same SealSOI), liv. 198). Compare St. Ambrose, Serm. vi. I (Migne's Paſrologia Załina, xvii. 614). * A. Credner, op. cit. pp. 236 sq9. ; E. B. Tylor, Primitive Cu//ure,” ii. 297 $7. ; Fr. Cumont, off. cit. i. 342, 355 sq. ; Th. Mommsen in Corpus Inscriptionum Zalănarum, i.” 338 sq. A different explanation of Christmas has been put forward by Mgr Duchesne. He shows that among the early Christians the death of Christ was commonly supposed to have fallen on the twenty-fifth of March, that day having been “chosen arbitrarily, or rather suggested by its coincidence with the official equinox of spring.” It would be natural to assume that Christ had lived an exact number of years on earth, and therefore that his incarnation as well as his death took place on the twenty-fifth of March. In point of fact the Church has placed the Annunciation and with it the beginning of his mother's pregnancy on that very day. If that were so, his birth would in the course of nature have occurred nine months later, that is, on the twenty-fifth of December. Thus on Mgr Duchesne's theory the date of the Nativity was obtained by inference from the date of the Crucifixion, which in its turn was chosen because it coincided with the official equinox of spring. Mgr Duchesne does not notice the coincidence of the vernal equinox with the festival of Attis. See his work Origines du Culle Chrétien,” pp. 261- 265, 272. The tradition that both the conception and the death of Christ ſell on the twenty-fifth of March is men- tioned and apparently accepted by Augustine (De 7%-int/a/e, iv. 9, Migne's J’a/rologia /a/ima, xlii. 894). * See above, pp. I 56 sy. 3 However, the lament for Adonis is mentioned by Ovid (Ars Ama/. i. 75 sq.) along with the Jewish observance of the Sabbath. CHAP. VI O/P/E/VTA/L ſº Æ/L/G/O/WS //V TA//E WEST I 99 similar but more barbarous worship of Attis and the Great Mother. Now the death and resurrection of Attis were officially celebrated at Rome on the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth of March," the latter being regarded as the spring equinox,” and therefore as the most appropriate day for the revival of a god of vegetation who had been dead or sleeping throughout the winter. But according to an ancient and wide-spread tradition Christ suffered on the twenty-fifth of March, and accordingly some Christians regularly celebrated the Crucifixion on that day without any regard to the state of the moon. This custom was certainly observed in Phrygia, Cappadocia, and Gaul, and there seem to be grounds for thinking that at one time it was followed also in Rome.” Thus the tradition which placed the death of Christ on the twenty-fifth of March * See above, pp. 166 sqq. * Columella, ZOe re rus/ica, ix. 14. I; Pliny, Ma/, //ist. xviii. 246; Macro- bius, Saturn. i. 2 I. Io ; L. Ideler, Aſandbuch der mathematischen uſed technischen Chronologie, ii. I24. * Mgr L. Duchesne, Origines du Culle Chrétien,” pp. 262 sq. That Christ was crucified on the twenty- fiſth of March in the year 29 is ex- pressly affirmed by Tertullian (Adversus medaeos, 8, vol. ii. p. 719 ed. F. Oehler), Hippolytus (Commen/ary on Daniel, iv. 23, vol. i. p. 242 ed. Bonwetsch and Achelis), and Augustine (De civitate Dei, xviii. 54: id., De Trinitate, iv. 9). The Quartodeci- mans of Phrygia celebrated the twenty- fifth of March as the day of Christ's death, quoting as their authority certain acts of Pilate ; in Cappadocia the adherents of this sect were divided between the twenty-fifth of March and the fourteenth of the moon. See Epi- phanius, Haeres. 1. I, vol. ii. p. 447 ed. G. Dindorf. In Gaul the death and resurrection of Christ were regularly celebrated on the twenty-fifth and twenty-seventh of March as late as the sixth century. See Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, viii. 31. 6 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, lxxi. 566); S. Martinus Dumiensis (bishop of Braga), De Pascha, I (Migne's Patro- logia Zalina, lxxii. 50), who says: “A plerisque Gallicanis episcopis usque an/e non mul/um. /empus custodi/um es/, all semper V///. Aal. April. diem Zºaschae celebrenſ, in 7tto facſa Christ? Tesurrectio traditur.” According to this last testimony, it was the resur- rection, not the crucifixion, of Christ that was celebrated on the twenty-fifth of March ; but Mgr Duchesne attri- butes the statement to a mistake of the writer. With regard to the Roman practice the twenty-fifth and twenty- seventh of March are marked in ancient Martyrologies as the dates of the Crucifixion and Resurrection. See l/e/us/??as Occidenſa/is Acclesiae Al/ar- tyrologium, ed. Franciscus Maria Florentinus (Lucca, 1667), pp. 396 sq., 405 sq. On this subject Mgr Duchesne observes : “Hippolytus, in his Paschal Table, marks the Passion of Christ in a year in which the fourteenth of Nisan falls on Friday twenty-fifth March. In his commentary on Daniel he expressly indicates Friday the twenty- fifth of March and the consulship of the two Gemini. The Philocalien Cata- logue of the Popes gives the same date as to day and year. It is to be noted that the cycle of Hippolytus and the Philocalien Catalogue are derived from official documents, and may be cited as evidence of the Roman ecclesiastical usage” (Origines du Culte Chrétien,” p. 262). 2OO O/º/E/VTA/L /& E/L/G/O/VS //V THE WEST BOOK II was ancient and deeply rooted. It is all the more remark- able because astronomical considerations prove that it can have had no historical foundation." The inference appears to be inevitable that the passion of Christ must have been arbitrarily referred to that date in order to harmonise with an older festival of the spring equinox. This is the view of the learned ecclesiastical historian Mgr Duchesne, who points out that the death of the Saviour was thus made to fall upon the very day on which, according to a wide- spread belief, the world had been created.” But the resur- rection of Attis, who combined in himself the characters of the divine Father and the divine Son,” was officially celebrated at Rome on the same day. When we remember that the festival of St. George in April has replaced the ancient pagan festival of the Parilia ; “ that the festival of St. John the Baptist in June has succeeded to a heathen Midsummer festival of water ; * that the festival of the Assumption of the Virgin in August has ousted the festival of Diana ;" that the feast of All Souls in November is a continuation of an old heathen feast of the dead ;" and that the Nativity of Christ himself was assigned to the winter solstice in December because that day was deemed the Nativity of the Sun ; * we can hardly be thought rash or unreasonable in conjecturing that the other cardinal festival of the Christian church — the solemnisation of Easter—may have been in like manner, and from like motives of edification, adapted to a similar celebration of the Phrygian god Attis at the vernal equinox.” At least Heathen festivals displaced by Christian, * Mgr L. Duchesne, op. cit, p. 263. * Mgr L. Duchesne, l.c. A sect of the Montanists held that the world began and that the sun and moon were created at the spring equinox, which, however, they dated on the twenty- fourth of March (Sozomenus, //7s/oria Acclesias/ica, vii. 18). At Henen-Su in Egypt there was celebrated a festival of the “hanging out of the heavens,” that is, the supposed reconstituting of the heavens each year in the spring (E. A. Wallis Budge, 7%e God's of //e Agy//ians, ii. 63). But the Egyptians thought that the creation of the world took place at the rising of Sirius (Porphyry, De an/ro nympharatml, 24 ; Solinus, xxxii. 13), which in antiquity fell on the twentieth of July (L. Ideler, Aſandbatch der /a/hema/ischeſt tend Zechnischen Chronologie, i. 127 sqq.). * See above, pp. 163, I 78 sq.7. * The evidence of this will be given in the third edition of Z'he Golden Aough. * Above, pp. 146 sq.7. 0 J. G. Frazer, Lectures on //e Early Aſis/ory of ſ/he Aºngship, pp. 18-21. 7 See below, pp. 253 3/7. * Above, pp. 196 &/. 9 Another instance of the substitu- tion of a Christian for a pagan festival CIMAP. VI OR/E/VTA / /ē/º/, /G/O/WS //V THE WES 7" 2O I it is a remarkable coincidence, if it is nothing more, that the Christian and the heathen festivals of the divine death and resurrection should have been solemnised at the same Season and in the same places. For the places which celebrated the death of Christ at the spring equinox were Phrygia, Gaul, and apparently Rome, that is, the very regions in which the worship of Attis either originated or struck deepest root. It is difficult to regard the coincidence as purely accidental. If the vernal equinox, the season at which in the temperate regions the whole face of nature testifies to a fresh outburst of vital energy, had been viewed from of old as the time when the world was annually created afresh in the resurrection of a god, nothing could be more natural than to place the resurrection of the new deity at the same cardinal point of the year. Only it is to be observed that if the death of Christ was dated on the twenty-fifth of March, his resurrection, according to Christian tradition, must have happened on the twenty-seventh of March, which is just two days later than the vernal equinox of the Julian calendar and the resurrection of Attis. A similar displacement of two days in the adjustment of Christian to heathen celebrations occurs in the festivals of St. George and the Assumption of the Virgin. However, another Christian tradition, followed by Lactantius and perhaps by the practice of the Church in Gaul, placed the death of Christ on the twenty-third and his resurrection on the twenty-fifth of March." If that was so, his resurrection coincided exactly with the resurrection of Attis. Taken altogether, the coincidences of the Christian with Com- the heathen festivals are too close and too numerous to be pº of accidental. They mark the compromise which the Church anity with in the hour of its triumph was compelled to make with ** may be mentioned. On the first of Peter from prison instead of the deliver- August the people of Alexandria used ance of their city from the yoke of to commemorate the defeat of Mark Antony and Cleopatra. See L. Ideler, Antony by Augustus and the entrance Handörſch der waſhematischen tend of the victor into their city. The technischen Chronologie, i. I 54. heathen pomp of the festival offended 1 Lactantius, De mortibus perse- Eudoxia, wife of Theodosius the crºſorum, 2 ; id., Dizºn. Ans/7/u/. iv. Younger, and she decreed that on that Io. 18. As to the evidence of the day the Alexandrians should thence- Gallic usage see S. Martinus Dumi- forth celebrate the deliverance of St. ensis, quoted above, p. 199, note 3. 2O2 O/C/E/VTA L RE//G/OM'S MAV THE WEST IBOOK II Parallel with Buddhism. its vanquished yet still dangerous rivals. The inflexible Protestantism of the primitive missionaries, with their fiery denunciations of heathendom, had been exchanged for the Supple policy, the easy tolerance, the comprehensive charity of shrewd ecclesiastics, who clearly perceived that if Christianity was to conquer the world it could do so only by relaxing the too rigid principles of its Founder, by widening a little the narrow gate which leads to Salvation. In this respect an instructive parallel might be drawn between the history of Christianity and the history of Buddhism." Both systems were in their origin essentially ethical reforms born of the generous ardour, the lofty aspirations, the tender compassion of their noble Founders, two of those beautiful spirits who appear at rare intervals on earth like beings come from a better world to support and guide our weak and erring nature.” Both preached moral virtue as the means of accomplishing what they regarded as the supreme object of life, the eternal Salvation of the individual soul, though by a curious antithesis the one sought that salvation in a blissful eternity, the other in a final release from suffering, in annihilation. But the austere ideals of sanctity which they inculcated were too deeply opposed not only to the frailties but to the natural instincts of humanity ever to be carried out in practice by more than a small number of disciples, who consistently renounced the ties of the family and the state in order to work out their own salvation in the still seclusion of the cloister. If such faiths were to be nominally accepted by whole nations or even by the world, it was essential that they should first be modified | On the decadence of Buddhism and its gradual assimilation to those popular Oriental superstitions against which it was at first directed, see Monier Williams, /34tddhism * (London, 1890), pp. 147 sq/. * The historical reality both of Buddha and of Christ has sometimes been doubted or denied. It would be just as reasonable to question the historical existence of Alexander the Great and Charlemagne on account & of the legends which have gathered round them. The great religious movements which have stirred humanity to its depths and altered the belieſs of nations spring ultimately ſrom the conscious and deliberate efforts of extra- ordinary minds, not from the blind un- conscious co-operation of the multitude. The attempt to explain history without the influence of great men may flatter the vanity of the vulgar, but it will find no favour with the philosophic historian, CHAP. VI O/P/A2/V7.4/, /ö/2/L/G/O/WS //V 7TA/AF WEST 2O3 or transformed so as to accord in some measure with the prejudices, the passions, the superstitions of the vulgar. This process of accommodation was carried out in after- ages by followers who, made of less ethereal stuff than their masters, were for that reason the better fitted to mediate between them and the common herd. Thus as time went on, the two religions, in exact proportion to their growing popularity, absorbed more and more of those baser elements which they had been instituted for the very purpose of suppressing. Such spiritual decadences are inevitable. The world cannot live at the level of its great men. Yet it would be unfair to the generality of our kind to ascribe wholly to their intellectual and moral weakness the gradual divergence of Buddhism and Christianity from their primitive patterns. For it should never be forgotten that by their glorification of poverty and celibacy both these religions struck straight at the root not merely of civil society but of human existence. The blow was parried by the wisdom or the folly of the vast majority of mankind, who refused to purchase a chance of saving their souls with the certainty of extinguishing the species. C H A P T E R VII HYACIN TH ANOTHER mythical being who has been supposed to belong to the class of gods here discussed is Hyacinth. He too has been interpreted as the vegetation which blooms in spring and withers under the scorching heat of the summer sun." Though he belongs to Greek, not to Oriental mythology, some account of him may not be out of place in the present discussion. According to the legend, Hyacinth was the youngest and handsomest son of the ancient king Amyclas, who had his capital at Amyclae in the beautiful vale of Sparta. One day playing at quoits with Apollo, he was accidentally killed by a blow of the god's quoit. Bitterly the god lamented the death of his friend. The hyacinth—“thät sanguine flower inscribed with woe"— sprang from the blood of the hapless youth, as anemones and roses from the blood of Adonis, and violets from the blood of Attis : * like these vernal flowers it heralded the advent of another spring and gladdened the hearts of men with the promise of a joyful resurrection. The flower is usually supposed to be not what we call a hyacinth, but a little purple iris with the letters of lamentation (AI, which in Greek means “alas") clearly inscribed in black on its petals. In Greece it blooms in spring after the early violets but The Greek Hyacinth interpreted as the vegetation which blooms and withers away. 1 G. F. Schömann, Griechische Alterſ/ºi/ier,4 ii. 473; L. Preller, Griechische Mythologie, i.” 248 sq.; Greve, in W. II. Roscher’s Zexi/ºon d, griech. at. 7'om. A/y/h. i. 2763 sq. Other views of Hyacinth have been expressed by G. F. Welcker (Griech- ische Göſ/erlehre, i. 472), G. F. Unger (Philo/ogus, xxxvii. (1877) pp. 20 sqq.), E. Rohde (Psyche," i. 137 sqq.) and S. Wide (Zakomische A70//e, p. 290). * Apollodorus, i. 3. 3, iii. Io. 3 ; Nicander, 7%er. 9o I s/ſ/., with the Scholiast's note ; Lucian, /26 sa//atione, 45; Pausanias, iii. I. 3, iii. 19. 5; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 24.I s/ſy. ; Ovid, Meſa/l. x. 161-219; Pliny, AWa/, ///s/. xxi. 66. 2O4 BIK. II, CII, VII Aſ YA C/AVTA/ 2O5 before the roses." One spring, when the hyacinths were in bloom, it happened that the red-coated Spartan regiments lay encamped under the walls of Corinth. Their com- mander gave the Amyclaean battalion leave to go home and celebrate as usual the festival of Hyacinth in their native town. But the sad flower was to be to these men an omen of death ; for they had not gone far before they were enveloped by clouds of light-armed foes and cut to pieces.” The tomb of Hyacinth was at Amyclae under a massive The tomb altar-like pedestal, which supported an archaic bronze image tº. of Apollo. In the left side of the pedestal was a bronze Hyacinth door, and through it offerings were passed to Hyacinth, as Anyºne to a hero or a dead man, not as to a god, before Sacrifices were offered to Apollo at the annual Hyacinthian festival. Bas-reliefs carved on the pedestal represented Hyacinth and his maiden sister Polyboea caught up to heaven by a company of goddesses.” The annual festival of the Hyacinthia was held in the month of Hecatombeus, which seems to have corresponded to May." * Theophrastus, //istor. Plant. vi. 8. I sy. That the hyacinth was a spring flower is plainly indicated also by Philostratus (/mag. i. 23. I) and Ovid (Metam. x. 162-166). See further Greve, in W. H. Roscher’s Alexikon d, griech. at. 76/1. A/y//ho/ogie, i. 2764; J. Murr, Die Pflangenweſt in der gyriechischen Al/j//hologie (Innsbruck, I890), pp. 257 syſ). ; O. Schrader, Real/exikon der indogerman ischen A//er/u/us/unde, pp. 383 sq. Miss J. E. Harrison was so kind as to present me with two specimens of the flower (Delphinium Ayacis) on which the woful letters were plainly visible. A flower similarly marked, of a colour between white and red, was associated with the death of Ajax (Pausanias, i. 35. 4). But usually the two flowers were thought to be the same (Ovid, Al/c/a/. xiii. 394 sqq. ; Scholiast on Theocritus, x. 28 ; Pliny, AWaſ. His/. xxi. 66; Eustathius on Homer, Z/iad, ii. 557, p. 285). * Nenophon, Z/c//emica, iv. 5. 7-17 ; Pausanias, iii. Io. I. * Pausanias, iii. I. 3, iii. 19. I-5. * Hesychius, s.v. Ekatouše's ; G. F. Unger in Philologus, xxxvii. (1877) The ceremonies pp. I 3-33 ; Greve, in W. H. Roscher's Zexi/ºon d, griech. it, röm. J/j//ho/ogic, i. 2762 ; W. Smith, ZXic/ionary of Greek and A'oman Azz/i/zzi/ies,” i. 339. From Xenophon (Hellenica, iv. 5) we learn that in 390 B.C. the Hyacinthian followed soon after the Isthmian ſestival, which that year ſell in spring. Others, however, identifying Heca- tombeus with the Attic month Heca- tombaeon, would place the Hyacinthia in July (K. O. Müller, Dorier,” i. 358). In Rhodes, Cos, and other Greek states there was a month called Hyacinthius, which probably took its name from the Hyacinthian festival. The month is thought to correspond to the Athenian Scirophorion and therefore to June. See E. Bischof, “De fastis Graecorum antiquioribus,” Icipšiger Studien fºr classische Philo- Zošče, vii. (1884) pp. 369 sq., 381, 384, 4 Io, 4 I4 sq. ; Dittenberger, Sy//age /nscription um Graccarum,” Nos. 614, note 3, 744, note I. If this latter identification of the month is correct, it would furnish an argu- ment for dating the Spartan festival of Hyacinth in June also. The question is too intricate to be discussed here. 2O6 Aſ VA C//VTA/ BOOK II occupied three days. On the first the people mourned for Hyacinth, wearing no wreaths, singing no paeans, eating no bread, and behaving with great gravity. It was on this day probably that the offerings were made at Hyacinth's tomb. Next day the scene was changed. All was joy and bustle. The capital was emptied of its inhabitants, who poured out in their thousands to witness and share the festivities at Amyclae. Boys in high-girt tunics sang hymns in honour of the god to the accompaniment of flutes and lyres. Others, splendidly attired, paraded on horseback in the theatre : choirs of youths chanted their native ditties: dancers danced ; maidens rode in wicker carriages or went in procession to witness the chariot races: sacrifices were offered in profusion : the citizens feasted their friends and even their slaves." This outburst of gaiety may be supposed to have celebrated the resurrection of Hyacinth and perhaps also his ascension to heaven, which, as we have seen, was represented on his tomb. However, it may be that the ascension took place on the third day of the festival ; but as to that we know nothing. The sister who went to heaven with him was by some identified with Artemis or Proserpine.” It is highly probable, as Erwin Rohde perceived,” that Hyacinth was an old aboriginal deity of the underworld who had been worshipped at Amyclae long before the Dorians invaded and conquered the country. If that was so, the story of his relation to Apollo must have been a comparatively late invention, an attempt of the newcomers to fit the ancient god of the land into their own mythical system, in order that he might extend his protection to them. On this theory it may not be without significance that sacrifices at the festival were offered to Hyacinth, as to a hero, before they were offered to Apollo." Further, on Hyacinth Q.I] aboriginal god, perhaps a king, who was worshipped in Laconia before the invasion of the Dorians. | Athenaeus, iv. 17, pp. 139 sq. properly denotes sacrifices offered to Strabo speaks (vi. 3. 2, p. 278) of a contest at the Hyacinthian festival. It may have been the chariot-races mentioned by Athenaeus. 2 Hesychius, s.v. IIoMºota. 3 E. Rohde, Psyche,” i. 137 377. 4 Pausanias, iii. 19. 3. The Greek word here used for sacrifice (évaylºeuv) the heroic or worshipſul dead ; another word (0%euv) was employed for sacrifices offered to gods. The two terms are distinguished by Pausanias here and elsewhere (ii. Io. I, ii. I I. 7). Com- pare Herodotus, ii. 44. Sacrifices to the worshipful dead were oſten annual. See Pausanias, iii. I. 8, vii. 19. Io, CHAP. VII Aſ VA C//VTA/ 2O7 the analogy of similar deities elsewhere, we should expect to find Hyacinth coupled, not with a male friend, but with a female consort. That consort may perhaps be detected in his sister Polyboea, who ascended to heaven with him. The new myth, if new it was, of the love of Apollo for Hyacinth would involve a changed conception of the aboriginal god, which in its turn must have affected that of his spouse. For when Hyacinth came to be thought of as young and unmarried there was no longer room in his story for a wife, and she would have to be disposed of in some other way. What was easier for the myth-maker than to turn her into his unmarried sister P. However we may explain it, a change seems certainly to have come over the popular idea of Hyacinth ; for whereas on his tomb he was portrayed as a bearded man, later art represented him as the pink of youthful beauty.' But it is perhaps needless to suppose that the sisterly relation of Polyboea to him was a late modification of the myth. The stories of Cronus and Rhea, of Zeus and Hera, of Osiris and Isis, remind us that in old days gods, like kings, often married their sisters, and prob- ably for the same reason, namely, to ensure their own title to the throne under a rule of female kinship which treated women and not men as the channel in which the blood royal flowed.” It is not impossible that Hyacinth may have been a divine king who actually reigned in his lifetime at A myclae and was afterwards worshipped at his tomb. The repre- sentation of his triumphal ascent to heaven in company with his sister suggests that, like Adonis and Proserpine, he may have been supposed to spend one part of the year in the underworld of darkness and death, and another part in the His sister Polyboea may perhaps have been his spouse. upper world of light and life. And as the anemones and the sprouting corn marked the return of Adonis and Proserpine, so the flowers to which he gave his name may have heralded the ascension of Hyacinth. vii. 20. 9, viii. I4. I I, viii. 4 I. I., ix. cases the worship of the hero was 38. 5, x. 24. 6. It has been observed older than that of the deity. by E. Rohde (/’syche," i. 139, note 2) * Pausanias, iii. 19. I 4. that sacrifices were frequently offered to * See above, p. 28, and below, pp. a hero before a god, and he suggests 320 sq.7. with much probability that in these B O OK THIRD OSIRIS 209 CH A PT ER I THE MYTH OF OSIRIS IN ancient Egypt the god whose death and resurrection Osiris the were annually celebrated with alternate sorrow and joy." was Osiris, the most popular of all Egyptian deities; and part of there are good grounds for classing him with Adonis and *u. Attis as a personification of the great yearly vicissitudes of nature, especially of the corn. But the immense vogue which he enjoyed for many ages induced his devoted worshippers to heap upon him the attributes and powers of many other gods; SO that it is not always easy to strip him, so to say, of his borrowed plumes and to restore them to their proper owners. In the following pages I do not pretend to enumerate and analyse all the alien elements which thus gathered round the popular deity. All that I shall attempt to do is to peel off these accretions and to exhibit the god, as far as possible, in his primitive simplicity. The discoveries of recent years in Egypt enable us to do so with more confidence now than when I first addressed myself to the problem some sixteen years ago. The myth of Osiris is told in a connected form only by The myth Plutarch, whose narrative has been confirmed and to some * * extent amplified in modern times by the evidence of the monuments." The story runs thus. Osiris was the offspring of an intrigue between the Osiris a son of the I See Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 12-20; 34-38; A. Wiedemann, Die Keligion **ś9° R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Milologia der aſſen Aegypſe”, pp. Io9 syſ). ; G. . the Agizia, pp. 692 sqq. ; A. Erman, Maspero, Z's/oire ancéenne, i. 172 goddess. Aegypten und aegyptisches Zeben &m sqq. ; E. A. Wallis Budge, Zhe God's A//ertum, pp. 365 - 369 ; id., Die of the Ægyptians (London, 1904), ii. ăgyptische Religion (Berlin, 1905), pp. 123 sq9. 2 I I 2 I 2 THE MYTH OF OS//e/S BOOK III earth-god Seb (Keb or Geb, as the name is sometimes trans- literated) and the sky-goddess Nut. The Greeks identified his parents with their own deities Cronus and Rhea. When the sun-god Ra perceived that his wife Nut had been un- faithful to him, he declared with a curse that she should be delivered of the child in no month and no year. But the goddess had another lover, the god Thoth or Hermes, as the Greeks called him, and he playing at draughts with the moon won from her a seventy-second part of every day, and having compounded five whole days out of these parts he added them to the Egyptian year of three hundred and sixty days. This was the mythical origin of the five supple- mentary days which the Egyptians annually inserted at the end of every year in order to establish a harmony between lunar and solar time.” On these five days, regarded as outside the year of twelve months, the curse of the sun-god did not rest, and accordingly Osiris was born on the first of them. At his nativity a voice rang out proclaiming that the Lord of All had come into the world. Some say that a certain Pamyles heard a voice from the temple at Thebes bidding him announce with a shout that a great king, the beneficent Osiris, was born. But Osiris was not the only child of his mother. On the second of the supplementary days she gave birth to the elder Horus, on the third to the god Set, whom the Greeks called Typhon, on the fourth to the goddess Isis, and on the fifth to the goddess Nephthys.” Afterwards Set married his sister Nephthys, and Osiris married his sister Isis. Reigning as a king on earth, Osiris reclaimed the Egyptians from Savagery, gave them laws, and taught them to worship the gods. Before his time the Egyptians had been cannibals. But Isis, the sister and wife of Osiris. discovered wheat and barley growing wild, and Osiris intro duced the cultivation of these grains amongst his peopl Osiris introduces the cultivation of corn and of the vine. 1 In Plutarch, /sis el Osiris, 12, we must clearly read €360pmkoorów 6et/repov with Scaliger and Wyttenbach for the épôopmkoorów of the MSS. * Herodotus, ii. 4, with A. Wiede- mann's note ; L.. Ideler, Handbuch der mathema/ischem und technisc/ien Chrono- /age, i. 94 sq/. ; A. Erman, Aegy/te/ zuld aegy//isches /leben im Al/er/um pp. 468 sq. ; G. Maspero, Aſis/oil ancienzle, i. 208 sq. * The birth of the five deities on the five supplementary days is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus (i. I 3. 4) as well as by Plutarch (/sis et Osiris, I2). CHAP, I TA/E M VTH OF OS//ø/S 2 I 3 who forthwith abandoned cannibalism and took kindly to a corn diet. Moreover, Osiris is said to have been the first to gather fruit from trees, to train the vine to poles, and to tread the grapes. Eager to communicate these beneficent discoveries to all mankind, he committed the whole govern- ment of Egypt to his wife Isis, and travelled over the world, diſfusing the blessings of civilisation wherever he went." But on his return his brother Set (whom the Greeks called Typhon) with seventy - two others plotted against him. Having taken the measure of his good brother's body by stealth, the bad brother Typhon fashioned and highly decor- ated a coffer of the same size, and once when they were all drinking and making merry he brought in the coffer and jestingly promised to give it to the one whom it should fit exactly. Well, they all tried one after the other, but it fitted none of them. Last of all Osiris stepped into it and lay down. On that the conspirators ran and slammed the lid down on him, nailed it fast, soldered it with molten lead, and flung the coffer into the Nile. This happened on the seventeenth day of the month Athyr, when the sun is in the sign of the Scorpion, and in the eight-and-twentieth year of the reign or the life of Osiris. When Isis heard of it she sheared off a lock of her hair, put on mourning attire, and wandered disconsolately up and down, seeking the body.” By the advice of the god of wisdom she took refuge in the papyrus swamps of the Delta. Seven scorpions accompanied her in her flight. One evening when she was weary she came to the house of a woman, who, alarmed at the sight of the scorpions, shut the door in her face. Then one of the scorpions crept under the door and stung the child of the woman that he died. But when Isis heard the mother's lamentation, her heart was touched, and she laid her hands on the child and uttered her powerful spells ; so the poison was driven out of the child and he lived. Afterwards Isis herself gave birth to a son in the swamps. The infant was the younger Horus, and Buto, the goddess of the north, hid him from the wrath of his wicked uncle Set. Yet she could not guard him from all mishap ; 1 Plutarch, /sis cé Osiris, I 3 ; Dio- i. 7. 29 syſ). dorus Siculus, i. I4 and I7 ; Tibullus, * Plutarch, /sis cº Osiris, I 3 sy. His violent death. Isis Searches for his body. Isis and her infant son Horus, 2 I 4 TAZE MYTH OF OS//ē/S BOOK III for one day when Isis came to her little son's hiding-place she found him stretched lifeless and rigid on the ground : a scorpion had stung him. Then Isis prayed to the Sun-god Ra for help, and he hearkened to her and scht Thoth, who by his words of power restored the child to life." Meantime the coffer containing the body of Osiris had floated down the river and away out to sea, till at last it drifted ashore at Byblus, on the coast of Syria. Here a fine erica-tree shot up suddenly and enclosed the chest in its trunk. The king of the country, admiring the growth of the tree, had it cut down and made into a pillar of his house ; but he did not know that the coffer with the dead Osiris was in it. Word of this came to Isis and she journeyed to Byblus, and sat down by the well, in humble guise, her face wet with tears. To none would she speak till the king's handmaidens came, and them she greeted kindly and braided their hair and breathed on them from her own divine body a wondrous perfume. But when the queen beheld the braids of her handmaidens' hair and smelt the sweet smell that emanated from them, she sent for the stranger woman and took her into her house and made her the nurse of her child. But Isis gave the babe her finger instead of her breast to suck, and at night she began to burn all that was mortal of him away, while she herself in the likeness of a swallow fluttered round the pillar that con- tained her dead brother, twittering mournfully. But the queen spied what she was doing and shrieked out when she saw her child in flames, and thereby she hindered him from becoming immortal. Then the goddess revealed herself and begged for the pillar of the roof, and they gave it her, and she cut the coffer out of it, and fell upon it and em- braced it and lamented so loud that the younger of the king's children died of fright on the spot. But the trunk of the tree she wrapped in fine linen and poured ointment on it and gave it to the king and queen, and the wood stands in a temple of Isis and is worshipped by the people of Byblus to this day. And Isis put the coffer in a boat and took the eldest of The body of Osiris floats to Byblus, where it is recovered by Isis. * A. Erman, Aegy//en und aegy/- AEgy//ians, i. 487 sq., ii. 206-21 I. /isches /e/en ºn A//er/u/, p. 366; These stories of the scorpions are not E. A. Wallis Budge, 7%e God's of //e mentioned by Plutarch. CHAP, I THAE MYTH OF OS/R/S 2 I 5 the king's children with her and sailed away. As soon as they were alone, she opened the chest, and laying her face on the face of her brother she kissed him and wept. But the child came behind her Softly and saw what she was about, and she turned and looked at him in anger, and the child could not bear her look and died ; but some say that it was not so, but that he fell into the sea and was drowned. It is he whom the Egyptians sing of at their banquets under the name of Maneros. But Isis put the coffer by and went to see her son Horus at the city of Buto, and Typhon found it as he was hunting a boar one night by the light of a full moon." And he knew the body, and rent it into fourteen pieces, and scattered them abroad. But Isis sailed up and down the marshes in a shallop made of papyrus, looking for the pieces; and that is why when people sail in shallops made of papyrus, the crocodiles do not hurt them, for they fear or respect the goddess. And that is the reason, too, why there are many graves of Osiris in Egypt, for she buried each limb as she found it. But others will have it that she buried an image of him in every city, pretending it was his body, in order that Osiris might be worshipped in many places, and that if Typhon searched for the real grave he might not be able to find it.” However, the genital member of Osiris had been eaten by the fishes, so Isis made an image of it instead, and the image is used by the Egyptians at their festivals to this day.” Such is the myth of Osiris, as told by Plutarch. A long The inscription in the temple at Dendera has preserved a list of * the god's graves, and other texts mention the parts of his of Osiris body which were treasured as holy relics in each of the . Sanctuaries. Thus his heart was at Athribis, his backbone various at Busiris, his neck at Letopolis, and his head at Memphis. E." As often happens in such cases, some of his divine limbs were miraculously multiplied. His head, for example, was at Abydos as well as at Memphis, and his legs, which were remarkably numerous, would have sufficed for several ordinary * Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 8, 18. 3 Plutarch, Zsis eſ Osiris, I S. Com- pare Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium * Compare Diodorus, i. 21. 5-9, iv. haeresium/, v. 7, p. 142 ed. Duncker 6, 3 ; Strabo, xvii. I. 23, p. 8o3. and Schneidewin. 2 I 6 THE MYTH OF OS/A/S l}OOK I I I mortals." In this respect, however, Osiris was nothing to St. Denys, of whom no less than seven heads, all equally genuine, are extant.” According to native Egyptian accounts, which supple- ment that of Plutarch, when Isis had found the corpse of her husband Osiris, she and her sister Nephthys sat down beside it and uttered a lament which in after ages became the type of all Egyptian lamentations for the dead. In pity for her sorrow the sun-god Ra sent down from heaven the jackal-headed god Anubis, who, with the aid of Isis and Nephthys, of Thoth and Horus, pieced together the broken body of the murdered god, swathed it in linen bandages, and observed all the other rites which the Egyptians were wont to perform over the bodies of the departed. Then Isis fanned the cold clay with her wings : Osiris revived, and thenceforth reigned as king over the dead in the other world.” There he bore the titles of Lord of the Underworld, Lord of Eternity, Ruler of the Dead." There, too, in the great Hall of the Two Truths he presided as judge at the trial of the souls of the departed, who made their solemn con- ſession before him, and, their heart having been weighed in the balance of justice, received the reward of virtue in a life eternal or the punishment of vice in annihilation.” The confession which the Book of the Dead puts in the mouth of the deceased at the judgment-bar of Osiris" sets the !3eing brought to life again, Osiris reigns as king and judge of the dead in the other World. ! H. Brugsch, “Das Osiris-Mys- terium von Tentyra,” Zeiſschrift fir àgy//ische S/rac/le und Al/er/hums- Æunde, xix. (I 881) pp. 77 sq.7. ; V. Loret, “Les fêtes d’Osiris au mois de Khoiak,” A’ecueil de Zºravaux rela/č/s à la Philologie et à /'Archdo/ogie A.gy//iemmes et Assyriemmes, iii. (1882) pp. 43 sq.7. ; R. V. Lanzone, Dizio- 7tario di ///ologia Egzia, pp. 697 syſ). ; A. Wiedemann, A/erodoſs 270eiſes Auch, pp. 584 sq.7. ; 2d., ZXie A'e/igion der al/en Aegy//e7, p. I I 5 ; A. Erman, Aegy//en uſed aegy//isches Zeben im A//ey/u///, pp. 367 sq. * J. Rendel Harris, The Ammo/a/ors of f/he Codex Bezae, p. 104, note 2, referring to Dulaure. * A. Erman, ZXie ágyptische A’e/gzon, pp., 35 sq.; G. Maspero, His/ogre ancienne, i. 176; E. A. Wallis Budge, Zhe Gods of the Egy//ians, ii. 140, 262. On Osiris as king of the dead see Plutarch, /sis el Osiris, 79. 4 Miss Margaret A. Murray, Zhe Osire?on aſ Abydos (London, I 904), pp. 8, 17, 18. 6 On Osiris as judge of the dead see A. Wiedemann, Die Ä'eligion der a//en. Acg//er, pp. 13 I s/7. ; G. Maspero, Aſistoire ancienne, i. 187 s/7. ; E. A. Wallis Budge, Zhe Book of //he Dead (London, 1901), i. pp. liii. 377. ; d. , 7%e Gods of //ie A.9//ians, ii. I4 I s/7. ; A. Erman, ZDie ágy//ische A'eligion, pp. I O2 sy/. " Zhe /300/4 of ſhe Dead, ch. cxxv. (vol. ii. pp. 355 sqq. of Budge's translation ; pp. 369 sqq. of Pierret's French translation); R. V. Lanzone, CHAP. I TAZAZ /l/ VTAZ OA' O.S.//ø/S 217 morality of the ancient Egyptians in a very favourable light. In rendering an account of his life the deceased solemnly protested that he had not oppressed his fellow- men, that he had made none to weep, that he had done no murder, neither committed fornication nor borne false witness, that he had not falsified the balance, that he had not taken the milk from the mouths of babes, that he had given bread to the hungry and water to the thirsty, and had clothed the naked. In harmony with these professions are the epitaphs on Egyptian graves, which reveal, if not the moral practice, at least the moral ideals of those who slept beneath them. Thus, for example, a man says in his epitaph : “I gave bread to the hungry and clothes to the naked, and ferried across in my own boat him who could not pass the water. I was a father to the Orphan, a husband to the widow, a shelter from the wind to them that were cold. I am one that spake good and told good. I earned my substance in righteousness.”" Those who had done thus in their mortal life and had been acquitted at the Great Assize, were believed to dwell thenceforth at ease in a land where the corn grew higher than on earth, where harvests never failed, where trees were always green, and wives for ever young and fair.” In the resurrection of Osiris the Egyptians saw In the the pledge of a life everlasting for themselves beyond ...". tion of the grave. They believed that every man would live Qsiris the * q. e & º g Egyptians eternally in the other world if only his surviving friends ...". did for his body what the gods had done for the body of pledge tº e & * º of their Osiris. Hence the ceremonies observed by the Egyptians own im. over the dead were an exact copy of those which Anubis, mortality. Horus, and the rest had performed over Osiris. Indeed every man after death was identified with Osiris and bore his name. In an Egyptian text it is said of the departed that “as surely as Osiris lives, so shall he live also ; as surely as Osiris did not die, so shall he not die; as surely A)isionario d'. ..]///ologia Rºſa, pp. 1 A. Erman, ZXie & 1//ische A'cºo/, 78S syſ). ; A. Wiedemann, Die A'e/igion p. 106. Compare A. Wiedemann, Z)ic der al/ey/ .1699//cr', pp. I 32 - I 34 ; G. Ac/ºon d'ez aſcº -lºg1//cy, pp. 1 34 sy. Maspero, Aſis/oire ancienne, i. 188- * A. Wiedemann, op. ciſ, p. 135; 19 I ; A. Erman, 1988 & 9//ische G. Maspero, o/, cf. i. I 94 sy. ; A. A'eligion, pp. I O4- I O6. Erman, o/, ci/. pp. I OG-109. 