BX
6239
B13
1281
V. I
B 474959

E
ARTES
1837
LIBRARY
VERITAS
SCIENTIA
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
EP
PLURIBUS UNUM
TUEBOR
SI-QUAERIS PENINSULAM AMOENAM
CIRCUMSPICE
FROM THE I.IBRARY OF
PRESIDENT
JAMES B. ANGELL
1
:

A
HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND.
WITH
Particular Reference to the Denomination of Christians
CALLED
BAPTISTS.
BY
ISAAC BACKUS.
Second Edition, with Notes.
BY
DAVID WESTON.
VOLUME I.
NEWTON, MASS.:
PUBLISHED BY THE BACKUS HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
1871.
PRINTEI) BY THE PROVIDENCE PRESS COMPANY, PROVIDENCE, R. I.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
A historian who has been an actor in the events which he
narrates, has peculiar advantages and disadvantages. He
can write with more minuteness of detail, and with a fresher
and more life-like coloring. He can write with more confi-
dence, and, drawing from his own experience and observa-
tion, is in this respect more trustworthy. On the other
hand, he is more liable to be warped by prejudice, to see
only the excellences and none of the defects of those with
whom he has been identified, and only the defects and none
of the excellences of those to whom he has been opposed,
to be a partizan rather than a judge, and to make his narra-
tion little more than the reflection of his personal opinions
or his personal sympathy and affection, hostility and spite.
The Church History of Isaac Backus has all the above-
named excellences. To a large extent he was an eye-witness.
of that which he describes; and where not an eye-witness,
he placed himself in closest possible connection with it by
personal acquaintance with the actors, and by immediate and
most diligent and thorough examination of records and other
evidence. While it may be too much to say that he abso-
lutely avoided the defects above named, yet his sound judg-
ment, his natural candor and honesty and his elevated Chris-
tian principle, have made him as nearly free from them as
perhaps any author who has written in similar circumstances.
300163
iv
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
In the early history of the Baptists of New England, this
work has always been justly regarded as the standard of au-
thority. The single edition hitherto published was exhausted
many years ago, and as the work became rare, the need of its
republication was deeply felt. The Backus Historical Society,
at a meeting in June, 1869, decided to undertake the task of
republication; of which decision, the edition now presented
to the public is the result.
This edition is a reproduction of the original work in full,
and with only the following changes:-1. Grammatical errors
and a few of the more prominent rhetorical errors have been
corrected. These corrections have been made with the
smallest possible variation from the text, and, for the most
part, affect only some verbal form. 2. The author's errata
of the first edition are corrected in the body of the work
according to his direction. 3. The orthography of the work
has been made to conform more nearly to the present stand-
ard. 4. The citations of the work have been collated with
the originals, except in a few instances where the latter could
not be found; and in many cases, more explicit references,
or references to current editions, have been made in brackets.
Such editorial references to Winthrop's Journal are to the
New Edition by James Savage, Boston, 1853; those to Hub-
bard, are to Hubbard's History of New England, Massachu-
setts Historical Society, 1815; those to Mather's Magnalia
are to the First American Edition, Hartford, 1820; those to
Prince's Chronology and Prince's Annals are to the edition
published in Boston, 1826; those to Morton's Memorial are
to the edition of the Congregational Board of Publication,
Boston, 1855. Where the author refers to Vol. I or Vol. II
of "Massachusetts History," he means Hutchinson's History
of Massachusetts, and the editorial references are to the edi-
tion published at Salem, 1795. By "Massachusetts History,
Vol. III," the author means not the continuation of Hutchin-
son's work by his grandson, but the work commonly known as
"Hutchinson's Collection of Original Papers." Differences
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
between the originals and their citation by the author have
been noted in brackets. In the letter of Robert Mascall,
found in Vol. I, pages 311 to 313 of the present edition,
Mr. Backus indicated such changes, in supplying or omitting
words, &c., as he felt at liberty to make; and in the Preface
to Vol. I, he said, "I have as strictly kept to the true sense
in all my quotations as in that, yet I have not thought it
necessary to continue such marks in all." That which is
contained in brackets in the above-named letter is from the
author; in all other places, from the editor. 5. Editorial
foot-notes have been added, amounting in all to about a hun-
dred pages.
These are marked "ED.": and where an
editorial note is appended to one by the author, they are dis-
tinguished by marking the latter "B.” 6. A full Index to
both volumes is appended to Vol. II, in place of the brief
and very defective indices and tables of contents of the
original work. 7. All the longer quotations are distin-
guished from the author's own words by change of type;
topical headings are affixed to each alternate page, and
necessary changes are made in the title pages. Thus the
only liberty taken with the original text has been to correct
a few errors of language, while all other changes are so
marked as to be clearly distinguished as such.
The circumstances in which the work is issued have not
been favorable to typographical accuracy. The editor has
been at a distance from the printers; and in order that suf-
ficient care and labor might be expended in preparing the
work for the press, and yet secure its completion without so
much delay as to disappoint subscribers, it has been needful
to urge it through the press with more haste than would
have been otherwise desirable. It is believed however, that
typographical errors will not be found to any unusual extent.
The editor would express his grateful acknowledgments to
S. F. Haven, Esq., and E. M. Barton, Esq., librarians of the
American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass., for their
kindness and courtesy in giving free access to the rare and
vi
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
extensive archæological library under their charge, and for
the aid which they have been always ready to lend in con-
sulting it; to his venerable relative, Rev. Silas Hall, of
Raynham, Mass., who placed at his disposal a large, care-
fully prepared and most valuable collection of manuscripts
relating to the history of New England Baptists,—a collec-
tion which has added much to the value of other historical
works before this, and in which much valuable material still
remains untouched ;-to the Rhode Island Historical Society,
for permission to use the Diary of John Comer; to Reuben
A. Guild, Esq., librarian of Brown University, for permission
to use the Diary of Hezekiah Smith, and for other assist-
ance; to Rev. C. E. Barrows, of Newport, R. I., and to
William E. Clarke, of Conneaut, Oo., for valuable material
used in foot-notes; and to Alden A. Howe, Esq., of Wor-
cester, Mass., for preparing the Index.
WORCESTER, MASS., December 5, 1870.
AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO VOLUME I.
History has been so often written and improved, either for party purposes,
or mere amusement, that some serious persons have been ready to treat it
Yet the
as a thing foreign to religion, and of little service to mankind.
same persons will readily own, that nothing teaches like experience; and
what is true history but the experiences of those who have gone before us?
of which perhaps none have been more remarkable, since the affairs of
Canaan, than those of this country. And as the present contests about lib-
erty and government are very great, they call loudly for all the light there-
in that can be gained from every quarter.
Mr. Rollin, in his ancient history, says, "The powers that be are or-
dained of God; but neither every use that is made of this power, nor every
means for the attainment of it, are from God, though every power be of
him. And when we see these governments degenerating, sometimes to
violence, factions, despotic sway and tyranny, 'tis wholly to the passions of
mankind that we must ascribe those irregularities which are directly oppo-
site to the primitive institution of states; and which a superior wisdom
afterwards reduces to order, always making them contribute to the execu-
tion of his designs, full of equity and justice. This scene highly deserves
our attention and admiration. It is with a view of making the reader at-
tentive to this object, that I think it incumbent on me to add to the account
of facts and events what regards the manners and customs of nations; be-
cause these shew their genius and character, which we may call, in some
measure, the soul of history."
Now it may well be supposed, that men who are striving for more power
over others than belongs to them, will not nor cannot set either their own
or their opponents' "genius and character" in their just light. And if it
should be found, that nearly all the histories of this country which are much
known, have been written by persons who thought themselves invested with
power to act as lawgivers and judges for their neighbors, under the name
either of orthodoxy, or of immediate power from heaven, the inference will
be strong, that our affairs have never been set in so clear light as they ought
viii
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
to be; and if this is not indeed the case I am greatly mistaken; of which
the following account will enable the reader to judge for himself.
The greatest objection that I have heard against this design is, that we
ought not to rake up the ashes of our good fathers, nor to rehearse those
old controversies, which will tend to increase our present difficulties. But
what is meant by this objection? To reveal secrets, or to repeat matters
that have been well settled between persons or parties, is forbidden, and its
effects are very pernicious; but what is that to a history of public facts,
and an examination of the principles and conduct, both of oppressors, and
of the oppressed?
Men who are still fond of arbitrary power may make the above objec-
tion; but a learned and ingenious pædobaptist that felt the effects of such
power, lately said, "The Presbyterians, I confess, formerly copied too
nearly the Episcopalians. The genuine principles of universal and impar-
tial liberty were very little understood by any; and all parties were too
much involved in the guilt of intolerance and persecution. The dissenters
in our times freely acknowledge this, and condemn the narrow principles of
many of their predecessors; having no objection to transmitting down to
posterity, in their true colors, the acts of oppression and intolerance of
which all sects have been guilty. Not indeed, as is sometimes done, with
a view of encouraging such conduct in one party by the example of others;
but of exposing it alike in all, and preventing it wholly, if possible, in time.
to come."1
This is the great design of the ensuing work; and such a
work seems essentially necessary to that end. For as every one is ortho-
dox to himself, they who have oppressed others, have always denied it.
After our Baptist fathers in Boston, had been greatly injured for fifteen
years, they published a vindication of their character; but as to their suf-
ferings, contented themselves with saying, "Some of us were oftentimes
brought before councils and courts, threatened, fined, our estates taken
away, imprisoned and banished." A noted minister called their vindica-
tion a fallacious narrative, and said, "Errors lie in generals, a particular
account might have been more satisfying."2 Here therefore are a great
number of particulars with good vouchers to support them; which shew
that oppression on religious accounts was not of the first principles of New
England, but was an intruder that came in afterward.
When I was requested by several gentlemen of note and others, to un-
dertake this work, two great objections presented themselves to my mind.
against it; namely, my great unfitness for it. and the difficulty of obtain-
ing the necessary materials. But their importunity prevailed against the
first, and divine providence has removed the other, by couveying into my
hands a variety of authentic materials, much beyond what I conceived
could have now been obtained in the world. Many of them I have taken
'Furneaux's letter to Blackstone, p. 74.
2 Willard's Ne sutor, p. 10.
EDITOR'S PREFACE TO VOLUME I.
ix
from the ancient records of the colonies of Plymouth, Massachusetts, Provi-
dence and Rhode Island, as well as the records of the United Colonies;
though I regret the want of better acquaintance with the two latter, before.
the first two hundred pages of our history were printed off. Many other
records have also been serviceable; and I would now return my public
thanks to the several gentlemen who are keepers of them, for the candid
and kind treatment they have shown on this occasion. A great variety of
other manuscripts have been serviceable to me, whereof Mr. Hubbard's
History, and extracts from Governor Winthrop's Journal are not the least.
It is to be noted, that only the word "Hubbard" in the following quota-
tions refers to that history, in distinction from another valuable collection,
of which take the following account :-Mr. Samuel Hubbard came over to
Salem in 1633, in his youth; joined to Watertown church in 1635; but
went the same year up to Windsor, [Conn.] where he soon married a
church member that removed from Dorchester, and they settled at Weathers-
field; till in May, 1639, they removed to Springfield, and he was one of
the five men who first joined in founding that church. It was constituted
under Connecticut government, but falling afterward into the Massachusetts,
he removed in 1647 to Fairfield. Though he says, "God having enlight-
ened both, but mostly my wife, into his holy ordinance of baptizing only
visible believers; and being zealous for it, she was mostly struck at, and
answered twice publicly, where I was also said to be as bad as she, and
threatened with imprisonment to Hartford goal, if we did not renounce it
That Scripture came into our minds, If they persecute you
in one place, flee to another." Whereupon they removed to Newport, and
joined to Elder Clarke's church there on November 3, 1648, where they
lived to old age; from whence he repeatedly visited his suffering brethren
at Boston, and had an extensive correspondence both in Europe and
America; and he copied several hundred of his own and others' letters in-
to a book, which I am now favored with; containing a fund of intelligence,
from 1641 to 1688. The writings and papers also of our elders, Holmes,
Comer, Callender and others, have been useful in this design. Though,
for want of room, I have beeu forced to leave a great many valuable arti-
cles out of this volume, and to give but a sketch of things in latter times.
However I propose by divine leave to preserve and digest them in the best
manner I can, for the use of those who may come after us; and should
be glad to obtain accounts of the rise, progress and present state of all
our churches for the same end.
or remove.
1
In the following work, Plymouth Register intends an account of their
church from its beginning, written by our County Register, and annexed to
Mr. Robbins's Ordination Sermon, 1760.1 The History of Providence
means what was published of that nature in their Gazette in 1765.2 Per-
haps the rest of my authorities are sufficiently described. So great a part
1 B
X
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
of this history is given in the words of others, that continued marks of
quotation would have been tedious; therefore many passages only begin
and end therewith.3 In the excellent letter you have in pages 311-313,
I have marked the words which were necessarily supplied to complete the
sense; but though I have as strictly kept to the true sense in all my quo-
tations as in that, yet I have not thought it necessary to continue such
marks in all. In the dates, where our fathers began the year with March,
I have either plainly noted it, or else have begun the year with January,
only have let the old style stand till it was altered here by law. Of the
moneys, Mr. Prince says they were reckoned sterling till 1640. In 1652,
when they first coined silver here, one pound of it was fifteen shillings
sterling, and so it continued to 1690, when they began to make paper
money, which gradually depreciated from six shillings to forty-five shillings
for a Spanish milled dollar. In 1750 our currency was brought back to
what it was a hundred years before, and that is our lawful money ever
since. A dash [-] in a quotation signifies the omission of something
there for brevity's sake ;4 betwixt figures, it is to extend the reference from
one number to the other.
Whoever considers the difficulty of compiling such a work with exact-
ness, together with the confusion of the present times, and the author's dis-
tance from the press, will not be severe upon him for every imperfection that
may be discovered therein; though he has named his principal vouchers on
purpose to have his performance thoroughly examined, and every material
mistake corrected. Sincerity and impartiality are allowed to be the most
essential rules of history; how far they appear in this the reader will
judge. Only the author must say, that he has acted under a full belief,
that with what measure we mete, it shall be measured to us again; so that
we cannot injure others in any case, without therein wronging our own
souls. And to impress this great truth upon all minds, is the aim and
earnest desire of their humble servant,
MIDDLEBOROUGH, July 9, 1777.
ISAAC BACKUS.
"An account of the church of Christ in Plymouth, the first church in New Eng-
land, from its establishment unto the present day. By John Cotton, Esq., member
of said church." This work was published in 1760. It is republished in the Massa-
chusetts Historical Collections, Vol. IV, pp. 107-141.-ED.
2 This tract has been usually ascribed to the venerable Stephen Hopkins, who for
eight years had been Governor of the colony, and served in that office one year af-
ter, but is better known as one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence."
Introductory note to "An Account of Providence, R. I.," as republished in the
Massachusetts Historical Collections, Second Series, Vol. IX.-ED.
According to modern usage, this is the case with all the quotations in the present
edition.-ED.
"In the present edition, such omissions are indicated by dots [....].-Ed.
History of the Baptists in New England.
CHAPTER I.
THE SENTIMENTS AND CHARACTER OF THE FIRST PLANTERS OF THIS COUN-
TRY, WITH THEIR PROCEEDINGS DOWN TO THE YEAR 1634.
To obtain clear and just ideas of the affairs of the Bap-
tists in New England, it seems necessary for us to look back
to its first settlement, and carefully to examine what were
the sentiments and character of the original planters. Those
that began the first colony were called Separatists, because
of their withdrawal from the national church of England;
and different parties have accused them with rigidness there-
in; but ingenuous minds will not choose to be turned off
with hard names, without knowing what is meant by them;
therefore let us hear those fathers tell their own story. They
separated from the national church near the beginning of
the last century, and formed societies for worship by them-
selves; till, after suffering much from the ruling party in
their native country, they left it, and sojourned about twelve
years in Holland, and then removed to this land.
About the time of their fleeing into Holland, Mr. Richard
Bernard, an Episcopal minister in Nottinghamshire, out of
which many of those fathers removed, published a book
2
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
against them, which he called "The Separatist's Schism," to
which Mr. John Robinson, the pastor of the church which
afterward began the settlement of New England, published
an answer in 1610, entitled, “A Justification of Separation.
from the Church of England." As I am favored with this
performance, containing four hundred and seventy-six pages
in quarto, I shall from thence give the reader the author's
own words upon the most material points of their contro-
versy, and the rather, because the writings of that eminent
father of our country are very little known at this day
among us.
Mr. Bernard began his book with some things which he
called "Christian Counsels of Peace," to which Mr. Robin-
son answers¹:-
As God is the God of peace, so are not they God's children which desire
it not; yea, even in the midst of their contentions. But as all vices use
to clothe themselves with the habits of virtues, that under their [those]
liveries they may get countenance, and find the more free passage in the
world, so especially in the church, all tyranny and confusion do present
themselves under this color, taking up the politic pretence of peace, as a
weapon of more advantage, wherewith the stronger and greater party useth.
to beat the weaker. The papists press the protestants with the peace of
the church, and, for the rent [which] they have made in it, condemn them
beyond the heathenish soldiers, which forebore to divide Christ's garment;
as deeply do the bishops charge the ministers refusing conformity and sub-
scription,² and both of them us. But the godly wise must not be affrighted
'It is perhaps unfortunate, rhetorically, that these long and, to the general reader,
somewhat tedious extracts from the work of Robinson are introduced at the com-
mencement of the IIistory. Such a reader may need to pass lightly over these
first pages, suspending his judgment of the work till he reaches the commence-
ment of the narrative.
These extracts have been carefully collated with the work from which they were
taken, as found in Vol. II of the works of John Robinson, published by the Congre-
gational Board, London, 1851. The differences found, where there was not an
obvious error, are here indicated in brackets. Many words and phrases, not strictly
necessary to the sense, were found to have been omitted, some of which are here
supplied in brackets, The figures in brackets refer to the pages of the above-men-
tioned volume.-ED.
2The main of those who afterward settled the Massachusetts colony were of this
sort; they refused full conformity to the national church, and yet condemned an
entire separation from it.
[1610.]
VIEWS OF JOHN ROBINSON.
3
either from seeking or embracing the truth with such bugs as these are,
but seeing "the wisdom which is from above, is first pure, then peacea-
ble," he must make it a great part of his Christian wisdom to discern
betwixt godly and gracious peace, and that which is either pretended for
advantage, or mistaken by error, and so [to] labor to hold peace in purity.
Let it then be manifested unto us, that the communion which the church of
England hath with all the wicked in the land, without separation, is a pure
communion; that their service book, devised and prescribed in so many
words and letters, to be read over and over with all the appurtenances, is
a pure worship; that their government by national, provincial and diocesan
bishops, according to their canons, is a pure government, and then let us be
blamed if we hold not peace with them in word and deed; otherwise,
though they speak [spake] unto us never so oft, both by messengers and
mouth of peace, and again of peace, as Jehoram did to Jehu, yet must we
answer them in effect as Jehu did Jehoram, What peace, whilst the whore-
doms of the mother of fornications [fornicators], the Jezebel of Rome, do
remain in so great number amongst them? And I doubt not but Mr. Ber-
nard, and a thousand more ministers in the land (were they secure of the
magistrate's sword, and might they go on with [his] good license) would
wholly shake off their canonical obedience to their ordinaries, and neglect
their citations and censures, and refuse to sue in their courts, for all the
peace of the church which they commend to us for so sacred a thing.
Could they but obtain licease from the magistrate to use the liberties [lib-
erty] which they are persuaded Christ hath given them, they would soon
shake off the prelates' yoke, and draw no longer under the same in spirit-
ual communion with all the profane in the land, but would break those
bonds of iniquity, as easily as Samson did the cords wherewith Delilah
tied him, and give good reasons also from the word of God for their so
doing. Pp. 13, 14. [12, 13.]
Whoever reads and well observes the history of the Massa-
chusetts colony, I believe, will find that those remarks were
neither enthusiastic nor censorious, but that they discover
great knowledge, and a good judgment both in human and
divine concernments. Mr. Robinson proceeds and says:-
These things I thought good to commend to the reader, that he may be
the more cautious of this and the like colorable pretences, wishing him
also well to remember, that peace in disobedience is that old theme of the
false prophets, whereby they flattered the mighty, and deceived the simple.
Jer. vi. 14, and viii. 11. ... In the church of England we do acknowl-
edge many excellent truths of doctrine, which we also teach without com-
4
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
mixture of error, many Christian ordinances which we also practise, being
purged from the pollution of antichrist; and, for the godly persons in it,
(could we possibly separate them from the profane) we would gladly
embrace them with both arms. But, being taught by the apostle, speaking
but of one wicked person, and of one Jewish ordinance, that "a little
leaven leaveneth the whole lump," 1 Cor. v. 6, Gal. v. 9, we cannot be
ignorant how sour the English assemblies must needs be; neither may we
justly be blamed though we dare not dip in their meal, lest we be soured
by their leaven. Pp. 15, 16. [14, 15.]
To Mr. B., who counsels that we should "bear with lighter
faults for a time, till fit occasion be offered to have them
amended," he replies:
1. No sin is light in itself, but being continued in and countenanced,
destroyeth the sinner. Matt. v. 19. 2. It is the property of a profane
and hardened heart evermore to extenuate and lessen sins. 3. Though
the bearing and forbearing, not only of small but even of great sins also,
must be for a time, yet it must be but for a time, and that is whilst
reformation be orderly sought and procured. Lev. xix. 17. But what
time hath wrought in the church of England, all men see growing daily,
by the just judgment of God, from evil to worse, and being never afore-
time so impatient either of reformation or other good as at this day.
4. A man must so bear evil, as he be no way accessory unto it, by for-
bearing any means appointed by Christ for the amending it. P. 16. [15.]
I see not upon what occasion the author should shuffle into this contro-
versy, which is merely ecclesiastical, such considerations as he doth con-
cerning the frame and alteration of civil states, except he would either in-
sinuate against us, that we went about to alter the civil state of the king-
dom; or, at least, that the alteration of the state ecclesiastical, must needs
draw with it the alteration of the civil state; with which mote the prelates
have a long time bleared the eyes of the magistrates; but how deceitfully,
hath been sufficiently manifested, and offer made further to manifest the
same by solemn disputation. And the truth is, that all states and policies
which are of God, whether monarchical, aristocratical or democratical, or
how mixed soever, are capable of Christ's government. Neither doth the
nature of the state, but the corruption of the persons, hinder the same in
And where Mr. Bernard further adviseth, rather to
one or other.
offend many private persons than one lawful magistrate, I doubt not he
gives no worse counsel than he himself follows, who (except I be much de-
ceived in him) had rather offend half the private persons in the diocese,
than one archbishop, though he be an unlawful magistrate. But let us re-
member our care be not to offend the Lord, and if with the offence of a
[1610.]
VIEWS OF JOHN ROBINSON.
5
private person, though never so base, be joined the offence of the Lord,
better offend all, both lawful and unlawful magistrates, in the world, than
such a little one. Matt. xviii, 6. Pp. 17, 18. [17, 18.]
Another piece of counsel given by Mr. B. is, "Use the
present good which thou mayest enjoy, to the utmost; and
an experienced good, before thou dost trouble thyself to
seek for a supposed better good, untried, which thou enjoy-
est not." To this Mr. R. says:-
We may not stint or circumscribe either our knowledge, faith, or obedi-
ence, within straiter bounds than the whole revealed will of God, in the
knowledge and obedience whereof we must daily increase and edify our-
selves; much less must we suffer ourselves to be stripped of any liberty
which Christ our Lord hath purchased for us, and given us to use for our
good. Gal. v. i. And here, as I take it, comes in the case of many hun-
dreds in the church of England, who what good they may enjoy (that is
safely enjoy, or without any great bodily danger) that they use very fully.
Where the ways of Christ lie open for them, by the authority of men, and
where they may walk safely with good leave, there they walk very up-
rightly, and that a round pace; but when the commandments of Christ are,
as it were, hedged up with thorns, by men's prohibitions, there they foully
“step aside, and pitch their tents by the flocks of his fellows." Cant. i. 7.
P. 23. [23, 24]
Again Mr. B. says, "Never presume to reform others, be-
fore thou hast well ordered thyself." To which Mr. Robin-
son answers:-
True zeal, it is certain, ever begins at home, and gives more liberty unto
other men than it dares assume unto itself; and there is nothing more true,
and [or] necessary to be considered, than that every man ought to order
himself in [and] his own steps first. That is good and the best, but not
all; for if by God's commandment we ought to bring back our enemy's ox
or ass that strayeth, how much more to bring into order our brother's soul
and body, wandering in by-paths? P. 24. [25.]
Mr. Bernard went on to lay down a number of things,
which he supposed would render it very unlikely that a
separation from them could be right, before he came to the
merits of the cause; as, 1. "The novelty thereof differing
1.“
6
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
from all the best reformed churches in Christendom." To
which Mr. Robinson replies:-
邐
​It is no novelty to hear men plead custom, when they want truth. So
the heathen philosophers reproached Paul as a bringer of new doctrine.
Acts xvii. 19. So do the papists discountenance the doctrine and profes-
sion of the church of England; yea, even at this day, very many of the
people in the land call popery the old law, and the profession there made
the new law. But for our parts, as we believe, by the word of God, that
the things we teach are not new, but old truths renewed; so are we no less
[fully] persuaded, that the church constitution, in which we are set, is cast
in the apostolical and primitive mould, and not one day nor hour younger,
in the nature and form of it, than the first church of the New Testament.
P. 40. [42, 43.]
2. "For that it agreeeth so much with the ancient schis-
matics, condemned in former ages by holy and learned men."
Answer:-
Can our way both be a novelty, and yet agree so well with ancient
schismatics? Contraries cannot be both true, but may both be false, as
these are.
P. 42. [44, 45.]
Mr. Robinson tells us, that another article which Mr. B.
alleged against them is, "That we have not the approbation of
any of the reformed churches for our course." Answer:
This is the same in substance with the first, and that which followeth in
the next place the same with them both; and Mr. B. by [his] so ordina-
rily pressing us with human testimonies, shews himself to be very barren
of divine authority. Nature teacheth every creature, in all danger, to fly
first and oftenest to the chief instruments either of offence or defence,
wherein it trusteth, as the bull to his horn, the boar to his tusk, and the
bird unto her wing; right so this man shews wherein his strength lies, and
wherein he trusts most, by [his] so frequent and usual shaking the horn,
and whetting the tusk, of mortal man's authority against us. But for the
reformed churches the truth is, they neither do imagine, nor will easily be
brought to believe, that the frame of the church of England stauds as it
doth. The approbation which they give [of you] is in respect of such
general truths of doctrine, as wherein we also, for the most part, acknowl-
edge you; which notwithstanding you deny in a great measure in the par-
ticulars and practice. But touching the gathering and governing of the
church, which are the main heads controverted betwixt you and us; they
[1610.]
VIEWS OF JOHN ROBINSON.
7
give you not so much as the left hand of fellowship, but do, on the con-
trary, turn their backs upon you. Pp. 46, 47¹. [49, 50.] Thus much of
the learned abroad. In the next place, Mr. Bernard draws us to the learned
at home, from whose dislike of us he takes his fifth likelihood, which he
thus frameth: "The condemnation of this way by our divines, both living
and dead, against whom, either for godliness of life or truth of doctrine,
otherwise than for being their opposites, they can take no exception."
To this, Mr. Robinson answers:-
No marvel. We may not admit of parties for judges. How is it pos-
sible we should be approved of them in the things wherein we witness
against them? And if this argument be good and [or] likely, then is it
likely that neither the reformists have the truth in the church of Eugland,
nor the prelates; for there are many of those both godly and learned,
which in their differences do oppose, and that very vehemently, the one the
other. Now, as for my own part, I do willingly acknowledge the learning
and godliness of most of the persons named by Mr. B. and honor the
memory of some of them; so neither do I think them so learned, but they
might err, nor so godly, but in their error they might reproach the truth
they saw not. I do confess to the glory of God, and mine own shame,
that a long time before I entered this way, I took some taste of the truth
in it by some treatises published in justification of it, which [the Lord
knoweth] were sweet as honey unto my mouth; and the principal thing
which for the time quenched all further appetite in me, was the over-valu-
ation which I made of the learning and holiness of these and the like per-
sons, blushing in myself to have a thought of pressing one hair-breadth be-
fore them in this thing, behind whom I knew myself to come so many
'The ways of the church of England, wherein we forsake her, do directly and ex
diametro cross and thwart the ways of the reformed churches, in these three main
heads-I. The reformed churches are gathered of a free people, joined together
by voluntary profession, without compulsion of human laws. On the contrary, the
church of England consists of a people forced together violently by the laws of
men into their provincial, diocesan and parishional churches (as their houses stand)
be they never so unwilling or unfit. 2. The reformed churches do renounce the
· ministry of the church of England, as she doth theirs; not admitting of any by vir-
tue of it to charge of souls, as they speak, where, on the contrary, all the mass-
priests made in Queen Mary's days, which would say their book-service in English,
were continued ministers by the same ordination which they received from popish
prelates. 3. The government by archbishops, lord bishops and their substitutes, in
the church of England, is abhorred and disclaimed in the reformed churches as anti-
christian; as is, on the contrary, the Presbyterian government, in use there, by the
church of England refused, as anabaptistical and seditious. P. 52. [55, 56.]
Here we may see how the very name of Anabaptist was used as a weapon to fight
against reformation in Mr. Robinson's day, and the practice is still followed by many.
8
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
•
miles in all other things; yea and even of late times, when I had entered
into a more serious consideration of these things, and, according to the
measure of grace received, searched the Scriptures, whether they were so
or no, and by searching found much light and truth, yet was the same so
dimmed and overclouded with the contradictions of these men, and others
of the like note, that had not the truth been in my heart as a burning fire
shut up in my bones, Jer. xx. 9, I had never broken those bonds of flesh
and blood, but had suffered the light of God to have been put out in my
[mine own] unthankful heart, by other men's darkness.
Every man stands bound to give this reverence to the graces of God in
other men, that in his differences with [from] them he be not suddenly nor
easily persuaded, but that being jealous of his own heart, he undertake the
examination of things, and so proceed with fear and trembling, and having
tried all things, keep that which is good; 1 Thes. v. 21; so shall he neither.
wrong the graces of God in himself, nor in others. But on the other side,
for a man so far to suffer his thoughts to be conjured into the circle of any
[mortal] man's or men's judgment, as either to fear to try what is offered
to the contrary, in the balance of the sanctuary, or finding it to bear weight,
to fear to give sentence on the Lord's side, yea though it be against the
mighty, this is to honor men above God, and to advance a throne above
the throne of Christ, who is Lord and King forever. And to speak that
in this case, which by doleful experience I myself have found, many of
the most forward professors in the kingdom are well nigh as superstitiously
addicted to the determinations of their guides and teachers, as the ignorant
papists unto theirs; accounting it not only needless curiosity, but even in-
tolerable arrogancy, to call in question the things received from them by
tradition. But how much better were it for all men to lay aside these and
the like prejudices, that so they might understand the things which concern
their peace, and seeing with their own eyes, might live by their own faith.
And, for these famous men named by Mr. B., (with whose oppositions,
as with Zedekiah's horns of iron, he would push us here and everywhere)
as we hear their reproofs with patience, and acknowledge their worth
[worths] without envy or detraction, so do we know they were but men,
and through human frailty might be abused as well, or rather as ill, to sup-
port antichrist in a measure, as others before them have been, though godly.
and learned as they. It will not be denied but the fathers, as they are
called, Ignatius, Irenæus, Tertullian, Cyprian, Ambrose, Jerome, Austin,
and the rest, were both godly and learned, yet no man, if he have but even
saluted them, can be ignorant what way, though unwittingly, they made
for the advancement of antichrist which followed after them; and if they,
notwithstanding their learning and godliness, thus ushered him into the
world, why might not others, and that more likely, though learned and
godly as the former, help to bear up his train? especially considering that
[1610.]
VIEWS OF JOHN ROBINSON.
9
as his rising was not, so neither could his fall be perfected at once. And,
for us, what do we more or otherwise, for the most part, than walk in those
ways into which divers of the persons by Mr. B. named have directed us
by the word of God, in manifesting unto us by the light thereof what the
ministry, government, worship, and fellowship of the gospel ought to be¹?
We then being taught, and believing that the word of God is a light and
lantern, not only to our eyes, but to our feet and paths, as the psalmist
speaketh, Psal. cxix. 105, cannot possibly conceive how we should justly
be blamed by these men for observing the ordinances which themselves not
only acknowledged, but contended for, as appointed by Christ, to be kept
inviolable till his appearing, as some of them have expressly testified.
To conclude, let not the Christian reader cast our persons, and the per-
sons of our opposites, whether these or others, in the balance together; but
rather our cause and reasons, with their oppositions and the grounds of
them, and so with [a] steady hand, and impartial eye, poise cause with
cause, that so the truth of God may not be prejudiced by men's persons,
nor held in respect of them. Pp. 48-53. [51—54.]
be
By these free and plain declarations the reader may
able to judge, whether the reproach of rigidness properly
belongs to Mr. Robinson, or to his accusers and persecutors;
yet because he would not stay in the church of England,
when he was convinced of its being wrong so to do, Mr.
Bernard accuses him and his brethren of either denying
'For proof of this, Mr. Robinson, in another place, cites a number of passages,
written, he says, "by such men as I dare say Mr. B. reckons amongst the painful
and conscionable ministers." Their words are these:-` ` The names and offices of
archbishops, archdeacons. lord bishops, &c. are, together with their government,
drawn out of the pope's shop, antichristian, [devilish] and contrary to the Scriptures.
Parsons, vicars, parish priests, stipendiaries, &c. be birds of the same feather."
2d Admo. to the Parliament, [By Thos. Cartwright.] "There is no true visible
church of Christ, but a particular congregation only." Christian Offer, prop. 4.
"Every true visible church of Christ, or ordinary assembly of the faithful, hath, by
Christ's ordinance, power in itself immediately under Christ to elect, to ordain, de-
prive and depose their ministers, and to execute all other ecclesiastical censures."
Ibid., prop. 5.
"The visible church of Christ, wheresoever it be, hath the power of
binding and loosing annexed unto it, as our Saviour, Christ teacheth;" Matt. xviii.
Discovery of Dr. Bancroft's Slanders. [Preface.] "Amongst us the holy mysteries
of God are profaned, the Gentiles enter into the temple of God, the holy things are
indifferently communicated with the clean and unclean.” Plain Declaration.
Now," says Mr. Robinson, “let the [indifferent] reader judge whether these men
in thus writing have not opened the door unto us, by which themselves enter not.”
Pp. 75, 76. [81, 82.]
10
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
their conversion there, or else of accounting it a false one.
To which Mr. R. answers:
For our personal conversion in the church of England, we deny it not,
but do, and always have done, judge and profess it true there; and so
was Luther's conversion true in the church of Rome, else could not his
separation from Rome have been of faith, or accepted of God. P. 69.
[75.]
And now for particular sentiments about church affairs.
Mr. Robinson's opponent had said, "The word is the consti-
tution of the church." To which he replies:-
:—
His meaning is or should be, that the word is the ordinary [outward]
means for collecting and constituting the church of God. I grant it. But
how considered? Not the word in men's Bibles alone, for then all the
heretics in the world were true churches [are true Christians]; nor yet
the word preached simply, for Paul preached the word to the scoffing
Athenians, and to the blasphemous Jews, yet I think he will not say that
either the one or the other were churches truly constituted. How then?
The word published, understood, believed and obeyed, outwardly at the
least, as the spiritual sword or axe, hewing the stones in the rock, and the
trees in the forest, and preparing them to be the Lord's spiritual house.
And thus much the very places produced by Mr. B. [like Goliath's sword
drawn out to cut off his own head,] do evidently declare.
Matt. xxviii. 19, which is the first place, shows that such as by preach-
ing of the word were made disciples, for so much the word [MadrέVOUTE]
importeth, were to be gathered into the church and baptized. Mark xvi.
15, shows the same, especially if you add verse 16, inferring that men by
preaching must believe, and so believe as they have the promise of salvation.
2 Cor. v. 19, and xi. 2, prove that the word of reconciliation and ministry of
the gospel, believed and obeyed to the forgiveness of sius, and to the prepara-
tion and sanctification of the church of [to] Christ, is the means of gather-
ing and building up the same. Acts ii. 14, 37, 38, 41, and xvi. 32-34,
are of the same nature [with the former], and do prove that sundry of the
Jews at Jerusalem, by Peter's preaching, and that the jailer's household at
Philippi, by Paul's preaching, were brought to repentance, and faith in
Christ, and so added to the church. But what will be the conclusion of
all these premises? The proposition is this:-The true apostolic churches
having a true constitution, were gathered and constituted of such meu and
women as by the preaching of the gospel were made disciples, had faith
and repentance wrought in them, to the obtaining of the forgiveness of sins,
and promise of life eternal, and to sauctification and obedience. Pp. 89,
90. [95, 96.]
]1610.]
VIEWS OF JOHN ROBINSON.
Of baptism Mr. Robinson says:-
11
The proper ends and uses of baptism are to initiate the parties baptized
into the church of Christ, and to consecrate them to his service, and so to
serve for badges of Christianity, by which it is distinguished from all other
professions. Matt. xxviii. 19, 1 Cor. xii. 13. P. 26. [28.] The sacra-
ment of baptism is to be administered by Christ's appointment, and the
apostles' example, only to such as are, externally, and so far as men can
judge, taught and made disciples [Matt. xxviii. 19.]; do receive the word
gladly; Acts ii. 41; believe and so profess; Acts viii. [12, 13, 37]; have
received the Holy Ghost; Acts x. 47; and to their seed; Acts ii. 39, 1
Cor. vii. 14. P. 92. [99.] Baptism administered to any others is so far
from investing them with any saintship in that estate, that [as] it makes
guilty, both the giver and receiver, of sacrilege, and is the taking of God's
name in vain. P. 110. [115.]
1
Of the Lord's Supper he says:—
The apostle teacheth, 1 Cor. x. 16, that the bread and wine in the sup-
per are the communion of the body and blood of Christ, that is, effectual
pledges of our conjunction and incorporation with Christ, and one with
another; and in ver. 17, that all which eat of one bread or one loaf, áre
one mystical body. This place alone, if Mr. B. and his fellow ministers
would seriously consider, and set themselves faithfully to observe, they
would rather offer their own bodies to be torn in pieces by wild beasts, than
the holy mysteries of Christ's body to be profaned as they are. P. 92.
[98.]
Of the keys, Matt. xvi. 18, 19, he says:-
It is granted by all sides that Christ gave unto Peter the keys of the
kingdom, that is, the power to remit and retain sins declaratively, as they
speak; as also that in what respect this power was given to Peter, in the
same respect it was, and is, given to such as succeed Peter; but the ques-
tion is, in what respect or consideration this power spoken of was delegated
to him? The papist affirms it was given to Peter as the prince of the
apostles, and so to the bishops of Rome, as Peter's successors, and thus
they stablish the pope's primacy. The prelates say Nay, but unto Peter
an apostle, that is, a chief officer of the church, and so to us, as chief off-
cers succeeding him. Others aflirm it to belong to Peter here as a minis-
ter of the word and sacraments, and the like, and so consequently to all
other ministers of the gospel equally, which succeed Peter in those and the
like administrations. But we, for our parts do believe and profess that this
promise is not made to Peter in any of these respects, nor to any office,
order, estate, dignity or degree in the church or world, but to the confession
12
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
of faith, which Peter made by way of answer to Christ's question, [who,
demanding of the disciples whom, amongst the variety of opinions that
went of him, they thought him to be, was answered by Peter in the name
of the rest] "Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God." To this
Christ replies, "Blessed art thou; thou art Peter, and upon this rock will
I build my church; I will give unto thee the keys," &c. So that the
building of the church is upon the rock of Peter's confession, that is,
Christ whom he confessed. This faith is the foundation of the church;
against this faith the gates of hell shall not prevail; this faith hath the
keys of the kingdom of heaven; what this faith shall loose or bind on
earth, is bound and loosed in heaven. Thus the Protestant divines, when
they deal against the pope's supremacy, do generally expound this Scrip-
ture; [though Mr. B. directly makes the pope and his shavelings, Peter's
successors in this place, as hereafter will appear.] Now it followeth, that
whatsoever person hath received the same precious faith with, Peter, as all
the faithful have, 2 Pet. i. 1, that person hath a part in this gift of Christ.
Whosoever doth confess, publish, manifest or make known Jesus to be the
Christ, the Son of the living God, and Saviour of the world, that person
opens heaven's gates, looseth sin, and partakes with Peter in the use of the
keys; and hereupon it followeth necessarily, that one faithful man, yea, or
woman either, may as truly and effectually loose and bind, both in heaven
and earth, as all the ministers in the world. Pp. 149, 159. [157, 158.]
But here I know the lordly clergy, like the bulls of Bashan, will roar
loud upon me, as speaking things intolerably derogatory to the dignity of
priesthood; and it may be some others also, either through ignorance or
superstition, will take offence at this speech, as confounding all things; but
there is no such cause of exception. For howsoever the keys be one and
the same in nature and efficacy, in what faithful man, or men's hands
soever, as not depending either upon the number or excellency of any per-
sons, but upon Christ alone; yet is it ever to be remembered, that the order
and manner of using them is very different.
The [These] keys in doctrine may be turned as well upon them which are
without the church, as upon them which are within, and their sins either
loosed or bound, Matt. xxviii. 19; but in discipline not so, but only upon
them which are within; 1 Cor. v. 12, 13. Again, the apostles by their
office had these keys to use in all churches, yea, in all nations upon earth;
ordinary elders for their particular flocks; Acts xiv. 23, and xx. 28.
Lastly, there is a use of the keys publicly to be had, and a use privately ;
a use of them by one person severally, and a use of them by the whole
church jointly, and together; a use of them ministerially, or in oflice, and
a use of them out of office. But the power of the gospel, which is the
keys, is still one and the same, notwithstanding the diverse manner of using
it. P. 151. [158, 159.]
[1610.]
VIEWS OF JOHN ROBINSON.
13
If the keys of the kingdom of heaven be appropriated unto the officers,
then can there be no forgiveness of sins, nor salvation, without officers;
for there is no entrance into heaven but by the door. Without the key the
door cannot be opened. So then, belike, if either there be no officers in
the church (as it may easily come to pass in some extreme plague or per-
secution, [howsoever in England a man may have a priest for the whis-
tling,] and must needs be in the churches of Christ in our days, either in
their first planting, or first calling out of Babylon; for antichrist's mass-
priesthood is not essentially Christ's true ministry,) or if the officers take
away the key of knowledge, as the scribes and pharisees did, and will
neither enter themselves nor suffer them that would; then must the misera-
ble multitude be content to be shut out and perish eternally, for ought is
known to the contrary. To admonish the officers of their sin, [it] were
"against common sense, as that the father should be subject to his children,
the work domineer over the workman, the seedsman be ordered by the
corn," and to excommunicate them and call new, were intolerable usurpa-
tion of the keys; "this power is given to the chief officers only;" Pp. 94,
95, and to separate from them is as intolerable. P. 88.¹ Miserable were
the Lord's people, if these things were so; but the truth is, they are mis-
erable guides who so teach.
They which may forgive sins and sinners, save souls, gain and turn men
unto the Lord, to them are the keys of the kingdom given, by which they
open the door unto such as they thus forgive, gain and save. But all these
things, such as are not ministers may do, as these Scriptures, which I en-
treat the godly reader to consider, do most clearly manifest; Matt. xviii.
15; 2 Cor. ii. 5, 7;--10; Acts viii. 1, 4, with xi. 19-21; James v. 19, 20;
1 Pet. iii. 1; Jude 22, 23. Erroneous, therefore, and derogatory is it to
the nature of the gospel, and free donation of Christ, thus to impropriate
and engross the keys, which lie common to all Christians in their place and
order. Pp. 152, 153. [160, 161.]
Concerning ordination Mr. Robinson observes:-
The officers of the church are the servants of the church; and their
office a service of the Lord, and of his church. Matt. xx. 25, 26, 27. 2
Cor. iv. 5. Rom. xv. 31. Whereupon it followeth necessarily, that what
power the offiers have, the body of the church hath first. P. 411. [435.]
To these things I add, that what power any of the pope's clergy receive
from him, the same he takes from them, and deprives them of, when they
withdraw their obedience, or separate from that church. For our better
proceeding, I will first consider what ordination is; and secondly how far
'These are quotations from Bernard,
14
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
the brethren may go by the Scriptures, and the necessary consequences
drawn from them, in this and the like cases in the first planting of churches,
or of reducing of them into order, in or after some general confusion.
The prelates, and those which level by their line, highly advance ordina-
tion [and] far above the administration of the word, sacraments and
prayer; making it, and the power of excommunication, the two incommu-
nicable prerogatives of a bishop above an ordinary minister.
But surely
herein these chief ministers do not succeed the chief ministers, the apos-
tles, except as darkness succeeds light, and antichrist's confusion Christ's
order. When the apostles were sent out by Christ, there was no mention
of ordination; their charge was, "Go teach all nations, and baptize them;"
and, that the apostles accounted preaching their principal work, and after it
baptism and prayer, the Scriptures manifest. Acts vi. 4; 1 Cor. i. 17.
P. 412. [436, 437.]
Ordination doth depend upon the people's lawful election, as an effect
upon the cause, by virtue of which it is justly administered, and may be
thus described, or considered of us, as the admission of or putting into pos-
session a person lawfully elected into a true office of ministry.
The
right unto their office they have by election, the possession by ordination,
with the ceremony of imposition of hands. The apostle Peter, advertis-
ing the disciples or brethren that one (fitted as there noted) was in the
room of Judas to be made a witness, with the eleven apostles, of the res-
urrection of Christ, when two were by them presented, did with the rest
present them two and none other to the Lord, that he, by the immediate
direction of the lot, might show whether of them two he had chosen. Acts
i. In like manner the twelve being to institute the office of deaconry in
the church at Jerusalem, called the multitude of the disciples together, and
informed them what manner of persons they were to choose; which choice
being made by the brethren accordingly, and they so chosen presented to
the apostles, they forthwith ordained them, by virtue of the election [so]
made by the brethren. To these add, that the apostles Paul and Baruabas
(being thereunto called by the Holy Ghost) did pass from church to church,
and from place to place, and in every church where they came did ordain
them elders by the people's election, signified by their lifting up of hands,
as the word is, and as the use was in popular elections, throughout those
countries. Act. xiii. 2, and xiv. 23. . . . . The judgment and plea (when
they deal with us) of the most forward men in the land, in this case, I
Χειροτονήσαντες.
1 Xerpotovýœuvres. Mr. Robinson's argument from this word is not approved
by the best criticism. "The interpretation having appointed for them [elders] by
their outstretched hands, i. e., by taking their opinion or vote in that manner, is un-
warranted; for it transfers the hands to the wrong persons."-Hackett; Commentary
on Acts xiv: 23.—ED.
[1610.]
may
VIEWS OF JOHN ROBINSON.
15
omit;
which is, that they renounce and disclaim their ordination by
the prelates, and hold their ministry by the people's acceptation. Now if
the acceptation of a mixed company, under the prelate's government (as is
the best parish assembly in the kingdom) whereof the greatest part have by
the revealed will of God no right to the covenant, ministry, or other holy
things, be sufficient to make a minister, then much more the acceptation of
the people with us, being all of them jointly, and every one of them sev-
I ac-
erally, by the mercy of God, capable of the Lord's ordinances."
knowledge that where there are already lawful officers in a church, by and
to which others are called, there the former, upon that election, are to
ordain and appoint the latter. The officers, being the ministers of the
church, are to execute the determinations [and judgments] of the church
under the Lord. .... Ordination is properly the execution of election. Pp.
413-415. [437-140.] .
The apostle Paul writes to the churches of Galatia to reject, as accursed,
such ministers whomsoever as should preach otherwise than they had
already received: and the same apostle writes to the church of [at] Co-
losse, to admonish Archippus to take heed to his ministry. So [did] John
also, to the church of Ephesus, commendeth, [commending] it for exam-
ining, and so consequently for silencing, such as pretended themselves
¹Mr. Robinson gives us a number of the Protestants' testimonies upon this point.
of which take the following:-
:
"Gal. i. 8; If any man teach another gospel, let him be anathema.' Only the
assembly where the true doctrine soundeth is the church: in it is the ministry of the
gospel in it are the keys of the kingdom of heaven. Wherefore in that very assem-
bly [in eo ipso catu] there is the right of calling and ordaining the ministers of the
gospel, because we must fly the enemies of the gospel, as anathema. And besides,
if we should desire of them the ceremony of ordination, they would not give it, ex-
cept we would bind ourselves to renounce the truc doctrine; and other wicked bonds
would they cast upon us. It is the confusion of order, to seek shepherds from the
wolves. This hath ever been the right of the true church, to choose and call out of
her own assembly fit ministers of the gospel."
Philip Melancthon.
"In the planting of churches anew, when men [want] are wanting, which should
preach the gospel, a woman may perform that at the first; but so as when she hath
taught any company, that some one man of the faithful be ordained, which may
afterwards minister the sacraments, teach, and do the pastor's duty faithfully."
Peter Martyr.
"Tilenus being demanded of the Earl of Lavall, from whom Calvin had his call-
ing answered, From the church of Geneva, and from Farrel, his predecessor; who
also had his from the people of Geneva; who had right and authority to institute
and depose ministers: which thing he also confirms by Cyprian, Epist. xiv." Pp.
421, 422. [446, 447.]
These were the sentiments of those who knew how they came out of Rome, and
upon what grounds the Protestant churches were formed; but how differently are
things represented by aspiring men at this day?
16
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
apostles, and were not: as also to the church of Thyatira, reproving it for
suffering unsilenced the false prophetess Jezebel. Now as these things did
first and principally concern the officers, who were in these and all other
things of the same nature to go before and govern the people; so are
[were] the people also in their places interested in the same business and
charge. Neither could the officers' sin (if they should have been corrupt
or negligent) discharge the people of their duty in the things which con-
cerned them; but they were bound notwithstanding to see the command-
ments of the apostles, and of the Lord Jesus by them, executed accord-
ingly. And if the people be in cases, and when their officers fail, thus sol-
emnly to examine, admonish, silence, and suppress their teachers, being
faulty and unsound; then are they also by proportion, where officers fail,
to elect, appoint, set up and over themselves such fit persons as the Lord
affordeth them, for their furtherance of faith and salvation. Pp. 417, 418.
[442, 443.]
Against this doctrine many objections have been raised;
the chief of which are about the people's instability, and
their tendency to confusion. In answer to which, Mr. Rob-
inson reminds his opponent, that though his ignorant peo-
ple had readily changed their religion with their prince,
even back to popery in Mary's days; yet, "The prelates
and priests were as unstable as the rest, yea their ringlead-
ers." Says he :-
For [ourselves, Mr. B., and that whereof we take] experience in this
our popularity, as you term it, I tell you, that if ever I saw the beauty of
Sion, and the glory of the Lord filling his tabernacle, it hath been in the
manifestation of the divers graces of God in the church, in that heavenly
harmony, and comely order, wherein by the grace of God we are set and
walk; wherein, if your eyes had but seen the brethren's sober and modest
carriage one towards another, their humble and willing submission unto
their guides in the Lord, their tender compassion towards the weak, their
fervent zeal against scandalous offenders, and their long-suffering towards
all, you would, I am persuaded, change your mind, and be compelled to
take up your parable, and bless where you purposed to curse. P. 212.
[223.] For mine own part, knowing mine own infirmities, and that I am
subject to sin, yea and to forwardness in sin, as much as the brethren are;
if by mine office I should be deprived of the remedy which they enjoy,
that blessed ordinance of the church's censures, I should think mine office
accursed, and myself by it, as frustrating and disappointing me of that
main end for which the servants of Christ ought to join themselves unto
:
[1610.]
VIEWS OF JOHN ROBINSON.
17
the church of Christ, furnished with his power for their reformation.
As, on the contrary, God is my record. how, in the very writing of these
things, my soul is filled with spiritual joy, that I am under this easy yoke
of Christ, the censures of the church, and how much I am comforted in
this [very] consideration, against my vile and corrupt nature, which, not-
withstanding, I am persuaded the Lord will never so far suffer to rebel, as
that it shall not be tamed and subdued by this strong hand of God, with-
out which it might every day and hour so hazard my salvation. That doc-
trine which advanceth an inferior and meaner state [estate] in the church,
above that which is superior and the chief, that is unsound, and indeed
serving in a degree for the exaltation of that man of sin above all that is
called God. But the doctrine of setting the elders without and above the
judgments and censures of the church, doth advance an inferior above a
superior. The point I thus manifest:
•
The order of kings is the highest order or estate in the church. But the
order of saints is the order of kings, and we are kings as we are saints, not
as we are officers. As the Lord Jesus did prove against the scribes
and pharisees, that the temple was greater than the gold, because it sancti-
fied the gold, and that the altar was greater than the offering, because it
sanctified the offering, so by proportion the condition of a saint, which sanc-
tifieth the condition of an officer, is more excellent [and greater] than it is.
To our saintship, and as we have faith, is promised the forgiveness of sins,
the favor of God, and life eternal, but not to our office, or in respect of it.
The estate of a saint is most happy and blessed, though the person never
so much as come near an office; but on the contrary, an officer, if he be
not also and first a saint, is a most wretched and accursed creature. Pp.
216, 217. [227, 228.]
The reader will not wonder that those who were for na-
tional churches, and unconverted ministers, discovered a
strong prejudice against such writings as these; but how
well do they agree with the apostles' doctrine. 1 Cor. xii.
31, and xiii. 1-3; Gal. i.
Of reformation, Mr. Robinson says to his opponent:
There
You speak much of the reformation of your church after popery.
was indeed a great reformation of things in your church, but very little of
the church, to speak truly and properly. The people are the church; and
to make a reformed church, there must be first a reformed people; and so
there should have been with you, by the preaching of repentance from dead
works, and faith in Christ; that the people, as the Lord should have vouch-
safed grace, being first fitted for, and made capable of, the sacraments, and
2
18
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
other ordinances, might afterwards have communicated in the pure use of
them; for want of which, instead of a pure use, there hath been, and is at
this day, a most profane abuse of them, to the great dishonor of Christ and
his gospel, and to the hardening of thousands in their impenitency. Others
also, endeavoring yet a further reformation, have sued and do sue to kings,
and queens, and parliaments, for the rooting out of the prelacy, and with
it, of such other evil fruits as grow from that bitter root; and on the con-
trary, to have the ministry, government and discipline of Christ set over
the parishes as they stand; the first fruit of which reformation, if it were
obtained, would be the [further] profanation of the more of God's ordi-
nances upon such, as to whom they appertained not; and so the further
provocation of his [great] Majesty unto anger against all such as so prac-
ticed, or consented thereunto. Is it not strange that men, in the reforming
of a church, should almost, or altogether, forget the church, which is the
people, or that they should labor to crown Christ a King over a people,
whose Prophet he hath not first been? or to set him to rule by his laws and
officers, over the professed subjects of antichrist and the devil? [or] is it
possible that ever they should submit to the discipline of Christ, which
have not first been prepared, in some measure, by his holy doctrine, and
taught with meekness to stoop unto his yoke? Pp. 300, 301. [316, 317.]
A main plea for such confusion, both then and now, was
and is drawn from the parable of the tares. But,
But, says Mr.
Robinson:-
Since the Lord Jesus, who best knew his own meaning, calls the field
the world, and makes the harvest, which is the end of the field, the end of
the world, and not of the church, why should we admit of any other in-
terpretation? Neither is it like [likely] that Christ would in the expound-
ing of one parable speak another, as he should have donc, if, in calling the
field the world, he had meant the church. As God then in the beginning
made man good, and placed him in the field of the world, there to grow,
where by the envy of the serpent he was soon corrupted, so ever since hath
the seed of the serpent, stirred up by their father the devil, snarled at the
heel of the woman's seed, and like noisome tares vexed and pestered the
good and holy seed; which though the children of God both see and feel
to their pain, yet must they not therefore, forgetting what spirit they are of,
presently call for fire from heaven, nor prevent the Lord's hand, but wait
his leisure, either for the converting of these tares into wheat, which in
many is daily seen,—and then how great pity had it been they should so
untimely have been plucked up—or for their final perdition in the day of
the Lord, when the church shall be no more offended by them. And that
the Lord Jesus no way speaks of the toleration of profane persons in the
church, doth appear by these reasons :-
[1610.]
VIEWS OF JOHN ROBINSON.
19
1. Because he doth not contradict himself, by forbidding the use of the
keys in one place, which in another he hath turned upon impenitent offend-
ers. Matt. xviii. [15-17.] 2. In the excommunication of sinners appar-
ently obstinate, with due circumspection, and in the spirit of wisdom,
meekness, and long-suffering, with such other general Christian virtues, as
with which all our special sacrifices ought to be seasoned, what danger can
there be of any such disorder, as the plucking up of the wheat with the
tares, which the husbandınan feareth? 3. The Lord Jesus speaks of the
utter ruinating and destruction of the tares,-the plucking them up by the
roots;—but excommunication rightly administered, is not for the ruin and
destruction of any, but for the salvation of the party thereby humbled. 1
Cor. v. 5. The Lord's field is sown only with good seed,—his church,
saints [and] beloved of God, all and every one of them, though by the
malice of Satan, and negligence of such as should keep this field, vineyard
and house of God, adulterated seed, and abominable persons, may be foisted
in, yea and suffered also. Pp. 119, 120. [125-127.] I deny not but,
as it hath been said of old, there are many sheep without, and many wolves
within; many of the visible church which are not of the invisible church,
and many of the invisible church which never come into the visible church.
But this, say I, is not according to the revealed will of God in his word;
but by men's default and sin. It is their sin of ignorance, or infirmity,
which, being of the invisible church, do not, if possibly they can, join
themselves unto the visible church, there to partake in the visible ordinan-
ces. It is their sin of hypocrisy and presumption, which not being of the
invisible church, do adjoin themselves to the visible church, there to pro-
fane the Lord's covenant and ordinances, to which they have no right.
For how can they, being wicked and unholy, challenge the Lord to be their
God, that is, all happiness and goodness unto them, which is one part of
the covenant; or profess themselves to be his people, which is another part,
when the devil and their lusts is their God? Pp. 313, 314. [330.]
Of the diffeRENCE BETWEEN CIVIL AND ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT.
1. Civil officers [are, and] are called in the word of God, princes, heads,
captains, judges, magistrates, ncbles, lords, kings, them in authority, prin-
cipalities and powers, yea in their respect, gods; and according to their
names so are their offices. But on the contrary, ecclesiastical officers are
not capable of these, or the like titles, which can neither be given without
flattery unto them, nor received by them without arrogancy. Neither is
their office an office of lordship, sovereignty or authority, but of labor and
service, and so they, the laborers and servants of the church, as of God.
2 Cor. iv. 5; 1 Tim. iii. 1.
2. Magistrates may publish and execute their own laws in their own
20
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
names. Ezra i. 1, &c.; Esther viii. 8; Matt. xx. 25. But ministers are
only interpreters of the laws of God, and must look for no further respect
at the hands of any to the things they speak, than as they manifest the
same to be the commandments of the Lord. 1 Cor. xiv. 37.
3. Civil administrations, and their forms of government, may be and
ofttimes are altered, for the avoiding of inconveniences, according to the
circumstances of time, place and persons. Exod. xviii. 13, &c. But the
church is a kingdom which cannot be shaken, Heb. xii. 28, wherein may
be no innovation in office, or form of administration, from that which
Christ hath left, for any inconveniency whatsoever.
4. Civil magistrates have authority by their offices to judge offenders,
upon whom also they may execute bodily vengeance, using their people as
their servants and ministers for the same purpose; but in the church the
officers are the ministers of the people, whose service the people is to use
for the administering of the judgments of the church, and of God first,
against the obstinate, which is the utmost execution the church can perform.
But here it will be demanded of me, if the elders be not set over the
church for her guidance and government? Yes, certainly, as the physician
is set over the body, for his skill and faithfulness, to minister unto it, to
whom the patient, yea though his lord and [or] master, is to submit; the
lawyer over his cause, to attend unto it; the steward over his family, even
his wife and children, to make provision for them: yea, the watchman over
the whole city, for the safe keeping thereof. Such, and none other, is the
elder's or bishop's government. Pp. 135-137. [143-145.]
But, says Mr. Robinson:
What sway authority hath in the church of England, appeareth in the
laws of the land, which make the government of the church alterable at
the magistrate's pleasure; and so the clergy, in their submission to King
Henry VIII, do derive, as they preteud, their ecclesiastical jurisdiction
from him, and so execute [exercise] it. Indeed many of the late bishops
and their proctors, seeing how monstrous the ministration is of divine
things, by a human authority and calling, and growing bold upon the
present disposition of the magistrate, have disclaimed that former title, and
do professedly hold their ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction de jure di-
vino, and so consequently by God's word unalterable: of whom I would
demand this oue question :-What if the king should discharge and expel
the present ecclesiastical government, and plant instead of it the presbytery
or eldership, would they submit unto the government of the elders? Yea
or No? If Yea, then were they traitors to the Lord Jesus, submitting to
a government overthrowing his government, as doth the Presbyterian gov-
ernment that which is Episcopal: if No, then how could they free them-
[1610.]
VIEWS OF JOHN ROBINSON.
21
selves from such imputations of disloyalty to princes, and disturbance of
states, as wherewith they load us and others opposing them? But to the
question itself. As the kingdom of Christ is not of this world, but spirit-
ual, and he a spiritual King, John xviii. 36, so must the government of
this spiritual kingdom under this spiritual King needs be spiritual, and all
the laws of it. And as Christ Jesus hath, by the merits of his priesthood,
redeemed as well the body as the soul, 1 Cor. vi. 20, so is he also by the
sceptre of his kingdom to rule and reign over both, unto which Christian
magistrates, as well as meaner persons, ought to submit themselves, and
the more Christian they are, the more meekly to take the yoke of Christ
upon them, and the greater authority they have, the more effectually
to advance his sceptre over themselves and their people, by all good means.
Neither can there be any reason given why the merits of saints may not
as well be mingled with the merits of Christ, for the saving of the church,
as the laws of men with his laws, for the ruling and guiding of it. He is
as absolute and [as] entire a King as he is a Priest, and his people must.
be as careful to preserve the dignity of the one, as to enjoy the benefit of
the other. P. 38. [39, 40.]
OF MINISTERS' MAINTENANCE.
Mr. Bernard charged his opponents with error, in holding
that ministers ought not to live of tithes, but of the people's
voluntary contribution; and says, "This is against the wis-
dom of God, who allowed a settled maintenance under the
law; and there is nothing against it in the gospel." But in
reply Mr. Robinson says:-
As the Lord appointed under the law a settled maintenance by tithes and
offerings, so did he a settled land of Canaan, which was holy, and a sacra-
ment; so did he also appoint that the Levites to be maintained there, should
have no part nor inheritance with the rest of the Israelites their brethren.
And hath God's wisdom so appointed now? If it had, I fear many would
not rest in it, so wise are they for their bellies. And where you add that
there is nothing in the gospel against this ordinance in the law, the author
to the Hebrews might have taught you, that the law is abolished by the
gospel, in the sense we speak of; and the Old Testament by the New, in
respect of ordinances, whereof this was one. If it be said that tithes
were in use and given by Abraham to Melchizedec, priest of the most high
God, before the law or Old Testament was given by Moses, I answer, that
so was circumcision ministered and sacrifices offered before Moses; which
notwithstanding were parts of the Old Testament, and assumed by Moses
22
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
into the body of it, and so are abolished by the New. To conclude this
point, since tithes and offerings were appurtenances unto the priesthood,
and that the priesthood, both of Melchizedec and Levi, are abolished in
Christ, as the shadow in the substance; and that the "Lord hath ordained
that they which preach the gospel, should live of the gospel;" we willingly
leave unto you both your priestly order and maintenance, contenting our-
selves with the people's voluntary contribution, whether it be less or more,
as the blessing of God upon our labor, the fruit of our ministry, and a
declaration of their love and duty. Pp. 439, 440. [466, 467.]
In all these passages¹ I have recited Mr. Robinson's own
expressions, without knowingly adding a single word. The
spelling I have brought to the present times, but the lan-
guage is entirely his; and it may be questioned whether any
talked a purer one in that day or not, if there does in this.
About the time of his publishing this book, and for some
years following, "many came to his church at Leyden from
divers parts of England, so that they grew a great congre-
gation;""even so as to have three hundred communicants"."
And as the Arminian controversy caused great troubles in
Holland, and especially at Leyden, their two divinity pro-
fessors being divided, Episcopius appearing for, and Poly-
ander³ against the Arminian tenets; Mr. Robinson, though
he preached thrice a week, and went through much other
labor, yet went constantly to hear them both, whereby he
got well grounded in the controversy; so that when Episco-
pius, about the year 1613, set forth sundry Arminian theses
at Leyden, which he would defend against all opposers, Po-
lyander insisted upon Mr. Robinson's engaging against him,
telling him, that "such was the ability and expertness of the
adversary, that the truth is in danger to suffer, if he would
not help them; is so importunate as at length he yields; and
when the day comes, he so defends the truth, and foils the
'Changed from "In all these passages which begin and end with marks of quota-
tion."-ED.
"Prince's Chronology, [125]; Plymouth Register.
In the original edition this name stands as Polydore. Mr. Backus corrected the
error in his Abridgment.-ED.
[1613.]
SETTLEMENT AT SAGADAHOС.
23
opposer, as he puts him to an apparent nonplus in this great
and public audience. The same he does a second and a third
time, upon the like occasions, which, as it causes many to
give praise to God that the truth had so famous a victory,
so it procures Mr. Robinson much respect and honor from
those learned men and others¹."
Several attempts were made to plant New England from
worldly motives, but they all proved abortive. In 1607 a
hundred men were sent over to Sagadahoc² with furniture to
lay the foundation of a great state, and all lived through
the winter but their president; yet the next year, "the whole
colony breaks up and returns to England, and brands the
country as over cold and not habitable by our nation, and
the adventurers give over their design³." Other fruitless at-
tempts were made for a while, and then were given over.
"Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain Mason spent twenty
thousand pounds each, in attempts for settlement, and each
of them thought it advisable to give over their [his] designs,
and sit down with the loss. Whether Britain would have
had any colonies in America at this day, if religion had not
been the grand inducement, is doubtful'."
The people whose religious sentiments are described above,
after long consideration, many earnest requests to heaven for
direction and help, and well consulting matters with English
friends, at last determined to come over to this wilderness ;
and divine providence made them the honored instruments.
of laying the foundation of this now flourishing country.
In December, 1617, Mr. Robinson and Elder Brewster wrote
to the Council for Virginia, who then had the management
of these affairs, wherein they say:-
'Prince's Chronology, pp. 36, 38. [130, 131.]
2In Maine, near the mouth of the Kennebec.-ED.
"Prince's Chronology, pp. 21-25. [116-119.]
'Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 3. [11, note.]
24
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
For your encouragement we will not forbear to mention these induce-
ments. 1. We verily believe and trust the Lord is with us, to whom and
whose service we have given ourselves in many trials; and that he will
graciously prosper our endeavors according to the simplicity of our hearts.
2. We are well weaned from the delicate milk of our mother country, and
inured to the difficulties of a strange land. 3. The people are, for the
body of them, industrious and frugal, we think we may safely say, as any
company of people in the world. 4. We are knit together as a body, in a
most strict and sacred bond and covenant of the Lord; of the violation
whereof we make great conscience, and by virtue whereof we hold our-
selves straitly tied to all care of each other's good, and of the whole.
5. It is not with us as with other men; whom small things can discourage,.
or small discouragements cause to wish ourselves at home again¹.
Herein they were not mistaken, as will soon appear; for
though contentions among the said Council, and other things,
obstructed their proceeding till 1620, and they could not
then obtain any royal promise of liberty of conscience in
this country, only that "the king would connive at them,
and not molest them if they carried it peaceably;" "yet,
casting themselves on the care of Providence, they resolve
to venture2." But as they could not obtain shipping and pro-
vision enough to carry half their company the first year, Mr.
Robinson was obliged to tarry in Holland with the larger part,
while Mr. William Brewster, their ruling elder, came over
with the other. Most of their brethren came with them from
Leyden to Delft-Haven, where they spent the night in
friendly, entertaining and Christian converse. And July 22,
the wind being fair, they go aboard, their friends attending
them, when "Mr. Robinson falling down on his knees, and
they all with him, he with watery cheeks commends them
with most fervent prayer to God; and then with mutual em-
braces, and many tears, they take their leave, and with a
prosperous gale come to Southampton," in England. July
27, 1620, Mr. Robinson wrote a letter, which was received
'Prince, pp. 51, 52. [143.]
2Prince, [148, 151.]-ED.
[1620.]
ROBINSON'S LETTER.
25
and read to the company at that place'; which I think
worthy of a place here. The letter is as follows2:-
LOVING CHRISTIAN FRIENDS :-I do heartily and in the Lord salute you,
as being those with whom I am present in my best affections, and most
earnest longing after you, though I be constrained for a while to be bodily
absent from you: I say constrained; God knowing how willingly, and
much rather than otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this
Make
first brunt, were I not by strong necessity held back for the present.
account of me in the mean time as a man divided in myself, with great
pain, and as (natural bonds set aside) having my better part with you;
and, although I doubt not but in your godly wisdoms you both foresee and
resolve upon that which concerneth your present state and condition, both
severally and jointly, yet have I thought it but my duty to add some further
spur of provocation unto them who run [well] already, if not because you
need it, yet because I owe it in love and duty.
And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance with our God, espec-
ially for our sins known, and generally for our unknown trespasses; so
doth the Lord call us in a singular manner, upon occasions of such diffi-
culty and danger as lieth upon you, to both a narrow search and careful
reformation [of your ways] in his sight, lest he, calling to remembrance
our sins forgotten by us, or unrepented of, take advantage against us, and
in judgment leave us [for the same] to be swallowed up in one danger or
other; whereas, on the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest repent-
ance, and the pardon thereof from the Lord sealed up to a man's conscience
by his Spirit, great shall be his security and peace in all dangers, sweet his
comforts in all distresses, with happy deliverance from all evil, whether in
life or death. Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our own
consciences, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men, what in us
lieth, especially with our associates; and for that, watchfulness must be
had, that we neither at all [in] ourselves do give, no, nor easily take of
fence being given by others. Wo be to the world for offences, for although
it be necessary, considering the malice of Satan and man's corruption, that
offences come, yet wo unto the man, or woman either, by whom the offence
cometh, saith Christ. Matt. xviii. 7.
Matt. xviii. 7. And if offences in the unseasona-
ble use of things, in themselves indifferent, be more to be feared than death
itself, as the apostle teacheth; 1 Cor. ix. 15; how much more in things
'Prince, pp. 70, 71. [159, 160.]
2This letter, as given in the different editions of Morton's Memorial, and in
Mourt's Relation and Neal's History of New England, is considerably varied. The
words here added in brackets are from the edition of the Memorial published by the
Congregational Board, Boston, 1855.-ED.
26
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
simply evil, in which neither the honor of God nor love of man is thought
worthy to be regarded? Neither yet is it sufficient that we keep ourselves,
by the grace of God, from giving offences, except withal we be armed
against the taking of them, when they are given by others; for how im-
perfect and lame is the work of grace in that person, who wants charity to
cover a multitude of offences? as the Scripture speaks. Neither are you
to be exhorted to this grace only upon the common grounds of Christianity,
which are, that persons ready to take offence, either want charity to cover
offences, or [wisdom] duly to weigh human frailties; or, lastly, are gross
though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth; Matt. vii. 1-3; as
indeed, in my own experience, few or none have been found which sooner
give offence, than such as easily take it; neither have they ever proved
sound and profitable members in societies, who have nourished this touchy
humor. But besides these, there are divers motives provoking you above
others to great care and conscience this way; as first, there are many of
you strangers as to the persons, so to the infirmities one of another, and so
stand in need of more watchfulness this way, lest when such things fall out
in men and women as you expected not, you be inordinately affected with
them, which doth require at your hands much wisdom and charity for the
covering and preventing of incident offences that way. And lastly, your
intended course of civil community will minister continual occasion of of-
fence¹, and will be as fuel for that fire, except you diligently quench it with
brotherly forbearance. And if taking offence causelessly or easily at men's
doings be so carefully to be avoided; how much more heed is to be taken
that we take not offence at God himself? Which yet we certainly do, so
oft as we do murmur at his providence in our crosses, or bear impatiently
such afflictions wherewith he is pleased to visit us. Store up therefore pa-
tience against the evil day; without which we take offence at the Lord him-
self in his [holy and] just works. A fourth thing there is carefully to be
provided for, viz. that with your common employments, you join common
affections, truly bent upon the general good, avoiding as a deadly plague
of your both common and special comforts, all retiredness of mind for
proper advantage; and all singularly affected every manner of way, let
every man repress in himself, and the whole body in each person, as so
many rebels against the common good, all private respects of men's selves,
not sorting with the general convenience. And as men are careful not to
have a new house shaken with any violence, before it be well settled, and
the parts firmly knit; so be you, I beseech you my brethren, much more
careful that the house of God, which you are and are to be, be not shaken
with unnecessary novelties, or other oppositions, at the first settling thereof.
'For several years their affairs were managed in one common stock, but they after-
ward found the way of distinct property to be much better.
[1620.]
ROBINSON'S LETTER.
27
Lastly whereas you are to become a body politic, using amongst your-
selves civil government, and are not furnished with persons of special emi-
nency above the rest, to be chosen by you into office of government, let
your wisdom and godliness appear, not only in choosing such persons as do
entirely love, and will promote the common good; but also in yielding unto
them all due honor and obedience in their lawful administrations, not
beholding in them the ordinariness of their persons, but God's ordinance
for your good; not being like the foolish multitude, who more honor the
gay coat, than either the virtuous mind of the man, or the glorious ordi-
nance of the Lord; but you know better things, and that the image of the
Lord's power and authority, which the magistrate beareth, is honorable, in
how mean persons soever; and this duty you may the more willingly, and
ought the more conscionably to perform because you are, at least for
the present, to have them for your ordinary governors, which yourselves
shall make choice of for that work. Sundry other things of importance I
could put you in mind of, and of those before mentioned, in more words;
but I will not so far wrong your godly minds, as to think you heedless of
these things, there being also divers amongst you so well able both to
admonish themselves and others of what concerneth them.
things therefore, and the same in few words, I do earnestly commend to
your care and conscience, joining therein with my daily incessant prayers
unto the Lord, that he who has made the heavens and the earth, and sea,
and all rivers of waters, and whose providence is over all his works, espec-
ially over all his dear children for good, would so guide and guard you in
your ways, as inwardly by his Spirit, so outwardly by the hand of his
power, as that both you, and we also for and with you, may have after
matter of praising his name all the days of your and our lives. Fare you
well in him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest, an unfeigned well-
wisher to your happy success in this hopeful voyage.
These few
JOHN ROBINSON.¹
This excellent letter properly describes the sentiments,
temper and rules of conduct of the chief founders of New
England; and may the same be duly regarded to their latest
posterity!
By Dutch intrigues and others' ill conduct they were hinder-
ed long, and at last forced to come with only one ship instead
of two; which sailed from Plymouth, in England, on Sep-
tember 6, and arrived in Cape Cod harbor, November 11,
and at the place which they named Plymouth, in December,
1620.
¹ Morton, pp. 7-10. [15-19.]
28
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
And now compare this company with that of Sagadahoc.
That company, who came upon worldly designs, had a hun-
dred men; this religious society consisted of but one hun-
dred and one souls, men, women and children; the one
arrived at the place designed for settlement in August, the
other not till winter had set in; the worldly company only
buried their president, and all returned the next year to
their native country again; whereas this religious people,
in about five months time, buried their governor and full
half their number, and yet with fortitude and patience they
kept their station; yea, though they were afterwards deserted
and abused by some who had engaged to help them.
cannot now form an adequate idea of what those pious
planters endured, to prepare the way for what we at this
day enjoy. In the year 1623 they say, "By the time our
corn is planted, our victuals are spent ; not knowing at night
where to have a bit in the morning, and have neither bread
nor corn for three or four months together; yet bear our
wants with cheerfulness, and rest on Providence." 2
We
It pleased God further to try their faith, by sending a
great drought and heat from the third week in May till the
middle of July, which caused their corn to wither as if it
were truly dead; and a ship that they had long expected
did not arrive, but they thought they saw signs of its being
wrecked on the coast. "The most courageous are now dis-
couraged. Upon this the public authority set apart a sol-
¹This paragraph seems hardly just to the company at Sagadahoc. Doubtless
their object was gain, and they lacked the fortitude and patience which religious
principle inspired in the colonists of Plymouth. But they were not without trials.
The Indians proved hostile; the climate is naturally much more rigorous on the
Kennebec than at Plymouth, and the winter of 1607-8 was everywhere remarkably
severe; in mid-winter a fire broke out in the settlement and consumed their store-
house, with most of their provisions and part of their lodgings; in addition to the
loss of their president, his brother, lord-chief-justice Popham, the chief patron of
the enterprise, died in England, and Sir John Gilbert, brother of their second presi-
dent, died, leaving him an estate, the care of which compelled his return. Ban-
croft, I. 268; Prince, 117, 119; Hutchinson, I. 10.-Ed.
2 Prince, p. 135. [216.]
Haswell.
$
[1624.]
EARLY HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.
29
emn day of humiliation and prayer, to seek the Lord in this
distress, who was pleased to give speedy answer, to our
own and the Indians' admiration; for though in the former
part of the day it was very clear and hot, without a sign of
rain, yet before the exercise is over the clouds gather, and
next morning distill such soft and gentle showers as give
cause of joy and praise to God." Their corn recovers, and
soon after arrives the ship they expected, bringing over
about sixty more of their friends, and a letter from others,
wherein they say to those here, "Let it not be grievous to
you, that you have been instruments to break the ice for
others who come after with less difficulty. The honor shall
be yours to the world's end. We bear you always in our
breasts, and our hearty affection is towards you all, as are
the hearts of hundreds more who never saw your faces, who
doubtless pray for your safety as their own.' Their har-
vest was plentiful; and above twenty years after, Governor
Bradford says, "Nor has there been any general want of
food among us since to this day."2
Mr. Robinson and many of his people were detained in
Holland, till, after about a week's illness, he died there on
March 1, 1625, aged near fifty years. Governor Bradford
says, “His and our enemies had been continually plotting
how they might hinder his coming hither, but the Lord has
appointed him a better place." Mr. Prince says, "His son
Isaac came over to Plymouth colony, lived to above ninety
years of age, a venerable man, whom I have often seen,
and has left male posterity in the county of Barnstable.”
The cause why Mr. Robinson and the remaining part of
his church were kept back so long, was their inability to
transport themselves; and several merchants who had en-
gaged in the affair deserted them, pursuing separate schemes
of their own, and sent over one company of sixty stout
Prince, pp. 137-140. [218-220.]
3 Prince, pp, 159, 160. [238.]
2 Prince, p. 141. [221.]
30
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
men, who began a plantation at Weymouth; but soon re-
duced themselves to such straits that several perished, and
the rest were forced to be beholden to the charity of Ply-
mouth people, to keep them alive till they could get back.
whence they came. Another worldly scheme was begun at
Braintree, which also proved abortive; while our Christian
fathers at Plymouth were enabled to keep their station.
Some of the adventurers wrote to them on December 18,
1624, and said, "We are still persuaded you are the people
that must make a plantation in those remote places, when
all others fail." They were long destitute of a pastor, and
yet constantly maintained divine worship among them; of
which a noted author gives this account:—
1
To satisfy the reader, how a Christian church, could, in any tolerable
measure, carry on the public worship of God without suitable officers, as
was the case of those people of Plymouth, we must know that those were
a serious and religious people, that knew their own principles, knew and
were resolved on the way of their worship, but in many years could not
prevail with any to come over to them, and undertake the office of a pastor
amongst them, at least none in whom they could with full satisfaction
acquiesce, and therefore in the mean while they were peaceably and pru-
dently managed by the wisdom of Mr. Brewster, a grave and serious per-
son, ruling elder among them. . . . . Besides also several of his people were
well gifted, and did spend part of the Lord's day in their wonted prophe-
sying, to which they had been accustomed by Mr. Robinson.
Those gifts
while they lasted made the burthen of the other defect more easily
borne. 2
The names of those first planters were, John Carver,
William Bradford, Edward Winslow, successive Governors;
1
2
¹ Prince p. 155. [233.]
Hubbard. [p. 65.] Mr. Robinson says, "The disciples of Christ did not then first
receive power to teach when they were possessed of their apostleship, but long before
they were admitted into office, as did others also besides them, without office, as
well as they. Matt. x. 5, 6. 7, Luke x. 1-3, 9, 10.” Answer to Bernard, P. 148.
[156.] "That we call prophesying, I affirm not to be so appropriated to the minis-
try, but that others having received a gift thereunto, may and ought to stir up the
same, and to use it in the church, for edification, exhortation and comfort, though not
yet called into the office of the ministry. Rom. xii. 6; 1 Cor. xiv. 3; 1 Pet. iv. 10,
11." Ibid, P. 235. [246. 247.]
[1624.]
EARLY HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.
31
William Brewster, elder; Captain Miles Standish,¹ John
Alden, Samuel Fuller, Richard Warren, Stephen Hopkins,
and others, each of whom have posterity remaining among
us to this day. "I am not preserving from oblivion the
names of heroes, whose chief merit is the overthrow of
cities, provinces and empires; but the names of the foun-
ders of a flourishing town and colony, if not of the whole
British empire in America." Their deep poverty and the
abundance of their joy, abounded unto the riches of their
liberality, so as not only to enable them to relieve many in
distress, but also to launch out so as to help over about
thirty-five families more of their friends from Leyden, who
were transported hither in 1629, at the charge of their breth-
ren here, which was cheerfully borne by them, though it
amounted to above five hundred and fifty pounds sterling,
besides supporting them after their arrival for sixteen or
eighteen months, till they had a harvest of their own, which
cost near as much more. "Meanwhile," says Governor
Bradford, "God gives us peace and health, with contented
minds, and so succeeds our labors that we have corn suffi-
cient, and some to spare, with other provisions. Nor had
we ever any supply from England but what we first brought
with us." The first horned cattle that they ever had here
were a bull and three heifers, which Governor Winslow
brought over to Plymouth in March, 1624.
About that time, "the fame of the plantation at New
Plymouth being spread in all the western parts of England,
the Rev. Mr. White, a famous Puritan minister of Dor-
¹ The original edition here gives the name of Robert Cushman. Mr. Backus evi-
dently discovered the mistake, as he omits the name in his Abridgment. Mr.
Cushman came in the ship Fortune, in November, 1621, and returned in the same
ship after a stay of "not above fourteen days." Ile was the agent of the colony
until his death in 1626. Morton calls him their ancient friend who was as their
right hand with their friends the adventurers, and for divers years had done and
agitated all their business with them, to their great advantage." Morton's Memorial,
pp. 26, 50, 83—85; Prince, pp. 172, 220, 221, 238; Hubbard, 69.—Ed.
2 Massachusetts History, Vol 1. pp. 462, 463. [412, note.]
3
* Prince, pp. 156, 201. [235, 264, 265.]
32
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
chester, excites several gentlemen there to make way for
another settlement in New England." This was the begin-
ning of the Massachusetts colony. In the year 1624 a few
persons gathered at Cape Ann, who removed the next year,
and began the town of Salem, to whom others resorted from
time to time, till in the summer of 1628, Mr. John Endicott
came over to govern them, and in 1629, Mr. Francis Higgin-
son and Mr. Samuel Skelton, two Nonconformist ministers
came with many others, and formed and organized a church
in that place. Upon which we may see Mr. Robinson's
words verified; for these Puritans who had blamed him for
an entire separation from the national church, yet were no
sooner settled on this side the Atlantic, than they cast off
the prelates' yoke in such a manner, that when John Brown
and Samuel Brown, two of the "first patentees, men of
estates, and men of parts," attempted to set up Episcopal
worship at Salem, Governor Endicott convented them before
him, where they "accused the ministers as departing from the
orders of the church of England; that they were separatists,
and would be Anabaptists, &c., but for themselves they
would hold to the orders of the church of England." These
speeches and practices were judged by the Governor and
Council to be such as tended "to mutiny and faction, and
the Governor told them that New England was no place for
such as they, and therefore sent them back for England, at
the return of the ships, the same year.
112
By this and many other instances we may see, that the
men who drew off from the national establishment, as soon
as they were convinced that truth called them to it, were
not so severe against dissenters from themselves, as they
were who stayed till interest and civil power would favor the
cause before they separated.
In the year 1630, Governor Winthrop with about fifteen
¹ Prince, p. 144. [224.]
2 Morton's Memorial, pp. 84, 85. [100, 101.]
!
[1630.]
SETTLEMENT OF BOSTON AND VICINITY,
33
hundred people came over, and planted Charlestown, Bos-
ton, Dorchester, and Watertown, and soon formed churches
in each town. Of these people Mr. Hubbard says:—
Intending not to write an apology, but a history of their practice,
nothing shall here be interposed by way of defence of their way, only to
give a clear discovery of the truth, as to matter of fact, both what it was
at first, and still continues to be. Those that came over soon after Mr.
Endicott, namely Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skelton, Anno 1629, walked
something in an untrodden path, therefore it is the less to be wondered at,
if they went but in and out; in some things complying too much, in some
things too little, with those of the separation; and it may be in some things.
not sufficiently attending to the order of the gospel, as themselves thought
they understood afterwards. For in the beginning of things they only
accepted of one another according to some general profession of the doc-
trine of the gospel, and the honest and good intentions they had one
towards another, and so by some kind of covenant soon moulded them-
selves into a church in every plantation where they took up their abode¹;
until Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker came over, which was in the year 1633,
who did clear up the order and method of church government, according
as they apprehended was most consonant to the word of God. And such
was the authority they, especially Mr. Cotton, had in the hearts of the
people, that whatever he delivered in the pulpit was soon put into an order
of court, if of a civil, or set up as a practice in the church, if of an
ecclesiastical concernment. After that time, the administration of all
ecclesiastical matters was tied up more strictly than before to the rules of
that which is since owned for the Congregational way. The principal
points wherein they differ from others may be reduced to these four
heads :-
1 The covenant of the first church in Boston was in these words:
"In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, and in obedience to his holy will and
divine ordinance, we whose names are here underwritten, being by his most wise
and good providence brought together into this part of America, in the Bay of Mas-
sachusetts, and desirous to unite ourselves into one congregation or church, under
the Lord Jesus Christ our Head, in such sort as becometh all those whom he hath
redeemed and sanctified to himself, do hereby solemnly and religiously (as in his
most holy presence) promise and bind ourselves to walk in all our ways according
to the rule of the gospel, and in all sincere conformity to his holy ordinances, and
in mutual love and respect each to other, so near as God shall give us grace.
JOHN WINTHROP,
THOMAS DUDLEY.
ISAAC JOHNSON.
JOHN WILSON." &c.
Mr. Foxcraft's Century Sermon at Boston.
3
Co
36
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
damnable errors that oppose the truths of Christ, admit it
be but in the bare permission of them¹." Hence it appears,
that it was this erroneous notion of using carnal weapons
against what they looked upon as false opinions, that ought
to bear the blame and reproach of those persecutions, and
not their particular religious denomination, nor any of their
zeal to promote religion by gospel means and methods.
That they were not aware how unscripturally they had
confounded church and state together, appears from many
facts. They were so much concerned to keep them distinct,
that in 1632 the church of Boston wrote to the elders and
brethren of the churches of Plymouth, Salem, &c. for their
advice in three questions; 1. Whether one person might be
a civil magistrate and a ruling elder at the same time? 2. If
not, then which should he lay down? 3. Whether there
might be divers pastors in the same church? The first was
agreed by all negatively; the other two doubtful2." In con-
sequence of which, Mr. Nowell resigned his office of ruling
elder, to which he had been ordained in the church, to hold
those of a magistrate and secretary in the state. On the
other hand, Mr. John Doan, having been formerly chosen to
the office of deacon in the church of Plymouth, at his and
the church's request, was freed from the office of Assistant
in the commonwealth¹.
Again our late Governor says, "I suppose there had been
no instance of a marriage lawfully celebrated by a layman in
England, when they left it. I believe there was no instance
of marriage by a clergyman after they arrived, during their
charter; but it was always done by a magistrate, or by per-
sons specially appointed for that purpose. It is difficult to
assign a reason for so sudden a change"." I happened to ob-
serve a passage in Mr. Robinson which I suppose gives us
'Johnson's History, p. 206.
2Prince's Annals, p. 64. [398.]
"Hubbard, 186.-Ed.
'Prince's Annals, p. 92. [432.]
"Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 444. [392.]
¿
[1633.]
RELATION OF CHURCH AND STATE.
37
the true reason of that great change. Mr. Bernard had
charged the Separatists with an error, which he said they
had given neither reason nor Scripture for, in holding that
ministers may not celebrate marriage, nor bury the dead.
To which Mr. Robinson answers :-
In our third petition to the king, and the fourth branch of the sixth
proposition, there are almost twenty several Scriptures, and nine distinct.
reasons grounded upon them, to prove, that the celebration of marriage,
and burial of the dead, are not ecclesiastical actions, appertaining to the
ministry, but civil, and so to be performed. The apostle testifieth
that the Scriptures, being divinely inspired, do make perfect, and fully fur-
nished, the man of God, or minister, to every good work of his calling.
Now I suppose Mr. B. will not be so ill advised, as to go about to prove
that the celebration of marriage, and burial of the dead, are duties pre-
scribed by the Lord Jesus to be done in the pastor's office, or that the Scrip-
tures lay this furniture upon the man of God for the proper works of his
office. They are then other spiritual lords than the Lord Christ, that pre-
scribe these duties to be done by their men, furnished by other Scriptures
than the divine Scriptures, the bishop's Scriptures, their canons and consti-
tutions; whereby they are furnished indeed with ring, service-book, and
other priestly implements for the business'.
This I suppose accounts for that change in our fathers' con-
duct then; though it is likely we are agreed in general now,
that, as it was an error of popery to call marriage a sacra-
ment, and to limit its administration to the clergy, so on the
other hand that it was a mistake in those fathers to think that
the civil state might not as well appoint ministers to celebrate
marriages as any other persons.
These and many other things prove that those fathers were
earnestly concerned to frame their constitution both in church
and state by divine rule; and as all allow that nothing teaches
like experience, surely they who are enabled well to improve
the experience of past ages, must find it easier now to dis-
cover the mistakes of that day, than it was for them to do
it then. Even in 1637, when a number of puritan ministers
in England, and the famous Mr. Dod among them, wrote to
'Justification of Separation, p. 438. [465.]
38
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
the ministers here, that it was reported that they had em-
braced certain new opinions, such as "that a stinted form of
prayer and set liturgy is unlawful; that the children of godly
and approved Christians are not to be baptized, until their
parents be set members of some particular congregation;
that the parents themselves, though of approved piety, are
not to be received to the Lord's Supper until they be admit-
ted set members," &c., Mr. Hooker expressed his fears of
troublesome work about answering of them', though they
may appear easy to the present generation.
'Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 81. [80, 81.]
CHAPTER II.
MR. ROGER WILLIAMS'S SENTIMENTS, AND HIS BANISHMENT, WITH OTHER
AFFAIRS, FROM 1634 TO 1644.
Mr. Hubbard tells us, that " February 5, 1631,' arrived
Mr. William Peirse at Nantasket; with him came one Mr.
Roger Williams, of good account in England for a godly
'Hubbard, p. 202. Hubbard, according to the custom of his time, commences the
year with March 25, and thus gives this date 1630. Winthrop (Vol. I. page 41) does
the same.
Backus, according to his plan, as stated in the preface to his first vol-
ume, has changed the date to conform to the present mode of reckoning. If Mr.
Knowles had read and remembered this preface he would not have charged Backus
with error in this date, or with neglect to observe the difference between the old and
the new style. See Knowles's Memoir of Roger Williams, p. 45.-Ed.
2Of the life of Roger Williams, previous to his arrival in America, the accounts
are meagre and often untrustworthy and contradictory. It is a tradition that he
he was born in Wales, in 1599. With this agrees his own statement in a letter
written in July, 1679, quoted in Chapter III, in which he speaks of himself as being
near to four score years of age." He appears to have become early a subject of
experimental religion. In 1673 he wrote, "From my childhood, now about three
score years, the Father of lights and mercies touched my soul with a love to him-
self, to his only begotten, the true Lord Jesus, to his holy Scriptures." In his youth
he was taken under the patronage of the famous lawyer and statesman, Sir Edward
Coke. It is said that Coke's interest in him was aroused by seeing him in church
taking notes of the discourse, and upon asking to look at the notes he was so much
impressed with the ability of the boy that he at once obtained permission from his
parents to superintend his education, (Knowles's Memoir of Roger Williams, p.
24.) In the library of Trinity College, Cambridge, there is still preserved a letter
from Roger Williams to Mrs. Sadlier, daughter of Sir Edward Coke, to which she
has appended the words, "This Roger Williams, when he was a youth, would, in a
short-hand, take sermons and speeches in the Star Chamber, and present them to
my dear father." His patron placed him in school at Sutton's Hospital, now the
Charter House, from the records of which we learn that he entered there in 1621,
40
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
and zealous preacher. He had been some years employed
in the ministry in England." Accordingly I find Mr. Wil-
liams reminding Mr. Cotton of conversation he had with him
and Mr. Hooker, while they were riding together, "to and
and obtained an exhibition in 1624. (Elton, Life of Roger Williams, p. 11.) From
Sutton's Hospital there is little doubt that he was sent to the University of Cam-
bridge, where Coke himself was graduated. A Williams, whose first name is not
given, entered Pembroke College, Cambridge, in 1623, and a Roger Williams,
probably the same person, was matriculated a pensioner there in 1625, and took the
degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1627. His signature upon the college books in sub-
scribing to the thirty-nine articles, a prerequisite of graduation, is said to bear un-
mistakable resemblance to that of the founder of Providence. (Arnold's History
of Rhode Island, Vol. I, p. 49. Bancroft, Vol. I, p. 361. Guild's Biographical
Introduction to the writings of Roger Williams, Publications of the Narragansett
Club, Vol. I, pp. 5-8.) It is the tradition indeed, that Roger Williams was gradu-
ated at Oxford: and Elton, (p. 10,) would identify him with Rodericus Williams who
entered Jesus College, April 30, 1624, aged eighteen. But this is inconsistent with
Williams's own statement of his age, already quoted, and would make him only
twenty-five when he landed on the shores of the new world,-evidently allowing
him too little time to have passed through the experiences which had already fitted
him for the part that awaited him here. Moreover, Wood, in his Athenae Oxonien-
ses, in connection with another of the same name, mentions Roger Williams who
wrote the key to the language of New England, with the words, "But of what uni-
versity the said Williams was, if of any, I know not.”
After his graduation, Williams is said to have studied law under the direction
of Coke, but if so, he must have soon abandoned this pursuit for the more congenial
one of theology. He received Episcopal ordination, and is said to have assumed
the charge of a parish. At this time the line of separation between conformists
and nonconformists was rigidly drawn. Charles I succeeded to the throne in 1625,
and at once disappointed the hopes of the puritans by showing himself even less
liberal than James, his father In 1628, he placed Laud in the See of London, and
in effect, entrusted to him the whole government of the English church. It was
Laud's ambition to secure universal conformity. Says Macaulay, "Under his direc-
tion, every corner of the realm was subjected to a constant and minute inspection.
Every little congregation of separatists was tracked out and broken up. Even the
devotions of private families could not escape the vigilance of his spies." The asso-
ciations of Williams's previous life were such as would incline him towards the
nonconformists. Sir Edward Coke was not unfavorable to them; they had large
influence in the University of Cambridge, and Dr. Williams, bishop of Lincoln,
under whom there are indications that Roger Williams held his living, was on the
eve of suffering severest persecution for his leaning towards them. Moreover, Roger
Williams's natural character, the Calvinism of his doctrinal views, and the fervor
of his piety, all contributed to make him a puritan. Ile was not a man who could
hide his views and principles. It was evident that persecution could not long fail
to reach him, and to escape it, and to secure for himself “soul-freedom,” he left
his native country for the wilds of America. His subsequent history is sufficiently
told in the pages that follow.-ED.
'It appears by his own account that he was then in the thirty-second year of his
age.
[1634.]
ARRIVAL OF ROGER WILLIAMS.
41
from Sempringham." From whence it appears that Mr.
Williams was acquainted with those two famous men, in our
mother country, and the subject of that conversation shows
that he could not then conform to the national church so
far as they did.
Mr. Hubbard says, "Immediately after his arrival he was
called by the church of Salem to join with Mr. Skelton;
but the Governor and Council being informed thereof, wrote
to Mr. Endicott, to desire they would forbear any further
proceeding therein, till the said council had conferred fur-
ther about it. 1. Because he refused to join with the con-
gregation [i. e. church] of Boston, because they would not
make a public declaration of their repentance, for holding
communion with the church of England while they lived
there. 2. Because he declared it his opinion, that the civil
magistrate might not punish any breach of the first table;
whereupon they for the present forbode proceeding with
him, which occasioned his being called to Plymouth;"
where, Governor Bradford says, "He was freely entertained,
according to our poor ability, and exercised his gifts among
us; and after some time was admitted a member of the
church, and his teaching well approved; for the benefit
whereof I still bless God, and am thankful to him even for
his sharpest admonitions and reproofs, so far as they agreed
with truth."3
As the two points which were so offensive to the rulers at
Boston, were the foundation cause of their after proceed-
ings against Mr. Williams, and closely affect the history of
our country to this day, they demand our close attention.
The Governor and Company of the Massachusetts colony
held communion with the national church, and reflected
upon their brethren who separated from her, while in their
native island; and on their departure from it, they from on
'Hubbard, p. 203.-Ed.
Reply to Cotton on the Bloody Tenet, p. 12.
Prince. p. 48. [377.]