2 I 8 THE /l/ VTA/ OF OS/A2/S BOOK III as Osiris is not annihilated, so shall he too not be anni- hilated.” And the resurrection of the dead was conceived, like that of Osiris, not merely as spiritual but also as bodily. “They possess their heart, they possess their senses, they possess their mouth, they possess their feet, they possess their arms, they possess all their limbs.” " When Horus the younger, the son of Osiris and Isis, was grown to man's estate, the ghost of his royal and murdered father appeared to him and urged him, like another Hamlet, to avenge the foul unnatural murder upon his wicked uncle. Thus encouraged, the youth attacked the miscreant. The combat was terrific and lasted many days. Horus lost an eye in the conflict and Set suffered a still more serious mutilation. At last Thoth parted the combatants and healed their wounds. According to one account the great battle was fought on the twenty-sixth day of the month of Thoth. Foiled in open war, the artful uncle now took the law of his virtuous nephew. He brought a suit of bastardy against Horus, hoping thus to rob him of his inheritance and to get possession of it himself. The case was tried before the high court of the gods in the great hall at Heliopolis, and the august judges pronounced Horus the true-begotten son of his father. He accordingly assumed the crown and mounted the throne of his father and grand- father. However, according to another and perhaps later version of the story, the victory of Horus over his uncle was by no means so decisive, and their struggles ended in a compromise, by which Horus reigned over the Delta, while Set became king of the upper valley of the Nile from near Memphis to the first cataract.” These legends of a contest for the throne of Egypt Combat between Set and Horus, the brother and the son of Osiris, for the crown of Egypt. | A. Erman, /Jie ág)//ische /('e/gion, pp. 96-99; 2d., 21¢gy//e/z tºld aegy/- /isches /e/e7! iſ A//ey/u///, p. 4 I 6. Compare A. Wiedemann, ZXie /('e/igioſ, der aſſeſ, Aggy//ey", pp. 123-126; I. A. Wallis Budge, //e /šoo/, o/, //e /)ead (London, I 90 I), i. pp. liii. 37%. , 7d., 7%e God's of //e Zºgy//ians, ii. 1 26, I40 sq. ; A. Moret, /27 caractºre ſe/gielax de /a royaltſ,' //harao/lique, p. 312. However, in later times the body with which the dead came to liſe was believed to be a spiritual, not a material body ; it was called să/ it. See E. A. Wallis Budge, Zhe Złoo/ of //e /9ead, i. pp. lvii. x/y. * Plutarch, /sis eſ Osiris, 19 and 55 ; A. Erman, Aegy//en. 1//ld aggy/- Žisc/tes /.eben //, /1//ey/u/, p. 368; 7d., Z);e (.9//ische /e/goſz, pp. 37 sq.; A. Wiedemann, /Jie /ēc/g/o/, der aſſen Aggy//ey', p. I 14; G. Maspero, Z/7s/oire ancienne, i. 176-178. CHAP, I TA/E MYTH OF OS/R/S 2 I9 may perhaps contain a reminiscence of real dynastical The legend struggles which attended an attempt to change the right of *: succession from the female to the male line. For under a may be a rule of female kinship the heir to the throne is either the ...". late king's brother, or the son of the late king's sister, while dynastic under a rule of male kinship the heir to the throne is the Struggles, late king's son. In the legend of Osiris the rival heirs are Set and Horus, Set being the late king's brother, and Horus the late king's son ; though Horus indeed united both claims to the crown, being the son of the king's sister as well as of the king. A similar attempt to shift the line of succession seems to have given rise to similar contests at Rome." * See my Lectures on the AEarly His/ory of the Kingship, pp. 253 sq. C H A P T E R II THE OFFICIAL EGYPTIAN CALEN DAR A USEFUL clue to the original nature of a god or goddess is often furnished by the season at which his or her festival is celebrated. Thus, if the festival falls at the new or the full moon, there is a certain presumption that the deity thus honoured either is the moon or at least has lunar affinities. If the festival is held at the winter or summer solstice, we naturally surmise that the god is the sun, or at all events that he stands in some close relation to that luminary. Again, if the festival coincides with the time of sowing or harvest, we are inclined to infer that the divinity is an embodiment of the earth or of the corn. These presumptions or inferences, taken by themselves, are by no means con- clusive ; but if they happen to be confirmed by other indications, the evidence may be regarded as fairly strong. Unfortunately, in dealing with the Egyptian gods we are in a great measure precluded from making use of this clue. The reason is not that the dates of the festivals are always unknown, but that they shifted from year to year, until after a long interval they had revolved throughout the whole course of the seasons. This gradual revolution of the festal Egyptian cycle resulted from the employment of a calendar year which neither corresponded exactly to the solar year nor was periodically corrected by intercalation." The The date of a festival sometimes furnishes a clue to the nature of the god. The year of the Egyptian calendar a vague or movable C Il Gº. * As to the Egyptian calendar see L. Ideler, /ſandóttch der ma/he- ma/ischen tend /echnischen Chronologie, i. 93 sqq.; Sir J. G. Wilkinson, //anners and Cus/oms of the Ancien/ AEgy//ians (London, 1878), ii. 368 3/7. ; R. Lepsius, Die Chronologie der Aegypſe", i. (Berlin, I849) pp. I 25 s/7. ; H. BrugSch, Oie Aegyp/o/ogie (Leipsic, 1891), pp. 347-366; A. Erman, Aegy//en uſed aegy//isches Aleben in, A//er/u/), pp. 468 sq.; G. Maspero, His/oire ancienne, i. 207-2 Io; Ed. Meyer, “Aegyptische Chrono- logie,” A/hand/ungen d. Æðn. Areuss. A/ademie d, Wissenschaftem, 1904, 22O BK. III. CH. II 7//E OFF/C/A/, EG VPT/AAV CA LE/VDAR 22 I Solar year is equivalent to about three hundred and sixty-five and a quarter days ; but the ancient Egyptians, ignoring the quarter of a day, reckoned the year at three hundred and sixty-five days only." Thus each of their calendar years was shorter than the true Solar year by about a quarter of a day. In four years the deficiency amounted to one whole day; in forty years it amounted to ten days; in four hundred years it amounted to a hundred days; and so it went on increasing until after a lapse of four times three hundred and sixty-five, or one thousand four hundred and sixty solar years, the deficiency amounted to three hundred and sixty- five days, or a whole Egyptian year. Hence one thousand four hundred and sixty solar years, or their equivalent, One thousand four hundred and sixty-one Egyptian years, formed a period or cycle at the end of which the Egyptian festivals returned to those points of the solar year at which they had been celebrated in the beginning.” In the mean- time they had been held successively on every day of the Solar year, though always on the same day of the calendar. Thus the official calendar was completely divorced, Thus the except at rare and long intervals, from what may be called ..., the natural calendar of the shepherd, the husbandman, and was the sailor—that is, from the course of the seasons in which divorced from the the times for the various labours of cattle-breeding, tillage, natural and navigation are marked by the position of the sun in the sº sky, the rising or setting of the stars, the fall of rain, the º growth of pasture, the ripening of the corn, the blowing of of the certain winds, and so forth. Nowhere, perhaps, are the * events of this natural calendar better marked or more regular in their recurrence than in Egypt; nowhere accord- ingly could their divergence from the corresponding dates of the official calendar be more readily observed. The divergence certainly did not escape the notice of the Egyptians themselves, and some of them apparently attempted successfully to correct it. Thus we are told that the Theban priests, who particularly excelled in astronomy, pp. 2 sqq.; F. K. Ginzel, Handöttch mann's note ; Geminus, AEYsagoge, 6, de,' ſna//ie/la/ischen und /čchnischen pp. 42 sq. ed. Halma (Paris, 1819); Chronoſogie, i. (Leipsic, I 906), pp. Censorinus, De die naſa/#, xviii. Io. I 50 syſ). * Geminus, Eisagoge, 6, pp. 43 sy. 1 Herodotus, ii. 4, with A. Wiede- ed. Halma. 222 7"Aſ E O/7/7/C/A/L E. G. VP 7/AAV CA/LAEAV/OAA’ book III were acquainted with the true length of the solar year, and harmonised the calendar with it by intercalating a day every few, probably every four, years." But this scientific improvement was too deeply opposed to the religious con- servatism of the Egyptian nature to win general acceptance. “The Egyptians,” said Geminus, a Greek astronomer writing about 77 B.C., “are of an opposite opinion and purpose from the Greeks. For they neither reckon the years by the Sun nor the months and days by the moon, but they observe a peculiar system of their own. They wish, in fact, that the sacrifices should not always be offered to the gods at the same time of the year, but that they should pass through all the seasons of the year, so that the summer festival should in time be celebrated in winter, in autumn, and in spring. For that purpose they employ a year of three hundred and sixty-five days, composed of twelve months of thirty days each, with five supplementary days added. But they do not add the quarter of a day for the reason I have given— namely, in order that their festivals may revolve.” So attached indeed were the Egyptians to their old calendar that the kings at their consecration were led by the priest of Isis at Memphis into the holy of holies, and there made to swear that they would maintain the year of three hundred and sixty-five days without intercalation.” The practical inconvenience of a calendar which marked true time only once in about fifteen hundred years might be calmly borne by a submissive Oriental race like the ancient Egyptians, but it naturally proved a stumbling-block to the less patient temperament of their European conquerors. Accordingly in the reign of King Ptolemy III. Euergetes a decree was passed that henceforth the movable Egyptian Attempt of Ptolemy II J. to reforn) the Egyptian calendar by inter- calation. Halma. The same writer further de- scribes as a popular Greek error the * Diodorus Siculus, i. 5o. 2 ; Strabo, xvii. 1. 46, p. 816. According to I3rugsch (/)ie Aegy//ologie, pp. 349 s/.), the Egyptians would seem to have denoted the movable year of the calendar and the fixed year of the sun by different written symbols. For more evidence that they were acquainted with a ſour years' period, corrected by intercalation, see R. Lepsius, C/ºro/lo- /ogie der Aegy//er, i. 149 sq.7. * Geminus, Z/sagoge, 6, p. 43 ed. opinion that the Egyptian festival oſ Isis coincided with the winter solstice. In his day, he tells us, the two events were separated by an interval of a ſull month, though they had coincided a hundred and twenty years beſore the time he was writing. * Schoſia in Caesaris Cerman ſci Aza/ca, p. 409 ed. Fr. Eyssenhardt, in his edition of Martianus Capella. CHAP. II 7TA/A2 OATF/C/A/L E.G. VPTYA/V CA/CAE/V/DA ſº 223 year should be converted into a fixed solar year by the intercalation of one day at the end of every four years, “ in order that the seasons may do their duty perpetually according to the present constitution of the world, and that it may not happen, through the shifting of the star by One day in four years, that some of the public festivals which are now held in the winter should ever be celebrated in the summer, and that other festivals now held in the summer should hereafter be celebrated in the winter, as has happened before, and must happen again if the year of three hundred and sixty-five days be retained.” The decree was passed in the year 239 or 238 B.C. by the high priests, Scribes, and other dignitaries of the Egyptian church assembled in convocation at Canopus ; but we cannot doubt that the measure, though it embodied native Egyptian science, was prompted by the king or his Macedonian advisers." This sage attempt to reform the erratic calendar was not permanently successful. The change may indeed have been carried out during the reign of the king who instituted it, but it was abandoned by the year I 96 B.C. at latest, as we learn from the celebrated inscription known as the Rosetta stone, in which a month of the Macedonian calendar is equated to the corresponding month of the movable Egyptian year.” And the testimony of Geminus, which I have cited, proves that in the follow- ing century the festivals were still revolving in the old style. The reform which the Macedonian king had vainly attempted to impose upon his people was accomplished by the practical Romans when they took over the administra- tion of the country. The expedient by which they effected the change was a simple one ; indeed it was no other than that to which Ptolemy Euergetes had resorted for the same purpose. They merely intercalated one day at the end of every four years, thus equalising within a small fraction four calendar years to four solar years. Henceforth the official * Copies of the decree in hiero- of Zhe P/o/emies (London, 1895), pp. glyphic, demotic, and Greek have been 205 sqq., 226 sy/. The star men- ſound inscribed on stones in Egypt. tioned in the decree is the Dog-star See Ch. Michel, Recuei/ d’Inscriptions (Sirius). See below, pp. 228 sy). Grcc/ttes, No. 55 I ; W. Dittenberger, * W. Dittenberger, /nscriptiones Orien//s Gracci /uscrip/iones Se/cc/ac, Graeci Orien/?s Se/cc/ae, No. 9o, with No. 56; J. P. Mahaſſy, Zhe Empire note 25 of the editor. Institution of the fixed Alex- andrian year by the Romans. 224 T/HE OFFICIAL EG YPTIA N CALEAVDAR HOOK III and the natural calendars were in practical agreement. The movable Egyptian year had been converted into the fixed Alexandrian year, as it was called, which agreed with the Julian year in length and in its system of intercalation, though it differed from that year in retaining the twelve equal Egyptian months and five supplementary days." But while the new calendar received the sanction of law and regulated the business of government, the ancient calendar was too firmly established in popular usage to be at once displaced. Accordingly it survived for ages side by side with its modern rival.” The spread of Christianity, which required a fixed year for the due observance of its festivals, did much to promote the adoption of the new Alexandrian style, and by the beginning of the fifth century the ancient movable year of Egypt appears to have been not only dead but forgotten.” 1 On the Alexandrian year see L. Ideler, Aſandbuch der ///a//ic/a/ischerz und /ec///ischen Chronoſogle, i. 140 syſ). That admirable chronologer argued (pp. I 53-16I) that the in- novation was introduced not, as had been commonly supposed, in 25 B.C., but in 30 B.C., the year in which Augustus deſeated Mark Antony under the walls of Alexandria and captured the city. IIowever, the question seems to be still unsettled. See F. K. Ginzel, A/a/ldbatch der waſheſ/a/ischen uſed /echnischen Chronologic, i. 226 sqq., who thinks it probable that the change was made in 26 B.C. For the purposes of this study the precise date of the intro- duction of the Alexandrian year is not material. * In demotic the fixed Alexandrian year is called “the year of the Ionians,” while the old movable year is styled “the year of the Egyptians.” Documents have been found which are dated by the day and the month of both years. See II. Brugsch, Dic Aegy//o/ogie, pp. 354 $7. * L. Ideler, o/, ci/. i. 149 - I 52. Macrobius thought that the IEgyptians had always employed a solar year of 365} days (Sa/urn. i. 12. 2, i. I4. 3). The ancient calendar of the Mexicans resembled that of the Egyptians except that it was divided into eighteen months of twenty days each (instead of twelve months of thirty days each), with five supplementary days added at the end of the year. These supplementary days (7te/no/t/eſ//?) were deemed un- lucky : nothing was done on them : they were dedicated to no deity; and persons born on them were considered unfortunate. See B. de Sahagun, Aſis/oire générale des choses de la AVouvelle - Espagne, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon, pp. 50, 164 ; Clavigero, History of Mexico (Londom, 1807), i. 29O. As this Mexican year of 365 days appears not to have been corrected by intercalation, the festivals tended, like the Egyptian, to rotate throughout the solar year, and so to fall out of harmony with the natural course of the seasons on which they had been originally based. See E. Seler, “The Mexican chronology,” in Bu//e/in 28 of // e /31/7cau of American E///mo/ogy (Washington, I 904), pp. 13 sqq. On the other hand, the Indians of Yucatan corrected the deficiency of the year of 365 days by intercalating one day every four years. See D. de Landa, Ā’e/a- /ion des choses de Ma Yuca/an (Paris, I864), pp. 202-205. CH A P T E R III THE CALEN DAR OF THE EGYPTIAN FARMER § 1. The Rise and Fall of the Nile IF the Egyptian farmer of the olden time could thus get no In Egypt <> & l SI (l- help, except at the rarest intervals, from the official or sacer-jº." dotal calendar, he must have been compelled to observe for husbandry himself those natural signals which marked the times for the tº enden various operations of husbandry. In all ages of which we on the . . possess any records the Egyptians have been an agricultural º people, dependent for their subsistence on the growth of the * * corn. The cereals which they cultivated were wheat, barley, and apparently sorghum (Holcus song/au/, Linnaeus), the doora of the modern Fellahin." Then as now the whole country, with the exception of a fringe on the coast of the Mediterranean, was almost rainless, and owed its immense fertility entirely to the annual inundation of the Nile, which, regulated by an elaborate system of dams and canals, was distributed over the fields, renewing the soil year by year with a fresh deposit of mud washed down from the great equatorial lakes and the mountains of Abyssinia. Hence the rise of the river has always been watched by the in- habitants with the utmost anxiety; for if it either falls short of or exceeds a certain height, dearth and famine are the inevitable consequences.” The water begins to rise early in 1 Herodotus, ii. 36, with A. Wiede- mann's note ; Diodorus Siculus, i. I4. I, i. 17. I ; Pliny, AWaſ. Aſist, v. 57 sy., xviii. 60 ; Sir J. Gardiner Wilkin- son, Alſanners and Crºsſoms of the Anciené Ag//ians (London, 1878), ii. 398, 399, 418, 426 sq. ; A. Erman, Acs)//cm (nd aggyp/?sches Zeben im/ .1//c/7////, pp. 577 sq.g. ; A. de Can- dolle, Origin of Cu/Zizaſca A'an's, pp. 354 sq., 369, 3SI : G. Maspero, His- toire ancienne, i. 66. * Herodotus, ii. 14 ; Diodorus Siculus, i. 36: Strabo, xvii. I. 3, pp. 786-788; Pliny, Aſaf. His/. Nviii. 167. 17O : Seneca, A'afrty. Quacs’. iv. 2. 225 226 TA/A2 A*/SAE A/V/D FA // OF 77A/AE AWAZAZ J3OOK III June, but it is not until the latter half of July that it swells to a mighty tide. By the end of September the inundation is at its greatest height. The country is now submerged, and presents the appearance of a sea of turbid water, from which the towns and villages, built on higher ground, rise like islands. For about a month the flood remains nearly stationary, then sinks more and more rapidly, till by December or January the river has returned to its ordinary bed. With the approach of summer the level of the water continues to fall. In the early days of June the Nile is reduced to half its ordinary breadth ; and Egypt, scorched by the sun, blasted by the wind that has blown from the Sahara for many days, seems a mere continuation of the desert. The trees are choked with a thick layer of grey dust. A few meagre patches of vegetables, watered with difficulty, struggle painfully for existence in the immediate neighbourhood of the villages. Some appearance of verdure lingers beside the canals and in the hollows from which the moisture has not wholly evaporated. The plain appears to pant in the pitiless Sunshine, bare, dusty, ash-coloured, cracked and seamed as far as the eye can see with a network of fissures. From the middle of April till the middle of June the land of Egypt is but half alive, waiting for the new Nile." For countless ages this cycle of natural events has determined the annual labours of the Egyptian husband- man. The first work of the agricultural year is the cutting of the dams which have hitherto prevented the swollen river from flooding the canals and the fields. This is done, Irrigation, Sowing, and harvest in lºgypt, I - Io; A. W. Lane, /ſ/anners and Caſs- /o/is of //ie Modern Egy//ians (Paisley and London, 1895), pp. 17 57. , 495 the statement of Diodorus Siculus (i. 36. 2). Herodotus says (ii. 19) that the rise of the river lasted for a hun- syſ). ; A. Ernman, o/, c//. pp. 2 I-25 ; G. Maspero, o/, ci/. i. 22 sy/. However, since the Suez Canal was cut, rain has been commoner in lower Egypt (A. H. Sayce on Herodotus, ii. I4). 1 G. Maspero, o/, ci/. i. 22-26 ; A. Erman, o/, ci/. p. 23. According to Lane (oft. ci/. pp. 17 sq.) the Nile rises in Egypt about the summer Sol- stice (June 21) and reaches its greatest height by the autumnal cquinox (Sep- tember 22). This agrees exactly with dred days from the summer solstice. Compare Pliny, AWa/, //is/. v. 57, xviii. 167; Seneca, AWa/. Quaes/. iv. 2. I. According to Proſ. Ginzel the Nile does not rise in Egypt till the last week of June (//and/ºt/c/, der /a//ie/la/. at. Zech/zisch. Chronoſogie, i. I 54). For ancient descriptions of Egypt in time of flood see Herodotus, ii. 97 ; Diodorus Siculus, i. 36.8 sq. ; Strabo, xvii. 1. 4, p. 788 ; Aelian, /9e na/ura anima/İztyn, X. 43 ; Achilles Tatius, iv. 12 ; Seneca, AWa/?ty, Quaes/. iv. 2. 8 and I 1. 227 CHAP. III TA/AE /ø/SE A/VD FA C/L OF THA; AV//_AE and the pent-up waters released on their beneficent mission, in the first half of August." In November, when the inun- dation has subsided, wheat, barley, and sorghum are sown. The time of harvest varies with the district, falling about a month later in the north than in the south. In upper or Southern Egypt barley is reaped at the beginning of March, wheat at the beginning of April, and Sorghum about the end of that month.” It is natural to suppose that these various events of the The events agricultural year were celebrated by the Egyptian farmer º with some simple religious rites designed to secure the year were blessing of the gods upon his labours. These rustic. ceremonies he would continue to perform year after year with at the same season, while the solemn festivals of the priests º continued to shift, with the shifting calendar, from summer through autumn to winter, and onward through spring to Summer. The rites of the husbandman were stable because they rested on direct observation of nature : the rites of the priest were unstable because they were based on a false calculation. Yet many of the priestly festivals may have been nothing but the old rural festivals disguised in the Course of ages by the pomp of Sacerdotalism and severed, by the error of the calendar, from their roots in the natural cycle of the seasons. § 2. Rites of Irrigation These conjectures are confirmed by the little we know Mourning for Osiris both of the popular and of the official Egyptian religion. ..." Thus we are told that the Egyptians held a festival of Isis summer at the time when the Nile began to rise. They believed Nº. | Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, Aſanners to Pliny (AWat. Hist. xviii. 60) barley to rise. and Cusſoms of the 17tcient Egyptians (London, 1878), ii. 365 sq.; E. W. Lane, Al/anners and Customs of Zhe A/odern Zgyptians (Paisley and London, 1895), pp. 498 sq/.; G. Maspero, Aſis/oire ancienne, i. 23 sq., 69. The last-mentioned writer says (p. 24) that the dams are commonly cut be- tween the first and sixteenth of July, but apparently he means August. * Sir J. G. Wilkinson, op. ci/. ii. 398 sq.; Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrie, cited above, p, I 32, note 3. According was reaped in Egypt in the sixth month from sowing, and wheat in the seventh month. Diodorus, on the other hand, says (i. 36. 4) that the corn was reaped after four or five months. Perhaps Pliny refers to lower, and Diodorus to upper Egypt. Elsewhere Pliny affirms (AVat. A/is/. xviii. 169) that the corn was sown at the beginning of November, and that the reaping began at the end of March and was completed in May. This certainly applies better to lower than to upper Egypt. 228 A&M 7TA.S OF /A2/ø/GA 7TWO/V BOOK III that the goddess was then mourning for the lost Osiris, and that the tears which dropped from her eyes swelled the impetuous tide of the river." The belief survives in a modified form to this day. For the Nile, as we saw, begins to rise in June about the time of the summer solstice, and the people still attribute its increased volume to a miraculous drop which falls into the river on the night of the seven- teenth of the month. The charms and divinations which they practise on that mystic night in order to ascertain the length of their own life and to rid the houses of bugs may well date from a remote antiquity.” Now if Osiris was originally a god of the corn, nothing could be more natural than that he should be mourned at mid- summer. For by that time the harvest was past, the fields were bare, the river ran low, life seemed to be suspended, the corn-god was dead. At such a moment people who saw the handiwork of divine beings in all the operations of nature might well trace the swelling of the sacred stream to the tears shed by the goddess at the death of the beneficent corn-god her husband. And the sign of the rising waters on earth was soon followed by a sign in heaven. For about a month later, on the twentieth of July, when the river had swollen almost to bursting, the splendid star of Sirius, the brightest of all the fixed stars, appeared at dawn in the east just before sunrise.” The Egyptians called it Sothis, and regarded it as the star of Isis," just as the Babylonians deemed the planet Venus the star of Astarte. To both peoples apparently the brilliant luminary in the morning sky Seemed the goddess of life and Sirius regarded as the star of Isis, * Pausanius, x. 32. I 8. * E. W. Lane, Manners and Caſs/o/ls o/ //e 4/odern Zgy//ians (Paisley and London, 1895), ch. xxvi. pp. 495 sy. * L. Ideler, //and/uc/, der weathe- ma/ischen und /ec//misc/ie/l C/7 onologie, i. I 2 I s/ſy. ; R. Lepsius, /9/e C/lyono- /ogie der Aegy//er, i. 168 sq. The coincidence of the rising of Sirius with the swelling of the Nile is mentioned by Tibullus (i. 7. 2 I sq.) and Aelian (De vua/ura animalium, x. 45). 4 Diodorus Siculus, i. 27. 4 ; Plu- tarch, /sis eſ Oyèris, 2 I, 22, 38, 6 I ; Porphyry, Z26 an/ro ſy///aru/l, 24 ; Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, ii. 517; Canopic decree, lines 36 sq., in W. Dittenberger’s Orien//s Graec. In- scº//iones Se/ec/ae, No. 56 (lines 28 sy. in Ch. Michel’s A'ecuei/ d’Anscrip- /zons Cºccyztes, No. 551); R. V. Lan- zone, ZXizionario dº ///ologia Zgieia, pp. 825 sq. On the ceiling of the Memnonium at Thebes the heliacal rising of Sirius is represented under the form and name of Isis (Sir J. G. Wilkinson, A/anners and Cusſoms of //he Ancien/ /ºgy//ians, ed. I 878, iii. I O2). CHAIP. III /º/7′E.S OA” I/8/º/GA1 7TWOAV 229 love come to mourn her departed lover or spouse and to wake him from the dead. Hence the rising of Sirius on that day, The rising the twentieth of July, marked the beginning of the sacred º Egyptian year." The first day of the first month Thoth 20th of was theoretically supposed to date from the heliacal rising * of the bright star, and in all probability it really did so the begin- when the official or sacerdotal year of three hundred and * sixty-five days was first instituted. But the miscalculation Egyptian which has been already explained had the effect of making ” the star to shift its place in the calendar by one day in four years. Thus if Sirius rose on the first of Thoth in one year, it would rise on the second of Thoth four years afterwards, on the third of Thoth eight years afterwards, and so on until after the lapse of a Siriac or Sothic period of fourteen hundred and sixty solar years the first of Thoth again coincided with the heliacal rising of Sirius, that is, with the twentieth of July.” This observation of the 1 Porphyry and the Canopic decree, the Nile. See F. K. Ginzel, Aſandbuch der ma/he/iaſ, ºt. Zechnisch. Chrono- l/.cc.; Censorinus, /)a die naſali, xviii. Io, xxi. Io. In inscriptions on the temple at Syene, the modern Assouan, Isis is called “the mistress of the begin- ming of the year,” the goddess “who re- volves about the world, near to the constellation of Orion, who rises in the eastern sky and passes to the west per- petually ” (R. V. Lanzone, op. cz/. p. 826). It is only in Middle and Lower Egypt that Sirius rises on the twentieth of July. With every degree of latitude that you go south the star rises nearly a day earlier. Thus, whereas near Alex- andria in the north Sirius does not rise till the twenty-second of July, at Syene in the south it rises on the sixteenth of July. See R. Lepsius, Die Chronologie der Aegy//er, i. 168 sq. Now it is to be remembered that the rising of the Nile, as well as the rising of Sirius, is ob- served earlier and earlier the farther south you go, later and later the farther north you go. The coincident varia- tion of the two phenomena could hardly ſail to confirm the Egyptians in their belief of a natural or supernatural con- nection between them. In the fourth millenium B.C. the heliacal rising of Sirius coincided with the summer solstice and the beginning of the rise of /ogie, i. I 90. According to some, the festival of the rising of Sirius and the beginning of the sacred year was held on the nineteenth, not the twentieth of July. See Ed. Meyer, “Aegyptische Chronologie,” Abhand/ungen der A. Areuss. Ažademie d'. I lºssenschafen, I904, pp. 22 $/ſ/. * Above, pp. 22O syſ). * The first of Thoth coincided with the heliacal rising of Sirius (July 20) in the years 2782 B.C., I 322 B.C., and I 39 A.D. It would seem, therefore, that the movable Egyptian year of 365 days may have been instituted in I 322 B.C., 2782 B.C., or perhaps in 4242 B.C. (2782 + 1460). See L. Ideler, op. cit. i. I 25 sq.g. ; F. K. Ginzel, op. ci/. i. I 92 syſ). ; E. Meyer, op. cf. pp. 38 syſ. When the fixed Alexandrian year was introduced in 30 B.C. (see above, pp. 223 sq.) the first of Thoth fell on August 29, which accordingly was thenceforth reckoned the first day of the year in the Alexandrian calendar. See L. Ideler, o/, cit. i. 153 sqq. The period of I460 solar or 1461 movable Egyptian years was variously called a Sothic period (Clement of Alexandria, S/rom. i. 21. I 36, p. 401 ed. Potter), 23O RITES OF WA’A’/GA 7TWO/V }}OOIK III gradual displacement of the star in the calendar has been of the utmost importance for the progress of astronomy, since it led the Egyptians directly to the determination of the approximately true length of the solar year and thus laid the basis of our modern calendar; for the Julian calendar, which we owe to Caesar, was founded on the Egyptian theory, though not on the Egyptian practice." It was therefore a fortunate moment for the world when some pious Egyptian, thousands of years ago, identified for the first time the bright star of Sirius with his goddess ; for the identification induced his Countrymen to regard the heavenly body with an attention which they would never have paid to it if they had known it to be nothing but a world vastly greater than our own and separated from it by an inconceivable, if not immeasur- able, abyss of space.” a Canicular year (from Caſticula, “the Dog-star,” that is, Sirius), a heliacal year, and a year of God (Censorinus, Ae die 7zata/2, xviii. Io). But there is no evidence or probability that the period was recognised by the Egyptian astronomers who instituted the mov- able year of 365 days. Rather, as Ideler pointed out (op. ciſ. i. 132), it must have been a later discovery based on continued observations of the heliacal rising of Sirius and of its gradual dis- placement through the whole length of the official calendar. Brugsch, indeed, went So far as to suppose that the period was a discovery of astronomers of the second century A. D., to which they were led by the coincidence of the first of Thoth with the heliacal rising of Sirius in 139 A.D. (Die Aégy//ologie, p. 357). But the dis- covery, based as it is on a very simple calculation (365 x 4 = 1460), could hardly fail to be made as soon as astronomers estimated the length of the Solar year at 365} days, and that they did so at least as early as 238 B.C. is proved conclusively by the Canopic decree. See above, pp. 222 sy. As to the Sothic period see further R. Lepsius, Zie C/ºronologie der Aegypter, i. 165 $77. ; F. K. Ginzel, op. ci/. i. 187 s/. For the convenience of the reader I subjoin a table of the Egyptian months, with their dates. ** * - Sothic Year e 3,9 VDt 12 e - Alexandria ºn i.i." | Alºian July 20, I Thoth . .|20 July . .|29 August 1 Phaophi , |19 August .|28 September I Athyr . .|18 September .28 October I Choiak .|18 October .27 November 1 Tybi . 17 November .27 JDecember I Mechir ..]17 December .26 January I Phamenoth .[16 January .25 February 1 Pharmuthi . 15 February .27 March 1 Pachon . 17 March .26 April 1 Payni . .|16 April . .|26 May 1 Epiphi ... 16 May . .25 June I Mesori ... I 5 June . .|25 July I Supplement- 15 July . .|24 August ary day See L. Ideler, op. ci/. i. 143 F. K. Ginzel, op. cil. i. 200. * The Canopic decree (above, pp. 222 sq.) suffices to prove that the Egyptian astronomers, long before Caesar's time, were well acquainted with the approximately exact length of the solar year, although they did not use their knowledge to correct the calendar except for a short time in the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes. With regard to Caesar’s debt to the Egyptian astronomers sce Dio Cassius, xliii. 26 ; Macrobius, Sa/atrºl. i. 14. 3, i. 16. 39 ; L. Ideler, Aſandbuch der maſ/hema/ischen $47.5 und /echnischen Chrono/ogie, i. I66 $7/. * The islanders of Ceos, in the Aegean, also observed the rising of CHAP. III RITES OF IRR/GA 7/ON 23 I The cutting of the dams and the admission of the water into the canals and fields is a great event in the Egyptian year. At Cairo the operation generally takes place between the sixth and the sixteenth of August, and is attended by ceremonies which deserve to be noticed, because they have probably been handed down from antiquity. Near its entrance the canal of Cairo is crossed by a dam of earth, very broad at the bottom and diminishing in breadth upwards, which is constructed before or soon after the Nile has begun to rise. In front of the dam, on the side of the river, is reared a truncated cone of earth called the 'aroose/ or “bride,” on the top of which a little maize or millet is generally sown. This “bride" is commonly washed down by the rising tide a week or a fortnight before the dam is cut. Tradition runs that the old custom was to deck a young virgin in gay apparel and throw her into the river as a sacrifice to obtain a plentiful inundation." How- ever that may be, the intention of the present practice appears to be to marry the river, conceived as a male power, to his bride the cornland, which is soon to be fertilised by his water. The ceremony is therefore a charm to ensure the growth of the crops. As such it probably dates, in one form or another, from ancient times. Dense crowds assemble to witness the cutting of the dam. The operation is performed before sunrise, and many people spend the preceding night on the banks of the canal or in boats lit with lamps on the river, while fireworks are displayed and guns discharged at frequent intervals. Before sunrise a great number of workmen begin to cut the dam, and the task is accomplished about an hour before the sun appears on the horizon. When only a thin ridge of earth remains, a boat with an officer on board is propelled against it, and breaking through the slight barrier descends with the rush of water into the canal. The Governor of Cairo flings a purse of gold into the boat as it passes. Formerly the custom was to throw money into the canal. The populace Sirius with great attention, and drew 1 E. W. Lane, J/anners and onnens from it as to the salubrity or Customs of the A/odern Egyptians unhealthiness of the year that was to (Paisley and London, 1895), ch. xxvi. follow (Cicero, ZX divinaſtone, i. 57. pp. 499 sy. Ceremonies observed in Egypt at the cutting of the dams early in August. I 3O). 232 A&M 7TES OF /A*A*/GA T/O/V IBOOK III used to dive after it, and several lives were generally lost in the scramble." This practice also would seem to be ancient, for Seneca tells us that at a place called the Veins of the Nile, not far from Philae, the priests used to cast money and offerings of gold into the river at a festival which apparently took place at the rising of the water.” § 3. Rites of Sowing The next great operation of the agricultural year in Egypt is the sowing of the seed in November, when the water of the inundation has retreated from the fields. With the Egyptians, as with many peoples of antiquity, the Com- mitting of the seed to the earth assumed the character of a solemn and mournful rite. On this subject I will let Plutarch speak for himself. “What,” he asks, “are we to make of the gloomy, joyless, and mournful sacrifices, if it is wrong either to omit the established rites or to confuse and disturb our conceptions of the gods by absurd suspicions P For the Greeks also perform many rites which resemble those of the Egyptians and are observed about the same time. Thus at the festival of the Thesmophoria in Athens women sit on the ground and fast. And the Boeotians open the vaults of the Sorrowful One,” naming that festival sorrowful because Demeter is sorrowing for the descent of the Maiden. The month is the month of sowing about the setting of the Pleiades." The Egyptians call it Athyr, the Athenians Pyanepsion, the Boeotians the month of Demeter. Theopompus informs us that the western peoples consider and call the winter Cronus, the summer Aphrodite, and the spring Proserpine, and they believe that all things are brought into being by Cronus and Aphrodite. The Phrygians imagine that the god sleeps in winter and wakes The sowing of the seed in November. Plutarch on the mournful character of the rites of Sowing. | E. W. Lane, op. ciſ. pp. 500-504. * Seneca, AWa/ura/es Quaes/lones, iv. 2. 7. The cutting of the dams is men- tioned by Diodorus Siculus (i. 36. 3). ° Tàs 'AXatas. Plutarch derives the name from &xos, “pain,” “grief.” As to the vaults (uéºyapa) of Demeter see Pausanias, ix. 8. I ; Scholiast on Lucian, ZXia/, //ere/r. ii. pp. 275 sq. ed. H. Rabe. * In antiquity the Pleiades set at dawn about the end of October or early in November. See L. Ideler, /Zajedörſch der /a//hemiaſischewa and /echnischen Chromo/ogie, i. 242 ; Aug. Mommsen, Chronologie (Leipsic, 1883), pp. 16, 27; G. F. Unger, in Iwan Müller’s Aſandſ atch der classischerz A//er/u/lswissenschaft, i. pp. 558, 585. CHAP. III A’ATES OF SO W/AWG 233 in summer, and accordingly they celebrate with Bacchic rites the putting him to bed in winter and his awakening in summer. The Paphlagonians allege that he is bound fast and shut up in winter, but that he stirs and is set free in spring. And the season furnishes a hint that the sadness is for the hiding of those fruits of the earth which the ancients esteemed, not indeed gods, but great and necessary gifts bestowed by the gods in order that men might not lead the life of savages and of wild beasts. For it was that time of year when they saw some of the fruits vanishing and failing from the trees, while they sowed others grudgingly and with difficulty, scraping the earth with their hands and huddling it up again, on the uncertain chance that what they deposited in the ground would ever ripen and come to maturity. Thus they did in many respects like those who bury and mourn their dead. And just as we say that a purchaser of Plato's books purchases Plato, or that an actor who plays the comedies of Menander plays Menander, so the men of old did not hesitate to call the gifts and products of the gods by the names of the gods themselves, thereby honouring and glorifying the things on account of their utility. But in after ages simple folk in their ignorance applied to the gods statements which only held true of the fruits of the earth, and so they came not merely to say but actually to believe that the growth and decay of plants, on which they subsisted," were the birth and the death of gods. Thus they fell into absurd, immoral, and confused ways of thinking, though all the while the absurdity of the fallacy was manifest. Hence Xenophones of Colophon declared that if the Egyptians deemed their gods divine they should not weep for them, and that if they wept for them they should not deem them divine. “For it is ridiculous,” said he, “to lament and pray that the fruits would be good enough to grow and ripen again in order that they may again be eaten and lamented.” But he was wrong, for though the lamentations are for the fruits, the prayers are addressed to the gods, as the causes and givers of them, that they would be pleased to make fresh fruits to spring up instead of those that perish.” “ * Tâs trapova tas Tóv dvaykatov ka? * Plutarch, Zsis et Osiris, 69- dToxpºets. 7 I. 234 A’ATES OF SO IV/AWG BOOK II l º In this interesting passage Plutarch expresses his belief V1&W that º e the worship that the worship of the fruits of the earth was the result of # º a verbal misapprehension or disease of language, as it has l’ll] lS Ol the earth been called by a modern School of mythologists, who explain * the Origin of myths in general on the same easy principle of verbal metaphors misunderstood. Primitive man, on Plutarch's wº theory, firmly believed that the fruits of the earth on which he subsisted were not themselves gods but merely the gifts of the gods, who were the real givers of all good things. Yet at the same time men were in the habit of bestowing on these divine products the names of their divine creators, either Out of gratitude or merely for the sake of brevity, as when we say that a man has bought a Shakespeare or acted Molière, when we mean that he has bought the works of Shakespeare or acted the plays of Molière. This abbreviated mode of expression was misunderstood in later times, and so people came to look upon the fruits of the earth as them- selves divine instead of as being the work of divinities: in short, they mistook the creature for the creator. In like manner Plutarch would explain the Egyptian worship of animals as reverence done not so much to the beasts them- selves as to the great god who displays his divine handiwork in Sentient organisms even more than in the most beautiful and wonderful works of inanimate nature." Plutarch's The comparative study of religion has proved that these th ...