42
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
board their chief ship wrote to those who were left behind,
April 7, 1630, in these words¹:—
REVEREND FATHERS AND BRETHREN :—
Howsoever your charity
may have met with some occasion of discouragement, through the misrep-
resentation of our intentions, yet we desire you would be pleased to
take notice of the principles and body of our company, as those who esteem
it our honor to call the church of England, from whence we rise, our dear
mother, and cannot part from our native country, where she specially
resideth, without much sadness of heart, and many tears in our eyes;
ever acknowledging that such hope and part as we have obtained in the
common salvation, we have received in her bosom, and sucked it from her
breasts. We leave it not therefore, as loathing that milk wherewith we
were nourished there, but blessing God for the parentage and education, as
members of the same body, shall always rejoice in her good.
JOHN WINTHROP, Governor.
CHARLES FINES.
GEORGE PHILIPS.
RICHARD SALTONSTALL.
ISAAC JOHNSON.
THOMAS DUDLEY.
WILLIAM CODDINGTON. &c.2
Now as Episcopalians down to this day, try to improve
this address, as an evidence that New England was first
planted by members of their church (though the foregoing
history shows that it was not so) we may safely conclude
that the ruling party of the nation did not neglect the
advantage hereby given to strengthen themselves then in their
way, which was so corrupt, that when the archbishop of
Canterbury a little after commenced a prosecution against
Mr. Cotton, the Earl of Dorset interceded for him, till he
found matters were got to such a pass that he sent Mr. Cot-
ton word, "that if he had been guilty of drunkenness or
uncleanness, or any such lesser fault, he could have obtained
his pardon; but inasmuch as he had been guilty of noncon-
'The letter was printed in London a few days after. Neal's IIistory of New Eng-
land, Vol. I, p. 147.
2Massachusetts History, Vol. I, pp. 487-489. [431, 432.]
•
A
[1634.]
WILLIAMS AT PLYMOUTH.
4
43
formity and puritanism, the crime was unpardonable; and
therefore," said he, "you must fly for your safety¹." Can
we wonder that Mr. Williams, who came over the year after
the aforesaid address was made, should not incline to join in
fellowship with the authors of it, without some honest retrac-
tion? Yet he was not so rigid but that he did hold occas-
ional communion at the Lord's table in the church of Ply-
mouth, with Governor Winthrop, and his minister, Mr. Wil-
son, of Boston, October 28, 16322.
Mr. Williams preached at Plymouth between two and three
years, and then discerning in a leading part of the church
a disagreement with some of his sentiments, and being in-
vited to Salem, he requested a dismission there; and though
a number were unwilling for it, yet elder Brewster prevailed
with the church to grant his request, fearing, he said, "that
he would run the same course of rigid separation and ana-
baptistry, which Mr. John Smith at Amsterdam had done³.
Such as did adhere to him were also dismissed, and removed
with him, or not long after him to Salem." The Court again
'Magnalia, B. 3, p. 19.
'Prince's Annals, p. 70.
[Vol. I. p. 241.]
[406.] —B.
See also, Winthrop, Vol. I, p. 91; Hubbard, p. 204.-ED.
3Mr. Smith's church separated from the church of England with Mr. Robinson's,
and removed a little before him into Holland. After Mr. Smith's death a number
of his church returned and promoted the Baptist cause in London. Crosby's His-
tory, Vol. I, p. 268.-B.
Mr. John Smith began his ministry in the church of England. Early in the reign
of James I, he renounced the discipline and ceremonies of that church and escaped
impending persecution by flight to Holland. Here he joined the church of Brown-
ists or Separatists, and soon became a man of note among them. Continuing to
measure his belief and practice by the rule of Scripture, he was next compelled to
renounce infant baptism. He was excluded by the Brownists, but his views spread
so rapidly that a Baptist church was soon founded of which he became the pastor,
and the other English churches in Holland were largely leavened with Baptist sen-
timents. Churchmen pointed to him as a warning to all separatists and noncon-
formists, exemplifying the legitimate end of their heresies; and the separatists them-
selves wrote no less than six distinct treatises against him. He was accused of
having baptized himself, a charge which has since been sufficiently disproved. See
Crosby, Vol. I, pp. 90—99, 265-268; Neal's History of the Puritans, Vol. II, pp.
72, 73; Cutting's Historical Vindications, pp. 57–60.—ED.
Morton, pp. 86, 87. [102.]
44
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
wrote to Salem against Mr. Williams, but could not prevent
his being called to office there; and we are told that, “in
one year's time he filled that place with principles of rigid
separation, and tending to anabaptism¹." For this they after-
wards banished him; though as it was a confused piece of
work for them thus to deal with him, so their historians have
given the world a very confused account about it. Morton,
Hubbard, Dr. Cotton Mather, and others, have set his ban-
ishment in 1634, yet all agree that he was not ordained till
after Mr. Skelton's death, which was in August that year,
and they tell us of a twelvemonth's labor with him and his
church after his ordination, before his banishment; neither
do they give us a better account of the true causes of that
sentence, than they do of the date of it. I have taken much
pains to collect as exact an account of this affair as possible,
and have succeeded beyond my expectation.
The dates I find to be as follows:--Governor Winthrop
and his Council first wrote to Salem against Mr. Williams,
April 12, 16312, which occasioned his going to Plymouth.
His first child was born there the first week in August, 1633³,
and Mr. Cotton, who arrived at Boston the fourth of Septem-
ber following, says he had removed into the Bay colony be-
fore his arrival. Mr. Skelton died August 2, 16345, and we
shall find proof enough that Mr. Williams was not banished
till above a year afterward; so that instead of such hasty
proceedings at Salem as his opponents would represent, he
preached there more than a year before he was ordained, and
as long after it.
As to the causes of his sentence, Mr. Morton has given us
five articles, Mr. Hubbard six; Mr. Williams has reduced
them to four, but Mr. Cotton is not willing to let them stand
as he stated them, but tells us :—
'Morton, [103.] Hubbard, [204.]
2Prince, p. 26. [351.]
"Providence Records.
"Tenet washed, Part 2d, p. 4.
"Magnalia, B. 3, p. 76. [Vol. I, p. 331.]
[1634.]
CAUSES OF WILLIAMS'S BANISHMENT.
45
Two things there were, which (to my best observation and remembrance)
caused the sentence of his banishment; and two others fell in that hastened it.
1. His violent and tumultuous carriage against the patent.
By the patent it is, that we received allowance from the king to depart
his kingdom, and to carry our goods with us, without offence to his officers,
and without paying custom to himself. By the patent, certain select men,
as magistrates and freemen, have power to make laws, and the magistrates
to execute justice and judgment amongst the people, according to such laws.
By the patent we have power to erect such a government of the church¹, as
is most agreeable to the Word, to the estate of the people, and to the gain-
ing of natives, in God's time, first to civility, and then to christianity.
This patent Mr. Williams publicly and vehemently preached against, as
containing matter of falsehood, aud injustice: falsehood, in making the
king the first Christian prince who had discovered these parts; and injus-
tice, in giving the country to his English subjects which belonged to the
native Indians².
Let it be here noted, that we have no proof that Mr. Wil-
liams ever preached or objected against the whole patent, or
charter, without distinction, much less against that part of
it which constituted them a civil government. His own ac-
count of this matter informs us, that the sin of the patents
which lay so heavy on his mind was, that therein "Christian
kings (so called) are invested with a right, by virtue of their
Christianity, to take and give away the lands and countries
of other men." And he tells us that this evil so deeply af-
flicted his soul, that, "before his troubles and banishment,
he drew up a letter, not without the approbation of some of
the chief of New England, then tender also upon this point
before God, directed unto the king himself, humbly acknowl-
edging the evil of that part of the patent which respects the
donation of lands, &c³.
What grounds Mr. Williams and others had for this con-
cern will plainly appear by what follows; for in the said
patent from Charles the First, he recites that which was
given by his father, King James the First, dated November
3, 1620, wherein he
"This clause is not truth.
2Tenet washed, p. 27.
Reply to Cotton on the Bloody Tenet, pp. 276, 277.
46
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Gave and granted unto the Council established at Plymouth, in the
county of Devon, . . . . all that part of America lying and being in
breadth from forty degrees of northerly latitude from the equinoctial line to
forty-eight degrees of the said northerly latitude inclusively, and in length
of and within all the breadth aforesaid throughout the main land from sea
to sea, together also with all the firm lands, soils, grounds, havens, ports,
rivers, waters, fishing, mines and minerals, jurisdictions, privileges,
franchises, and pre-eminences, both within the said tract of land upon the
main, and also within the islands and seas adjoining; provided always,
that the said islands, or any of the premises by the said letters patent in-
tended and meant to be granted, were not then actually possessed or inhab-
ited by any other Christian prince or state. . . . . To have and to hold,
possess and enjoy, all and singular the aforesaid continent lands, .... and
every part and parcel thereof, unto the said Council, and their heirs and
assigns forever. To be holden of our said most dear and royal father,
his heirs and successors, as of his manor of East Greenwich in the county
of Kent.
•
•
Then King Charles went on to name the Massachusetts.
Company, and to describe the limits of their colony through
the main lands of America, and granted it to them in the
same manner, "to be holden of us, our heirs and successors,
as of our manor of East Greenwich¹," &c.
Can any man claim a fuller property in any land in the
world, than here was assumed over this vast tract of America?
And though the men who had taken this patent banished Mr.
Williams out of it, yet before we have done we may see this
very principle which he abhorred turned back into their own
bosoms, and made use of by a tyrannical party to give them
a severe scourging, after their patent was vacated.
The other foundation cause of Mr. Williams's banishment
Mr. Cotton gives in these words:-
2. The magistrates, and other members of the General Court, upon in-
telligence of some Episcopal and malignant practices against the country,
made an order of Court to take trial of the fidelity of the people, not by
imposing upon them, but by offering to them an oath of fidelity; that in
case any should refuse to take it, they might not betrust them with place
of public charge and command. This oath when it came abroad he vehe-
'Massachusetts History, Vol. 3, pp. 1—4.
[1634.]
CAUSES OF WILLIAMS'S BANISHMENT.
47
mently withstood, and dissuaded sundry from it, partly because it was, as
he said, Christ's prerogative to have his office established by oath; partly
because an oath was part of God's worship, and God's worship was not to
be put upon carnal persons, as he conceived many of the people to be. So
the Court was forced to desist from that proceeding¹.
This case thus stated carries a sad face with it, but one ac-
quainted with the history of the country would be ready to
doubt whether it was truly stated or not; for every freeman
had taken an oath of fidelity to the government before that
time, and if there was no intent of imposing but only of offer-
ing this new oath, could they not find men enough for officers
that would take it? Indeed when I come to find how the
truth of this matter was, by the colony records, and to think
that Mr. Cotton had them at his door when he wrote, I am
the most shocked about him by this publication of his against.
Mr. Williams, of anything I ever met with concerning him.
Upon the colony records, when the General Assembly met at
Boston, May 14, 1634, I find these words:—
It was agreed and ordered, that the former oath of freemen shall be re-
voked, so far as it is dissonant from the oath of freemen here underwritten,
and that those that received the former oath shall stand bound no further
thereby to any intent or purpose than this new oath ties those that take the
same.
THE OATH OF A FREEMAN.
I, A. B., being by God's providence an inhabitant and freeman within
the jurisdiction of this commonweal, do freely acknowledge myself to be
subject to the government thereof, and therefore do here swear, by the
great and dreadful name of the ever living God, that I will be true and
faithful to the same, and will accordingly yield assistance and support.
thereunto with my person and estate as in equity I am bound, and I will
also truly endeavor to maintain and preserve all the liberties and privileges.
thereof, submitting myself to the wholesome laws and orders made and es-
tablished by the same. And further, that I will not plot nor practise any
evil against it, nor consent to any that shall so do, but will truly discover
and reveal the same to lawful authority now here established, for the speedy
preventing thereof. Moreover I do solemnly bind myself in the sight of
'Tenet washed, pp. 28, 29.
48
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
God, that when I shall be called to give my voice, touching any such mat-
ter of this state, wherein freemen are to deal, I will give my vote and suf-
frage, as I shall judge in mine own conscience may best conduce and tend
to the public weal of the body, without respect of persons or favor of any
man; so help me God in the Lord Jesus Christ.
This oath was framed and taken before they proceeded to
election at the time above said. When the Assembly met
again at Newtown, now Cambridge, March 4, 1635, they en-
acted as follows:-
It is ordered that every man of or above the age of sixteen years, who
hath been or shall hereafter be resident within this jurisdiction, by the
space of six months (as well servants as others) and not enfranchised, shall
take the oath of residents, before the Governor, Deputy Governor, or two
of the next Assistants, who shall have power to convent him for that pur-
pose, and upon his refusal, to bind him over to the next Court of Assist-
ants, and upon his refusal the second time, to be punished at the discretion
of the Court.
It is ordered, that the freeman's oath shall be given to every man of or
above the age of sixteen years, the clause for election of magistrates only
excepted¹.
Now let the candid reader judge,
The
1. Who was the best friend to charter-rights?
Massachusetts Company were limited, in three different
passages of their patent, not to make any laws contrary to
the laws of England; yet one professed design of this new
oath, was to guard against Episcopal practices, to effect
which they left out the clause in their former oath, which
bound them to submit to "all such laws, orders, sentences
and decrees, as should be lawfully made and published by
them ;" and instead of it obliged men to swear to submit
"to the wholesome laws and orders made and established
by the government of this commonwealth. And though
Mr. Cotton asserts that they did not impose but only offer
this new oath, yet the colony records are express, that every
man who resided within their jurisdiction six months, ser-
'Massachusetts Records.
[1634.]
CAUSES OF WILLIAMS'S BANISHMENT.
49
vants as well as others, must swear to obey all their whole-
some laws and orders, or be punished at their discretion ;
yea, and also swear to reveal any plot that they should know
of against such government, "to lawful authority now here
established:"— that is, not to complain to any but them-
selves.
2. From whence came the power that presumed to absolve
themselves and others from their oath, to keep to acts law-
fully made, and to substitute the word wholesome in the
room of it? Let the learned Cotton Mather answer the
question. Says he,-
The reforming churches, flying from Rome, carried some of them
more, some of them less, all of them something, of Rome with them;
especially in that spirit of imposition and persecution, which has too much
cleaved unto them all¹.
That spirit of imposition and persecution ran so high in
England at the time we are upon, that King Charles the
First gave a commission, April 28, 1634, to Archbishop
Laud, and ten courtiers more², some of them known paptists,
as follows:-
We do constitute you, our said Archbishop of Canterbury, &c., or any
five or more of you, our counsellors; and to you or to any five or more of
you, do commit and give power of protection and government, as well
over the English colonies already planted, as over all such other colonies,
which by any of our people of England hereafter shall be deduced into
any other like parts whatsoever, and power to make laws, ordinances and
constitutions, concerning either the state public of the said colonies, or
utility of private persons and their lands, goods, debts and succession,
within the precincts of the same, and for ordering and directing of them,
in their demeanors towards foreign princes and their people, and likewise.
towards us and our subjects, as well within any foreign parts whatsoever
beyond the seas, as during their voyages, or upon the seas to and
'His son Dr. Samuel Mather's Apology for the churches of New England, Ap-
pendix, p. 149.
2Lord Coventry, the Archbishop of York, the Earls of Portland, Manchester,
Arundel, and Dorset, Lord Cottington, Sir Thomas Edmunds, and the Secretaries
Cook and Windebank.
*
4
50
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
•
from the same; and for relief and support of the clergy, and the
rule and cure of the souls of our people living in those parts, and
for consigning of convenient maintenance unto them by tithes, obla-
tions and other profits accruing, according to your good discretion, with
the advice of two or three of our bishops, whom you shall think fit to call
unto your consultations, touching the distribution of such maintenance.
unto the clergy, and all other matters ecclesiastical, and to inflict punish-
ment on all offenders or violators of constitutions and ordinances, either by
imprisonments or other restraints, or by loss of life or members, according
as the quality of the offence shall require; with power also, our royal
assent being first had and obtained, to remove all Governors and Presi-
dents of the said colonies, upon just cause appearing, from their several
places, and to appoint others in their stead: ... and power also to
ordain temporal judges and civil magistrates to determine of civil causes,
with such powers, in such a form, as to you or any five or more of you
shall seem expedient; and also to ordain judges, magistrates and officers
for and concerning courts ecclesiastical, with such power and such a form,
as to you or any five or more of you, with the advice of the bishops suf-
fragan to the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time being, shall be held
meet. . . . . Giving, moreover, and granting to you, that if it shall appear,
that any officer or Governor of the said colonies shall unjustly wrong
one another, or shall not suppress all rebels to us, or such as shall not obey
our commands, that then it shall be lawful, upon advice with ourself first
had, for the causes aforesaid, or upon any other just reason, to remand and
cause the offender to return into England, or into any other place, accord-
ing as in your good discretions you shall think just and necessary.
And
we do furthermore give unto you, or any five or more of you, letters
patent and other writings whatsoever, of us or of our royal predecessors
granted, for or concerning the planting of any colonies, in any countries,
provinces, islands or territories whatsoever beyond the seas; and if upon
view thereof, the same shall appear to you, or any five or more of you, to
have been surreptitiously and unduly obtained, or that any privileges or
liberties therein granted be hurtful to us, our crown or prerogative royal,
or to any foreign princes, to cause the same to be revoked, and to do all
other things, which shall be necessary for the wholesome government and
protection of the said colonies, and our people therein abiding¹.
Thus the words "discretion" and "wholesome" were brought
in to violate charters and all public faith, and to set up
tyranny over the colonies. But Mr. Edward Winslow being
'Massachusetts History, Vol. I. pp. 502–506. [440—443.]
[1635.]
CAUSES OF WILLIAMS'S BANISHMENT.
e
51
sent over agent for the country, by his indefatigable
endeavors, and the influence of some great men, prevented
the taking place of this arbitrary commission; upon which
Laud turned his resentment against him, and got him im-
prisoned seventeen weeks in the Fleet prison, in London,
for having sometimes taught publicly in the church of Ply-
mouth, and for marrying people, which Laud called "assum-
ing the Ministerial office¹."
Had the Massachusetts fathers taken only lawful and
prudent methods to guard against such Episcopal and
malignant practices as these, they would have been justified,
and applauded by posterity; but now we mourn to think
that they brought so much of the same distemper into this
country with them as they did.
The same Court that passed the act to oblige all to take
the above oath, or be punished at their discretion, also
passed the following, viz. :-
This Court doth entreat of the brethren and elders of every church within
this jurisdiction, that they will consult and advise of one uniform order of
discipline in the churches, agreeable to the Scriptures, and then to consider
how far the magistrates are bound to interpose for the preservation of that
uniformity and peace of the churches².
Upon this Mr. Williams publicly preached against the
oath they had framed, of submission to such a power; for
which the Governor and Assistants called him before them,
March 30, 1635, when "he was heard before all the minis-
ters, and," according to Governor Winthrop's opinion, was
clearly refuted³." The two things which Mr. Cotton says
hastened his banishment were, Mr. Williams's stirring up his
church to write to other churches to which those rulers.
belonged, admonishing them of injustice about some land
near Salem; and his separating from his own church when
'Plymouth Register, pp. 12--14.
"Winthrop's Journal. [Vol. I, p. 158.]
2Massachusetts Records.
52
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
།
they turned against him in these things¹. Concerning the
first of these articles Governor Winthrop says,-
"Salem men preferred a petition at the General Court, May, 1635, for
some land in Marblehead neck, which they did challenge as belonging to
their town; but because they had chosen Mr. Williams their teacher while
he stood under question of authority, and so offered contempt to the mag-
istracy, &c. their petition was refused till, &c. Upon this the church of
Salem wrote to other churches to admonish the magistrates of this as a
heinous sin, and likewise the deputies, &c.2
By the colony records I find that the town of Marble-
head was first granted by the Assembly which met May 6,
1635, when sundry parcels of land which Salem had
improved were granted to them as soon as they should want
them, only with order that Marblehead should pay Salem
for what they had done upon the land; among the rest, "the
land betwixt the clift and the forest river, near Marblehead"
was so granted, but with this proviso, "that if in the mean-
time the inhabitants of Salem can satisfy the Court that
they have true right unto it, that then it shall belong unto the
inhabitants thereof."
The generality of those inhabitants turned the next fall,
and joined with the rulers in banishing Mr. Williams, and
when the General Assembly met again, March 3, 1636, I find
these words, viz.: "It was proved this Court that Marble
Neck belongs to Salem³." Now what can be more natural
'Tenet washed, pp. 29, 30.
3Massachusetts Records.
Winthrop's Journal. [Vol I. p. 164.]
There are indications that Salem was not bribed into acquiescence with Williams's
banishment as easily as these words might suggest. Neal writes, "Sentence of
banishment being read against Mr. Williams, the whole town of Salem was in an
uproar; for he was esteemed an honest, disinterested man and of popular talents in
the pulpit; and such was the compassion of the people, occasioned by his followers
raising a cry of persecution against him, that he would have carried off the greater
part of the inhabitants of the town if the ministers of Boston had not inter-
posed by sending an admonition to the church of Salem, with a confutation in
writing of Mr. Williams's errors, showing their tendency to disturb the public
peace both in church and State, though he always opposed what he called the
Bloody Tenet, that is, every kind and degree of persecution for conscience sake;
but by this means the greater part of the people were satisfied, or content at least
to abandon their dear Mr. Williams, to whose opinions and doctrine they were but
too much devoted." Neal's History of New England, Vol. I, pp. 159, 160. ED.
[1635.]
CAUSES OF WILLIAMS'S BANISHMENT.
53
than to conclude from hence that the way for Salem to satisfy
the Court that they had a true right to their land, was to
submit their ecclesiastical as well as civil affairs to their
direction?
At a General Court, July 8, 1635,-
Mr. Williams, of Salem, was summoned, and did appear. It was laid
to his charge, that being under question before the magistracy and churches
for divers dangerous opinions, viz. : 1. That the magistrate ought not to
punish the breach of the first table, otherwise than in such case as did dis-
turb the civil peace.
2. That he ought not to tender an oath to an unre-
generate man. 3. That a man ought not to pray with such, though
wife, children, &c. 4. That a man ought not to give thanks after sacra-
ment, nor after meals [meat]; and that the other churches were about to
write to the church of Salem to admonish him of these errors, understand-
ing [notwithstanding] the church had called him to the office of a teacher.
The said opinions were adjudged by all the magistracy and ministers (who
were desired to be present) to be erroneous, and very dangerous, and the
calling of him to office at that time was judged a great contempt of
authority. So in fine there was given to him and the church of Salem to
consider of these things till the next General Court, and then either to
give satisfaction to the Court, or else to expect the sentence; it being pro-
fessedly declared by the ministers (at the request of the Court to give their
advice) that they who should obstinately maintain such opinions (whereby
the church might come [run] into heresy, apostacy or tyranny, and yet the
civil magistrate could not intermeddle) were to be removed, and that the
other churches ought to request the magistrate so to do¹.
This is the most plain and ingenuous account of the real
cause of Mr. Williams's banishment that I have ever met
with, from any who were opposed to him and carries the
more weight with it, as it was written by one of the greatest
gentlemen in the country, in the time of it, and who was per-
sonally concerned in these transactions. And by the first and
last of this account it is evident, that the grand difficulty
they had with Mr. Williams was, his denying the civil mag-
trate's right to govern in ecclesiastical affairs.
This honorable writer informs us, that on August 15,
1635,
'Governor Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I, pp. [162, 163.]
54
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
Mr. Williams, pastor of Salem, being sick, and not able to speak, wrote
to his church a protestation that he could not communicate with the
churches in the Bay, neither would he communicate with them, except
they would refuse communion with the rest: but the whole church was
grieved thereby.
September 1.-At this General Court, Mr. Endicott made a protesta-
tion, in justification of the letters formerly sent from Salem to the other
churches against the magistracy and deputies, for which he was committed;
but the same day he came and acknowledged his fault, and was dis-
charged¹.
October. At this General Court Mr. Williams, the teacher of Salem,
was again convented, and all the ministers in the Bay being desired to be
present, he was charged with his said two letters, that to the churches,
complaining of the magistrates for injustice, &c. and the other to his own.
church. ... He justified both these letters, and maintained all his
opinions; and being offered further conference or disputation, and another
respite, he chose to dispute presently, so Mr. Hooker was appointed to dis-
pute with him, but could not reduce him from any of his errors, so the
next morning the court sentenced him to depart out of our jurisdiction,
within six weeks, all the ministers approving the sentence; and his own
church had him under question also for the same case, and he at his
return home refused communion with his own church, who openly dis-
claimed his errors, and wrote an humble submission to the magistrates,
acknowledging their fault in joining with Mr. Williams in that letter to the
churches against them².
'Winthrop's Journal. [Vol. I, p. 166.] Mr. Endicott afterwards acted at the
head of the most bloody persecutions in this country.-B.
The above sentence refers to the proceedings against Quakers, which culminated
in the hanging of four persons of that sect in 1659. See Chap. v.-ED.
2Winthrop's Journal, [Vol. I, pp. 170, 171.] The next time the Court met they con-
firmed their land to them, as before observed. The province records agree with
this account, only they do not set any date after the Court met in September, before
Mr. Williams's sentence; but it might be October before it was passed.-B.
The exact date of Roger Williams's banishment is still undetermined. Knowles
writes in his Memoir of Roger Williams, p. 73, note, "Winthrop places the banish-
ment under date of October, but the Colonial Records, (I. 163,) state that it took
place November 3, 1635." Elton, Life of Roger Williams, p. 32, gives the same
date, doubtless taking it from Knowles. It were well if the matter could be thus
easily settled; but the dates of the Colonial Records on this point are most uncer-
tain. The Records give account of three sessions of the Court, dating them res-
pectively September 1, November 8, and September 2. In the last of these, after a
few items of business, there is the date September 3, in the margin; and after many
other items, comes the sentence of Roger Williams. Mr. Knowles seems to have
regarded the two last named sessions as belonging to the date November 3, either
overlooking the dates September 2 and September 3, or rejecting them as spurious.
[1636.]
DATE OF WILLIAMS'S BANISHMENT.
55
John Smith was banished at the same time with Mr.
Williams, for his dangerous opinions, but we are not told
what they were. It seems that the Court after this gave
Mr. Williams liberty to stay till Spring, only enjoining it
upon him not to go about to draw others to his opinions;
but in January, 1636, the Governor and Assistants were
informed, that he received and preached to companies in his
house," even of such points as he had been censured for."
Upon which they agreed to send him into England by a ship
then ready to depart. "The reason was, because he had
drawn about twenty people to his opinions, who intended to
erect a plantation about the Narragansett Bay, from whence
infection would easily spread into these churches, the peo-
ple being many of them much taken with the apprehension
of his godliness." They sent for him to come to Boston,
but he sent an excuse; upon which they sent a pinnace,
with a commission to Captain Underhill, to apprehend him
and carry him on board the ship then at Nantasket; but
when they "came to his house, they found he had been gone
three days¹.'
This I believe is the exact date of his departure, instead
of being in 1634, as their historians have represented. Six-
teen years after, Mr. Williams, referring to words of Mr.
Cotton, says,―
"These passages occasion me to remember a serious question which
many fearing God have made, to wit, whether the promise of God's Spirit
blessing conferences, be so comfortably to be expected in New England
That there is an error is evident, but it cannot be remedied by rejecting entirely the
dates last named, for that would assign to November 3 much more business than
could possibly be transacted in one day. Probably no better explanation can be
given than that of Backus. By that, we must regard the record dated November 3 as
out of place, inscribed where it is by mistake; and must suppose that the business
under date of September 3 really occupied the Court till October. Unless the
Court was more diligent than similar bodies in later times, a full month's work is
recorded there. Thus the Colonial Records will be made to harmonize with Win-
throp's Journal which is almost invariably accurate, and the probable date of
Williams's banishment remains as Backus gives it, October, 1635.—ED.
'Winthrop's Journal. [Vol. I, pp. 175, 176.]
}
56
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
because of those many public sins which most of God's people in New
England lie under, and one especially, to wit, the framing a Gospel or
Christ to themselves without a cross, not professing nor practicing that in
Old, which they professedly came over to enjoy with peace and liberty from
any cross of Christ in New. I know those thoughts have deeply possessed
not a few, considering also the sin of the patents, wherein Christian kings,
so called, are invested with right, by virtue of their Christianity, to take
and give away the lands and countries of other men; as also considering
the unchristian oaths swallowed down, at their coming forth from Old
England, especially in superstitious Laud his time and domineering'."
It is evident by the foregoing list of errors charged
upon Mr. Williams, that the Massachusetts ministers and
rulers meant to carry their uniformity so far, as to oblige
ministers and Christians, throughout their jurisdiction, not
only to ask a blessing at the Lord's table and at common.
meals, but also to return thanks afterward; and it is likely
that this straining of that matter beyond Scriptural example,
has had not a little influence upon many since to carry them
to the other extreme. Be that as it may, what human heart
can be unaffected with the thought that a people who had
been sorely persecuted in their own country, so as to flee
three thousand miles into a wilderness for religious liberty,
yet should have that imposing temper cleaving so fast to
them, as not to be willing to let a godly minister, who testi-
fied against it, stay even in any neighboring part of this
wilderness, but it moved them to attempt to take him by
force, to send him back into the land of their persecutors!
To avoid this he fled to the heathen in the depth of winter,
and obtained such favor in their sight, that Osamaquin
(otherwise called Massasoit) chief sachem at Mount Hope,
made him a grant of part of that which is since called
Rehoboth; yet the place was so far then from answering to
its present name, that a letter and messenger was sent from
Plymouth to let him know there was not room for him in
'Reply to Cotton, p. 276. Note, it was not all oaths, but those only which he
esteemed unchristian ones that he objected against.
[1636.]
SETTLEMENT OF PROVIDENCE.
57
that place, because within their patent. "This is a lamenta-
tion, and shall be for a lamentation."
Mr. Williams's own testimony, upon a particular occasion
at Providence, twenty-five years after, I think deserves notice
here. Says he :-
I testify and declare in the holy presence of God, that when at my first
coming into these parts I obtained the lands of Secunk of Osamaquin,
the then chief sachem on that side, the Governor of Plymouth, Mr.
Winslow, wrote to me, in the name of their government, their claim of
Secunk to be in their jurisdiction, as also their advice to remove but over
the river unto this side, where now by God's merciful providence we are,
and then I should be out of their claim, and be as free as themselves, and
loving neighbors together. After I had obtained this place, now called
Providence, of Canonicus and Myantinomy, the chief Nanhigganset
sachems deceased, Osamaquin (the sachem aforesaid, also deceased) laid
his claim to this place also. This forced me to repair to the Nanhiggan-
set sachems aforesaid, who declared, that Osamaquin was their subject,
and had solemuly, himself in persou, with ten men, subjected himself and
his lands unto them at the Nanhigganset, and now he seemed to revolt
from his loyalty, under the shelter of the English at Plymouth. This I
declared from the Nanhigganset sachems to Osamaquin, who without any
stick acknowledged to be true, that he had so subjected as the Nanhiggan-
set sachems had affirmed; but withal he affirmed that he was not subdued
by war, which himself and his father had maintained against the Nanhig-
gansets; but God, said he, subdued us by a plague, which swept away my
people, and forced me to yield. This conviction and confession of his,
together with gratuities to himself, brethren and followers, made him often
profess, that he was pleased that I should here be his neighbor, and the
rather because he and I had been great friends at Plymouth; and also
because his and my friends at Plymouth advised him to be at peace and
friendship with me; and he hoped that our children after us would be
good friends together. And whereas there hath been often speech of
Providence falling in Plymouth jurisdiction by virtue of Osamaquin's
claim; I add unto the testimonies abovesaid, that the Governor, Mr.
This by the way shows a great difference between the temper of Plymouth and
Massachusetts rulers of which we shall yet see more. The chief sachems' names
are very differently spelt in the different writings I have met with.
This perfectly agrees with the account we have of Massasoit's or Osamaquin's
league he made with Plymouth people the spring after their last coming, and of the
Narragansett's threatenings on that account. Prince's Chronology, pp. 102, 116,
[187, 188, 199, 200.]
58
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Bradford, deceased, and other of their Magistrates, declared unto me, both
by conference and writing, that they and their government were satisfied,
and resolved never to molest Providence, nor to claim beyond Secunk, but
to continue loving friends and neighbors (among the barbarians) together.
This is the true sum and substance of many passages between our coun-
trymen of Plymouth and Osamaquin, and me.
ROGER WILLIAMS.¹
1
The above date of Mr. Williams's removal is confirmed
by Mr. Winslow's being then Governor of Plymouth; for
1636 was the only year that he sustained that office between
1633 and 1644. And as it appeared by Plymouth records
› that he entered on his government the first of March that
year, we may conclude that Mr. Williams fled to Secunk in
the depth of winter, and removed with a few friends over
the river in the spring2. Here let us admire the wisdom
>
'Copied from the original, in his own hand writing, dated "Providence, 13, 10,
1661, (so called)."
"It is said that he, with Thomas Angell, a hired servant, and some others, went
over in a canoe, and were saluted by the Indians near the lower ferry, by the word
Whatcheere? i. e. How do you do? which gave name to a field, which Mr. Williams
sold many years after, and in the deed says he satisfied the owner for it, and planted
it, at his first coming, with his own hands. They went round till they got to a
pleasant spring above, where is now the great bridge, where they landed; and near
to which both he and Angell lived to old age.-B.
The date of Roger Williams's removal from Seekonk to Providence can be
reached only approximately. In a letter to Major Mason of Connecticut, written
June 22, 1770, published in the Massachusetts Historical Collections, Vol. 1. p. 275,
he writes that he "begun to build and plant at Seekonk," and that his removal oc-
casioned his "loss of a harvest that year." His letter to the Massachusetts colony
announcing the murder of Oldham, which Governor Winthrop states (Vol. I, p. 190)
was received July 26, seems to have been written from Providence. If so, his re-
moval must have been before this date, and after the beginning of planting time.
From these dates Knowles (Memoir, p. 104) conjectures that it took place about
the middle of June. Elton, (Life of Roger Williams, p. 38,) and Ganwell, (Life
of Roger Williams, p. 64,) place it in the latter part of June. The words “I
begun to build and plant at Seekonk" might suggest a somewhat earlier date, as the
season of planting does not extend beyond the last of May. There is perhaps
another clue which will fix the time more definitely. In the letter to Major Mason
already quoted, Williams writes that between his "friends of the Bay and Plymouth,'
he was "sorely tossed for one fourteen weeks, not knowing what bread or bed did
mean." His departure from Salem was in January; at what part of the month we
do not know. Elton states (p. 33) that his citation before the General Court, the
immediate cause of his flight, was January 11th, but here he evidently mistakes the
words of Winthrop, "11 mo. January" which mean only January the eleventh
i
[1636.]
WILLIAMS'S SERVICES IN THE PEQUOD WAR.
•
59
that governs the world.
"As Joseph was sold by his envi-
ous brethren, with intent to get him out of their way, yet
divine providence overruled this cruel action quite otherwise
than they intended, and made it the means of their future
preservation; so the harsh treatment and cruel exile of Mr.
Williams seem designed by his brethren for the same evil
end, but was, by the goodness of the same over-ruling hand,
turned to the most beneficent purposes¹."
Just at this juncture, the Pequods, a powerful Indian
tribe, who lived upon the lands where are now the towns of
Groton and Stonington, were forming plots against the
English colonies, even the very year that those of Connecti-
cut and Providence began, and when Boston was but six
years old; and as a vessel was sent by the government from
thence, under the command of John Oldham, to trade with
the natives at Block Island, about fourteen Indians boarded
the vessel, and murdered him ; but as John Gallop happened
to come upon them, in his return from Connecticut river, they
leaped into the sea, where some were drowned, and others
reached the shore. The first news of this sad event that
they received was from Mr. Williams's pen, by two Indians
who went with Oldham, and one from Canonicus, a Narra-
gansett sachem, who arrived at Boston, July 26, 1636.
Governor Vane wrote back to Mr. Williams, to let the Nar-
ragansetts know that they expected them to send home two
boys who were with Oldham, and to take revenge upon the
islanders. Four days after the boys came home with one of
Miantinomy's men, with another letter from Mr. Williams,
informing that said sachem had caused the sachem of Nian-
tick to send to Block Island for them, and that he had near
month, according to the old style of reckoning. If we suppose Williams's escape to
have taken place the latter part of January, counting fourteen weeks, we have near
the middle of May, as the date of his settlement in Providence. This would be
late enough for him to have "begun to plant at Seekonk," and, considering
the bargains which he must make with the Indians and other delays in founding a
new settlement, late enough to occasion his "loss of a harvest that year."-ED.
'History of Providence.
60
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
#
a hundred fathom of peag¹, and much other goods of Old-
ham's which should be reserved for them, and that three of
the seven Indians who were drowned were sachems2.
August 26 came a third letter from Mr. Williams. Gov-
ernor Winthrop says:-
儡
​In these Indian troubles Mr. Williams was assiduous to influence the
Narragansetts in favor of the English, and to keep them from joining with.
the Pequods³.
Sept. Canonicus sent word of some English whom the Pequods had
killed at Saybrook, and Mr. Williams wrote that the Pequods and Narra-
gansetts were at truce, and that Miantonomoh told him that the Pequods
had labored to persuade them that the English were minded to destroy all
the Indians. Whereupon we sent for Miantonomoh to come to us.
Accordingly he and two of Canonicus's sons and another
sachem, and near twenty of their men whom they call san-
nups, came to Boston October 21, where the Governor called
together all the magistrates and ministers, and next day a
firm league was signed between them. "But because they
could not make them well understand the articles, they told
them they would send a copy of them to Mr. Williams, who
'Wampum.-Ed.
2Hubbard, [249, 250.] Hubbard also quotes from Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I, p.
190, the statement that ten or eleven Indians were drowned.-ED.
3Hubbard's Journal,-B.
"The warlike tribe [the Pequods] courted the alliance of its neighbors, the Narra-
gansetts and the Mohegans, that a union and a general rising of the natives might
sweep the hated intruders from the ancient hunting grounds of the Indian race.
The design could be frustrated by none but Roger Williams; and the exile, who had
been the first to communicate to the Governor of Massachusetts the news of the im-
pending conspiracy, encountered the extremity of peril with magnanimous heroism.
Having received letters from Vane and the Council of Massachusetts requesting his
utmost and speediest endeavors to prevent the league, neither storms of wind nor
high seas could detain the adventurous envoy. Shipping himself alone in a poor
canoe, every moment at the hazard of his life, he hastened to the house of the sa-
chem of the Narragansetts. The Pequod ambassadors, reeking with blood, were
already there, and for three days and nights the business compelled him to lodge and
mix with them, having cause every night to expect their knives at his throat. The
Narragansetts were wavering; but Roger Williams succeeded in dissolving the
formidable conspiracy. It was the most intrepid and most successful achievement
in the whole Pequod war;-an action as perilous in its execution as it was fortunate
in its issue." Bancroft, Vol. I, p. 398.-Ed.
[1636.]
LAW AGAINST IRREGULAR CHURCHES.
61
could best interpret the same to them. So after dinner they
took leave¹." What would the Massachusetts have now done,
if Mr. Williams had been sent to England, as they had in-
tended, the winter before!
Let us now review their religious state. In October, 1635,
arrived Mr. Thomas Shepard and Hugh Peters, two ministers,
who were much improved afterward; also Mr. afterward Sir
Henry Vane, the latter of whom was admitted a member of
Boston church November 12. At the General Assembly
held March 3, 1636, it was
Ordered, that all persons are to take notice that this Court doth not, nor
will hereafter, approve of any such companies of men, as shall henceforth
join in any pretended way of church fellowship, without they shall first ac-
quaint the magistrates and the elders of the greater part of the churches
in this jurisdiction with their intentions, and have their approbation herein.
And further it is ordered, that no person being a member of any church
which shall hereafter be gathered without the approbation of the magis-
trates and the greater part of said churches, shall be admitted to the free-
dom of this commonwealth³.
At the election at Boston, May 25, Mr. Vane was chosen
Governor, and Mr. Winthrop Deputy Governor; and a
standing Council was formed of three men. "The reason
was, for that it was shewed from the word of God, &c., that
the principal magistrates ought to be for life.” Mr. Win-
throp and Mr. Dudley were chosen for life, and Governor
Vane to be their President. The next year Mr. Endicott
'Winthrop, [Vol. I, pp. 196, 199]; Hubbard, [253.]
2Winthrop, [Vol. I, p. 170.]
3Massachusetts Records.
4Winthrop's Journal, [184.] Mr. Cotton wrote this year to Lord Say and
Seal, and says, "God hath so framed the state of church government and ordinan-
ces, that they may be compatible to any commonwealth, though never so much dis-
ordered in its frame. But yet when a commonwealth hath liberty to mould its own
frame, I conceive the Scripture hath given full direction for the right ordering of
the same, and that in such sort as may best maintain the eueria [well being] of the
church. Mr. Hooker doth often quote a saying out of Mr. Cartwright, that no man
fashioneth his house to his hangings, but his hangings to his house. It is better that
the commonwealth be fashioned to the setting forth of God's house, which is his
church; than to accommodate the church frame to the civil state.
Nor need
62
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
was chosen for life in Vane's room. This Council soon
found work to do, one article of which here follows:-
To the Constable of Salem :
Whereas we are credibly informed that divers persons (both of men and
women) within your town, do disorderly assemble themselves both on the
Lord's days and at other times, contemptuously refusing to come to the sol-
emn meetings of the church there (or being some of them justly cast out)
do obstinately refuse to submit themselves, that they might be again re-
ceived; but do make conventions, and seduce diverse persons of weak ca-
pacity, and have already withdrawn some of them from the church, and
hereby have caused much (not only disturbance in the church, but also)
disorders and damage in the civil state; . . . . these are therefore to re-
quire you forthwith to repair unto all such disorderly persons; and signify
to them that said course is very offensive to the government here, and may
no longer be suffered, and therefore command them from us, to refrain all
such disordered assemblies, and pretended church meetings; and either to
conform themselves to the laws and orders of this government, being es-
tablished according to the rule of God's word; or else let them be assured
that we shall by God's assistance take some such strict and speedy course
for the reformation of these disorders, and preventing the evils which may
otherways ensue, as our duty to God and charge over his people do call for
from us.
And when you have given them this admonition you shall dili-
gently attend how it is observed, and certify us accordingly, as you will an-
swer your neglect herein at your peril.
From Boston this 30th of the 3d month, 1636.
H. VANE, Gov.
Jo. WINTHROP, Dept.
THO. DUDLEY¹.
They were somewhat too short in declaring the laws and
orders of their government already established, for that
work was yet to do; therefore this Court now passed the
following act, viz. :-
The Governor, Deputy Governor, Thomas Dudley, John Haynes, Rich-
ard Bellingham, Esquires, Mr. Cotton, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Shepard, are
we fear, that this course will, in time, cast the commonwealth into distractions, and
popular confusions. Purity preserved in the church, will preserve well ordered
liberty in the people, and both of them establish well balanced authority in the mag-
istrates." Massachusetts History, Vol. I, pp. 497, 500. [219, 220.] His great mis-
take herein will soon appear.
'Winthrop.
F
}
[1636.]
DISPUTES ON GRACE AND WORKS.
63
entreated to make a draught of laws agreeable to the word of God, which
may be the fundamentals of this commonwealth, and to present the same
to the next General Court; and it is ordered that in the mean time the
magistrates and their associates shall proceed in the courts to hear and de-
termine all causes according to the laws now established, and where there
is no law, then as near the laws of God as they can¹.
Soon after this came on such disputes in the country
about grace and works, that "it began to be as common
there to distinguish between men being under a covenant of
works, and a covenant of grace, as in other countries between
protestants and paptists2." It divided the General Court,
'Massachusetts Records. From the beginning, their Governor and Assistants had
been their executive court, till the March preceding, when they took in associates
with the magistrates, and formed inferior courts in their several towns, to try causes
not exceeding ten pounds; from whence appeals might be made to the Court of
Assistants.
'Hubbard, [294]. Captain Johnson says, "That you may understand their way
of broaching their abominable errors, it was in dividing those things the Lord hath
united in his work of conversion continued, carrying on a soul to heaven, in these
four particulars:
"1. In dividing between the word and the word, under pretense of a legal gospel,
persuading the people their ministers were legal preachers, teaching them little
better than popery, and unfit for gospel churches; denying them to be any minis-
ters of Christ, that preach any preparation work, by shewing men what the law re-
quires. Here's nothing, says one of them, but preaching out of the law and the
prophets. Truly, says another, I have not heard a pure gospel sermon from any of
them.
"2. In separating Christ and his graces, in manifesting himself to be in the soul;
and this they say makes much for the magnifying of free grace; and indeed they
made it so free, that the soul that receives it shall never taste any of it by their
consent, but remain still a dry branch as before. These legal Pharisees, says one
of them, tell us of a thing they call inherent grace, and of a man being made a new
creature; but I am sure the best of them go on in their legal duties and perform-
ances still, sorrowing for sin, hearing of sermons, observing duty morning and
evening, and many such like matters. Tush man, says another, you shall hear
more than this; I was discoursing with one of their scholastic preacher's disciples,
a professed convert, and yet when he came to pray he begged for the forgiveness of
his sins; I asked him why he used that vain repetition. since he did believe he was
justified by Christ already? He made me an answer not worth repeating; but when
I told him God could see no sin in his people, no more than I could see that which
was covered close from my eyesight, he told me I spake little less than blasphemy.
So ignorant are these men, and their learned guides also; who persuade them the
more they have of the indwelling of the spirit of Christ, the better they shall be
enabled to these legal duties. Nay, quoth the other, I can tell you more than all
this; they make it an evidence of their good estate, even their sanctification, and
yet these men would make people believe they are against popery.
64
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
and from thence it was carried into Boston church, where
it caused sharp debates on Lord's day, December 31, be-
tween the two ministers, Cotton and Wilson, and between
the Governor and Deputy Governor, who were members of
it'. In this controversy Mr. Cotton found what it was to
fall into the minority, for none of the ministers held fully
with him but Mr. Wheelwright, who was not a settled min-
ister, but was preaching to a branch of Boston church, at
the place now called Braintree; where, at a general fast on
January 19, 1637, he delivered a discourse that greatly in-
creased the flame. Under his third use, we are told that he
said, "The second sort of people that are to be condemned,
are all such as do set themselves against the Lord Jesus
Christ, such are the greatest enemies to the State as can be;
if they can have their wills, you see what a lamentable
state both church and commonwealth will be in; then we
shall have need of mourning; the Lord cannot endure those
"3. The third dividing tenet, by which these persons prosecuted their errors,
was between the word of God and the Spirit of God: And here these sectaries had
many pretty knacks to delude withal, and especially to please the female sex, they
told of rare revelations of things to come from the Spirit, as they say. .... Come
along with me, says one of them, I will bring you to a woman that preaches better
gospel than any of your black coats, that have been at the university*; a woman of
another kind of spirit, who hath had many revelations of things to come; and for
my part, saith he, I had rather hear such a one that speaks from the mere motion of
the Spirit, without any study at all than any of your learned scholars, although
they may be fuller of Scripture, and, admit they speak by the help of the Spirit,
yet the other goes beyond them.
"4. To divide between Christ and his ordinances; and here they played their
game to purpose, even casting down all ordinances as carnal, and that because they
were polluted by the ordinance of man; as some of these sectaries have said to the
ministers of Christ, you have cast off the cross in baptism, but you would do well
to cast off baptism itself; as also for the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, for to
make use of bread, or the juice of a silly grape, to represent the body and blood of
Christ, they accounted it as bad as necromancy in ministers of Christ to perform
it." Johnson's History, pp. 94-97.
'Winthrop, [Vol. I, 210.]-Hubbard [291.]
*In Johnson's IIistory, both the original edition and the recent excellent reprint edited by Mr.
Poole, this word is ninneversity. Backus seems to have taken as a mistake what was meant for a
pun.-ED.
$
[1637.]
DIFFICULTY WITH MR. WHEELWRIGHT.
65
that are enemies to himself and kingdom and people, and
unto the good of his church'."
At the General Court, March 9, Mr. Wheelwright was
called to account for the words which tended to sedition in
his sermon, but the matter was deferred from Court to Court
till fall, when he was banished. Contention arose to a great
height. Stephen Greensmith, for saying "that all the min-
isters, except A. B. C². did teach a covenant of works, was
censured to acknowledge his fault in every church, and
fined forty pounds³."
At the General Court, May 17, 1637, after a hot dispute
they proceeded to election, when Mr. Vane and his friends.
were left out; and a law was made, "that no town or per-
son shall receive any stranger resorting hither with intent to
reside in this jurisdiction, nor shall allow any lot or habita-
tion to any above three weeks, except such persons shall
have allowance under some one of the Council, or of two
other of the magistrates their hands, upon pain that every
town that shall give or sell any lot or habitation to any such
not so allowed shall forfeit one hundred pounds for every
offence; and every person receiving any such for longer
time than is here expressed, or than shall be allowed in
some special case ... shall forfeit for every offence forty
pounds, and for every month after such person shall there
continue twenty pounds.
99
Mr. Cotton was for a while so much dissatisfied with this
law, that he had thoughts of removing out of that jurisdic-
tion®. Governor Winthrop wrote a defence of it, in which
'Gorton's Glass for New England, pp. 19, 20. Gorton says, in this, Wheelwright
"bore testimony to the light;" and the words above he says he transcribed out of
Mr. Wheelwright's manuscript.