} t g te * > º º ... theories of Plutarch are an inversion of the truth. Fetishism, of the or the view that the fruits of the earth and things in general truth : divi imated b ful spirits, is not, as Plutarch fetishism are C11V1ne Or an1mated by powerful spirits, 1s not, as PlutarC is the imagined, a late corruption of a pure and primitive theism, antecedent g * not the "" which regarded the gods as the creators and givers of all º good things. On the contrary, fetishism is early and theism is late in the history of mankind. In this respect Xenophones, whom Plutarch attempts to correct, displayed a much truer insight into the mind of the savage. To weep crocodile tears over the animals and plants which he kills and eats, and to pray them to come again in order that they may be again eaten and again lamented—this may seem absurd to us, but it is precisely what the savage does. And from his point of view the proceeding is not at all absurd but | Plutarch, Isis el Osiris, 77. CHAP. III A&M 7-ES OF SO W/AWG 235 perfectly rational and well calculated to answer his ends. For he sincerely believes that animals and fruits are tenanted by spirits who can harm him if they please, and who cannot but be put to considerable inconvenience by that destruction of their bodies which is unfortunately inseparable from the processes of mastication and digestion. What more natural, therefore, than that the savage should offer excuses to the beasts and the fruits for the painful necessity he is under of consuming them, and that he should endeavour to alleviate their pangs by soft words and an air of respectful sympathy, in order that they may bear him no grudge, and may in due time come again to be again eaten and again lamented P Judged by the standard of primitive manners the attitude of the walrus to the oysters was strictly correct. “I weeſ for you,” ſhe Walrus said: “I deep/y sympathise.” Wiſ/: sobs and fears /he sorted out Those of the largest size, Aſolding his ſocket-hand/ºerchief Before / is streaming eyes. Many examples of such hypocritical lamentations for Respect animals, drawn not from the fancy of a playful writer but º from the facts of savage life, could be cited." Here I for the ºp gº fruits and shall quote the general statement of a writer on the Indians the animals of British Columbia, because it covers the case of vegetable * as well as of animal food. After describing the respectful welcome accorded by the Stlatlum Indians to the first “sock-eye’ salmon which they have caught in the season, he goes on : “The significance of these ceremonies is easy to perceive when we remember the attitude of the Indians towards nature generally, and recall their myths relating to the salmon, and their coming to their rivers and streams. Nothing that the Indian of this region eats is regarded by him as mere food and nothing more. Not a single plant, animal, or fish, or other object upon which he feeds, is looked upon in this light, or as something he has secured for himself by his own wit and skill. He regards it rather as something which has been voluntarily and compassionately | The Golden Bough,” ii. 389 sqq. More examples will be given in the third edition of that book. 236 A’/TAES OF SO VV/AVG I3OOK III Thus the lamenta- tions of the Sower become intelligible. placed in his hands by the goodwill and consent of the ‘Spirit’ of the object itself, or by the intercession and magic of his culture-heroes ; to be retained and used by him only upon the fulfilment of certain conditions. These conditions include respect and reverent care in the killing or plucking of the animal or plant and proper treatment of the parts he has no use for, Such as the bones, blood, and offal ; and the depositing of the same in some stream or lake, so that the object may by that means renew its life and physical form. The practices in connection with the killing of animals and the gathering of plants and fruits all make this quite clear, and it is only when we bear this attitude of the savage towards nature in mind that we can hope to rightly under- stand the motives and purposes of many of his strange customs and beliefs.” " We can now understand why among many peoples of antiquity, as Plutarch tells us, the time of sowing was a time of sorrow. The laying of the seed in the earth was a burial of the divine element, and it was fitting that like a human burial it should be performed with gravity and the semblance, if not the reality, of sorrow. Yet they sorrowed not without hope, perhaps a sure and certain hope, that the seed which they thus committed with sighs and tears to the ground would yet rise from the dust and yield fruit a hundredfold to the reaper. “They that sow in tears shall reap in joy. He that goeth forth and weepeth, bearing precious seed, shall doubtless come again with rejoicing, bringing his sheaves with him.”” § 4. Rites of Harvest The Egyptian harvest, as we have seen, falls not in autumn but in spring, in the months of March, April, and May. To the husbandman the time of harvest, at least in a good year, must necessarily be a season of joy : in bringing home his sheaves he is requited for his long and anxious labours. Yet if the old Egyptian farmer felt a secret joy Lamenta- tions of the Egyptian COTI) - reapers. 1 C. Hill Tout, “Report on the Am/hro/ologica/ Institute, xxxv. (1905) Ethnology of the Stlatlum Indians of pp. 140 sq. British Columbia,” /ournal of //e * Psalm cxxvi. 5 sq. CHAP. III /*/TES OF HAR VEST 237 at reaping and garnering the grain, it was essential that he should conceal the natural emotion under an air of profound dejection. For was he not severing the body of the corn- god with his sickle and trampling it to pieces under the hoofs of his cattle on the threshing-floor P’ Accordingly we are told that it was an ancient custom of the Egyptian corn- reapers to beat their breasts and lament over the first sheaf cut, while at the same time they called upon Isis.” The invocation seems to have taken the form of a melancholy chant, to which the Greeks gave the name of Maneros. Similar plaintive strains were chanted by corn-reapers in Phoenicia and other parts of western Asia.” Probably all these doleful ditties were lamentations for the corn-god killed by the sickles of the reapers. In Egypt the slain deity was Osiris, and the name Maneros applied to the dirge appears to be derived from certain words meaning “Come to thy house,” which often occur in the lamentations for the dead god." Ceremonies of the same Sort have been observed by Similar other peoples, probably for the same purpose. Thus we are º told that among all vegetables Corn (se/u), by which is by the apparently meant maize, holds the first place in the house- º hold economy and the ceremonial observance of the in the Cherokee Indians, who invoke it under the name of “the º Old Woman" in allusion to a myth that it sprang from corn. the blood of an old woman killed by her disobedient sons. “Much ceremony accompanied the planting and tending of the crop. Seven grains, the Sacred number, were put into each hill, and these were not afterwards thinned out. After the last working of the crop, the priest and an assistant— generally the owner of the field—went into the field and built a small enclosure in the centre. Then entering it, they seated themselves upon the ground, with heads bent * As to the Egyptian modes of iv. 54 ; Pausanias, ix. 29. 7 ; Athen- reaping and threshing see Sir J. aeus, xiv. II sy., pp. 618-62o. As to Gardiner Wilkinson, A/anners and these songs see The Goſden Borgh,.” Cus/o/ls of the 21ſºcie/l/ Zgy'ſſians ii. 223 s/., 252, 257 sºy. - (London, I878), ii. 4 I 9 $/7. ; A. Erman, Aegy//eſt und acgr//isches * H. Brugsch, Adonisk/age und. Ileben ºn A//ey////?, pp. 572 Søy. Zºnos/ºed' (Berlin, 1852), p. 24, cor- * Diodorus Siculus, i. I4. 2. rected by A. Wiedemann, Aſerodo/s 3 Herodotus, ii. 79 ; Julius Pollux, gweiſes Auſch, p. 336. 238 A&M 7TES OF AZA A' VES 7" IBOOK III down, and while the assistant kept perfect silence the priest, with rattle in hand, sang Songs of invocation to the spirit of the corn. Soon, according to the orthodox belief, a loud rustling would be heard outside, which they would know was caused by the “Old Woman' bringing the corn into the field, but neither must look up until the song was finished. This ceremony was repeated on four successive nights, after which no one entered the field for seven other nights, when the priest himself went in, and, if all the sacred regulations had been properly observed, was rewarded by finding young ears upon the stalks. The corn ceremonies could be per- formed by the owner of the field himself, provided he was willing to pay a sufficient fee to the priest in order to learn the songs and ritual. Care was always taken to keep a clean trail from the field to the house, so that the corn might be encouraged to stay at home and not go wandering elsewhere. Most of these customs have now fallen into dis- use excepting among the old people, by many of whom they are still religiously observed. Another curious ceremony, of which even the memory is now almost forgotten, was enacted after the first working of the corn, when the owner or priest stood in succession at each of the four corners of the field and wept and wailed loudly. Even the priests are now unable to give a reason for this performance, which may have been a lament for the bloody death of Selu,” the Old Woman of the Corn." In these Cherokee practices the lamentations and the invocations of the Old Woman of the Corn resemble the ancient Egyptian customs of lament- ing over the first corn cut and calling upon Isis, herself probably an Old Woman of the Corn. Further, the Cherokee precaution of leaving a clear path from the field to the house resembles the Egyptian invitation to Osiris, “Come to thy house.” Just as the Egyptians lamented at cutting the corn, so the Karok Indians of California lament at hewing the sacred wood for the fire in the assembly - room. The wood must be cut from a tree on the top of the highest [amenta- tions of Indians at cutting sacred Wood. 1 J. Mooney, “Myths of the 423 sy. I do not know what precisely Cherokee,” Mineteen//, Annual A'e- the writer means by “the last working /orſ of the Bureau of American of the crop" and “the first working of /2/h/mo/ogy (Washington, 1900), pp. the corn.” C[IAP. III AºA 7TES OF AZA R VEST 239 hill. In lopping off the boughs the Indian weeps and sobs piteously, shedding real tears, and at the top of the tree he leaves two branches and a top-knot, resembling a man's head and outstretched arms. Having descended from the tree he binds the wood in a faggot and carries it back to the assembly - room, blubbering all the way. If he is asked why he thus weeps at cutting and fetching the sacred fuel, he will either give no answer or say simply that he does it for luck.' We may suspect that his real motive is to appease the wrath of the tree-spirit, many of whose limbs he has amputated, though he took care to leave him two arms and a head. The conception of the corn-spirit as old and dead at Arab harvest is very clearly embodied in an Arab custom. When jº, the harvesters have nearly finished their task and only a “the old small corner of the field remains to be reaped, the owner *" takes a handful of wheat tied up in a sheaf. A hole is dug in the form of a grave, and two stones are set upright, one at the head and the other at the foot, just as in an ordinary burial. Then the sheaf of wheat is laid at the bottom of the grave, and the sheikh pronounces these words, “The old man is dead.” Earth is afterwards thrown in to cover the sheaf, with a prayer, “May Allah bring us back the wheat of the dead.” ” 1 S. Powers, Tribes of California, 1903, p. 258. The customs reported p. 25. in this article are practised by the * Fr. A. Janssen, “Coutumes Arabs in the neighbourhood of Mādabá Arabes,” A'evue Aib/igue, I* avril and Kérak. C H A P T E R IV THE OFFICIAL FESTIVALS OF OSIRIS § I. The Festival at Sais SUCH, then, were the principal events of the farmer's calendar in ancient Egypt, and such the simple religious rites by which he celebrated them. But we have still to consider the Osirian festivals of the official calendar, so far as these are described by Greek writers or recorded on the monu- ments. In examining them it is necessary to bear in mind that on account of the movable year of the old Egyptian calendar the true or astronomical dates of the official festivals must have varied from year to year, at least until the adoption of the fixed Alexandrian year in 30 B.C. From that time onward, apparently, the dates of the festivals were deter- mined by the new calendar, and so ceased to rotate throughout the length of the solar year. At all events Plutarch, writing about the end of the first century, implies that they were then fixed, not movable ; for though he does not mention the Alexandrian calendar he clearly dates the festivals by it." Moreover, the long festal calendar of With the adoption of the Alex- andrian year in 30 B.C. the Egyptian festivals ceased to l'Otate through the natural year. 1 Thus with regard to the Egyptian month of Athyr he tells us that the sun was then in the sign of the Scorpion (Zsis eſ Osiris, I 3), that Athyr corresponded to the Athenian month Pyanepsion and the Boeotian month Damatrius (oft, ci/. 69), that it was the month of sowing (76.), that in it the Nile sank, the earth was laid bare by the retreat of the inundation, the leaves fell, and the nights grew longer than the days (op. ciſ. 39). These indications agree on the whole with the date of Athyr in the Alexan- drian calendar, namely October 28- November 26. Again, he says (o/. ci/. 43) that the festival of the begin- ning of spring was held at the new moon of the month Phanemoth, which, in the Alexandrian calendar, corresponded to February 24-March 26. Further, he tells us that a festival was celebrated on the 23rd of Phaophi aſter the autumn equinox (op. ci/. 52), and in the Alexandrian calendar Phaophi began on September 28, 24O BIK, III. CH. IV THE FES 7"YVAZ. A 7" SA WS 24 I Esne, an important document of the Imperial age, is obviously based on the fixed Alexandrian year; for it assigns the mark for New Year's Day to the day which corresponds to the twenty-ninth of August, which was the first day of the Alexandrian year, and its references to the rising of the Nile, the position of the sun, and the operations of agriculture are all in harmony with this supposition." Thus we may take it as fairly certain that from 3 O B.C. onwards the Egyptian festivals were stationary in the solar year. Herodotus tells us that the grave of Osiris was at Sais The in Lower Egypt, and that there was a lake there upon which sufferings of Osiris the sufferings of the god were displayed as a mystery by displayed &l night.” S Q. This commemoration of the divine passion was mystery held once a year : the people mourned and beat their at Sais breasts at it to testify their sorrow for the death of the god ; and an image of a cow, made of gilt wood with a golden Sun between its horns, was carried out of the chamber in which it stood the rest of the year.” The cow no doubt represented Isis herself, for cows were sacred to her, and she was regularly depicted with the horns of a cow on her head.” It is probable that the carrying out of her cow-shaped image symbolised the goddess searching for the dead body of Osiris ; for this was the native Egyptian interpretation of a similar, if not the same, ceremony which was observed in Plutarch's time about the winter solstice.” was the nocturnal of the festival A great feature The • te º D illumina- illumination. People ...". fastened rows of oil-lamps to the outside of their houses, houses and the lamps burned all night long. a few days after the autumn equinox. Once more, he observes that another festival was held after the spring equinox (op. ciſ. 65), which inplies the use of a fixed solar year. See G. Parthey in his edition of Plutarch's Zsis cé Osiris, pp. I 65- 169. 1 II. ZXie Zlºgy//ologie, 1). 355. * Herodotus, ii. 170. * Herodotus, ii. 129-132. * Herodotus, ii. 4 I, with Prof. A. Wiedemann's note (Herodots gweiſes Złuch, pp. 187 sqq.); Diodorus Siculus, i. I I. 4; Aelian, De natura Brugsch, throughout The custom was not ..., the night anima/iu/, x. 27 ; Plutarch, /sis and of the Osiris, 19 and 39. According to festival Prof. Wiedemann “the Egyptian suggests name of the cow of Isis was hes-É, that the and this is one of the rare cases in º wº which the name of the sacred animal A. § * - º Oll!.S. agrees with that of the deity.” Hest was the usual Egyptian form of the name which the Greeks and Romans represented as Isis. See R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Al/itologia Ægizia, pp. 813 sqq. 6 Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 52. The interpretation is accepted by Prof. A. Wiedemann (Herodot's zweites Buch, p. 482). See below, p. 257. R 242 THE FESTY WA/L A 7" SA/S ROOK III confined to Sais, but was observed throughout the whole of Egypt." This universal illumination of the houses on one night of the year suggests that the festival may have been a com- memoration not merely of the dead Osiris but of the dead in general, in other words, that it may have been a night of All Souls.” For it is a wide-spread belief that the souls of the dead revisit their old homes on one night in the year ; and on that Solemn occasion people prepare for the recep- tion of the ghosts by laying out food for them to eat, and lighting lamps to guide them on their darkling road from and to the grave. The following instances will illustrate the custom. § 2. Feasts of A // Souls The Esquimaux of St. Michael and the lower Yukon River hold a festival of the dead every year at the end of November or the beginning of December, as well as a greater festival at intervals of several years. On these occasions food, drink, and clothes are provided for the returning ghosts in the Aashim or clubhouse of the village, which is illuminated with oil lamps. Every man or woman who wishes to honour a dead friend sets up a lamp on a stand in front of the place which the deceased used to occupy in the clubhouse. These lamps, filled with seal oil, are kept burning day and night till the festival is over. They are believed to light the shades on their return to their old home and back again to the land of the dead. If any one fails to put up a lamp in the clubhouse and to keep it burning, the shade whom he or she desires to honour could not find its way to the place and so would miss the feast. On the eve of the festival the nearest male relation goes to the grave and summons the ghost by planting there a small model of a Seal Spear or of a wooden dish, accord- ing as the deceased was a man or a woman. The totems of 1 Herodotus, ii. 62. Erman, in Zeiſschriſt ſºir àg//ische * In the period of the Middle King- Sprache und A//er//iu/us/unde, 1882, dom the Egyptians of Siut used to p. 164: id., Aegy//en und aegy//isches Annual festival of the dead among the Esqui- II) ºut! X. light lamps for the dead on the last Zeben in A//er/um, pp. 434 sq.) day and the first day of the year (A. CHAP, IV AºA.A.STS OF A L/L SOULS 243 the dead are marked on these implements. When all is ready, the ghosts gather in the fire-pit under the clubhouse, and ascending through the floor at the proper moment take possession of the bodies of their namesakes, to whom the offerings of food, drink, and clothing are made for the benefit of the dead. Thus each shade obtains the supplies he needs in the other world. The dead who have none to make offerings to them are believed to suffer great destitution. Hence the Esquimaux fear to die without leaving behind them some one who will sacrifice to their spirits, and child- less people generally adopt children lest their shades should be forgotten at the festivals. When a person has been much disliked, his ghost is sometimes purposely ignored, and that is deemed the severest punishment that could be inflicted upon him. After the songs of invitation to the dead have been sung, the givers of the feast take a small portion of food from every dish and cast it down as an offering to the shades; then each pours a little water on the floor so that it runs through the cracks. In this way they believe that the spiritual essence of all the food and water is conveyed to the souls. The remainder of the food is afterwards distributed among the people present, who eat of it heartily. Then with songs and dances the feast comes to an end, and the ghosts are dismissed to their own place. Dances form a conspicuous feature of the great festival of the dead, which is held every few years. The dancers dance not only in the clubhouse but also at the graves and on the ice, if the deceased met their death by drowning." The Indians of California used to observe annual cere-Annual monies of mourning for the dead,” at some of which the souls...a of the departed were represented by living persons. Ten among the Indians of or more men would prepare themselves to play the part of . the ghosts by fasting for several days, especially by abstaining from flesh. Disguised with paint and soot, adorned with feathers and grasses, they danced and sang in the village or rushed about in the forest by night with burning torches in their hands. After a time they presented themselves to the 1 E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo p. 363. about Bering Strait,” Fighteenth Annual Ā’eport of f/e Bureau of ° S. Powers, Tribes of California, Athnology, pt. i. (Washington, 1899) pp. 328, 355, 356, 384. 244 FEASTS OF A LL SO Ú/ZS IBOOI& III relations of the deceased, who looked upon these maskers as in very truth their departed friends and received them accordingly with an outburst of lamentation, the old women scratching their own faces and smiting their breasts with stones in token of mourning. These masquerades were generally held in February. During their continuance a strict fast was observed in the village." Among the Konkaus of California the dance of the dead is always held about the end of August and marks their New Year's Day. They collect a large quantity of food, clothing, baskets, ornaments, and whatever else the spirits are supposed to need in the other world. These they hang on a semicircle of boughs or small trees, cut and set in the ground leafless. In the centre burns a great fire, and hard by are the graves. The ceremony begins at evening and lasts till daybreak. As darkness falls men and women sit on the graves and wail for the dead of the year. Then they dance round the fire with frenzied yells and whoops, casting from time to time the offerings into the flames. All must be consumed before the first faint streaks of dawn appear in the East.” The Miztecs of Mexico believed that the souls of the dead came back in the twelfth month of every year, which corresponded to our November. On this day of All Souls the houses were decked out to welcome the spirits. Jars of food and drink were set on a table in the principal room, and the family went out with torches to meet the ghosts and invite them to enter. Then returning themselves to the house they knelt around the table, and with eyes bent on the ground prayed the souls to accept of the offerings and to procure the blessings of the gods upon the family. Thus they remained on bended knees and with downcast eyes till the morning, not daring to look at the table lest they should offend the spirits by spying on them at their meal. Annual festival of the dead among the Miztecs of Mexico. * Kostromitonow, “Bemerkungen tiber die Indianer in Ober-Kalifornien,” in Baer and Helmersen's ſeiſräge zur A ºn/t/miss des russischen /('eiches, i. (St. Petersburg, 1839) pp. 88 sq. The natives of the western islands of Torres Straits used to hold a great death- dance at which disguised men per- Sonated the ghosts of the lately deceased, mimicking their character- istic gait and gestures. Women and children were supposed to take these mummers for real ghosts. See A. C. Haddon, in A'e/or/s of //e Cambridge An//ropological Zxpedition ſo Zorres S/raiſy, v. 252-256. * S. Powers, 7%ribes of California, pp. 437 37, CHAP, IV ACEA STS OF A LL SOULS 245 With the first beams of the sun they rose, glad at heart. The jars of food which had been presented to the dead were given to the poor or deposited in a secret place." The Indians of Santiago Tepehuacan believe that the souls of their dead return to them on the night of the eighteenth of October, the festival of St. Luke, and they sweep the roads in order that the ghosts may find them clean on their passage.” Again, the natives of Sumba, an East Indian island, Annual celebrate a New Year's festival, which is at the same time a º: f festival of the dead. The graves are in the middle of the in Sumba. village, and at a given moment all the people repair to them and raise a loud weeping and wailing. Then after indulging for a short time in the national pastimes they disperse to their houses, and every family calls upon its dead to come back. The ghosts are believed to hear and accept the invitation. Accordingly betel and areca nuts are set out for them. Victims, too, are sacrificed in front of every house, and their hearts and livers are offered with rice to the dead. After a decent interval these portions are distri- buted amongst the living, who consume them and banquet gaily on flesh and rice, a rare event in their frugal lives. Then they play, dance, and sing to their heart's content, and the festival which began so lugubriously ends by being the merriest of the year. A little before daybreak the invisible guests take their departure. All the people turn out of their houses to escort them a little way. Holding in one hand the half of a cocoa-nut, which contains a small packet of provisions for the dead, and in the other hand a piece of smouldering wood, they march in procession, singing a drawling song to the accompaniment of a gong and waving the lighted brands in time to the music. So they move through the darkness till with the last words of the song they throw away the cocoa-nuts and the brands in the ! Brasseur de Bourbourg, Æs/oire des maſions civilisées du /l/civique et de l”.1/lºrique-Centrale, iii. 23 sq. ; H. H. Bancroft, AWa/ive A'accs of the Pacific Safes, ii. 623. Similar cus- toms are still practised by the Indians of a great part of Mexico and Central America (Brasseur de Bourbourg, op. ci/. iii. 24, note I). * “Lettre du curé de Santiago Tepehuacan à son évêque,” Bulletin de /a Société de Géographie (Paris), II* Série, ii. (1834) p. 179. 246 FAZAS TS OF A L/L SOU/CS BOOK III direction of the spirit-land, leaving the ghosts to wend their way thither, while they themselves return to the village." The Bghais, a Karen tribe of Burmah, hold an annual feast for the dead at the new moon which falls near the end of August or the beginning of September. All the villagers who have lost relatives within the last three years take part in it. Food and drink are set out on tables for the ghosts, and new clothes for them are hung up in the room. All being ready, the people beat gongs and begin to weep. Each one calls upon the relation whom he has lost to come and eat. When the dead are thought to have arrived, the living address them, saying, “You have come to me, you have returned to me. It has been raining hard, and you must be wet. Dress yourselves, clothe yourselves with these new garments, and all the companions that are with you. Eat betel together with all that accompany you, all your friends and associates, and the long dead. Call them all to eat and drink.” The ghosts having finished their repast, the people dry their tears and sit down to eat what is left. More food is then prepared and put into a basket, and at cock - crow next morning the contents of the basket are thrown out of the house, while the living weep and call upon their dead as before.” The great festival of the dead in Cambodia takes place on the last day of the month Phatrabot (September-October), but ever since the moon began to wane everybody has been busy preparing for it. In every house cakes and Sweet- meats are set out, candles burn, incense sticks Smoke, and the whole is offered to the ancestral shades with an invoca- tion which is thrice repeated : “O all you our ancestors who are departed, deign to come and eat what we have prepared for you, and to bless your posterity and make it happy.” Fifteen days afterwards many little boats are made of bark and filled with rice, cakes, small coins, smoking incense- Annual festival of the dead among the Bghais. Annual festival of the dead in Cambodia. 1 S. Roos, “Bijdrage tot de kennis van taal, land en volk op het eiland Soemba,” Ver/anae/ingen zan /ie/ Ba/aviaasch Genootschaft wan / uns/en en Weſenschaft/en, xxxvi. (1872) pp. 63-65. * Rev. F. Mason, D.D., “Physical Character of the Karens,” Journal of //e Asia/ic Socie/y of Bengal, 1866, part ii. pp. 29 sq. Lights are not men- tioned by the writer, but the festival being nocturnal we may assume that they are used for the convenience of the living as well as of the dead. In other respects the ceremonies are typical. CI-IAP. IV AºA.A.S 7'S OF AZAL SO Ú/CS' 247 sticks, and lighted candles. At evening these are set float- ing on the river, and the Souls of the dead embark in them to return to their own place. The living now bid them farewell. “Go to the lands,” they say, “go to the fields you inhabit, to the mountains, under the stones which are your abodes. Go away ! return In due time your sons and your grandsons will think of you. Then you will return, you will return, you will return.” The river is now covered with twinkling points of fire. But the current soon bears them away, and as they vanish one by one in the darkness the souls depart with them to the far country." In Tonquin, as in Sumba, the dead revisit their kinsfolk and their old homes at the New Year. From the hour of Annual midnight, when the New Year begins, no one dares to shut º, the door of his house for fear of excluding the ghosts, who Tonquin, begin to arrive at that time. Preparations have been made º to welcome and refresh them after their long journey. Beds and mats are ready for their weary bodies to repose upon, water to wash their dusty feet, slippers to comfort them, and canes to support their feeble steps. Candles burn on the domestic altar, and pastilles diffuse a fragrant odour. The people bow before the unseen visitors and beseech them to remember and bless their descendants in the coming year. Having discharged this pious duty they abstain from sweep- ing the houses for three days lest the dust should incom- mode the ghosts.” In Siam and Japan also the souls of the dead revisit their families for three days in every year, and the lamps which the Japanese kindle in multitudes on that occasion to light the spirits on their way have procured for the festival the name of the Feast of Lanterns. It is to be observed that in Siam, as in Tonquin and Sumba, the return of the ghosts takes place at the New Year.” * E. Aymonier, AVo/ice stºr /e Cam- 1883), pp. 205 sq. bodge (Paris, 1875), p. 59 ; A. Leclère, Me /31/ddhisme at Cambodge (Paris, 1899), pp. 374-376. The departure of the souls is described only by the latter writer. Compare E. Aymonier, “Notes sur les coutumes et croyances superstitieuses des Cambodgiens,” Cochinchine Zºrançaise, Excursions et A'econnaissances, No. 16 (Saigon, * The Goſden Aough,” iii. 85-87. * Mariny, Ale/aſion motº'cl/e et cz/rºcuse des 7'o','attſ/les & 77//1/2/277 ef de Lao (l’aris, 1666), pp. 25 I-253. For an account of the custom as observed in recent times see L. E. Louvet, / a Cochinchine A’e/gº’clºse (Paris, 1885), pp. 149-1 5 I. 248 PEASTS OF A LL SOULS BOOK III Annual festivals of the clead among the Chewsurs and Armenians. The Chewsurs of the Caucasus believe that the souls of the departed revisit their old homes on the Saturday night of the second week in Lent. This gathering of the dead is called the “Assembly of Souls.” The people spare no expense to treat the unseen guests handsomely, Beer is brewed and loaves of various shapes baked specially for the occasion." The Armenians celebrate the memory of the dead on many days of the year, burning incense and lighting tapers in their honour. One of their customs is to keep a “light of the dead" burning all night in the house in order that the ghosts may be able to enter. For if the spirits find the house dark, they spit down the chimney and depart, cursing the churlish inmates.” Similar beliefs survive to this day in many parts of Europe and find expression in similar customs. The day of the dead or of All Souls, as we call it, is commonly the second of November. Thus in Lower Brittany the souls of the departed come to visit the living on the eve of that day. After vespers are over, the priests and choir go in procession, “the procession of the charnel-house,” chanting a weird dirge in the Breton tongue. Then the people go home, gather round the fire, and talk of the departed. The house- wife covers the kitchen table with a white cloth, sets out cider, curds, and hot pancakes on it, and retires with the family to rest. The fire on the hearth is kept up by a huge log known as “the log of the dead " (ſºef ammu Amaon). Soon doleful voices outside in the darkness break the stillness of night. It is the “singers of death" who go about the streets waking the sleepers by a wild and melancholy song, in which they remind the living in their comfortable beds to pray for the poor souls in pain. All that night the dead warm themselves at the hearth and feast on the viands prepared for them. Sometimes the awe-struck listeners hear the stools creaking in the kitchen, or the dead leaves outside rustling under the ghostly footsteps.” In the Vosges Mountains on All Souls' Eve Feast of All Souls in Brittany and Other parts of France. * C. v. IIahn, “Religiöse An- Vo/sg/aube (Leipsic, 1899), pp. 23 sq. schauungen und Totengedachtnisſeier * A. le Braz, La Zégende de /a A/or/en. der Chewsuren,” Globus, lxxvi. (1899) /3asse-Breſagne (Paris, 1893), pp. 28o- pp. 2 II $7. 287, Compare J. Lecoeur, Esquisses * M. Abeghian, /)er armenische du Bocage Mormland, ii. 283 sqq. CHAP. IV F.E.A.STS OF A LL SOULS 249 the solemn sound of the church bells invites good Christians to pray for the repose of the dead. While the bells are ringing, it is customary in some families to uncover the beds and open the windows, doubtless in order to let the poor souls enter and rest. No one that evening would dare to remain deaf to the appeal of the bells. The prayers are prolonged to a late hour of the night. When the last De profundis has been uttered, the head of the family gently covers up the beds, sprinkles them with holy water, and shuts the windows. In some villages fire is kept up on the hearth and a basket of nuts is placed beside it for the use of the ghosts." Again, in some parts of Saintonge and Aunis a Candlemas candle used to be lit before the domestic crucifix on All Souls' Day at the very hour when the last deceased member of the family had died ; and some people, just as in Tonquin, refrained from Sweeping the house that day lest they should thereby disturb the poor souls.” In Bruges, Dinant, and other towns of Belgium holy Feast of candles burn all night in the houses on the Eve of All ſº Souls, and the bells toll till midnight, or even till morning, the Tºroi,” People, too, often set lighted candles on the graves. At ºn Scherpenheuvel the houses are illuminated, and the people walk in procession carrying lighted candles in their hands. A very common custom in Belgium is to eat “soul-cakes" or “soul-bread" on the eve or the day of All Souls. The eating of them is believed to benefit the dead in some way. At Dixmude and elsewhere they say that you deliver a soul from Purgatory for every cake you eat. At Antwerp they give a local colour to the soul-cakes by baking them with plenty of saffron, the deep yellow tinge being suggestive of the flames of Purgatory. same season are careful * L. F. Sauvé, Le folk-ſore des Aſaltſes- Vosges, pp. 295 sq. not to slam doors or for fear of hurting the ghosts.” People in Antwerp at the windows In the Tyrol “soul-lights,” * J. L. M. Noguès, Les moeurs d'autrefois en Sain/ongº et cut Aunis, p. 76. As to the observance of All Souls' Day in other parts of France see A. Meyrac, Zºraditions, couſtºmes, /gendes et conſes des 17-d'ennes, pp. 22-24; Ch. Beauquier, Zes mois ent Aºranche-Comté, pp. I 23-125. 8 Reinsberg-T)üringsfeld, Calendricr Beſge, ii. 236-240 ; id., Das fest/iche Jahr, pp. 229 sq. Soul-cakes are also eaten on this day in south Germany and Austria. They are baked of white flour, and are of a longish rounded 25O FEASTS OF A L/L SO (V/LS IBOOK III that is, lamps filled with lard or butter, are lighted and placed on the hearth on All Souls' Eve in order that the poor Souls, escaped from the fires of Purgatory, may anoint their burns with the melted grease and so alleviate their pangs. Some people also leave milk and dough-nuts for them on the table all night. The graves, too, are decked with flowers and illuminated with wax candles." Similar customs are observed at the same season in Bohemia, where children besides kindle small wax-lights which have been specially bought for the day.” The Letts used to entertain and feed the souls of the dead for four weeks from Michaelmas (September 29) to the day of St. Simon and St. Jude (October 28). They called the season Weſ/a/aicæ or Sem/ic/a, and regarded it as so holy that while it lasted they would not willingly thresh the corn, alleging that grain threshed at that time would be useless for sowing, since the souls of the dead would not allow it to sprout. But we may suspect that the original motive of the abstinence was a fear lest the blows of the flails should fall upon the poor ghosts Swarming in the air. At this season the people were wont to prepare food of all sorts for the spirits and set it on the floor of a room, which had been well heated and swept for the purpose. Late in the evening the master of the house went into the room, tended the fire, and called upon his dead kinsfolk by their names to come and eat and drink. If he saw the ghosts, he would die within the year; but if he did not see them he would outlive it. When he thought the souls had eaten and drunk enough, he took the staff which served as a poker and laying it on the threshold cut it in two with an axe. At the same time he bade the spirits the souls may slake their thirst. See Annual festivals of the clead among the Letts and Samagi- tians. Ch. Schneller, /ſ/archen and Sagen arts Wä/sc///ro/, p. 238. In Baden the shape with two small tips at each end (Das ſes//ic/e /a/.7, p. 330). As to these soul-cakes see also K. von Leo- prechting, Auſs dem Mechrain (Munich, I855), pp. I 99 sq. ; A, Berlinger, Voſ/s/ſizł//w/ic/hes aus Schwaben, ii. I67 sq. ! I. v. Zingerle, Si//em, Bräuche zend //ei/zungeſ, des 7'º'oſer Voſ/es,” pp. 176-178. In the Italian Tyrol some people set pitchers of water in the kitchen on All Souls’ night that inhabitants of many villages, Protestant as well as Catholic, still deck the graves with flowers and lights on All Saints' Day and All Souls’ Day. See E. H. Meyer, /3adisches /o/sleben (Strasburg, I 900), p. 6o I. * Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Ares/-/a/en- de” atts /*b/, //eſt, pp. 493-495, CHAP. IV AºA.A.S 7'S OF AZZ SOU/LS 25 I go their way, charging them to keep to the roads and paths and not to tread upon the rye. If the crops turned out ill next year, the people laid the failure at the door of the ghosts, who fancied themselves scurvily treated and had taken their revenge by trampling down the corn." The Samagitians annually invited the dead to come from their graves and enjoy a bath and a feast. For their entertain- ment they prepared a special hut, in which they set out food and drink, together with a seat and a napkin for every Soul who had been invited. They left the souls to revel by themselves for three days in the hut ; then they deposited the remains of the banquet on the graves and bade the ghosts farewell. The good things, however, were usually consumed by charcoal-burners in the forest. This feast of the dead fell early in November.” The Esthonians prepare a meal for their dead on All Souls' Day, the second of November, and invite them by their names to come and partake of it. The ghosts arrive in the early morning at the first cock-crow, and depart at the second, being cere- moniously lighted out of the house by the head of the family, who waves a white cloth after them and bids them come again next year.” In some parts of the Russian Government of Olonets Annual the inhabitants of a village sometimes celebrate a joint º festival in honour of all their dead. Having chosen a house in Russia. for the purpose, they spread three tables, one outside the front door, one in the passage, and one in the room which is heated by a stove. Then they go out to meet their unseen guests and usher them into the house with these words, “Ye are tired, our own ones ; take something to eat.” The ghosts accordingly refresh themselves at each table in succession. Then the master of the house bids them warm themselves at the stove, remarking that they must * P. Einhorn, in Scriptores Rerum Aſagazin herausgegeben von der ſet- Livonicarum, ii. (Riga and Leipsic, 1848) pp. 587, 598, 630 sq., 645 sq. See also the description of D. Fabricius in his “Livonicae Historiae com- pendiosa series,” ib. p. 44 I. Fabricius assigns the custom to All Souls' Day. * J. Lasicius, “De diis Samagit- arum caeterorumque Sarmatarum,” in fisch-/i/crarischen Gese//schaft, xiv. I (Mitau, 1868), p. 92. 3 F. J. Wiedemann, Arts dem inſtereſt tend àussern Leben der Ehsten, pp. 366 sq. ; Boecler - Kreutzwald, Der Ehs/en aberg/āubische Gebräuche, Il’eisen und Gewohnheiſen, p. 89. 252 FEASTS OF ALL SOULS BOOK III have grown cold in the damp earth. After that the living guests sit down to eat at the tables. Towards the end of the meal the host opens the window and lets the ghosts gently out of it by means of the shroud in which they were lowered into the grave. As they slide down it from the warm room into the outer air, the people tell them, “Now it is time for you to go home, and your feet must be tired ; the way is not a little one for you to travel. Here it is Festivals of softer for you. Now, in God's name, farewell!”.' Among º the Votiaks of Russia every family sacrifices to its dead votiaks once a year in the week before Palm Sunday. The sacrifice ** is offered in the house about midnight. Flesh, bread, or cakes and beer are set on the table, and on the floor beside the table stands a trough of bark with a lighted wax candle stuck on the rim. The master of the house, having covered his head with his hat, takes a piece of meat in his hand and says, “Ye spirits of the long departed, guard and preserve us well. Make none of us cripples. Send no plagues upon us. Cause the corn, the wine, and the food to prosper with us.”” The Votiaks of the Governments of Wiatka and Kasan celebrate two memorial festivals of the dead every year, one in autumn and the other in Spring. On a certain day koumiss is distilled, beer brewed, and potato scones baked in every house. All the members of a clan, who trace their descent through women from one mythical ancestress, assemble in a single house, generally in one which lies at the boundary of the clan land. Here an old man moulds wax candles; and when the requisite number is made he sticks them on the shelf of the stove, and begins to mention the dead relations of the master of the house by name. For each of them he crumbles a piece of bread, gives each of them a piece of pancake, pours koumiss and beer, and puts a spoonful of Soup into a trough made for the purpose. All persons present whose parents are dead follow his example. The dogs are then allowed to eat out of the trough. If they eat quietly, it is a sign that the dead live at peace; if they do not eat quietly, it argues the 1 W. R. S. Ralston, Songs of //he intervals. A’zassian Peop/e, pp. 32 I sy. The date of the ſestival is not mentioned. * M. Buch, Die Wo/yážem (Stuttgart, Apparently it is celebrated at irregular 1882), p. 145. - CHAP. l V FEASTS OF A LA. SOULS 253 contrary. Then the company sit down to table and partake of the meal. Next morning both the dead and the living refresh themselves with a drink, and a fowl is boiled. The proceedings are the same as on the evening before. But now they treat the souls for the last time as a preparation for their journey, saying : “Eat, drink, and go home to your companions. Live at peace, be gracious to us, keep Our children, guard our corn, our beasts and birds.” Then the people banquet and indulge in all sorts of improprieties. The women refrain from feasting until the dead have taken their departure ; but when the souls are gone, there is no longer any motive for abstinence, the koumiss circulates freely among the women, and they grow wanton. Yet at this, as at every other festival, the men and women eat in different parts of the room." On All Saints' Day, the first of November, shops and streets in the Abruzzi are filled with candles, which people buy in order to kindle them in the evening on the graves of their relations. For all the dead come to visit their homes that night, the Eve of All Souls, and they need lights to show them the way. For their use, too, lights are kept burning in the houses all night. Before people go to sleep they place on the table a lighted lamp or candle and a frugal meal of bread and water. The dead issue from their graves and stalk in procession through every street of the village. You can see them if you stand at a cross-road with your chin resting on a forked stick. First pass the souls of the good, and then the souls of the murdered and the damned. Once, they say, a man was thus peeping at the ghastly procession. The good Souls told him he had better go home. He did not, and when he saw the tail of the procession he died of fright.” A comparison of these European customs with the similar heathen rites can leave no room for doubt that the nominally Christian feast of All Souls is nothing but an old pagan festival of the dead which the Church, unable or 1 J. Wasiljev, Übersicht fiber die to the Votiak clans see the same work, Meidnischen Gebräuche, c1687.9/artóczz pp. 42-44. and A’e/igion der IPoſſaken (Helsing- * G. Finamore, Credenge, Úsi e Cos- fors, 1902), pp. 34 sq. (Alſómoires de tumi Abruggest (Palermo, 1890), pp. /a Société A'inno-Ottºrienne, xviii.). As ISO-182. Feast of All Souls in the Abruzzi. 254 AºA.A.STS OF A L/L SOU/LS BOOK III unwilling to suppress, resolved from motives of policy to connive at. But whence did it borrow the practice of solemnising the festival on that particular day, the second of November P In order to answer this question we should observe, first, that celebrations of this sort are often held at the beginning of a New Year,' and, second, that the peoples of north-western Europe, the Celts and the Teutons, appear to have dated the beginning of their year from the beginning of winter, the Celts reckoning it from the first of November * and the Teutons from the first of October.” The difference of reckoning may be due to a difference of clime, the home of the Teutons in central and northern Europe being a region where winter sets in earlier than on the more temperate and humid coasts of the Atlantic, the home of the Celts. These considerations suggest that the festival of All Souls on the second of November originated with the Celts, and spread from them to the rest of the European peoples, who, while they preserved their old feasts of the dead practically unchanged, may have transferred them to the second of November. This conjecture is supported by what we know of the ecclesiastical institution, or rather recognition of the festival. For that recognition was first accorded at the end of the tenth century in France, a Celtic country, from which the church festival gradually spread over Europe. It was Odilo, abbot of the great Benedictine monastery of Clugny, who initiated the change in 998 A.D. by Ordering that in all the monasteries over which he ruled, a Solemn mass should be celebrated on the second of November for all the dead who sleep in Christ. The example thus set was followed by The nominally Christian feast of All Souls on Nov. 2 appears to be an old Celtic festival of the dead adopted by the Church in 998 A. D. Michov, “De Sarmatia Asiana atque * See above, pp. 242, note 2, 244, 245, 247. * J. Rhys, Ce//ic //ea//endo/, pp. 460, 514 sq. ; d. “Celtae and Galli,” /*roceedings of //ie /3ri/s/. Academy, vol. ii. p. 8 (separate reprint). 3 K. Müllenhoff, /)au/sche A//er- /u/us/unde, iv. 379 sq. The first of October seems to have been a great ſestival among the Saxons and also the Samagitians. See Widukind, A’es gosſae Saxonicae, i. 12 (Migne's /a/ro/ogia Za/ina, cxxxvii. I 35); M. A. Europea,” in S. Grynaeus's Woznay Orbis /'égionum ac //tsu/arum veteri- bus incogn//aru/ (IBâle, 1532), p. 52O. I have to thank Mr. H. M. Chadwick for pointing out these two passages to me. Mr. A. Tille preſers to date the Teutonic winter ſrom Martinmas, the eleventh of November. See A. Tille, AJie Geschic//e der dent/schey, Weſ/l- ſlach/, pp. 23 sq/. ; O. Schrader, A'eaſ/exi/ºon der indogermanischen A//er/te/ts/ºunde, p. 395. CHAP, IW A.E.A.S 7'S OF A // SOU/CS' 255 other religious houses, and the bishops, one after another, introduced the new celebration into their dioceses. Thus the festival of All Souls gradually established itself through- out Christendom, though in fact the Church has never formally sanctioned it by a general edict nor attached much weight to its observance. Indeed, when objections were raised to the festival at the Reformation, the ecclesi- astical authorities seemed ready to abandon it." These facts are explained very simply by the theory that an old Celtic commemoration of the dead lingered in France down to the end of the tenth century, and was then, as a measure of policy and a concession to ineradicable paganism, at last incorporated in the Catholic ritual. The consciousness of the heathen origin of the practice would naturally prevent the supreme authorities from insisting strongly on its observance. They appear rightly to have regarded it as an outpost which they could surrender to the forces of rationalism without endangering the citadel of the faith. Perhaps we may go a step further and explain in like The feast manner the origin of the feast of All Saints on the first of 3. OI). November. For the analogy of similar customs elsewhere Nov. 1 would lead us to suppose that the old Celtic festival of the º dead was held on the Celtic New Year's Day, that is, on the displaced first, not the second, of November. May not then the sº institution of the feast of All Saints on that day have the dead. been the first attempt of the Church to give a colour of Christianity to the ancient heathen rite by substituting the saints for the souls of the dead as the true object of worship P The facts of history seem to countenance this hypothesis. For the feast of All Saints was instituted in France and Germany by order of the Emperor Lewis the Pious in 835 A.D., that is, about a hundred and sixty years before the introduction of the feast of All Souls. The innovation was made by the advice of the pope, Gregory IV., whose motive may well have been that of suppressing an old pagan custom which was still notoriously practised in France and Germany. The idea, however, was not a novel one, for the 1 A. J. Binterim, Die woreig/ic/s/en. Encyclopédie fºr fro/esſan/ische 7% co- Denkwärdigkeiſen der Christ-Aa/ho- logie und Aïrche,” i. 303 s), ; W. /ischen Kºrche, v. I (Mayence, 1829), Smith and S. Cheetham, Dictionary pp. 493 sy. ; Herzog und Plitt, Aea/- of Christian Antiquities, i. 57 sq. 256 FEASTS OF A LL SOULS T}OOK I I I testimony of Bede proves that in Britain, another Celtic country, the feast of All Saints on the first of November was already celebrated in the eighth century." We may con- jecture that this attempt to divert the devotion of the faithful from the souls of the dead to the saints proved a failure, and that finally the Church reluctantly decided to sanction the popular superstition by frankly admitting a feast of All Souls into the calendar. But it could not assign the new, or rather the old, festival to the old day, the first of November, since that was already occupied by the feast of All Saints. Accordingly it placed the mass for the dead on the next day, the second of November. On this theory the feasts of All Saints and of All Souls mark two successive efforts of the Catholic Church to eradicate an old heathen festival of the dead. Both efforts failed. “In all Catholic countries the day of All Souls has preserved the serious character of a festival of the dead which no worldly gaieties are allowed to disturb. It is then the sacred duty of the survivors to visit the graves of their loved ones in the churchyard, to deck them with flowers and lights, and to utter a devout prayer—a pious custom with which in cities like Paris and Vienna even the gay and frivolous comply for the sake of appearance, if not to Satisfy an impulse of the heart.”” § 3. The Festival in the Mont/, of Athy?" The foregoing evidence lends some support to the con- - jecture—for it is only a conjecture—that the great festival of Osiris at Sais, with its accompanying illumination of the houses, was a night of All Souls, when the ghosts of the dead swarmed in the Streets and revisited their old homes, which were lit up to welcome them back again. Herodotus, who briefly describes the festival, omits to mention its date, but we can determine it with Some probability from other 1 A. J. Binterim, o/, cit, v. I, pp. states that the ſeast of Saints on 487 sqq.; Herzog und Plitt, o/, ci/. the first of November was celebrated i. p. 303; W. Smith and S. Cheetham, at Rome. But the date of this par- /Dicţionary of Christian Antiquities, i. ticular Martyrology is disputed. See 57. In the last of these works a A. J. Binterim, o/, cit. v. I, pp. 52- Festival of the death and resur- rection of Osiris in the month of Athyr. passage from the Martyroſoften 54. Ā’omuanum Vetus is quoted which * Herzog und Plitt, o/, ci/. i. 304 cHAP. Iv THE FEST/VAL IN THE MONTH OF A TA, VR 257 sources. Thus Plutarch tells us that Osiris was murdered on the seventeenth of the month Athyr, and that the Egyptians accordingly observed mournful rites for four days from the seventeenth of Athyr." Now in the Alex- andrian calendar, which Plutarch used, these four days corresponded to the thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth of November, and this date answers exactly to the other indications given by Plutarch, who says that at the time of the festival the Nile was sinking, the north winds dying away, the nights lengthening, and the leaves falling from the trees. During these four days a gilt cow swathed in a black pall was exhibited as an image of Isis. This, no doubt, was the image mentioned by Herodotus in his account of the festival.” On the nineteenth day of the month the people went down to the sea, the priests carrying a shrine which contained a golden casket. Into this casket they poured fresh water, and thereupon the spectators raised a shout that Osiris was found. After that they took some vegetable mould, moistened it with water, mixed it with precious spices and incense, and moulded the paste into a small moon-shaped image, which was then robed and ornamented.” Thus it appears that the purpose of the ceremonies described by Plutarch was to represent dramatic- ally, first, the search for the dead body of Osiris, and, second, its joyful discovery, followed by the resurrection of the dead god who came to life again in the new image of vegetable mould and spices. Lactantius tells us how on these occasions the priests, with their shaven bodies, beat their breasts and lamented, imitating the sorrowful search of Isis for her lost son Osiris, and how afterwards their Sorrow was turned to joy when the jackal-headed god Anubis, or rather a mummer in his stead, produced a small * Plutarch, Zsis ef Osiris, 39. As p. 262 ; id., Die Ä'e/igion der aſten to the death of Osiris on the seven- Aſgy//cy, p. II 2. teenth of Athyr see ió. I 3 and 42. Plutarch's statement on this subject is confirmed by the evidence of the papyrus Sallier IV., a document dating from the 19th dynasty, which places the lamentation for Osiris at Sais on the seventeenth day of Athyr, See A. Wiedemann, Herodo/s Szweiſes Butch, * See above, p. 24.I. 3 Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 39. The words which I have translated “veget- able mould '' are yńv Káptrugov, literally, “fruitful earth.” The composition of the image was very important, as we shall see presently. S The finding of Osiris. 258 THE FESTIVAL IN THE MONTH OF A 7//YR Book III The great Osirian in- scription at Dendera. boy, the living representative of the god who was lost and was found." Thus Lactantius regarded Osiris as the son instead of the husband of Isis, and he makes no mention of the image of vegetable mould. It is probable that the boy who figured in the sacred drama played the part, not of Osiris, but of his son Horus; * but as the death and resurrection of the god were celebrated in many cities of Egypt, it is also possible that in some places the part of the god come to life was played by a living actor instead of by an image. Another Christian writer describes how the Egyptians, with shorn heads, annually lamented over a buried idol of Osiris, Smiting their breasts, slashing their shoulders, tearing open their old wounds, until, after several days of mourning, they professed to find the mangled remains of the god, at which they rejoiced.” However the details of the ceremony may have varied in different places, the pretence of finding the god's body, and probably of restoring it to life, was a great event in the festal year of the Egyptians. The shouts of joy which greeted it are described or alluded to by many ancient writers." § 4. The Festival in the Month of Choiak The funeral rites of Osiris, as they were observed at his great festival in the sixteen provinces of Egypt, are described in a long inscription of the Ptolemaic period, which is engraved on the walls of the god's temple at Dendera, the Tentyra of the Greeks, a town of Upper Egypt situated on the western bank of the Nile about forty miles north of Thebes.” Unfortunately, while the information thus furnished is remarkably full and minute On many points, the arrange- * Lactantius, Dizzyz. Ins/i/u/. i. 2 I ; fd., Z/i/ome Zns/. Dizin. 23 (18, ed. Brandt and Laubmann). The descrip- tion of the ceremony which Minucius Felix gives (Oc/azius, xxii. I) agrees closely with, and is probably copied from, that of Lactantius. * The suggestion is due to Prof. A. Wiedemann (A/erodo/s 270ciſes Auch, p. 26 I). 3 Firmicus Maternus, ZX errore pro- ſanarum religionum, ii. 3. IIerodotus tells (ii. 61) how the Carians cut their foreheads with knives at the mourning for Osiris. " In addition to the writers who have been already cited see Juvenal, viii. 29 sq. ; Athenagoras, Stºſſ/ica/io /7′o Chris/lawl?s, 22, pp. I I 2, I 14, ed. J. C. T. Otto ; Tertullian, Adversus Al/arcio/te//, i. 13 ; Augustine, /)e cizi/a/e /Xer, vi. Io. ° W. Smith, Dic/ionary of Greek and A'oſnan Geograft/y, ii. I 127. CHAP. Iv THE FESTIVAL MAV THE MONTH OF CA/OIAA 259 ment adopted in the inscription is so confused and the expression often so obscure that a clear and consistent account of the ceremonies as a whole can hardly be extracted from it. Moreover, we learn from the document that the ceremonies varied somewhat in the several cities, the ritual of Abydos, for example, differing from that of Busiris. With- Out attempting to trace all the particularities of local usage I shall briefly indicate what seem to have been the leading features of the festival, so far as these can be ascertained with tolerable certainty." The rites lasted eighteen days, from the twelfth to the The rites thirtieth of the month Choiak, and set forth the nature of º Osiris in his triple aspect as dead, dismembered, and finally month of reconstituted by the union of his scattered limbs. In the º first of these aspects he was called Chent-Ament, in the the god as second Osiris-Sep, and in the third Sokari.” Small images º of the god were moulded of sand or vegetable earth and and then corn, to which incense was sometimes added ; * his face was . painted yellow and his cheek-bones green.” These images º were cast in a mould of pure gold, which represented the scattered god in the form of a mummy, with the white crown of Egypt." on his head.” The festival opened on the twelfth day of Choiak with a ceremony of ploughing and sowing. Two black cows were yoked to the plough, which was made of tamarisk wood, while the share was of black copper. A boy * For complete translations of the inscription see H. Brugsch, “Das Osiris-Mysterium von Tentyra,” Zeiſ- schrift für ögyp/ische Sprache und A//crt/iumskunde, 1881, pp. 77-I I I ; V. Loret, “Les fêtes d’Osiris au mois de Khoiak,” Alecueil de Travaux relatifs & /a Philologie et à l'Archeſo/ogie AEgy//i- en/tes eſ' Assyriennes, iii. (1882) pp. 43- 57, iv. (1888) pp. 2 I-33, v. (1884) pp. 85-103. On the document and the festivals described in it see further A. Mariette-Pacha, Dendºrah (Paris, ISSO), pp. 334-347; J. Dümichen, “Die dem Osiris im Denderatempel geweihten Räume,” Zeitschrift flir àgyp/ische Sprache und .1//er/humskunde, 1882, pp. 88- IOI ; H. Brugsch, Ā’eligion wºnd /l/y/ho/ogie der aſteſt Acºjºſer, pp. 616-618; R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario & Al/č/o/oga Ağizia, pp. 725-744; A. Wiedemann, Herodots cºveites Auch, p. 262 ; id., “Osiris végétant,” Ze Al/uscion, N.S. iv. (1903) p. I I 3 ; E. A. Wallis Budge, Zhe God's of the AEgyptians, ii. 1 28 sq.; Miss Margaret A. Murray, 77te Osireion at Abydos (London, 1904), pp. 27 sq. * R. V. Lanzone, op. ciſ. p. 727. 3 H. Brugsch, in Zeitschrift fºr ôgyptische Sprache und Aſter/hi/mis- Ålande, 1881, pp. 80-82; A. Wiede- mann, in Le J/uscion, N.S. iv. (1903) p. I 13. The corn used in the making of the images is called barley by Brugsch and Miss M. A. Murray (ſ.c.), but wheat (b/d) by Mr. V. Loret. * H. Brugsch, op. cit, pp. 99, IOI. 5 H. Brugsch, oft. cit. pp. 82 sy. ; R. V. Lanzone, op. cit. p. 728 ; Miss Margaret A. Murray, o/, cit, p. 27. 26O TAZAZ /ſ/.S. 7/VA1/, //V THE MOAVT// OF CAE/O/A/K BOOK III scattered the seed. One end of the field was sown with barley, the other with spelt, and the middle with flax. During the operation the chief celebrant recited the ritual chapter of “the sowing of the fields.” . At Busiris on the twentieth of Choiak sand and barley were put in the god's “garden,” which appears to have been a sort of large flower- pot. This was done in the presence of the cow-goddess Shenty, represented seemingly by the image of a cow made of gilt Sycamore wood with a headless human image in its inside. “Then fresh inundation water was poured out of a golden vase over both the goddess and the ‘garden, and the barley was allowed to grow as the emblem of the resurrec- tion of the god after his burial in the earth, ‘for the growth of the garden is the growth of the divine substance.’” ” On the twenty-second of Choiak, at the eighth hour, the images of Osiris, attended by thirty-four images of deities, performed a mysterious voyage in thirty-four tiny boats made of papyrus, which were illuminated by three hundred and sixty- five lights.” On the twenty-fourth of Choiak, after sunset, the effigy of Osiris in a coffin of mulberry wood was laid in the grave, and at the ninth hour of the night the effigy which had been made and deposited the year before was removed and placed upon boughs of sycamore." Lastly, on the thirtieth day of Choiak they repaired to the holy sepulchre, a subterranean chamber over which appears to * H. BrugSch, o/, ci/. pp. 90 sq., 96 sq., 98 ; R. V. Lanzone, o/, cz/. pp. 743 sq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, 7%e Gods of //ie Ag//ians, ii. 128. Accord- ing to Lanzone, the ploughing took place, not on the first, but on the last day of the festival, namely, on the thirtieth of Choiak ; and that certainly appears to have been the date of the ploughing at Busiris, for the inscription directs that there “the ploughing of the earth shall take place in the Serapeum of Aa-n-Öeſ, under the fine Persea-trees on the last day of the month Choiak’ (II. Brugsch, off. ci/. p. 84). * Miss Margaret A. Murray, 7%e Osireion aſ Abydos, p. 28 ; H. Brugsch, off. ciſ, pp. 83, 92. The headless human image in the cow may have stood for Isis, who is said to have been decapitated by her son Horus, and to have received from Thoth a cow's head as a substitute (Plutarch, /sis eſ Osiris, 2O ; G. Maspero, AZisſoire ancienne, i. 177; Ed. Meyer, in W. H. Roscher's /exi/ºon d, griech. 24. 70/1. My/ho/ogie, ii. 366). * H. Brugsch, o/, ci/. pp. 92 sq. , R. V. Lanzone, o/, ci/. pp. 738-74O ; A. Wiedemann, //erodo/s ºweiſes /37tch, p. 262 ; Miss M. A. Murray, off. cit. J). 35. * H. Brugsch, oft. ciſ. p. 99 ; E. A. Wallis Budge, 7%e God's of //e /ºg//ians, ii. 129 ; compare Miss Margaret A. Murray, oft. ci. p. 28, who reſers the ceremony to the twenty- fiſth of Choiak. CHAP, IV T///Z /7/ZS 7/VA/C //V T///E MOAVZ // OF CA/OAA/K 26 I have grown a clump of Persea-trees. Entering the vault by the western door, they laid the coffined effigy of the dead god reverently on a bed of sand in the chamber. So they left him to his rest, and departed from the sepulchre by the eastern door. Thus ended the ceremonies in the month of Choiak." § 5. The A'esurrection of Oszzi's In the foregoing account of the festival, drawn from the The resur. great inscription of Dendera, the burial of Osiris figures º of prominently, while his resurrection is implied rather than represented expressed. This defect of the document, however, is amply º: compensated by a remarkable series of bas-reliefs which ments. accompany and illustrate the inscription. These exhibit in a Series of scenes the dead god lying swathed as a mummy on his bier, then gradually raising himself up higher and higher, until at last he has entirely quitted the bier and is seen between the guardian wings of the faithful Isis, who stands behind him, while a male figure holds up before his eyes the crux ansata, the Egyptian symbol of life.” The resurrection of the god could hardly be portrayed more graphically. Even more instructive, however, is another representation of the same event in a chamber dedicated to Osiris in the great temple of Isis at Philae. Here we see the dead body of Osiris with stalks of corn springing from it, while a priest waters the stalks from a pitcher which he holds in his hand. The accompanying inscription sets forth that “this is the form of him whom one may not name, Osiris of the mysteries, who springs from the returning waters.” “ Taken together, the picture and the words seem * H. Brugsch, op. ciſ. pp. 94, 99 ; A. Mariette-Pacha, Dendºrah, pp. 336 sq.; R. V. Lanzone, op. cit. p. 744. Mariette supposed that after depositing the new image in the sepulchre they carried out the old one of the preceding year, thus setting forth the resurrection as well as the death of the god. But this view is apparently not shared by Brugsch and Lanzone. 2 A. Mariette - Bey, /Xendºrah, iv. (Paris, 1873) plates 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 88, 89, 9o ; R. V. Lanzone, AXizionario di A/i/ologia Egizia, pp. 757 sqq., with plates celkviii.-ccxcii.; E. A. Wallis Budge, Zhe God's of the Ag//ians, ii. I 3 I - I 38. * H. Brugsch, A’eligion und J/y//- ologie der al/en. Aegypter, p. 62 I ; R. V. Lanzone, Digionario di A/i/o/ogia Egizia, plate celzi. ; A. Wiedemann, “L’Osiris végétant,” Le Muscion, N.S. iv. (1903) p. I I 2. According to Prof. Wiedemann, the corn springing from the god's body is barley. Similarly in a papyrus of the Louvre (No. 3377) 262 7///E RESURA’ECTIO/V OF OS//ē/S IBOOK I } } to leave no doubt that Osiris was here conceived and repre- sented as a personification of the corn which springs from the fields after they have been fertilised by the inundation. This, according to the inscription, was the kernel of the mysteries, the innermost secret revealed to the initiated. So in the rites of Demeter at Eleusis a reaped ear of corn was exhibited to the worshippers as the central mystery of their religion." We can now fully understand why at the great festival of sowing in the month of Choiak the priests used to bury effigies of Osiris made of earth and corn. When these effigies were taken up again at the end of a year or of a shorter interval, the corn would be found to have sprouted from the body of Osiris, and this sprouting of the grain would be hailed as an omen, or rather as the cause, of the growth of the crops.” The corn-god produced the corn from himself: he gave his own body to feed the people: he died that they might live. And from the death and resurrection of their great god the Egyptians drew not only their support and sustenance in this life, but also their hope of a life eternal beyond the grave. This hope is indicated in the clearest manner by the very remarkable effigies of Osiris which have come to light in Egyptian cemeteries. Thus in the Valley of the Kings at Thebes there was found the tomb of a royal fan- bearer who lived about 1500 B.C. Among the rich contents of the tomb there was a bier on which rested a mattress of reeds covered with three layers of linen. On the upper side of the linen was painted a life-size figure of Osiris ; and the interior of the figure, which was waterproof, contained a mixture of vegetable mould, barley, and a sticky fluid. The barley had sprouted and sent out shoots two or three inches long.” Again, in the cemetery at Cynopolis “were numerous Corn- Stuffed effigies of Osiris buried with the dead to enSure their resur- rection. * Prof. A. Erman rightly assumes Osiris is represented swathed as a (Die ág//ische A’e/igion, p. 213) that mummy and lying on his back, while stalks of corn sprout from his body. See R. V. Lanzone, o/, ci/. pp. 801 sq., with plate cociii. 2; A. Wiede- mann, “L’Osiris végétant,” Ze Muséſon, N.S. iv. (1903) p. 1 12. * Hippolytus, Ke/u/a/io oſmium haeresium, v. 8, p. 162 ed. Duncker and Schneidlewin. the images made in the month of Choiak were intended to germinate as a symbol of the divine resurrection. * A. Wiedemann, “L’Osiris végé. tant,” ſe Muséion, N.S. iv. (1903) p. I I I ; Egy//ian Ex//ora/ion ſºund Archaeological A'eport, 1898-1899, pp. 24 $7, CIIAI’. IV 7//E /ē/2S U/8/8A2CTIO/V OF OS/R/S 263 burials of Osiris figures. These were made of grain wrapped up in cloth and roughly shaped like an Osiris, and placed inside a bricked-up recess at the side of the tomb, sometimes in small pottery coffins, sometimes in wooden coffins in the form of a hawk-mummy, sometimes without any coffins at all.”" These corn-stuffed figures were bandaged like mummies with patches of gilding here and there, as if in imitation of the golden mould in which the similar figures of Osiris were cast at the festival of sowing.” Again, effigies of Osiris, with faces of green wax and their interior full of grain, were found buried near the necropolis of Thebes.” Finally, we are told by Professor Erman that between the legs of mummies “there sometimes lies a figure of Osiris made of slime ; it is filled with grains of corn, the sprouting of which is intended to signify the resurrection of the god.”" We cannot doubt that, just as the burial of corn-stuffed images of Osiris in the earth at the festival of sowing was designed to quicken the seed, so the burial of similar images in the grave was meant to quicken the dead, in other words, to ensure their spiritual immortality. § 6. Readjustment of Egyptian Festivals The festival of Osiris which Plutarch assigns to the The f “e ſº † festivals of month of Athyr would seem to be identical in substance j with the one which the inscription of Dendera assigns to the months * * f Athy the following month, namely, to Choiak. Apparently the ind * essence of both festivals was a dramatic representation of seem tº {e * ... have been the death and resurrection of the god ; in both of them Isis substanti- was figured by a gilt cow, and Osiris by an image moulded "..." S. S y to Sºl Inne, of moist vegetable earth. But if the festivals were the same, why were they held in different months P. It is easy to * B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, (London, 1841), ii. 3oo, note S. The in Ægy/fian AEx//ora/ion ſºund writer seems to have doubted whether Archaeo/ogica/ Kºſor/, 1902 - 1903, these effigies represented Osiris. But p. 5. the doubt has been entirely removed by subsequent discoveries. Wilkinson's note on the subject is omitted by his editor, S. Birch (vol. iii. p. 375, ed. * Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, 4 1878). Second Series of //he J/anners and * A. Erman, Die ág//ische A’eligion, Customs of the Ancient AEgyptians p. 188. * Miss Margaret A. Murray, 7%e Osireion aſ 2.16 ydos, pp. 28 sy. 264 /CAEAD/USTMENT OF EG VP7/AAW FESTIVAZS BK, III suggest that different towns in Egypt celebrated the festival at different dates. But when we remember that according to the great inscription of Dendera, the authority of which is indisputable, the festival fell in the month of Choiak in every province of Egypt, we shall be reluctant to suppose that at some one place, or even at a few places, it was exceptionally held in the preceding month of Athyr, and that the usually well - informed Plutarch described the exception as if it had been the rule, of which on this supposition he must have been wholly ignorant. More probably the discrepancy is to be explained by the great change which came over the Egyptian calendar between the date of the inscription and the lifetime of Plutarch. For when the inscription was drawn up in the Ptolemaic age, the festivals were dated by the old vague or movable year, and therefore rotated gradually through the whole circle of the seasons ; whereas at the time when Plutarch wrote, about the end of the first century, they were seemingly dated by the fixed Alexandrian year, and accordingly had ceased to rotate." But even if we grant that in Plutarch's day the festivals had become stationary, still this would not explain why the old festival of Choiak had been transferred to Athyr. In order to understand that transference it seems necessary to suppose that when the Egyptians gave to their months fixed places in the solar year by accepting the Alexandrian system of intercalation, they at the same time transferred the festivals from what may be called their artificial to their natural dates. Under the old system a summer festival was sometimes held in winter and a winter festival in Summer ; a harvest celebration sometimes fell at the season of sowing, and a Sowing celebration at the season of harvest. People might reconcile themselves to such anomalies so long as they knew that they were only temporary, and that in the course of time the festivals would necessarily return to their proper seasons. But it must have been otherwise when they adopted a fixed instead of a movable year, and SO arrested the rotation of the festivals for ever. For they could not but be aware that every festival would thenceforth The old festival of Choiak may have been transferred to Athyr when the Egyptians adopted the fixed Alex- andrian year in 3O P. C. * See above, pp. 240 sq., CH. Iv /č/.AD/USTMENT OF EC VPT/AAW FESTIVALS 265 continue to occupy for all time that particular place in the Solar year which it chanced to occupy in the year 30 B.C., when the calendar became fixed. If in that particular year it happened, as it might have happened, that the Summer festivals were held in winter and the winter festivals in Summer, they would always be so held in future ; the absurdity and anomaly would never again be rectified as it had been before. This consideration, which could not have escaped intelligent men, must have suggested the advisability of transferring the festivals from the dates at which they chanced to be celebrated in 30 B.C. to the dates at which they ought naturally to be celebrated in the course of nature. Now what in the year 30 B.C. was the actual amount of The trans- discrepancy between the accidental and the natural dates of . the festivals P. It was just about a month. In that year intelligible Thoth, the first month of the Egyptian calendar, happened º to begin on the twenty-ninth of August," whereas according to that in theory it should have begun with the heliacal rising of Sirius *...* On the twentieth of July, that is, roughly speaking, a month . º earlier. From this it follows that in the year 3o B.C. all the j Egyptian festivals fell about a month later than their natural ... by dates, and they must have continued to fall a month late a month in for ever if they were allowed to retain those places in the ...” calendar which they chanced to occupy in that particular them to year. In these circumstances it would be a natural and * sensible thing to restore the festivals to their proper places places in the solar year by celebrating them one calendar month º earlier than before. If this measure were adopted the festivals which had hitherto been held, for example, in the third month Athyr would henceforth be held in the second month Phaophi; the festivals which had hitherto fallen in the fourth month Choiak would thenceforth fall in the month of Athyr ; and so on. Thus the festal calendar ! So it was reckoned at the time. But, strictly speaking, Thoth in that year began on August 31. The mis- calated a day every third, instead of every fourth, year. See Solinus, i. 45–47; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 14. I 3 calculation originated in a blunder of the ignorant Roman pontiffs who, being charged with the management of the new Julian calendar, at first inter- sq.; L. Ideler, Handbuch der maſhe- ma/ischen und /echnischen Ch7'onologie, i. I 57-16I. 266 READ/USTMENT OF EGYPTIAN FESTIVALS BK. III would be reduced to harmony with the seasons instead of being in more or less flagrant discord with them, as it had generally been before, and must always have been afterwards if the change which I have indicated had not been introduced. It is only to credit the native astronomers and the Roman rulers of Egypt with common sense to suppose that they actually adopted the measure. On that supposition we can perfectly understand why the festival of sowing, which had formerly belonged to the month of Choiak, was transferred to Athyr. For in the Alexandrian calendar Choiak corresponds very nearly to December, and Athyr to November. But in Egypt the month of November, not the month of December, is the season of sowing. There was therefore every reason why the great sowing festival of the corn-god Osiris should be held in Athyr and not Choiak, in November and not in December. In like manner we may suppose that all the Egyptian festivals were restored to their true places in the solar year, and that when Plutarch dates a festival both by its calendar month and by its relation to the cycle of the seasons, he is perfectly right in doing so, and we may accept his evidence with confidence instead of having to accuse him of ignorantly confounding the movable Egyptian with the fixed Alexandrian year. Accusations of ignorance levelled at the best writers of antiquity are apt to recoil on those who make them." 4. 1 If the results of the foregoing inquiry be accepted, the resurrection of Osiris was regularly celebrated in Egypt on the 15th of November from the year 30 B.C. onward, since the 15th of November corresponded to the 19th of Athyr (the resurrection day) in the fixed Alexandrian year. This agrees with the indications of the Roman Rustic Calendars, which place the resurrection (heatresis, that is, the discovery of Osiris) between the 14th and the 3oth of November. Yet accord- ing to the calendar of Philocalus, the official Roman celebration of the resur- rection seems to have been held on the 1st of November, not on the 15th. How is the discrepancy to be explained? Th. Mommsen supposed that the festival was officially adopted at Rome at a time when the 19th of Athyr of the vague Egyptian year corresponded to the 31st of October or the 1st of November of the Julian calendar, and that the Romans, overlooking the vague or shifting character of the Egyptian year, fixed the resurrection of Osiris permanently on the 1st of November. Now the 19th of Athyr of the vague year corresponded to the 1st of November in the years 32-35 A.D. and to the 31st of October in the years 36-39 ; and it appears that the festival was officially adopted at Rome some time before 65 A.D. (Lucan, Z'harsa/ia, viii. 83 I s/7.). It is unlikely that the adoption took place in the reign of Tiberius, who died in 37 A.D. ; for he is known to have persecuted the Egyptian religion (Tacitus, Anna/s, cH. Iv READ/USTMENT OF EG YPTIAN FESTIVAZS ii. 85 ; Suetonius, Ziberius, 36; Josephus, Antiquit, xviii. 3. 4); hence Mommsen concluded that the great festival of Osiris was officially adopted at Rome in the early years of the reign of Caligula, that is, in 37, 38, or 39 A.D. See Th. Mommsen in Corpus /*escrip- tionum Zalinarum, i.” 333 sq.; H. Dessau, /mscrip/iones Latinae Selectae, ii. 995, No. 8745. This theory of Mommsen's assumes that in Egypt the 267 festivals were still regulated by the old vague year in the first century of our era. It cannot, therefore, be reconciled with the conclusion reached in the text that the Egyptian festivals ceased to be regulated by the old vague year from 30 B.C. onward. How the difference of date between the official Roman and the Egyptian festival of the resurrection is to be explained, I do not pretend to say. Osiris in the main a personi- fication of the corn. C H A P T E R V THE NATURE OF OSIRIS § 1. Osiris a Corn-God THE foregoing survey of the myth and ritual of Osiris Suggests that originally he was in the main a personification of the corn, which may be said to die and come to life again every year. Through all the pomp and glamour with which in later times the priests had invested his worship, the primitive conception of him as the corn-god comes clearly out in the festival of his death and resurrection, which was celebrated in the month of Choiak and at a later period in the month of Athyr. That festival appears to have been essentially a festival of Sowing, which properly fell at the time when the husbandman actually committed the seed to the earth. On that occasion an effigy of the corn-god, moulded of earth and corn, was buried with funeral rites in the ground in order that, dying there, he might come to life again with the new crops. The cere- mony was, in fact, a charm to ensure the growth of the corn by Sympathetic magic, and we may conjecture that as such it was practised in a simple form by every Egyptian farmer on his fields long before it was adopted and trans- figured by the priests in the stately ritual of the temple. In the modern, but doubtless ancient, Arab custom of burying “the Old Man,” namely, a sheaf of wheat, in the harvest- field and praying that he may return from the dead, we see the germ out of which the whole worship of Osiris was probably developed. The details of his myth fit in well with this interpreta- * See above, p. 239. 268 13K. I II. CII. V tion of the god. and Earth." OS//ē/S A CO/8/V–GO/D 269 What more appropriate parentage could be He was said to be the offspring of Sky Osiris a child of Sky and invented for the corn which springs from the ground that Earth. has been fertilised by the water of heaven P It is true that the land of Egypt owed its fertility directly to the Nile and not to showers ; but the inhabitants must have been aware that the great river in its turn was fed by the rains which fell on the mountains of Abyssinia. Again, the legend that Osiris was the first to teach men the use of corn would be most naturally told of the corn-god himself. Further, the story that his mangled remains were scattered The legend up and down the land and buried in different places may be a mythical way of expressing either the sowing or the ment of winnowing of the grain. The latter interpretation is sup- of the dis- member- Osiris points to ported by the tale that Isis placed the severed limbs of the dis- Osiris on a corn-sieve.” Or more probably the legend member- ment Of may be a reminiscence of a custom of slaying a human human representative of the corn-spirit and distributing his flesh or scattering his ashes over the fields to fertilise them. In modern Europe the figure of Death torn in pieces, and the fragments are then buried is sometimes in the ground to make the crops grow well," and in other parts of the world human victims are treated in the same way.” With regard to the ancient Egyptians we have it on the authority of Manetho that they used to burn red-haired men and scatter their ashes with winnowing fans," and it is highly significant that this barbarous sacrifice was offered by the Roman kings at the grave of Osiris." We may conjecture that beings, perhaps of the kings, in the character of the corn-spirit. and Greek traditions the victims represented Osiris himself, who was annually of the dis- slain, dismembered, and buried in their persons that he might quicken the seed in the earth. Possibly in prehistoric times the kings themselves played the part of the god and See above, pp. 2 II sy, See above, pp. 2 I 2 sy. Servius on Virgil, Georg, i. 166. 7%e Golden /3ough,” ii. 95. Zd. ii. 238 sq.7. 0 Plutarch, /sis eſ Osiris, 73, com- pare 33. 7 Diodorus Siculus, i. 88, 5. The slaughter may have been performed by the king with his own hand. On Egyptian monuments the king is often . ſ, represented in the act of slaying prisoners before a god. See A. Moret, /Det caractºre re/igieux de Za royal//.' A 'haraonigate, pp. 179, 224. Simi- larly the kings of Ashantee and Dahomey used often themselves to cut the throats of the human victims. See A. B. Ellis, Zhe 7shi-Speaking Peoples of the Go/a Coast, p. 162 : id., Zhe Awe-S/eaking Peop/es of the S/aze Coas/, bp. I 25, I 29. member- ment of kings. 27o O.S.//ø/S A COA’/V–GO/D BOOK II I were slain and dismembered in that character. Set as well as Osiris is said to have been torn in pieces after a reign of eighteen days, which was commemorated by an annual festival of the same length." According to one story Romulus, the first king of Rome, was cut in pieces by the senators, who buried the fragments of him in the ground ; * and the traditional day of his death, the seventh of July, was celebrated with certain curious rites, which were apparently connected with the artificial fertilisa- tion of the fig.” Again, Greek legend told how Pentheus, king of Thebes, and Lycurgus, king of the Thracian Edonians, opposed the vine-god Dionysus, and how the impious monarchs were rent in pieces, the one by the frenzied Bacchanals, the other by horses." These Greek traditions may well be distorted reminiscences of a custom of sacri- ficing human beings, and especially divine kings, in the character of Dionysus, a god who resembled Osiris in many points and was said like him to have been torn limb from limb.” We are told that in Chios men were rent in pieces as a sacrifice to Dionysus ;" and since they died the same /igioſºttiſt, 6 ; AWa/iozzes, v. 19. Clementine 1 Scholia in Caesaris Germanzică Azra/ea, in F. Eyssenhardt’s edition of Martianus Capella, p. 408. Arnobius, Adversus According to the A'ecogni/iones, x. 24 2 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Azz- (Migne’s Zºa/rologia Graeca, i. 1434) Ziguit. Atom, ii. 56. 4. Compare Dionysus was torn in pieces at Livy, i. 16. 4; Florus, i. 1, 16 sq.; Thebes, the very place of which Plutarch, A'o/au/us, 27. Mr. A. B. Pentheus was king. The description Cook was, I believe, the first to inter- of Euripides (Bacchae, IO 58 sqq.) pret the story as a reminiscence of the sacrifice of a king. See his article “The European Sky-God,” ſolk-lore, xvi. (1905) pp. 324 sq. 3 /ec/ures on //ie A2ar/y //is/ory of //he ſºngship, pp. 269 sq.7. 4 Euripides, Bacchae, 43 syſ/., IO43 sqq.; Theocritus, xxvi. ; Pausanius, ii. 2. 7; Apollodorus, iii. 5. I sy. ; Hyginus, /ab. I 32 and 184. The destruction of Lycurgus by horses seems to be mentioned only by Apollo- dorus. As to Pentheus see especially A. G. Bather, “The Problem of the Bacchae,” Journal of Z/e//emic S/udies, xiv. (1904) pp. 244-263. * Nonnus, ZXionys. vi. 165-2O5 ; Clement of Alexandria, Z'ro/re//, ii. 17 sq., p. 15 ed. Potter ; Firmicus Maternus, De errore proſazzaret/t 7"e- suggests that the human victim was tied or hung to a pine-tree before being rent to pieces. We are reminded of the effigy of Attis which hung on the sacred pine (above, p. 166), and of the image of Osiris which was made out of a pine-tree and then buried in the hollow of the trunk (below, p. 276). The pine-tree on which Pentheus was pelted by the Bacchanals before they tore him limb from limb is said to have been worshipped as if it were the god himself by the Corinthians, who made two images of Dionysus out of it (Pausanias, ii. 2. 