2. Mr. Cotton, Mr. Wheelwright, and he thought, Mr. Hooker." Hutchinson,
Vol. I, p. 62.-Ed.
3Winthrop, [Vol. I, p. 215.]
"He sailed for England the 3d of August following.
"Massachusetts Records.
"Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 63. [64.]
5
66
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
he does not deny but that a principal design of that law was
to keep away persons of Mr. Wheelwright's opinions, and
says:
If we find his opinions such as will cause divisions, and make people
look at their magistrates, ministers, and brethren, as enemies to Christ,
antichrists, &c., were it not sin and unfaithfulness in us, to receive more of
their opinions, which we already find the evil fruit of? Nay, why do not
those who now complain join with us in keeping out such, as well as for-
merly they did in expelling Mr. Williams for the like, though less danger-
ous? Where this change of their judgments should arise I leave to them-
selves to examine¹.
Ah! less dangerous, sure enough! for Mr. Williams was
banished for holding that the magistrate's sword ought not
to be brought in to decide religious controversies; but
Wheelwright would have turned that sword against the
rulers, ministers, and people, that he judged to be under a
covenant of works, and so enemies to grace.
Mr. Wheelwright was brother-in-law to Mrs. Anne Hutch-
inson, who had been a principal instrument of the division
in the country about grace and works. We are told that she
brought these two errors out of England with her, viz. :—
"1. That the person of the Holy Ghost dwells in a justified
person. 2. That no sanctification can help to evidence our
justification." A synod of ministers and messengers from
all parts of the country met at Newtown, the 30th of
August, and spent three weeks in debates upon these con-
troversies, and drew up and condemned fourscore errors.
The General Court adjourned to attend on their debates,
and after their result was signed by all the settled ministers
except Mr. Cotton, who also appeared to incline towards
the majority, they met, September 26, when it is recorded,—
Mr. Wheelwright appearing, was dismissed until he should be sent for
by the Court or Courts which shall succeed. This present Court is dissolved,
until a new one be called, and to be kept at Newtown.3
'Massachusetts History, Vol. 3, p. 71. 'Winthrop's Journal, [Vol. I, p. 200.]
3Massachusetts Records.
[1637.]
DIFFICULTY WITH MR. WHEELWRIGHT.
67
1
Here opens something that I never heard of till I found
it upon the colony records. It was customary to elect their
deputies twice a year, namely, in the spring and fall; but
to choose them twice in one fall was an unprecedented act, of
which I believe no parallel can be found from the founda-
tion of the country to this day. It seems that a major vote
of those deputies, to execute the decrees of the late synod,
could not be obtained, therefore the House was dissolved,
and a new one convened on November 2, 1637 ;¹ to which a
remonstrance against those former proceedings was pre-
sented, signed by above sixty men; of whom William
Aspinwall, who drew it, and John Coggshall were members.
of the Assembly. For this they were now excluded, and
an order was sent for Boston to choose two other deputies.
Also, "John Oliver, justifying the seditious libel called a
remonstrance or petition, was dismissed from being a deputy
in this Court." The Court then proceeded to pass the fol-
lowing sentences, viz. :-
Mr. John Wheelwright being formerly convicted of contempt and sedi-
'It was enacted July 14, 1634, that there should be "four General Courts held
yearly," and that Deputies should be chosen "before every General Court." March
3, 1036, it was enacted that it should be lawful for the Governor or Deputy Gov-
ernor, or any two magistrates, upon special and urgent occasions. to appoint Courts,"
at other than the regular times. At the same time it was ordered that thereafter
there should be only two General Courts kept in a year," one in May and one in
October. In the case under consideration, probably the Governor deemed the occa-
sion sufficiently urgent to demand a special Court, and a new election was held ac-
cording to the law above cited, which required that Deputies be chosen before every
Court. See Massachusetts Records.-ED.
2Massachusetts Records; Winthrop. The remaining members of the Assembly
were Governor Winthrop, Deputy Governor Dudley, John Endicott, John Humfrey,
Richard Bellingham, Roger Harlakenden, Israel Stoughton, Simon Bradstreet, and
Increase Nowell, Assistants, and thirty-one Deputies. The House that was dis-
solved in September had twenty-six Deputies, of whom but cleven were in this new
House. Mr. Atherton Hough was one who was left out, though he was a magistrate
two years before. John and Isaac Heath, John Johnson, Thomas Lynde, Nicholas
Danforth, William Spencer, Samuel Appleton, Joseph Metcalf, John Upham and
Thomas Gardner, were also of those they left out.*
These and such like proceedings caused the removal of Mr. William Blaxton
about this time, He was a minister in the church of England, but came early to this
*According to the printed records of this former Court, it had twenty-seven Deputies. The name
of John Heath is not among them. It is proper to remark, however, that the printed records are not
infallible.-Ed.
68
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
tion, and now justifying himself and his former practice, being the dis-
turbance of the civil peace, he is by the Court disfrauchised and banished,
having fourteen days to settle his affairs.
Mr. Johu Coggshall being convented for disturbing the public peace,
was disfranchised, and enjoined not to speak anything to disturb the public
peace, upon pain of banishment.
Mr. William Aspinwall being convented for having his hand to a peti-
tion or remonstrance, being a seditious libel, and justifying the same,
for which and for his insolent and turbulent carriage, he is disfranchised
and banished, putting in sureties for his departure before the end of the first
month next ensuing.
Mrs. Hutchinson, the wife of Mr. William Hutchinson, being convented
for traducing the ministers and their ministry in this country, she declared
voluntarily her revelations were the ground, and that she should be deliv-
ered, and the Court ruined with their posterity, and hereupon was banish-
ed; and the meanwhile was committed to Mr. Joseph Weld, until the
Court shall dispose of her.
Captain Underhill, and two sergeants, were put from office
and disfranchised, one of the sergeants being fined forty
pounds the other twenty pounds. Four men more were disfran-
chised for having their hands to said petition, one of whom
was William Dyer, afterward the first Secretary of Rhode
Island colony. Ten men retracted their signing that remon-
strance, and were forgiven. Then upon the 20th of No-
vember the court passed the following sentence:-
Whereas the opinions and revelations of Mr. Wheelwright and Mrs.
country. It appears by Johnson's History, p. 20, that he was here in 1628, but not
agreeing with Mr. Endicott and others about church affairs, he betook himself to
agriculture. He had planted himself upon the neck of land where Boston stands,
which from him was called Blaxton's Point, when the Massachusetts company first
arrived with their charter. At a Court in Boston, April 1, 1633, they made him a
grant of fifty acres of land near his house there. Massachusetts Records. Yet
now he said, "I came from England because I did not like the lord bishops; but I
cannot join with you, because I would not be under the lord brethren." Magnalia,
[Vol. I, p. 221.] He went and settled six miles north of Mr. Williams, near what
is now called Whipple's Bridge, in Cumberland, where he lived to old age, and used
at times to preach at Providence, and other places adjacent, and left behind him the
character of a godly and pious man. His family is extinct. He planted an orchard
near where he lived, which we are told is the first that ever bore fruit in Rhode Is-
land colony; and one hundred and forty years after, many of the trees continued to
be thrifty and fruitful.
[1637.]
MASSACHUSETTS DISARMS MEN FOR HERESY.
69
Hutchinson have seduced and led into dangerous errors many of the peo-
ple of New England, insomuch as there is just cause of suspicion that
they, as others in Germany in former times, may upon some revelation
make sudden irruption upon those that differ from them in judgment; for
prevention whereof it is ordered that all those whose names are under-
written (upon warning given at their dwelling-houses) before the 30th day
of this month of November, deliver in at Mr. Keayne's house, at Boston,
all such guns, pistols, swords, powder, shot and match, as they shall be
owners of, or have in their custody, upon pain of ten pounds for every
default to be made thereof; which arms are to be kept by Mr. Keayne till
this Court shall take further order therein. Also it is ordered, upon like
penalty of ten pounds that no man who is to render his arms by this order,
shall buy or borrow any guns, swords, pistols, powder, shot or match,
until this Court shall take further order therein.
Seventy-six men are named as being disarmed by this sen-
tence, only if any of them would acknowledge and not justify
said petition before two magistrates, they should then be
free from it.¹ Of these men fifty-eight belonged to Boston,
five to Roxbury, two to Charlestown, six to Salem, two
to Ipswich, and three to Newbury; of whom Richard
Dummer, of Newbury, had been an Assistant, and Hutch-
inson, Underhill, Aspinwall, Coggshall and Oliver, of Bos-
ton, Robert Moulton, of Salem, and others, had been
deputies.
Directly upon the foregoing act the Assembly added the
following, viz. :—
The Court being sensible of great disorders growing in this common-
wealth, through the contempts which have been of late put upon the civil
authority, and intending to provide remedy for the same in time, doth order
and decree, that whosoever shall hereafter openly or willingly defame
any court of justice, or the sentence or proceedings of the same, or any of
the magistrates or other judges of any such court, in respect of any act or
sentence therein passed, and being thereof lawfully convicted in
any Gen-
eral Court or Courts of Assistants, shall be punished for the same, by fine,
imprisonment, or disfranchisement or banishment, as the quality and
measure of the offence shall deserve; provided always, that seeing
• •
'Massachusetts Records. It appears that the Court had much difficulty afterward
with Keayne about these arms.
70
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
the best judges may err through ignorance or misinformation . . . . it is
not the intent of this Court to restrain the free use of the way of God, by
petition, &c.
A complaint being made at the same time that some min-
isters were not well maintained, the Court sent out a request,
"That the several churches will speedily enquire hereinto,
and if need be to confer together about it, and send some to
advise with this Court at the next session thereof, that some
order may be taken according to the rule of the gospel."
The effects of these proceedings we shall soon see; though,
by the way, it is proper to observe, that as Mr. Williams
had been instrumental of procuring the Narragansetts' help
against the Pequods, the several colonies sent out their
forces against them, and Governor Winthrop says, May 24,
By letters from Mr. Williams we were notified, that Capt.
Mason was gone to Saybrook with eighty English and one-
hundred Indians," &c., so that he was constantly engaged
for their good. The army was successful, the Pequods were
subdued, and I find a proposal of a day of thanksgiving
for the soldiers' return, at the General Court, August 1.
But at the same time, they say, "Mr. John Greene, of New
Providence, having spoken against the magistrates con-
temptuously, stands bound over in one hundred marks to
appear at the next Quarter Court." At that Court he was
fined twenty pounds, and committed till it was paid; though
upon a submissive petition to the General Court, September
26, he was released. He with others had resorted to Mr.
Williams's plantation, to which there was a great addition the
next spring. A new one was begun at Rhode Island; of
which take the following account.
3
Mr. John Clarke, a learned physician, who I find was
admitted a freeman at Boston, May 6, 1635, as his brother
'Massachusetts Records.
3Massachusetts Records.
4
2Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. p. 223.—Ed.
"The John Clarke who was admitted a freeman at Boston, May 6, 1635, must have
been a different person from the founder of Rhode Island plantation.
The latter
[1638.]
SETTLEMENT ON RHODE ISLAND.
71
Joseph had been the March before, seeing how things were
turned at the Court, in November, 1637, made a proposal to
his friends, for peace sake, and to enjoy the freedom of their
consciences, to remove out of that jurisdiction. The motion
was accepted, and he (being then a gentleman in his 29th
year) was requested with some others to look out for a
place. They did so; and by reason of the heat of the pre-
ceding summer, they first went northerly into that which is
now the province of New Hampshire; but the coldness of
the following winter made them incline to turn the other
way.
"So having sought the Lord for direction, they agreed
that while their vessel was passing about Cape Cod they
would cross over by land, having Long Island and Delaware
Bay in their eye, for the place of their residence." At
Providence Mr. Williams lovingly entertained them, and
being consulted about their design, readily presented two
places before them; Sowams, now called Barrington, and
Aquetneck, now Rhode Island. They being determined to
go out of the other jurisdictions, Mr. Williams, Mr. Clarke,
and two others, went to Plymouth to enquire how the case
stood, who, [those at Plymouth,] lovingly entertained them,
and let them know that they claimed Sowams, but advised
them to settle at Aquetneck, and promised that they should
be looked upon as free, and to be treated and assisted as
loving neighbors." Upon their return nineteen men incor-
writes in his "Narrative,"—"In the year '37 I left my native land, and in the ninth
month of the same, I (through mercy) arrived at Boston. I was no sooner on shore
but there appeared to me differences among them concerning the covenants, and, in
point of evidencing a man's good estate, some pressed hard for a covenant of works
and for sanctification to be the first and chief evidence; others pressed as hard for
the covenant of grace that was established upon a better foundation, and for the
evidence of the Spirit as that which is a more certain, constant and satisfactory wit-
ness.' Mass. Historical Collections, fourth series, Vol. II. p. 22, The date thus
given in the "Narrative" is verified by the fact that the difficulty on the question of
covenants, which Clarke found in the colony as soon as he was on shore, does not
seem to have arisen till 1636. See p. 63.-Ed.
A biographical notice of John Clarke will be found in Chapter VII. —ED.
72
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
porated themselves into a body politic, and chose Mr. Cod-
dington to be their judge or chief magistrate.¹
Now to take things in their order, it is to be observed,
that though Mr. Williams and a few of his friends had,
with the consent of the Narragansett sachems, been settled at
Providence near two years, yet the first deed of the place
that is extant bears date the same day with that of Aquet-
neck; and is as follows:-
2
At Nanhiggansick the 24th of the first month, commonly called March,
in the 2d year of our plantation, or planting at Mooshausick, or Provi-
dence Memorandum, that we Caunannicus and Miantinomu, the two
chief sachems of Nanhiggansick, having two years since sold unto Roger
Williams the lands and meadows upon the two fresh rivers called Moo-
shausick and Wanaskatuckett, do now by these presents establish and
confirm the bounds of those lands, from the rivers and fields of Pawtuck-
ett, the great hill of Neoterconkenitt on the northwest, and the town of
Mashapauge on the west. As also, in consideration of the many kind-
nesses and services he hath continually done for us, both for our friends of
Massachusetts, as also at Quininkticutt and Apaum, or Plymouth; we do.
freely give unto him all that land from those rivers reaching to Pautuxett
River, as also the grass and meadows upon Pautuxett River; in witness
whereof we have hereunto set our hands.
The mark of CAUNANNICUs,
The mark of || MIANTINOMU.
In presence of
The mark of † SEATAGH,
The mark of * ASSOTEMEWETT.
1639, Memorandum, 3 month 9 day, this was all again confirmed by
Miantinomu; he acknowledged this his act and hand; up the stream of
Pautuckett and Pawtuxett without limits we might have for our use of cat-
tle; witness hereof.
ROGER WILLIAMS,
BENEDICT ARNOLD.S
p. 25.]—
'Clarke's Narrative. [Mass. Historical Collections, fourth series, Vol. II. p.
Callender's Sermon. [R. I. Historical Collections, Vol. IV. pp. 83, 84.]
2The first of these rivers falls into the cove above Providence great bridge from
the north, the other from the west.
'Literally transcribed from Providence Records. Pawtucket River riseth in or
near Rutland, and runs through Leicester, Sutton, Grafton and Uxbridge, and
entering Rhode Island colony, passes between Smithfield and Cumberland, and falls
into Narragansett Bay, between Providence and Rehoboth. Pawtuxet River rises
near the borders of Connecticut, and passing through Gloucester, Scituate and
Cranston, falls into said bay, five miles south of Providence.
[1638.] DEEDS OF RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE.
73
The deed of Rhode Island was also given the same March
24, 1638; and twenty years after Mr. Williams having occa-
sion to give his testimony concerning it, says,—
I have acknowledged (and have and shall endeavor to maintain) the
rights and properties of every inhabitant of Rhode Island in peace; yet
since there is so much sound and noise of purchase and purchasers, I
judge it not unseasonable to declare the rise and bottom of the planting of
Rhode Island in the fountain of it. It was not price nor money that could
have purchased Rhode Island. Rhode Island was obtained by love; by
the love and favor which that honorable gentleman Sir Henry Vane and
myself had with that great sachem Miantinomu, about the league which I
procured between the Massachusetts English, &c., and the Narragansetts
in the Pequod war. It is true I advised a gratuity to be presented to the
sachem and the natives, and because Mr. Coddington and the rest of my
loving countrymen were to inhabit the place, and to be at the charge of the
gratuities, I drew up a writing in Mr. Coddington's name, and in the names
of such of my loving countrymen as came up with him, and put it into as
sure a form as I could at that time (amongst the Indians) for the benefit
and assurance of the present and future inhabitants of the Island. This I
mention, that as that truly noble Sir Henry Vane hath been so great an
instrument in the hand of God for procuring of this Island from the bar-
barians, as also for procuring and confirming of the charter, so it may by
all due thankful acknowledgment be remembered and recorded of us and
ours which reap and enjoy the sweet fruits of so great benefits, and such
unheard of liberties amongst us.¹
Mr. Williams having obtained the aforesaid grant of
Providence, conveyed the same to his friends by the follow-
ing instrument :—
Memorandum,
Providence, 8th of the 8th month, 1638 (so called.)
that I, Roger Williams, having formerly purchased of Caunannicus and
Miantinomu this our situation or plantation of New-Providence, viz., the
two fresh rivers Wanasquatuckett and Mooshausick, and the ground and
meadows thereupon; in consideration of thirty pounds received from the
inhabitants of said place, do freely and fully pass, grant and make over
equal right and power of enjoying and disposing of the same grounds and
lands unto my loving friends and neighbors, Stukely Westcoat, William
'This I copied from the original manuscript, in Mr. Williams's own hand writing,
dated Providence, 25,6, 1658 (so called)." The affair of procuring the charter we
shall hear more of anon.
74
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
•
Arnold, Thomas James, Robert Cole, John Greene, John Throckmorton,
William Harris, William Carpenter, Thomas Olney, Francis Weston,
Richard Waterman, Ezekiel Holliman, and such others as the major part
of us shall admit into the same fellowship of vote with us. As also I do
freely make and pass over equal right and power of enjoying and dispos-
ing of the lands and grounds reaching from the aforesaid rivers unto the
great river Pautuxett, with the grass and meadows thereupon, which was
so lately given and granted by the aforesaid sachems to me; witness my
hand,
ROGER WILLIAMS.¹
1
•
Those who were thus received signed the following cove-
nant, viz. :-
We whose names are here underwritten being desirous to inhabit in the
town of Providence, do promise to submit ourselves in active or passive.
obedience to all such orders or agreements as shall be made for public
good of the body in an orderly way, by the major consent of the present
inhabitants, masters of families, incorporated together into a township,
and such others whom they shall admit into the same, only in civil things.
By the records, compared with a more ample and full
deed of Mr. Williams to the town, executed December 20,
1661, which is entered there, it appears that he generously
gave the aforesaid twelve men their interest in the town
freely, and the thirty pounds were paid by the next who
were admitted, at the rate of thirty shillings a man, the
names of whom were Chad Brown, William Field, Thomas
Harris, William Wickenden, Robert Williams, Richard
Scott, William Reynolds, John Field, John Warner, Thom-
as Angell, Benedict Arnold, Joshua Winsor, Thomas Hop-
kins, Francis Weeks, &c. In the last mentioned deed,
2
'Providence Records. It seems the first deed of this tenure was lost, therefore
this was drawn as exactly as could be remembered in 1666.
Of the above men,
Olney, Weston, Westcoat, Waterman and Holliman, did not depart the Massachu-
setts colony till April, 1638. Massachusetts Records. They, with Throckmorton,
came from Salem. Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 421, [371], and records afore-
said. Weston had been a deputy in court.
2Of these I find Williams (brother to Mr. Roger) among the Massachusetts free-
men, but no more of their names upon those records. Perhaps most of them might
have newly arrived; for Governor Winthrop assures us that not less than three thou-
sand arrived this year in twenty ships; and Mr. Hubbard tells us that those who in-
clined to Baptist principles went to Providence; others went to Newport. Seven of
the first twelve, with Angell, I suppose began the settlement with Mr. Williams in
1636.
[1638.]
DEED OF PROVIDENCE.
75
after referring to the former ones, and expressing that the
sachems' deed was two years after his first purchase, he
more fully explains the nature and motives of those trans-
actions. Says he,—
Notwithstanding I had the frequent promise of Miantinomu, my kind
friend, that it should not be land that I should want about those bounds.
mentioned, provided that I satisfied the Indians there inhabiting, I having
made covenant of peaceable neighborhood with all the sachems and natives
round about us, and having, in a sense of God's merciful providence unto
me in my distress, called the place PROVIDENCE, I desired it might be for
a shelter for persons distressed for conscience; I then considering the con-
dition of divers of my distressed countrymen, I communicated my said
purchase unto my loving friends, John Throckmorton and others, who then
desired to take shelter here with me. And whereas by God's merci-
ful assistance I was the procurer of the purchase, not by money nor pay-
ment, the natives being so shy and jealous that money could not do it, but
by that language, acquaintance and favor with the natives, and other
advantages which it pleased God to give me; and also bore the charges
and venture of all the gratuities which I gave to the great sachems, and
other sachems and natives round about us, and lay engaged for a loving
and peaceable neighborhood with them, to my great charge and travel; it
was therefore thought by some loving friends that I should receive some
consideration and gratuity.
Thus, after mentioning the said thirty pounds, and saying,
"This sum I received, in love to my friends, and with respect
to a town and place of succor for the distressed as aforesaid,
I do acknowledge the said sum and payment a full satisfac-
⚫tion; he went on in full and strong terms to confirm those
lands to said inhabitants; reserving no more to himself and
his heirs than an equal share with the rest; his wife also
signing the deed.
I trust the reader will excuse the length of this account,
when he considers that these were the foundations of a now
flourishing colony, which was laid upon such principles as no
other civil government had ever been, as we know of, since
antichrist's first appearance; "and ROGER WILLIAMS justly
claims the honor of having been the first legislator in the
76
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
world, in its latter ages, that fully and effectually provided
for and established a free, full and absolute LIBERTY OF CON-
SCIENCE"
•
'History of Providence. [Mass. Historical Collections, Second Series, Vol. IX,
p. 190.] Massachusetts was so far from favoring this cause, that the General Court
of March 12, 1638, passed this act, viz.: "Whereas a letter was sent unto this Court,
subscribed by John Greene, dated from New Providence, and brought by one of that
company, wherein the Court is charged with usurping the power of Christ over the
churches and men's consciences, notwithstanding he had formerly acknowledged his
fault in such speeches by him before used; it is now ordered, that the said John
Greene shall not come into this jurisdiction, upon pain of imprisonment and further
censure. And because it appears to this Court that some others of the same place
are confident in the same corrupt judgment and practice, it is ordered, that if any
other of the inhabitants of the said plantation of Providence shall come within this
jurisdiction, they shall be apprehended, and brought before some of the magistrates,
and if they will not disclaim the said corrupt opinion and censure, they shall be
commanded presently to depart, and if such persons shall after be found within this
jurisdiction they shall be imprisoned, and punished as the Court shall see cause."
Massachusetts Records.
Lamentable case indeed! that none of the inhabitants of that infant plantation,
who were not able to send out shipping themselves, might go into the colony which
was the only place where many of the necessaries as well as comforts of life were
to be obtained by them; but they must either be exposed to dissemble, or to suffer
imprisonment, if not worse; for how could they honestly declare that the Massa-
chusetts did not usurp a power over men's consciences?-B.
•
We cannot forbear to add the oft-quoted tribute paid to Roger Williams by the
historian Bancroft:-"He was the first person in modern Christendom to assert in
its plenitude the doctrine of the liberty of conscience, the equality of opinions be-
fore the law; and in its defence he was the harbinger of Milton, the precurser and
the superior of Jeremy Taylor. For Taylor limited his toleration to a few Christian
sects; the philanthrophy of Williams compassed the earth. Taylor favored partial
reform, commended lenity, argued for forbearance, and entered a special plea in be-
half of each tolerable sect; Williams would permit persecution of no opinion, of
no religion, leaving heresy unharmed by law, and orthodoxy unprotected by the ter-¸
rors of penal statutes. We praise the man who first analyzed the air, or re-
solved water into its elements, or drew the lightning from the clouds, even though
the discoveries may have been as much the fruits of time as of genius. A moral
principle has a much wider and nearer influence on human happiness; nor can any
discovery of truth be of more direct benefit to society, than that which establishes
a perpetual religious peace, and spreads tranquillity through every community and
every bosom. If Copernicus is held in perpetual reverence, because, on his death-
bed, he published to the world that the sun is the centre of our system; if the name
of Kepler is preserved in the annals of human excellence for his sagacity in detect-
ing the laws of the planetary motion; if the genius of Newton has been almost
adored for dissecting a ray of light, and weighing heavenly bodies in a balance,—
let there be for the name of Roger Williams, at least some humble place among
those who have advanced moral science and made themselves the benefactors of
mankind." Vol. I, pp. 375-377.— Ed.
[1638.]
CIVIL COMPACT AT RHODE ISLAND.
7777
None might have a voice in government in this new plan-
tation, who would not allow this liberty. Hence about this
time I find the following town act, viz.: "It was agreed that
Joshua Verin, upon breach of covenant, or restraining lib-
erty of conscience, shall be withheld from the liberty of
voting till he shall declare the contrary.' It appears from
Mr. Hubbard, that the way in which he restrained that lib-
erty was, in not letting his wife go to Mr. Williams's meet-
ing so often as she was called for. Verin soon removed to
Barbadoes, and left his interest in Providence in such a state
as has caused much trouble since.
We will now turn to the affairs of the Rhode Island peo-
ple, who, on March 7, 1638, signed the following instru-
ment:
We whose names are underwritten do swear solemnly, in the presence
of Jehovah, to incorporate ourselves into a body politic, and as he shall
help us, will submit our persons, lives and estates, unto our Lord Jesus
Christ, the King of kings, and Lord of lords, and to all those most perfect
and absolute laws of his, given us in his holy word of truth, to be guided
and judged thereby.
THOMAS SAVAGE,
WILLIAM DYRE,
WILLIAM FREEborne,
PHILIP SHERMAN,
JOHN WALKER,
RICHARD CARDER,
WILLIAM BAULSTONE,
EDWARD HUTCHINSON, Sen.,
HENRY BULL,
RANDAL HOLlden,
WILLIAM CODDINGTON,
JOHN CLARKE,
WILLIAM HUTCHINSON,
JOHN COGGSHALL,
WILLIAM ASPINWALL,
SAMUEL WILBore,
JOHN PORTER,
EDWARD HUTCHINSON, Jun.,
JOHN SANFORD¹.”
'Colony Records. Of these William Hutchinson died on the island; the other
Hutchinsons, Aspinwall and Savage, went back, got reconciled. and were promoted
in the Massachusetts colony afterward. Near all the others were considerably pro-
noted afterward in Rhode Island colony, and have posterity still remaining there.
All but two of the above nineteen men were disarmed by the sentence of November
20, 1637, viz.: Messrs. Coddington and Holden. Messrs. Coddington, Coggshall,
Baulston, E. Hutchinson, Wilbore, Porter, Bull, Sherman, Freeborne and Carder,
were all excluded or driven out of the Massachusetts colony by an act of their As-
sembly, on March 12, 1638, in these words, viz. :—-
"Whereas you have desired and obtained license to remove yourselves and your
78
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
เ
This was doubtless in their view a better plan than any
of the others had laid, as they were to be governed by the
perfect laws of Christ. But the question is, how a civil
polity could be so governed, when he never erected any such
state under the gospel? As much as they had been against
the legal covenant, yet they now went back to the first or-
der of government after Israel came into Canaan, and to imi-
tate it chose Mr. Coddington their judge, and Messrs. Nicholas
Easton, J. Coggshall, and William Brenton, elders to assist
him. This form continued, till, on March 12, 1640, they
altered it, and chose Mr. Coddington Governor, Mr. Bren-
ton Deputy Governor, and Messrs. Easton, Coggshall, Wil-
liam Hutchinson, and John Porter, Assistants, Robert Jef-
fries Treasurer, and William Dyre Secretary, which form
continued till they received a charter.
Before we proceed further upon their affairs, it may be
families out of this jurisdiction, and for that information hath been given to the
Court, that your intent is only to withdraw yourselves for a season, that you may
avoid the censure of the Court, for some things that may be objected against you;
the Court doth therefore signify unto you that you may depart according to the li-
cense given you, so as your families be removed before the next General Court.
But if your families be not so removed, then you are to appear at the next Court, to
abide the further order of the Court herein." Mr. Nicholas Easton, of Newbury,
who went to Newport, and Messrs. Francis Weston, Richard Waterman, Thomas
Olney, and Stukely Westcoat, of Salem, who went to Providence, were also in-
cluded in this sentence. Beside these there were William Lytherland, Robert Hard-
ng, John Briggs, George Barden, John Odlin, Richard Wayte, and others that were
disarmed at Boston, who removed into this colony, and have left a respectful re-
membrance therein.-B,
Massachusetts Records, as published, give the name of but one Edward Hutchin-
son among those disarmed.—ED.
On page 71, the number of these signers is given, according to the above list and
that in the printed Colony Records of Rhode Island, as nineteen. In the first edi-
tion it was printed eighteen, but the table of errata at the close of volume first di-
rected the change. In his Abridgment, Backus gives but eighteen names, omitting
from this list that of Randal Holden. In this he agrees with Callender in his Cen-
tury Sermon and Hopkins in his History of Providence. Arnold, in his History of
Rhode Island, (Vol. I, p. 124,) explains the discrepancy.
"Holden's name is sep-
arated from the others by a line. He is believed to be one not concerned in the
purchase, as his name and that of Roger Williams are signed as witnesses to the
deed. There were eighteen original proprietors and nineteen signers of the com-
pact."-ED.
[1638.]
RELIGIOUS COMPULSION AT MASSACHUSETTS.
79
proper to observe, that the Assembly, who met at Boston,
September 6, 1638, made the two following laws:-
1. Whereas it is found by sad experience, that divers persons, who have
been justly cast out of some of the churches, do profanely contemn the same
sacred and dreadful ordinance, by presenting themselves over-boldly in other
assemblies, and speaking lightly of their censures, to the great offence and
grief of God's people, and encouragement of evil-minded persons to con-
temn the said ordinance; it is therefore ordered, that whosoever shall stand
excommunicated for the space of six months, without laboring what in him
or her lieth to be restored, such person shall be presented to the Court of
Assistants, and there proceeded with by fine, imprisonment, bauishment, or
further, for the good behavior, as their contempt and obstinacy upon full
hearing shall deserve.
2. The Court taking into consideration the necessity of an equal contri-
bution to all common charges in towns, and observing that the chief occa-
sion of the defect herein arises hence, that many of those who are not free-
men, nor members of any church, do take advantage thereby to withdraw
their help, in such voluntary contributions as are in use; it is therefore
hereby declared, that every inhabitant in any town is liable to contribute to
all charges both in church and commonwealth whereof he doth or may re-
ceive benefit; and withal it is also ordered, that every such inhabitant who
shall not voluntarily contribute proportionably to his ability with other free-
men of the same town, to all common charges, as well for upholding the
ordinances in the churches as otherwise, shall be compelled thereto by
assessment and distress, to be levied by the constable or other officer of the
town, as in other cases¹.
Here, my dear countrymen, let us make a little pause.
Not long since, in the presence of a number of gentlemen,
mention was made of the former persecutions in New Eng-
land, upon which one of their legislators arose and said, "It
is monstrous cruelty and injustice, thus to rake up the ashes.
of our good fathers, and to reproach their children there-
with, when we never think of those transactions without
grief and abhorrence!" If so, why are those deeds imitated
by our present rulers? And why do the people love to have
it so? Certainly the support of good order and government
in the church is of greater importance than ministers'
maintenance; and to vindicate the methods then taken to
'Massachusetts Records.
80
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
support the former of these, Mr. Cotton brought that plain
text, "Thou shalt surely kill him, because he hath sought
to thrust thee away from the Lord thy God;" and, said he,
"This reason is of moral, that is, of universal and perpetual
equity." But I never heard any man say so of that other
text, "Thou shalt give it me now, and if not, I will take it
by force," which is the most like the practice of many in
this generation of anything that I could ever find in our
Bible. Governor Winthrop informs us, that the next May
after the above laws were passed, Mr. Cotton, in preaching
from Heb. viii. 8, taught "that when magistrates are forced
to proceed for the maintenance of ministers, &c., then the
churches are in a declining state. Here he shewed that the
ministers' maintenance should be by voluntary contribution."
But the law to impower their executive court to punish ex-
communicates, for disregarding the churches' authority, was
repealed the next fall, while that to maintain ministers by
assessment and distress was continued in full force. Their
practice upon it in Watertown moved Nathaniel Briscoe to
write a book against it, the consequence of which was, that
he was brought before the Quarter Court, at Boston, March
7, 1643, and fined ten pounds. "John Stowers, for reading
of divers offensive passages (before company) out of a book,
against the officers and church of Watertown, and for mak-
ing disturbance there, was fined forty shillings." This sev-
erity brought Briscoe to a public acknowledgment, and then
his fine was remitted to forty shillings, "and that to be
taken." The ministers thus left it to the secular arm to
convince him, and said, "his arguments were not worth the
answering; for he that shall deny the exerting of the civil
power, to provide for the comfortable subsistence of them
that preach the gospel, fuste potius erudiendus, quam argu-
mento, as they say of them that are wont, negare principia,
let him that is taught communicate to him that teacheth in
'Bloody Tenet washed, p. 67.
2Massachusetts Records.
[1638.]
GROUND OF MINISTERIAL SUPPORT.
81
all good things,¹ that is, he that shall deny such an exertion
of power, is rather to be taught by a cudgel than argument,
as they say of them who are wont to deny first principles.
But let us take heed that we are not imposed upon, by a
confounding of two things together, which are as distinct
in their nature as light and darkness, namely duty itself, and
the right way of enforcing it. The duty of offering daily
or continual thanksgivings to our great Creator, and of a
liberal communication to Christ's ministers and members,
are both called sacrifices to God, in Heb. xiii., and why do
our rulers neglect to enforce the daily exercise of family
worship, by the same sword as they do ministers' mainte-
nance? Is not God's honor of greater concernment than
men's livings! A college was founded this year in New-
town, and for that reason the place was called Cambridge; and
the importance of receiving learning at that or like places, to
qualify men for the ministry, has been much insisted upon
ever since; and those who have not been educated at such
places have commonly been called laymen.
And among
the many reflections that have been cast upon them, one is,
that they often beg the question in argument. But who are
guilty of this mean sort of conduct now? The question
between us is not, whether it be the duty of those who are
taught to communicate unto their teachers or not; but it is,
whether that duty ought to be enforced by the sword, or
only by instruction, persuasion and good example? And
what have learned ministers ever done towards proving their
side of the question better than begging?
The great events of this year have taken up considerable
room, yet I must request a place for a few articles more,
that will affect the following part of our history.2
'Hubbard. [412.] Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 427. [377.]
2Mr. Hansard Knollys came over in the spring of this year, who was ordained by
the Bishop of Peterborough, June 29, 1629; but he says, "About the year 1636 I
was prosecuted in the High Commission Court, by virtue of a warrant, wherewith
I was apprehended in Boston (in Lincolnshire) and kept a prisoner in the man's
6
82
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
;
On June 5, Uncas, the sachem of the Mohegan Indians,
"having entertained some of the Pequods, came to the
Governor at Boston with a present, and was much dejected
because at first it was not accepted; but afterward, the
house who served the warrant upon me. But God helped me to convince him, and
he was so greatly terrified in his conscience, that he set open his doors, and let me
go away! but before I went, I tarried so long in London, waiting for a passage,
that when I went abroad I had but just six brass farthings left, and no silver nor
gold, only my wife had five pounds that I knew not of, which she gave me when we
came there. By the way, my little child died with convulsion fits, our beer and
water stank, our biscuit was molded and rotten, and our cheese also, so that we suf-
fered much hardship, being twelve weeks in our passage; but God was gracious to
us and led us safe through the great deeps: and ere we went on shore came one
and enquired for me, and told me a friend that was gone from Boston to Rhode
Island had left me his house to sojourn in, and to which we went, and two families
more with us, who went suddenly to their friends and other relations in the country;
and I being very poor, was necessitated to work daily with my hoe, for the space of
almost three weeks. The magistrates were told by the ministers that I was an
antinomian, and desired they would not suffer me to abide in their patent. But
within the time limited by their law in that case, two strangers coming to Boston
from Piscataqua, hearing of me by mere accident, got me to go with them to that
plantation, and preach there, where I remained about four years, and then being
sent for back to England, by my aged father, I returned with my wife and one
child, about three years old, and she great with another. We came safe to London
on the 24th of December, 1641, in which year the massacre in Ireland broke forth,
and the next year wars broke forth in England, between King and Parliament."
See Knollys's account of his own life. He embraced the Baptist principles, gathered
a church of that persuasion in London, and used seldom to have less than a thousand
auditors. He baptised Mr. Henry Jessey, an eminent minister in that city, and
others; suffered much for religion, continued pastor of that church till he died in
London, September 19, 1691, aged 93. Crosby, [Vol. I, pp. 226-232, 311, 334-344.]
Though he was reproached as an antinomian, yet Dr. Mather says he had a re-
spectful character in the churches of this wilderness." Magnalia, B. 3, p. 7, [Vol.
I. p. 221.] After his return to England, "he suffered deeply in the cause of non-
conformity, being universally esteemed and beloved by all his brethren. Neal, Vol.
1, p. 216.-B.
To this account of Hansard Knollys it may be well to make a few additions. He
was a graduate of the University of Cambridge. For two or three years after his
admission to orders, he had charge of a parish in Humberstone, Lincoln. He then
"began to scruple the lawfulness of several ceremonies and usages of the national
church, as the surplice, the cross in baptism, the admitting wicked persons to the
Lord's Supper," &c. He resigned his living, but for several years continued preach-
ing in the established churches, refusing, however, to read the service. In 1636
he publicly joined the Dissenters. Persecuted in England he fled to America.
Forbidden at once to remain in Massachusetts he went to Piscataqua, soon after-
wards called Dover. Here he met with immediate opposition, but according to
Winthrop, (Vol. I, p. 326,) "he gathered some of the best minded into a church
[1638.]
HANSARD KNOLLYS.
83
Governor and Council being satisfied about his innocency,
they accepted it; whereupon he promised to submit to the
orders of the English, both touching the Pequods he had
received, and as concerning the differences between the
body and became their pastor." Backus says in a subsequent chapter, "Mr. Han-
sard Knollys was minister there from the spring of 1638 to the fall of 1641." The
precise character of the church it is now impossible to determine.
Benedict says,
(General History of the Baptist Denomination, p. 497.) "The church at Dover to
which Mr. Knollys officiated was probably on the mixed communion plan, as was
very common in those days in incipient movements of this kind." The church was
traduced from without and was rent with dissension within; and its pastor returned
to England. He was imprisoned in London for preaching against infant baptism.
In Suffolk, on one occasion he was stoned out of the pulpit, and on another, when
he and the congregation who had gathered to hear him were shut out of the church
and he preached to them in the church-yard, he was arrested and sent to London
again as a prisoner. He afterwards established a meeting at Great St. Helen's,
London, "where the people flocked to hear him, and he had commonly a thousand
auditors."
Mr. Knollys was a Particular or Calvanistic Baptist, and one of the signers
of the so-called Confession of 1646. He was a good scholar, especially in the
ancient languages, and, besides his ministerial labors, was almost constantly
engaged in teaching, and by this means, for the most part, gained his own support,
He lived, says Crosby, "to a good old age, and went home as a shock of wheat that
is gathered in its season," departing this life, "in a great transport of joy."
""
Winthrop calls Knollys, a "weak minister," and accuses him of slandering the
government, and holding "familistical opinions. Vol. I, pp. 291, 306, 326. Win-
throp's words were enough for the plagiarizing and narrow-minded Hubbard to repeat
and build upon, till he represents the character of Knollys as anything but what it
should be. P. 369. Savage in his edition of Winthrop, says that Knollys's history
in this country was little creditable to his morals." Vol. I, p. 292, note. There is
abundant evidence, however, not only to vindicate the character of Knollys, but to
prove him a man of extraordinary conscientiousness and piety. See Crosby, Vol.
I, pp. 226–232, 334-344. Neal's History of the Puritans, Toulmin's edition, Vol.
III, pp. 551–553.
The name of Henry Jessey, mentioned in the foregoing note of Backus, merits a
more particular notice. He was born in Yorkshire in 1601. After studying six
years at St. John's College, Cambridge, and being graduated Master of Arts, he
received episcopal ordination in 1627, and six years later became rector of a church
in his native county. The next year he was removed for nonconformity.
He soon
began preaching to a dissenting congregation in London, of which, in 1637, he
assumed the pastoral charge. Perceiving that Baptist sentiments were making
rapid progress in his congregation, Mr. Jessey was led to consider them, and after
"a diligent and impartial examination of the Holy Scriptures and antiquity” “not
without great deliberation, many prayers, and divers conferences with pious and
learned men of different persuasions," was compelled to embrace them. He was bap-
tized in 1644. The historian, Crosby, says, It proved no small honor and advan-
tage to the Baptists to have a man of such extraordinary piety and substantial
•
84
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Narragansetts and himself; and confirmed all with this com-
pliment; laying his hand upon his heart he said "this heart
is not mine, but yours; I will never believe any Indian
against the English any more;" and so he continued ever
after. Uncas was alive and well in the year 1630¹
Mr. Cotton had entertained a favorable opinion of Mrs.
Hutchinson, and when she was upon examination before the
Court that banished her, he was asked what he thought of
her revelation concerning her deliverance? He replied, "If
she doth look for deliverance from the hand of God by his
providence, and the revelation be in a word, or according to
a word, I cannot deny it." Upon which Mr. Endicott said,
"You give me satisfaction." "No, no," said Mr. Dudley,
"he gives me none at all. .. You weary me, and do not
satisfy me." Mr. Nowell said, "I think it is a devilish delu-
sion." And Governor Winthrop said, "Of all the revela-
tions that ever I heard of, I never heard the like ground laid
as is for this. The enthusiasts and Anabaptists had never
the like." Mr. Dudley added,
Mr. Dudley added, "I never saw such revela-
tions as these among Anabaptists, therefore am sorry that
Mr. Cotton should stand to justify her;" and he and others
of the Court would have brought him upon trial also, but
the Governor prevented it².
learning among them." As these words indicate, Mr. Jessey was a man of exten-
sive cultivation. The languages of the original Scriptures, and other ancient ori-
ental dialects were his especial pursuit. He began a new translation of the Bible,
in which he was assisted by some of the most eminent scholars of the age. For
many years, Mr. Jessey escaped persecution, largely by reason of the respect which
all were compelled to pay to his learning; but soon after the restoration he was
imprisoned for heresy and died in confinement in 1663. See Crosby, Vol. 1, pp.
307-320.-ED.
'Winthrop, [Vol. I, pp. 265, 266.] Hubbard, [255] Mr. Hubbard dates his com-
ing in July, but I follow the Governor who acted in the affair. Uncas's headquarters
were about eight miles above the mouth of New London river, on the west side of
it. Though the Mohegans as well as other Indians, are greatly diminished, yet a
considerable body of that tribe remain there to this day. In 1741 a remarkable
work of God was wrought among them; a church of Christian Indians was after-
wards gathered, and continues there, many of whom give great evidence of true
piety. Mr. Samson Occum is of that tribe.
2Massachusetts History, Vol. II, pp. 514, 515. [443, 444.]—B.
It is perhaps too much to say, on the foundation of the report of the examination
[1638.]
DIFFICULTY WITH MR. COTTON.
85
After a year's consideration, at a public fast, December
13, 1638, Mr. Cotton
Did confess and bewail, as the churches' so his own security and credu-
lity, whereupon so many and dangerous errors had gotten up, and spread
in the churches, and went over all the particulars, and shewed how he came
to be deceived; the errors being formed, in words, so near the truth he had
preached, and the falsehood of the maintainers of them was such, as they
usually would deny to him what they had delivered to others. He acknowl-
edged that such as had been seducers of others (instancing in some of those
of Rhode Island, though he named them not) had been justly banished;
yet he said such as only had been misled, and others who had done any
thing out of misguided conscience (not being grossly evil) should be borne
withal, and first referred to the church, and if that could not heal them,
they should rather be imprisoned or fined than banished, it being likely that
no other church would receive them. . . . . If he were not convinced, yet
he was persuaded to an amicable compliance with the other ministers, by a
studious abstaining on his part from all expressions that were like to be
offensive; for although it was thought he did still retain his own sense, and
enjoy his own apprehension, in all or most of the things then controverted
(as is manifest by some expressions of his in a treatise of the new cove-
nant, since published by Mr. Thomas Allen, of Norwich) yet was there an
healing of the breach that had been between him and the rest of the eld-
ers, and a putting a stop to the course of errors in the country for the fu-
ture. . . . . By that means did that reverend and worthy minister of the
gospel recover his former splendor throughout the country of New Eng-
land¹.
in Hutchinson's History, that the Court would have brought Mr. Cotton upon trial
but for the Governor. That which most nearly accords with this statement is the
following:-
DEPUTY GOVERNOR. "I never saw such revelations as these among the Anabap-
tists, therefore am sorry that Mr. Cotton should stand to justify her."
.
Mr. PETERS. I can say the same, and this runs to enthusiasm, and I think that
is very disputable which our brother Cotton hath spoken."
Mr. COLLICUT. It is a great burden to us that we differ from Mr. Cotton, and
that he should justify these revelations. I would entreat him to answer concerning
that about the destruction of England."
GOVERNOR." Mr. Cotton is not called to answer to anything, but we are to deal
with the party here standing before us." Ibid.-ED.
Winthrop, [Vol. I, p. 280]-Hubbard, [297, 302.] Roger Harlakenden, one of
the magistrates, died at Cambridge, November 17. this year. Winthrop, [Vol. I,
p. 277.] Near the same time a church was gathered at Exeter, on Piscataqua river,
and soon after Mr. Wheelwright, at his and their request, was dismissed with others
to it, from the church of Boston, and became their minister. Hubbard. These facts
help to discover the spirit of those times.
86
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
t
This year, upon an occurrence, Governor Winthrop wrote
to Mr. Clarke at Aquetneck, and styled him, " A physician
"A
and a preacher to those of that island."
We are now come to an event which has made much
noise in the world, I mean Mr. Williams's baptism. The
reader may remember that he was charged with advancing
principles at Plymouth that tended to anabaptism, and that
he filled Salem therewith; and could he have found an
agreeable administrator, it is not likely that he would have
neglected the putting of this principle into practice so long
as he did. At length, being in such a state of exile in a
heathen land, it is probable he concluded that the case about
baptism, which Mr. Robinson recites, was applicable to
theirs, which is in these words:-
Zanchy, upon the fifth to the Ephesians, treating of baptism, propounds
a question of a Turk coming to the knowledge of Christ, and to faith, by
reading the New Testament, and withal teaching his family, and convert-
ing it and others to Christ; and being in a country whence he cannot easily
come to Christian churches, whether he may baptize them, whom he had
converted to Christ, he himself being unbaptized? He answers, I doubt
not of it but that he may, and withal provide, that he himself be baptized
of one of the three converted by him. The reason he gives is, because he
is a minister of the word extraordinarily stirred up of Christ. And so as
such a minister may, with the consent of that small church, appoint one of
the communicants, and provide that he be baptized by him.¹
Mr. Williams took such a method, with only this differ-
ence, that one of the community was first appointed to bap-
tize him, and then he baptized the rest; for Mr. Hubbard
says, he "was baptized by one Holliman, then Mr. Williams
'Robinson's answer to Bernard, p. 422. [447 ]
2
2This is the Ezekiel Holliman mentioned on page 74. We should not deem it
needful to notice this, if an error in Cramp's Baptist History, pp. 461, 594, had not
given the name, Thomas. As has been stated, (p. 74, note.) Holliman did not leave
Massachusetts till 1638. In the Records of the General Court for that year are the
words, “Ezekiel Holliman, appearing upon summons, because he did not frequent
the public assemblies, and for seducing many, he was referred by the Court to the
ministers for conviction." He seems to have been a leading man in Providence
and afterwards in Warwick, and held various positions of trust.—ED.
[1639.]
BAPTISM OF ROGER WILLIAMS.
87
rebaptized him, and some ten more." With this Governor
Winthrop agrees, and sets the date of it in March, 1639.
The Governor called Holliman a poor man, and Hubbard
styles him a mean fellow; but after the year 1650, I find
him more than once a deputy from the town of Warwick in
their General Court. The above gentlemen represent that
Mrs. Hutchinson's sister, the wife of one Scott, stirred Mr.
Williams up to this action; though afterward Mr. Hubbard
does not pretend to certainty as to that, and says it was diffi-
cult for one to give an exact account of their religious affairs
in that colony, that did not live among them. It is certain
that he and the Governor were both mistaken in calling
"those of Providence all Anabaptists;" for it appears from
under Mr. Williams's own hand, seventeen years after, that
Arnold and Carpenter, two of the first twelve, were not
such;¹ neither have I met with any proof that Gorton, Wes-
ton or Waterman, who went to Warwick, were ever of that
denomination.2
'Massachusetts History, Vol. 3, p. 277. [310.]-B.
The document here referred to, is a letter from Roger Williams to the colony of
Massachusetts Bay, complaining that, under the name of that colony, four persons
in Pawtuxet were obstructing all law and order in the Providence Plantations.