7), The tradition points to an intimate connection be- tween the tree, the god, and the human W1Ct1m. * Porphyry, ZXe abs/inen/ia, ii. 55. At Potniae in Boeotia a priest of CHAP. W O.S.//ē/S A CO/C/V-GO/D 27 I death as their god, it is reasonable to suppose that they personated him. The story that Orpheus was similarly torn limb from limb by the Bacchanals seems to indicate that he too perished in the character of the god whose death he died." It is significant that Lycurgus, king of the Edonians, is said to have been put to death in order that the ground, which had ceased to be fruitful, might regain its fertility.” Further, we read of a Norwegian king, Halfdan the Black, whose body was cut up and buried in different parts of his kingdom for the sake of ensuring the fruitfulness of the earth. He is said to have been drowned at the age of forty through the breaking of the ice in spring. What followed his death is thus related by the old Norse historian Snorri Sturluson : “He had been the most prosperous (literally, blessed with abundance) of all kings. So greatly did men value him that when the news came that he was dead and his body removed to Hringariki and intended for burial there, the chief men from Raumariki and Westfold and Heithmörk came and all requested that they might take his body with them and bury it in their various provinces; they thought that it would bring abundance to those who obtained it. Eventually it was settled that the body was distributed in four places. The head was laid in a barrow at Steinn in Hringariki, and each party took away their own share and buried it. All these barrows are called Halfdan's barrows.” “ It should be remembered that this Dionysus is said to have been killed by spades and hoes and then buried the drunken worshippers (Pausanias, in a field which had just been ix. 8. 2). He may have been sacri- tilled (Labat, Æela/ion historique de ficed in the character of the god. /*/2/hiopie occiden/a/e, i. 38o). Such ! Lucian, De sal/a/ione, 5 I ; Plato, a mode of sacrifice points to the identi- Symposiu/, 7, p. 179 D, E ; Pausanias, fication of the human victim with the ix. 30, 5 ; Ovid, A/e/a/. xi. I-43 ; O. Gruppe, in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon d, griech. at. röm. ..]/y//o/age, iii. I I 65 sq. That Orpheus died the death of the god has been observed both in ancient and modern times. See E. Rohde, Z’syche," ii. I 18, note 2, quoting Proclus on Plato ; S. Reinach, “La mort d’Orphée,” A’evue Archéologyue, iii. me Série, xli. (1902) pp. 242 syſ). According to Ovid, the Bacchanals killed him with hoes, rakes, and mattocks. Similarly in West Africa human victims used to be killed with fruits of the earth. * Apollodorus, iii. 5. I. * Snorri Sturluson, A/eimskring/a, Saga Ha//alamar Swarfa, ch. 9. I have to thank Mr. H. M. Chadwick for referring me to this passage and translating it for me. See also Æeims- Aring/a, done into English by W. Morris and E. Magnússon, i. 86 sq. (The Saga Library, vol. iii.). Half- dan the Black was the father of Harold the Fair-haired, king of Nor- way (860-933 A.D.). Mr. Chadwick tells me that though the tradition as to Norwegian tradition of the dis- member- ment of a king, Halfdan the Black. 272 O.S.//ē/S A CO/8/V-GO/D HOOK III Halfdan belonged to the family of the Ynglings, who traced their descent from Frey, the great Scandinavian god of Frey, the fertility.' Frey himself is said to have reigned as king of mººd Sweden at Upsala. The years of his reign were plenteous, So when he of fertility, and the people laid the plenty to his account. buried at ū.” died, they would not burn him, as it had been customary to do with the dead before his time ; but they resolved to preserve his body, believing that, so long as it remained in Sweden, the land would have abundance and peace. There- fore they reared a great mound, and put him in it, and sacrificed to him for plenty and peace ever afterwards. And for three years after his death they poured the tribute to him into the mound, as if he were alive; the gold they poured in by one window, the silver by a second, and the copper by a third.” Apparently Taken all together, these Egyptian, Roman, Greek, and .* Norse legends point to a widespread practice of dismember- of dis- ing the body of a king and burying the pieces in different membering ... parts of the kingdom in order to ensure the fertility of the burying the ground and probably also the fecundity of man and beast. ieces in º ãº. Whether regarded as the descendant of a god, as himself º divine, or simply as a mighty enchanter, the king was 1 T) DIT], believed to radiate magical virtue for the good of his subjects, quickening the seed in the earth and in the womb. This radiation of reproductive energy did not cease with his life; hence the people deemed it essential to preserve his body as a pledge of the continued prosperity of the country. It would be natural to imagine that the spot where the dead king was buried would enjoy a more than ordinary share of his blessed influence, and accordingly disputes would almost inevitably arise between different districts for the exclusive possession of so powerful a talisman. These disputes could Morris and E. Magnússon, i. 23-71 (Zhe Saga Zi/rary, vol. iii.). With the death and mutilation of IIalfdan was not committed to writing for three hundred years, he sees no reason to doubt its truth. He also informs me that the word translated “abundance” means literally “the produce of the season.” “Plenteous years” is the rendering of Morris and Magnússon. I AS to the descent of Halfdan and the Ynglings from Frey, see //ei/us- Aring/a, done into English by W. regard to Frey, the god of ſertility, both animal and vegetable, see E. H. Meyer, A/y//hologie der Germanen (Strasburg, I 903), pp. 366 sq. ; P. Hermann, Mordische A/y//ologie (Leip- sic, I 903), pp. 206 &/7. * //eims/Øring/a, done into English by W. Morris and E. Magnússon, i. 4, 22-24 (.7%e Saga Záðrary, vol. iii.). CHAP. V. OS/R/S A CO/CAV-GOD 273 be settled and local jealousies appeased by dividing the precious body between the rival claimants, in order that all should benefit in equal measure by its life-giving properties. This was certainly done in Norway with the body of Halfdan the Black, the descendant of the harvest- god Frey; and we may conjecture that in prehistoric times it was done with the bodies of Egyptian kings, who per- Sonated Osiris, the god of fertility in general and of the corn in particular. At least such a practice would account for the legend of the mangling of the god's body and the distri- bution of the pieces throughout Egypt. To an ancient Egyptian, with his firm belief in a personal The immortality dependent on the integrity of the body, the * prospect of mutilation after death must have been very probably repugnant ; and we may suppose that the kings offered a . strenuous resistance to the custom and finally succeeded in succeeded abolishing it. They may have represented to the people º that they would attain their object better by keeping the royal Corpse intact than by frittering it away in small pieces. Their subjects apparently acquiesced in the argument, or at all events in the conclusion ; yet the mountains of masonry beneath which the old Egyptian kings lay buried may have been intended to guard them from the superstitious devotion of their friends quite as much as from the hostile designs of their enemies, since both alike must have been under a strong temptation to violate the sanctity of the grave in order to possess themselves of bodies which were believed to be endowed with magical virtue of the most tremendous potency." * In antiquity the safety of the state was often believed to depend on the possession of a talisman, which some- times consisted of the bones of a king or hero. Hence the graves of such persons were sometimes kept secret. See my notes on Pausanias, i. 28. 7 and viii. 47. 5 (vol. ii. pp. 366 sq., vol. iv. pp. 433 sq.). The violation of royal tombs by a conqueror was not a mere insult: it was a deadly blow struck at the prosperity of the kingdom. Hence Ashurbanipal carried off to Assyria the bones of the kings of Elam, believing that thus he gave their shades no repose and deprived them of food and drink. See R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Ziferature, p. I 16. The Mpongwe kings of West Africa are buried secretly lest their heads should fall into the hands of men of another tribe, who would make a powerful ſetish out of the brains. See P. B. du Chaillu, AExp/ora/ions and Adventures in Equatorial Africa, pp. 18 sq. The graves of Basuto chiefs are kept secret lest certain mythical beings called Baloi, who haunt tombs, should get possession of the bones and work evil magic with T 274 OS//ø/S A CO/CAV-GO/D BOOK III Beliefs and practices of this sort are by no means confined to agricultural peoples. Among the Koniags of Alaska “in ancient times the pursuit of the whale was accompanied by numerous superstitious observances kept a secret by the hunters. Lieutenant Davidof states that the whalers preserved the bodies of brave or distinguished men in secluded caves, and before proceeding upon a whale-hunt would carry these dead bodies into a stream and then drink of the water thus tainted. One famous whaler of Kadiak who desired to flatter Baranof, the first chief manager of the Russian colonies, said to him, ‘When you die I shall try to steal your body,’ intending thus to express his great respect for Baranof. On the occasion of the death of a whaler his fellows would cut the body into pieces, each man taking one of them for the purpose of rubbing his spear-heads therewith. These pieces were dried or otherwise preserved, and were frequently taken into the canoes as talismans.”" To return to the human victims whose ashes the Egyptians scattered with winnowing-fans,” the red hair of these unfortu- nates was probably significant. If I am right, the custom of sacrificing such persons was not a mere way of wreaking a national spite on fair-haired foreigners, whom the black- haired Egyptians of old, like the black-haired Chinese of modern times, may have regarded as red-haired devils. For in Egypt the oxen which were sacrificed had also to be red ; a single black or white hair found on the beast would have disqualified it for the sacrifice.” If, as I conjecture, these human sacrifices were intended to promote the growth of the crops—and the winnowing of their ashes seems to Sup- port this view—red-haired victims were perhaps selected as Assimila- tion of human victims to the corn. them. See Father Porte, “Les re- miniscences d’un missionaire du Basuto- land,” Missions Ca/ho/l/ates, xxviii. (1896) pp. 31 I sq. When a Mela- nesian dies who enjoyed a reputation /a/ion, Zºzdus/ries, and A’esources of A/asſºa, p. 142. The account seems to be borrowed from H. J. Holmberg, who adds that pains were taken to preserve the flesh from decay, “because they for magical powers in his lifetime, his friends will sometimes hold a sham burial and keep the real grave secret, lest men should come and dig up the skull and bones to make charms with them. See R. H. Codrington, Zhe Melanesians, p. 269. 1 Ivan Petroff, Æeffort on the Popu- believed that their own life depended on it.” See H. J. IIolmberg, “Ueber die Völker des Russischen Amerika,” Ac/a Socie/a/is Scien/iaru/, /ennicae, iv. (Helsingſors, 1856) p. 391. * Above, p. 269. * Plutarch, Isis of Osiris, 31 ; Hero- dotus, ii. 38. CHAP. V OS//ē/S A COA’/V–GO/O 275 best fitted to personate the spirit of the ruddy grain. For when a god is represented by a living person, it is natural that the human representative should be chosen on the ground of his supposed resemblance to the divine original. Hence the ancient Mexicans, conceiving the maize as a personal being who went through the whole course of life between seed-time and harvest, sacrificed new-born babes when the maize was sown, older children when it had sprouted, and so on till it was fully ripe, when they sacri- ficed old men." A name for Osiris was the “crop ’’ or “harvest”; * and the ancients sometimes explained him as a personification of the corn.” § 2. Osiris a Tree-Spirit But Osiris was more than a spirit of the corn ; he was also a tree - spirit, and this may perhaps have been his primitive character, since the worship of trees is naturally older in the history of religion than the worship of the cereals. However that may have been, to an agricultural people like the Egyptians, who depended almost wholly on * Herrera, quoted by A. Bastian, AXie Cu//zer/änder des aſſen Ameri/a, ii. 639 ; id., General Aſistory of the vast Con/iment and /s/and's of America, ii. 379 sq., translated by Stevens (whose version of the passage is inadequate). Compare Brasseur de Bourbourg, His- toire des nations civiſisées du Al/exique e/ de l’Amérique Centrale, i. 327, iii. 35. semper seſſe/i/ur et in ziz'ido quaerifur e/ cum gaudio inzen if u/, ſºcciprocaru//l frugum et vividorum elementorum et recializi anni ſidem argumentam/ur.” Plutarch, /sis cº Osiris, 65 : oëTaj 6é Kal toſs troX\oſs Kai poptikoſs étruxeupſ- a opew, eite Taºs Kaff" Öpaw petagoNaſs toū trepuéxovtos eite Taºs Kaptrów Yevéo eaſt kal a Topaſs Kai dipóTous Xalpovoſt Tú Trepl Toys 0eoys toūrous avvoukelotºvtes, kal Xéyovres 0&TTea.0at (wèv "Oaſipu 8te kpúTTétat Tú yń a trelpópevos Ó Kapirós, aúðvs 6' diva Suovo 6at kal diva patveq 0at öre pXaa-Tjoews dipx?). Eusebius, /’rae- paratio Ævange/ii, iii. I I. 3 I : 6 6& "Oortpus trap' Aiyvirtlots Tiju kāpiriptov Trapto Tmoſt 6tuapitu, jv 6pfivots drouet)\to - govtat eis Yºu dºpavić opévmv ću Tô a trópºp Kai Üg,' huſov Katava)\takouévºv eis Tās Tpopás. Athenagoras, Supplicatio pro Chris/iants, 22, pp. I I 2, I 14 ed. J. C. T. Otto ; tā 6é o Touxeta Kai Tá pápta at Tóv 6eotrotoooºw, diAXote àXXa Övöplata attois Tufféuevot, Tiju pév Tod attov aſ Topäv * E. Lefébure, Le mythe Osirien (Paris, 1874-75), p. 188. * Firmicus Maternus, De errore pro- fanarum religionum, ii. 6: “Defen- sores eorum vo/unſ addere physicam ra/ione//, fºugum semina Osiriſm dicenſes esse ; /sim ſerram, 7}ſone/1 calore//, et quia /a/ura/ae /ruges calore ad viſam hominum coſ/ gunfur e/ divisae a ſerra separan/tty' cº rursus ad/ropinquan/e hieme seminan/ur, havºc zlo/und esse morem Osiridis, cum /rr/ges 7:ccondun/, inve/l/tonem 7/ero, cum fruges geni/a/ ſerrae ſomew/o conce/tae annua rursus coeferen/ procreaſione generari.” Tertullian, 21&ersus J/ar- cionem, i. 13 : “Sic et Osiris quod "Oaſupuu (606v paoi pºva Tukós étri Tà divewpéo et Tóv plex(ov 3) Tóv Kapitáv w * * jº t f étriNex0āvat tº "Iguó, Eüpirapaev, avyxalpopaev ). Osiris as a tree-spirit. 276 OS//e/S A TRAEAE-SAE//ø/7.' BOOK III their crops, the corn-god was naturally a far more important personage than the tree-god, and attracted a larger share of their devotion. The character of Osiris as a tree-spirit was represented very graphically in a ceremony described by His image Firmicus Maternus." A pine-tree having been cut down, the enclosed in a pine-tree. centre was hollowed out, and with the wood thus excavated an image of Osiris was made, which was then buried like a corpse in the hollow of the tree. It is hard to imagine how the conception of a tree as tenanted by a personal being could be more plainly expressed. The image of Osiris thus made was kept for a year and then burned, exactly as was done with the image of Attis which was attached to the pine-tree.” The ceremony of cutting the tree, as described by Firmicus Maternus, appears to be alluded to by Plutarch.” It was probably the ritual counterpart of the mythical dis- covery of the body of Osiris enclosed in the erica-tree." Now we know from the monuments that at Busiris, Memphis, and elsewhere the great festival of Osiris closed The setting on the thirtieth of Choiak with the setting up of a remark- up of the able pillar known as the Tatu, Tat, Dad, or Ded. This was a column with four or five cross-bars, like Superposed capitals, at the top. The whole roughly resembled a telegraph-post with the cross-pieces which support the wires. Sometimes on the monuments a human form is given to the pillar by carving a grotesque face on it, robing the lower part, crown- ing the top with the symbols of Osiris, and adding two arms which hold two other characteristic emblems of the god, the crook and the scourge or flail. On a Theban tomb the king himself, assisted by his relations and a priest, is represented hauling at the ropes by which the pillar is being raised, while the queen looks on and her sixteen daughters accom- pany the ceremony with the music of rattles and sistrums. Again, in the hall of the Osirian mysteries at Abydos the King Sety I. and the goddess Isis are depicted raising the column between them. In Egyptian theology the pillar was APad pillar at the festival of Osiris. 1 ZXe errore proſanaruwa re/igion1///, Xeopévas, 6té, Tó troXX& rôv pºva ruków xxvii. I. &vapiépix0at toºtous. Again, ibid. 42 : Tô 5é šū)\ov év rais Xeyouévals 'Oorlptóos Taºpa’s Tépuuoutes Kataokévášovo v \dpvaka 3 Plutarch, /sis et Osiris, 2 I : alvá, p.mvoetóñ. 6é Tophu £5Mou kal oxtatu Ntvov kal Xods * See above, p. 214. * See above, p. I 74. CHAP. V. OS//?/S A 7TWęA2 E-SAE//ø/T 277 interpreted as the backbone of Osiris, and whatever its mean- ing may have been, it was one of the holiest symbols of the national religion. It might very well be a conventional way of representing a tree stripped of its leaves; and if Osiris was a tree-spirit, the bare trunk and branches might naturally be described as his backbone. The setting up of the column would thus, as several modern scholars believe, shadow forth the resurrection of the god, and the importance of the occasion would explain and justify the prominent part which the king appears to have taken in the ceremony.” It is to be noted that in the myth of Osiris the erica-tree which shot up and enclosed his dead body, was cut down by a king and turned by him into a pillar of his house.” We can hardly doubt, therefore, that this incident of the legend was supposed to be dramatically set forth in the erection of the dad column by the king. Like the similar custom of cutting a pine-tree and fastening an image to it in the rites of Attis, the ceremony may have belonged to that class of customs of which the bringing in of the May-pole is among the most familiar. The association of the king and queen of Egypt with the dad pillar reminds us of the associa- tion of a King and Queen of May with the May-pole.” The resemblance may be more than superficial. In the hall of Osiris at Dendera the coffin containing Osiris the hawk-headed mummy of the god is clearly depicted as ...” with the enclosed within a tree, apparently a conifer, the trunk and pine, the * ... Sy Cann Ore, branches of which are seen above and below the coffin.' . The scene thus corresponds closely both to the myth and º e gº & 3.I) ne to the ceremony described by Firmicus Maternus. In a acia. another scene at Dendera a tree of the same sort is repre- * As to the taſ or dad pillar and its erection at the festival see H. Brugsch in Zeitschrift für ögyptische Sprache zºnd Al/erthumskunde, 1881, pp. 84, 96; id., A’eligion und A/y//hologie der alteſe Aegypter, p. 618; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyp/isches Zeben im A//ey/um, pp. 377 sq. ; id., ZXie (ig//ische A’e/gion, p. 17 ; C. P. Tiele, History of the Egyptian Åle/igion, pp. 46 sq., ; Sir J. Gardiner Wilkin- son, A/anners and Customs of Zhe Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), iii. pp. 67, note 3, and 82 ; G. Maspero, Afts/oire ancienne, i. 130 sq.; A. Moret, ZXu caractère re/igietta de Za royaltſ,' A'haraon iſ ite, p. I 53, note I ; E. A. Wallis Budge, Zhe God's of Zhe AEgyptians, ii. I 22, 124 sy. ; Miss Margaret A. Murray, Zhe Osircion aſ Abydos, pp. 27, 28. * Plutarch, /sis eſ Osiris, I 5. 3 Zectures on Zhe Early History of /he Aºngship, pp. 164-168. * A. Mariette-Bey, Dendérah, iv. pl. 66. 278 OS/A’/S A TRAE AE-SPA’/T BOOK III sented growing between the dead and the reviving Osiris, as if on purpose to indicate that the tree was the symbol of the divine resurrection." A pine-cone often appears on the monuments as an offering presented to Osiris, and a manu- script of the Louvre speaks of the cedar as sprung from him.” The sycamore and the tamarisk were also his trees. In inscriptions he is spoken of as residing in them ; * and in tombs his mother Nut is often portrayed standing in the midst of a sycamore-tree and pouring a libation for the benefit of the dead.” Further, in a sepulchre at How (Diospolis Parva) a tamarisk is depicted overshadowing the tomb of Osiris, while a bird is perched among the branches with the significant legend “the soul of Osiris,” showing that the spirit of the dead god was believed to haunt his sacred tree." Again, in the series of sculptures which illustrate the mystic history of Osiris in the great temple of Isis at Philae, a tamarisk is figured with two men pouring water on it. The accompanying inscription leaves no doubt, says Brugsch, that the verdure of the earth was believed to be connected with the verdure of the tree, and that the sculpture refers to the grave of Osiris at Philae, of which Plutarch tells us that it was overshadowed by a 7/zeſ/tide plant, taller than any olive-tree. This sculpture, it may be observed, occurs in the same chamber in which the god is represented as a corpse with ears of corn springing from him." In inscriptions he is referred to as “the one in the * A. Mariette-Bey, Dend/ra/, iv. pl. 72. Compare E. Lefébure, Ze my//he Osºrien, pp. 194, 196, who re- gards the tree as a conifer. But it is perhaps a tamarisk. * E. Lefébure, op. ci/. pp. I97. , 8 S. Birch, in Wilkinson's M/ammers and Caſs/ows of ſ/he Ancient Zgy//iams (London, 1878), iii. 84. * Wilkinson, o/, ci/. iii. 62 - 64; E. A. Wallis Budge, 7%e God's of //e Zg//zans, ii. IOG sy. ; G. Maspero, Aſistoire ancienne, i. 185. " Wilkinson, op. ci/. iii. 349 sq. ; A. Erman, Aegy//en und aegy//isches Zečevº 7/1 A//er/u/, p. 368; H. Brugsch, Ā’e/gion 7/1zd /////ho/ogic der I95, a//en. Aegy//e7, p. 62 I. 9 We may compare a belief of some of the Californian Indians that the owl is the guardian spirit and deity of the “California big tree,” and that it is equally unlucky to fell the tree or to shoot the bird. See S. Powers, 7%ribes of Ca/i/ornia, p. 398. 7 Wilkinson, op. cit. iii. 349 sq. ; II. Brugsch, /če/gion und /l/y//ho/ogie der aſen Aegy//er, p. 621 ; R. V. Lanzone, /Jigionario di //i/o/ogia Zgizia, tav, cclxiii. ; Plutarch, /sis et Osiris, 20. In this passage of Plutarch it has been proposed by G. Parthey to read ºuplkms (tamarisk) for p.m.0tôms (//eſ//de), and the conjec- ture appears to be accepted by Wilkin- son, ſoc, ciſ. CHAP. V OS//ē/S A TRAEAE-SP/R/T 279 tree,” “the solitary one in the acacia,” and so forth.” On the monuments he sometimes appears as a mummy covered with a tree or with plants; * and trees are represented grow- ing from his grave.” It accords with the character of Osiris as a tree-spirit Osiris in that his worshippers were forbidden to injure fruit-trees, and ... fruit-trees, with his character as a god of vegetation in general that wells, the they were not allowed to stop up wells of water, which are . and so important for the irrigation of hot southern lands." * According to one legend, he taught men to train the vine to poles, to prune its superfluous foliage, and to extract the juice of the grape.” The ivy was sacred to him, and was called his plant because it is always green." § 3. Osiris a God of Fertility As a god of vegetation Osiris was naturally conceived Osiris as a god of creative energy in general, since men at a certain . stage of evolution fail to distinguish between the reproductive as a god of powers of animals and of plants. Hence a striking feature º in his worship was the coarse but expressive symbolism by which this aspect of his nature was presented to the eye not merely of the initiated but of the multitude. At his festival women used to go about the villages singing songs in his praise and carrying obscene images of him which they set in motion by means of strings." The custom was probably a charm to ensure the growth of the crops. A similar image of him, decked with all the fruits of the earth, is said to have stood in a temple before a figure of Isis,” and in the chambers sit on a well. 1 E. Lefébure, Le mythe Osirie/1, p. I 9 I. * E. Leſebure, oft. ciſ. p. 188. 3 R. V. Lanzone, Digionario d'i Al/i/o/ogia Egºzia, tav. ccciv. ; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienzie, ii. 570, fig. 4 Plutarch, Isis eſ Osiris, 35. One of the points in which the myths of Isis and Demeter agree is that both goddesses in the search for the loved and lost one are said to have sat down, sad at heart and weary, on the edge of a well. Hence those who had been initiated at Eleusis were forbidden to See Plutarch, /sis ef Osiris, I 5 ; Homer, Hymn to Demeter, 98 sq. ; Pausanias, i. 39. I ; Apollo- dorus, i. 5. I ; Nicander, 7% criaca, 486; Clement of Alexandria, Profreſ/, ii. 20, p. 16 ed. Potter. * Tibullus, i. 7. 33-36. ° Diodorus Siculus, i. 17. 4 sq. 7 Herodotus, ii. 48 ; Plutarch, /sis c/ Osiris, I 2, 18, 36, 5 I ; Diodorus Siculus, i. 2 I. 5, i. 22. 6 sy., iv. 6. 3. & Hippolytus, /čefutatio omnium haczesium/, v. 7, p. 144 ed. Duncker and Schneidewin. 28O OS/R/S A GOD OF FERTY/LITY BOOK III dedicated to him at Philae the dead god is portrayed lying on his bier in an attitude which indicates in the plainest way that even in death his generative virtue was not extinct but only suspended, ready to prove a source of life and fertility to the world when the opportunity should offer." Hymns addressed to Osiris contain allusions to this important side of his nature. In one of them it is said that the world waxes green in triumph through him, and another declares, “Thou art the father and mother of mankind, they live on thy breath, they subsist on the flesh of thy body.”” We may conjecture that in this paternal aspect he was supposed, like other gods of fertility, to bless men and women with offspring, and that the processions at his festival were intended to promote this object as well as to quicken the seed in the ground. It would be to misjudge ancient religion to denounce as lewd and profligate the emblems and the ceremonies which the Egyptians employed for the purpose of giving effect to this conception of the divine power. The ends which they proposed to themselves in these rites were natural and laudable ; only the means they adopted to compass them were mistaken. A similar fallacy induced the Greeks to adopt a like symbolism in their Dionysiac festivals, and the superficial but striking resem- blance thus produced between the two religions has perhaps more than anything else misled inquirers, both ancient and modern, into identifying worships which, though certainly akin in nature, are perfectly distinct and independent in origin.” - § 4. Osiris a God of the Dead We have seen that in one of his aspects Osiris was the ruler and judge of the dead." To a people like the Egyptians, As god of the corn Osiris came to be viewed as the god of the resur- rection. 1 A. Mariette-Bey, Dend/ra/, iv. * That the Greek Dionysus was pll. 66, 68, 69, 70, 88, 89, 90. Com- pare R. V. Lanzone, /9:25 onario di A/E/o/ogia Zgizia, tavv. cclxxi., colxxii., cclxxvi., cclxxxv., cclxxxvi., cclxxxvii., cclxxxix., ccxc, ; E. A. Wallis Budge, 7%e Gods of //he AEgy//ians, ii. 132, I 36, 137. * Miss Margaret A. Murray, Zhe Osireion aſ A6/dos, p. 27. nothing but a slightly disguised form of the Egyptian Osiris has been held by Herodotus in ancient and by Mr. P. Foucart in modern times. See Herodotus, ii. 49 ; P. l'oucart, Ze cuſ/e de /)ionysos en A//??ute (Paris, 1904) (////loires de / Académie des Zºlscy://ions eſ /3e//es-Ze//rcs, xxxvii.). * Above, pp. 216 sq. CHAP. V O.S.//?/S A GO/D OF 7A/A) /OEA/O 28 I who not only believed in a life beyond the grave but actually spent much of their time, labour, and money in preparing for it, this office of the god must have appeared hardly, if at all, less important than his function of making the earth to bring forth its fruits in due season. We may assume that in the faith of his worshippers the two provinces of the god were intimately connected. In laying their dead in the grave they committed them to his keeping who could raise them from the dust to life eternal, even as he caused the seed to spring from the ground. Of that faith the corn- stuffed effigies of Osiris found in Egyptian tombs furnish an eloquent and unequivocal testimony." They were at once an emblem and an instrument of resurrection. Thus from the sprouting of the grain the ancient Egyptians drew an augury of human immortality. They are not the only people who have built the same far-reaching hopes on the same fragile foundation. “Thou fool, that which thou sowest, thou sowest not that body that shall be, but bare grain, it may chance of wheat, or of some other grain : but God giveth it a body as it hath pleased him, and to every seed his own body. So also is the resurrection of the dead. It is sown in corruption ; it is raised in incorruption : it is sown in weakness; it is raised in power : it is sown a natural body; it is raised a spiritual body.”” A god who thus fed his people with his own broken Great body in this life, and who held out to them a promise of a º blissful eternity in a better world hereafter, naturally reigned worship supreme in their affections. We need not wonder, therefore, ** that in Egypt the worship of the other gods was over- shadowed by that of Osiris, and that while they were revered each in his own district, he and his divine partner Isis were adored in all.” Above, pp. 262 sq. * Herodotus, ii. 42. Compare E. I Corinthians xv. 36-38, 42- A. Wallis Budge, Zhe God's of Z/e 44. Byptians, ii. I I 5 sq., 203 sy. 1 2 C H A P T E R VI ISIS THE original meaning of the goddess Isis is still more difficult to determine than that of her brother and husband Osiris. Her attributes and epithets were so numerous that in the hieroglyphics she is called “the many-named,” “the thousand-named,” and in Greek inscriptions “the myriad- named.”" The late eminent Dutch scholar C. P. Tiele confessed candidly that “it is now impossible to tell pre- cisely to what natural phenomena the character of Isis at first referred.” Yet he adds, “Originally she was a goddess of fecundity.” Similarly Dr. Budge writes that “Isis was the great and beneficent goddess and mother, whose influence and love pervaded all heaven and earth and the abode of the dead, and she was the personification of the great feminine, creative power which conceived, and brought forth every living creature and thing, from the gods in heaven to man on the earth, and to the insect on the ground ; what she brought forth she protected, and cared for, and fed, and nourished, and she employed her life in using her power graciously and successfully, not only in creating new beings but in restoring those that were dead. She was, besides these things, the highest type of a faithful and loving wife and mother, and it was in this capacity that the Egyptians honoured and worshipped her most.” " Multi- farious attributes of Isis, 1 H. Brugsch, /ēeligion und A/y//ho- scriptiones La/inae Sefec/ae, No. 4376 A. ſogie der aſen Agg/ſeſ, p. 645; W. 2 C. P. Tiele, Aſis/ory of Ægy//ian Dittenberger, Orieuſ's Graeci /uscº- ºr, slo /iones Se/ec/ae, No. 695 ; Coºlts Weſt glozz, p. 57. //mscrip/io/zum Graecarlºw, iii. p. 1232, ° E. A. Wallis Budge, 7%e Gods of No. 494 I. Compare H. Dessau, /*- //e Zg//ians, ii. 203 sq. 282 BIK, III, CH, VI JS/S 283 Thus in her character of a goddess of fecundity Isis How Isis answered to the great mother goddesses of Asia, though she º d differed from them in the chastity and fidelity of her conjugal from the life; for while they were unmarried and dissolute, she had a .., husband and was a true wife to him as well as an affectionate of Asia, mother to their son. Hence her beautiful Madonna-like figure reflects a more refined state of society and of morals than the coarse, sensual, cruel figures of Astarte, Anaitis, Cybele, and the rest of that crew. A clear trace, indeed, of an ethical standard very different from our own lingers in her double relation of sister and wife to Osiris ; but in most other respects she is rather late than primitive, the full-blown flower rather than the seed of a long religious development. The attributes ascribed to her were too various to be all her own. They were graces borrowed from many lesser deities, sweets rifled from a thousand humbler plants to feed the honey of her superb efflorescence. Yet in her complex nature it is perhaps still possible to detect the original nucleus round which by a slow process of accretion the other elements gathered. For if her brother and husband Isis Osiris was indeed the corn-god, as we have seen reason to tºº, believe, she must surely have been the corn-goddess. There the corn- are at least some grounds for thinking so. For if we may “ trust Diodorus Siculus, whose authority appears to have been the Egyptian historian Manetho, the discovery of wheat and barley was attributed to Isis, and at her festivals stalks of these grains were carried in procession to commemorate the boon she had conferred on men." A further detail is added by Augustine. He says that Isis made the discovery of barley at the moment when she was sacrificing to the common ancestors of her husband and herself, all of whom had been kings, and that she showed the newly discovered ears of barley to Osiris and his councillor Thoth or Mercury, as Roman writers called him. That is why, adds Augustine, they identify Isis with Ceres.” Further, ! Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. I sq. was more concise than that of Manetho. Eusebius (Zºraeſara/io Æzange/Fi, iii. 3) quotes from Diodorus a long * Augustine, /), civifaſe Dei, viii. passage on the early religion of 27. Tertullian says that Isis wore a Egypt, preſacing it with the remark wreath of the corn she had discovered that Diodorus's account of the subject (/), corona, 7). 284 JS/S BOOK III at harvest-time, when the Egyptian reapers had cut the first stalks, they laid them down and beat their breasts, wailing and calling upon Isis." The custom has been already explained as a lament for the corn-spirit slain under the sickle.* Amongst the epithets by which Isis is designated in the inscriptions are “creatress of the green crop,” “the Green One, whose greenness is like the greenness of the earth,” and “mistress of bread.” “ According to Brugsch she is “not only the creatress of the ſresh verdure of vegetation which covers the earth, but is actually the green corn-field itself, which is personified as a goddess.”" This is confirmed by her epithet Sochit or Sochet, meaning “a corn-field,” a sense which the word still retains in Coptic.” The Greeks conceived of Isis as a corn-goddess, for they identified her with Demeter." In a Greek epigram she is described as “she who has given birth to the fruits of the earth,” and “the mother of the ears of corn”;" and in a hymn composed in her honour she speaks of herself as “queen of the wheat-field,” and is described as “charged with the care of the fruitful furrow's wheat-rich path.” “ Accordingly, Greek or Roman artists often represented her with ears of corn on her head or in her hand.” Such, we may suppose, was Isis in the olden time, a rustic Corn-Mother adored with uncouth rites by Egyptian Swains. But the homely features of the clownish god- dess could hardly be traced in the refined, the saintly form which, spiritualised by ages of religious evolution, she presented to her worshippers of after days as the true wife, the tender mother, the beneficent queen of nature, encircled with the nimbus of moral purity, of immemorial and mysterious sanctity. Thus chastened and transfigured she won many hearts far beyond the Refinement and spirit- ualisation of Isis in later times: the popu- larity of her worship in the Roman empire. * Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. 2. ii. I. 3 ; J. Tzetzes, Schoſ. on /j/co- * See above, pp. 237 sy. //royz, 212. See further W. Drexler, * H. Brugsch, /če/igion und Myth- o/ogic der aſ/e/l <169%/cy', p. 647. * H. Brugsch, op. ci/. p. 649. Com- pare E. A. Wallis Budge, Zhe God's of //ic /ºgy//ians, ii. 216. * II. Brugsch, ſoc, ciſ. " Herodotus, ii. 59, 156; Diodorus Siculus, i. 1 3, 25, 96; Apollodorus in W. H. Roscher’s Zexi/ºon d, griech. und 7%. Al////ho/ogie, ii. 443 sy. 7 An//ho/ogia //anudea, colxiv, I. * /t/ºgra/a/a Graeca ex /a/?dºus com/cc/a, ed., G. Kaibel, No. IO28, pp. 437 sq. ; O///hica, ed. E. Abel, pp. 295 57/. ” W. Drexler, op. cit. ii. 448 sqq. CHAP. VI ISIS 285 boundaries of her native land. In that welter of religions which accompanied the decline of national life in antiquity her worship was one of the most popular at Rome and throughout the empire. Some of the Roman emperors themselves were openly addicted to it. And however the religion of Isis may, like any other, have been often worn as a cloak by men and women of loose life, her rites appear on the whole to have been honourably distinguished by a dignity and composure, a solemnity and decorum well fitted to soothe the troubled mind, to ease the burdened heart. They appealed therefore to gentle spirits, and above all to women, whom the bloody and licentious rites of other Oriental goddesses only shocked and repelled. We need not wonder, then, that in a period of decadence, when traditional faiths were shaken, when systems clashed, when men's minds were disquieted, when the fabric of empire itself, once deemed eternal, began to show ominous rents and fissures, the serene figure of Isis with her spiritual calm, her gracious promise of immortality, should have appeared to many like a star in a stormy sky, and should have roused in their breasts a rapture of devotion not unlike that which was paid in the Middle Ages to the Virgin Mary. Indeed her stately ritual, with its shaven and tonsured priests, its matins and vespers, its tinkling music, its baptism and aspersions of holy water, its solemn pro- cessions, its jewelled images of the Mother of God, presented many points of similarity to the pomps and ceremonies of Catholicism." The resemblance need not be purely acci- | L. Preller, Æðmische /l/ythologie,” ii. 373-385; J. Marquardt, A'émische Staatszerval/ung, iii.” 77 - 81 ; E. Renan, //arc-Alttrºſe, pp. 570 s/º. ; J. Reville, Za re/gºon romaine & A'onze sous /es Stºres, pp. 54-6 I ; G. Lafaye, A ſis/oire du cuſte des divin? /ć's d'A/e- vandrie (Paris, 1884); E. Meyer and W. Drexler, s. 7. “Isis,” in W. H. Roscher’s Lexikon d', griech, tº. rām. A/j//o/ogie, ii. 360 sq.7, ; S. Dill, A'oman Society in (he Last Century of reputation which the goddess enjoyed as a healer of the sick see Diodorus Siculus, i. 25 ; W. Drexler, o/, cit. ii. 52 I s/. The divine partner of Isis in later times, especially outside of Egypt, , was Serapis, that is Osiris- Apis (AKar-Hå/?), the sacred Apis bull of Memphis, identified aſter death with Osiris. His oldest sanctuary was at Memphis (Pausanias, i. 18. 4), and there was one at Babylon in the time of Alexander the Great (Plutarch, //e PP'es/ern Empire,” pp. 79 sq., 85 syſ). The chief passage on the worship of Isis in the West is the eleventh book of Apuleius's J/c/a/now?/loses. On the A/exander, 76; Arrian, Anabasis, vii. 26). Ptolemy I. or II, built a great and famous temple in his honour at Alex- andria, where he set up an image of Resem- blance of Isis to the Madonna. 286 JS/S BK. III. C.H. VI dental. Ancient Egypt may have contributed its share to the gorgeous symbolism of the Catholic Church as well as to the pale abstractions of her theology." Certainly in art the figure of Isis suckling the infant Horus is so like that of the Madonna and child that it has sometimes received the adoration of ignorant Christians.” And to Isis in her later 'character of patroness of mariners the Virgin Mary perhaps owes her beautiful epithet of Stella Maris, “Star of the Sea,” under which she is adored by tempest-tossed sailors.” The attributes of a marine deity may have been bestowed on Isis by the sea-faring Greeks of Alexandria. They are quite foreign to her original character and to the habits of the Egyptians, who had no love of the sea." the god which was commonly said to have been imported from Sinope in Pontus. See Tacitus, //isſor. iv. 83 sq.; Plutarch, /sis et Osiris, 27-29; Clement of Alexandria, Zºro/re//, iv. 48, p. 42 ed. Potter. In after ages the institution of the worship of Serapis was attributed to this Ptolemy, but all that the politic Macedonian monarch appears to have done was to assimilate the Egyptian Osiris to the Greek Pluto, and so to set up a god whom Egyptians and Greeks could unite in worshipping. Serapis gradually assumed the attributes of Aesculapius, the Greek god of heal- ing, in addition to those of Pluto, the Greek god of the dead. See G. Lafaye, Aſis/oire du culle des dºz/inites d’Ale- acandrie, pp. 16 sqq. ; A. Wiedemann, Aſerodo/s ºvel/es Buch, p. 589 ; E. A. Wallis Budge, Zhe Gods of the Zg//ians, ii. 195 s/7. ; A. Erman, ZXie ágy//ische A’eligion, pp. 216-218. 1 The resemblance of Isis to the Virgin Mary has often been pointed out. See W. Drexler, in W. H. Roscher’s Zexi/ºon d, griech. 24, 7%m. A/y//hologie, ii. 428 sq.7. * W. Drexler, op. cil. ii. 430 sq. * Th. Trede, Das Heidentum in der 7%mischen A77 che, iii. 144 sq. * On this later aspect of Isis see W. Drexler, o/, cit. ii. 474 sq.7. C H AP T E R VII OSIRIS AND THE SUN OSIRIS has been sometimes interpreted as the sun-god ; Osiris in: * & * & terpreted and in modern times this view has been held by so many ..., distinguished writers that it deserves a brief examination. by many If we inquire on what evidence Osiris has been identified º with the sun or the sun-god, it will be found on analysis to be minute in quantity and dubious, where it is not absolutely worthless, in quality. The diligent Jablonski, the first modern scholar to collect and sift the testimony of classical writers on Egyptian religion, says that it can be shown in many ways that Osiris is the Sun, and that he could produce a cloud of witnesses to prove it, but that it is needless to do so, since no learned man is ignorant of the fact." Of the writers whom he condescends to quote, the only two who expressly identify Osiris with the sun are Diodorus and Macrobius. The passage in Diodorus runs thus : * “It is said that the aboriginal inhabitants of Egypt, looking up to the sky, and smitten with awe and wonder at the nature of the universe, supposed that there were two gods, eternal and primaeval, the Sun and the moon, of whom they named the sun Osiris and the moon Isis.” Even if Diodorus's authority for this statement is Manetho, as there is some ground for believing,” little or no weight can be attached to it. For it is plainly a philosophical, and there- fore a late, explanation of the first beginnings of Egyptian religion, reminding us of Kant's familiar saying about the starry heavens and the moral law rather than of the ! Jablonski, Pantheon Aegyption’tum * Diodorus Siculus, i. I I. I. (Frankfort, I 750), i. I 25 sq. * See p. 283, note I. 287 - 288 OS/A/S AAWD 7TAZA, SUAV BOOK III The later identifica- tion of Osiris with Ra, the Sun-god, does not prove that Osiris was originally the Sun. rude traditions of a primitive people. Jablonski's second authority, Macrobius, is no better, but rather worse. For Macrobius was the father of that large family of myth- ologists who resolve all or most gods into the sun. Accord- ing to him Mercury was the sun, Mars was the sun, Janus was the Sun, Saturn was the sun, so was Jupiter, also Nemesis, likewise Pan, and so on through a great part of the pantheon." It was natural, therefore, that he should identify Osiris with the sun,” but his reasons for doing so are exceedingly slight. He refers to the ceremonies of alternate lamentation and joy as if they reflected the vicissitudes of the great luminary in his course through the sky. Further, he argues that Osiris must be the sun because an eye was one of his symbols. It is true that an eye was a symbol of Osiris,” and it is also true that the sun was often called “the eye of Horus ”; * yet the co- incidence hardly suffices to establish the identity of the two deities. The opinion that Osiris was the sun is also mentioned, but not accepted, by Plutarch,” and it is referred to by Firmicus Maternus." Amongst modern Scholars, Lepsius, in identifying Osiris with the Sun, appears to rely mainly on the passage of Diodorus already quoted. But the monuments, he adds, also show “that down to a late time Osiris was sometimes conceived as Ra. In this quality he is named Osiris-Ra even in the “Book of the Dead, and Isis is often called ‘the royal consort of Ra.’”" That Ra was both the physical sun and the sun-god is undisputed ; but with every deference for the authority of so great a scholar as Lepsius, it may be doubted whether the identification of Osiris with Ra can be accepted as proof that Osiris was originally the sun. //ie Ägy//ians, i. 467 ; A. Erman, ZXie ágy//ische A’e/igion, p. 7. * /sis et Osiris, 52. 