Massachusetts is especially appealed to in reference to two of the four. One,
Stephen Arnold, was manifesting a better spirit, and desired to be uniform" with
those in Providence, "Zecharie Rhodes" says the letter, "being in the way of
dipping, is (potentially) banished from you. Only William Arnold and William
Carpenter, very far also in religion from you if you know all, they have some
color," that is, some pretext of protection from Massachusetts. It is a fair infer-
ence that Arnold and Carpenter were not Baptists.—ED.
"This Baptist Church at Providence appears to be the second distinct society of
that denomination in all the British empire. There had been many of them inter-
mixed with other societies from their first coming out of popery, but the first dis-
tinct church in our nation was formed out of the Independent church in London,
whereof Mr. Henry Jacob was pastor from 1616 to 1624, when he went to Vir-
ginia, and Mr. John Lothrop was chosen in his room. Prince's Chronology, [225.]
But nine years after, "several persons in the society, finding that the congregation
kept not to their first principles of separation, and being also convinced that baptism
was not to be administered to infants, but such only as professed faith in Christ,
desired and obtained liberty, and formed themselves into a distinct church, Sept. 12,
1633, having Mr. John Spilsbury for their minister. A second Baptist church was
constituted in London this year, but I believe later in the year than ours at Provi-
dence. Crosby's History, Vol. 1, pp. 148, 149. Mr. Lothrop came over to Boston in
88
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Before this time Mr. Peters had become minister of Salem,
and he wrote to the church of Dorchester on July 1, this
year, to acquaint them that their "great censure" was past
upon Roger Williams and his wife, John Throgmorton and
his wife, Thomas Olney and his wife, Stukely Westcoat and
his wife, Mary Holliman, and the widow Reeves, and that
all but two of these were rebaptized.
Besides the above men, we are well informed that William
Wickenden, Chad Brown, and Gregory Dexter, were of this
Baptist church in Providence, and in 1765, Governor Hop-
kins, who is not a Baptist, said, "This first church of Bap-
tists at Providence hath from its beginning kept itself in
repute, and maintained its discipline to this day; hath
always been, and still is, a numerous congregation, and in
which I have with pleasure observed very lately sundry
descendants from each of the above named founders, except
Holliman." It seems he removed away.
I am sensible that this testimony is very different from the
accounts of many New England historians, who represent
that the church soon broke up, because Mr. Williams did
not walk long with it. His stop in that travel Governor
1634, was minister a while at Scituate, and then at Barnstable. Winthrop, [Vol.
I, pp. 143, 144.] Prince, [225.]—B.
Crosby states that the church "commonly but most falsely called Anabaptists,"
which John Smith had founded in Holland, removed in 1614, with their pastor, Mr.
Helwisse, to London, "where they continued their church state and assemblies for
worship as publicly as the evil of the times would permit.." Vol. I, pp. 271, 272.
Mr. Helwisse and his church were General Baptists, as is proved by their Confes-
sion of Faith; (Hansard Knollys Society, Confessions of Faith, &c., pp. 3-10,)
though Crosby not having seen their Confession of Faith when he wrote his first
volume, supposed them to be Particular Baptists. Crosby, Vol. I, pp. 270, 271.
Taylor in his History of the English General Baptists, quoted by Guild, (Biographi-
cal Introduction to the writings of Roger Williams, Publications of the Narragan-
sett Club, vol. I, p. 36, note,) "states that they formed distinct societies and had
regular church officers twenty-five years prior" to the date of the founding of Mr.
Spilsbury's church. That this was the first Particular Baptist church in the Brit-
ish empire may be true.-Ed.
421. [371.]
'Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 421.
"History of Providence. Olney and Dexter were much improved in their day in
public offices in the colony.
[1639.]
WILLIAMS LEAVES THE CHURCH.
89
Winthrop mentions in July following; and Richard Scott,
who afterward turned to the Quakers, says,-
I walked with him in the Baptists' way about three or four months, in
which time he brake from the society, and declared at large the ground
and reasons of it; that their baptism could not be right because it was not
administered by an apostle. After that he set upon a way of seeking
(with two or three of them that had dissented with him) by way of preach-
ing and praying; and there he continued a year or two, till two of the
three left him. That which took most with him was to get honor amongst
men. After his society and he in a church way were parted, he then went
to England, and there got a charter; and coming from Boston to Provi-
dence, at Seaconk, the neighbors of Providence met him with fourteen
canoes, and carried him to Providence. And the man being hemmed in
the middle of the canoes, was so elevated and transported out of himself,
that I was condemned in myself, that amongst the rest I had been an
instrument to set him up in his pride and folly. .. . . Though he professed
liberty of consience, and was so zealous for it at the first coming home of
the charter, that nothing in government must be acted till that was granted;
yet he could be the forwardest in their government to prosecute against
those that could not join with him in it; as witness his presenting of it to
the Court at Newport.¹
At
Thus Quakers, as well as pædobaptists, could cast out
hard reflections against him; whether justly or not, the
reader, when he has heard the whole story will judge.
present I would only remark, that this man had been Mr.
Williams's neighbor thirty-eight years when he wrote this
letter, and the spirit of it fully proves that he was not pre-
judiced at all in his or the Baptists' favor; yet the facts
according to him were, that but two or three persons went
off with Mr. Williams, leaving the rest in a church way
still; neither does he say a word of Mr. Williams's expect-
ing to be an apostle himself. Indeed as to that point, Mr.
Hubbard goes no further than to say, "expecting (as was
supposed) to become an apostle ;" and Governor Winthrop
has the same parenthesis; so that it was no more than
a suppostion in that day; but a late historian has delivered
'Scott's letter in George Fox's answer to Williams, 1677, p. 247.
1
90
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
it off as fact, without the parenthesis; and Dr. Mather from
his grandfather Cotton, says, they "broke forth into anabap-
tism, and then to antibaptism and familism, and now finally
into no church at all. Such naked untruths have one gene-
ration after another told about these people!
succession he could not find.
An evident cause of Mr. Williams's refraining from a
farther proceeding in church ordinances, was an apprehen-
sion of the necessity of a visible succession of regular
ordinations from the apostles, to empower men to it, which
Yet how fond are many min-
isters in our day of this successive notion? A minister's
preaching upon it was vindicated in the Boston Evening
Post of May 9, 1774, which informs us that the preacher
said,—“ God the Father sent forth the Son; he sent forth
the apostles as the Father sent him; they sent forth others,
with command to commit these things to faithful men. And
the preacher said that Christ had never committed this
power (to put into office) to any but such as were in office;
and consequently no other had a power to put out of office."
But I am not afraid boldly to assert, that I verily believe,
according to this doctrine, that there is not a minister this
day under heaven but what must stop from administering
baptism, as Mr. Williams did, if he is as honest as he was.
A minister in Connecticut a few years ago published a pam-
phlet to support the above opinion; wherein, to get over
the difficulty that arises for want of any proof of such a
lineal succession, he observed that none under the law were
to be priests but the lawful posterity of Aaron, yet suppos-
ing a bastard son of that family should have posterity, in so
long a succession that the knowledge of his illegitimacy
was lost, he asserted that such priests might well be admit
ted into office with others. According to which doctrine,
knowledge must be very detrimental to such priests, and
ignorance must be the mother of such devotion. The min-
'Magnalia, B. 7, p. 9. [Vol. II, p. 433.]
[1639.]
APOSTOLIC SUCCESSION.
91
ister who published said pamphlet is a trustee of Yale
College; and likely he is better acquainted with philosophy
and school divinity than he is with his Bible, or else he
would have known that Ezra the priest, a scribe of the law
of the God of heaven (in distinction from earthly gods)
refused to admit or suffer men upon negatives; and such as
sought but could not find "their register," were, "as pol-
luted, put from the priesthood." Ezra ii. 62. And if we
review the text¹ that is now so much harped upon, we shall
find that the apostolic succession is in the line of "faithful
men;" and no others are truly in it, though false brethren
have sometimes crept in unawares.
Mr. John Spilsbury, pastor of the first Baptist church in
London, says,-
Because some think to shut up the ordinance of God in such a strait,
that none can come by it but through the authority of the popedom of
Rome; let the reader consider who baptized John the Baptist before he
baptized others, and if no man did, then whether he did not baptize others,
he himself being unbaptized. We are taught by this what to do on the
like occasions. I fear men put more than is of right due to it, that so pre-
fer it above the church, and all other ordinances; for they can assume and
erect a church, take in and cast out members, elect and ordain officers, and
administer the supper, and all anew, without looking after succession, any
further than the Scriptures; but as for baptism, they must have that suc-
cessively from the apostles, though it comes through the hands of Pope
Joan. What is the cause of this, that men can do all from the Word but
only baptism ?2
The learned Mr. John Tombes also in that day produced
the foregoing passage from Zanchy, for the same purpose
that I have now done³.
I would just add, that though the express rule to Israel
was, that every male must needs be circumcised at eight days
old, or be cut off from his people, yet this general rule was
so far dispensed with in a particular case, that circumcision
'II Tim. ii. 2.-ED.
'Crosby, Vol. I, pp. 103, 104.
Crosby, Vol. I, pp. 104, 105.
3
92
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
was omitted forty years in the wilderness; and multitudes of
them stood before God, and entered into or renewed their
father Abraham's covenant in the plains of Moab, who yet
were not circumcised till after they came over Jordan.
Deut. xxix.; Joshua v. 4-7. But the Christian church
had been through a worse wilderness than that of Arabia,
between the apostolic age and that we are now treating of;
therefore that ancient example seems to give light in the case
before us.
Mr. Pelatiah Mason, who was born near Providence Ferry
in 1669, told his sons (three of whom are now public
preachers in Swanzey) that he heard from the fathers of that
day, that in the trial they then had, they heard that the
Queen of Hungary, or some in those parts, had a register
of a regular succession from the apostles, and they had
thoughts of sending Mr. Thomas Olney (who succeeded Mr.
Williams as their pastor) into that country for it; but at
length concluded that such a course was not expedient, but
believing they were now got into the right way, determined.
to persevere therein.
Mr. Hubbard speaking of that colony says:-
As to matters of religion, it was hard to give an exact account to the
world of their proceedings therein, by any who have not been conversant
with them from the beginning of their plantations; yet this was commonly
said by all that ever had any occasion to be among them, that they always
agreed in this principle, that no man or company of men ought to be mo-
lested by the civil power upon the account of religion, or for any opinion
received or practiced in any matter of that nature; accounting it no small
part of their happiness that they may therein be left to their own liberty ;
by which means the inhabitants are of many different persuasions. But
what tendency that liberty had, by so long experience, towards the pro-
moting of the power of godliness, and purity of religion, they are best able
to judge that have had occasion to be most conversant amongst them'.
By this and many other passages, that learned writer, as
well as Governor Winthrop, discovered more candor of mind
'Hubbard, pp. 335, 336.-Ev.
[1639.]
PUNISHMENTS ON ACCOUNT OF RELIGION.
93
toward Mr. Williams and Rhode Island colony, than almost
any other of the Massachusetts writers have ever done, first
or last. Mr. Hubbard says, that at Rhode Island "they
gathered a church, but in a very disordered way; taking in
some excommunicate persons, and others which were mem-
bers of the church of Boston, but not dismissed; yet
had they afterwards one Mr. Clarke for their minister, who
had been bred to learning."
At the General Court at Boston, March 13, 1639, acts
were passed as follows:-
John Smith for disturbing the public peace, by combining with others to
hinder the orderly gathering of a church at Weymouth, and to set up
another there, contrary to the orders here established, and the constant
practice of all our churches, and for undue procuring the hands of many
to a blank for that purpose, is fined twenty pounds and committed during
the pleasure of the Court or the Council.
Richard Silvester, for going with Smith to get hands to a blank, was
disfranchised and fined forty shillings.
Ambrose Morton, [Marten], for calling the church covenant a stinking
carriou, and a human invention, and saying he wondered at God's patience,
feared it would end in the sharp, and said the ministers did dethrone Christ
and set up themselves; he was fined ten pounds and counselled to go to
Mr. Mather to be instructed by him.¹ Thomas Mackpeace, because of
his novel disposition, was informed we were weary of him unless he re-
formed.2
The fourth of the 2d month was thought fit for a day of humiliation,
to seek the face of God, and reconciliation with him by our Lord Jesus
Christ in all the churches. Novelties, oppression, atheism, excess, super-
fluity, idleness, contempt of authority, and troubles in other parts, to be
remembered.
Mr. Robert Lenthal, upon his free acknowledgment under his hand,
given into the Court, was appointed to appear at the next Court, and
enjoined to acknowledge his fault and give satisfaction to the church at
'Mr. Richard Mather, of Dorchester.
2With this deserves to be quoted a record of the next Court, Dec. 1, 1640 :—“Mr.
Thomas Lechford, acknowledging that he had overshot himself and is sorry for it,
promising to attend to his calling and not to meddle with controversies, was dis-
missed."-ED.
94
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
!
Weymouth, and to give a copy of that he gave into the Court to the church
of Weymouth,¹
John Smith and John Spur are bound in forty pounds to pay twenty
pounds the first day of the next Court.2
Mr. Lenthal went to Rhode Island, was admitted a free-
man there on August 6, 1640; and he kept school and
preached there for a while, but before March, 1642, went
back to England. The first settlement of the island began
the same spring they purchased it; the second the spring
after; the latter of which was named Newport, on May 16,
1639; the other was called Portsmouth, at a General Court,
March 12, 1640.
At a General Court at Boston, October, 7, 1640, the follow-
ing was enacted :-
3
It is ordered, that the letter lately sent to the Governor by Mr. Eaton,
Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Haynes, Mr. Coddingtou, and Mr. Brenton, but coming
also to the General Court, shall be thus answered by the Governor, that
the Court doth assent to all the propositions laid down in the aforesaid
letter, but that the answer shall be directed to Mr. Eaton, Mr. Hopkins and
Mr. Haynes only, excluding Mr. Coddington and Mr. Brenton, as men not
to be capitulated withal by us, either for themselves or the people of the
island where they inhabit, as their case staudeth.¹
'Mr. Lenthal was a minister whom the people of Weymouth had invited to visit
them with the purpose of calling him to become their pastor. Winthrop, Vol. I, p
287.-ED.
2Massachusetts Records.
Their crime was this, Mr. Lenthal held, "that only
baptism was the door of entrance into the visible church; the common sort of peo-
ple did eagerly embrace his opinion, and some labored to get such a church on
foot, as all baptized ones might communicate in, without any further trial of them.
For this end they procured many hands in Weymouth to a blank, intending to have
Mr. Lenthal's advice to the form of the call. . . . . Mr. Lenthal, having before con-
ferred with some of the magistrates and ministers, did openly and freely retract.
So the Court forbore any further censure, though it was much urged by
some." Ilubbard, [275.] The next Court, Smith was fined five pounds more for
contempt; but upon making his submission, and presenting his money, he got re-
leased by paying fifteen pounds. Massachusetts Records.-B.
In
This was not the last time that John Spur was called to suffer as a Baptist.
Chap. IV. we shall find him sentenced to pay a fine of forty shillings or to be
whipped for the crime of shaking hands with Obadiah Holmes as the latter came
from the whipping post.-ED.
"The published Records read, "but concerning also the General Court.”—ED.
4Massachusetts Records. They at this Court granted to Mr. John Winthrop,
junior, all their right to Fisher's Island, which still belongs to his posterity.
[1640.]
MR. CHAUNCY RENOUNCES INFANT BAPTISM.
95
Eaton was of New Haven, the other of Connecticut, which
had no more of a charter from England than Rhode Island
had; therefore it was a difference about religious affairs that
caused this partiality.
Our neighbors of Plymouth had procured from hence' this year one Mr.
Chauncy, a great scholar and a godly man, intending to call him to the
office of a teacher; but before the fit time came, he discovered his judg-
ment about baptism, that the children ought to be dipped, and not sprinkled.
... There arose much trouble about it. The magistrates and the elders
there, and the most of the people, withstood the reviving [receiving] of
that practice, not for itself so much as for fear of worse consequences; as
the annihilating our baptism, &c. Whereupon the church there wrote to
all the other churches, both here and at Connecticut, &c. for advice, and
sent Mr. Chauncy's arguments. The churches took them into considera-
tion, and wrote [their] several answers, wherein they shewed their dissent
from him, and clearly confuted all his arguments; yet he could not
give over his opinion; and the church of Plymouth, . . . . being much
taken with his able parts, were very loth to part with him. He did main-
tain also that the Lord's Supper ought to be administered in the evening,
and every Lord's day. And the church at Sandwich (where one Mr. Lev-
eridge was minister) fell into the practice of it. But that being a matter
of no great ill cousequence, save some outward inconvenience, there was
little stir about it. This Mr. Chauncy was after called to office in the
church of Scituate².
.
At a Quarter Court at Boston, December 1, it is re-
corded:-
The jury found Hugh Buet to be guilty of heresy, and that his person
and errors are dangerous for infection of others. It is ordered that the
said Hugh Buet should be gone out of our jurisdiction by the 24th present,
upon pain of death, and not to return upon pain of being hanged.
This is the first instance that I find upon the Massachu-
setts records of banishment for heresy upon this penalty.
Two years before they banished three persons at once, on
pain of death, for adultery. The records give no account of
what Buct's heresy was, but Governor Winthrop says, it was
'England.-Ed.
*Winthrop's Journal, [Vol. I, pp. 330, 331.]
96
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
"for holding he was free from original sin, and from actual
also, for half a year before, and for holding that true Chris-
tians are enabled to live without committing actual sin'.'
""
The learned and pious Mr. Henry Dunstar came over this
summer, and on August 27, was chosen President of Har-
vard College, which flourished under his care and influence.
fourteen years; till having openly renounced infant baptism,
such a temper was manifested against him on that account,
that he resigned that office". About this time it appears.
by Mr. Hooker's letters, that many inclined toward the Bap-
tist way, and he expressed his apprehensions that the num-
ber would increase; which it seems moved him to "resolve
that he would have an argument able to remove a mountain
before he would recede from " infant baptism. This resolu-
tion Mr. Mitchell, thirteen years after, adopted from him, as
a shield against Mr. Dunstar's arguments.
The estate of Mr. Humphry, one of their magistrates, be-
ing much impaired, he sold his plantation at Lynn to the
Lady Moody, and returned to England. She soon embraced
the Baptist principles, and suffered therefor. And divers of
those at Aquidneck turned professed Anabaptists'. Mr.
Hubbard says:-
6
'Winthrop's Journal, Vol. II, p. 19. Buet removed to Providence, and for many
years was well known and honored there. He was one of the Commissioners for
Providence, General Sergeant of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Solic-
itor General, and held other offices. Backus has further occasion to mention him,
and spells his name as he himself spelled it, Bewit.-ED.
2Magnalia, B. 4, pp. 127, 128. [Vol. II, p. 10.]
3Massachusetts IIistory, Vol. I, p. 227. [208.]
'Mitchell's Life, p. 70.-B.
Magnalia, B. 4, Vol. II, p. 79. After quoting with evident approval this resolu-
tion of Hooker and Mitchell, on the next page Mather speaks of those who were
troubled by the "hydrophobie of anabaptism," and who could only reply to the ar-
guments against them, "Say what you will, we will hold our mind." For those on
the one side to refuse to be convinced by reasonable argument he seems to have re-
garded as wisdom, for those on the other, as madness.-ED.
"Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 15. [21.]-B.
See further notice of Lady Moody near the close of this chapter.-ED.
"On page, this name is spelled Aquetneck. Other writers give it in still differ-
ent forms.-ED.
"Winthrop, [Vol. II, p. 38.]
1
[1641.]
AFFAIRS AT RHODE ISLAND.
used to teach at Newport.
97
He maintained,
Nicholas Easton
that man had no power nor will in himself, but as he was acted by God;
and seeing that God filled all things, Lothing could be or move but by him,
and so must needs be the author of sin, and that a Christian is united to
the essence of God. Being shewed what blasphemous consequences would
follow therefrom, they seemed to abhor the consequences, but still defended
the position. . . . . Mr. Coddington, Mr. Coggshall, and some others,
joined with Nicholas Easton in those delusions; but their minister, Mr.
Clarke, and Mr. Lenthal, and Mr. Harding, with some others, dissented
and publicly opposed; whereby it grew to such a heat of contention that
it made a schism amongst them.¹
1
Mr. Coddington and Mr. Easton afterward joined the
Quakers. Mr. Clarke and his friends formed the first Bap-
tist church on Rhode Island.
In June this year the General Assembly of the Massa-
chusetts sent to Plymouth to know why they might not take
Seekonk into their jurisdiction. They tried for it about
three years, till the commissioners of the United Colonies
confirmed it to Plymouth.
At a Quarter Court at Boston, September 7, Mr. William
Collins, a man of learning, who had married Mrs. Hutchin-
son's daughter, being "found a seducer," and Francis Hutch-
inson, for calling the church of Boston "a whore," &c., were
both fined and banished upon pain of death.2 About two
years after, they were both killed by the Indians, with their
mother Hutchinson, near New York. It is evident that the
planters of Rhode Island did not at first see into the true
nature and grounds of liberty of conscience, but their As-
sembly at Portsmouth, March 16, 1641, passed an act for
that purpose, which on the 17th of September following was
confirmed as a perpetual law. And at an Assembly in New-
port, September 19, 1642, they appointed Messrs. Codding-
ton, Brenton, Easton, Coggshall, Baulston, Porter, Dyer,
'Hubbard, p. 343.—B.
As usual, he borrows almost word for word from Winthrop. See Vol. II, pp. 40,
41. Nicholas Easton was five years Governor at Rhode Island.-ED.
2Massachusetts Records.
7
98
•
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Clarke, Harding and Jeffries, a committee to improve the
first and best opportunity that presented to send home for a
charter, and to write to Sir Henry Vane to solicit his assist-
ance and influence in the design. They accordingly sent
over by Mr. Williams, and obtained their request; though
in the mean time a most dreadful broil broke out, and pre-
vailed to a terrible degree among them, of which take the
following account:
Samuel Gorton, a man of learning from London, arrived
at Boston in 1636, and doubtless had a considerable hand in
the mystical disputes that then embroiled the Massachusetts
colony. From thence he went to Plymouth, where he treated
their pastor Mr. Smith in such a manner, as caused the au-
thority to take him in hand, and require bonds of him for
his good behavior. This occasioned his departure to Rhode
Island, where such a difficulty arose, that by Mr. Codding-
ton's order he was imprisoned and whipped. From thence
he came to Providence, where he was kindly treated by Mr.
Williams and others; and he and his friends sat down at
Pawtuxet, now called Cranston. I find by the records that
Mr. Gorton bought half of Robert Cole's interest there on
January 10, 1641. And as the Court at Newport in March
following disfranchised Richard Carder, Randal Holden,
Sampson Shatton, and Robert Potter, they and John Wickes,
who had followed Gorton¹ from Plymouth, came and formed
'In Winthrop's Journal, Vol. II, p. 58, note, Mr. Savage quotes from an anony-
mous correspondent as follows:-" It does not appear that he [Samuel Gorton] was
ever a freeholder or freeman of Rhode Island, though 20th, 4th, 1638, he was ad-
mitted an inhabitant. In March, 1642, Randal Holden, Richard Carder, and others,
were disfranchised the Island. These, Backus says, followed Gorton to Newport
from Plymouth, though Carder and Holden were two of the original purchasers of
the Island, and both signed the original deed of incorporation. Holden, with Roger
Williams, witnessed the deed to Coddington, etc., dated 24th, 1st month, 1637. I
mention these facts to show how easy it is to write carelessly about men whom we
hate or despise." Mr. Savage's correspondent, though described as an inquisitive
antiquary," was most unfortunate in these investigations. A glance at the words of
Backus will show that they do not necessarily state that Carder, Holden, &c., but
only that John Wickes followed Gorton; and this is undoubtedly their meaning.
The Rhode Island Records, in a list of those admitted as inhabitants at Newport in
$
[1642.]
GORTON'S SETTLEMENT.
99
a considerable party at Pawtuxet. Such a contention was
raised between them and the former inhabitants, that "they
came armed into the field, each against the other; but Mr.
Williams pacified them for the present. This caused the
weaker party to write a letter to the Massachusetts rulers,
complaining of the wrong they suffered, desiring aid, or if
not, counsel from them. They answered them, that they
could not levy war without a General Court. For counsel
they told them, that except they would submit to some juris-
diction (Plymouth, or theirs) they had no calling or warrant
to interpose in their contentions, but if they would submit
to any, then they had a call to protect them." How differ-
ent was the temper here discovered, from that of the pious
Mr. Williams? He was ever ready wherever he came to ex-
ert all his influence to make peace so far as he could with a
good conscience, but the Court at Boston seemed willing to
play one party against another, till all would submit to their
power. Gorton took a like method to defend himself
against them; the consequence of which was terrible in-
deed; the true state thereof I shall give with all the ex-
actness I can.
William Arnold, Robert Cole, William Carpenter, and
Benedict Arnold of Pawtuxet, went to the General Assem-
bly at Boston, September 3, 1642, and submitted themselves
and their lands to that government. At the same time Mr.
Leveret and Edward Hutchinson were sent to Miantinomu
to demand satisfaction of him, and first to tell him "of credi-
able information received, partly by relation of the Indians
1638, give the name of Samuel Gorton, with the date 20th, 3d, not 20th, 4th, as
stated in the above quotation; and next after him the name of John Wickes, with
the date 20th, 4th, so that, as Backus states, Wickes followed Gorton. It is well
nigh certain, too, that our unknown writer is in error in stating that Holden was one
of the original purchasers of Rhode Island. See p. 78, note, and Arnold's History
of Rhode Island, Vol. I, p. 124. Backus, in this case at least, did not write care-
lessly about men whom he hated or despised; and the charge comes with ill grace
from one who, in the very act of making it, crowds three errors into as many brief
sentences.-ED.
'Winthrop, [Vol. II, p. 59]; Hubbard, [343, 344.]
100
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
;
1
themselves, that they have drawn in many other sachems to
join with the Narragansetts, in making war upon the
English." Benedict Arnold and Ahauton, the Indian, were
to be their guides and interpreters. Then, October 28, a
warrant was sent from Boston to cite Gorton and his friends
to come to their Court, to answer to the complaints of
Arnold's company against them, signed by the Governor
and three Assistants. To this an answer was returned on
November 20, signed by Samuel Gorton, Randal Holden,
Robert Potter, John Wickes, John Warner, Richard Water-
man, William Woodalę, John Greene, Francis Weston,
Richard Carder, Nicholas Power, and Sampson Shatton. It
contained a long mystical paraphrase upon their warrant
and many provoking sentences against those rulers and their
ministers, and a refusal to come to them. But in order to
get out of their reach they removed and purchased Shawo-
met for a hundred and forty-four fathoms of wampum, and
obtained a deed of it, signed by Miantinomu, Pumham, and
others, on January 12, 1643. John Greene had received a
deed of an island, neck of land and meadow, called Ocupas-
sutuxet Cove, dated October 1, 1642, signed by Miantinomu
and Socononco,2
The General Court at Boston, May 10, 1643, appointed
Messrs. Atherton and Tomlyns, with William Arnold to
speak with Messrs. Greene, Warner, and their company.
On June 22, through Benedict Arnold's influence and assist-
ance, Pumham, sachem of Shawomet, and Socanocho, sachem
of Pawtuxet, signed at Boston a submission of their persons
and lands to that government; and Arnold was allowed four
pounds for his pains. Governor Winthrop tells us that
3
'Hubbard, [447.] Massachusetts Records.
"Gorton's Defence, [59.] Callender [89, 90.] Colony Records. The hundred and
forty-four fathoms of peag it is said was computed at forty pounds sixteen shillings.
sterling. Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 118, [113.]
Massachusetts Records. The colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecti-
cut and New Haven, by their commissioners, signed articles of confederation
together for mutual assistance and defence on May 19, 1643, from whence they were
called the United Colonies.
[1643.] DIFFICULTY WITH Gorton and THE INDIANS.
GORTON
101
they had two or three hundred men under them. The plea
for this action was, that Gorton's company and Miantinomu
had oppressed these sachems, and wronged them of
their lands. Pumham said he was forced to sign the deed,
but would take none of the pay. The Governor, with
another magistrate, wrote to Shawomet people about it;
and also to Miantinomu, and he came down and met said
sachems at Boston, where they were forced to confess that
they had sometimes sent him presents, and had aided him in
his wars against the Pequods; yet they and Arnold would
have it, that they were as free sachems as he was, because
their people paid tribute to them. So the Court received
them (as is before noted) under their protection. We are
told that before this, Gorton and his company had sent a
writing of four sheets "full of reproaches against the magis-
trates, ministers and churches, and stuffed likewise with
absurd familistial stuff, and wherein they justified the pur-
chase of the sachem's lands, and professed to maintain it to
the death."1
Miantinomu had already seen Uncas, a warlike sachem to
the west of him, putting himself and his people under the
protection of the English; and he was accused of hiring a
young Pequod to murder Uncas, but he brought the young
man with him, who told the Court that Uncas cut his own
arm with a flint, and then charged him to report that Mian-
tinomu had hired him to murder him. But upon private
examination, the Court were persuaded the young man was
guilty, and advised Miantinomu to send him to Uncas; but
instead of doing it, he cut off his head by the way, as he
returned home." What followed till his own death, we have
recorded by Governor Winthrop, in a more distinct and clear
light than has ever been published. I shall therefore give
it to the reader in his own words :-
August. Oukus being provoked by Sequassion, a sachem of Connecti-
cut (who would not be persuaded by the magistrates there to a reconcilia-
2Johnson, pp. 182-184.
'Hubbard, [405.]
102
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
•
tion) made war upon him, and slew divers of his men, and burnt up his
wigwams; whereupon Miautinomu, being his kinsman, took offence against
Onkus, and went with near one thousand men, and set upon Onkus before
he could be provided for defence; for he had not then with him above
three or four hundred men. But it pleased God to give Oakus the vic-
tory, after he had killed about thirty of the Narragansetts, and wounded
many more; and among these, two of Canonicus's sons, and a brother of
Miantinomu, who' fled, but having on a coat of mail he was easily over-
taken, which two of his captains perceiving, they laid hold of him and
carried him to Oukus, hoping thereby to procure their own pardon. But
so soon as they came to Onkus he slew them presently; and Miantinomu
standing mute, he demanded of him, why he would not speak?" If you had
taken me," (saith he) "I would have besought you for my life." The
news of Miantinomu's, captivity coming to Providence, Gorton and his
company ... wrote a letter to Onkus, willing him to deliver their friend
Miantinomu, and threatened him with the power of the English if he
refused. Upon this Oakus carries Miantinomu to Hartford to take advice
of the magistrates there; and, at Miantinomu's earnest entreaty, he left
him with them, yet as a prisoner. They kept him under guard, but used
him very courteously. So he continued till the commissioners of the United
Colonies met at Boston,³ who, taking into serious consideration what was
safest and best to be done, were all of opinion that it would not be safe to
set him at liberty; neither had we sufficient ground for us to put him to
death. In this difficulty we called in five of the most judicious elders (it
being in the time of the general assembly of the elders) and propounding
the case to them, they all agreed that he ought to be put to death. Upon
this concurrence we enjoined secresy upon ourselves and them, lest if it should
come to the notice of the Narragansetts, they might attempt somewhat
against Hartford for this reason, or might set upon the commissioners, &c.,
upon their return, to take some of them to redeem him (as Miantinomu
himself had told Mr. Haynes had been in consultation amongst them) and
agreed that upon the return of the commissioners to Hartford, they should
send for Oukus, and tell him our determination, that Miautinomu should be
delivered to him again, aud he should put him to death so soon as he came
within his own jurisdiction, and that the English should go along with
him to see the execution. And if any Indiaus should invade him for it,
we would send men to defend him. If Oukus should refuse to do it, then
Miantinomu should be sent in a pinnance to Boston, there to be kept until
further consideration.
'Miantinomu.-ED.
2Johnson calls it a Corslet, and both he and Hubbard say he had it of Gorton.
In September.
"Savage reads "two" in place of "the," and is probably correct.-ED.
[1643.]
MURDER OF MIANTINOMU.
103
"The reasons of this proceeding with him were these:-1. It was now
clearly discovered to us that there was a general conspiracy among the
Indians to cut off all the English, and that Miantinomu was the head and
contriver of it. 2. He was of a turbulent and proud spirit, and would
never be at rest. 3. Although he had promised us in the open Court to
send the Pequod to Onkus, who had shot him in the arm, with intent to
have killed him (which was by the procurement of Miantinomu, as did
probably appear) yet in his way homeward he killed him. 4. He beat one
of Pumham's men, and took away his wampum, and then bid him go and
complain to the Massachusetts. According to this agreement the commis-
sioners, at their return to Connecticut, sent for Onkus, and acquainted him
herewith, who readily undertook the execution; and taking Miantinomu
along with him, in the way between Hartford and Windsor (where Onkus
hath some men dwell) Oakus's brother following after Miantinomu, clave
his head with an hatchet, some English being present. And that the
Indians might know that the English did approve of it, they sent twelve
or fourteen musqueteers home with Oukus to abide a time with him, for
his defence, if need should be.¹
1
Alas! when good men get into an evil path, where will it
carry them? The next news we hear is as follows. Sep-
tember 12,² the General Court sent a warrant to require
Gorton and his company to come to Boston, 'to answer the
Indians' complaints against them. To which they sent a
verbal answer, that they were out of that jurisdiction, and
would own subjection to none but the government of Old
England. Upon which the Court wrote the 19th, informing
them that they intended to send commissioners to seek
to right these things among them.3 The commissioners
were, Captain George Cook, Humphrey Atherton, and
Edward Johnson, who were sent, with forty able men
to attend them, which had authority and order to bring
Samuel Gorton and his company, if they should not give
'Winthrop, [Vol. II, pp. 130–134.]
66
In the published Records the date of this warrant is given, September 7.-ED.
3Gorton's Defence, [p. 97.]—B.
This reference to Gorton's Defence and those that follow are to Staples's edition,
Collections of the R. I. Historical Society, Vol. II. The exact words here referred
to are these :—This you may rest assured of; that if you will make good your own
offer to us of doing us right, our people shall return and leave you in peace, otherwise
we must right ourselves and our people by force of arms."—ED.
M
104 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
$
}
them satisfaction." A Sergeant Major-General was ap-
pointed in the colony, and the country put into a posture.
of war. "They of Aquidneck" were "granted to buy a
barrel of powder, provided Lieutenant Morris give caution
that it be employed for the defence of the island, by the
advice of the Governor and Deputy." It was ordered "that
the deputies should acquaint the elders, to desire them in
special manner to commend this undertaking to God."
A large committee of magistrates and deputies was
appointed in the recess of the General Court, "not know-
ing," say they," what may fall out, concerning the expedi-
tion now on foot against Samuel Gorton, and the rest of that
company.
It was ordered "that Pumham and Sochonoco should have
each of them, lent them a fowling piece, and Benedict
Arnold hath liberty to supply them with shot as he sees
occasion."1
Hearing of their coming, Gorton's company sent a letter
to meet them, dated September 28, to let them know, that if
they came in a way of loving neighborhood, they were wel-
come; but if with a band of soldiers, they charged them
not to set foot on their land at their peril.2 The commission-
ers wrote a reply, signifying their great desire of having con-
versation with them, with hope of reclaiming them from
'Massachusetts Records.-B.
•
•
This enactment was passed at a later session of the Court, October 17.-ED.
"If you come to treat with us .. shaking a rod over our heads, in a band of
soldiers, be you assured, we have passed our childhood and nonage in that point,
and are under commission of the great God not to be children in understandings,
neither in courage, but quit to ourselves as men. We straitly charge you therefore,
hereby, that you set not a foot upon our lands in any hostile way, but upon your
If you
peril; and that if any blood be shed, upon your own heads shall it be.
spread a table before us as friends, we sit not as mere invective, envious or malcon-
tent, not touching a morsel nor looking for you to point us unto our dish; but we
eat with you by virtue of the unfeigned law of relations, not only to satisfy our
stomachs but to increase friendship and love, the end of feasting. So also, if you
visit us as combatants or warriors, by the same law of relations, we as freely and
cheerfully answer you unto death." Extract from the letter of the " owners and
inhabitants in Shawomet," "to certain men styled Commissioners, sent from the
Massachusetts." Gorton's Defence, p. 99.-ED.
[1643.]
GORTON AND HIS COMPANY ARRESTED.
105
their errors; but if that. could not be done, that they should
then "look upon them as men prepared for slaughter, and
accordingly should address themselves with all convenient
speed;" which we may well suppose was very surprising
to their wives and children, and it is said it scattered them
and occasioned some their deaths.2 Some of the people of
Providence went with those commissioners and soldiers, and
procured a parley with Shawomet men, who demanded the
reason of this proceeding; to which the others answered,
that they had done wrong to certain of their subjects, and
also held blasphemous errors. Shawomet men offered to
appeal to England, but that was refused; then they offered
to leave the controversy to indifferent men in this country.
This appeared so reasonable that a truce was agreed upon,
till they could send to Boston to know the mind of the Court
upon it. Accordingly, Chad Brown, Thomas Olney, Wil-
liam Field, and William Wickenden of Providence, wrote a
letter to persuade the rulers of Massachusetts to comply
with this proposal. But an answer was returned, dated
October 3, refusing any such thing. After this those men
were seized and forcibly carried to Boston, where the Gen
eral Court by adjournment met October 17, when the accu-
sation following was exhibited, viz. :—
3
The charge of the prisoners, Samuel Gorton and his company.
Upou much examination and serious considerations of your writings,
with your answers about them, we do charge you to be a blasphemous
It is our great desire that we might speak with them concerning the particu-
lars which we were sent to them about; certainly persuading ourselves that we
shall be able through the Lord's help, to convince some of them at least of the evil
of their way and cause them to divert their course, that so doing they may preserve
their lives and liberties, which otherwise must lead to the eternal ruin of them and
theirs..... But if there be no way of turning them, we then shall look upon
them as men prepared for slaughter, and accordingly shall address ourselves with
all convenient speed, not doubting of the Lord's presence with us, being clear in
the way we are in." Extract from the letter of the Commissioners to John Peise,
messenger from those at Shawomet. Gorton's Defence, p. 101.--ED.
Two women are named as having died in consequence to the exposure incident
to their flight; and others are said to have suffered severe physical injury. Gor-
ton's Defence, p. 102.—E».
Gorton's Defence, [pp. 103-111.]
#
106
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
enemy of the true religion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and his holy ordinan-
ces, and also of all civil authority among the people of God, and particu-
larly in this jurisdiction.
It is ordered that Samuel Gorton shall be confined to Charlestown, there
to be set on work, and to wear such bolts or irous as may hinder his
escape, and to continue during the pleasure of the Court; provided that if
he shall break his said confinement, or shall in the mean time, either by
speech or writing, publish, declare or maintain any of the blasphemous or
abominable heresies wherewith he hath been charged by the General
Court, contained in either of the two books sent unto us by him or Randal
Holden; or shall reproach or reprove the churches of our Lord Jesus
Christ in these United Colonies, or the civil government, or the public ordi-
nances of God therein (unless it be by answer to some question pro-
pounded to him, or conference with auy elder, or with any other licensed
to speak with him privately under the hand of one of the Assistants) that
immediately upon accusation of any such writing or speech, he shall, by
such Assistant, to whom such accusation shall be brought, be committed to
prison till the next Court of Assistants, then and there to be tried by a
jury, whether he hath so spoken or written, and upon conviction thereof
shall be condemned to death and executed. Dated the third of the ninth
month, 1643.
A like sentence was passed, by which John Wickes was
confined to Ipswich, Randal Holden to Salem, Robert Por-
ter to Rowley, Richard Carder to Roxbury, Francis Weston
to Dorchester, and John Warner to Boston; all on the same.
penalty with Gorton. William Woodale was confiued to
Watertown during the pleasure of the Court, and if he
escaped to be punished as they see meet. Further:-
It is ordered, that all such cattle of Samuel Gorton, John Greene,¹ &c.,
as have been or shall be seized upon, for such satisfaction of charges as
the country hath been put unto, by sending and fetching them in, and
other charges about the trial in the Court, and expense in the prison or
otherwise, shall be appraised and sold to the most advantage, and disposed
of accordingly, and the overplus to be reserved, by the treasurer for their
maintenance. .. If any of them will not do such work as they may,
and as shall be appointed them, they are to be left to shift as they may.
•
'I can't find that Greene was carried now to Boston.
found to be an ignorant young man.—
.-B.
Hubbard says Woodale was
Staples says that Greene" escaped entirely," running from the house when the
commissioners came to apprehend him.
Gorton's Defence, p. 137, note.-ED.
[1644.]
SENTENCE OF GORTON AND HIS COMPANY.
107
Richard Waterman is dismissed for the present, so that what is taken of bis,
is to go toward payment of the charge, and the rest of his estate is bound
in one hundred pounds that he shall appear at the General Court the third
month, and not depart without license, and to submit to the order of the
Court.
Nicholas Power appearing, and denying that he set his hand to the first
book, was dismissed with an admouition.
For appraising the cattle brought from Providence, the prisoners have
liberty to name two, Robert Turner and the scldiers two, and the Court
one. The prisoners refusing, the Court, Robert Turner, and the soldiers,
chose Mr. Colbron, John Jephson and William Parks.¹
The whole of the aforesaid charges were adjudged to
amount to an hundred and sixty pounds. They were
detained through the winter under the above sentence; "but
finding that they could not keep them from seducing others,
nor yet bring them to any sight of their folly and wickedness,
the General Court (March 7, 1644,) sent them away."2 Ah,
sent them away sure enough! it was with the words follow-
ing, viz.:-
It is ordered that Samuel Gorton and the rest of that company, who now
stand confined, shall be set at liberty, provided that if they or any of them
shall, after fourteen days after such enlargement, come within any part of
our jurisdiction, either in the Massachusetts, or in or near Providence, or
any of the lands of Pumham and Socopocho, or elsewhere within our
jurisdiction, then such person or persons shall be apprehended, wheresoever
they may be taken, and shall suffer death by course of law; provided also,
that during all their continuance in our bounds inhabiting for the said time
of fourteen days, they shall be still bound to the rest of the articles of
their former confinement, upon the penalty therein expressed.3
Such a way of treating our fellow servants as this, will
doubtless appear very surprising to the present generation;
'Massachusetts Records. Nicholas Power and many of his posterity have been of
good note among the Baptists in Providence. Hubbard says he was released "freely,
for that he was in his master's house."
Hubbard, [407].—B.
Hubbard is almost the last man in whose behalf one need enter a complaint of
injustice, but a wrong impression seems to be conveyed by quoting from him only
the above fragment. His sentence ends with the words, ―sent them away with
this caution, that they should not come into any place where the said Court had
jurisdiction, upon pain of death.”—ED.
"Massachusetts Records.
108
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
and many will be ready to say, How was it possible for any,
if they had been endowed with the least spark of Chris-
tianity, or even humanity, to treat their neighbors as those
rulers did? Let Captain Johnson, who was one of the three
commissioners that took them, answer the question; says
he:
That holy man of God, Mr. John Cotton. among many others, hath
diligently searched for the Lord's mind herein, and hath declared some
sudden blow to be given to this blood-thirsty monster [the man of sin] but
the Lord Jesus Christ hath inseparably joined the time, means and manner
of this work together; and therefore all men that expect the day (of his fall)
must attend the means.¹
And speaking of Gorton and his company, he says
To be sure there be them in New England that have Christ Jesus and
his blessed ordinances in such esteem, that, the Lord assisting, they had
rather lose their lives, then suffer them to be thus blasphemed, if they can
help it; and whereas some have favored them, and endeavored to bring
under blame such as have been zealous against their abominable doctrines,
the good God be favorable unto them, and prevent them from coming
under the like blame with Ahab; yet they remain in their old way, and
there is somewhat to be considered in it to be sure, that in these days, when
all look for the fall of antichrist, such detestable doctrines should be upheld,
and persons suffered, that exceed the beast himself for blasphemy, and this
to be done by those that would be counted reformers, and such as seek the
utter subversion of autichrist.2
This plain account of the reasons and motives they acted
upon, takes off the edge in some measure of Gorton's keen
satire upon them, which he wrote from Warwick, Sept. 16,
1656, to the first Quakers that were imprisoned in Boston,
saying,-
I marvel what manner of God your adversaries trust in, who is so fear-
ful of being infected with error, or how they think they shall escape the
wiles and power of the devil, when the arm of flesh fails them, whereby
they seek to defend themselves for the present; sure they think their God
will be grown to more power and care over them, in and after death, or
else they will be loth to pass through it.
This remark is cutting indeed, if we leave out any con-
'Johnson's History, p. 230.
2Ibid, p. 187.
}
[1644.]
GORTON'S SENTIMENTS.
109
sideration of duty in the case; but if that be brought in,
then it is a presumption, and not faith, to expect protection
and support from God in a way of disregard of the means
of his appointment. Hence, the error of supposing that
God has appointed the use of secular force in religious af-
fairs, ought to bear all the blame and scandal of those cruel
proceedings; and instead of venting our resentment against
our dead fathers, let these things rouse the living to repent-
ance and reformation. Those fathers could find warrant
enough in the Old Testament for the use of force against
idolaters and blasphemers; but the use of force to collect
the priests' support was plainly censured in those times.
With what face then can those who profess to be under the
law of liberty, forcibly take a farthing from any to maintain
professed ministers of him who has said, "Freely ye have
received, freely give;" and who commanded his disciples to
shake off, and therefore not to carry away, so much as the
dust of a city or house that would not receive them!
It is likely that the reader may wish to know what Gor-
ton's sentiments really were which were so offensive. To
this. I answer, that he evidently was a man of smart capac-
ity, and of considerable learning, and when he pleased could
express his ideas as plainly as any man; but he used such a
mystical method in handling the Scriptures, and in speaking
about religion, that people are not agreed to this day what
his real sentiments were. It is so common for parties to mis-
represent the opinions of their opponents, that little regard
is paid by many to what those in Massachusetts have said
against him. I will therefore give a taste of what he pub-
lished to the world, not in a way of controversy, but of
friendly correspondence with the aforesaid prisoners at Bos-
ton. He first wrote a letter to them of the date I have given;
to which they returned an answer; then he made a reply,
October 6, 1656, wherein he gives various remarks on the
sentiments expressed in their letter, and says:-
110
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
In us a child is born, in us a son is given¹, but the government is upon
his shoulder, and he is called Wonderful, Counsellor, The mighty God, The
everlasting Father, The Prince of Peace. So that wherever this lowly and
meek spirit is, there is also the spirit of the Lion of the tribe of Judah,
and the Lord thereby shall roar out of Zion, and utter his voice from Jeru-
salem, and the heavens and the earth shall shake; but the Lord is the hope
of his people, and the strength of the children of Israel. True lowliness
of spirit, and the loftiest mind that ever was, are never separated; for
these twain are made one so as never to be separated, no more than a child
(in point of all human abilities) and the Ancient of Days shall; for as we
receive the kingdom of heaven as a little child, so we are never otherwise
in the same respect, which we know, no wisdom human, serpentine, or
upon principles proper to a creature, can ever yield unto or find out; and
therefore we are fools unto the world, being bereaved of all their principles,
in regard of any exercise of them according to their proper intent in any
of our designs.
And therefore as brute beasts are unto them, so are
they to us in the things of God.
Again he says:—
•
We conclude that the wisdom of God, though become foolishness unto
the world, yet doth it contain sufficiency of power in argument to overtop
any council, synod, synedrim or assembly, composed by human art or learn-
ing.... For as it is in that way of the devil, to propose his temptations
from the letter of the Scriptures, to subdue Christ thereby; so is there suf-
ficiency of spirit and wisdom, in the true interpretation thereof, to confound
and bring them (in the party proposing them) to nought. A Christian is
still saying, Let there be light, and it is so; he shall ever divide the light
from the darkness, and the waters that are above the firmament from the
waters that are below the outspread firmament. In a word, he is for ever
to form all things out of that ancient chaos of God and man being made
one.
Once more he says
If I witness to the Son, word, light, life, law, or peace of God, I must
witness unto the being of such a thing, that such a thing is, as also to the
manner of its being, how it comes to be such a thing, together with its
necessary and proper operations, which must inevitably accompany such a
manner of being, with the comprehensions and extensions of such opera-
tions and motion, or else I am not that faithful and true witness, the be-
ginning of the creation of God, or that head and masterpiece of his work.²
'Observe, the word of truth says, "Unto us," but this perverter of Scripture says,
"In us."
"These letters are annexed to a book he published in 1636, pp. 272–294.
[1644.]
GORTON'S SENTIMENTS.
111
These extracts from his own writings, may give the reader
some idea of his way of handling the Scriptures. Our
Saviour vanquished the tempter by appealing to what was
written, and shewing thereby that Satan perverted the text
he pretended to quote; but the lofty mind of this writer
soared so much above that method, as to say of the world
of mankind," As brute beasts are unto them, so are they
to us in the things of God." Well therefore might Mr.
Williams say, "I am no more of Master Gorton's religion
than of Master Cotton's; and yet if Master Cotton complain
of their obstinacy in their way, I cannot but impute it to
his bloody tenet and practice, which ordinarily doth give
strength, vigor, spirit and resolution to the most erroneous,
when such unrighteous and most unchristian proceedings are
exercised against them." Besides their difference about.
gospel doctrines, they evidently differed in the following
points of practice. 1. Mr. Williams used great plainness
of speech, so that his meaning was obvious to common
understandings; but Mr. Gorton's writings are not so. 2. Mr.
Williams openly stood for what he believed to be the truth,
in the face of the greatest danger; but when Mr. Gorton saw
himself greatly exposed in Boston, he explained their mysti-
cal writings in such a manner, that Governor Winthrop said
"he could agree with him in his answer, though not in their
writings."2 3. Mr. Williams set a noble example of over-
coming evil with good; but Mr. Gorton was sadly ensnared
in rendering evil for evil, and railing for railing. Though
after he had been to England, and obtained liberty to return
to and enjoy the lands they had purchased, he and sundry
of his suffering companions became very useful members of
civil society. But as corruption is ever the most dangerous.
when covered with a religious mask, it is of great import-
ance for us all to learn to distinguish between that and true
religion. Paul said to the contending Corinthians," Are ye
'Reply to Cotton, p. 123.
"Gorton's Defence, [132.]
112
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
not carnal and walk as men?" The same query may be
made concerning those contentions betwixt Gorton and his
opponents.
66
1
Those in Massachusetts professed a high regard to their
charter, when they banished Mr. Williams; but that gave
them no right to any land or government, further than three
miles south of their bay, and of every part of Charles River.
That line crosses the great post road near landlord Maxcy's,
in Attleborough, from whence to Pawtuxet river is nineteen
miles; and Shawomet is still further southward; yet we are
plainly told that Arnold and his company were received
partly to draw in the rest, either under themselves or
Plymouth. And when Gorton and his friends were got out
of Arnold's reach, two petty sachems were taken in to
found a claim upon, though it was known that Miantinomu
was so much above them, that he sold Providence and Paw-
tuxet over their heads, some years before, in which was
contained the best title that Arnold's company had to their
lands. What work then did they make, in first enticing
subjects to revolt from their prince, and then in killing him
because he was uneasy about it! Had they not been blinded
with such a zeal as the disciples had, when they were for
having fire to come down and consume the Samaritans, surely
they would not have violated the rules of justice and equity
as they did. They tried afterwards to vindicate their con-
duct by the claim of Plymouth to that land, and upon an act
of the commissioners of the United Colonies concerning it.²
But Plymouth patent extended no farther westward than
Narragansett river, and the utmost limits of Pocanokit or
Sawamset, that is Osamaquin or Massasoit's territories; and
we have before heard how they fell short of the lands in
question. Further, the commissioners pleaded, that Mianti-
nomu engaged by treaty, not to begin war with Uncas with-
out first appealing to the English; yet had broken that
'Ilubbard, [344.]
2Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 125, [117.]
'Prince's Chronology, p. 197. [269.]
[1644.]
WILLIAMS AND GORTON COMPARED.
113
agreement.¹ But a very credible writer of their own informs
us, that Miantinomu first sent his complaint to Hartford
against Uncas; and when they refused to meddle in Sequas-
tion's quarrel, he would know whether they would be
offended if he should make war upon Uncas ? And that
they left him to take his course,2 so that their case in truth
was, like that of other invaders of their neighbor's rights;
they were in danger of being awfully requited, by a man so
sensible and powerful as Miantinomu, if he was not taken
out of the way. This evil is greatly to be lamented, and
should ever stand as a solemn warning to us all, to beware of
taking one step into any course of injustice, deceit or cruelty;
for it will surely prove bitterness in the latter end.
Had Gorton been duly aware of this, he would not have
armed Miantinomu against Uncas, for no better reason, that
we know of, than because he, being a warlike prince, stood
in the way of his forming an Indian party sufficient to with-
stand or overcome the Massachusetts; which proceeding,
together with his irritating writings against their rulers and
ministers, was the evident cause of things being carried to
the dreadful extremity they were. Mr. Williams ever bore
as plain and full testimony against their persecuting any man
for matters of conscience, as Gorton could; and had a much
greater influence over the Indians than he ever had; yet he
was so far from trying to raise a heathen party against
Christians, to correct them for injuries done to himself, that
he exerted himself with great assiduity to prevent any thing
of that nature; by which he undoubtedly was the greatest
instrument of saving New England of any one man that
lived in that day, and for which his memory is and will be
blessed.
Among the reasoners of our world, some will not allow,
that men are influenced in all their voluntary actions by pre-
vious causes and motives, while others incline so much to
2Hubbard, [450.]
'Massachusetts History, Vol. III, p. 140.
8
114
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
infidelity as to represent, that the very notion of religion, or
of persons thinking that the Deity loves them better than
others, tends to make them hate and treat those ill who, as
they suppose, are not thus beloved. But as nothing teaches
like experience, let the experience of those fathers be con-
sidered, and the light which facts give in the case be
regarded, beyond all the suppositions or wrangles of dispu-
tants. Is it not evident, that those several contending parties
were influenced in all their bad actions by the same princi-
ples of ambition, avarice, deceit, and resentment, that other
men are? And is it not as evident, that those actions which
were good and praiseworthy, flowed from a hearty belief of
revealed religion, especially of free salvation by Christ
Jesus? At present we will take a view of the head men of
the three parties of Boston, Warwick and Providence.
Governor Winthrop was in such esteem in his native
country, as to be made a justice of peace at the age of eight-
een; had an estate of six or seven hundred pounds sterling
per annum; yet sold it, and spent the main of it in promot-
ing a religious settlement in this wilderness; where for all
his vast labor and pains, in settling and managing the gov-
ernment, he for some years had no stated salary, and never
had more than one hundred pounds a year; was several
times very ungratefully treated by his own people; and what
could carry him through all this with cheerfulness to the
end, but the power of religion?¹
'What his religious sentiments were, the reader may form some judgment by the
following extracts. In the first part of his administration as Governor, he said,
"In the infancy of plantations, justice should be administered with more lenity than
in a settled state; because people are more apt then to transgress partly out of
ignorance of new laws and orders, partly out of oppression of business and other
straits." But when some leading and learned men took offence at his conduct in this
matter, and upon a conference, gave it as their opinion, that a stricter discipline was
to be used in the beginning of a plantation, than after its being with more age estab-
lished and confirmed, the Governor being readier to see his own errors than other
men's, professed his purpose to endeavor their satisfaction with less lenity in his
administrations." [Magnalia, B. 2, Vol. I, pp. 110, 111.] From this we may guess at
the cause of the severities we have been treating of.
His expenses were great, and for two years he had no settled salary, yet the divine
[1644.]
CHARACTER OF GOVERNOR WINTHROP.
115
Gorton, as we have seen, had a notion that the child was
born in him and his followers, who had the government up-
on his shoulders, and he concurred with Wheelwright in
treating those who opposed their religious sentiments as en-
emies to the state; which principle evidently moved him to
precept against taking bribes, had such influence upon his mind, that when he was
the third time chosen Governor, May 8, 1632, he told the people publicly, "that he
had received gratuities from divers towns, which he received with much comfort
and content; he had also received many kindnesses from particular persons, which
he could not refuse, lest he should be accounted uncourteous, &c., but he professed
he received them with a trembling heart, in regard to God's rule, and the conscious-
ness of his own infirmity, and therefore desired that hereafter they would not take
it ill if he should refuse presents from particular persons, except the assistance of
some special friends. To which no answer was made; but he is told after, that
many good people were much grieved at it, for that he never had any allowance
toward the charge of his place." [Prince's Chronology, pp. 394, 395.]
After he had acted in banishing Mr. Wheelwright and others, many of their friends.
in Boston church, whereof he was a member, were earnest with the elders to have
the church call him forth as an offender, for passing that sentence, which he under-
standing, took occasion to make a public speech to them upon it, in which he said :-
"As for myself, I did nothing in the causes of any of the brethren, but by advice of
the elders of the church. Moreover, in the oath which I have taken there is this
clause, 'In all causes wherein you are to give your vote, you shall do as in your
judgment and conscience you shall see to be just, and for the public good.' And I
am satisfied it is most for the glory of God, and the public good, that there be such
a sentence passed; yea, those brethren are so divided from the rest of the country
in their opinions and practices that it cannot stand with the public peace for them to
continue with us; Abraham saw that Hagar and Ishmael must be sent away."
[Magnalia, B. 2, Vol. I, pp. 114, 115.]
Seven years after, upon a hot debate between the magistrates and deputies about
who should have the negative vote, Governor Winthrop wrote his mind upon it,
some passages whereof gave offence to some noted men, which he understanding,
made the following speech at the next General Court, viz. : As for the matter of
my writing, I had the concurrence of my brethren; it is a point of judgment which
is not at my own disposing. I have examined it over and over again, by such light
as God has given me, from the rules of religion, reason and custom; and I see no
cause to retract anything of it; wherefore I must enjoy my liberty in that, as you
do yourselves. But for the manner, this, and all that was blameworthy in it, was
wholly my own; and whatsoever I might allege for my own justification before
men, I waive it, as now setting myself before another judgment-seat. However,
what I wrote was upon great provocation, and to vindicate myself and others from.
great aspersion; yet that was no sufficient warrant for me to allow any distemper of
spirit in myself; and I doubt I have been too prodigal of my brethren's reputation.
I might have maintained my cause without casting any blemish upon others. When
I made that my conclusion, And now let religion and sound reason give judgment
in the case,' it looked as if I arrogated too much unto myself, and too little to others.
And when I made that profession, that I would maintain what I wrote before all
the world,' though such words might modestly be spoken, yet I perceive an unbe--
116
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
$
endeavor to raise what force he could against them, even
from among the barbarians ;
the barbarians; and also to treat them with such
a temper as he did from time to time. Even so late as the
year 1676, the very title of the book he then published
shows the spirit of it; which is exactly in these words,
viz.:-
A glass for New England, in which they may see themselves and spirits,
and, if not too late, repent and turn from their abominable ways and cursed
contrivances. By S. G.
seeming pride of my own heart breathing in them. For these failings I ask pardon
both of God and man. Ibid, [p. 115.]
Once more; when a great disturbance had been made in the colony by Dr. Child
and others, in 1646, Governor Winthrop was called to an account for his actings
against them, before a great assembly, but he was openly acquitted; upon which he
said. "Though I am justified before men, yet it may be the Lord hath seen so much
amiss in my administrations, as calls me to be humbled; and indeed for me to have
been thus charged by men, is itself a matter of humiliation, whereof I desire to
make a right use before the Lord. If Miriam's father spit in her face, she is to be
ashamed. But give me leave before you go to say something that may rectify the
opinions of many people, from whence the distempers have risen that have lately
prevailed upon the body of this people. The questions that have troubled the coun-
try have been about the authority of the magistracy, and the liberty of the people.
It is you who have called us unto this office; but being thus called, we have our au-
thority from God; it is the ordinance of God, and it hath the image of God stamped
upon it; and the contempt of it has been vindicated by God by terrible examples of
his vengeance. I entreat you to consider, that when you choose magistrates, you
take from among yourselves men subject unto like passions with yourselves. If
you see our infirmities, reflect on your own, and you will not be so severe censurers
of ours. We count him a good servant who breaks not his covenant. The cove-
nant between us and you is the oath you have taken of us, which is to this purpose,
'that we shall govern you, and judge your causes, according to God's laws, and our
own, according to our best skill.' As for our skill, you must run the hazard of that;
and if there be an error, not in the will, but in the skill, it becomes you to bear it.
Nor would I have you to mistake in the point of your own liberty. There is a lib-
erty of corrupt nature, which is affected both by men and beasts, to do what they
list; and this liberty is inconsistent with authority, impatient of all restraint; by
this liberty, sumus omnes deteriores: It is the grand enemy of truth and peace, and
all the ordinances of God are bent against it. But there is a civil, a moral, a fede-
ral liberty, which is the proper end and object of authority; it is a liberty for that only
which is just and good; for this liberty you are to stand with the hazard of your very
lives; and whatsoever crosses it, is not authority, but a distemper thereof. This lib-
erty is maintained in a way of subjection to authority; and the authority set over you,
will in all administrations for your good be quietly submitted unto, by all but such as
have a disposition to shake off the yoke, and lose their true liberty, by their mur-
muring at the honor and power of authority," Ibid. [pp. 116, 117.]
O, had it not been for the mistaken notion of using secular force in religious af-
fairs, how gloriously would this and other New England fathers have shined!
>
[1644.]
MOTIVES OF GORTON AND MASSACHUSETTS.
117
And as the Quakers were about that time accused by au-
thority of setting up their posts by God's posts, he says:-
I hope none will be so blind and ignorant as to set their posts or thresh-
olds to the devil's post, and the professors of New England's posts, viz.,
their whipping-post or gallows-post; no nor yet join their threshold to their
gaol-thresholds, nor their bride well-threshold, over which and in which pro-
fessors and talkers of God and Christ do and have hauled over lambs and
followers of Christ, and in which they crop their ears, and out of which
they bring them in their wills and madness, and banish, whip and hang
them in their blind zeal. Pp. 17, 18.
And he annexes to said book a letter to Governor Belling-
ham, dated from Boston prison June 15, 1667, written by
John Tyso, a Quaker, who speaks of it as a great error in
Dr. Increase Mather to say, "there was nothing in him that
he hoped to be saved by, and that there was none cleansed
from all sin on this side the grave." P. 35. Gorton like-
wise speaking of Wheelwright's being first called before the
General Court for his sermon, at their session in March,
1637, tells us that Mr. Cotton then said :-
Brother Wheelwright's doctrine was according to God, in the point con-
troverted, and wholly and altogether; and nothing did I hear alleged
against the doctrine proved by the word of God. .... But, [says G.]
that which is most to be lamented, is that those which once had a good
testimony in their hearts and mouths for God, and his light and spiritual
appearance; and they not being faithful and constant to that which is made
manifest and committed to them, it has even happened to them according
to the saying of the Lord God, by the mouth of his prophet, that "in the
day in which a righteous man turns from his righteousness, and doth
wickedly, all the righteousness that he hath done shall be forgotten, and in
the sin which he hath sinned he shall surely die the death." Pp. 6, 7.
Now is it not evident, that the Massachusetts were moved
by the same unreasonable principle of grasping at power
and gain that belonged not to them, in their dealings with
Gorton, as operates in other men, though it went under a
cloak of religion? And is it not as evident that he was
moved with self-conceit, and carnal wit and resentment, in
his carriage towards them, notwithstanding all his talk of
118
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
the child's being born in him, and of a creating power" for
ever to form all things out of that ancient chaos of God and
man being made one!" Neither of these things can hurt
the truth and excellency of the Christian religion, any more
than the self confidence, rashness and dissimulation of Peter
did on the one hand, or the blasphemy of Hymeneus and
Alexander on the other. Though some would have it, that
Mr. Williams, after his banishment, left revealed religion,
and took to the exercise of reason and humanity, in distinc-
tion from it, yet his own testimony is exceeding clear to the
contrary. In his address to the Quakers thirty-seven years
after his banishment he says:-
The truth is, from my childhood, now above threescore years, the Father
of lights and mercies touched my soul with a love to himself, to his only
begotten, the true Lord Jesus to his holy Scriptures, &c. His infinite wis-
dom hath given me to see the city, court and country, the schools and uni-
versities of my native country, to converse with some Turks, Jews, papists,
and all sorts of protestants, and by books to know the affairs and religions
of all countries. My conclusion is, that, "Be of good cheer; thy sins are
forgiven thee," Matt. ix., is one of the joyfulest sounds that ever came to
poor sinful ears. How to obtain this sound from the mouth of the Media-
tor that spoke it, is the greatest dispute between the protestants and the
bloody whore of Rome. This is also the great point between the true
protestant and yourselves; as also, in order to this, about what man is now
by nature, and what the true Lord Jesus is."
1
And upon their use of those words spoken to the saints,
"The manifestation of the spirit is given to every man to
profit withal," and other like expressions, which they would
apply to mankind in general, he says:-
The Papists catch hold upon a letter," This is my body;" you as simply
as do the Generalists catch hold upon theletter: "All," "Every man," &c.,
whereas the scope and connection in all writings, and in all matters in the
world, is rationally to be minded. The sense and meaning is, in all speech
'Dedication of his book against the Quakers, 1673.—B.
In a subsequent notice of this book, Backus gives its proper title, -"George Fox
digged out of his Burrowes,"--but with a censure of such personalities of language
on the part of both Williams and his opponents, He uniformly quotes the work as
Williams's" book against the Quakers."-Ed.
[1644.]
LATER VIEWS OF ROGER WILLIAMS.
119
and writing, the very speech and writing itself. The words All, and Every
one, in our own and other tongues, are often used figuratively. It is so all
the Scripture over, and thrice in one verse, Col. i, 28, where reason cannot
imagine that Paul did literally and individually admonish every man, teach
every man, and present every man that comes into the world perfect in
Christ Jesus, which could not, cannot possibly be true, without another
sense and exposition than the words literally hold out.¹
1
And when they demanded the reason why he condemned
them for not holding to the external use of baptism and the
supper, while he did not live in the practice thereof himself,
he answered:-
It is one thing to be in arms against the King of kings, and the visible
administration of his kingdom, and to turn off all to notions of an invisi-
ble kingdom, officers, and worship, as the Quakers, do, and another thing,
among so many pretenders to be the true church, to be in doubt unto which
to associate himself. After all my search and examinations, I said, I do
profess to believe, that some come nearer to the first churches and institu-
tions of Christ than others; as in many respects, so in that gallant,
heavenly and fundamental principle, of the true matter of a Christian socie-
ty, viz.: actual believers, true disciples and converts, and living stones, such
as can give some account how the grace of God hath appeared to them,
and wrought that heavenly change in them. I professed that if my soul
could find rest in joining unto any of the churches professing Christ now
extant, I would readily and gladly do it, yea, unto themselves whom I now
opposed. But not finding rest, they knew there is a time of purity, and
primitive sincerity; there is a time of transgression and apostacy, and there
is a time of the coming out of the Babylonian and wilderness apostacy.
These extracts may assist the reader in forming a true
judgment of the motives upon which those several noted
men acted in those difficult times, which also may be useful
now to teach us all, what to avoid and what to pursue; the
importance of which I hope will sufficiently apologize
for the length of this account, and also make the reader wil-
ling to take an article or two more before we conclude
this chapter.
The church at Plymouth was so unwilling to part with "a
man of such eminence" as Mr. Chauncy, that they conceded
'Against the Quakers, pp. 8, 9.
2Against the Quakers, pp. 65, 66.
120
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
in case he would settle with them, that he should act accord-
ing to his persuasion, which was that "baptism ought only
to be by dipping or plunging the whole body under water,
with such as desired it, either for themselves or infants, pro-
vided he could without offience suffer their other minister,
Mr. Reyner, to practice in the other way, with those who
desired it; "but he did not see light to comply."
""] From
thence he was called to office in the church at Scituate. Mr.
Winthrop says:-
Mr. Chauncy of Scituate, persevered in his opinion of dipping in bap-
tism, and practiced accordingly, first upon two of his own children, which
being in very cold weather, one of them swooned away. Another, having
a child about three years old, feared it would be frighted, (as others had
been, and one caught hold of Mr. Chauncy, and had near pulled him into
the water) she brought her child to Boston (with letters testimonial from
Mr. Chauncy) and had it baptised here.2
This last action was in July, 1642; and not long after Mr.
Winthrop writes:-
The lady Moody, a wise and amiable³ religious woman, being taken with
the error of denying baptism to infants, was dealt withal by many of the
elders and others, and admonished by the church at Salem, (whereof she
was) but persisting still, and to avoid further trouble, she removed to the
Dutch, against the advice of her friends. Many others infested with Ana-
baptism, &c., removed thither also. She was after excommunicated.*
Here as well as elsewhere appears the honesty and ingenuous-
ness of this great man, in stating facts plainly, when they make
directly against his own persuasion. Those who deny infant
baptism have been reproached from age to age with the
name of Anabaptists, under which have been couched such
dreadful ideas, that even to this day we see the very name
used as an argument in various controversies; so that if a
2Winthrop, Vol. II, p.72.-Eq.
'Plymouth Register, pp. 5, 6.
"Savage reads "anciently" instead of "amiable;" and adds in a note, “I fear we
must infer from the text that her perversion to Anabaptism deprived her in the
writer's opinion, of the 'anciently religious' character." Winthrop, Vol. II, p.
123. If this reading and inference be correct, it will detract somewhat from the
praise awarded to Winthrop in the next paragraph.—ED.
4Winthrop, [Vol. II, pp. 123, 124.]
[1644.]
WILLIAMS AS A PEACEMAKER.
121
disputant can tell his opponent, he in that point agrees with
the Anabaptists, it is thought that therein he must be in an
error; but our honorable author gives, without a covering,
the good characters and virtues of that father and that
mother in our Israel, at the same time that he describes
plainly what he disliked in them; leaving fair grounds for
others to judge upon, without being biased with any old
stories of German madness. By this it appears that the
grand difficulty in the way of burying in baptism, is their
admitting of subjects to it who have not the faith or the
discretion which is necessary for such an action.
Though Mr. Williams had done such great services for
his English neighbors, in the late wars, yet he was not per-
mitted to pass through their coasts, but was forced to repair
to the Dutch to get a passage to his native country. Yea,
it must needs be so, because the blessings of a peacemaker
were to come upon him, among the Dutch as well as
English.'
1
'As a distinct account of this affair has not been published among us, I shall give
it a place here. When the commissioners of the United Colonies met in September,
1643, they were informed of a Dutch ship that had arrived in Hudson's River, which
brought four thousand pounds of powder, and seven hundred pieces, to trade with
the natives; but the Dutch governor, having notice thereof, prudently confiscated
them to the use of the company; thereby depriving their enemies of arms, whereby
they might themselves have been destroyed, and furnishing themselves and friends
with weapons for their safety; for at this time the Indians had fierce war with the
Dutch, and if it had not been for the assistance for the English, they might have
been all cut off. The occasion of the war was this:-An Indian being drunk, had
slain an old Dutchman; the Dutch required the murderer, but he could not be had.
The people called often upon the governor to take revenge, but he still put it off,
because he thought it not just, or not safe. It fell out in that time, that the Maquas
or Mohawks, either upon their own quarrel or (as the report was) being set on by
the Dutch, came suddenly upon the Indians near the Dutch, and killed about thirty
of them; the rest filed for shelter to the Dutch. One Marine, a Dutch captain,
hearing of it, went to the governor and obtained a commission to kill as many as he
could of them, and accordingly went with a company of armed men, and set upon
them, when they feared no such thing from the Dutch, and killed seventy or eighty
men, women and children. Upon this the Indians burnt divers of their farm houses,
and their cattle in them, and slew all they could meet with, to the number of twenty
or more, of men, women and children, and pursued hard upon the Dutch, even home
to their fort Aurania (Albany) so that they were forced to call in the English to
their aid, and entertained Captain Underhill in their service. Marine was so much
122
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
66
When Mr. Williams arrived in England, he found the
country involved in the dreadful calamities and horrors of a
war between the king and parliament; but the parliament
having the command of the fleet, did by an ordinance of
November 2, 1643, appoint commissioners to manage the
affairs of the islands and other plantations; from whom, by
the kind assistance of Sir Henry Vane, who was one of
them, Mr. Williams obtained a charter, including the lands.
'bordering northward and northeast on the patent of the
Massachusetts, east and southeast on Plymouth patent, south
on the ocean, and on the west and northwest by the Indians
called Narragansetts; the whole tract extending about
twenty-five miles, unto the Pequod river and country;" "to
be known by the name of THE INCORPORATION OF PROVIDENCE
PLANTATIONS, IN THE NARRAGANSETT BAY, IN NEW ENGLAND."
To the English inhabitants of the tract aforesaid, the charter
gives "full power and authority to rule themselves, and such
others as shall hereafter inhabit within any part of the said
tract of land, by such form of civil government, as by vol-
enraged to see Underhill preferred before him, that his governor was forced at last
to send him home in chains. About this time Captain Patrick, who went from Bos-
ton, was shot dead by a Dutchman, upon a Lord's day, at Stamford. Though the
people were all for war before, yet now they were so much offended with the gov-
ernor, that he entertained a guard of fifty English about his person. And the
Indians annoyed them so by sudden assaults out of swamps, &c., that he was forced
to keep a running army to oppose them upon all occasions. The Indians killed and
drove all before them as far as Stamford; slew Mrs. Hutchinson and her family, all
except one whom they captivated. They passed over to Long Island, and the natives
there took part with them, and began to burn the Dutchmen's houses; assaulted the
house of the lady Moody, who not long before moved away from Salem upon the
account of Anabaptism; but she was defended by forty men that gathered to her
house, which they assaulted divers times. But the Long Island Indians, by the
mediation of Mr. Williams, (who was then there to take ship for England,) were
pacified, and peace re-established between the Dutch and them. But still upon the
main, they set upon the Dutch with an implacable fury, killing all they could come
by, burning their houses, and destroying their cattle, without any resistance; so as
the governor and such as escaped betook themselves to their fort at Manhatoes (New
York) and there lived upon their cattle. But many of the Indians being destroyed
by Captain Underhill and his followers, at last they began to be weary of the sport,
and condescended to terms of peace." Winthrop, [Vol. II, pp. 135, 151.] Hubbard,
[440-442.]
[1644.]
CHARTER OBTAINED BY WILLIAMS.
123
untary consent of all, or the greater part of them, they
shall find most suitable to their estate and condition," provided
"the civil government of the said plantations, be conform-
able to the laws of England, so far as the nature and con-
stitution of the place will admit."
This charter was signed March 14, 1644, by Robert War-
wick, Philip Pembroke, Say and Seal, Philip Wharton,
Arthur Haslerig, Cornelius Holland, Henry Vane, Samuel
Vassel, John Rolle, Miles Corbet, and William Spurstow.¹
'See said charter in the History of Providence.
CHAPTER III.
FROM 1644 TO 1651, CONTAINING THE FIRST LAW THAT WAS MADE IN NEW
ENGLAND AGAINST THE BAPTISTS, AND A VARIETY OF OTHER EVENTS.
The first Baptist church in Newport, we are told, was
formed and set in order about the year 1644, under the min-
istry of Mr. John Clarke. It is the first church of any de-
nomination on Rhode Island that has continued by succes-
sion, and the second in the colony.¹ Also in Massachusetts
'The first certain date in their church records is taken from a manuscript of Mr.
Samuel Hubbard in 1648, which says the church was formed about the year 1644,
and by what I have quoted from Winthrop and Hubbard, it appears as likely to be
earlier as later than that time.-B.
The entry in the records of the first Baptist church in Newport, here referred to,
was made by John Comer as late as 1725, and is as follows :- Having found a pri-
vate record of Mr. Samuel Hubbard, who was a member of the church, by which I
find that the church was in being so long back as October 12, 1648, (but how long
before, justly, by any manuscript I can't find, but by private information it was con-
stituted in the year 1644)-." Backus should therefore have given the above date
on the authority of John Comer, and not of Samuel Hubbard. Comer repeated this
testimony in a manuscript now in the library of the Backus Historical Society, in
the words, "The church was first gathered by Mr. John Clarke about the year 1644.”
Callender wrote in 1738," It is said that in 1644, Mr. John Clarke and some others
formed a church on the scheme and principles of the Baptists." Century Sermon,
Rhode Island Historical Collections, Vol. IV. p. 117. There is probably no evi-
dence that Callender or any subsequent writer who has given the above date, had
any authority for it beyond the tradition preserved by Comer. Backus represents
that an earlier date is possible. Many regard the weight of evidence as in its favor.
Some have placed it as far back as 1638, supposing that the church was founded by
Clarke and his company upon their arrival on Rhode Island. See Minutes of the
Warren Association, 1849, p. 14. Winthrop, indeed, mentions a church that had
been gathered at Aquiday as early as 1639, but Lechford wrote in 1640, "There was
a church where one Master Clark was elder; the place where the church was, is
126
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
we are told that "Anabaptists increased and spread in the
country."
Upon which they framed and passed the follow-
ing act at their General Court, November 13, 1644:-
Forasmuch as experience hath plentifully and often proved, that since
the first rising of the Anabaptists, about one hundred years since, they have
been the incendiaries of the commonwealths, and the infectors of persons
in main matters of religion, and the troublers of churches in all places
where they have been, and that they who have held the baptizing of infants
unlawful, have usually held other errors or heresies together therewith,
though they have (as other heretics use to do) concealed the same till they
spied out a fit advantage and opportunity to vent them, by way of question
or scruple; and whereas divers of this kind have since our coming into
New England appeared amongst ourselves, some whereof (as others be-
fore them) denied the ordinance of magistracy, and the lawfulness of
making war, and others the lawfulness of magistrates, and their iuspection
into any breach of the first table; which opinions, if they should be con-
nived at by us, are like to be increased amongst us, and so must necessa-
rily bring guilt upon us, infection and trouble to the churches, and hazard
to the whole commonwealth; it is ordered and agreed, that if any person
or persons, within this jurisdiction, shall either openly condemn or oppose the
baptizing of infants, or go about secretly to seduce others from the appro-
bation or use thereof, or shall purposely depart the congregation at the min-
istration of the ordinance, or shall deny the ordinance of magistracy, or
their lawful right and authority to make war, or to punish the outward
breaches of the first table, and shall appear to the Court willfully and ob-
stinately to continue therein after due time and means of conviction, every
such person or persons shall be sentenced to banishment.2
called Newport; but that church, I hear, is now dissolved," Winthrop's Journal,
Vol. I, p. 297; Plain Dealing, Trumbull's edition, p. 93, Some place the date of
the present church in or about 1640, supposing that it succeeded the one which, ac-
cording to Lechford, was dissolved. They reason from the improbability that the
inhabitants of Rhode Island would remain four years without an organized church,
and from the testimony of Winthrop in 1641, that "divers of them turned professed
Anabaptists," and that there arose a contention and a schism among them. See
Winthrop's Journal, Vol. II, pp. 38, 41. These indications are not without force,
still, if a church was formed in 1640 or 1641, whether fully or partially Baptist, it
may have had but a brief existence and have been succeeded by the present church
in 1644. There seems to be as yet no wiser conclusion than that of Backus, when
he gave 1644 as the only date which has any positive authority, and at the same
time allowed the possibility of a date still earlier.-ED.
'Winthrop, [Vol. II, p. 174.]-ED.
2Massachusetts Records. Mr. Hubbard speaking of their making this law, says,
"But with what success is hard to say; all men being naturally inclined to pity
[1644.]
LAW AGAINST BAPTISTS.
127
Let it be here noted, that the evident design of this law
was to guard against such as refused to countenance infant
baptism, and the use of secular force in religious affairs;
which the Baptists have ever done from that day to this;
but the other articles inserted in this act they have not
owned; and the Court then had no proof at hand, but were
forced to have recourse to surmises, distant times, and for-
eign countries, for them. A like method of treating the
Baptists, in Courts, from pulpits and from the press, has
been handed down by tradition ever since. And can we be-
lieve that men so knowing and virtuous in other respects,
as men on that side have been, would have introduced and
continued in a way of treating their neighbors, which is so
unjust and scandalous, if they could have found better ar-
guments to support that cause upon? I have diligently
searched all the books, records and papers I could come at
upon all sides, and have found a great number of instances
them that suffer, how much soever they are incensed against offenders in general.
Natural conscience and the reverence of a Deity, that is deeply engraven on the
hearts of all, make men more apt to favor them that suffer for religion, true or
false." [P. 373.] A judicious remark; yet in another instance we may see how
party influence can blind great men. For this author in 1638 tells us of Arnold's
opposing their censuring Verin at Providence, for refusing to let his wife go to Mr.
Williams's meeting so often as she was called for, and represents that to censure
Verin therefor, would be a breach of God's ordinance, about the " subjection of
wives to their husbands." [P. 437.] But the same author informs us, that in 1644
one Painter, a poor man, was suddenly turned Anabaptist, "and having a child
born, would not suffer his wife to carry it to be baptized. He was complained of
for this to the Court, and enjoined by them to suffer his child to be baptized." And
because he refused to obey them therein, and told them it was an antichristian ordi-
nance, they tied him up and whipped him; which he bare without flinching, and de-
clared he had divine help to support him; "upon which," says our author,
three honest men that were his neighbors affirmed that he was of very loose behav-
ior at home," &c. [P. 342.] Be it so or not, we have no better account of Verin's
character than of his, yet Verin must not be censured for withholding his wife from
meeting; but if poor Painter would not give up the disposal of his children to his
wife, at the Court's commandment, he must not only be censured, but also suffer
corporal punishment; yea, and into the bargain, be publicly reproached for his pri-
vate failings! Governor Winthrop tells us he belonged to Hingham, and says he
was whipped "for reproaching the Lord's ordinance." [Vol. II, p. 175.] But did
not they reproach infant sprinkling, by taking such methods to support it, much
more than Painter did?
"two or
128
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
of Baptists suffering for the above points that we own; but
not one instance of the conviction of any member of a Bap-
tist church in this country, in any Court, of the errors or
evils which are inserted in this law to justify their making
of it, and to render our denomination odious.¹ Much has
been said to exalt the characters of those good fathers; I
have no desire of detracting from any of their virtues; but
the better the men were, the worse must be the principle
that could ensnare them in such bad actions.
The contrast betwixt their treatment of Mr. Wheelwright
and Mr. Williams this year deserves notice. Upon a new
running of the line, the Massachusetts had taken Exeter
into their colony, which caused Mr. Wheelwright to remove
to Wells, from whence he wrote to the Governor at Boston
for a reconciliation, Dec. 7, 1643, and said, "It is the grief
of my soul that I used such vehement censorious speeches.
I repent me that I did so much adhere to persons of corrupt
judgments, to the countenancing and encouraging of them
in
any of their errors, or evil practices, though I intended
no such thing." The Court inclined to hear him of which
the Governor sent him a written account, and received such
a reply as would make one think of Bishop Burnet's remark.
Said he, "There are none of us but what will acknowledge
in general terms that our church is imperfect, though when
we come to particulars, we are always in the right." Yet
"There is not one instance in any government that supported Podobaptism by
force. But Mr. Williams, when Governor of Providence colony in 1655, acted with
the Court in punishing a man for opposing all government, who then was called a
Baptist, but after turned to the Quakers.
2Said letter to the Governor is in these words :-
R. W.*
"I have received your letters, wherein you signify to me, that you have imparted
my letter to the H. C.† and that it finds good acceptance, for which I rejoice with
all thankfulness; as also for liberty of safe conduct granted by the Court, and, in
case I desire, letters for that end. I should very willingly (upon letters obtained)
express by word of mouth, openly in Court, that which I did by writing, might I
without offence express my true intent and meaning more fully to this effect; that
notwithstanding my failures (for which I crave pardon) yet I cannot with a good
*Right Worshipful.-ED.
†Honored Court.-ED.
[1644.] MR. WHEELWRIGHT'S SENTENCE REVOKED.
129
without waiting for his personal appearance, they at the
General Court in Boston, May 29, 1644, passed the follow-
ing act, viz. :-
It is ordered that Mr. Wheelwright (upon a particular, solemn, and seri-
ous acknowledgment and confession, by letters, of his evil carriages, and
of the Court's justice upon him for them) hath his banishment taken off,
and is received as a member of this Commonwealth.¹
Mr. Williams returned with the charter he had procured,
to Boston, the 17th of September following, and brought
the ensuing letter with him :-
To the Right Worshipful the Governor and Assistants and the rest of our
worthy friends in the plantation of Massachusetts Bay, [in New Eng-
land.]³
OUR MUCH HONORED FRIENDS :-Taking notice some of us of long
time of Mr. Roger Williams's [Williams his] good affections and conscience,
and of his sufferings by our common enemy [enemies] and oppressors of
God's people the prelates, as also of his great industry and travels [travail] in
cause,
conscience condemn myself for such capital crimes, dangerous revelations and
gross errors, as have been charged upon me. The concurrence of which, as I take
it, makes up the substance of all my sufferings. I do not see but in so mixed a
I am bound to use, may it be permitted, my just defence, so far as I appre-
hend myself to be innocent, and to make my confession where I am convinced of
any delinquency, otherwise I shall seemingly and in appearance fall under guilt
of many heinous offences, for which my conscience doth acquit me. If I seem to
make suit to the Court for relaxation to be granted as an act of mercy upon my
sole confession, I must offend my conscience; if by an act of justice, upon my
apology and lawful defence, I fear here I shall offend your Worships. I leave all
things to your wise and holy consideration, hoping you will pardon my simplicity
and plainness, which I am forced upon by the power of an overruling conscience.
I rest your Worship's in the Lord,
Wells, (I) I, 1643.
J. WHEELWRIGHT.”
Winthrop, [Vol. II, p. 163.] Hubbard, [367.] Note, their way was to begin
the year with March 25, so that according to our reckoning this was March 1, 1614.
¹At the same time they passed a sentence, that "Richard Waterman, being found
erroneous, heretical and obstinate, it was ordered that he should be detained prison-
er till the Quarter Court in the seventh month, unless five of the magistrates find
cause to send him away, which if they do, it is ordered, he shall not return within
this jurisdiction upon pain of death."
2Winthrop, [Vol. II, p. 193.]
Massachusetts Records.
"This letter has been often quoted and considerably changed. The form here
given is taken almost literally from Hutchinson. The words added in brackets will
indicate its form as given by Winthrop. Vol. II, p. 193.-Ed.
9
130
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
his printed Indian labors¹ in your parts (the like whereof we have not
seen extant from any part of America) and in which respect it hath pleased
both houses of parliament [freely] to grant unto him and friends with him
a free and absolute charter of civil government for those parts of his
abode, and withal sorrowfully resenting that amongst good men (our
friends) driven to the ends of the world, exercised with the trials of a
wilderness, and who mutually give good testimony each of the other [of other]
(as we observe you do of him, and he abundantly of you²) there should
be such a distance; we thought it fit upon divers considerations to profess
our great desires of both your utmost endeavors of nearer closing and of
ready expressing those good affections (which we perceive you bear each to
other) in effectual [in the actual] performance of all friendly offices. The
rather because of those bad neighbors you are likely [like] to find too near
you in Virginia, and the unfriendly visits from the west of England and
Ireland. That howsoever it may please the Most High to shake our founda-
tions, yet the report of your peaceable and prosperous plantations may be
some refreshings [refreshing] to your true and faithful friends.
COR. HOLLAND,
JOHN BLACKISTOW,
ISAAC PENNINGTON,
MILES CORBET,
OLIVER ST. JOHN,
GIBERT PICKERING,
Hubbard says:-
ROBERT HARLEY,
JOHN GURDON,
NORTHUMBErland,
P. WHARTON,
THOMAS BARRINGTON.
WILLIAM MASHAM."3
Upon the receipt of this letter, the Governor and magistrates of the
Massachusetts found, upon examination of their hearts, no reason to con-
'Mr. Williams's printed Indian labors referred to, which had considerable influ-
ence in procuring their charter, were three years before the famous Mr. Elliott
began to preach to the Indians at Natic, or Mr. Thomas Mayhew at Martha's Vine-
yard. Magnalia, B. 3, p. 193. [Vol. I, p. 507.] Mayhew's Indian Converts, p. 5.
2Mr. Williams confirmed his profession of love to them by his practice, in con-
stantly doing them all the good in his power, both in this country and at the British
court, where also his great friend, Sir Henry Vane, this year showed a truly Chris-
tian spirit of forgiveness towards Massachusetts; for when upon a certain affair
a heavy complaint was made against the government, and they were threatened
with the loss of their privileges, Sir IIenry Vane stood their friend, and by his
great interest with the Parliament, appeased their resentment, and laid the storm
which was gathering and hung over them."
((
Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 66, [67.]
3Massachusetts History, Vol. I, pp. 39, 40, [42.] King Charles the First's party
at that time had the command of the west of England, Ireland and Virginia, and fear
of visits from them is what they refer to. That party was defeated the next year
and the king taken prisoner.
[1644.]
WHEELWRIGHT AND WILLIAMS COMPARED.
131
demn themselves for any former proceedings against Mr. Williams; but
for any offices of Christian love, and duties of humanity, they were very
willing to maintain a mutual correspondence with him; but as to his dan-
gerous principles of separation, unless he can be brought to lay them down,
they see no reason why to concede to him, or any so persuaded, free liberty
of ingress and egress, lest any of their people should be drawn away with
his erroneous opinions.¹
.2
The reader may remember that Wheelwright in his sen-
tence of banishment, was charged with contempt and sedi-
tion, which he never confessed; and that Governor Winthrop
declared his opinions to be worse than Mr. Williams's ;2 yet
now the one is received to favor and liberty again, while the
other is denied it, though he had done the colony such great
and essential services as the former never did.
How can we
account for this? The best answer I can give is, that Mr.
Wheelwright held to infant baptism, and to the magistrates'
power to govern in religious affairs, and now yielded to their
exercise of it; but Mr. Williams denied both, for which he
was excommunicated by the church, after the Court had sent
him away. Wheelwright was also in such favor with Mr.
Cotton, that he was dismissed from his church in fellowship,
after the Court had banished him for sedition; and he now
appeared very complaisant and submissive to men in power.
But Williams was so "self-conceited, turbulent and uncharit-
able, as to give public advertisements and admonitions to all
men, whether of meaner or more public note and place, of
the corruptions of religion which himself observed, both in
their judgments and practices; of which there needs no
'Hubbard, [348.]
"The Court's sentence against him was in these words:-"Whereas Mr. Roger
Williams, one of the elders of the church of Salem, hath broached and divulged
divers new and dangerous opinions, against the authority of magistrates, as also
written [writ] letters of defamation both of the magistrates and churches here, and
that before any conviction, and yet maintaineth the same without retraction: It is
therefore ordered, that the said Mr. Williams shall depart out of this jurisdiction
within six weeks now next ensuing, which if he neglect to perform, it shall be law-
ful for the Governor and two of the magistrates to send him to some place out of
this jurisdiction, not to return any more without license from the Court.”
Massachusetts Records, 1635.
132
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
•
other evidence, than what is obvious to the view of every
indifferent reader, in his dealing with that famous and rev-
erend divine, Mr. John Cotton, in his book called The
Bloody Tenet."
These words Mr. Hubbard quotes from another, as the
received opinion of that day. But who was this reverend
divine, and how was he dealt with? Was not Mr. Williams
as truly a minister of Christ as he? Does self-conceit move
men to give plain warnings to great men, which have a ten-
dency to expose self to heavy sufferings? And does it move
persons to do every kind office they can from year to year,
for those who will not hear reproof, but requite evil for
good? This is a different sort of pride from what most men
are acquainted with. However, that the reader may have a
fair opportunity of judging for himself, I shall endeavor to
plainly state the occasion and nature of this controversy
between Cotton and Williams.
A prisoner in Newgate wrote some arguments against
persecution, which were presented to Mr. Cotton, and he
wrote an answer to them in a letter to one Mr. Hall, of
Roxbury; who not being satisfied therewith, sent them to
Mr. Williams at Providence, requesting him to write upon
the subject.¹
1 And as Mr. Cotton closed his letter to Mr.
"Mr. Cotton says in 1647, 'Mr. Williams sent me about a dozen years ago (as I
remember) a letter, penned (as he wrote) by a prisoner tn Newgate, touching per-
secution for conscience sake; and entreated my judgment of it for the satisfaction
of his friend.' This letter' was a part,-the sixth, seventh, eighth and ninth chap-
ters, of a work printed in 1620, entitled, 'A most humble supplication of the
King's Majesty's loyal subjects, ready to testify all civil obedience by the oath of
allegiance, or otherwise, and that of conscience; who are persecuted, (only for differ-
ing in religion) contrary to divine and human testimonies as followeth.' It is
signed by your Majesty's loyal subjects unjustly called Anabaptists.' It is reprinted
by Crosby, History of the English Baptists, II, Appendix, pp. 10-51, and in Tracts
on Liberty of Conscience, &c., Hansard Knollys Society, pp. 189-231. According
to Williams the author of these arguments being committed by some then in
power, close prisoner to Newgate, for the witness of some truths of Jesus, and
having not the use of pen and ink, wrote these arguments in milk, in sheets of
paper, brought to him by the woman, his keeper, from a friend in London, as the
stopples of his milk bottle.' Bloody Tenet, p. 18. Dr. Underhill conjectures that
it must have been written by John Murton, or as Crosby calls him, Morton, who
?
[1644.]
CONTROVERSY BETWEEN WILLIAMS AND COTTON. 133
Hall with saying, "I forbear adding reasons to justify the
truth, because you may find that done to your hand, in a
treatise sent to some of the brethren, late of Salem, who
doubted as you do." Mr. Williams wrote to Mr. Sharp,
elder of Salem church, for it, and obtained it.¹ He then
wrote his sentiments upon the whole, under the title of
"The Bloody Tenet of Persecution for Conscience Sake;"
which I suppose he now brought with him from London,
though I have not been able to obtain it.2 Mr. Cotton wrote
an answer to him, which he called "The Bloody Tenet
washed, and made white in the Blood of the Lamb."
was printed in London in 1617.
It
To this Mr. Williams pub-
was associated with Helwisse in Holland, and after his return, in England, and
against whom John Robinson directed one of his controversial works.
Tracts on
Liberty of Conscience, &c., pp. 89, 187. Williams denies that this treatise was sent
by him to Cotton, or that the reply was private, as Cotton alledged in complaint
against its being printed in this work.
He says,
To my knowledge there was no
such letter or intercourse passed between Master Cotton and the discusser," but
what I have heard is this,-One Master Hall, of Roxbury, presented the prisoner's
arguments against persecution to Master Cotton, who gave this present controverted
answer; with the which Master Hall not being satisfied, he sends them unto the dis-
cusser, who never saw the said Hall, nor those arguments in writing: (though he
well remembers that he saw them in print some years since.) Bloody Tenet yet
more Bloody, p. 4." S. L. Caldwell, Preface to the Bloudy Tenent, Narragansett
Club. Vol. III, pp, iv., v.—Ed.
'Williams's Reply to Cotton, pp. 290, 291.-B.
This treatise was entitled "A Model of Church and Civil Power." It probably was
never printed, and its author is unknown. See Narragansett Club, Vol. III, Preface,
pp. vi.—viii.—ED.
"The exact title of the first edition was "The Bloudy Tenet of Persecution, or
the cause of Conscience, discussed, in a conference between Truth and Peace; who,
in all tender Affection, present to the High Court of Parliament, (as the result of
their Discourse) these, (amongst other passages) of highest consideration." In his
Bloody Tenet yet more Bloody, p. 38, Williams says of this Work :—~" When these
discussions were prepared for public in London, his [the author's] time was eaten
up upon attendance upon the service of the parliament and city, for the supply of
the poor of the city with wood (during the stop of coal at Newcastle, and the muti-
nies of the poor for firing. God is a most holy witness that these meditations were
fitted for public view in charge of rooms and corners, yea, sometimes (upon occa-
sion of travel in the country, concerning that business of fuel) in variety of strange
houses, sometimes in the fields, in the midst of travel; where he hath been forced to
gather and scatter his loose thoughts and papers." Two editions of the work are
said to have been published in London, in 1644. Backus is undoubtedly right in
supposing that Roger Williams brought the book with him upon his return from
England with the charter of "Providence Plantations." See Narragansett Club,
Vol. III, Preface, pp. iii., iv.—- Ed.
134
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
lished a reply in 1652, entitled, "The Bloody Tenet, yet
more bloody, by Mr. Cotton's Endeavor to wash it white."1
The last two of these performances are now before me, and
from thence I shall give the reader their own words upon
the most material points of their dispute.2
First. Mr. Cotton's Memory failed him so much as that
he represented that what he wrote in answer to the prison-
er's arguments, was in a private letter to Mr. Williams, and
upon that said :—
I wrote my conscience, in the sight of God, and the truth of God,
according to my conscience; why should he punish me with open penance,
and expose me (as much as in him lieth) before the world to open shame,
as a man of blood, for the liberty of my conscience? How will it stand
with his own principles, to plead for liberty of conscience and yet to punish.
it? Besides let him remember, if I did offend him with such an error, it
was but a private offence, and the rule of the gospel required he should
first have convinced and admonished me privately of it, and so have pro-
ceeded upon my contumacy, at length to have told the church, before he had
published it to the world. C.,3 p. 2.
Mr. Williams in his reply mentions Mr. Cotton's mistake
about the one to whom he wrote the letter, and that he sup-
posed his answer to the prisoner's arguments had been as
public as his profession and practice was upon that tenet,
and then says:—
But grant it had been a private letter, and the discourse and the opinion.
private; yet why doth he charge the discusser with breach of rule, in not
"The Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, by Mr. Cotton's endeavor to wash it
white in the Blood of the Lamb; of whose precious Blood, spilt in the Blood of his
Servants, and of the Blood of millions spilt in former and later wars for Conscience
sake, that most Bloody Tenent of persecution for cause of Conscience, upon a sec-
ond trial, is found now more apparently and more notoriously guilty."-Ed.
2The following quotations have been verified from the reprint of Williams's work,
Narragansett Club. Vol. III, and a copy of Cotton's work in the library of the
American Antiquarian Society, Worcester. Many words and phrases were found to
have been omitted. As it was the object of Backus simply to give a brief abstract
of the arguments of the two writers, in their own words, it has not been thought
needful to notice the omissions except in the few instances in which it is required in
order that the full sense of the passages may appear. There are a few unimportant
instances of verbal change, probably by error of transcription, which are indicated
in brackets.-ED,
"Note, C. and W. in this account stand respectively for Cotton's and Williams's
books abovesaid; the figures for the pages therein.