1 See Macrobius, Sa/urna/ia, bk. i. * Saſuriz. i. 2 I. I I. 3 Plutarch, /sis eſ Osiris, IO and 51 ; Sir J. G. Wilkinson, A/anners ** & e wº 6 , ſº º Aº e e.g., As ºn fºr 2 g . . . . *** g g - and Cus/o/us of //e Ancient Z39//ians ZJe errore proſawa. 7c/gionum, 8. (London, 1878), iii. 353 ; R. V. 7 Lepsius, “Ueber den ersten Lanzone, Dizionario di //i/o/ogia aegyptischen Götterkreis und Seine Egizia, pp. 782 sq.; E. A. Wallis geschichtlich - mythologische Entste- Budge, 7%e Gods of //e Zg//ians, ii. I I 3 so. 4 E. A. Wallis Budge, Zhe God's of hung,” in Ab/and/ungen der König. /ic/ien Akademie der Wissenschafen 27/ Bey/in, I85 I, pp. 194 sq. CHAP. VII O.S.//ē/S AAWD 7///º S UAV 289 For the religion of ancient Egypt" may be described as a confederacy of local cults which, while maintaining against each other a certain measure of jealous and even hostile independence, were yet constantly subjected to the fusing and amalgamating influence of political Centralisation and philosophic thought. The history of the religion appears to have largely consisted of a struggle between these opposite forces or tendencies. On the one side there was the conservative tendency to preserve the local cults with all their distinctive features, fresh, sharp, and crisp as they had been handed down from an immemorial past. On the other side there was the progressive tendency, favoured by the gradual fusion of the people under a powerful central government, first to dull the edge of these provincial dis- tinctions, and finally to break them down completely and merge them in a single national religion. The conservative party probably mustered in its ranks the great bulk of the people, their prejudices and affections being warmly enlisted in favour of the local deity, with whose temple and rites they had been familiar from childhood ; and the popular dislike of change, based on the endearing effect of old association, must have been strongly reinforced by the less disinterested opposition of the local clergy, whose material interests would necessarily suffer with any decay of their shrines. On the other hand the kings, whose power and glory rose with the political and ecclesiastical Consolidation of the realm, were the natural champions of religious unity ; and their efforts would be seconded by the refined and thoughtful minority, who could hardly fail to be shocked by the many barbarous and revolting elements in the local rites. As usually happens in such cases, the process of religious unification appears to have been largely effected by discovering points of similarity, real or imaginary, between the provincial deities, which were thereupon declared to be only different names or manifestations of the same god. Of the deities who thus acted as centres of attraction, absorbing in themselves a multitude of minor divinities, by * The view here taken of the history 351 sy). Compare C. P. Tiele, Ge. of Egyptian religion is based on the schächſ, der Ale/isſion in Aſterſum, i. sketch in Ad. Erman's Aegy//cy, und 79 sq. aegypſisches Zeben &m 21//ey////7, pp. U Such identifica- tions sprang from attempts to unify and amalga- mate the many local cults of Egypt. 29O OS/A2/S AAWD TAZA) S UAV BOOK III far the most important was the sun-god Ra. There appear to have been few gods in Egypt who were not at one time or other identified with him. Ammon of Thebes, Horus of the East, Horus of Edfu, Chnum of Elephantine, Tum of Heliopolis, all were regarded as one god, the sun. Even the water-god Sobk, in spite of his crocodile shape, did not escape the same fate. Indeed one king, Amenophis IV, undertook to sweep away all the old gods at a stroke and replace them by a single god, the “great living disc of the sun.” In the hymns composed in his honour, this deity is referred to as “the living disc of the sun, besides whom there is none other.” He is said to have made “the far heaven" and “men, beasts, and birds; he strengtheneth the eyes with his beams, and when he showeth himself, all flowers live and grow, the meadows flourish at his upgoing and are drunken at his sight, all cattle skip on their feet, and the birds that are in the marsh flutter for joy.” It is he “who bringeth the years, createth the months, maketh the days, calculateth the hours, the lord of time, by whom men reckon.” In his zeal for the unity of god, the king commanded to erase the names of all other gods from the monuments, and to destroy their images. His rage was particularly directed against the god Ammon, whose name and likeness were effaced wherever they were found ; even the sanctity of the tomb was violated in order to destroy the memorials of the hated deity. In some of the halls of the great temples at Carnac, Luxor, and other places, all the names of the gods, with a few chance exceptions, were scratched out. The monarch even changed his own name, Amenophis, because it was compounded of Ammon, and took instead the name of Chu-en-aten, “gleam of the sun's disc.” Thebes itself, the ancient capital of his glorious ancestors, full of the monuments of their piety and idolatry, was no longer a home for the puritan king. He deserted it, Most Egyptian gods were at SOIlle time identified with the SU T. Attempt of Amenophis IV, to abolish all gods except the sun- god. 1 On this attempted revolution in sqq.; A. Wiedemann, Aegy//ische religion see Lepsius, in Ver/and/, d. Æðnigſ. A/ad, d. Wissensch. zu Berlin, 1851, pp. 196-2O I ; A. Erman, Aegy//en und aegyp/isches Zebeſt im A//er/u/l, pp. 74 sq., 355-357; £d, ZXie ágy//ische /ēe/igion, pp. 64-72 ; H. Brugsch, History of Egypt, i. 44 I Geschic//e, pp. 396 sq/7, ; id., ZXie A’e- /igion der aſſen Aegy//er, pp. 20-22 ; C. P. Tiele, Geschich/e der Æe/igion Żm A//er/u/n, i. 84-92; G. Maspero, Aſis/ogre Azzcienzae, i. 316 sqq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, 7%e Gods of //e Ægy//ians, ii. 68-84. CHAP. VII OS/R/S A/V/O TAZZ S UAV 29 | and built for himself a new capital in Middle Egypt at the place now known as Tell-el-Amarna. Here in a few years a city of palaces and gardens rose like an exhalation at his command, and here the king, his dearly loved wife and children, and his complaisant courtiers led a merry life. The grave and sombre ritual of Thebes was discarded. The sun-god was worshipped with songs and hymns, with the music of harps and flutes, with offerings of cakes and fruits and flowers. Blood seldom stained his kindly altars. The king himself celebrated the offices of religion. He preached with unction, and we may be sure that his courtiers listened with at least an outward semblance of devotion. From the too-faithful portraits of himself which he has bequeathed to us we can still picture to ourselves the heretic king in the pulpit, with his tall, lanky figure, his bandy legs, his pot-belly, his long, lean, haggard face aglow with the fever of religious fanaticism. Yet “the doctrine,” as he loved to call it, which he proclaimed to his hearers was apparently no stern message of renunciation in this world, of terrors in the world to come. The thoughts of death, of judgment, and of the life beyond the grave, which weighed like a nightmare on the minds of the Egyptians, seem to have been dismissed for a time. Even the name of Osiris, the awful judge of the dead, is not once mentioned in the graves at Tell-el-Amarna. All this lasted only during the life of the reformer. His death was followed by a violent reaction. The old gods were reinstated in their rank and privileges: their names and images were restored ; and new temples were built. But all the shrines and palaces reared by the late king were thrown down : even the sculptures that referred to him and to his god in rock-tombs and on the sides of hills were erased or filled up with stucco: his name appears on no later monument, and was carefully omitted from all official lists. The new capital was abandoned, never to be inhabited again. Its plan can still be traced in the sands of the desert. This attempt of King Amenophis IV. is only an ex- treme example of a tendency which appears to have affected the religion of Egypt as far back as we can Failure of the attempt, 292 OS/A2/S AAWD THE SUAV BOOK III Identifica- trace it. Therefore, to come back to our point, in attempt- tion with . o -: *- : * * tº ... ing to discover the original character of any Egyptian god, no evidence no weight can be given to the identification of him with of the other gods, least of all with the sun-god Ra. Far from original º helping to follow up the trail, these identifications only cross Egyptian and confuse it. The best evidence for the original character god. of the Egyptian gods is to be found in their ritual and myths, so far as these are known, and in the manner in which they are portrayed on the monuments. It is mainly on evidence drawn from these sources that I rest my interpretation of Osiris as a deity primarily of the fruits of the earth. The Solar The ground upon which some recent writers seem chiefly $º to rely for the identification of Osiris with the sun is that not explain the story of his death fits better with the solar phenomena his death º sº & e and ... than with any other in nature. It may readily be admitted *tion that the daily appearance and disappearance of the Sun might very naturally be expressed by a myth of his death and resurrection ; and writers who regard Osiris as the Sun are careful to indicate that it is the diurnal, and not the annual, course of the sun to which they understand the myth to apply. Thus Renouf, who identified Osiris with the sun, admitted that the Egyptian sun could not with any show of reason be described as dead in winter." But if his daily death was the theme of the legend, why was it celebrated by an annual ceremony P This fact alone seems fatal to the interpretation of the myth as descriptive of sunset and Sun- rise. Again, though the sun may be said to die daily, in what sense can he be said to be torn in pieces P In the course of our inquiry it has, I trust, been made 1 P. Le Page Renouſ, /ec/ures on the theory that Osiris was the sun ; he //he Origin and Grow//, of Zºe/igion * (London, 1884), p. I I 3. Compare Ed. Meyer, Geschic//e des A//er//iums, i. §§ 55, 57. * The late eminent scholar C. P. Tiele, who ſormerly interpreted Osiris as a sun-god (///s/ory of Ægy//ian A’e- /igion, pp. 43 sqq.), afterwards adopted a view of his nature which approaches more nearly to the one advocated in this book. See his Geschächte der A'e- /.gion im A//ey/u/l, i. 35 sq., I 23. Professor Maspero has also abandoned now supposes that the deity originally personified the Nile. See his //isſoire ancienne 4 (Paris, 1886), p. 35 ; and his A/isſoire anciemme des ſent//es de /’Orien/ chassique, i. (Paris, 1895), p. 130. Dr. E. A. Wallis Budge also interprets Osiris as the Nile (7%e God's of //ie Jºgy//ians, i. 122, 123), and this view was held by some ancient writers (Plutarch, /sis eſ Osiris, 32, 34, 36, 38, 39). Compare Miss M. A. Murray, 7%e Osireion aſ Abydos (London, 1904), p. 29. CHAP. VII O.S.//ē/S AAWD TA/E S UAV 293 clear that there is another natural phenomenon to which the The death conception of death and resurrection is as applicable as to ...; sunset and Sunrise, and which, as a matter of fact, has been Osiris more so conceived and represented in folk-custom. This pheno- º menon is the annual growth and decay of vegetation. A by the strong reason for interpreting the death of Osiris as the .na decay of vegetation rather than as the sunset is to be found growth of in the general, though not unanimous, voice of antiquity, vegetation. which classed together the worship and myths of Osiris, Adonis, Attis, Dionysus, and Demeter, as religions of essentially the same type." The consensus of ancient opinion on this subject seems too great to be rejected as a mere fancy. So closely did the rites of Osiris resemble those of Adonis at Byblus that some of the people of Byblus themselves maintained that it was Osiris and not Adonis whose death was mourned by them.” Such a view could certainly not have been held if the rituals of the two gods had not been so alike as to be almost indistinguishable. Again, Herodotus found the similarity between the rites of Osiris and Dionysus so great, that he thought it impossible the latter could have arisen independently ; they must, he thought, have been recently borrowed, with slight alterations, by the Greeks from the Egyptians.” Again, Plutarch, a very keen student of comparative religion, insists upon the de- tailed resemblance of the rites of Osiris to those of Dionysus.” We cannot reject the evidence of such intelligent and trust- worthy witnesses on plain matters of fact which fell under their own cognisance. Their explanations of the worships it is indeed possible to reject, for the meaning of religious 1 For the identification of Osiris with Adonis and Attis see Hippolytus, with Dionysus, and of Isis with A'efuſatio omnium haeresiſt/n, v. 9, p. Demeter, see Herodotus, ii. 42, 49, 59, 144, 156; Plutarch, Zsis ef Osiris, I 3, 35 ; Diodorus Siculus, i. 13, 25, 96, iv. I; Orphica, Hymn 42; Eusebius, Araepar. Evang. iii. I I. 3 I ; Servius on Virgil, Aen. xi. 287 ; id, on Virgil, Georg. i. 166; J. Tzetzes, Scho!. on Zycophron, 212 ; Avnyijuata, xxii. 2, in Mythographi Graeci, ed. A. Wester- mann, p. 368; Nonnus, Dionys, iv. 269 sq.; Cornutus, Z26 na/ttra deorum, 28; Ausonius, AEpigrammata, 29 and 30. For the identification of Osiris I68 ed. Duncker and Schneidewin ; Orphica, Hymn 42. For the identi- fication of Attis, Adonis, and Dionysus see Socrates, ///s/oria Acclesiasſica, iii. 23 (Migne’s Zºaſrologia Graeca, lxvii. 448); Plutarch, Quaesſiones Con- viziales, iv. 5. 3; Clement of Alex- andria, Pro/repº. ii. I 9, p. 16 ed. Potter. * Lucian, Z)8 dea Syria, 7. * Herodotus, ii. 49. 4 Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 35. 294 OS/A2/S AAWD 7A/E S UAV BOOK II ſ cults is often open to question ; but resemblances of ritual are matters of observation. Therefore, those who explain Osiris as the sun are driven to the alternative of either dismissing as mistaken the testimony of antiquity to the similarity of the rites of Osiris, Adonis, Attis, Dionysus, and Demeter, or of interpreting all these rites as Sun-worship. No modern scholar has fairly faced and accepted either side of this alternative. To accept the former would be to affirm that we know the rites of these deities better than the men who practised, or at least who witnessed them. To accept the latter would involve a wrenching, clipping, mangling, and distorting of myth and ritual from which even Macrobius shrank." On the other hand, the view that the essence of all these rites was the mimic death and revival of vegetation, explains them separately and collectively in an easy and natural way, and harmonises with the general testimony borne by antiquity to their substantial similarity. * Osiris, Attis, Adonis, and Dionysus however, he interpreted as the moon. were all resolved by him into the sun ; See the Sa/urnalia, bk. i. but he spared Demeter (Ceres), whom, CH A PT E R VIII OSIRIS AND THE MOON BEFORE we conclude this study of Osiris it will be worth while to consider an ancient view of his nature, which deserves more attention than it has received in modern times. We are told by Plutarch that among the philosophers who saw in the gods of Egypt personifications of natural objects and forces, there were some who inter- preted Osiris as the moon and his enemy Typhon as the sun, “because the moon, with her humid and generative light, is favourable to the propagation of animals and the growth of plants; while the sun with his fierce fire scorches and burns up all growing things, renders the greater part of the earth uninhabitable by reason of his blaze, and often overpowers the moon herself.” ' Whatever may be thought of the physical qualities here attributed to the moon, the arguments adduced by the ancients to prove the identity of Osiris with that luminary carry with them a weight which has at least not been lightened by the results of modern research. An examination of them and of other evidence pointing in the same direction will, perhaps, help to set the original character of the Egyptian deity in a clearer light. I. Osiris was said to have lived or reigned twenty-eight years. This might fairly be taken as a mythical expression for a lunar month.” 2. His body was reported to have been rent into fourteen pieces.” This might be interpreted of the waning moon, 1 Plutarch, Isis cé Osiris, 41. But fourteen seems to have been the * /bid. I 3, 42. true number, because the inscriptions 3 Zbid. 18, 42. The hieroglyphic of Dendera, which refer to the rites texts sometimes speak of fourteen of Osiris, describe the mystic image pieces, and sometimes of sixteen, of the god as composed of fourteen Osiris was sometimes interpreted by the ancients as the moon. 295 296 OS//ē/S AAWD THE MOO/W BOOK III Evidence which appears to lose a portion of itself on each of the four- ... teen days that make up the second half of a lunar month. of Osiris It is expressly said that his enemy Typhon found the body with the of Osiris at the full moon;' thus the dismemberment of the god would begin with the waning of the moon. To primitive man it seems manifest that the waning moon is actually dwindling, and he naturally enough explains its diminution by Supposing that the planet is being rent or broken in pieces or eaten away. The Klamath Indians of Oregon speak of the moon as “the one broken to pieces" with reference to its changing aspect ; they never apply such a term to the sun,” whose apparent change of bulk at different seasons of the year is far too insignificant to attract the attention of the savage, or at least to be described by him in such forcible language. The Dacotas believe that when the moon is full, a great many little mice begin to nibble at one side of it and do not cease till they have eaten it all up, after which a new moon is born and grows to maturity, only to share the fate of its countless predecessors.” A similar belief is held by the Huzuls of the Carpathians, except that they ascribe the destruction of the old moon to wolves instead of to mice.” 3. At the new moon of the month Phanemoth, which was the beginning of spring, the Egyptians celebrated what they called “the entry of Osiris into the moon.” ” 4. At the ceremony called “the burial of Osiris’ the Egyptians made a crescent - shaped chest “because the moon, when it approaches the sun, assumes the form of a crescent and vanishes.” " g 5. The bull Apis, held to be an image of the soul of Osiris," was born of a cow which was believed to have been impregnated, not in the vulgar way by a bull, but by a divine influence emanating from the moon.” l]] OOI). pieces. See E. A. Wallis Budge, Zhe * R. F. Kaindl, ZXie A/uzulen Gods of //he AEgy//ians, ii. I 26 sq. 1 Plutarch, Asis el Osiris, 8. 2 A. S. Gatschet, 7%e Å7ama/h Indians of South-Western Oregon (Washington, 1890), p. lxxxix. ° S. R. Riggs, Da/o/a Grammar, Z'exts, and Z///zography (Washington, 1893), p. 165. (Vienna, I894), p. 97. * Plutarch, Isis el Osiris, 43. " //id. 43. 7 /öid. 20, 29. * Plutarch, off. ci/. 43 ; 2d., Quaesz. Conviv. viii. 1. 3. Compare Herodotus, iii. 28; Aelian, AWa/. Anim. xi. IO ; Mela, i. 9, 58. CHAP. VIII OS//ø/S A/VD TAZAZ MOO/V 297 6. Once a year, at the full moon, pigs were sacrificed simultaneously to the moon and Osiris." 7. In a hymn supposed to be addressed by Isis to Osiris, it is said that Thoth— P/aceth thy soul in the bark Ma-at, In that name which is thine, of GOD MOON. And again :- Zhou who comes; to us as a child each mont/, We do not cease to contem//afe ſhee. Thine emanation heightens ſhe brilliancy Of the stars of Orion in the firmament, etc.” Here then Osiris is identified with the moon in set terms. If in the same hymn he is said to “illuminate us like Ra” (the sun), that is obviously no reason for identifying him with the sun, but quite the contrary. For though the moon may reasonably be compared to the sun, neither the sun nor anything else can reasonably be compared to itself. Now if Osiris was originally, as I suppose, a deity of The identi vegetation, we can easily enough understand why in a later."" and more philosophic age he should come to be thus identified with the or confounded with the moon.” For as soon as he begins to Hºrs to meditate upon the causes of things, the early philosopher is be based led by certain obvious, though fallacious, appearances to º regard the moon as the ultimate cause of the growth of º plants. In the first place he associates its apparent growth things and decay with the growth and decay of Sublunary things, iºn and imagines that in virtue of a secret sympathy the celestial the waxing phenomena really produce those terrestrial changes which in ...” point of fact they merely resemble. Thus Pliny says that moon. the moon may fairly be considered the planet of breath, “ because it saturates the earth and by its approach fills bodies, while by its departure it empties them. Hence it | Herodotus, ii. 47 ; Plutarch, Zsis e/ Osiris, 8. As to pigs in relation to Osiris, see Z'he Golden Bough,” ii. 3O5 S/7. * /ēecords of the Pasſ, ii. 121 sq.; H. Brugsch, Ā’eligion und /l/ythologie der al/en. Aegyſſey, pp. 629 sq. * According to C. P. Tiele (Geschächte de, A’e/igion in A/te/tu/t, i. 79) the conception of Osiris as the moon was late and never became popular. This entirely accords with the view adopted in the text. 298 OS//º/S A/V/D 7A/A) //OO/V I}()() [K III is,” he goes on, “that shell-fish increase with the increase of the moon and that bloodless creatures especially feel breath at that time ; even the blood of men grows and diminishes with the light of the moon, and leaves and herbage also feel the same influence, since the lunar energy penetrates all things.” “There is no doubt,” writes Macrobius, “that the moon is the author and framer of mortal bodies, so much SO that some things expand or shrink as it waxes or wanes.”” Again, Aulus Gellius puts in the mouth of a friend the remark that “the same things which grow with the waxing, do dwindle with the waning moon,” and he quotes from a commentary of Plutarch's on Hesiod a statement that the Onion is the only vegetable which violates this great law of nature by sprouting in the wane and withering in the increase of the moon.” Scottish Highlanders allege that in the increase of the moon everything has a tendency to grow or stick together ; * and they call the second moon of autumn “the ripening moon " (Gea/ach an abachaidh), because they imagine that crops ripen as much by its light as by day.” From this supposed influence of the moon on the life of plants and animals, men in ancient and modern times have deduced a whole code of rules for the guidance of the husbandman, the shepherd, and others in the conduct of their affairs. Thus an ancient writer on agriculture lays it down as a maxim, that whatever is to be sown should be Sown while the moon is waxing, and that whatever is to be cut or gathered should be cut or gathered while it is waning." A modern treatise on superstition describes how the super- stitious man regulates all his conduct by the moon : “What- ever he would have to grow, he sets about it when she is in her increase; but for what he would have less he chooses Practical rules founded on this lunar theory, | Pliny, Mat. Aſis/. ii. 22 1. * Macrobius, Commem/, in somniu/// Sciftones, i. I I. 7. * Aulus Gellius, xx. 8. For the opinions of the ancients on this subject see further W. II. Roscher, Uber Se/eme 20/2d Pezzvayed/ey (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 6 I 39%. * John Ramsay of Ochtertyre, Sco/. /and and Sco/s/tem in /he Eigh/een// Cezz/ºry, edited by A. Allardyce, ii. 449. " J. G. Campbell, Wiſchcraft and Second Sigh/ in ſ/he High/ama's and Zr/ands of Sco//aſad (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 306 &/. " Palladius, /Xe re rus/ca, i. 34, 8. Compare fal. i. 6. I2 ; I'liny, AWa/, //is/. xviii. 32 I : “o/77 a ſyllae caedun/ur, car/un/ur, Monden/ur innocențius de- crescenſe /u/?a quay, cresco///e /ſa/m/.” Geo/onica, i. 6, 8 : Tuvés àokup.4; oval p.möév ſp0uvoúa'ms rās a eXºvms &\\& at £a- vopévºms pureiſeuv. CHAP. VIII OS//ø/S AAVO ZTA/E /l/OO/V 299 her wane.”" In Germany the phases of the moon are observed by superstitious people at all the more or even less important actions of life, such as tilling the fields, building or changing houses, marriages, hair-cutting, bleeding, cupping, and so forth. The particular rules vary in different places, but the principle generally followed is that whatever is done to increase anything should be done while the moon is waxing ; whatever is done to diminish anything should be done while the moon is waning. For example, sowing, planting, and grafting should be done in the first half of the moon, but the felling of timber and mowing should be done in the second half.” In various parts of Europe it is believed that plants, nails, hair, and corns, cut while the moon is on the increase, will grow again fast, but that if cut while it is on the decrease they will grow slowly or waste away.” Hence persons who wish their hair to grow thick and long should cut it in the first half of the moon.” * J. Brand, Popular An/iguities, iii. I44, quoting Werenfels, Z)isser/a/ion tºpon Superstition (London, I 748), p. 6. * A. Wuttke, Der deutsche Vol/saber- glaube,” $ 65, pp. 57 sq. Compare J. Grimm, Deutsche My/hologie," ii. 595 ; Montanus, Oie deutsche Volks/es/e, lºodAsözöttche zemza' d'eze/scher Vo/As- glaube, p. 128; M. Praetorius, De/iciae Arussicae (Berlin, 1871), p. 18; Am Orque//, v. (1894) p. 173. The rule that the graſting of trees should be done at the waxing of the moon is laid down by Pliny (AWat. Hist. xvii. IoS). At Deutsch-Zepling in Transylvania, by an inversion of the usual custom, seed is generally sown at the waning of the moon (A. Heinrich, -lgrarische Sitten und Gebräuche unſer den Sachsen Siebenbürgens, p. 7). Some French peasants also preſer to sow in the wane (F. Chapiseau, Zºo/-/ore de /a Acauce ef du Perche, i. 29 I). In the Abruzzi also Sowing and grafting are commonly done when the moon is on the wane ; timber that is to be durable must be cut in January during the moon’s de- crease (G. Pinamore, Credence, Üs; e Costumn i Abruggest, p. 43). * P. Sébillot, 7%raditions et Supers/i- tions de Za Złaute-Areſagne, ii. 355; L. F. Sauvé, Zºo/* - /o/e des Azawa'es- On Vosges, p. 5; J. Brand, Fopular Antiquities, iii. I 50 ; Holzmayer, “Osiliana,” Verhand/ungen der ge/ehr- Zen Æs/nichen Gese//scha/2 gat ZX2//a/, vii. (1872) p. 47. * The rule is mentioned by Varro, A'eru/n A'zas/icarum, i. 37 (where we should probably read “ne decrescenſe tondens ca/vos ſiam,” and refer is/acc to the former member of the preceding sentence); A. Wuttke, A. c. ; Mon- tanus, op. ci/. p. 128 ; P. Sébillot, /.c.; E. Meier, ZXºuſsche Sagen, Sit/c// und Gebräuche atts Schwaben, p. 5 I I, § 42 I ; Tettau und Temne, lºoſ/Assagen Ostfreussens, Liſ/haltens KS 5 und PWestpreusserts, p. 283; A. Kuhn, A/örkische Sagen und J/airchen, p. 386, § 92; L. Schandein, in Bazaria, Alandes- und lºo/Kiskunde des Aºnigreichs Bayern, iv. 2, p. 402 ; F. S. Krauss, Po/Åsg/artbe und re/igiöser Brauch der Siids/aven, p. I 5 ; E. Krause, “Aber- glaubische Kuren und Sonstiger Aber- glaube in Berlin,” Zeiſschri/? /?ir A/hno/ogie, xv. (1883) p. 9 I ; R. Wuttke, Sächsische Volkskunde * (Dres- den, I 90 I), p. 369; Burne and Jackson, Shropshire /o/A-ſore, p. 259. The reason assigned in the text was probably the original one in all cases, though it is not always the one alleged now. 3OO OS//ø/S AAWD THA. MOOAV BOOK III the same principle sheep are shorn when the moon is waxing, because it is supposed that the wool will then be longest and most enduring." Some negroes of the Gaboon think that taro and other vegetables never thrive if they are planted aſter full moon, but that they grow fast and strong if they are planted in the first quarter.” The Highlanders of Scotland used to expect better crops of grain by sowing their seed in the moon's increase.” On the Other hand they thought that garden vegetables, such as Onions and kail, run to seed if they are sown in the increase, but that they grow to pot - herbs if they are sown in the wane." So Thomas Tusser advised the peasant to Sow peas and beans in the wane of the moon “that they with the planet may rest and arise.”" The Zulus welcome the first appearance of the new moon with beating of drums and other demonstrations of joy ; but next day they abstain from all labour, “thinking that if anything is sown on those days they can never reap the benefit thereof.” ” But in this matter of Sowing and planting a refined distinction is some- times drawn by French, German, and Esthonian peasants : plants which bear fruit above ground are sown by them when the moon is waxing, but plants which are cultivated for the sake of their roots, such as potatoes and turnips, are sown when the moon is waning." The reason for this dis- tinction seems to be a vague idea that the waxing moon is Coming up and the waning moon going down, and that * F. S. Krauss, op. ci/. p. 16 ; Montanus, /. c. ; Varro, A’erum. /ēnts/2- p. 183. * J. G. Campbell, Witchcraft and caret/l, i. 37 (See above, p. 299, note 4). However, the opposite rule is observed in the Upper Vosges, where it is thought that if the sheep are shorn at the new moon the quantity of wool will be much less than if they were shorn in the waning of the moon (L. F. Sauvé, Zºol/-/ore des //au/es-Vosges, p. 5). In Normandy, also, wool is clipped during the waning of the moon ; otherwise moths would get into it (J. Lecoeur, AEsguisses du /3ocage Mormand, ii. I 2). * Father Lejeune, “Dans la forêt,” A/issions Ca/ho/i7ates, xxvii. (1895) p. 272. ° S. Johnson, /ourney ſo the Wes/ern Zsſands of Scot/and (Baltimore, 18 IO), Second Sight in the Highlands and /slands of Sco//and, p. 306. * Thomas Tusser, A'ize //undred Aoin/s of Good //usbandºy, new edition (London, 1812), p. Io'ſ (under February). 6 Fairweather, in W. F. Owen’s AWarra/ive of Voyages ſo explore the Shores of Africa, Arabia, and /l/ada- gascar, ii. 396 sq. 7 A. Wuttke, Dez' deat/sche Vol/saber- glaube,” $ 65, p. 58; J. Lecoeur, loc. cit, ; E. Meier, Deu/sche Sagen, Siſten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben, p. 5 I I, § 422 ; Th. Siebs, “Das Saterland,” Zeitschriſ ſºir Vo/s/...unde, iii. (1893) p. 278 ; Holzmayer, op. cit, p. 47. CHAP. VIII OS//ø/S A/V/O 7TAZAZ MOO/V 3OI accordingly fruits which grow upwards should be sown in the former period, and fruits which grow downwards in the latter. Before beginning to plant their cacao the Pipiles of Central America exposed the finest seeds for four nights to the moonlight," but whether they did so at the waxing or waning of the moon is not said. Again, the waning of the moon has been commonly The recommended both in ancient and modern times as the º' the moon proper time for felling trees,” apparently because it was in relation thought fit and natural that the operation of cutting down * of should be performed on earth at the time when the lunar timber. orb was, so to say, being cut down in the sky. In France before the Revolution the forestry laws enjoined that trees should only be felled after the moon had passed the full ; and in French bills announcing the sale of timber you may still read a notice that the wood was cut in the waning of the moon.” But sometimes the opposite rule is adopted, and equally forcible arguments are urged in its defence. Thus, when the Wabondei of eastern Africa are about to build a house, they take care to cut the posts for it when the moon is on the increase ; for they say that posts cut when the moon is wasting away would soon rot, whereas posts cut while the moon is waxing are very durable." The same rule is observed for the same reason in some parts of Germany.” But the partisans of the 1 H. H. Bancroft, Maſize Kaces of the Pacific States, ii. 719 sq. * Cato, Oe agri cuſ/ura, 37. 4 ; Varro, A’erum, A’ats/icarum, i. 37; Pliny, Naſ. His/. xvi. 190 ; Palladius, AXa re rustica, ii. 22, xii. I 5 ; Plutarch, Quaes/. Conviv. iii. Io. 3 ; Macrobius, Saturn. vii. 16 ; A. Wuttke, l.c. : Aavaria, Landes- und Volks/unde des Aönigreichs Baye777, iv. 2, p. 4O2 ; W. Kolbe, Hessische Volks-Siſ/e/t 7/7ta' Gebraiche, p. 58; L. F. Sauvé, Ao/K- More des Aſauſes- Posges, p. 5; F. Chapi- seau, Folk – lore de la Beauce et du Aerche, i. 291 sq.; M. Martin, “De- scription of the Western Islands of Scotland,” in Pinkerton’s Poyages and Zºravels, iii. 630 ; J. G. Campbell, Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highland's and Isſands of Scot/and, p. 306; G. Amalfi, Zºradizioni ed Us? 77e//a peninso/a Sorren/ina (Palermo, 1890), p. 87 ; K. von den Steinen, C/n/er deſt AWaturzſö/kern Zeyzſra/- Arasi/ie/1, p. 559. Compare F. de Castelnau, AExpédition dans /es par/ies centraſes de l’Amérique du Sud, iii. 438. Pliny, while he says that the period from the twentieth to the thirtieth day of the lunar month was the season gener- ally recommended, adds that the best time of all, according to universal opinion, was the interlunar day, between the old and the new moon, when the planet is invisible through being in conjunction with the sun. * J. Lecoeur, Æsguisses du Bocage AVormand, ii. I I sq. * O. Baumann, Osambara zºnd scime AWachbargeózefe (Berlin, 1891), p. 125. * Montanus, Die deutsche Po/Asſesſe, 3O2 OS/A’/S A/V/O 7TP//Z MOO/V BOOK III ordinarily received opinion have sometimes supported it by The moon another reason, which introduces us to the second of those º fallacious appearances by which men have been led to regard source of the moon as the cause of growth in plants. From observing ” rightly that dew falls most thickly on cloudless nights, they inferred wrongly that it was caused by the moon, a theory which the poet Alcman expressed in mythical form by saying that dew was a daughter of Zeus and the moon." Hence the ancients concluded that the moon is the great source of moisture, as the sun is the great source of heat.” And as the humid power of the moon was assumed to be greater when the planet was waxing than when it was waning, they thought that timber cut during the increase of the luminary would be saturated with moisture, whereas timber cut in the wane would be comparatively dry. Hence we are told that in antiquity carpenters would reject timber felled when the moon was growing or full, because they believed that such timber teemed with sap ; * and in the Vosges at the present day people allege that wood cut at the new moon does not dry." In the Hebrides peasants give the same reason for cutting their peats when the moon is on the wane ; “for they observe that if they are cut in the increase, they continue still moist and never burn clear, nor are they without smoke, but the contrary is daily observed of peats cut in the decrease.”” The moon, Thus misled by a double fallacy primitive philosophy tº: a. comes to view the moon as the great cause of vegetable the cause growth, first, because the planet seems itself to grow, and º second, because it is supposed to be the source of dew naturally and moisture. It is no wonder, therefore, that agricultural sº*peoples should adore the planet which they believe to cultural influence so profoundly the crops on which they depend * for subsistence. Accordingly we find that in the hotter Vo/Asbräuche und deutscher Volksg/auðe, Aristotle, Zºro//emala, xxiv. 14, p. 937 . I 28. B, 3 sy, ed. Bekker (Berlin). 1 Plutarch, Quaest. Conviz., iii. Io. * Macrobius and Plutarch, // ce. 3; Macrobius, Saſurn, vii. 16. See * L. F. Sauvé, Zºol/-/ore des Hautes- further, W. H. Roscher, O/er Se/ene Vosges, p. 5. uſed Verwand/es (Leipsic, 1890), p. 49 * M. Martin, “Description of the $77. Western Islands of Scotland,” in 2 Plutarch and Macrobius, // ce. ; Pinkerton’s Voyages and 7%aze/s, Pliny, AWa/, //is/. ii. 223, xx. I ; iii. 630. CHAP. VIII OS/R/S AAWD THE MOO/V 3O3 regions of America, where maize is cultivated and manioc is the staple food, the moon was recognised as the principal object of worship, and plantations of manioc were assigned to it as a return for the service it rendered in the production of the crops. The worship of the moon in preference to the sun was general among the Caribs, and, perhaps, also among most of the other Indian tribes who cultivated maize in the tropical forests to the east of the Andes; and the same thing has been observed, under the same physical conditions, among the aborigines of the hottest region of Peru, the northern valleys of Yuncapata. Here the Indians of Pacas- mayu and the neighbouring valleys revered the moon as their principal divinity. The “house of the moon " at Pacas- mayu was the chief temple of the district ; and the same sacrifices of maize-flour, of wine, and of children which were offered by the mountaineers of the Andes to the Sun-god, were offered by the lowlanders to the Moon-god in order that he might cause their crops to thrive." In ancient Babylonia, where the population was essentially agricultural, the moon-god took precedence of the Sun-god and was indeed reckoned his father.” Hence it would be no matter for surprise if, after 1 E. J. Payne, Aſistory of the AVew World called America, i. 495. In his remarks on the origin of moon-worship this learned and philosophical historian has indicated (op. cit. i. 493 s/.) the true causes which lead primitive man to trace the growth of plants to the influence of the moon. Com- pare E. B. Tylor, Primi/ive Culture,” i. I 30. Mr. Payne suggests that the custom of naming the months after the principal natural products that ripen in them may have contributed to the same result. The custom is certainly very common among Savages, as I hope to show elsewhere, but whether it has contributed to foster the fallacy in question seems doubtful. The Indians of Brazil are said to pay more attention to the moon than to the Sun, regarding it as a source both of good and ill (Spix und Martius, A'eise in Brasi/ien, i. 379). The natives of Mori, a district of central Celebes, believe that the rice - spirit Omonga lives in the moon and eats up the rice in the granary if he is not treated with due respect. See A. C. Kruijt, “Eenige ethnografische Aantee- keningen omtrent de Toboengkoe en de Tomori,” A/ededee/ingen van wege he/ AWiederlandsche Zendelinggenoo/schaft, xliv, (1900) p. 23.I. ° E. A. Budge, Webuchadnezzar, Aºng of Babylon, on recent/y-discovered 2nscrip/ions of this A'ing, p. 5 sq. ; A. H. Sayce, A’eligion of the Ancient Aabylonians, p. I 55 ; M. Jastrow, A'eſigion of Baby/onia and Assyria, pp. 68 sq., 75 sq. ; L. W. King, Babylonian A'eſigion and Al/y/ho/ogy (London, 1899), p. 17 sq. The Ahts of Van- couver’s Island, a tribe of fishers and hunters, view the moon as the husband of the sun and as a more powerful deity than her (G. M. Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, p. 206). 3O4 OS//º/S AAWD THE MOOAV BOOK III Thus Osiris, the old corn- god, was afterwards identified with the IIl OOI), worshipping the crops which furnished them with the means of subsistence, the ancient Egyptians should in later times have identified the spirit of the corn with the moon, which a pseudo-philosophy had taught them to regard as the ultimate cause of the growth of vegetation. In this way we can understand why in their most recent forms the myth and ritual of Osiris, the old god of trees and corn, should bear many traces of efforts made to bring them into a superficial conformity with the new doctrine of his lunar affinity. C H A PTE R IX THE DOCTRINE OF LUNAR SYMPATHY IN the preceding chapter some evidence was adduced of the The Sympathetic influence which the waxing or waning moon is º: popularly supposed to exert on growth, especially on the sympathy. growth of vegetation. But the doctrine of lunar sympathy does not stop there ; it is applied also to the affairs of man, and various customs and rules have been deduced from it which aim at the amelioration and even the indefinite extension of human life. To illustrate this application of the popular theory at length would be out of place here, but a few cases may be mentioned by way of specimen. The natural fact on which all the customs in question Theory seem to rest is the apparent monthly increase and decrease * of the moon. From this observation men have inferred or wane that all things simultaneously wax or wane in sympathy." with it." Thus the Mentras of the Malay Peninsula have a tradition that in the beginning men did not die but grew thin with the waning of the moon, and waxed fat as she neared the full.” Of the Scottish Highlanders we are told that “the moon in her increase, full growth, and in her wane are, with them, the emblems of a rising, flourishing, and declining fortune. At the last period of her revolution they carefully avoid to engage in any business of importance; but the first and middle they seize with avidity, presaging the most auspicious issue to their undertakings.” Similarly * This principle is clearly recognised Branch of the Aoyal Asiatic Society, and well illustrated by J. Grimm No. IO (Singapore, 1883), p. 190. (/Deutſsche Al/y//ho/ogie," ii. 594-596). * Rev. J. Grant (parish minister of * D. F. A. Hervey, “The Mentra Kirkmichael), in Sir John Sinclair's Traditions,” Journal of the Straits Statistical Account of Scotland, xii. 457. 