3
[1644.]
CONTROVERSY BETWEEN WILLIAMS AND COTTON. 135
using orderly ways of admonition, and telling the church, when Master
Cotton in this book blames the discusser for disclaiming communion with
their church, and they also (after he was driven by banishment from civil
habitation amongst them) had sent forth a bull of excommunication against
him in his absence! Such practice the Lord Jesus and his first apostles or
messengers never taught. . . . . I never heard that disputing, discoursing
and examining men's tenets or doctrines by the word of God, was, in
proper English, persecution for conscience. Well had it beeu for New Eng-
land, that no servant of God, nor witness of Christ, could justly take up
complaint for other kinds of persecution. W., pp. 4, 5.
The main point of all Mr. Cotton's washings is a denial
of the charge of persecuting any for cause of conscience,
and he says:-
I expressly profess, 1. That no man is to be persecuted at all, much less
for conscience sake. 2. I profess further, that none is to be punished for
conscience sake, though erroneous, unless his errors be fundamental, or
seditiously and turbulently promoted, and that after due conviction of con-
science; that it may appear, he is not punished for his conscience, but for
sinning against his conscience. If this tenet have any appearance of
blood in it, it is because it is washed in the blood of the Lamb, and sealed
with his blood. And then though it may seem bloody to men of corrupt
minds and destitute of the truth (as Paul seemed to such to be a pestilent
fellow) yet to faithful and upright souls, such things as are washed in the
blood of the Lamb, are wont to come forth white. C., p. 3.
•
In reply to this, Mr. Williams says:
Is not this the guise and profession of all that ever persecuted or hunted
men for their religion and couscience? Are not all histories and experi-
ences full of the pathetical speeches of persecutors to this purpose? You
will say you are persecuted for your conscience, you plead conscience, thou
art a heretic, the devil hath deceived thee, thy conscience is deluded, &c.
Time hath and will discover that such a blackamore cannot be
washed in the blood of Christ himself, without repentance.
He
goes on to observe, that the setting up of state relig-
ions has been the grand source of persecution in every age.
W., pp. 6, 7. Against which he brought our Lord's parable
of the tares of the field. Upon which Mr. Cotton said:-
It is true, Christ expoundeth the field to be the world, but he meant not
the [wide] world, but (by a usual trope) the church scattered throughout
the world. C., p. 41.
136
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
t
Mr. Williams says:-
It is no wonder to find Master Cotton so entangled, both in his answers
and replies touching this parable; for men of all sorts in former ages have
been so entangled before him. To which purpose I will relate a notable
passage recorded by that excellent witness of God, Master Fox, in his book
of Acts and Monuments. It is this: In the story of Mr. George Wise-
hart, in the days of King Henry VIII, there preached at the arraignment
of said Wisehart one John Winryme, sub-prior of the abbey of St. An-
drews; he discoursed on the parable of the tares; he interpreted the tares
to be heretics; and yet contrary to this very Scripture, (as Mr. Fox ob-
serveth, though elsewhere himself maintains [maintaining] it the duty of
the civil magistrate to suppress heretics) I say the said Winryme conclud-
eth that heretics ought not to be let alone until the harvest, but to be sup-
pressed by the power of the civil magistrate. So that both the popish prior
and the [that] truly Christian Fox were entangled in contradictions to their
own writings about this heavenly Scripture. W., p. 46.
To support the notion of calling the church the world,
Mr. Cotton quoted some texts wherein the redeemed are so
called. C., p. 45. In reply, Mr. Williams says:—
Grant that it hath pleased the Lord in his infinite wisdom to cause the
term world to be used in various significations; yet let any instance be
given of any Scripture, wherein the Lord opposing the church and world,
wheat and tares, doth not distinguish between the church redeemed out of
the world, and the world itself, which is said to lie in wickedness, and to
be such as for which Jesus would not pray. John xvii. W., p. 56.
He further argued that sowing of the seed in four sorts
of ground by Christ's messengers, he called the kingdom of
heaven, which four sorts cannot be supposed to be of the
church. Mr. Cotton answers:-1. That Christ preached
himself to those four sorts of hearers, yet he was the min-
ister of circumcision, and seldom preached to any but mem-
bers of the church of Israel. C., p. 44. Reply :-
When they grew incurable, and received not the admonitions of the Lord,
by the Lord Jesus and his servants preaching unto them, the Lord cast
them out of his sight, destroyed that national church, and established the
Christian church. W., p. 57.
But Cotton says:-
[1644.] CONTROVERSY BETWEEN WILLIAMS AND COTTON.
137
It is an error to say, the church consisteth of no more sorts of hearers
but one, the honest and good ground; for if the children of church mem-
bers be in the church, and of the church, till they give occasion of rejec-
tion, then they growing up to years, become some of them like the high-
way side, others like the stony, others like the thorny, as well as others
like the honest and good ground. C., p. 44.
Mr. Williams replies:
Admit the Christian church were constituted of the natural seed and off-
spring, (which yet Mr. Cotton knows will never be granted to him, and I
believe will never be proved by him,) yet he knows, that upon the discov-
ery of any such portion of ground in the church, the church is bound to
admonish, and upon impenitency after admonition, to cast them into the
world, the proper place of such kinds of hearers and professors. W., p.
57, 58.
Mr. Cotton adds:-
Is it not a main branch of their covenant with God, that as God giveth
himself to be a God to them, and to their seed, so they should give up them-
selves and their seed to be his people? Besides hath not God given pastors
and teachers, as well for the gathering together of the saints, as for the edi-
fication of the body of Christ? And hath he not given the church, and
the gospel preached in the church, to lie like leaven in three pecks of meal
till all be leavened? C., p. 44.
Mr. Williams says:-
I answer, the proper work of pastors and teachers is to feed the sheep in
the flock, and not the herds of wild beasts in the world. And although it
is the duty of parents to bring up their children in the nurture and fear of
the Lord; yet what if those children refuse to frequent the assemblies of
the church, and what if those three sorts of [bad] ground or hearers will
not come within the bounds of the pastors' and teachers' feeding? Hath
not the Lord Jesus appointed other officers in Eph. iv. for the gathering of
the saints, that is, sending out of the church of Christ apostles or messen-
gers, to preach Christ to the three sorts of bad ground, to labor to turn
them into good ground? But alas! to salve up this, the civil sword is
commonly run for, to force all sorts of ground to come to church, instead
of sending forth the heavenly sowers according to the ordinance of Christ.
W., p. 58.
Another argument Mr. Cotton draws from the servants
wondering to see the tares, which would not have been
138
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
५
strange in the highway. C., p. 45. In reply to which Mr.
"Williams says:-
Let the highway, stony and thorny ground, be considered in their sever-
al qualities of profaneness, stoutness, stoniness and worldliness, and all
the sons of men throughout the world naturally are such; and it is no won-
der, nor would the servants of Christ be so troubled, as to desire their
plucking up out of the world. But again consider all these sorts of men
as professing the name and anointing of Christ Jesus, in a false, counter-
feit antichristian way, and then it may well be wondered whence such
monstrous Christians or anointed ones arose; and God's people may easi-
ly be tempted rather to desire their rooting out of the world, than the root-
ing out of any such sorts of ground or men, professing any other religion,
Jewish, Mahometan or Pagan. A traitor is worse than a professed fox.
W., pp. 58, 59.
Again, while Mr. Cotton pleaded for the exertions of the
civil power against heretics and antichristians, he says:-
No ordinance or law of God, nor just law of man, commandeth the
rooting out of hypocrites, either by civil or church censure, though the
church be bound to endeavor as much as in them lieth to heal their hypo-
crisy. C., p. 47.
To this Mr. Williams answers:
Hypocrisy discovered in the fruit of it, is not to be let alone in the
church or state; for neither the church of Christ nor civil state can long
continue safe, if hypocrites or traitors (under what pretence soever) be
permitted to break forth in them, without due punishment and rooting out;
this hypocrisy being especially the great sin against which Christ so fre-
quently and so vehemently inveighed, and against which he denounced the
sorest plagues and judgments. W., p. 62.
He then proceeded to plead, that the civil state should
punish only civil offences. Upon which Mr. Cotton asks :-
What if their worship and consciences incite them to civil offences? C.,
p. 50.
Mr. Williams says:-
I answer, the conscience of the civil magistrate must incite him to civil
punishment; as a Lord Mayor of London once answered that he was born
to be a judge, to a thief that pleaded he was born to be a thief. If the
conscience of the worshippers of the beast incite them to prejudice prince
7
[1644.]
CONTROVERSY BETWEEN WILLIAMS AND COTTON. 139
or state, although these consciences be not as the conscience of the thief,
commonly convinced of the evil of his fact, but persuaded of the lawful-
ness of their actions; yet so far as the civil state is endamaged or endan-
gered, I say the sword of God in the hand of civil authority is strong
enough to defend itself, either by imprisoning or disarming, or other whole-
some means, while yet their consciences ought to be permitted in what is
merely point of worship, as prayer and other services and administrations.
Against any civil mischief the civil state is strongly guarded, Against
the spiritual mischief, the church or city of Christ is guarded with heavenly
armories, wherein there haug a thousand bucklers, Cant. iv. 4, and most
mighty weapons. 2 Cor. x. W., pp. 66, 67.
But as he still pleaded that the civil sword was never ap-
pointed by Christ for an antidote or remedy in spiritual evils
and dangers, Mr. Cotton denies it, and says:
It is evident the civil sword was appointed for remedy in this case; Deut.
xiii.¹ and appointed it was by that Angel of God's presence, whom God
promised to send with his people. Exod. xxxiii., 2, 3. And that Angel
was Christ, whom they tempted in the wilderness. 1 Cor. x. 9. Therefore
it cannot truly be said, that the Lord Jesus never appointed the civil sword
for a remedy in such a case: For he did expressly appoint it in the Old
Testament; nor did he ever abrogate it in the New. The reason of the
law (which is the life of the law) is of eternal force and equity in all ages.
"Thou shalt surely kill him because he hath sought to thrust thee away
from the Lord, thy God.” This reason is moral, that is, of universal and
perpetual equity to put to death any apostate, seducing idolator, or heretic.²
C., pp. 66, 67.
In reply Mr. Williams says:-
How grievous is this language of Master Cotton! Moses in the Old
Testament was Christ's servant, yet being but a servant, dispensed his
power by carnal rites and ceremonies, laws, rewards and punishments, in
that holy nation, and that one land of Canaan. But when Jesus the Son
and Lord himself was come, to bring the truth, life and substance, of all
those shadows; to break down the partition-wall between Jew and Gen-
tile, and establish the Christian worship and kingdom in all nations of the
'This incident is older than any "Lord Mayor of London," and has suffered trans-
formations which have little improved it. Ζήνων δοῦλον ἐπὶ κλοπῇ ἐμαστίγου.
Τοῦ δὲ ειπόντος, Είμαρτό μοι κλέψαι. Και δαρήναι, ἔφη.
"Zeno was
scourging a slave for theft. Upon his saying 'It was fated that I should steal,' 'And
that you should be skinned,' said Zeno. Diogenes Laertius.—Ed.
Does not this and such like sentences make the tenet to appear yet more bloody.
140 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
:
world, Master Cotton will never prove, from any of the books and institu-
tions of the New Testament, that unto those spiritual remedies appointed by
Christ against spiritual maladies, he added the help of the carnal sword.
If it appear, as evidently it doth, that Jesus, the antitype of the
kings of Israel, wears his sword in his mouth, being a sharp and two-
edged sword, then the answer is as clear as the sun, that scatters the clouds
and darkness of the night. Besides, Master Cotton need not fly to the
pope's argument for children baptism, to wit, to say Christ never abrogated
Deut. xiii. therefore, &c., for Mr. Cotton knows the profession of the Lord
Jesus, John xviii. that his kingdom was not earthly, and therefore his
sword cannot be earthly. Mr. Cotton knows that Jesus commanded a
sword to be put up, when it was drawn in the cause of Christ, and added
a dreadful threatening, that all that take the sword (that is the carnal
sword in his cause) shall perish by it. W., pp. 95, 96.
The reader may remember, that Mr. Williams was often
blamed for holding that the civil magistrate's work was con-
fined to the precepts of the second table. His main argu-
ment therefor was, that Rom. xiii. speaks the most fully of
that subject of any place in the New Testament, and there
the discourse is confined to the duties included in love to
our neighbor. Mr. Cotton grants his premises, but not his
conclusion, and says:-
Though subjection to magistrates, and love to all men, be duties which
concern the second table, yet the inference will not follow, that therefore
magistrates have nothing to do to punish any violation, no, not the weight-
iest duties of the first table. It is a clear case, among the duties of the
second table people may be exhorted to honor their ministers, and children
may be exhorted to honor their parents; but will it hence follow, that
therefore ministers have nothing to do with matters of religion in the
church, or parents in the family?" C., p. 96.
Mr. Williams answers:
If people are bound to yield obedience to civil things to civil officers of
the state, Christians are much more bound to yield obedience to the spirit-
ual officers of Christ's kingdom; but how weak is this argument to prove,
that therefore civil officers of the state are constituted rulers, preservers
and reformers of the Christian and spiritual state, which differs as much
from the civil, as the heavens are out of the reach of the [this] earthly
globe? W., pp. 147, 148.
[1644.] CONTROVERSY BETWEEN WILLIAMS AND COTTON. 141
Mr. Cotton often recurs, through his book, to his notion of
not punishing men for any matter of conscience, but only
for sinning against their own consciences after conviction.
One great article of Mr. Williams's sentence of banishment
was, his writing letters against the rulers and churches
before any conviction. And Mr. Cotton says of ministers
and churches, "None of us had any further influence, than
by private and public conviction of himself, and of the
demerit of his way." C., 2d part, p.12. And when one of the
magistrates was going to the Court that banished Mr. Wil-
liams, and asked Mr.Cotton what he thought of it? his answer
was, "
"I pity the man, and have interceded for him, whilst
there was any hope of doing good; but now he having re-
fused to hear both his own church and us, and having reject-
ed us all, as no churches of Christ, before any conviction,
we have now no more to say in his behalf, nor hope to pre-
vail for him." C., Part 2, p. 39.¹
This notion of not punishing any in matters of religion,
till they had first convinced their consciences, runs through
Mr. Cotton's whole book, as those who have it may see in
the quotations below; and he tries to support it by Tit. iii.
2
'The charge in Roger Williams's sentence, "Whereas Mr. Roger Williams, one
of the elders of the church at Salem, hath broached and divulged divers, new and
dangerous opinions against the authority of magistrates, as also writ letters of def-
amation both of the magistrates and churches here, and that before any conviction,
&c.," (see p. 131,) seems to mean that he had given public expression by word and
letter to his opinions against the magistrates and churches, without affording them
the opportunity of discoursing with him and convicting him of his errors. Cotton,
as above represented, holds that no one should be punished for religious error,
except he advance or adhere to the error after conviction, that is, after the error has
been plainly set before him so that, in candor, he must admit it, and to cling to it
longer will be a sin of obstinacy rather than of ignorance. There does not seem to
be quite the inconsistency of Williams's sentence with Cotton's words, or of Cotton's
words with each other in different parts of his book, that Backus represents, though
it is not strange that he mistakes the ambiguous expressions. Williams is charged
with expressing his opinions before any conviction, but he was not sentenced till
after conviction, in their sense of the word, that is, till after the magistrates and
ministers had disputed with him, and, in their view, clearly confuted" him, and
yet he persisted in adhering to his views and making them public. See pp. 51, 54.
-ED.
2Pp. 3, 26, 189; Second Part, pp. 12, 17, 32, 37, 39.
142
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
{
•
1
11, which refers entirely to ecclesiastical, and not to civil
government; and there not to every error, but only to gross
heresy, which was to be judged of by those who were well
acquainted with spiritual things. But said Mr. Williams:-
1
Every lawful magistrate, whether succeeding or elected, is not only the
minister of God, but the minister or servant of the people also (what peo-
ple or nation soever they be, all the world over) and that minister or mag-
istrate goes beyond his commission, who intermeddles with that which can-
not be given him in commission from the people, unless Master Cotton can
prove that all the people and inhabitants of all the nations in the world have
spiritual power, Christ's power, naturally, fundamentally and originally re-
siding in them, to rule Christ's spouse, the church, and to give spiritual power
to their officers to exercise their spiritual laws and commands; otherwise
it is but profaning the holy name of the Most High. It is but flattering of
magistrates, it is but the accursed trusting to an arm of flesh, to persuade
rulers of the earth that they are kings of the Israel or church of God, who
were in their institutions and government immediately from God, the ru-
lers of his holy church and people. W., p. 96. Not a few of his oppo-
sites will say, and that aloud, that he and they were or might have been
convinced, whatever he or they themselves thought. The truth is, the car-
nal sword is commonly the judge of the conviction or obstinacy of all sup-
posed heretics.2 Hence the faithful witnesses of Christ, Cranmer, Ridley,
Latimer, had not a word to say in the disputations at Oxford. Hence the
'Those who are called lords spiritual in England have no power, since the pope
excommunicated them, but what they derive from the civil state.
2Dr. Owen wrote a picce upon toleration soon after Mr. Cotton's book was pub-
lished in London, and upon this point he says, "He that holds the truth may be con-
futed, but a man cannot be convinced but by the truth. That a man should be said
to be convinced of a truth, and yet that truth not shine in upon his understanding,
to the expelling of the contrary error, to me is strange. To be convinced is to be
overpowered by the evidence of that, which before a man knew not. I once knew
a scholar invited to a dispute with another man, about something in controversy in
religion; in his own, and in the judgment of all the bystanders, the opposing per-
son was utterly confuted. And yet the scholar, within a few months, was taught of
God, and clearly convinced, that it was an error which he had maintained, and the
truth which he opposed; and then, and not till then, did he cease to wonder, that
the other person was not convinced by his strong arguments, as before he had
thought. To say a man is convinced, when either for want of skill and ability, or
the like, he cannot maintain his opinion against all men, is a mere conceit. That
they are obstinate and pertinacious is a cheap supposal, taken up without the price of
a proof. As the conviction is imposed, not owned, so is this obstinacy; if we may
be judges of other men's obstinacy, all will be plain; but if ever they get upper-
most, they will be judges of ours.' Collection of Owen's Sermons and Tracts,
1721, p. 312.
{
[1644.] CONTROVERSY BETWEEN WILLIAMS AND COTTON. 143
nonconformists were cried out as obstinate men, abundantly convinced by
the writings of Whitgift and others; and so in the conference before King
James at Hampton Court. W., p. 192.
Mr. Williams in discussing his opponent's arguments ob-
served, that his opponent had taken many charges and ex-
hortations which Christ gave to his ministers, and directed
them to the civil magistrate. But Mr. Cotton says, "The
falsehood of the discussor in this charge is palpable and no-
torious." C., p. 88. Yet fifty pages forward in the same
discourse Mr. Cotton says:-
The good that is brought to princes and subjects by the due punishment
of apostate seducers, idolaters and blasphemers, is manifold. First, it
putteth away evil from the people, and cutteth off a gangrene, which
would spread to further ungodliness. Deut. xiii. 5; 2 Tim. ii. 16, 17, 18.
Secondly, it driveth away wolves from worrying and scattering the sheep
of Christ. False teachers be wolves. Matt. vii. 15; Act. xx. 29. C.,
p. 137, 138.
This is a clear proof that great men cannot go straight in
a crooked path.
Mr. Williams had argued that Mr. Cotton's doctrine tended
to the setting up of a Spanish inquisition in all parts of the
world, and to frustrate the great design of our Saviour's
coming. He denies it, and accuses Mr. Williams of rather
promoting the principal end of the Spanish inquisition, "by
proclaiming impunity to all their whorish and wolvish emis-
saries. Nor is it," says he, "a frustrating of the sweet end
of Christ's coming, which was to save souls, but rather a
direct advancing of it, to destroy, if need be, the bodies of
those wolves, who seek to destroy the souls of those for
whom Christ died. C., p. 93.
Mr. Williams replies:
I cannot without great horror observe, what is this but to give a woful
occasion, at least to all civil powers in the world, to persecute Christ in
his poor saints and servants? Yea, if Master Cotton and his friends of his
conscience should be cast by God's providence (whose wheels turn about in
the depth of his councils wonderfully) I say should they be cast under the
reach of opposite swords, will they not produce Master Cotton's own
144
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
!
bloody tenet and doctrine to warrant them (according to their consciences)
to deal with him as a wolf, an idolater, a heretic, and as dangerous an
emissary and seducer as any whom Master Cotton so accuseth [account-
eth]? Master Cotton hath no reason to charge the discusser with indul-
gence or partiality towards Romish and wolvish emissaries; his judgment
and practice is known so far different, that for departing too far from them
(as is pretended) he suffers the brands and bears the marks of one of Christ's
poor persecuted heretics to this day. All that he pleaded for, is an impartial
liberty to their consciences in worshipping God, as well as [to the] con- \
sciences and worships of other their fellow-subjects." W., pp. 141, 142.
1
This book Mr. Williams dedicated to the rulers of New
England, wherein, after several useful remarks, he says:-
There is one commodity for the sake of which most of God's children in
New England have run mighty hazards; a commodity marvellously scarce
in former times, in our native country. It is the liberty of searching after
God's most holy mind and pleasure. Of this most precious and invaluable
jewel if you suffer Satan to bereave you, and that it shall be a crime humbly
and peaceably to question even laws and statutes, or whatever is even pub-
licly taught and delivered, you will find yourselves after all your long run
(like that little Frenchman who killed the Duke of Guise, and was taken
next morning near the place from whence he had fled upon a swift horse
all night); I say you will most certainly find yourselves but where you were,
enslaved and captivated in the chains of those popish darknesses, viz. :
Ignorance is the mother of devotion, and, We must believe as the church
believes, &c. O remember that your gifts are rare, your professions of
religion rare, your persecutions and hidings from the storms abroad rare
and wonderful!2 So in proportion your transgressions and public sins can-
not but be of a rare and extraordinary guilt. Amongst the crying sins of our
own or other sinful nations, those two are ever among the loudest, viz.:
Invented devotions to the God of heaven; 2dly, Violence and oppression
on the sons of men, especially of his sons, for dissenting. That the im-
partial and dreadful hand of the most holy and jealous God, a consuming
fire, tear and burn not up at last the roots of these plantations, but gra-
ciously discerning [discovering] the plants which are not his, he may gra-
ciously sanctify and cause to flourish what his right hand will own, this is
the humble and unfeigned desire and cry at the throne of grace, of you so
long despised outcast; ROGER WILLIAMS." W., dedication, pp. 26, 27.
'One of the two points upon which the Massachusetts began their contention with
him was his refusing to countenance the fellowship they had with popish corruptions
in the church of England.
2Persecution drove them into this land, where they were hid from the bloody storm
of intestine wars in England,
1
1
[1645.]
LAW AGAINST ANABAPTISM.
145
Thus I have laid before the reader some of the most
material points of that controversy in their own words, that
he may see what those principles were which New England
writers have often reproached, under the name of rigid
separation and anabaptism; and also how the ruling party
with all their boast of orthodoxy, could confound Jewish
types with Christ's institutions, in order to keep up pædo-
baptism, and the use of secular force in religious affairs; and
could separate from the common rights of humanity, good
Christians, and some of their own best friends, only for tes-
tifying against such confusion.
Mr. Hubbard says:-
At a General Court, March,¹ 1645, two petitioners were preferred, one
for suspending (if not abolishing) a law made against Anabaptists the for-
mer year; the other was for easing a law of like nature made in Mrs.
Hutchinson's time, forbidding the entertaining of any strangers, without
license of two magistrates: which was not easily obtained in those days.
Some at this time were much afraid of the increase of anabaptism.
This was the reason why the greater part prevailed for the strict
observation of the aforesaid [foresaid] laws, although peradventure [on
some accounts] a little moderation as to some cases might have done very
well, if not [múch] better. Many books coming out of England in
the year 1645, some in defence of anabaptism and other errors, and for
liberty of conscience, as a shelter for a general toleration of all opinions,
&c., others in maintenance of Presbyterian [Presbyterial] government
(agreed upon by the assembly of divines at Westminster) against the Con-
gressional way which was practiced in New England; the ministers of the
churches through all the United Colonies agreed upon a meeting at Cam-
bridge, where they conferred their counsels, and examined the writings
which some of them had prepared, in answer to the said books; which
being agreed upon and perfected, were sent over into England to be printed,
'Hubbard evidently mistook this date. In the Massachusetts Records it is Octo-
ber 18. The enactment is as follows:-" Upon a petition of divers persons for con-
sideration of the law about new comers not staying above three weeks without
license; and the law against Anabaptists, the Court hath voted that the laws men-
tioned should not be altered at all nor explained." The attempt to secure the repeal
of the latter law seems to have continued. Under date of May 6, 1646, is the
record:- -"The petition of divers of Dorchester, Roxbury, &c., to the number of
seventy-eight, for the continuance of such orders without abrogation or weakening
as are in force against Anabaptists and other erroneous persons, whereby to hinder
the spreading or divulging of their errors, is granted.-Ed.
f
10
146
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
viz. Mr. Hooker's Survey, in answer to Mr. Rutherford; Mr. Mather,
Mr. Allen and Mr. Shepard, [Mr. Mather's, Mr. Allen's, and Mr. Shep-
ard's discourses] about the same subject, &c.¹
1
Our friends in London, hearing of the law made at Boston last year to
banish Baptists, and the learned Mr. John Tombes having written an
examination of Mr. Stephen Marshall's sermon upon infant baptism, dedi-
cated to the Westminster Assembly, Mr. Tombes was moved to send a copy
of his examination to the ministers of New England, and wrote an epistle
with it to them, dated from the Temple in London, May 25, 1645; hoping
thereby to put them upon a more exact study of that controversy, and to
allay their vehemency against the Baptists. But the Westminster Assem-
'Hubbard, [413–415.]
2Crosby's history, Vol. I, pp. 121, 122.-B.
2
John Tombes was born at Bewdly, Worcestershire, in 1603. At the age of four-
teen he was admitted at Magdalen Hall, Oxford, and at the age of twenty-one was
made Catechetical Lecturer there. Six years later he entered the ministry, and was
settled at Lemster and afterwards at Bristol. Driven from these places successive-
ly by the civil war, in 1643 he went to London. For several years he had ques-
tioned the scriptural authority of infant baptism and held that there was only one
passage, I Cor. vii, 14, on which it could be defended. He had recently been led to
yield this passage also, as affording it no support. Upon coming to London where
he had greater advantages for investigation, he determined to examine the subject
in the light of church history, and as the result of the examination, he was as fully
convinced that infant baptism was without support from antiquity as from Scripture.
At a meeting of ministers in London, he proposed the question, "What Scripture
is there for infant baptism?" and avowed his own renunciation of the rite. The
Westminster Assembly was then in session, with the declared object of reforming
religion in England and Scotland, and had appointed a committee on infant baptism.
Mr. Tombes drew up in Latin his arguments against it, and sent them to the chair-
man of the committee, asking that they would answer his objections or reform the
practice of the churches on the point in question. After a delay of months, he
learned that they gave the matter no consideration save to pass a vote of censure on
any who should dispute upon it.
Mr. Tombes became pastor of Fenchurch, London, agreeing with the church that
he would not preach against infant baptism, and that they should admit no one to
preach in their pulpit in its favor. Here he published two treatises against infant
baptism, one of which was his Examen of Mr. Marshall's sermon, and, as the
result, he was dismissed from his church. He next assumed charge of a parish in
Bewdly, his native town. While here, he was immersed upon profession of faith,
and gathered a church of those who were in agreement with him. He still contin-
ued to act as minister of the parish, and because of his acknowledged learning and
ability, and of services which he had rendered to the government, he was held in
repute, was entrusted with important offices in the national church and enjoyed the
friendship of leading men in the country notwithstanding his religious views and
practice. Several times he held public disputes upon baptism, once with Richard
Baxter, when, says Anthony Wood, "all scholars there and present, who knew the
way of disputing and managing arguments, did conclude that Tombes got the bet-
ter of Baxter by far." Many of his most distinguished contemporaries testify to
3
+
[1645.]
JOHN TOMBES, OF LONDON.
147
bly were more ready to learn severity from this country, than these were
to learn lenity from any; for the Independents on December 4, 1645, pre-
sented a request to that Presbyterian Assembly, "that they might not be
forced to communicate as members in those parishes where they dwell;
but many have liberty to have congregations of such persons who give
good testimonies of their godliness, and yet out of tenderness of conscience
cannot communicate in their parishes;" but the Assembly returned a flat
denial, and said, “This opened a gap for all sects to challenge such a lib-
erty as their due; and that this liberty was denied by the churches of New
England, and we have as just ground to deny it as they.'
""1
Sir Henry Vane also, when his interest in Parliament was
very great, wrote to Governor Winthrop in the following
terms:
HONORED SIR :---I received yours by your son, and was unwilling to let
him return without telling you as much. The exercise and troubles which
God is pleased to lay upon these kingdoms, and the inhabitants in them,
teaches us patience and forbearance one with another in some measure,
though there be difference in our opinions, which makes me hope that, from
the experience here, it may also be derived to yourselves; lest while the
his great learning and talent. A catalogue of his writings gives the titles of twenty-
six works, fourteen of which are against infant baptism.
The manuscript copy of his Examen of Mr. Marshall's sermon which was sent to
New England, is now in the library of the American Antiquarian Society, Worces-
ter. With it is the following letter:-
"To all the elders of the churches of Christ in New England and to each in par-
ticular by name; to the pastor and teacher of the church of God at Boston,
these present:
Reverend BRETHREN :-Understanding that there is some disquiet in your chur-
ches about pædobaptism, and being moved by some that honor you much in the
Lord, and desire your comfortable account at the day of Christ, that I would yield
that a copy of my Examen of Master Marshall his sermon of infant baptism might
be transcribed to be sent to you; I have consented thereto, and do commend it to
your examination, in like manner, as you may perceive by the reading of it, I did
to Master Marshall, not doubting but that you will, as in God's presence, and
accountable to Christ Jesus, weigh the thing; remembering that your Lord Jesus
Christ, John vii, 24, "Judge not according to appearance but judge righteous
judgment." To the blessings of him who is your God and our God, your Judge
and our Judge, I leave you and the flock of God over which the Holy Ghost hath
made you overseers, and rest.
Your brother and fellow-servant,
From my study at the Temple in London, May 25th, 1645.”
JOHN TOMBES.
See Crosby, Vol. I, pp. 120-122, 278-297; Hague's Historical Discourse, pp.
152-155.-ED.
'Crosby's history, Vol. I, pp. 185, 186.
148
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
2
Congregational way amongst you is in its freedom and is backed with power,
it teach its oppugners here to extirpate it and root it out, from its own prin-
ciples and practice. I shall need say no more, knowing your son can ac-
quaint you particularly with our affairs. Sir, I am your affectionate friend,
and servant in Christ,
June 10, 1645.
H. VANE.¹
Had not the notion of securing religion to their posterity,
by infant baptism and the magistrates' power, strongly pre-
possessed their minds, how could they have resisted all these
motives to lenity as they did? That they were under a very
strong bias may be seen in three pieces which were written
this year against the Baptists. One of them was by Mr.
Cotton, who was so much afraid of having both sides of
the argument examined, that he gives us neither the names
of the authors he wrote against nor the titles of their works;
only he owns them to be such as did not " deny magistrates,
or predestination, nor original sin; nor maintain free will in
conversion, nor apostacy from grace; but only deny the law-
ful use of baptism of children, because it wanteth a word of
commandment and example from the Scripture." And he
says:
I am bound in Christian love to believe, that they who yield so far, do
it out of conscience, as following herein the example of the apostle, who
professed himself, and his followers, We can do nothing against the truth,
but for the truth. But yet I believe withal, that it is not out of love to
the truth that Satan yielded so much to the truth, but rather out of another
ground, and for a worse end. He knoweth the times that how, by the
good and strong hand of God, they are set upon purity and reformation.
And now to plead against the baptism of children upon any of those Ar-
minian and popish grounds, which be so grossly ungracious as those above.
named, Satan knoweth and seeeth they would be utterly rejected. He
chooseth therefore rather to play small game, as they say, than to lose all.
He now pleadeth no other argument in these stirring times of reformation
than may be urged from a main priuciple of purity and reformation, viz.,
That no duty of God's worship, nor any ordinance of religion, is to be ad-
'Massachusetts History, Vol. III,
p. 137.
2
"Here is an acknowledgment, that the Baptists of that day did not hold the errors
charged upon them in the aforesaid law.
[1645.]
REMARKS OF A MINISTER AT LYNN.
149
ministered in the church, but such as hath just warrant from the word of
God. And by urging this argent against the baptism of children, Sa-
tan transformeth himself into an angel of light; and the spirit of error and
profaneness into a minister of truth and righteousness. And so he hopeth
to prevail, either with those men who do believe the lawful and holy use of
children's baptism to renounce that principle, and so to renounce also all
reformation brought in by it; or else, if they stick to that principle, then
to renounce the baptism of children; and so the reformation begun will
neither spread far, nor continue long. For if godly parents do withdraw
their children from the covenant, and from the seal of the covenant, they
do make void (as much as in them lieth) the covenant both to themselves,
and to their children; and then will the Lord cut off such souls from his
people. Gen. xvii. 14. And so the reformation, begun with a blessing,
will end in a curse, and in a cutting separation either of parents or of
children, or both, from the Lord and his people.¹
About the same time a minister at Lynn wrote a volume
against various Baptist authors; but before he came to any
of their arguments he said:-
Ever since that word of old, "I will put enmity betwixt thee and the
woman, and betwixt thy seed and her seed," Satan hath had a special spite
at the seed of the church. Witness that act of Cain, who was therein of
that evil one, in killing his brother Abel. Whence also that project of Sa-
tan, all the ways that may be, to lay foundations of corrupting, and in time
ruining the seed of the church by unequal marriages, &c. Gen. vi. 1, 2;
Neh. xiii. 23, 24. Whence also that act of his, in stirring up his instru-
ments to deride little Isaac. Whence also that satanical practice of seek-
ing to cut them off by Pharoah, Exod. i. [15-17]; by Edomites, Psalm
cxxxvii. 8, 9; by Babylonians, Jer. ix. [21]; Syrians, Dan. i. 1—8;
Herod, Matt. ii. [16-18,] &c. ; or, if they be not cut off in such sort, yet
to stir up persons under pretence of religion, to devote them unto the very
devil, Jer. vii. 31, &c.; Ezek. xvi. 20, &c.; or if they live, yet to per-
suade to their detainment under an Egyptian estate, and exclusion from
any church care or privilege. . . . . Who seeeth not how Satan doth seek
by such suggestions to undermine the succession of the true religion, and
of true visible churches, which have used to be continued in and by the
church seed? And what is Satan's fetch to bring this about, but the old
trick, to create, (as I may say) scruples in the hearts of God's people,
knowing well that it is a taking wile first to bemist through such legerde-
main the eyes of the mind, and then to spoil them of truth. It took with
our grandmother Eve, and was the inlet of all error and evil. "Hath God
'Cotton's Grounds and Ends of Children's Baptism, printed in 1647, pp. 3, 4.
150
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
said it?" was the old serpentine insinuation to blind and buzzle, and so
corrupt first the judgment in point of warrant of this or that practice.
How many precious professors, to outward view at least, did at first enter-
tain some scruples about the external interest cf church members' children
in the covenant, and initiatory seal of it, which now peremptorily censure
the same as antichristian and human inventions? Let my advice be grate-
ful to thee thus far, Christian reader, to take heed of unnecessary dis-
courses and disputes with satanical suggestions, under what promising and
plausible pretences soever they come.
It is not the first age or time,
that satanical suggestions, "Thus it is written," and "Thus saith the Lord,”
hath been propounded.¹
•
The question has often been asked in our day, what do
you think of our good fathers who held to infant baptism?
How did they get along? Here you have an answer in their
own words; and the famous Dr. Thomas Goodwin ushered
these performances into the world with a recommendatory
preface to each of them; and the sentiments and temper of
them have evidently been handed down by tradition ever
since. But I appeal to the conscience of every reader,
whether he can find three worse things on earth, in the man-
agement of controversy, than, first, to secretly take the point
disputed for truth without any proof; then, secondly, blend-
ing that error with known truths, to make artful addresses
to the affections and passions of the audience, to prejudice
their minds, before they hear a word that the respondent
has to say; and, thirdly, if the respondent refuses to yield
to such management, then to call in the secular arm to com-
plete the argument? And were not these the methods
that were then taken to support pædobaptism? The pro-
testants' way of defending their cause against the papists
was. "If that ye will prove that your ceremonies proceed
from faith, and do please God, ye must prove that God in
express words hath commanded them, or else shall you never
prove that they proceed from faith, nor yet that they please
'Mr. Thomas Cobbet's Vindication of the Covenant and Church Estate of Chil-
dren of Church Members, printed in London, 1643, preface, pp. 7-9. Mr. Tombes
says Mr. Cotton wrote to him, that the piece he sent them was delivered to Mr. Cob-
bet
answer.
COTTON'S ARGUMENTS FOR INFANT BAPTISM.
151
[1645.]
God."1
But when this argument was urged against infant
baptism, Cotton without any proof asserts that "Satan trans-
formeth himself into an angel of light." And the whole of
the above-recited addresses to men's and women's passions,
is evidently founded upon the supposition, that infant bap-
tism is as infallibly required by God, as abstaining from the
forbidden fruit was, or Abraham's circumcising his children.
Having taken the very point which is disputed for truth,
without any evidence, they blended that with many known
facts recorded in Scripture, and thereupon rank the opposers
of that point with the old serpent the devil and Satan, and
with his instruments Cain, Pharoah, Herod, and other mur-
derers; yea, with such as sacrifice their children to devils!
This history contains abundant evidence of their adding the
magistrate's sword to all these hard words, which were
used in their prefaces before they came to any of the Bap-
tists' arguments. When Mr. Cotton came to them, the first
of them is, that in Christ's commission to his ministers, he
ordered them first to teach or make disciples, and then to
baptize them; and he says two arguments offer themselves
for his way from hence:-
"1. Such as be disciples. they are to be baptized; but
the children of the faithful, they are disciples; therefore
children of the faithful, they are to be baptized." To sup-
port this assertion he turns to Isaiah liv. 13, "All thy chil-
dren shall be taught of God;" and says he, "If they be
taught of God, then are they his disciples; for that is the
meaning of the word. Disciples are taught or learnt of
God." This is true, and our Lord quotes this text to shew
how the father draws souls to himself, and says upon it,
"Every man therefore that hath heard, and hath learned of
the Father, cometh unto me," John vi. 45. Can we desire
3
'Knox's History of the Reformation, p. 104.
2Cotton's Grounds and Ends, pp. 5, 6.
Note. Christ shows that the word "children" in that text means posterity; men
that are taught.
152
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
i
f
}
i
}
a more exact and certain definition of the word disciple than
we have here? Let conscience speak before him who will
judge us all. Do you who practice in this disputed way,
believe when you bring your infants to be sprinkled, that
they have heard and learned of the Father, so as to come unto
Christ? And do you bring them because they are taught of
God? If they are not, they are not disciples according to the
known meaning of the word.
Mr. Cotton frames his second argument from Exod. xii.
48, where God required every proselyte to have all his males
circumcised, before he could come to the passover; upon
which Cotton says:-
If then our Lord's Supper come in the room of the passover, and our
baptism in the room of circumcision, like as he that hath not circumcised
his males, was accounted as one uncircumcised himself, and so to be de-
barred from the passover, so he who hath not baptized his children, is
accounted of God as not baptized himself, and so to be debarred from the
Lord's Supper. If therefore you forbid baptism to children, you evacuate
the baptism of their parents, and so make the commandment, of God, and
the commission to the apostles, and the baptism of believers, of none
effect.¹
These are the two main arguments for infant baptism to
this day; and they both hang upon the little word if, which I
think is a very small pin to rest the weight of whole pro-
vinces and kingdoms upon. If infants are disciples by virtue
of their parents' profession, then they are to be baptized;
and if our baptism comes in the place of the circumcision
of Jewish proselytes, then we cannot lawfully admit bring-
ing our infants thereto. But what if this supposition should
prove to be as contrary to truth as darkness is to light, will
men persist in that way still? Abraham had no warrant to
circumcise any but such as were either born in his house or
bought with his money. The first order that was given for
bringing in others by households was in the day that Israel
came out of Egypt. Now as we make no pretence of being
Abraham's natural posterity, nor of being bought with Jew-
'Cotton's Grounds and Ends, p. 11.
:
}
[1645.]
ARGUMENTS AGAINST INFANT BAPTISM.
153
ish money, the argument all turns upon a supposal that
Gentile believers ought to bring their households with them
to baptism, as the said proselytes did theirs to circumcision.
But I know not how words can express the contrary more
plainly than God himself has done in this case; for he says
his new covenant is not according to that he made with
Israel on said day. Heb. viii. 8-11. Upon this men often
assert that the ordinances differ, while the subjects are the
same. But the text assures us expressly, that the main dif-
ference is in the subjects; that the subjects of the new cove-
nant all know God from the least to the greatest. When this
is mentioned, they would then turn it to the difference
betwixt the outward administration and inward efficacy of
the covenant; but that cannot be here intended, because
that distinction was as real in Abraham's time as it is now,
as the apostle shows in Rom. iv. 11; which text is often
brought for a proof that the covenant is the same now as
with Abraham. It does prove that the internal efficacy of
divine institutions was the same upon believers then as now;
only their faith was fixed on a future Messiah, ours on one
already come. The difference then betwixt the two cove-
nants we are speaking of, is not internal, but external. By
divine institution a whole family and a whole nation were
then taken into covenant; now none are added to the church
by the Lord but believers who shall be saved. Acts ii. 41,
47. Professors who had not this character were "false
brethren unawares brought in." Gal. ii. 4. Their being in
was owing to men's imperfection, and not to God's institu-
tion; yet because the Baptists refused to yield to a practice
they viewed to be not only without, but directly against
divine institution, they were abused in the manner above
described. And Mr. Cobbet concludes his discourse with a
few inferences, in which he says:—
See the danger and detestableness of anabaptistical tenets, giving God
and Christ (in part) the lie, vailing the glory of his preventing grace of
covenant; Num. xiv. 18; .... condemning the judgment and practice of
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
154
former churches, Jews and Gentiles.
Whence that profane trick of
some to turn their back upon the churches [when they sprinkled infants] as
if all their persons, and prayers, and fellowship, were unclean? whence the
styling of it antichristian? &c. What is this but to blaspheme the name
and tabernacle and saints of God? Rev. xiii. [6.]
Thus the Baptists were accused by those noted authors of
profaneness and blasphemy, only for their manifesting by
word and gesture their dissent from infant sprinkling.
Mr. Nathaniel Ward, of Ipswich, (the Indian name of
which was Agawam.) who, with Mr. Cotton, had often been
improved by the Court in composing their law-book, pub-
lished a tract this year under a fanciful title, which contains
the following addresses to the Anabaptists:-
1
1. To entreat them to consider, what a high pitch of boldness it is, for
a man to cut a principal ordinance out of the kingdom of God; if it be
but to make a dislocation, which so far disgoods the ordinance, I fear it
altogether unhallows it. To transplace or transtime a stated institution of
Jesus Christ, without his direction, I think is to destroy it. 2. What a
cruelty it is, to divest children of that ouly external privilege which their
Heavenly Father has bequeathed them, to interest them visibly in himself,
his Son, his Spirit, his covenant of peace, and the tender bosom of their
careful mother the church. 3. What an inhumanity it is, to deprive
parents of that comfort they may take from the baptism of their infants
dying in their childhood. 4. How unseasonably [unseasonable] and un-
kindly it is, to interturbe the state and church with their Amalakitish on-
sets, when they are in their extreme pangs of travail with their lives?
5. To take a thorough view of those who have perambled this by-path;
being sometimes in the crowds of foreign wederdropers, i. e. Anabaptists,
and prying into their inward frames with the best eyes I had, I could but
observe those disguised guises in the generality of them. 1. A flat for
mality of spirit, without salt or savor in the spiritualities of Christ; as if
their religion had begun and ended with their opinion. 2. A shallow
slighting of such as dissent from them, appearing too often in their faces,
speeches and carriages. 3. A feeble yet peremptory obstinacy. Seldom
are any of them reclaimed.2
'How easily may this reasoning be retorted? Christ's institution, and the apostles'
administration of baptism, were expressly to such as believed, gladly received the
word, and should be saved; and those who professed such a faith, went into the
water, and were buried in baptism; and according to this writer's doctrine, how
does it destroy the ordinance to change it into sprinkling of infants?
2Simple Cobbler of Agawam, pp. 16, 17; Hubbard, [155.]
[1645.]
WARD'S ADDRESS TO ANABAPTISTS.
155
By these extracts the reader may see the temper and lan-
guage of Pædobaptists in that day, and how much of the
same has there been in later times? of charging us with
cruelty, because we hold that no acts of men can interest
children in the grace of God, before they are taught and be-
lieve his truth; and because we dare not place our hopes of
infants' salvation upon the doings of ministers and churches,
instead of the sovereign mercy of God in Jesus Christ, un-
to whom we would commit them by believing prayer, and if
they live, we would use all gospel methods for their con-
version, and obedience to all his commands. How much
also have we seen of their assuming God's prerogative, in
judging the hearts of such as yield not to their arguments?
As all the foregoing means were ineffectual, some of the
ministers presented a bill to the General Court this year, for
the calling a synod to settle these and other ecclesiastical
affairs. "The magistrates passed the bill, but some of the
deputies questioned the power of the Court, to require their
churches to send their messengers to such a convention, as
not being satisfied that any such power was given by Christ
to the civil magistrates over the churches in such cases."
This caused a debate the conclusion of which was, " that the
ensuing synod should be convened by way of motion only to
the churches, and not in words of command." The order
of it began thus:-
BOSTON, 15th 3d Month, 1646.
The right form of church government and discipline being agreed, part
of the kingdom of Christ upon earth, therefore the establishing and settling
thereof by the joint and public agreement and consent of churches, and by
the sanction of civil authority, must needs greatly conduce to the honor
and glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the settling and safety of church
and commonwealth, where such a duty is diligently attended and per-
formed. Upon which they sent out their motion for said synod.
'Hubbard, [533, 534.]
156
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
•
To enforce this they say:-1
For [Through] want of the thing here spoken of, some differences of
opinion and practice of one church from another do already appear amongst
us; and others (if not timely prevented) are like speedily to ensue, and
this not only in lesser things, but even in points of no small consequence
and very material; to instance in no more but those about baptism, and the
persons to be received thereto, in which one particular the apprehensions
of many persons in the country are known not a little to differ; for whereas
in most churches the ministers do baptize [only such children whose nearest
parents, one or both of them, are settled members in full communion with
one or other of these churches, there be some one who do baptize]2 the
children if the grandfather or grandmother be set [such] members, though
the immediate parents be not, and others, though for avoiding of difference.
of neighbor churches they do not [as] yet actually so practice, yet they do
much incline thereto [as thinking more liberty and latitude in this point
ought to be yielded than hath hitherto been done]. And many persons
living in this country who have been members of the congregations in
England, but are not found fit to be received at the Lord's table here, there
be notwithstanding considerable persons in these churches who do think
that children of these also, upon some conditions and terms, may and ought
to be baptized. Likewise on the other side, there be some among us who
do think that whatever be the state the parents, baptism ought not to be
dispensed to any infants whatsoever; which various apprehensions being
seconded with practices according thereto, as in part they already are, and
are like to be more, must needs, if not timely remedied, beget such differ-
ences as will be displeasing to the Lord, and offensive to others, and dan-
gerous to ourselves.
These were their reasons for calling the synod. The
work assigned to them was to "discuss, dispute, and clear
up by the word of God, such questions of church govern-
ment, and discipline, in the things aforementioned, or any
other as they shall think needful and meet, and to continue
so doing, till they or the major part of them shall have
The records mention two reasons besides those here given, for calling this
synod :—that it is a time of peace, and therefore convenient for settling religious
questions; and that divers friends in England have urged this good work.- ED.
2Backus evidently here committed an error which is one of the most frequent
errors of transcription. The word " baptize" occurs twice near together, and he,
misled by the recurrence, omitted the intervening words, and thus, as is shown by
the words supplied, his statement in this clause is just the opposite of that of the
document which he is copying.—ED.
[1646.]
ECCLESIASTICAL SYNOD.
157
agreed [and consented] upon one form of government and
discipline, for the main and substantial parts thereof, as that
which they judge agreeable to the holy Scriptures;" which
when it was finished was to be presented to the General
Court," to the end that the same being found agreeable to
the word of God, it may receive from the said General
Court such approbation as is meet, that the Lord being thus
acknowledged by church and state, to be our Judge, our
Lawgiver, and [our] King, he may be graciously pleased
still to save us, as hitherto he hath done.¹
Here we may plainly see wherein their great mistake lay.