305 X 306 TA/AE DOCTRZAVE OF / OAVAl A. S. VM/2A 7TA/ Y BOOK III in some parts of Germany it is commonly believed that whatever is undertaken when the moon is on the increase succeeds well, and that the full moon brings everything to perfection ; whereas business undertaken in the wane of the moon is doomed to failure." This German belief has come down, as we might have anticipated, from barbaric times ; for Tacitus tells us that the Germans considered the new Or the full moon the most auspicious time for business; * and Caesar informs us that the Germans despaired of victory if they joined battle before the new moon.” The Spartans seem to have been of the same opinion, for it was a rule with them never to march out to war except when the moon was full. The rule prevented them from sending troops in time to fight the Persians at Marathon," and but for Athenian valour this paltry superstition might have turned the scale of battle and decided the destiny of Greece, if not of Europe, for centuries. The Athenians themselves paid dear for a similar scruple : an eclipse of the moon cost them the loss of a gallant fleet and army before Syracuse, and practically sealed the fate of Athens, for she never recovered from the blow.” So heavy is the sacrifice which superstition demands of its votaries. In this respect the Greeks were on a level with the negroes of the Sudan, among whom, if a march has been decided upon during the last quarter of the moon, the departure is always deferred until the first day of the new moon. No chief would dare to undertake an expedition and lead out his warriors before the appearance of the crescent. Merchants and private persons observe the same rule on their journeys." In like manner the Mandingoes of Senegambia pay great attention to the changes of the moon, and think it very unlucky to begin a journey or any other work of consequence in the last quarter" It is especially the appearance of the new moon, with its promise of growth and increase, which is greeted with ! Kuhn und Schwartz, AVordalent/sche Sagen, AZärchen und Gebräuche, p. 457, § 4 I 9. * Tacitus, Ger//lamia, I I. * Caesar, ZXe beſ/o Ga//ico, i. 50. * Herodotus, vi. IOG ; Lucian, ZXe as/ro/ogia, 25; Pausanias, i. 28, 4. * Thucydides, vii. 50. * Le capitaine Binger, /)at AVåger aut Goſſe de Guinée (Paris, I892), ii. I I 6. 7 Mungo Park, Zyaze/s in /he Zn/erior Z)/s/ric/s of A/rica " (London, 1807), pp. 406 &/. CHAP. IX TAZAZ DOCT/P//VE OF / O/VA /& S. VMA’A 7TA V 3O7 ceremonies intended to renew and invigorate, by means of The sympathetic magic, the life of man. Observers, ignorant of...". Savage superstition, have commonly misinterpreted such new moon customs as worship or adoration paid to the moon. In º point of fact the ceremonies of new moon are probably in rather than g tº º s religious, many cases rather magical than religious. The Indians of . the Ucayali River in Peru hail the appearance of the new º moon with great joy. They make long speeches to her, sympatheti. accompanied with vehement gesticulations, imploring her ...". protection and begging that she will be so good as to invigorate their bodies." On the day when the new moon first appeared, it was a custom with the Indians of San Juan Capistrano, in California, to call together all the young men for the purpose of its celebration. “Correr /a /uma / " shouted one of the old men, “Come, my boys, the moon the moon l’’ Immediately the young men began to run about in a disorderly fashion as if they were distracted, while the old men danced in a circle, saying, “As the moon dieth, and Cometh to life again, So we also having to die will again live.” An old traveller tells us that at the appearance of every new moon the negroes of the Congo clapped their hands and cried out, sometimes falling on their knees, “So may I renew my life as thou art renewed.” But if the sky happened to be clouded, they did nothing, alleging that the planet had lost its virtue.” A somewhat similar custom prevails among the Ovambo of South-western Africa. On the first moonlight night of the new moon, young and old, their bodies smeared with white earth, probably in imitation of the planet's silvery light, dance to the moon and address to it wishes which they feel sure will be granted.” We may conjecture that among these wishes is a prayer for a renewal of life. When a Masai sees the new moon he throws a twig or stone at it with his left hand, and says, “Give me long life,” or “Give me strength "; and when a pregnant woman sees the new moon she milks some milk into a 1 W. Smythe and F. Lowe, Marratize oy a /ourney /row Zima /o A'ara (London, I 836), p. 230. * Father G. Boscana, “ Chinig- chinich,” in Zºſe in Ca/č/ornia, by an American [A. Robinson] (New York, 1846), pp. 298 sq. ° Merolla, “Voyage to Congo,” in Pinkerton’s loyages and 7 raz’eſs, xvi. 273. * H. Schinz, Deutsch-Sidwestaſrika, p. 3 I 9. 308 THE DOCTRINE OF LUNAR SYMPATH Y book III small gourd, which she covers with green grass. Then she pours the milk away in the direction of the moon and says, “Moon, give me my child safely.” Among the Wagogo of German East Africa, at sight of the new moon some people break a stick in pieces, Spit on the pieces, and throw them towards the moon, saying, “Let all illness go to the west, where the sun sets.”.” The Esthonians think that all the misfortunes which might befall a man in the course of a month may be forestalled and shifted to the moon, if a man will only say to the new moon, “Good morrow, new moon. I must grow young, you must grow old. My eyes must grow bright, yours must grow dark. I must grow light as a bird, you must grow heavy as iron.”” In India people attempt to absorb the vital influence of the moon by drinking water in which the luminary is reflected. Thus the Mohammedans of Oude fill a silver basin with water and hold it so that the orb of the full moon is mirrored in it. The person to be benefited must look steadfastly at the moon in the basin, then shut his eyes and drink the water at One gulp. Doctors recommend the draught as a remedy for nervous disorders and palpitation of the heart. Somewhat similar customs prevail among the Hindoos of northern India. At the full moon of the month of Kuar (September-October) people lay out food on the . house-tops, and when it has absorbed the rays of the moon they distribute it among their relations, who are supposed to lengthen their life by eating of the food which has thus been saturated with moonshine. Patients are often made to look at the moon reflected in melted butter, oil, or milk as a cure for leprosy and the like diseases." Attempts to Cat Ol' drink the moonlight. 1 A. C. Hollis, 7%e //asai (Oxford, I905), p. 274. 2 H. Cole, ‘‘Notes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,” Journa/o/, //e An//ro/o/ogica/ /ns/i/u/e, xxxii. (1902) . 2 20. # G. Kohl, ZXie deutsch-russischen Ostsee/rovinzen, ii. 279. Compare Boecler-Kreutzwald, ZXez Zhs/enz affey’- g/auðische Gebräuche, Weisen und Gewo/izz/ei/e/?, pp. 142 sy. ; J. Grimm, AXau/sche /l/y/hologie," ii. 595, note I. The power of regeneration ascribed to the moon in these customs is sometimes attributed to the sun. Thus it is said that the Chiriguanos Indians of south- castern Bolivia often address the sun as follows: “Thou art born and disappearest every day, only to revive always young. Cause that it may be so with me.” See A. Thouar, Æx//ora- (&ons (ſans /'A/uérique du Sud (Paris, I891), p. 50. * W. Crooke, Popular We/igion and /o/-/ore of AVoy://ern India (West- minster, 1896) i. 14 sq. CHAP. IX THE DOCTR//VE OF Z UAVA R S VMAA TA, V 3O9 Naturally enough the genial influence of moonshine is often supposed to be especially beneficial to children ; for will not the waxing moon help them to wax in strength and stature ? The Guarayos Indians, who inhabit the gloomy tropical forests of eastern Bolivia, lift up their children in the air at new moon in order that they may grow." Among the Apinagos Indians, on the Tocantins River in Brazil, the French traveller Castelnau witnessed a remarkable dance by moonlight. The Indians danced in two long ranks which faced each other, the women on one side, the men on the other. Between the two ranks of dancers blazed a great fire. The men were painted in brilliant colours, and for the most part wore white or red skull-caps made of maize-flour and resin. Their dancing was very monotonous and con- sisted of a jerky movement of the body, while the dancer advanced first one leg and then the other. This dance they accompanied with a melancholy Song, striking the ground with their weapons. Opposite them the women, naked and unpainted, stood in a single rank, their bodies bent slightly forward, their knees pressed together, their arms swinging in measured time, now forward, now backward, so as to join hands. A remarkable figure in the dance was a personage painted scarlet all over, who held in his hand a rattle com- posed of a gourd full of pebbles. From time to time he leaped across the great fire which burned between the men and the women. Then he would run rapidly in front of the women, stopping now and then before one or other and performing a series of strange gambols, while he shook his rattle violently. Sometimes he would sink with one knee to the ground, and then suddenly throw himself backward. Altogether the agility and endurance which he displayed were remarkable. This dance lasted for hours. When a woman was tired out she withdrew, and her place was taken by another ; but the same men danced the monotonous dance all night. Towards midnight the moon attained the zenith and flooded the scene with her bright rays. A change now took place in the dance. A long line of men and women advanced to the fire between the ranks of the | A. d’Orbigny, Voyage dans l’Amérigue A/ºridionale, iii. I* Partie (Paris and Strasburg, 1844), p. 24. T]he Supposed influence of moonlight on children. Infants presented to the moon by the Apinagos Indians of Brazil. 3 IO TAZ/2 DOCTR//VE OF L UAVA R S V//PA 7TP/Y BOOK III dancers. Each of them held one end of a hammock in which lay a new-born infant, whose squalls could be heard. These babes were now to be presented by their parents to the moon. On reaching the end of the line each couple swung the hammock, accompanying the movement by a chant, which all the Indians sang in chorus. The song seemed to consist of three words, repeated over and over again. Soon a shrill voice was heard, and a hideous old hag, like a skeleton, appeared with her arms raised above her head. She went round and round the assembly several times, then disappeared in silence. While she was present, the Scarlet dancer with the rattle bounded about more furiously than ever, stopping only for a moment while he passed in front of the line of women. His body was con- tracted and bent towards them, and described an undulatory movement like that of a worm writhing. He shook his rattle violently, as if he would fain kindle in the women the fire which burned in himself. Then rising abruptly he would resume his career. During this time the loud voice of an Orator was heard from the village repeating a curious name without cessation. Then the speaker approached slowly, carrying on his back some gorgeous bunches of brilliant feathers and under his arm a stone axe. Behind him walked a young woman bearing an infant in a loose girdle at her waist; the child was wrapped in a mat, which protected it against the chill night air. The couple paced slowly for a minute or two, and then vanished without speaking a word. At the same moment the curious name which the orator had shouted was taken up by the whole assembly and repeated by them again and again. This Scene in its turn lasted a long time, but ceased suddenly with the setting of the moon. The French traveller who witnessed it fell asleep, and when he awoke all was calm once more : there was nothing to recall the infernal dances of the night." In explanation of these dances Castelnau merely observes that the Apinagos, like many other South American Indians, pay a Superstitious respect to the moon. We may suppose | F. de Castelnau, AEx//d/ion dams /es parties cen/rales de /'Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1850-1851), ii. 31-34. CHAP. Ix 7'A/E DOCT/ē//VE OF L UAVA /& S. YMPA THY 3 II that the ceremonious presentation of the infants to the moon The * º g reSel) ta- was intended to ensure their life and growth. The names . solemnly chanted by the whole assembly were probably tºº, those which the parents publicly bestowed on their children. probably As to the scarlet dancer who leaped across the fire, we may ..". conjecture that he personated the moon, and that his Strange grow. antics in front of the women were designed to impart to them the fertilising virtue of the luminary, and perhaps to facilitate their delivery. Among the Baganda of Central Africa there is general Baganda rejoicing when the new moon appears, and no work is done ...” for seven days. When the crescent is first visible at moon. evening, mothers take out their babies and hold them at arms' length, saying, “I want my child to keep in health till the moon wanes.” At the same time a ceremony is performed which may be intended to ensure the king's life and health throughout the ensuing month. It is a custom with the Baganda to preserve the king's placenta with great care during his life. A special minister has charge of the precious object, and every new moon, at evening, he carries it in state, wrapped in bark cloths, to the king, who takes it into his hands, examines it, and returns it to the minister. The keeper of the placenta then goes back with it to the house and sets it in the doorway, where it remains all night. Next morning it is taken from its wrappings and again placed in the doorway until the evening, when it is once more swathed in bark cloths and restored to its usual place." Apparently the placenta is conceived as a vital portion, a sort of external soul, of the king ; and the attentions bestowed on it at the new moon may be supposed to refresh and invigorate it, thereby refreshing and invigorating the king's life. The Armenians appear to think that the moon exercises Baleful a baleful influence on little children. To avert that influ-". g * Supposed ence a mother will show the moon to her child and say, to be e sº axercised “Thine uncle, thine uncle.” For the same purpose the i. the father and mother will mount to the roof of the house at . Oll new moon on a Wednesday or Friday. The father then Ch] [Cl rel). 1 J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Journal of the Anthropologica//nstitute, Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” xxxii. (1902), pp. 63, 76. 3I 2 TA/E DOCT/º/AVE OF L UAVA R S VMAA TH V BOOK III puts the child on a shovel and gives it to the mother, saying, “If it is thine, take it to thee. But if it is mine, rear it and give it to me back.” The mother then takes the child and the shovel, and returns them to the father in like manner." A similar opinion as to the noxious influence of moonshine on children was apparently held by the ancient Greeks; for Greek nurses took great care never to show their infants to the moon.” Some Brazilian Indians in like manner guard babies against the moon, believing that it would make them ill. Immediately after delivery mothers will hide themselves and their infants in the thickest parts of the forest in order that the moonlight may not fall on them.” It would be easy to understand why the waning moon should be deemed injurious to children ; they might be supposed to peak and pine with its dwindling light. Thus in Angus it is thought that if a child be weaned during the waning of the moon, it will decay all the time that the moon continues to wane.” But it is less easy to see why the same deleterious influence on children should be ascribed to moonlight in general. There are many other ways in which people have sought to turn lunar sympathy to practical account. Clearly the increase of the moon is the time to increase your goods, and the decrease of the moon is the time to diminish your ills. Acting on this imaginary law of nature many persons in Europe show their money to the new moon or turn it in their pockets at that season, in the belief that the money will grow with the growth of the planet; sometimes, by way of additional precaution, they spit on the coin at the same time.” Conversely the waning of the moon is the most natural time to get rid of bodily ailments. In Brittany they think that warts vary with the phases of the moon, growing as it waxes and vanishing away as it wanes." Use of the In OOl] to increase money or decrease sickness. | M. Abeghian, Der armenische * F. Panzer, /3c2/rag zur deutſschewa Vo/Asg/auðe (Leipsic, 1899), p. 49. * Plutarch, Quaes/iones Convivia/es, iv. Io. 3. 7. * Spix und Martius, Arasilien, i. 381, iii. 1 186. * J. Jamieson, Dic/ionary of Zhe Scot/ish Zanguage, new edition (Paisley, 1880), iii. 3oo (s.v. “Mone”). A'eise in My//ho/ogie, ii. 26o ; W. Henderson, /o/-/ore of the AVorthern Counties of Angſamtd., p. I 14 ; 13urne and Jackson, Shro/s/ire /o/ - More, p. 257; W. Gregor, /o/-/ore of the AVor//-AEast of Scotland, p. I 5 I. " P. Sébillot, 7%raditions et Super- 3/itions de Za //au/e-/3re/agne, ii. 355. CHAP. Ix 7"A/AE DOCTR//VAE OF / UAVA R S V/A2A 7TA/ V 3I 3 Accordingly, they say in Germany that if you would rid yourself of warts you should treat them when the moon is on the decrease." And a German cure for toothache, earache, headache, and so forth, is to look towards the waning moon and say, “As the moon decreases, SO may my pains decrease also.” However, some Germans reverse the rule. They say, for example, that if you are afflicted with a wen, you should face the waxing moon, lay your finger on the wen, and say thrice, “What I see waxes; what I touch, let it vanish away.” After each of these two sentences you should cross yourself thrice. Then go home without speak- ing to any one, and repeat three paternosters behind the kitchen door.” The Huzuls of the Carpathians recommend a somewhat similar cure for waterbrash. They say that at new moon the patient should run thrice round the house and then say to the moon, “Moon, moon, where wast thou ?” “Behind the mountain.” “What hast thou eaten there 2 " “Horse flesh.” “Why hast thou brought me nothing P " “Because I forgot.” “May the waterbrash forget to burn me !” “ Thus a curative virtue appears to be attributed by Some people to the waning and by others to the waxing moon. There is perhaps just as much, or as little, to be said for the one attribution as for the other. * A. Kuhn, A/ārkische Sagen und JAV/hologie, ii. 302. Compare J. A/ärchen, p. 387, § 93. Grimm, Deu/sche A/ythologie," ii. 596. * ZXie gestriegeſ/e A'ockenp/hi/osophie * R. F. Kaindl, “Zauberglaube bei (Chemnitz, 1759), p. 447. den Huzulen,” Globus, lxxvi. (1899), * F. Panzer, Beitrag zur deutschen p. 256. C H A P T E R X THE KING AS OSIRIS IN the foregoing discussion we found reason to believe that the Semitic Adonis and the Phrygian Attis were at one time personated in the flesh by kings, princes, or priests who played the part of the god for a time and then either died a violent death in the divine character or had to redeem their life in one way or another, whether by performing a make-believe sacrifice at Some expense of pain and danger to themselves, or by delegating the duty to a substitute." Further, we conjectured that in Egypt the part of Osiris may have been played by the king himself.” It remains to adduce some positive evidence of this personation. A great festival called the Sed was celebrated by the Egyptians with much solemnity at intervals of thirty years. Various portions of the ritual are represented on the ancient monuments of Hieraconpolis and Abydos and in the oldest decorated temple of Egypt known to us, that of Usirniri at Busiris, which dates from the fifth dynasty. It appears that the ceremonies were as old as the Egyptian civilisation, and that they continued to be observed till the end of the Roman period.” The reason for holding them at intervals of thirty Osiris personated by the king of Egypt. The Sed festival celebrated in Egypt at intervals of thirty years. * See above, pp. 12 sq., 29 sqq., Abydos, pp. 32-34 ; W. M. Flinders 34, 38, 85 sq., 182 sy/. Petrie, Æesearches in Sinai (London, * See above, pp. 269 sq. 1906), pp. 176- 185. In interpreting the * A. Moret, One carac/?re religieux festival Iſollow Professor Flinders Petrie. de la 7'oſauté /’haraozzique, pp. 235- That the festival occurred, theoretically 238. The festival is discussed at at least, at intervals of thirty years, length by Mr. Moret (oft, cit. pp. 235- appears to be unquestionable ; for in 273). See further R. Lepsius, /Jie the Greek text of the Rosetta Stone Chronologie der Aegyp/er, i. 161-165; Ptolemy V. is called “lord of periods Miss M. A. Murray, 7%e Osireion aſ of thirty years,” and though the cor- 3I4 *gs BK. III. C.H. X 7T///5 / //VG AS' O.S.//ø/S 3 I 5 years is uncertain, but we can hardly doubt that the period was determined by astronomical considerations. According to one view, it was based on the observation of Saturn's period of revolution round the Sun, which is, roughly speaking, thirty years, or, more exactly, twenty-nine years and one hundred and seventy-four days." According to another view, the thirty years' period had reference to Sirius, the star of Isis. We have seen that on account of the vague character of the old Egyptian year the heliacal rising of Sirius shifted its place gradually through every month of the calendar.” In one hundred and twenty years the star thus passed through one whole month of thirty days. To speak more precisely, it rose on the first of the month during the first four years of the period : it rose on the second of the month in the second four years, on the third of the month in the third four years; and so on succes- sively, till in the last four years of the hundred and twenty years it rose on the last day of the month. As the Egyptians watched the annual summer rising of the star with attention and associated it with the most popular of their goddesses, it would be natural that its passage from one month to another, at intervals of one hundred and twenty years, should be the Occasion of a great festival, and that the long period of one hundred and twenty years should be divided into four minor periods of thirty years respectively, each celebrated by a minor festival.” If this theory of the Sed festivals is correct, we should expect to find that every fourth celebration was distinguished from the rest by a higher degree of solemnity, since it marked the completion of a twelfth part of the star's journey through the twelve months. Now it appears that in point of fact every fourth Sed festival was marked off from its fellows by the adjective teſ, or “chief,” and that these “chief" celebrations fell as a responding part of the hieroglyphic text is lost, the demotic version of the words is “master of the years of the Sed festival.” See R. Lepsius, op. ci/. pp. 161 sq., ; W. Dittenberger, Orien/is Graeci. Inscriptiones Se/ec/ae, No. 9o, line 2 (vol. i. p. 142); A. Moret, oft. ciſ. 260. Mr. Moret attempts to give to the Greek word (Tptakov raermple) a vague sense which it cannot bear. 1 This was Letronne's theory (R. Lepsius, oft. cf/. p. 163). * See above, pp. 228 sq. * This was in substance the theory of Biot (R. Lepsius, /.c.), and it is the view of Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie (A'csearches in Sinai, pp. I 76 sy/.). 316 ZTA/A) / //VG AS OS/A’/S BOOK II | Intention of the Sed festival to renew the king's life, The king identified with the dead Osiris at the Sed festival. rule in the years when Sirius rose on the first of the month." These facts confirm the view that the Sed festival was closely connected with the star Sirius, and through it with Isis. However, we are here concerned rather with the meaning and the rites of the festival than with the reasons for holding it once every thirty years. The intention of the festival seems to have been to procure for the king a new lease of life, a renovation of his divine energies, a rejuvenescence. In the inscriptions of Abydos we read, after an account of the rites, the following address to the king : “Thou dost recommence thy renewal, thou art granted to flourish again like the infant god Moon, thou dost grow young again, and that from season to season, like Nun at the beginning of time, thou art born again in renewing the Sed festivals. All life comes to thy nostril, and thou art king of the whole earth for ever.”” In short, on these occasions it appears to have been supposed that the king was in a manner born again. But how was the new birth effected P Apparently the essence of the rites consisted in identifying the king with Osiris ; for just as Osiris had died and risen again from the dead, so the king might be thought to die and to live again with the god whom he personated. The ceremony would thus be for the king a death as well as a rebirth. Accord- ingly in pictures of the Sed festival on the monuments we see the king posing as the dead Osiris. He sits in a shrine like a god, holding in his hands the crook and flail of Osiris : he is wrapped in tight bandages like the mummified Osiris; indeed, there is nothing but his name to prove that he is not Osiris himself. This enthronement of the king in the attitude of the dead god seems to have been the principal event of the festival.” Further, the queen and the king's daughters figured prominently in the ceremonies." A r discharge of arrows formed part of the rites; ” and in some ! W. M. Flinders Petrie, /ēesearches * A. Moret, op. cit. p. 240 ; Miss An Sinai, p. 18O. M. A. Murray, 7% e Osireion aſ Abydos, * A. Moret, ZXu carac/?re religieux pp. 33 sq., with the slip inserted at de la royau/4 Pharaonique, pp. 255 sq. p. 33 ; W. Flinders Petrie, off. cit, p. 3 W. M. Flinders Petrie, /ēesearches 184. 27. Sinai, p. 181. * A. Moret, op. cit. p. 242. CHA. P. X T//E / //VC A.S. O.S.//ø/S 317 sculptures at Carnac the queen is portrayed shooting arrows towards the four quarters of the world, while the king does the same with rings." The oldest illustration of the festival is on the mace of Narmer, which is believed to date from 55 OO B.C. Here we see the king seated as Osiris in a shrine at the top of nine steps. Beside the shrine stand fan-bearers, and in front of it is a figure in a palanquin, which, according to an inscription in another representation of the scene, appears to be the royal child. An enclosure of curtains hung on poles surrounds the dancing ground, where three men are performing a sacred dance. A procession of standards is depicted beside the enclosure ; it is headed by the standard of the jackal-god Up-uat, the “opener of ways” for the dead.” Similarly on a seal of King Zer, which is referred to 5300 B.C., the king appears as Osiris with the standard of the jackal-god before him. In front of him, too, is the ostrich feather on which “the dead king was supposed to ascend into heaven. Here, then, the king, identified with Osiris, king of the dead, has before him the jackal-god, who leads the dead, and the ostrich feather, which symbolizes his reception into the sky.”” According to Professor Flinders Petrie, “the conclusion Suggested may be drawn thus. In the savage age of prehistoric º times, the Egyptians, like many other African and Indian festival. peoples, killed their priest-king at stated intervals, in order that the ruler should, with unimpaired life and health, be enabled to maintain the kingdom in its highest condition. The royal daughters were present in order that they might be married to his successor. The jackal-god went before him, to open the way to the unseen world ; and the ostrich feather received and bore away the king's soul in the breeze that blew it out of sight. This was the celebration of the ‘end,' the sed feast. The king thus became the dead king, patron of all those who had died in his reign, who were his subjects here and hereafter. He was thus one with Osiris, the king of the dead. This fierce custom became changed, as in other lands, by appointing a deputy king to die in his 1 Miss M. A. Murray, op. cit., slip in Sinai, p. 183. inserted at p. 33. 2 W. M. Flinders Petrie, A’esearches ° W. M. Flinders Petrie, /.c. 3.18 TA/AE / //VG AS OS/A&MS BOOK III stead ; which idea survived in the Coptic Abu Nerūs, with his tall crown of Upper Egypt, false beard, and sceptre. After the death of the deputy, the real king renewed his life and reign. Henceforward this became the greatest of the royal festivals, the apotheosis of the king during his life, after which he became Osiris upon earth and the patron of the dead in the underworld.”" - Whether this interpretation of the Sed festival be accepted in all its details or not, one thing seems quite certain : on these solemn occasions the god Osiris was per- Sonated by the king of Egypt himself. That is the point with which we are here chiefly concerned. 1 W. M. Flinders Petrie, A’esearches aus Oberágyp/en, der Wiste und dem Osiris personated by the king of Egypt. in Sinai, p. 185. As to the Coptic A'othen /l/eere, pp. 180 sq. ; 7%e Golden mock-king see C. B. Klunzinger, /31/der Æough,” ii. 30. CH A P T E R XI CONCLUSION WE have now concluded our inquiry into the nature and Essential worship of the three Oriental deities Adonis, Attis, and ..". Osiris. The essential similarity of their character justifies us Attis, and in treating of them together. All three apparently embodied Osiris. the powers of fertility in general and of vegetation in particular. All three were believed to have died and risen again from the dead ; and the divine death and resurrection of all three were dramatically represented at annual festivals, which their worshippers celebrated with alternate transports of sorrow and joy, of weeping and exultation. The natural phenomena thus mythically conceived and mythically repre- sented were the great changes of the seasons, especially the most striking and impressive of all, the decay and revival of vegetation ; and the intention of the sacred dramas was to refresh and strengthen, by sympathetic magic, the failing energies of nature, in order that the trees should bear fruit, that the corn should ripen, that men and animals should reproduce their kinds. But the three gods did not stand by themselves. The The superi- mythical personification of nature, of which all three were ..." goddesses products, required that each of them should be coupled with associated a goddess, and in each case it appears that Originally the Aºi. goddess was a more powerful and important personage than Allis, and the god. At all events it is always the god rather than º to a the goddess who comes to a sad end, and whose death º is annually mourned. Thus, whereas Osiris was slain by right. Typhon, his divine spouse Isis survived and brought him to life again. This feature of the myth seems to indicate that - 319 32O COAVC/, USAOAV BOOK I I I in the beginning Isis was, what Astarte and Cybele always continued to be, the stronger divinity of the pair. Now the superiority thus assigned to the goddess over the god is most naturally explained as the result of a social system in which maternity counted for more than paternity, descent being traced and property handed down through women rather than through men. That such a system once prevailed in the lands where Adonis and Attis were worshipped is a matter of inference. In historical times father-right had certainly displaced mother - right among the Semitic worshippers of Adonis, and probably the same change had taken place among the Phrygian worshippers of Attis. Yet the older custom lingered in Lycia down to the historical period;’ and we may conjecture that in former times it was widely spread through Asia Minor. The secluded situation and rugged mountains of Lycia favoured the survival of a native language and of native institutions long after these had disappeared from the wide plains and fertile valleys which lay on the highroads of war and commerce. Lycia was to Asia Minor what the highlands of Wales and of Scotland have been to Britain, the last entrenchments where the old race stood at bay. In Egypt the archaic system of mother-right, with its preference for women over men in matters of property and inheritance, lasted down to Roman times, and it was tradi- tionally based on the example of Isis, who had avenged her husband's murder and had continued to reign after his decease, conferring benefits on mankind. “For these reasons,” says Diodorus Siculus, “it was appointed that the queen should enjoy greater power and honour than the king, and that among private people the wife should rule over her husband, in the marriage contract the husband agreeing to Mother- right in Egypt. 1 The Lycians traced their descent schmidt seems to think that the through women, not through men ; Lycians were Hittites (The Z/i//i/es, and among them it was the daughters, p. 20). The question of the influence not the sons, who inherited the family of a system of mother-right on ancient property. See Herodotus, i. 174; religion has been discussed by Mr. L. R. Nicolaus Damascenus, in Stobaeus, Farnell (Archiv ſºir A'eligionswissen- Z/ori/egium, xliv, 41 (Zºragmenta schaft, vii. (1904) pp. 70-94). I agree Aſis/oricorum, Graecorum, ed. C. with him in thinking that some of the Müller, iii. 461); Plutarch, De /u/i- facts which he examines may have no erum, zir/u/ibus, 9. Dr. L. Messer- connection with mother-right. CO/VC/C US/O/V CHAP, XI 32 I obey his wife in all things.” A corollary of the superior position thus conceded to women in Egypt was that the obligation of maintaining parents in their old age rested on the daughters, not on the Sons, of the family.” The same legal superiority of women over men accounts, as Miss Rachel Evelyn White was the first to point out, for the most remarkable feature in the social system of the ancient Egyptians, to wit, the marriage of full brothers with full sisters. That marriage, which to us seems strange and unnatural, was by no means a whim of the reigning Ptolemies; on the contrary, these Macedonian conquerors appear, with characteristic prudence, to have borrowed the custom from their Egyptian predecessors for the express purpose of conciliating native prejudice. In the eyes of the Egyptians “marriage between brother and sister was the best of marriages, and it acquired an ineffable degree of sanctity when the brother and sister who contracted it were themselves born of a brother and sister, who had in their turn also sprung from a union of the same sort.” “ Nor did the principle apply only to gods and kings. The common people acted on it in their daily life. They regarded marriages between brothers and sisters as the most natural and reasonable of all." The evidence of legal documents, including marriage contracts, tends to prove that such unions were the rule, not the exception, in ancient Egypt, and that they continued to form the majority of marriages long after the Romans had obtained a firm footing in the country. As we cannot suppose that Roman influence was used to promote a custom which must have been abhorrent to Roman instincts, we may safely assume that the proportion of brother and sister marriages in Egypt had been still greater in the days when the country was free.” * Diodorus Siculus, i. 27. I sy. 270 Polemáisch-römischen Zeit (Leip. On the position of women in ancient Egypt see especially the able article of Miss Rachel Evelyn White, “Women in Ptolemaic Egypt,” /ournal of He/ſemic S/tºdies, xviii. (1898) pp. 238-256. * Herodotus, ii. 35. - * Maspero, quoted by Miss R. E. White, op. cit. p. 244. * J. Nietzold, Die Ehe in Agypten sic, I 903), p. 12. * A. Erman, Aegy/en und aegyp. /isches Zeben im 21//erſum, pp. 221 sq.; U. Wilcken, “Arsinoitische Steuer- professionen aus dem Jahre 189 n. Chr.,” Sitzungsberichte der König. Z’reuss. Akademie der IVässenschafen cut Aer/in, 1883, p. 903; J. Nietzold, ZXie E/he in Agyp/en ºur Ptolemãisch- römischert Zeff, pp. 12-14. Y Egyptian marriages of brothers and sisters. 322 CO/VC/ U.S/O/V BOOK III It would doubtless be a mistake to treat these marriages as a relic of savagery, as a survival of a tribal communism which knew no bar to the intercourse of the sexes. For ... such a theory would not explain why union with a sister the family, was not only allowed, but preferred to all others. The true motive of that preference was most probably the wish of brothers to obtain for their own use the family property, which belonged of right to their sisters, and which otherwise they would have seen in the enjoyment of strangers, the husbands of their sisters. This is the system which in Ceylon is known as beena marriage. Under it the daughter, not the son, is the heir. She stays at home, and her husband comes and lives with her in the house; but her brother goes away and dwells in his wife's home, inheriting nothing from his parents." Such a system could not ſail in time to prove irksome. Men would be loth to quit the old home, resign the ancestral property to a stranger, and go out to seek their fortune empty-handed in the world. The remedy was obvious. A man had nothing to do but to marry his sister himself instead of handing her over to another. Having done so he stayed at home and enjoyed the family estate in virtue of his marriage with the heiress. This simple and perfectly effective expedient for keeping the property in the family most probably explains the custom of brother and sister marriage in Egypt.” Such marriages were based on a wish to keep the ! J. F. McLennan, S/udies in Ancient Aistory (London, 1886), pp. IOI syſ). Among the Kocchs of north-eastern India “the property of the husband is made over to the wife ; when she dies it goes to her daughters, and when he marries he lives with his wife's mother ” (R. G. Latham, Descrip/ive Z//inology, i. 96). sisters, the intention being in this way to avoid a division of the property" (Die Ehe in Agy//en, p. 13). The same explanation of the custom has been given by Prof. W. Ridgeway. See his “Supplices of Aeschylus ” in Aºrae/ec/ions de/tvered before the Senaſe of //te University of Cambridge (Cam- bridge, 1906), pp. I 54 sq. McLennan had previously explained the marriage of brothers and sisters in royal families as an expedient ſor shiſting the succes- sion from the female to the male line ; but he did not extend the theory so as * This is in substance the explana- tion which Miss Rachel Evelyn White gives of the Egyptian custom. See her paper, “Women in Ptolemaic Egypt,” Journal of Z/e/ſenic Studies, xviii. to explain similar marriages among (1898) p. 265. Similarly Mr. J. common people in Egypt, perhaps Nietzold obscrves that “economical because he was not aware of the facts. considerations, especially in the case of great landowners, may often have been the occasion of marriages with See J. F. McLennan, Zhe Zºaſriarcha/ Zheory, edited and completed by D. McLennan (London, 1885), p. 95. CHAP, XI CO/VC/ U.S/O/V 323 Thus the union of Osiris with his sister Isis was not a Thus the freak of the storyteller's fancy : it reflected a social custom º which was itself based on practical considerations of the his sister most solid kind. When we reflect that this practice of...asa, mother-right as opposed to father-right survived down to real social the latest times of antiquity, not in an obscure and bar- CllSton), barous tribe, but in a nation whose immemorial civilisation was its glory and the wonder of the world, we may without being extravagant suppose that a similar practice formerly prevailed in Syria and Phrygia, and that it accounts for the superiority of the goddess over the god in the divine partnerships of Adonis and Astarte, of Attis and Cybele. But the ancient system both of society and of religion had undergone far more change in these countries than in Egypt, where to the last the main outlines of the old structure could be traced in the national institutions to which the Egyptians clung with a passionate, a fanatical devotion. Mother-right, the divinity of kings and queens, a sense of the original kinship of the gods with nature— these things outlived the Persian, the Macedonian, the Roman conquest, and only perished under the more powerful solvent of Christianity. - The singular tenacity with which the Egyptian people Egyptian maintained their traditional beliefs and customs for thousands Sºº'". º tism partly of years sprang no doubt from the stubborn conservatism an effect of of the national character. Yet that conservatism was itself...,n. in great measure an effect of geographical and climatic and habits Conditions and of the ways of life which they favoured. of life. Surrounded on every side by deserts or almost harbourless Seas, the Egyptians occupied a position of great natural strength which for long ages together protected them from invasion and allowed their native habits to set and harden, undisturbed by the subversive influence of foreign conquest. The wonderful regularity of nature in Egypt also conduced to a corresponding stability in the minds of the people. Year in, year out, the immutable succession of the seasons brought with it the same unvarying round of agricultural toil. What the fathers had done, the sons did in the same manner at the same season, and so it went on from generation to generation. This monotonous routine is 324 CO/VC/ US/O/V BK. I I I, CHI, XI The original type of Osiris better preserved than those of Adonis and Attis. common indeed to all purely agricultural communities, and everywhere tends to beget in the husbandman a settled phlegmatic habit of mind very different from the mobility, the alertness, the pliability of character which the hazards and uncertainties of commerce and the sea foster in the merchant and the sailor. The saturnine temperament of the farmer is as naturally averse to change as the more mercurial spirit of the trader and the Seaman is predisposed to it. But the stereotyping of ideas and of customs was carried further in Egypt than in most lands devoted to husbandry by reason of the greater uniformity of the Egyptian seasons and the more Complete isolation of the Country. The general result of these causes was to create a type of national character which presented many points of re- semblance to that of the Chinese. In both we see the same inflexible strength of will, the same astonishing industry, the same strange blend of humanity and savagery, the same obstinate adherence to tradition, the same pride of race and of ancient civilisation, the same contempt for foreigners as for upstarts and barbarians, the same patient outward Sub- mission to an alien rule combined with an unshakeable inward devotion to native ideals. It was this conservative temper of the people, bred in great measure of the physical nature of their land, which, so to say, embalmed the corn-god Osiris long after the corresponding figures of Adonis and Attis had suffered decay. For while Egypt enjoyed profound repose, the tides of war and conquest, of traffic and commerce, had for centuries rolled over western Asia, the native home of Adonis and Attis ; and if the shock of nationalities in this great meeting-ground of East and West was favourable to the rise of new faiths and new moralities, it was in the same measure unfavourable to the preservation of the old. N O TE A CHARM TO PROTECT A TOWN THE tradition that a Lydian king tried to make the citadel of Sardes impregnable by carrying round it a lion * may perhaps be illustrated by a South African custom. When the Bechuanas are about to found a new town, they observe an elaborate ritual. They choose a bull from the herd, sew up its eyelids with sinew, and then allow the blinded animal to wander at will for four days. On the fifth day they track it down and sacrifice it at sunset on the spot where it happens to be standing. The carcase is then roasted whole and divided among the people. Ritual requires that every particle of the flesh should be consumed on the spot. When the sacrificial meal is over, the medicine-men take the hide and mark it with appropriate medicines, the composition of which is a professional secret. Then with one long spiral cut they convert the whole hide into a single thong. Having done so they cut up the thong into lengths of about two feet and despatch messengers in all directions to peg down one of those strips in each of the paths leading to the new town. “After this,” it is said, “if a foreigner approaches the new town to destroy it with his charms, he will find that the town has prepared itself for his coming.”.” Thus it would seem that the pastoral Bechuanas attempt to place a new town under the protec- tion of one of their sacred cattle 8 by distributing pieces of its hide at all points where an enemy could approach it, just as the Lydian king thought to place the citadel of his capital under the protection of the lion-god by carrying the animal round the boundaries. Further, the Bechuana custom may throw light on a widespread legend which relates how a cunning settler in a new country bought from the natives as much land as could be covered with a hide, and how he then proceeded to cut the hide into thongs and to claim as much land as could be enclosed by the thongs. The most ! See above, p. 96. 3 For more evidence of the sanctity * Rev. W. C. Willoughby, “Notes of cattle among the Bechuanas see the on the Totemism of the Becwana,” Rev. W. C. Willoughby, op. cit. pp. Journal of the Am/hropological Institute, 301 sq.7. xxxv. (1905) pp. 303 Sq. 326 A CAAA’M TO PROTECT A TO WAV familiar example of such stories is the tradition that Dido procured the site of Carthage in this fashion, and that the place hence received the name of Byrsa or “hide.” Similar tales occur in the legendary history of Saxons and Danes,” and they meet us in India, Siberia, Burma, Cambodia, Java, and Bali.” The wide diffusion of such stories confirms the conjecture of Jacob Grimm that in them we have a reminiscence of a mode of land measurement which was once actually in use, and of which the designation is still retained in the English hide.” The Bechuana custom suggests that the mode of measuring by a hide may have originated in a practice of encompassing a piece of land with thongs cut from the hide of a sacrificial victim in order to place the ground under the guardianship of the sacred animal. But why do the Bechuanas sew up the eyelids of the bull which is to be used for this purpose P The answer appears to be given by the ceremonies which the same people observe when they are going out to war. On that occasion a woman rushes up to the army with her eyes shut and shakes a winnowing-fan, while she cries out, “The army is not seen The army is not seen " And a medicine-man at the same time sprinkles medicine over the spears, crying out in like manner, “The army is not seen The army is not seen . " After that they seize a bull, sew up its eyelids with a hair of its tail, and drive it for some distance along the road which the army is to take. When it has preceded the army a little way, the bull is sacrificed, roasted whole, and eaten by the warriors. All the flesh must be consumed on the spot. Such parts as cannot be eaten are burnt with fire. Only the contents of the stomach are carefully preserved as a charm which is to lead the warriors to victory. Chosen men carry the precious guts in front of the army, and it is deemed most important that no one should precede them. When they stop, the army stops, and it will not resume the march till it sees that the men with the bull's guts have gone forward.” The meaning of these ! Virgil, Aen. i. 367 sq., with the 179; A. Bastian, Die Voe/ker des commentary of Servius ; Justin, xviii. 5. 9. * Saxo Grammaticus, //istoria /)a- nica, ix. pp. 462 sq. ed. P. E. Müller (where the hide employed is that of a horse); J. Grimm, Deu/sche /ēech/sa//er- thièvreſ, pp. 90 sq. Compare R. Köhler, “Sage von Landerwerbung durch zerschnittene Häute,” Orien/ zºnd Occiden/, iii. 185-187. * Lieutenant-Colonel James Tod, Anna/s and An/i/?tities of /čajas/ham, ii. (London, 1832) p. 235; W. Rad- loff, Z’robenz der Vo//s/i//era/tez' der Tiirkischen Stå///ne Said-Siófriens, iv. Oes/lichen Asien, i. 25, iv. 367 sq. ; T. Stamford Raffles, A/istory of /aza (London, 1817), ii. I 53 sq. ; Van Eck, “Schetsen van heteiland Bali,” 7.jd. schrift zoor AVederlandsc/.-//adić, Feb. I 880, p. 117. The substance of all these stories, except the first, was given by me in a note on “Hide- measured Lands,” Classical A'cz/iew, ii. (1888) p. 322. * J. Grimm, Deu/sche A’ech/sal/er- //, /t/teſ, pp. 538 sq. * Rev. W. C. Willoughby, “Notes on the Totemism of the Becwana,” Journal of ſ/he Azz//i7-opologica/Justitute, XXXV. (1905) p. 3O4. A CA/ARM 7TO PROTECT A TO WAV 327 ceremonies is explained by the cries of the woman and the priest, “The army is not seen . The army is not seen ” Clearly it is desirable that the army should not be perceived by the enemies until it is upon them. Accordingly on the principles of homoeopathic magic the Bechuanas apparently imagine that they can make them- selves invisible by eating of the flesh of a blind bull, blindness and invisibility being to their simple minds the same thing. For the same reason the bowels of the blind ox are carried in front of the army to hide its advance from hostile eyes. In like manner the custom of sacrificing and eating a blind ox on the place where a new town is to be built may be intended to render the town invisible to enemies. At all events the Bawenda, a South African people who belong to the same Bantu stock as the Bechuanas, take great pains to conceal their kraals from passers-by. The kraals are built in the forest or bush, and the long winding footpaths which lead to them are often kept open only by the support of a single pole here and there. Indeed the paths are so low and narrow that it is very difficult to bring a horse into such a village. In time of war the poles are removed and the thorny creepers fall down, form- ing a natural screen or bulwark which the enemy can neither penetrate nor destroy by fire. The kraals are also surrounded by walls of undressed stones with a filling of soil; and to hide them still better from the view of the enemy the tops of the walls are sown with Indian corn or planted with tobacco. Hence travellers passing through the country seldom come across a Bawenda kraal. To see where the Bawenda dwell you must climb to the tops of mountains and look down on the roofs of their round huts peeping out of the surrounding green like clusters of mushrooms in the woods." The object which the Bawenda attain by these perfectly rational means, the Bechuanas seek to compass by the sacrifice and consumption of a blind bull. * Rev. E. Gottschling, “The Ba- Customs,” Journal of the Anthropologica/ wenda, a Sketch of their History and Institute, xxxv. (1905) pp. 368 sq. I N D E X Abruzzi, All Souls' Eve in the, 253 Abydos, 215, 259, 3I4; 316 Acharaca, II 5 Adad, Syrian king, II Adom-Melek, Io, 12 Adoni-bezek, 12 Adonis, myth of, 6 sqq. ; meaning of name, 6 ; relation to Aphrodite, 8, I 5, 16; as royal title, 12 ; identified with Osiris, 18, 293; title of Phoenician princes in Cyprus, 30 ; doves sacrificed to, 64; festivals of, 126 sqq. ; deity of vegetation, 128 sqq., 137 sqq.; a corn- Spirit, 131 sq.7. ; gardens of, I37 sqq. , worshipped at Alexandria, 126; at Amathus, 18, 41 ; at Antioch, 128, 157 sq.; at Athens, 128; at Bethlehem, I 57, I59 ; at Byblus, 9 sqq.; at Paphos, 9, 18 sqq.; at Rome, 198 the river, Io, I 5 ; discoloration of, 16, 127 Adoni-zedek, 12 AedepSuS in Euboea, hot springs at, I2 I sq. Aeschylus, on Typhon, 75 Aesculapius, his dispute with Hercules, 119 Agapenor, 26 n. Ajax, name of kings of Olba, 62, 78 Alcman, the poet, on dew, 302 Alexander the Great, 27, 81 Alexandria, festival of Adonis at, 126; festival of St. Peter at, 20I 71. Alexandrian calendar, the, 229 m. 3, 240 All Saints' Feast on 1st November perhaps of Celtic origin, 2.55 sq. All Souls, feasts of, 2.42 sq.7, ; in Europe, 248 sqq.; feast on 2nd November apparently of Celtic origin, 254 sy. Allifae, baths of, I22 n. 5 Almo, procession to brook, I71 Almond in Phrygian cosmogony, 164 Amathus, 18, 41 Amenophis IV., king of Egypt, his attempted religious revolution, 290 sq. AmSanctus, valley of, I 14 sq. Amyclae, 205, 206, 207 ; tomb of Hyacinth at, 205 Anaitis, 23 Anchiale in Cilicia, 87 Anemone, the flower of Adonis, 16, 127 Animals and plants treated respectfully by Savages, 234 sq.7. Anointing of sacred stones, 21 Antioch, festival of Adonis at, I 57 Sq. Anubis, the jackal-headed Egyptian god, 2I 6, 217 Apameia, worship of Poseidon at, Io'7 Aphaca, Sanctuary of Aphrodite at, I.4, I 58 Aphrodite, Sanctuary of, at Paphos, 18 sq.; the Summer called, 232 and Adonis, 8, 15, 16 Apinagos Indians of Brazil, their dances to the moon, 309 sq. Apis, Egyptian bull, 296 Apollo, his victory over Marsyas, 185 and Hyacinth, 204, 206 sq. Cataonian, 65 m. I Sarpedonian, 83 m. 3 Apotheosis of Roman emperors, 49 Arab custom at harvest, 239 Archigallus, 167, 176 Argaeus, Mount, Io2 sq. Aristotle on relation of springs to earth- quakes, 121 m, 3 Armenia, religious prostitution in, 23 Armenians, their festival of the dead, 2.48; their customs at new moon, 3 I I sy. Arrian, on Bithynian worship of Attis, 179 Artemis Perasia, of Castabala, 38, 83 sqq. —— of Perga, 20 Sarpedonian, 83 the Tauric, 38 Ashurbanipal, king of Assyria, 61, 88, 89 Asia Minor, volcanic regions of, Io2 sq., Io 5 sq. ; mother-right in, 32O Assumption of the Virgin, 200, 201 I 28, 329 33O JAWDA.X Astarte at Byblus, 9 sq.; priests of, 13 ; Sanctuary of, at Aphaca, 14, 158; prostitution in the worship of, 21 sq. Asteria, mother of Melcarth, 35 Atargatis, Syrian goddess, 55, 79 sq., 81 ‘Atheh, goddess of Tarsus, 79 Athena of Magarsus, 86 m. 2 Athenian superstition as to eclipse of the moon, 306 Athens, festival of Adonis at, 128; festival of the dead at, 135; Sacrifice of ox at, I9 I Athyr, death of Osiris on the 17th of, 213, 257; festival of Osiris in the month of, 256 sq9. Attis, myth and ritual of, 163 sqq. , birth, 163 sq.; death, 164; Self-mutila- tion, 164; festival, 166 sq.7. ; mysteries of, 171 ſqq. ; a god of vegetation, 174 sq.7. a corn-god, 175 sq. , statue in the Lateran, 175 ; as father god, 178 sq. ; as Sky-god, 179 ſqq. ; human representatives of, 182 sqq. , title of Phrygian priests of Cybele, 182, 184 Atys, son of Croesus, 183 Augustine, on Midsummer festival, 149 : on priests of Cybele, 192; on Christmas, 197; as to the conception and death of Christ, 198 m. I ; on Isis, 283 Aulus Gellius, on the moon, 298 Aurelia Aemilia, 23 Axe, double-headed, as divine emblem, 50, 52, 94 37. , 96, 97 Baal, Io sqq.; the god of fertility, 13 sq., 77 ; as husband of the land, 14 of the Lebanon, 18 of Tarsus, 43, 47, 60, 79 sq., 86 Baalath, Io, I 3, 14, 20, 26 nº. 5 Baalbec, 22 Babylon, Tammuz at, 6 sqq. , religious prostitution at, 22 Bacchanals kill Pentheus and Orpheus, 27o, 271 Bacchylides, on burning of Croesus, 90 Baganda, their customs at new moon, 311 Bagobos of Philippines, their custom at earthquakes, I Io Paku, fire-worship at, Ioq Balinese, their custom as to earthquakes, Io9 Barleycorn, John, 131 sy. Bar-rekub, Syrian king, 1 I Bataks of Sumatra, their custom as to earthquakes, Io9 $/. - Batara-guru, the Batak Creator, Io9 Bathing at Midsummer, 146 ſqq. image as rain-charm, 176 Baths of goddesses, 171, 176 Bearded Cyprian goddess, 81 Bechuanas, their custom at founding a town, 325; at going to war, 326 Belgium, All Souls' Eve in, 249 Bengal, ‘‘gardens of Adonis " in, 140 sq. Ben-hadad, I I Bent, J. Theodore, 68, 7.2, 69 71. I, 73 m. 2, 84 m. I Bes, Egyptian god, 42 ft. I - Bethlehem, worship of Adonis at, I 57 Bghais of Iłurma, their festival of the dead, 246 Bhujariya, barley feast in India, I43 sy. Binding and releasing of god, 233 Birth, miraculous, 163 sq. ; the new, I72, 193, 316 Bithynians invoke Attis, 179 Blood, baptism of bull's, 172 sq. ; used to wash away sins, 193 Day of, 167, 169, 182 Boar kills Adonis, 8; kills Attis, 164 Podroun, 83 Boghaz-Keui, Hittite remains and Sculp- tures at, 5o $77, Bohemia, All Souls' Eve in, 250 Bones, fossil, 70, 74 sq. Bonfires at Midsummer, 145, 150 sqq. Bride of the Nile, 231 Brittany, All Souls' Eve in, 248 Bromok, volcano in Java, 123 Brother and sister marriages, 28, 207 ; in ancient Egypt, 321 sq. BrugSch, H., 222 n. 1, 224 ºz. 2, 230 21, , 278, 284 Buddhism, its parallelism and contrast with Christianity, 202 sq. Budge, E. A. Wallis, 179 m. 292 ft. 2 Bull, worship of, 46 sq., 54, 8o ; as divine emblem, 8o Bull's blood, bath of, 172 sq. Burmese, their behaviour earthquake, I Io sy. Burning of Melcarth, 34 sqq.; of Hercules, 35, 39 sq. of Sandan, 48 syg., 6o, 86; of Sardanapalus, 87 sq. ; of Croesus, 89 sqq. ; of a god, Ioo 37. Burnt Land, the, of Lydia, IoS Busiris, 215, 259, 26o, 276, 314 Buto, Egyptian goddess of the North, 2 I 3 Byblus, Adonis at, 9 sqq. , religious prostitution at, 22 ; festival of Adonis at, 126 sy. , Osiris at, 214, 293 I, 282, during an Cairo, cutting of the dams at, 230 sq. Calendar, Alexandrian, 223 sq., 229 m, 3, 24O lºgyptian, 220 sq.7. of the Egyptian farmer, 225 sq/. of Esne, 240 £7. Julian, 230 Mexican, 224 n. 3 Cambodia, festival of 246 37. the dead in, AVDAEX 33 I Camul, marriage custom in, 24 m. I Canathus, a spring, 176 Candaules, king of Lydia, 94 Canopic decree, 230 m. I Canopus, the decree of, 223 Capital punishment formerly a religious rite, I86 7, 6 Cappadocia, Hittites in, 47 sq., 5o $7., 97, Io2 ; Persian fire-worship in, Io9 Carchemish, 46, 56 n. 2 Carpini, de Plano, 188 Carthage, Dido at, 37, 326 : of Hamilcar at, 39 Castabala in Cappadocia, 38 ; in Cilicia, 83 sqq. Castelnau, F. de, 309 sq. Castration, religious and mythical, 164, I65, 167 sqq., 179 sq. Catullus, his poem on Attis, 169 Caves, fossil bones found in limestone, 7O, 7.4 Celaenae in Phrygia, 185, 187 Celebes, custom as to earthquake in, I Io Celenderis, 25, 26 n. Ceos, observation of the rising of Sirius in, 230 n. 2 Cereals cultivated by the Egyptians, 225 Chadwick, H. M., 254 m. 3, 271 Charon, Sanctuaries of, I 14, II 5 Charonia, I 14 Chent-Ament, title of Osiris, 259 Cherokee Indians, their Old Woman of the corn, 237 sq. Chewsurs of the Caucasus, their festival of the dead, 248 Children, influence of moon on, 309 sqq. Chimaera, Mount, I24 China, funeral of emperor of, 188 Chios, sacrifice of men to Dionysus in, 27o Chiriguanos Indians of Bolivia, 308 m. 3 Choiak, festival of Osiris in the month of, 258 sq.7. Christianity, its compromise with pagan- ism, 201 sq/. ; parallel with Buddhism, 2O2 sq. Christmas, origin of, 196 sqq. Cilicia, legendary relation of, to Cyprus, 25 sq. ; kings of, 61 ; western or Rugged, 66 Cilician Gates, pass of the, 44 goddesses, 79 sqq. pirates, 66 sq. Cinyrads at Paphos, 25, 26, 27 m. I Cinyras, father of Adonis, 9 ; king of Byblus, 9, 14 ; daughters of, 25, 31 ; history of, 25 sq. ; loved by Aphrodite, 29 ; his death, 32 sq. Citium in Cyprus, 17 Claudius, the Emperor, 166 Cleon of Magnesia, 36 sq. Comana in Pontus, 23, 165 m. I worship Confession of the dead, Egyptian, 216 sq. Conical stones worshipped, Io, 20 sq., 82 sq. Conservatism of the Egyptian character, 222 Constantine, Emperor, 14, 22 Cook, A. B., 72 oz. 2, 178 77. 2, 27o 77. 2 Cooke, G. A., 31 m. 3 Corn wetted as rain-charm, I 38 sqq. and grapes as divine emblems, 43, 45, 47 and vine, their cultivation intro- duced by Osiris, 212 sq. -spirit, human representatives of, 269 $7., 274 sq. -wreaths, 27, 138 sq., 283 n. 2 ; as first-fruits, 27 Corycian cave, 62, 70 sq.7. Corycus in Cilicia, 7o Cow, symbol of Isis, 241, 257 Creation of the world at the spring equinox, 200, 20I Crimea, Taurians of the, 189 Croesus, burning of, 89 sq. Cronus, identified with Phoenician god El, 9, 82; castrates his father Uranus, 179 ; castrated by his son Zeus, 179 sq. ; the winter called, 232 Cutting of the dams at Cairo, 226 sy., 23I SQ. Cybele at Augustodunum (Autun), 176; priests of, 182 and Attis, 163 and her lions, 55 Cybistra, 44, 46, 47 Cyprus early colonised by Phoenicians, 17 Dad or Ded pillar, 276 sq. Damascus, kings of, Io sq. Damasen, 98 Dams, cutting of the, in Egypt, 226 sq., 23.I SQ. Davis, E. J., 42 n. 5, 45 m. I R. F., 138 n. 4 Days, five supplementary, of the Egyp- tian calendar, 212 Dead, propitiation of the, 134 sq. , annual festivals of the, 135, 242 sqq. , sacrifices to the, 187 sqq). bodies, pollution caused by, 89 sq. Death and resurrection of gods, 4 sq. Demeter at Eleusis, 92, 262 ; month of, 232 ; identified with Isis, 293 m. I Dendera (Tentyra), the Osirian inscrip- tion of, 215, 258 sq. ; bas-reliefs at, 261 ; temple of Osiris at, 258, 277 Derceto, 20 m. 3 Dew, washing in the, at Midsummer, 146, 147, 148; attributed to the moon, 3O2 332 J/VDAX Diana, festival of, 200 of Nemi, 14, 29 Dianus at Nemi, 14, 29 Dido, 31 ; worshipped at Carthage, 37; her death on pyre, 37 ; her foundation of Carthage, 326 Diodorus Siculus, on worship of Poseidon, II 2 sq. ; on Osiris and Isis, 287 ; on Superiority of women in Egypt, 32O Dionysus, 43, 47, 82 sq., 106; human victims rent in pieces in his worship, 270 sq. ; his resemblance to Osiris, 28O, 293 Diphilus, king of Cyprus, 63 Disease of language supposed origin of myths, 234 Divinity of Semitic kings, Io sq/., 32 ; of Lydian kings, 94 sqq. Dogs beaten at earthquakes, 1 Io Doves, sacred to Aphrodite or Astarte, I9 ; Sacrificed in worship of Adonis, 64 Dramas, religious or magical, for the regulation of the seasons, 4 sq. Drop, night of the miraculous, 228 Duchesne, Mgr L., 198 m. I, 199 m. 3, 2OO Dyaks of Borneo, their head-hunting, 189 $/. Eagle at apotheosis of Roman emperors, 49 ; double-headed, 54 ze. I Earth conceived as mother, 13 Earthquake god, I of sqq. Earthquakes, devices employed to stop, Io9 $/7. East Indian customs as to earthquakes, Io9 $/., III SQ. Easter ceremonies perhaps assimilated to those of Adonis and Attis, I 54 sqq., 198 sqq. ; in the Greek and Catholic churches, I 54 5/7. Edom, kings of, I I Egyptian calendar, 220 307. farmer, calendar of the, 225 $/7. months, 230 22. Egyptians, national character of, 323 ºff. El, Phoenician god, 9 ; identified with Cronus, 9, 82 Elissa, 37 Emesa, 2 I Empedocles, story of his death, 93 Epiphany, 197 Equinox, festival of the spring, 199 $77, ; world created at, 200, 20 I Eregli, the ancient Cybistra, 44, 46 Erman, A., 262 n. 2, 263, 289 72, I Esne, calendar of 240 s/. Esquimaux, their festivals of the dead, 242 ºff. Esthonians, All Souls' Day among the, 251 ; their customs at new moon, 308 Etna, Typhon buried under, 73, 74, 75 sacrifices to, 123 ICunuch priests of Attis, 164, 165, 167 ; of Ephesian Artemis, 168; of Astarte, I68 Fuyuk in Cappadocia, 46 sq., 53, 54, 8O Eye, symbol of Osiris, 288 £zekiel, on king of Tyre, 38 Farmer, calendar of the 225 $77. Farnell, L. R., 320 m. I Father God, 58, 59, 60, 78, 79, 8o, 178, 179 Sky, 179 Feast of All Saints, 255 sq. Feasts of All Souls, 2.42 sqq. Fellows, Ch. , 99 m. 6 Fertility, principle oſ, as conceived by early man, 4 sq. ; caused by the Baal, I 3 W., 77 Asiatic goddess of, 55, 163 Scandinavian god of, 272 Festivals of the Dead, 135, 242 sq.7, Fetishism older than theism, 234 Fig, artificial fertilisation of the, 270 Fijians, their sacrifices to earthquake god, I I I Fire, Persian respect for, 89 sq.; purifica- tion by, 92 -walk, 38, 85, 86 -worship, Io9 sq. Fires on 25th December, 197 Firmicus Maternus, on rites of Osiris, 276 First-born, sacrifice of the, 34 Flamen Dialis, 28 sq. Flaminica Dialis, 28 sq. Flaying as a punishment, 189 n. 2 Flower, the Golden, feast of, 99 Flowers, Festival of, at Athens, 135 Flutes, music of, 7, 145, 165, 167, 168, I71, I85 Fortune, temple of, at Olba, 69, 81 of the city, 81 Fossil bones, 70, 74 sy. Foucart, P., 280 m, 3 Frey, Scandinavian god of fertility, 272 Egyptian, Gad, Semitic god of Fortune, 81 Gadez, worship of Melcarth at, 36 sq. Galli, priests of Attis, 165, 18O Gardens of Adonis, 137 sqq. Gardner, E. A., I 33 7. Gaul, date of Easter in church of, I99 %, 3 Gebal or Byblus, Io Geminus, Greek astronomer, on the Egyptian calendar, 222 IZVDAX Geographical and climatic conditions, their influence on character, 323 sq. German beliefs as to the moon, 306, 313 Giants and gods, battle of, 74 37. Glaucus, 98 n. 5 Goddesses superior to gods under a system of mother-right, 319 sq. Gods, death and resurrection of, 4 sq. Golden Flower, feast of, 99 Gordias, Phrygian kings called, 183 Gouri, Indian goddess, 142 sq. Grapes as divine emblem, 82 and corn as divine emblems, 43, 45, 47 Graves kept Secret, 273 m. I, 274 Great Mother, the, 192, 193 Grenfell, B. P., and Hunt, A. S., 262 sq. Grimm, J., 305 m. I, 326 Gyges, king of Lydia, 94 Hadad, Syrian god and king, I I, 8o Hair, sacrifice of, 22, 24, 127 Halfdan the Black, Norwegian king, his body divided, 271 Hamilcar, Sacrifice of, 39 Carthaginian king, 91, 92 Hanged god, 185 sqq. ; Odin the God of the Hanged, 186 Hannibal at Gadez, 36 ; his departure from Italy, 165 Hanway, J., quoted, IoA Harran, Syrians of, 131 Harrison, Miss J. E., 205 m. I Harvest, rain-charms at, I 38 sq. ; rites of 236 547. in Egypt, time of, 227 Pſavamal, the, 187 Hawes, Mrs. , 133 m. Hazael, king of Damascus, II Head-Feast of Dyaks, 190 -hunting of Dyaks, 189 sq. Hehn, V., 99 n. 6 Helice, destroyed by earthquake, I 12 Heliogabalus, sun-god of Emesa, 20 sq. Heliopolis in Egypt, 218, 290 ; in Syria (Baalbec), 22 Hepding, H., 163 n. 1, 169 n. 2, 176 Heraclids of Lydia, 94, 97 Hercules identified with Melcarth, 12, 35; burning of 35, 39 sq. awaken- ing of, 35 ; the lion-slayer, 4 I patron of hot springs, I 18 sqq. the Lydian, 94, 96; identified with Cilician Sandan, 48 sqq., 60, 61 Herodotus as to burning of Croesus, 89 ; on Osiris and Dionysus, 293 Hierapolis in Lydia or Phrygia, its sanctuary of Pluto, I 16; its situation, 116 sq. ; its hot springs and petrified cascades, I I6 sqq. 333 Hierapolis - Bambyce in Syria, 55, 64, 79 7. 2, 8o, 168 Hieropolis-Castabala, in Cilicia, 83 sq. Aſiſaria, 17o Himera, hot springs of, 122 n. 4 Hindoos, “gardens of Adonis" among the, 142 sg/. Hittite costume, 52 Sculptures at Ibreez, 43 sq/. ; at Euyuk, 46 57., 53, 54 ; at Boghaz- Keui, 50 sqq. ; at Marash, 88 ; at Car- chemish, 46, 56 n. 2 ; in Lydia, 97 thunder-god, 65 Hittites, 47 3/. ; their worship of bulls, 47, 54 ; in Lydia, 97 sq. Hogarth, D. G., 21, 45 m. I, 48 7. 1, 68, 72 n. 1, 87 n. I Hommel, F., 48 m. I, 65 7. 1, 98 m. I Horned cap, worn by god or priest, 44, 46, 65 m. I, 8o Horns, Sacred, 19, 44, 46 Horses, sacrificed to the dead, 188 sq.; Lycurgus, king of Edonians, killed by, 27o Horus the Elder, brother of Osiris, 212 the Younger, son of Osiris and Isis, 21.3 sq., 215, 258; his contest with Set, 218 sq. ; the Eye of, 288 Hot Springs, worship of, I 16 sqq.; sacred to Hercules, I 18 sqq. Human sacrifices, 187 sqq. Sacrifices at Salamis in Cyprus, 63; substitutes for, 63 sq. victims sacrificed for the crops, 269 37. , 274 $7. Huzuls, the, of the Carpathians, their Superstitions as to the moon, 296, 313 Hyacinth, his myth and ritual, 204 sqq.; his tomb, 205; his festival, 205 sy. the flower, sprung from blood of Hyacinth, 204 Hyacinthia, festival of Hyacinth, 205 Ibn Batuta, I88 Ibreez, rock-hewn figures at, 43 sqq. Ideler, L., 224 m. I, 230 m. Illumination of houses at festivals, 241 sq.). Imhoof-Blumer, F., 82 n. 1, 85 m. I Incense, 7, 129, 259 Incest, legends of, 27 sy. Indians, American, their customs in regard to the moon, 296, 301, 303, 307, 309 sq., 312 ; their customs as to earthquakes, I I I of California, their festivals of the dead, 243 sq. Inspiration, Jamblichus on, 85 sq. Irrigation in Egypt, rites of, 227 sq. Ishtar, Babylonian mother goddess, 6, 22 Isis, 282-286 sister and wife of Osiris, 212, 323 ; her search for the body of Osiris, 21.3 sq. ; star of, 228, 230, 334 AVZ) AX 315; invoked by Egyptian reapers, 237; represented by a cow, 241, 257; popu- larity of her worship, 281, 284 sq., ; a corn-goddess, 283 sq. , identified with Demeter, 293 m. I ; Superior to Osiris, 319 37. ; at Byblus, 92, 214 Iswara, Indian god, 142, 143 Ivy sacred to Osiris, 279 Jablonski, 287, 288 Jackal-god of Egypt, 317 Jamblichus, on inspiration, 85 sy, , on purification by fire, 93 Janus-like god, 82 Japan, festival of the dead in, 247 Jastrow, M., 7 n. I, I 31 7t. I Java, poisonous vapours in, I I3 sq. Jāyī or Jawāra, barley feast in India, I 43 57. Jensen, P., 47 7. 3, 48 ºz. 2, 56 ºz. 2, 62 72. 3, 8o fl. 4, I 3 I 7t. I Jerome, on worship of Adonis at Beth- lehem, I 57, I 59 John Barleycorn, I 3 I sy. Josephus, on worship of Syrian kings, II Jualamukhi, fire-worship at, Io9 39. Julian, Emperor, at Antioch, 128, 157 sy. ; on food taboos, 177 n. I ; on the Mother of the Gods, 193 m, 4 calendar, 230 Kanytelideis, 75 Karabeli, 97 Karok Indians, their lament at hewing wood, 238 3/. Kayans of Borneo, their head-hunting, 189 Keb. See Seb. Kemosh, god of Moab, Io Kings, divinity of, Io 377. , 94 377. , divinity of Semitic, Io sò7. ; respon- sible for weather and crops, 95 ; torn in pieces to promote fertility of ground, 269 s/7. — of Damascus worshipped, II of Egypt personate Osiris, 3I4 377. Kirauea, volcano, I 23 Koniags of Alaska, their treatment of bodies of distinguished men, 274 Kretschmer, P., 62 n. 4, 184 ºz. 2 Kruyt, A. C., 190 n. 2 Kuklia, I 9, 2I Kupolo, Kupole, I 53 Labrandeus, title of Carian Zeus, 94 Labraunda, 44 m. 5 /labrys, “axe,” 94 Lactantius, as to the Resurrection, 20I : on the festival of Osiris, 257 ſq. Lagrange, Father M. J., I32 Lamas River, 67 Lamentations for animals and plants which are eaten, 234 37. Lane, A. W., 226 m. I Lanterns, Japanese Feast of, 247 Lanzone, R. V., 260 m. I Leake, W. M., 99 vº. 6 Lebanon, Mount, 14, 16, 18, 135, 136, 158 Leo the Great on Christmas, 197 Lepsius, R., 288 Lights lit for the use of the dead, 2.42 sq.7. Lion as divine emblem, 41, 49 sq., 52, 53, 55 377. , 79 57. , 94, 96 —— -god, 41, 53, 56 sq., 96 -goddess, 56 sq., 80 sq. — -slaying god at Amathus, 41 Lucian on dispute between Hercules and Aesculapius, I 19 Lunar sympathy, 305 sqq. Lycia, mother-right in, 320 Lycurgus, king of the Edonians, his death, 270, 271 Lydia, religious prostitution in, 22 sq. Lydian Hercules, 94, 96 kings, divinity of, 94 sqq. Lyell, Sir Ch. , 122 72. 7, 124 n. 3 Lysias of Tarsus, 61 Ma, goddess at Comana, 23 McLennan, J. F., 28 m, 2, 322 n. 2 Macrobius, the father of solar mytho- logists, 288, 294 ; on the moon, 298 Maſuie, Samoan god of earthquakes, I Io Magarsus, in Cilicia, 86 n. 2 Magical rites for the regulation of the Seasons, 3 sqq. Mahadeva, Indian god, I42, 143 Mallus in Cilicia, oriental deities at, 81 sq/7. Maneros, 215; chant of Egyptian reapers, 237 Manes, king of Lydia, 99 ºz. I Manetho on sacrifice of red-haired men, 269 ; on Isis, 283 Mannhardt, W., 21 77. 6 Marash, 88 Mariette-Pacha, A., 261 ºz. I Marriage, Sacred, 30 sq., 58 sq. Marriages of brothers and sisters, 28, 207 ; in ancient Egypt, 321 sq. Marsyas, Satyr, slain and skinned, 185 sy. the River, I 86 Masai, their customs at 3O7 Sq. Masnes, or Damasen, 98 Maspero, G., 292 n. 2, 321 Maury, A., I 57 m. I Medea, 93 Mefitis, Italian goddess, 114 s/. Megalopolis, Scene of battle of gods and giants, 74 Megassares, king of Hyria, 25 Meiners, C., 193 m. 2 Mclearth at Tyre, I2, I 3 7t. 2, 35 sq. ; at Amathus, 18; burning of, 35 sqq. ; in Inew moon, M/V/OEX relation to quails, 35 ; at Gadez, 36.37, ; his likeness on coins of Tyre, 37 Melchizedek, 12 Melek, Moloch, Io Meles, king of Lydia, 95 Melicertes, 37 Memphis, 215, 218, 222, 276, 285 7t. I Men Tyrannus, Phrygian moon-god, 181 Mephitic vapours, worship of, I 13 sqq. Mesha, king of Moab, Io, 34 Messerschmidt, I., 48 m. I, 98 m. I, 32O 7t, I Metharme, daughter of Pygmalion, 25 Mexicans, their sacrifice of human vic- tims for the crops, 275 Mexico, human sacrifices in, 187 Meyer, E., 47 72. 3, 48 n. 4, 98 m. I Michael Angelo, the Pietà of, 157 Midas, Phrygian kings called, Tomb of, 183 Midsummer bonfires, 145, 150 sq.g. festival of Adonis, 128 ; festival in Sardinia, I44 sq. Mithra, worship of, 195 sq. ; his birth- day on 25th December, 196 Miztecs, their feasts of the dead, 244 sq. Moire, sister of Tylon, 98 Moloch, Io Mommsen, Th., 266 n. I Mongols, sacrifice of horses to dead, among the, 188 Montanists, sect of the, 200 7t. 2 Moon, the, in relation to Osiris, 295 sqq. ; savage theories of phases of the, 296 ; believed to be the cause of growth of plants, 297 sqq. ; practical rules based on theories of the, 298 sqq., 305 sq. , superstitions as to, 298 sqq., 305 sqq. , worship of the, 302 sq. ; supposed to be the source of dew, 302 ; customs observed at the new, 306 sqq. ; drink- ing and eating the, 308 ; its influence on children, 309 sqq. -god, 181 Móooi, Tongan god of earthquakes, I Io Moret, A., 314 ºl. 3, 31.5 m. Morning Star, the, 158 sq. Mother, the Great, 192, 193 -— Earth, 13, 179 Goddess of Asia, 6, 22, 23, 24, 58, 59, 79, 82, 178, 179 of the Gods, Phrygian, introduced into Rome, I 65 Mother-right, 59 ; in Asia Minor, 320 ; in Egypt, 320 sqq. Movers, F. C., 42 n. 4, 48 fl. 4 Müller, W. Max, 48 m. I, 65 m. I, 88 m. 3 Mundas of Bengal, I 40 sq. Murray, Miss M. A., 260 m, 4 Mylasa in Caria, 94 ºl. 5 Mylitta, 22 I83 ; 335 Myrrha, mother of Adonis, 27 Mysteries of Attis, 171 sqq. Nahr Ibrahim, river, Io Names, implying relation to a god, Io 3/y. , 14, 32 ; compounded with Adoni-, 12 Nana, mother of Attis, 163, 178 National character influenced by geogra- phical and climatic conditions, 323 sy. Negroes, their customs at the new moon, 3O7 $7. Neith or Net, Egyptian goddess, 179 m. I Nemi, 14, 29 Nephthys, Egyptian goddess, wife of Set, 212, 216 New birth, 172, 193, 316 moon, customs observed at the, 306 5ſq. Year festivals, 244, 245, 247 Nicaragua, Indians of, their sacrifices to a volcano, 123 Nietzold, J., 322 n. 2 Nile, rise and fall of, 225 sq., 228 ; offerings to, 232 the Bride of the, 231 Noises made at earthquakes, Io9 sy/. Nut, the Egyptian sky-goddess, mother of Osiris, 18o n. 2, 2 II sy. Odilo, Abbot of Clugny, 254 Odin, the God of the Hanged, 186 sq.; sacrificed to himself, 186 sq. Oil poured on Sacred stones, 21 Olba in Cilicia, 62, 65 sq., 68 sy. , 78 Old Man of the Corn, 239 Woman of the Corn, 237 sq. Omphale, 94 Oracles given by inspired men or women, Oraons of Bengal, 14o Oriental religions in the West, 192 sqq). ; their effect on ancient civilisation, 193 $477. Orpheus, death of, 271 Osiris identified with Adonis, 18; at Amathus, I8; at Byblus, 214, 293 ; myth of 2 II sqq. , his parentage, 2 II sy. ; his death, 21.3; his resurrec- tion, 216, 261 sqq. ; ruler and judge of the dead, 216 sy. ; the dead identified with, 217 sq. ; graves of 241, 269, 278 ; nature of, 268 sq/. ; a corn-god, 268 sqq. ; a tree-spirit, 275 syſ). ; a god of fertility, 279 sq. ; a god of the dead, 280 sq. ; the finding of, 257 sq. , images of, made of earth and corn, 259, 262 sq. , corn-stuffed effigies of, put in graves, 262 sq. ; popularity of his worship, 281 ; interpreted as the Sun, 287 sq.7. ; his resemblance to Adonis, 18, 293 ; his resenblance to 336 AVOAZX Dionysus, 28o, 293 ; in relation to the moon, 295 sqq. ; personated by the king of Egypt, 31.4 sqq. ; his festival at Sais, 241 sq. ; festival of, in the month of Athyr, 256 sq/. ; festival of, in the month of Choiak, 258 s/. ; Roman festival of, 266 n. I of the mysteries, 261 Oura, old name of Olba, 65, 69 Ovambo, their customs at new moon, 307 Ox sacrificed instead of man, 63; sacri- fice of, at Athens, 191 Papas, title of Attis, 178, 179 Paphlagonians, their notion of winter and Spring, 233 Paphos, worship of Aphrodite and Adonis at, I 8 syſ). ; its foundation and history, 25 sqq. Parilia, 200 Parvati, Indian goddess, 142, 143 Payne, E. J., 303 m. I Pelops, 93 Pentheus, king of Thebes, his death, 270 Perasia, Cilician goddess, 83 syſ. Perasian Artemis of Castabala, 38 Peregrinus, his death in fire, 93 Perga, Artemis of, 20 Perrot, G., 56 ºz. 2 Persian respect for fire, 89 sq. , worship, Io9 Pessinus, 164, 182 n. 1, 183 Petrarch at Cologne, 148 Petrie, W. M. Flinders, 131 m. 3, 3I4 72. 3, 315 72. 3, 3 IZ 57. Pharnake, mother of Cinyras, 25 Philadelphia, in Lydia, Iof Philae, 232, 261, 278, 28o Philocalus, calendar of, 196 n. 5, 197 n., I, 266 7t. I Phoenicians in Cyprus, 17 s/., 20 ; in Cilicia, 42 Phrygia, country of Cybele and Attis, I63 Phrygians, their notion of winter and Summer, 232 37. Pietà of Michael Angelo, 157 Pigs sacrificed to Osiris, 297 Pindar, on Typhon, 74 Pine-cone offered to Osiris, 278 -nuts, edible, 174 sy. -tree in relation to Attis, 165, 166, 174 sq., 185 m. 3 ; in worship of Dionysus, 270 m. 5; in rites of Osiris, 276 Pirates, the Cilician, 66 sq. Pitrè, G., quoted, 155 sy. Placianian Mother, 171 ºz. 3 Plants and animals treated respectfully by Savages, 234 $77, Plastene, Mother, 97 Pleiades, setting of the, 232 fire- Pliny on lunar influence, 297 sq. ; on time for felling trees, 301 n. 2 Ploughing, 82 sq., 191 ; rain-charms at, I 39 Sy. r and Sowing, Egyptian festival of, 259 $/. Plutarch, on double - headed axe, 94 On melancholy character of rites of Sowing, 232 sy. ; his use of the Alex- andrian calendar, 240 ; on the com- memoration of the death and recovery of Osiris, 257 : on Osiris and Diony- Sus, 293 ; on Osiris interpreted as the moon, 295 Pluto, Sanctuaries of 114 sqq. Plutonia, I 14 Polyboea, sister of Hyacinth, 2O5, 207 Poseidon, the earthquake god, Io'7 37. , I I2 sy. - Prisoners, sacrifice of, 187 m. Proserpine and Adonis, 8 the Spring called, 232 Prostitution, religious, 21 sqq. Pteria, Hittite capital, 51 Ptolemy Auletes, 27 III. Euergetes, his attempt to re- form the Egyptian calendar, 222 sq., 23o 77. I Pumi-yathon, 31 Punishment, capital, formerly a religious rite, 186 n. 6 Purification by fire, 92; at marriage, 176 Pygmalion, 25, 30 sq. Pymaton, 31 72. 2 Pyramus River, 8.4, 88 Pyre of Sandan at Tarsus, 49, 60 ; festival of the, at Hierapolis, 64 Quail-hunt, 49 7t. I Quails in relation to Melcarth, 35 Quartodecimans of Phrygia, 199 m. 3 Queen of Egypt superior to king, 320 of Heaven, 129 Ra, the Egyptian Sun-god, 212, 214, 216, 288, 290 Rain-charms at harvest, ploughing, and Sowing, I 38 377. Ramsay, W. M., 23 n. 4, 45 m. I, 48 re. I, 56 n. 2, 58 fl. 3, 65 notes I and 2, 84 7. 2, 181 71. 4, 182 sq. Raoul - Rochette, 56 n. 2, 64 m. 2, 93 72. I, I 57 72. I Readjustment of 263 sq9. Reapers, lamentation of Egyptian, 237 Red - haired men sacrificed by the Egyptians, 269, 274 s/. Rekub-el, Syrian god, 1 I Renan, E., Io n. 1, 15 fl. 1, 16 71. I, 127 21, 2, 135, 136 Renouf, P. le Page, 292 Egyptian festivals, J/V/OAX Resurrection of Adonis, 126, 127 //, 1 ; of Attis, 170 ; of Hyacinth, 206 ; of Osiris, 261 s/. ; of Tylon, 98 sy. of gods, 4 sq. Rhodians, the Venetians of antiquity, Io'7 Ridgeway, W., 322 n. 2 Robinson, Edward, on vale of Adonis, I 5 m. I Rohde, E., I93 72. 2, 206, 207 72. Roman empire, spread of Oriental reli- gions in, 192 sy/. emperors, apotheosis of, 49 festival of Osiris, 266 n. I kingship a plebeian institution, 29 Romulus, death of, 270 Rose, the red, 127 sy. Rosetta Stone, the, 223, 314 m. 3 Russia, festivals of the dead in, 251 sqq. Sacramental meal in worship of Attis, 172 Sacred Marriage, 30 sq., 58 sq. Sacrifice of kings or princes, 32, 34, 37 sqq.; of quails to Hercules, 35 ; human, at Salamis in Cyprus, 63 ; substitutes for, 63 sq. ; of hair, 127 ; of prisoners, 187 m. ; of human vic- tims for the crops, 269 sy. , 274 sy. ; of human victims to volcanoes, 123 Sadyattes, 95 St. George, festival of, 200, 201 St. John, Midsummer festival of water associated with, 146 sq/7. ; sweethearts of 144 sq. St. John's Day, the Midsummer festival, I44 $47/. St. Luke, festival of 245 St. Peter, festival of, 201 7. Sais, festival of Osiris at, 241 sq., 256 Salamis in Cyprus, Teucrids of, 62 sq. Samal, kingdom of, 1 I Samoans, their custom at earthquakes, I IO Sandacus, father of Cinyras, 25 Sandan, Sandon, or Sandes, Cilician and Cappadocian god, identified with Her- cules, 48 sqq., 60, 61, 78, 86, 96 sq.; priests of, 61 Sanda-sarme, king of Cilicia, 61 Sandes, 48. See Sandan Sandon, Cappadocian and Cilician god, 48; name of Cilician men, 61 n. 3.; name of Lydian Hercules, 94, 96. Sce also Sandan Sandu'arri, king of Cilicia, 61 Sandwich Islanders, their sacrifices to the volcano, 123 Santorin, Io'7 Saracus, king of Assyria, 89 Sardanapalus, 87 sy. Sardes, 89, 96, 99 337 p Sardinia, “gardens of Adonis” in, I44 37. Sarpedonian Artemis and Apollo, 83 Sayce, A. H., 43 notes I and 3 Scorpions, Isis and the, 213 3/. Scottish Highlanders, their superstitions as to the moon, 298, 300, 302, 305 Scythians, human sacrifices among the, 187 sq., 189 Seasons, primitive theory of, 3 sqq. Seb (Keb, Geb), the Egyptian earth-god, father of Osiris, 18o n. 2, 21 1 37. Sed, Egyptian, festival, 314 377. Seleucus the Theologian, 63 n. 2 Nicator, 69 Semiramis, 91 Serapis, 285 m. I Serpents, their knowledge of life-giving plants, 98 Set or Typhon, Egyptian god, brother of Osiris, 212, 213, 215, 218, 219 Shamashshumukin, king of Babylon, 88 sq., 91 Sheitazz dere, the Devil's Glen, 67 Shenty, Egyptian cow-goddess, 26o Siam, festival of the dead in, 247 Sicily, fossil bones in, 75; customs observed on St. John's Day in, 145 sq.; ‘‘gardens of Adonis" in, 146, 153 sq. Sidon, kings of, 13 Sinsharishkun, king of Assyria, 89 Sirius, the star of Isis, 228, 230 ; heliacal rising of, 228 3/7. , 315 Sisters, marriage of gods with their, 207 ; marriage of brothers with, 28, 321 sq. Skins of sacrificial victims, 187 sqq. Sleep and wakening of god, 35, 232 sq. Smith, W. Robertson, 7 n. 1, 13 sq., 86 re. 2 Sokari, title of Osiris, 259 Solomon, King, 32 n. I Solstice, celebration of the winter, 196, 24. I Sothis, Egyptian name of star Sirius, 228 ; Sothic period, 229 “Soul-cakes,” 2.49 4 { lights," 249 sq. Souls, feasts of All, 242 sqq. Sowing, rain - charms at, I 39 sy. ; in Egypt, time of, 227 ; rites of 232 sqq. Spartan superstition as to the moon, 306 Spartans, their propitiation of the earth- quake god, Io'7 sq. , their uniform, Io8; their military music, Io8 Spermus, king of Lydia, 95 Spring called Proserpine, 232 Springs, worship of hot, I I6 Sq:y. Star of Salvation, 157; the Morning Star, I 58 sq. Stlatlum Indians, 235 Stone, sacred conical, 82, 83 Stones, sacred, anointed, 21 338 J/VDAX Strabo, as to Castabala, 85 m. 1 ; on the Burnt Land, Io 5, 106; on Phila- delphia, Iof ; on Rhodes, Io'7 n. 2; at Nysa, I I 5 ºl. 3 Sturluson, Snorri, 271 Substitution of animals for men in Sacri- fice, 63 sq. Suffetes at Carthage, 39 m. I Sumba, festival of the dead in, 245 sq. Sumerians, the, 6 Summer called Aphrodite, 232 Sun, the Unconquered, title of Mithra, 196; Nativity of, at winter solstice, 196, 197; Osiris and the, 287 sqq.; worship of the sun instituted by Amen- ophis IV., 290 sy. ; power of regenera- tion ascribed to the, 308 m. 3 Superiority of goddesses to gods under a system of mother-right, 319 sq. Supplementary days of the Egyptian calendar, the five, 212 Swallow, Isis as a, 214 ‘‘Sweethearts of St. John," 144 sq. Swine, not eaten, 164 sq., 165 m. I Sycamore sacred to Osiris, 278 Sympathy, doctrine of lunar, 305 sqq. Talismans, public, 273 m. I Tamarisk sacred to Osiris, 278 Tamirads at Paphos, 26 Tamiras, 26 Tammuz at Babylon, 6 sq/. ; at Jeru- salem, 8 ; month of, 7, 13 ; a corn- spirit, I 31 Tark or Tarku, Cilician name, 62 ; name , of Hittite god, 65, 78, 81 Tarkimos, 62 Tarkondimotos, king of Cilicia, 62 n. 3 Tarkuaris, father of Cilician Teucer, 62, 69, 76 Tarkudimme, 62 n. 3 Tarkumbios, 62 Tarsus, Oriental character of, 42 ; Baal of, 43, 47, 6o, 79 sq., 86 ; founded by Sandan, 48 ; pyre of Sandan at, 49 ; native gods of, 60, 78, 86, 96; goddess ‘Athen at, 79 ; Sardanapalus at, 87 ; Sandan at, 96 sq. Tat or Talu pillar, 276 Taurians of the Crimea, 189 Taurobo/izzmº, 172 Tà-uz, festival of, 131 Tell-el-Amarna, 291 Tentyra. See Dendera Teucer, name of kings of Olba, 62, 65, 69, 76, 78; son of Telamon, 63 Teucrids of Salamis in Cyprus, 62 Thebes, the Egyptian, priests of, 22 I s/. ; effigies of Osiris found at, 262 sy. Thermopylae, Spartans at, Io9 ; hot Springs of, I 19 sqq. Thesmophoria, 27 n. 4, 175, 232 Thetis and Peleus, 92 Thirty years, Sed festival at intervals of, 3I4 5ſ/ſ/. Thoth, 212, 214, 216, 2 18; Egyptian month, 229 Thunder and lightning, sacrifices to, 75 god of Hittites, 65 ; the Asiatic, 95 Thymbria, 115 Tiele, C. P., 56 p. 2, 58 m, 1, 89 n. 2, 282, 292 n. 2 Tod, J., 142 sq. Tongans, their behaviour during an earthquake, I Io Tonquin, festival of the dead in, 246 Torres Straits, death dance of natives of, 244, 22. I Tout, C. Hill, 235 sq. Tozer, H. F., Iog Tralles in Lydia, 23 Trees, rules as to felling, 301 Trok or Troko, Cilician name, 62 Trokoarbasis, 62 Trokombigremis, 62 Tusser, Thomas, on sowing peas and beans, 3oo Tylon, 95 ; his resurrection, 98 Tylor, E. B., 75, Io9 n. 1, 178, 179, I93 22, 2 Typhon, chasm of, in Cilicia, 73 ; his combat with Zeus, 74, 78; his battle with the gods, Io 5 ; enemy of Osiris, 295, 296 or Set, Egyptian god, brother of Qsiris, 212, 213, 215, 218, 219 Tyre, kings of, I I, 13; Melcarth at, 34 377. , 39 ; fire-walk at, 38 Tyrimnus, 95 m. Tyrol, All Souls' Eve in the, 249 sq. Upsala, burial of Frey at, 272 Uranus castrated by Cronus, 179 Uri-melek, king of Byblus, Io Valley of Poison, 113 Vapours, worship of mephitic, 113 sq.7. Vatican, the, a seat of the worship of the Phrygian goddess, 173 Venus, the planet, star of Astarte, 158 Verrall, A. W., 135 m. I Victims, skins of sacrificial, 187 s/7. Violets sprung from blood of Attis, 166 Virgin mothers, 163 sq., 178 sq. , Assumption of the, 200, 201 Virginity recovered by bathing, 176 Volcanic religion, Ioo sq/. ; regions of Asia Minor, Io2 sq., IoS sy, Volcanoes, sacrifices to, 123 Vosges Mountains, All Souls' Eve in the, 248 sq. Votiaks of Russia, their festival of the dead, 252 sq. JAWDAEX 339 Wachsmuth, C., quoted, 154 sq. Wagogo, their customs at new moon, 308 Warts, superstitions as to, 312 sq. Water worshipped as principle of ferti- lity, 13 sq., 77 ; festival at Midsummer, 146 344/. Wells, in religion of Osiris, 279 Westermarck, D., 151 n. 4 Whalers, bodies of whalers cut up, 274 White, Miss Rachel Evelyn, 320 n. 2, 321, 322 71. 2 Wiedemann, A., 241 notes 2 and 4, 261 7l. 3 Wilhelm, A., 72 n. 1, 84 n. 3 Wilken, G. A., Io9 n. 1, 190 n. 2 Winter called Cronus, 232 solstice, cclebration of, 196, 241 Women, position of, in ancient Egypt, 32O 547. World created at the spring equinox, 25th March, 200, 20I Wünsch, R, , 135 m. I, 146, 155 m. I Xenophanes on Egyptian gods, 233, 234 Year, the vague or movable Egyptian, 220 sq.7. ; the fixed Alexandrian, 224 ; Sacred Egyptian, 229 Yehaw-melek, king of Byblus, Io Ynglings, descended from Frey, 272 Yuruks, herdsmen of Cilicia, 68 m. I Zas, name of priests of Zeus, 72 Zenjirli, 65 m. I, 8o Zeus, Baal of Tarsus assimilated to, 43, 6o ; husband-god of Atargatis assimi- lated to, 8o ; flower of, 98, 99 ; castrates his father Cronus, 179 sq. the Carian, 94 Corycian, 70 sqq. , with Typhon, 74, 78 of Olba, 62, 65, 69, 70, 76, 78 — the Olybrian, 83 m. I Zimmern, H., 131 m. I Zimri, king of Israel, 89 n. 2, 91 Zoroastrian fire-worship, Io9 Zulus, their customs at new moon, 3oo his combat MAY 1 3 1015 THIE ENL) Printed by R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, Edinburgh. Works by Dr. J. G. FRAZER. The Golden Bough A STUDY IN MAGIC AND RELIGION (AVew Edition in preparation.) SOME PRESS OPINIONS OF THE EARLIER EDITIONS B/AC/CWOOD'S MAGAZ/AWAE. —“A noble monument of fearless scholar- ship. . . . 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