They confounded the judgment that they formed upon the
Scripture with the rule itself. Also the majority assumed
the power of judging for the whole, and of punishing dis-
senters from their judgments, as breakers of God's law; a
delusion that the world is not clear of to this day, though
light and truth have gained much since that time.
We are told that opposition was made in some of the
churches against sending to that synod, notwithstanding the
moderate expressions in the Court's ordered for it. Mr. Hub-
bard says:-
The principal men who raised the objections were some who lately came
from England, where such a vast liberty was pleaded for, by all that rab-
ble of men that went under the name of Independents, whether Anabap-
tists, Antinomians, Familists and Seekers, far beyond the moderate limits
pleaded for by [the] Congregational divines in the assembly at Westmins-
ter, such as Dr. Goodwin, Mr. Nye, Mr. Burroughs, &c., who yet [it may
be intending to double the Cape of Good Hope, then in view, as was
thought,] tacked about further than they need to have done.
A great part
of the Parliament also, then in being inclined much that way, and had by
their commissioners sent word to all the English plantations in the West
Indies, and Summer Islands, that all men should enjoy their liberty of con-
science; and had by their letters also intimated the same to those of New
England. Some few of the church at [of] Boston adhered to these princi-
ples which made them stickle so much against the calling of the synod at
that time; against which they raised a threefold objection. 1. That by a
'This request was also sent to the churches of Plymouth and Connecticut colonies.
Massachusetts Records.
158
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
liberty already established among the laws of New England, the elders or
ministers of the churches have [allowance or] liberty to assemble upon all
occasions, without the compliance of the civil authority. 2. It was observ-
ed that this motion came originally from some of the [elders or] minis-
ters, and not from the Court. 3. In the order was expressed, that what
the major part of the assembly should agree upon should be presented to
the Court for their confirmation.
1
To the first it was answered, that [the] said liberty was granted only for
help in case of extremity, if in time to come either the civil anthority
should grow opposite to the churches, or neglect the care of them, and not
with any intent to practice the same while the civil rulers were nursing
fathers to the church. To the second it was answered, it was not for the
churches to enquire what or who gave the occasion; but if they thought fit
to desire the churches to afford them help of council in any matter[s] which
concerned religion and conscience it was the churches' duty to yield
it to them; for as [so] far as it concerns their command or request,
it is an ordinance of man, which all are to submit unto for the
Lord's sake, without troubling themselves about the occasion or suc-
For the third, where the order speaks of the major part,
cess.
'Mr. Williams in discussing Mr. Cotton's arguments observed, that the higher
powers in Rom. xiii. were strangers to God and true religion, from whence he
argued, that for Paul to command subjection to such in spiritual causes would have
been to put out the eye of faith, reason and sense, at once. [Bloody Tenet, p. 77.]
To which Mr. Cotton answers, The cases of religion wherein we allow civil mag-
istrates to be judges, are so fundamental and palpable, that no magistrate studious of
religion in the fear of God, but if he have any spiritual discerning, he cannot but
judge of such gross corruptions as unsufferable in religion.... But [as] for such
magistrates as are merely natural and pagan, though Christians be bound to subject
themselves to them with patience; yet such magistrates ought to forbear the exer-
cise of their power, either in protecting or punishing matters of religion, till they
have learned so much knowledge of the truth, as may enable them to discern of
things that differ." Tenet washed, pp. 101, 102. In reply to which Mr. Williams
says, "O the miserable allowance which Master Cotton hath brought the kings and
governors of the world unto! We allow them to judge in such fundamental, &c."
...The magistrates must wait at their gates for their poor allowance. They
shall judge, and they shall not judge; they shall judge that which is gross and pala-
ble [and] enough to hold the people in slavery, and to force them to sacrifice to the
priest's belly; but the more sublime and nicer mysteries they must not judge or touch
but attend upon the tables of the priest's infallibility." Williams's Reply, p. 152.
If Christ Jesus have left such power with the civil rulers of the world, [kingdoms
and counties, of or] for the establishing, governing, and reforming his church, what
is become of his care and love, wisdom and faithfulness, since in all ages since he
left the earth, for the general [beyond all exception] he hath left her destitute of
such qualified princes and governors, and in the course of his providence furnished
her with such, whom he knew would be [and all men find] as fit as wolves to protect
and feed his sheep and people!" Ibid. p. 202.
4
[1647.]
ECCLESIASTICAL SYNOD.
159
it speaks in its own language,
[or direct] the synod in the manner of their proceeding: nor to hinder them
but that they might first acquaint the churches with their conclusions, and
have their assent to them, before they did present them to the Court.
but it never intended thereby to restrain
•
This matter was two Lord's days in agitation with the church in Boston,
before they could be brought to any comfortable conclusion; but on a lec-
ture day intervening, Mr. Norton, teacher of the church at Ipswich, was
procured to supply t'e place at Boston, where was a great audience; and
the subject then handled was, [suitable to the occasion, viz. :] Moses and
Aaron kissing each other in the mount of God. . . . . On the next Lord's
day, after much debate in Boston church, it was agreed by the vote of the
major part, that the elders and three of the brethren should be sent [as
messengers] to the synod.¹
This account from one of their noted ministers, may give
us considerable light about the actings of that day. He
informs us that the synod did not meet till near winter, when
after a session of fourteen days, they adjourned to June 8,2
1617; and that summer proving sickly, they were forced to
adjourn again. But on August 16, 1648, they met, and com-
pleted the Cambridge platform; the last article of which
says:-
3
"If any church, one or more, shall grow schismatical, rending itself
from the communion of other churches, or shall walk incorrigibly or obsti-
nately in any corrupt way of their own, contrary to the rule of the word;
in such case the magistrate [Josh. 22,] is to put forth his coercive power,
as the matter shall require.*
This principle the Baptists and others felt the cruel effects
of for many years after. A clause was also inserted at the
end of their tenth chapter, that no church act can be con-
summated without the consent of both elders and brethren;
which implicitly gives ministers a power to negative the
churches' acts, and which many in later times have contended
for, though that would give them such a lordly power over
the church, as chief judges in the state are not allowed to
'Hubbard, [534-536.]
In the original edition this date is given erroneously, June 18.-ED.
The celebrated Mr. Hooker, minister of Hartford, died July 7, 1647. Ilubbard,
536, 537.-ED.
'Magnalia, B. 5, Vol. II, p. 203.-ED.
!
?
160
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
have in the executive courts of our nation. As to baptism,
though the order for calling the synod asserted that most
ministers do baptize the grandchildren of church members,¹
yet that assertion was so far from truth, that those who “la-
bored much to have this principle declared and asserted in
the platform," could not effect it because of "many worthy
men."2
Mr. Hooker had published his testimony, wherein
he asserted" that children as children have no right to [not
right unto] baptism, so that it belongs not to any predeces-
sors either nearer or farther off removed from the next pa-
rents to give right of this privilege to their children." Mr.
Thomas Shepard, pastor of the church where this synod met,
had also publicly asked what members every particular visi-
ble church ought to consist of? and answered, that "Christ
being the head of every particular church, and it his body,
hence none are to be members of the church but such as are
members of Christ by faith." And though he observes that
hypocrites do sometimes creep in, yet he says, "If they could
have been known to be such, they ought to be kept out; and
when they are known they are orderly to be cast out." And
there was still more regard paid to this first principle of the
New England churches, than could consist with the admis-
sion of persons to bring their children to baptism, who were
not found fit" for the other ordinance.
It may be proper now to take a further view of the affairs
of Mr. Gorton and his company. Upon their being released
and banished, as I have related, they went to Rhode Island,
and from thence over to Narragansett, where, on April 19,
1644, they procured a deed from the sachems, whereby they
resigned themselves, people, lands, rights, inheritances, and
possessions, over unto the protection and government of King
Charles; and appointed Samuel Gorton, and others their
'See p 156, note 2.-ED.
2Magnalia, B. IV,
Survey of Church Discipline, part 3, pp. 12, 13.
"First Principles of the Oracles of God, pp. 25, 26.
p. 176.
[Works of Thomas Shep-
ard, Doctrinal Tract and Book Society, Boston, 1853, Vol. I, p. 350.]
[1645.]
GORTON AND HIS COMPANY.
161
agents, to carry the same to him. This was signed by Passi-
cus, Canaunicus and Maxan, and witnessed by two Indians and
three English. The loss of their great sachem Miantinomu
lay very heavy upon their spirits. Hubbard says, he "was
a very goodly personage, of tall stature, subtile and cunning
in his contrivements." In May came a letter to the rulers
at Boston, signed by Canaunicus, though written by some of
Gorton's company, to this effect, that they purposed to make
war upon Uncas, in revenge of the death of Miantinomu and
others of their people, and marvelled that the English should
be against it; and that they had put themselves under the
government and protection of the king of England, and so
were become their fellow subjects, and therefore if any dif
ference should fall between them, it ought to be referred to
him; professing withal their willingness to continue all
friendly correspondence with them. The General Court re-
ceived another letter from Gorton and his company, to the
like effect. "June 23, news came that the Narragansetts.
had killed six of Uncas's men and five women, and had sent
two hands and a foot to Pumham, to engage him to join with
them, but he chose to keep to Massachusetts."2 Contentions
increased so much the next year that an extraordinary meet-
ing of the Commissioners of the United Colonies was called
at Boston, on July 28, 1645, when they sent three messengers
to the Narragansetts, who on their return brought a letter
from Mr. Williams to the Commissioners, assuring them
that "war would presently break forth, and that the Narra-
gansett sachems had lately concluded a neutrality with Prov-
idence, and the towns on Aquedneck Island." Upon which
they determined to raise an army of three hundred men, in
the following proportion, viz. :-One hundred and ninety
out of the Massachusetts, forty out of Plymouth, forty out
of Connecticut, and thirty out of New Haven colonies.
Forty were raised immediately, and sent away under the
'Hubbard, 446.-ED.
2Winthrop, Vol. II, pp. 166, 167, 169]; Hubbard, [452, 453.]
11
事
​1
X
:
162
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
command of Lieutenant Humphrey Atherton, to protect Un-
cas, till Captain Mason should meet him there with the west-
ern forces, who were then to proceed to meet the remainder
of the forces from the eastward, in Narragansett, under the
command of Edward Gibbons, Major General. After which
Governor Winthrop informed the Commissioners, "that
since Miantinomu's death the Narragansett sachems by mes-
sengers sent him a present, expressing their desire to keep
peace with the English, but desiring to make war with Un-
cas for their sachem's death." The present was about the
value of fifteen pounds in wampum, but he refused to
receive it upon those terms. The Commissioners con-
cluded to take the present into their hands, and there-
upon sent Captain Harding and Mr. Wilbore to those sa-
chems, who were to take Benedict Arnold with them, and
inform them that their present was returned and not
accepted, unless they would be at peace with Uncas as well
as the English; but if said sachems would come with them
to Boston, they should have liberty safely to come and re-
turn without molestation, to treat of peace, though deputies
in their stead would not now do. The messengers return-
ing brought back the present, and informed the Commis-
sioners that they found not Benedict Arnold at Providence,
and heard that he durst not adventure himself again amongst
the Narragansett Indians without a sufficient guard. They
also understood that Mr. Williams, sent for by the Narra-
gansett sachems, was going thither, wherefore they ac-
quainted him with their message, shewed him their instruc-
tions,and made use of him as an interpreter." He prevailed
with Passicas and others to go to Boston, and moved the
messengers to write and acquaint Captain Mason of the
prospect there was of peace; which last article the Com-
missioners censured them for, as going beyond their instruc-
tions. The English demanded two thousand fathoms of
wampum to pay the costs of this expedition, and for other
damages; which the Indians were compelled to yield to, and
[1645.]
GORTON AND HIS COMPANY.
163
to give hostages till it was paid; and so articles of peace
were drawn up and signed between them. The Commis-
sioners afterward drew up a formal declaration, to justify
their proceedings in said war.¹
1
The Indians were far from being easy under these things;
and in August, 1648, about a thousand Indians from various
parts were collected in Connecticut, with three hundred
guns among them; and it was reported that they were hired
by the Narragansetts to fight with Uncas. The magistrates
of Hartford sent three horsemen to enquire what they de-
signed, and to let them know that if they made war with
him the English must defend him, upon which they dis-
persed. When the commissioners met at Plymouth the next
month, they ordered four men to be sent to the Narragan-
setts, "with instructions how to treat with them, both con-
cerning their hiring other Indians to war upon Uncas, and
also about the tribute of wampum that was behind. Captain
Atherton and Captain Prichard undertook the service, and
going to Mr. Williams, they procured that the sachems
should be sent for; but they, hearing that many horsemen
were come to take them, shifted for themselves; Passicus
fled to Rhode Island; but soon after they were, by Mr.
Williams's means, delivered of their fears, and came to the
messengers as they were desired, and denied their hiring
the Mohawks to war against Uncas, though they owned that
they had sent them a present.²
Gorton, Holden, and Greene, went to England to carry
the Narragansett's surrender of themselves and lands, as
well as their own complaints, to the king; but found him
not able to help either himself or them. However, they
published their case and a narrative of their sufferings, in
1645, under the title of " Simplicity's Defence against seven-
headed Policy." They also applied themselves to the Com-
missioners whom the Parliament had appointed over the
'Records of the United Colonies. Massachusetts History, Vol. III, pp. 138-145.
Canaunicus died a very old man, on June 4, 1648. Hubbard, [464.]
164
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
affairs of the plantations, and at length obtained from them
the following letter to the authority in the Massachusetts
colony, viz. :-
We being especially intrusted, by both houses of parliament with order-
ing the affairs and government of the English plantations in America, have
some months since received a complaint from Mr. Gorton and Mr. Holden,
in the name of themselves and divers other English, who have transported
themselves into New England, and now are or lately were inhabitants of a
tract of land called the Narragansett Bay; (a copy of which complaint the
enclosed petition and narrative will represent unto your knowledge) we
could not proceed [forthwith proceed] to a full hearing and determining
[determination] of the matter, it not appearing unto us that you were
acquainted with the particular charge, or that you had furnished any per-
sons [person] with power to make defence in your behalf; nor could we
conveniently respite some kind of resolution, without a great prejudice to
the petitioners, who could have lain under much inconveniency if we had
detained them from their families, till all the formalities and circumstances
of proceeding (necessary at this distance) had regularly prepared the cause
for a hearing. We shall therefore let you know in the first place, that our
present resolution is not grounded upon an admittance of the truth of what
is charged; we knowing well how much God hath honored your govern-
ment, and believing that your spirit and affairs are acted by principles of
justice, prudence and [of] zeal to God; and therefore cannot easily receive
any evil impressions concerning your proceedings. In the next place you
may take notice that we found the petitioners' aim and desire, in the result
of it, was not so much a reparation of what was passed, as a settling their
habitations for the future, under that government, by a charter of civil
incorporation, which was heretofore granted them by ourselves. We find
withal that the tract of land called the Narragansett Bay, concerning which
the question is [has] arisen, was divers years since inhabited by those of
Providence, Portsmouth and Newport, who are interested in the complaint ;
and that the same is wholly without the bounds of the Massachusetts
patent granted by his Majesty. We have considered that they be English,
that the forcing of them to find out new places of residence will be very
chargeable, difficult and uncertain, and therefore, upon the whole matter,
do pray and require you to permit and suffer the petitioners, and all the
late inhabitants of Narragansett Bay, with their families, and such as shall
hereafter join with them, freely and quietly to live and plant upon the
Shawomet, and such other part [parts] of the said tract of land, within the
bounds mentioned in our said charter, on which they have formerly planted
and lived, without extending your jurisdiction to any part thereof, or other-
wise disquieting them in their consciences or civil peace, or interrupting
[1646.]
GORTON AND HIS COMPANY.
165
them in their professions, until such time as we shall have received your
answer to their claim in point of title, and you shall thereupon have re-
ceived our further order therein. And in case any others, since the peti-
tioners' address to England, have taken possession of any part of the lands
heretofore enjoyed by the petitioners, or any [of] their associates, you are
to cause them that are newly possessed as aforesaid to be removed, that
this order may be fully performed. And, till our further order, neither the
petitioners are to enlarge their plantations, nor are any others to be suffered
to intrude upon any part of the Narragansett Bay; and if they shall be
found hereafter to abuse this favor, by any act tending to disturb your
rights, we shall express a due sense thereof, so as to testify our care of
your honorable [honored] protection and encouragement. In order to the
effecting of this resolution we do also require, that you suffer the said
Mr. Gorton, Mr. Holden, Mr. Greene, and their company, with their
goods and necessaries, to pass through any part of that territory which is
under your jurisdiction, toward the said tract of laud, without molestation,
they demeaning themselves civilly, any former sentence of expulsion [or]
otherwise notwithstanding. We shall only add, that to these orders of ours.
we shall expect a conformity [conforming to], not only from [for] your-
selves, but from all other governments and plantations in New England
whom it [which they] may concern. And so commending you to God's
gracious protection, we rest your loving friends.
From the Governor in Chief, loving Admiral, and Commissioners for
foreign plantations, sitting at Westminster, 15 May, 1646.¹
To our loving friends the Governor, Deputy Governor and Assistants of
the Massachusetts plantations, in New England.
WARWICK, Governor and Admiral,
NORTHUMBErland,
NOTTINGHAM,
JOHN HOLLAND,
H. VANE," &c.
With this order and resolution Mr. Gorton and his friends.
returned to Boston, where they were in motion to apprehend
them, till upon shewing the State's order they were permit-
ted to return to Shawomet, which, in honor to their friend
the Admiral, they called Warwick. Sundry of them lived
there to old age, and were considerably improved in the
government of the colony.
'In the printed Rhode Island Colony Records, this clause stands as follows:-
"[Office of the] Chicfe Lo Adm'll and Comm'rs for foreign plantations, sitting at
Westminster, 15 day of May, 1646.-ED.
"Providence Records.
1
166
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
As there was no particular form of government, nor
appointment of officers in their charter, it took a length of
time to settle upon a method that was agreeable to the
majority of the inhabitants. Their first General Assembly
met at Portsmouth on May 19, 1647, when Mr. John Cogg-
shall was chosen President, Mr. Roger Williams Assistant
for Providence, Mr. John Sanford for Portsmouth, Mr. Wil-
liam Coddington for Newport, and Mr. Randal Holden for
Warwick. Mr. William Dyre was chosen Recorder. They
agreed upon a body of laws, chiefly taken from the laws of
England, with the addition of a few suited to their particu-
lar circumstances. They also ordered as follows:-
Forasmuch as Mr. Roger Williams had taken great pains, and expended
much time, in [the] obtaining [of] the charter for this province, of our noble
Lords and Governors, be it enacted and established, that in regard to his
so great trouble, [travail] charges and good endeavors, we do freely give.
and grant unto the said Mr. Roger Williams an [one] hundred pounds, to be
levied out of the three towns, viz. fifty pounds out of Newport, thirty
pounds out of Portsmouth, [and] twenty pounds out of Providence; which
rate is to be levied and paid in by the last of November.
The form of Government which they came into was thus
to elect a President and four Assistants, annually, who had
executive power, were judges in the courts of law, and kept
the peace. An Assembly of sx Commissioners, or Repre-
sentatives from each town, made laws and ordered their gen-
eral affairs; but their laws must be sent to every town, to be
deliberately considered in their town meetings, from whence
the clerk was to send an account of their votes to the Gen-
eral Recorder,¹ and if the majority of the towns approved
the law, it was confirmed, if not, it was disannulled. The
Assembly chose yearly a General Recorder and Gen-
eral Sergeant, which are only other names for a secretary
and sheriff. In each town six persons were yearly chosen,
who were called the Town-council, who had the powers of
'In May, 1660, they enacted that the return of their votes to the Recorder must
be made in three months.
[1647.]
GORTON AND HIS COMPANY.
167
a court of probate, of granting licenses to inn keepers and
retailers, and the care of the poor.
Persons of almost all sentiments and tempers had resorted
to this new colony, and various contentions and parties had
appeared, which were not easily composed and reconciled;
but toward the obtaining of such a desirable end, the follow-
ing covenant was drawn and signed at Providence, viz. :—
Considering the [that] great mercy afforded unto us, in this liberty thus
to meet together, being denied to many of our countrymen in most parts,
especially in our poor native country, now deploring their distressed con-
dition in most sad and bloody calamities; that ingratitude and disacknow-
ledgments for favors received, are just causes for the deprivation of them,
together with [our] home divisions and home conspiracies, the ruination of
families, towns and countries; [town and country]moreover, the many plots
and present endeavors at home and abroad, not only to disturb our peace
and liberties, but utterly to root up both root and branch of this our being;
that government held [holds] forth through love, union and order, although by
few in number and mean in condition, yet (by experience) hath withstood and
overcome mighty opposers; and above all, the several [and] unexpected de-
liverances of this poor plantation, by that mighty Providence who is still
able to deliver us, through love, union and order, therefore being sensible
of these great and weighty premises, and now met together to consult about
our peace and liberty, [liberties] whereby our families and posterity [pos-
terities] may still enjoy these favors; and that we may publicly declare
upon all the free discharge of all our consciences and duties, whereby it
may appear upon record that we are not willfully opposite, nor careless and
senseless, and thereby the means of our own and others ruin and destruc-
tion; and especially in testimony of our fidelity and cordial affection unto
one another here present, that so there may be a current placable [peacea-
ble] proceeding, we do faithfully and unanimously, by this our subscrip-
tion, promise unto each other to keep unto these ensuing particulars :-
First, that the foundation in love may appear among us, what causes of
difference have heretofore been given either by word [s] or misbehavior,
in public or private, concerning particular or general affairs, by any of us
here present, not to mention or repeat them in the assembly, but that love
shall cover the multitude of them in the grave of oblivion. Secondly, that
union may proceed from love, we do promise to keep constant unto those
several engagements made by us, both unto our town and colony, and that
to the uttermost of our powers aud abilities to maintain our lawful rights
and privileges, and to uphold the government of this plantation. Also that
love may appear in union, we desire to abandon all causeless fears and jeal-
168
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
ousies of one another, self-seeking [s] and striving [s] one against another,
only aiming at the general and particular peace and union of this town and
colony. Lastly, for our more orderly proceeding in this Assembly, where-
by love, [peace] and union may appear in order, if in our consultations
differences in judgment shall arise, then moderately in order, through argu-
mentation, to agitate the same; considering the cause how far it may be
hurtful, or conducing unto our union, peace and liberty, [liberties] and
accordingly act, not after the will or person of any, but unto the justice
and [or] righteousness of the cause. Again, if [in case] such cause [s]
shall be presented wherein such difficulties shall appear, that evident argu-
ments cannot be given for present satisfaction, but that either town or col-
ony or both shall suffer, then to take into our consideration a speech of a
beloved friend, "Better to suffer an inconvenience than a mischief," better
to suspend with a loss which may be inconvenient, than to be totally dis-
united and bereaved of all rights and liberties, which will be a mischief
indeed. Moreover that offences and distractions may be prevented, that so
the current of business [disturbances] may peaceably proceed in this
Assembly, we do faithfully promise to carry ourselves, in words and beha-
vior, so moderately and orderly as the cause shall permit, and if [in case
or] any of us shall fly out in provoking, scurrilous [or] exorbitant speeches,
and [or] unsuitable behavior, that he or they so doing shall be publicly de-
clared, branded and noted upon record to be a covenant violator, and distur-
ber of the union, peace, and liberrty [liberties] of this plantation. We do
here subscribe without partiality. Dated December, 1647.
ROGER WILLIAMS,
HUGH BEWIT,
ROBERT WILLIAMS,
JOHN SMITH,
WILLIAM WICKENDEN,
THOMAS HOPKINS,
JOHN FIELD,¹
This preferring of the public good to
inclination, Mr. Williams discovered as
WILLIAM HAWKINS.
private interest or
much of, through
his life, as perhaps any man has done in latter ages; but
alas! he had to do with many who were not of this dispo-
sition.
In their General Assembly at Providence, May 16, 1648,
Mr. Coddington was elected President, and Jeremiah Clarke,
Roger Williams, William Baulston, and John Smith, Assis-
tants; Philip Sherman, Recorder, and Alexander Partridge,
'The original edition reads "John Tripp," instead of John Field. The error has
been corrected from the Rhode Island Colonial Records. The person here referred
to is undoubtedly the John Field mentioned on page 74.—ED.
;
[1648.]
GORTON AND HIS COMPANY.
169
General Sergeant; but Mr. Coddington absented himself,
Mr. Dyre, the late recorder, having exhibited divers bills of
complaint against him, and he did "not attend this Court for
the clearing of the accusations charged upon him;” upon
which the Assembly passed an act that in such a case the
Assistant of the town where the President lived should sup-
ply his place.¹
Mr. Coddington wrote to Governor Winthrop the 25th of
the same month:
Mr. Baulstone, and some others of this island, are in disgrace with the
people in Providence, Warwick, and Gorton's adherents on the island, for
that we will not interpose or meddle at all in their quarrels with the Mas-
sachusetts, and the rest of the colonies; and do much fear that Gorton
will be a thorn in their [and our] sides, if the Lord prevent not.²
And when the Commissioners of the United Colonies met
in September this year, he and Captain Partridge went to
them and said :-
Our request and motion is in the behalf our island, that we the islanders
of Rhode Island may be received into a combination with all the United
Colonies of New England, into a firm and perpetual league of friendship
and amity, for [of] offence and defence, mutual advice and succor, upon
all just occasions, for our mutual safety and welfare, and for preserving
of peace amongst ourselves, and preventing as much as may be, all occa-
sions of war or [and] differences, and to this our motion we have the
consent of the major part of our island.
WILLIAM CODDINGTON,
ALEXANDER PARTRIDGE.
Thus, under a pretence of promoting peace, they would
have separated the island from the rest of that little colony.
However the Commissioners were not willing to own them
as a distinct colony, but would have the island to be included
in Plymouth patent, and if the majority of its inhabitants
would acknowledge themselves to be under that jurisdiction,
'All the articles from Mr. Gorton's return till now are taken from the colony and
Providence town records, compared with Mr. Callender and others.
2Hutchinson's Collection, p. 225.-Ed.
3Ibid, p. 226.-ED.
170 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
"
1
they were willing then to afford them the same advice and
help as they did to others. Mr. Edward Winslow had been
sent over to England their agent, to answer the complaints.
of Gorton's company, and to support their claims against
that little colony; but he wrote from London to the Com-
missioners of the United Colonies, April 17, 1651, and
said:-
Since I perceived by letters from Plymouth, that after another year's
warning nothing is likely to be done, in reference to the old order of Lords
and Commons sent over; I looked upon it as a vain thing to strive against
the stream; whereas [when as] indeed that was the main material objec-
tion above a twelvemonth since, which I could not answer, that we had
such an order, but never looked after the performance thereof, nor made
any return upon it.²
While various parties were exerting themselves in different
ways, Mr. Williams, on August 31, 1648, made the follow-
ing motion to the town of Providence, viz. :-
WORTHY FRIENDS: that ourselves and all men are apt and prone to
differ, it is uo new thing. In all former ages, in all parts of the world, in
these parts, and in our dear native country and mournful state of England,
that either part or party is most right in his own eyes, his cause right, his
carriage right, his arguments right, his answers right, is as wofully and
constantly true as the former. And experience tells us, that when the God
of peace hath taken peace from the earth, one spark of action, word or
carriage, is too powerful to kindle such a fire as burns up towns, cities,
armies, navies, nations and kingdoms. And since, dear friends, it is an
honor for men to cease from strife; since the life of love is sweet, and union
is as strong as sweet; and since you have been lately pleased to call me to
some public service, and my soul hath been long musing how I might
bring water to quench, and not oil or fuel to the flame, I am now humbly
bold to beseech you, by all those comforts of earth and heaven which a
placable and peaceable spirit will bring to you, and by all those dreadful
alarms and warnings either amongst ourselves, in deaths and sicknesses,
or abroad in the raging calamities of the sword, death and pestilence; I
say I humbly and earnestly beseech you to be willing to be pacifiable,
willing to be reconcilable, willing to be sociable, and to listen to the (I
hope not unreasonable) motion following:-To try out matters by disputes
and writings, is sometimes endless; to try out arguments by arms and
'Massachusetts History, vol. 3. pp. 225-227.
2Ibid, p. 229.
[1648.]
LETTER FROM ROGER WILLIAMS.
171
swords, is cruel and merciless; to trouble the state and lords of England,
is most unreasonable, most chargeable; to trouble our neighbors of other
colonies, seems neither safe nor honorable. Methinks, dear friends, the
colony now looks with the torn face of two parties, and that the greater
number of Portsmouth, with other loving friends adhering to them, appear
as one grieved party; the other three towns, or greater part of them, appear
to be another. Let each party choose and nominate three; Portsmouth
and friends adhering three, the other party three, one out of each town.
Let authority be given to them to examine every public difference, griev-
ance and obstruction of justice, peace and common safety. Let them, by
one final sentence of all or the greater part of them, end all, and set the
whole into an unanimous posture and order, and let them set a censure
upon any that shall oppose their sentence. One log, without your gentle
help, I cannot stir. It is this. How shall the minds of the towns be
known? How shall the persons chosen be called? time and place appointed
in any expedition? For myself I can thankfully embrace the help of Mr.
Coddington or Mr. Clarke, joined or apart, but how many are there who
will attend (as our distempers are) to neither! It is, gentlemen, in the
power of the body to require the help of any of her members, and both
king and parliament plead, that in extraordinary cases they have been.
forced to extraordinary ways for common safety. Let me be friendly con-
strued, if (for expedition,) I am bold to be too forward in this service, and
to say, that if within twenty days of the date hereof, you please to send to
my house, at Providence, the name of him whom you please to nominate,
at your desire I will acquaint all the persons chosen with place and time,
unto which in your name I shall desire their meeting within ten days, or
thereabouts, after the receipt of your letter. I am your mournful and
unworthy
ROGER WILLIAMS.¹
This address had such effect, that Mr. Williams was re-
ceived to act as President of the colony, till their election at
Warwick, May 22, 1649, when Mr. John Smith was chosen
President, and Thomas Olney, John Sanford, John Clarke,
and Samuel Gorton, Assistants; Philip Sherman, Recorder ;
Richard Knight, Sergeant, and John Clarke, Treasurer.
Mr. Williams was chosen "to take a view of the records
delivered into the Court by Mr. William Dyre." And they
made a law that if a President should be elected, and should
refuse to serve, he should be fined ten pounds; and if an
Assistant refused, five pounds. Also it was "ordered that a
'Providence Records.
:
172
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
messenger be sent to Pumham and the other sachems, to
require them to come to this Court; and that letters be sent
to Benedict Arnold and his father, and the rest of Pawtuxet,
about their subjecting to this colony." Mr. Dyre again pre-
sented his complaints against Mr. Coddington, but they were
deferred.
At the Assembly at Newport, May 23, 1650, a fresh order
was sent to the towns, to collect and pay what they owed to
Mr. Williams for the charter, within twenty days. William
Arnold and William Carpenter, instead of submitting to the
government of their own colony, went again and entered
complaints against some of their neighbors to the Massa-
chusetts rulers, and they sent a citation to them to come and
answer the same in their courts, dated from Boston, June
20, 1650, signed by Edward Rawson, secretary.¹ Such
obstructors of good government were they who have made
a great noise in the world about the disorders of Rhode
Island colony ! In 1651, Mr. Coddington caused a terrible
difficulty among them, as will be seen in its place, though
another affair must be attended to first.
'Providence Records.
1
CHAPTER IV.
AN ACCOUNT OF MR. CLARKE AND MR. HOLMES, AND OF THEIR SUFFERINGS
AT BOSTON IN 1651.
It has already been seen that Mr. John Clarke was a prin-
cipal instrument in procuring Rhode Island for a people who
were persecuted elsewhere, and that he was the first religi
ous minister on the island, and serviceable also in their civil
government; yet all this did not prevent his being most
abusively treated this year in Boston, with two other mem-
bers of his church.
The best account of Mr. Obadiah Holmes that I have seen,
is in a manuscript which he left to his children, that a gen-
tleman of his posterity has favored me with, an extract of
which I will give in his own words. Says he :—
First, I must remember my honored parents, who were faithful in their
generation, and of good report among men, and brought up their children
tenderly and honorably. Three sons they brought up at the university in
Oxford; but the most of their care was to inform and instruct them in the
fear of the Lord; and to that end gave them much good counsel, carrying
them often before the Lord by earnest prayer; but I, the most rebellious
of all, did neither hearken to counsel nor any instruction, for from a child
I minded nothing but folly and vanity, and as years did grow on, and wis-
dom should have taken place, then the wisdom I had was wise to do evil,
but to do well had no knowledge. .... As days and strength increased,
even so did my transgressions, so that I became hardened in sin, not only
to be drawn into it by others, but was as forward to draw others into evil
as my fellows, being come to that height of wickedness that I did
think it best when I could do the most wickedness, and began to think that
174
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
""
it was but a foolish thing to talk of God, that should bring man to judg-
ment; ... continuing in such a course for four or five years, and then be-
gan to bethink what counsel my dear parents had given me, many a time
with tears and prayers; my rebellion to my honored parents then looked
me in open face, and my dear mother being sick, it struck to me my diso-
bedient acts, which forced me to confess the same to her. After this I be-
gan to go to hear the Word preached, but every word was against me, and
left me without hope of mercy; and sometimes passing over a field called
the Twenty Acres, stood still and said, Oh! that I might lie in hell but so
many years as here are grass! It would have an end. That word
was ever before me, "The wicked shall be turned to hell;' "Where the
worm dieth not," &c. And yet at this time Satan tells me, It is best to
put such thoughts out of mind, and take pleasure while thou art here, and
return to thy former merry companions and friends; which I did for a
time; but the worm in the conscience did still gnaw. I went to hear the
most noted men I could, but found it still against me; yet often heard
them say, I must repent and be humbled, and must pray, and then should
find mercy; but must confess sins and forsake them; which brought me
to a resolution, in the most public way or company I could find, ever so to
do; and had done it through ignorance, had not a friend advised me to the
contrary, and that upon good grounds. But he also put me upon prayer
and hearing. I then fell to prayer and duties, but found no rest or quiet
in my soul; for then Satan let fly at me, and told me, it was too late to re-
turn, for there was no hope for me. I answered him, and did instance
several of my wicked companions God had shown mercy unto a little be-
fore. He answered, Remember thou scorned, mocked and derided them;
yea saying the devil was in them, they were all mad, and become fools;
and withal he told me I had read and heard that there was a sin that never
could be forgiven, the which sin I bad committed. With this assault he
fooled me a long time, even my life was a burden to me. Oh! the knives,
ropes, trees, coal pits, can witness the many escapes of them, as one in a
most undone, desperate condition, as one appointed to eternal destruction.
The perplexity of mind brought me to great weakness in body, and yet for
ease and comfort I turned over every stone, hearkened to all my acquaint-
ance and friends, as to leave off my old ways, and all my old companions,
which I had done before; but all this while I never considered sin accord-
ing to the true nature of it, as being loathsome to the Lord, but as it
brought judgment upon me; yet was I fearful to sin, and began to love to
read the Scriptures, and frequent prayer and other duties, and took delight
among professors that were of the strictest sort, easily seeing the gross
evil and danger of the formal ministers and professors, and so that con-
formity was only superstition and a name. Yet for all that I had no rest
in my soul, though I was in a manner as strict as any. As I was enlarged
[1651.]
OBADIAH HOLMES.
175
in sorrow for sin, deep in humiliation, enlarged in prayer, or filled with
tears, my comfort came in and increased; but as I failed in them, so my
sorrows renewed; and when I looked over my best performances found
them full of sin. Oh! then the fears, doubts and questioning of my own
estate! I judged it was all done in hypocrisy, which sin my soul did then
abhor. In this sad and doubtful state I continued very long, yea many
years. And although I could speak comfortably to others, yet had often
much disquiet within my soul; my comforts were according to my enlarge-
ments. Not long after this there was in me a great love to the Lord; but
alas! I was deceived by my own heart, and the ministers who told me
there must be such and such a love to him, as to keep to him [me] in duty,
and to part with all for him, but they left me short of understanding him
as I should, and my selfish heart was willing to love him or part with all
for him, yea my dear honored father, brethren and friends, house and lands,
and my own native country, for time, and to avoid those popish relics of
the bishops, and that filthy rabble, and to separate from them, and all those
that mention them: and was fully known in my own country, and adven-
tured the danger of the seas to come to New England, where I tried all
things in several churches, and for a time thought I had made a good choice
or change; but in truth it little differed from former times, and my spirit
was like a wave tossed up and down, as not yet come to dig so deep as I
should, or to consider the only ground of a well grounded hope, which God
at last brought me to consider, which is, His own love to poor lost man,
which first was in his own secret council and purpose before man was, and
revealed to man in his time; and that there is no preparative necessary to
obtain Christ, nor any thing to deserve that love, or to merit the same.
And nothing could stay or satisfy my soul till I came to consider why,
when and upon whom he laid sin and transgression, namely, on the Lord,
and on him alone. And looking at me when a rebel, an enemy, yea dead
in sin and trespasses, yea in my blood, he then said, Live, through the
blood of Christ be cleansed, and in him be loved, for his own love to poor
man, and that the election may obtain it, for he knows who are his; but
good will is manifested before they have done either good or evil, so that
neither good foreseen shall prevail, nor evil original or actual shall hinder,
but that free grace may have its free course; but manifested when he giveth
faith to believe the promise of the Father in giving a full discharge to the
soul, by taking full satisfaction from his only Son, who became sin for us,
who knew no sin, that we might be made the righteousness of God through
him; and so remission and free pardon is granted forth, that whosoever be-
lieves in him shall not perish, but have everlasting life; and all those that
so come to him he will no ways cast away. And when God had given me
to see in any measure this love of his, then and not till then could I give
over working for life, and to live in working. But at last he caused me to
176
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
say, that from life I must work, and then all my former turnings and re-
turnings must come to nought, yea all my righteousness as filthy rags, and
to account all as dung, so I might obtain Christ, or rather that I might be
accepted by him; and so removed me from the covenant of works to the
covenant of grace, even that new covenant of life alone by himself, who
paid so dear a price, as to lay down his own blood to wash, cleanse and
purify the soul, and to redeem both soul and body to serve the Lord; and
that is now the life I live by faith in the Son of God; and this faith causes
works of faith, or rather fruits that flow from that root, so that now love
hath constrained me to yield myself to live to him, as to a King to rule me
by his holy laws and commandments, and as to an only Prophet to teach
and instruct me, both to know and to do his holy will, and as my only
Chief Priest to offer a sacrifice for me, which he did even for all, whereby
my poor imperfect prayers and all other services became accepted of the
Father; and this love, shed abroad in my heart, wrought in me a restless
desire to know his will, that I might shew forth the praises and glory of
him, that had called me by his grace.
As the sentiments of the ancient Baptists in this country
have been grossly misrepresented, and as Mr. Holmes was
no small sufferer in that cause, I thought it expedient to let
the reader thus far hear him speak for himself, and tell his
own experience and ideas about the nature of true religion.
When he first came to this land he joined with the church
in Salem, with whom he walked six or seven years; and
then about the year 1645 was dismissed to the Congrega-
tional church in Seaconck (Rehoboth) newly settled there,
under the ministry of Mr. Samuel Newman. He continued
in that relation about four years, till an unrighteous act, as
he judged, of the minister and part of the church, for which
they would not give satisfaction, caused Mr. Holmes and
several more to withdraw, and set up a meeting by them-
selves. And being convinced that the Baptists' way was
right, a number of them were baptized, I suppose by the
aforesaid Mr. Clarke, for they joined to his church. After
this Mr. Newman pronounced a sentence of ex-communica-
tion against Mr. Holmes, upon which he and two more were
presented to the General Court at Plymouth, June 4, 1650,
where they met with four petitions against them, one from
[1651.]
COMPLAINT AGAINST MR. HOLMES AND OTHERS. 177
their own town with thirty-five hands to it, one from the
church at Taunton, one from all the ministers but two in
Plymouth colony, and a fourth from the Court at Boston,
under their secretary's hand, urging Plymouth rulers to sup-
press them speedily.'
Here we may observe the great difference between our
Plymouth fathers, and the Massachusetts. With all these
stimulants to severity, the Court of Plymouth only charged
them to desist from their practice, which others had taken
such offence at, and one of them yielding thereto, the others,
viz., Obadiah Holmes and Joseph Tory, were bound over
to the next October Court, but were not so much as bound
to their good behavior, nor any other sureties required, only
they were bound "one for another in the sum of ten pounds
apiece," for their appearance at said Court.
At a General Court holden at New Plymouth the second of October,
1650, before William Bradford, gentleman, Governor, Thomas Prince,
William Collyare, Captain Miles Standish, Timothy Hetherly, William
Thomas, Johu Alden, gentlemen, Assistants, [and a House of Deputies.]
PRESENTMENT BY THE GRAND INQUEST.
OCTOBER 2d, 1650.
Wee whose names are heer underwritten, being the grand inquest, doe
present to this Court John Hazell, Mr. Edward Smith and his wife, Obadiah
Holmes, Joseph Tory and his wife, and the wife of James Mann, William
Deuell and his wife, of the towne of Rehoboth, for the continuing of a
meeting uppon the Lord's-day from house to house, contrary to the order
of this Court, enacted June 12, 1650.
THOMAS ROBINSON,
HENRY TOMSON, [&c., to the number of 14.2]
This is an exact copy of their presentment, but no sen-
tence appears upon record against them. How different is
'Clarke's Narratives, pp. 18, 25, [46, 53, 54.] Plymouth Records.-B.
The figures in brackets appended to the references to Clarke's Narrative on this
page and those that follow, refer to Massachusetts Historical Society, fourth series,
Vol. II, where the Narrative is published.-Ed.
Plymouth Records.-B.
In the published Records the second of these names is Henry Sampson.-Ed.
12
178
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
this from the actings of Boston Court the next year!¹ For
on July 19, 1651, Messrs. Clarke, Holmes and Crandal,
"being the representatives of the church in Newport, upon
the request of William Witter, of Lynn, arrived there, he
being a brother in the church, who, by reason of his advanc-
ed age, could not undertake so great a journey as to visit
the church."2 He lived about two miles out of town, and
the next being the Lord's day they concluded to spend it in
religious worship at his house. Mr. Clarke says:
Finding by sad experience, that the hour of temptation spoken of was
coming upon all the world (in a more eminent way) to try them that are upon
the earth, I fell upon the consideration of that [word of] promise, made
to those that keep the word of his patience, which present thoughts, while
in conscience toward God, and good will unto his saints, I was imparting
to my companions in the house where I lodged, and to four or five strangers
that came in unexpected after I had begun, opening and proving what is
meant by the hour of temptation, what by the word of his patience, and
their keeping it, and how he that hath the key of David (being the promi-
ser) will keep those that keep the word of his patience from the hour of
temptation; while, I say, I was yet speaking, there comes into the house.
where we were two constables, who, with their clamorous tongues, made
an interruption in my discourse, and more uncivilly disturbed us than the
pursuivants of the old English bishops were wont to do, telling us that they
were come with authority from the magistrate to apprehend us. I then
desired to see the authority by which they thus proceeded, whereupon they
plucked forth their warrant, and one of them with a trembling hand (as
conscious he might have been better employed) read it to us; the substance
whereof waз as followeth :-
(6
By virtue hereof, you are required to go to the house of William Wit-
ter, and so to search from house to house, for certain erroneous persons,
being strangers, and them to apprehend, and in safe custody to keep, and to-
morrow morning by eight o'clock [of the clock] to bring before me,
ROBERT BRIDGES.”
'Mr. Hazel wrote to his cousin Hubbard, of Newport, June 23, 1651, that they
were then threatened with a fine of ten shillings a day for every person who set up
any other mecting, and that their absence from the town meeting the day before
should prove costly. Samuel Hubbard's Manuscript. Mr. Hazel died soon after,
near Boston. The rest of them moved to Newport, where I find that Edward Smith,
Joseph Torry, James Man and William Deuell, were admitted freemen, May 17,
1653. Smith was afterward a magistrate, and Torry many years Secretary of the
colony, as well as a teacher in Mr. Clarke's church, in which Mr. Holmes also
ministered for many years.
2Newport church papers.
[1651.]
CLARKE, HOLMES AND CRANDAL ARRESTED.
179
When he had read the warrant, I told them, Friends, there shall not be,
I trust, the least appearance of a resisting of that authority by which you
come unto us; yet I tell you, that by virtue hereof you are not so strictly
tied, but if you please you may suffer us to make an end of what we have
begun, so may you be witnesses either to or against the faith and order
which we hold. To which they answered they could not; then said we,
Notwithstanding the warrant, or anything therein contained, you may...
They apprehended us, and carried us away to the ale-house or ordinary,
where at [after] dinner one of them said unto us, Gentlemen, if you be free
I will carry you to the meeting; to whom it was replied, Friend, had we
been free thereunto we had prevented all this, nevertheless we are in thy
hand; and if thou wilt carry us to the meeting, thither will we go; to
which he answered, Then will I carry you to the meeting; to this we
replied, If thou forcest us unto your assembly, then shall we be constrained
to declare ourselves, that we cannot hold communion with them. The
constable answered, that is nothing to me; I have not power to command
you to speak when you come there, or to be silent. To this I again replied,
[Friend, know a little further;] since we have heard the word of salvation by
Jesus Christ, we have been taught, as those that first trusted in Christ, to
be obedient unto him both by word and deed; wherefore if we be forced
to your meeting, we shall declare our dissent from you both by word and
gesture. After all this, when he had consulted with the man of the house,
he told us he would carry us to the meeting; so to their meeting we were
brought, while they were at their prayers, and uncovered; and at my first
stepping over the threshold I unveiled myself, civily saluted them, and
turned into the seat I was appointed to, put on my hat again, and sat down,
open my book, and fell to reading. [Hereupon] Mr. Bridges being troubled,
commanded the constable to pluck off our hats, which he did, and where
he laid mine there I let it lie, until their prayers, singing, and preaching
was over; after this I stood up, and uttered myself in these words follow-
ing:-I desire as a stranger [if I may] to propose a few things to this
congregation, hoping in the proposal thereof I shall commend myself to
your consciences, to be guided by that wisdom that is from above, which
being pure, is also peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated; and there-
with [I] made a stop, expecting if the Prince of peace had been among
them, I should have had a suitable answer of peace from them..... 'Their
'Supplying the words here omitted, the Narrative reads as follows:-" But no
other voice I heard but of their pastor, as he's called, and their magistrate. Their
pastor answered by way of query whether I was a member of a church. Before I
could give an answer, Mr. Bridges spoke, saying, 'If the congregation please
to give you leave, well; if not, I shall require you silence, for,' said he, 'we will
have no objections, &c.'' These last words, then, were spoken by the magistrate,
and not, as represented above, by the pastor.-ED.
180
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
pastor answered, We will have no objections against what is delivered.
To which I answered, I am not about at present to make objections against
what is delivered, but as by my gesture at my coming into your assembly,
I declared my dissent from you, so lest that should prove offensive unto
some whom I would not offend, I would now by word of mouth declare
the grounds, which are these :-First, from the consideration we are strau-
gers each to other, and so strangers to each other's inward standing with
respect to God, and so cannot conjoin and act in faith, and what is not of
faith is sin. And in the second place, I could not judge that you are gath-
ered together, and walk according to the visible order of our Lord; which
when I had declared, Mr. Bridges told me, I had done, and spoke that for
which I must answer, and so commanded [me] silence. When their
meeting was done, the officers carried us again to the ordinary, where
being watched over that night, as thieves and robbers, we were the next
morning carried before Mr. Bridges, who made our mittimus, and sent us
to the prison at Boston. The words of the mittimus are these :—
1
"To the Keeper of the Prison at Boston:
By virtue hereof, you are required to take into your custody from the
constable of Lynn, or his deputy, the bodies of John Clarke, Obadiah
Holmes and John Crandal, and them to keep until the next County Court
to be held at Boston, that they may then and there answer to such com-
plaints as may be alleged against them; for being taken by a [the]
constable at a private meeting at Lynn, upon the Lord's day, exercising
among themselves, to whom divers of the town repaired, and joined with
them, and that in the time of the public exercise of the worship of God;
as also for offensively disturbing the peace of the congregation, at their
coming into the public meeting in the time of prayer in the afternoon, and
for saying and manifesting that the church in [of] Lynn was not consti-
tuted according to the order of our Lord, and for such other things as shall
be alleged against them, concerning their seducing and drawing [aside of]
others after their erroneous judgments and practices, and for suspicion of
having their hands in [the] re-baptizing of one or more among us, as also
for neglecting or refusing to put [give] in sufficient security for their ap-
pearance at the said Court. Hereof fail not at your peril.
22, 5, 51.
ROBERT BRIDGES.'
192
On July 31, Mr. Clarke was brought before the Court,
and fined twenty pounds, or to be well whipped. The crimes
he was charged with, beside what is above mentioned, were,
'It appears that somehow they were permitted to meet again on Monday, and were
sent to prison on Tuesday.
"Clarke's Narrative, pp. 1-4. [27-31.]
•
1
'
[1651.]
CLARKE, HOLMES AND CRANDAL ARRESTED.
181
that he met again the next day after his contempt, as they
call it, of their public worship, "at the house of Witter,
and in contempt of authority, being then in the custody of
the law, did there administer the sacrament of the Lord's
supper to one excommunicated person, to another under ad-
monition, and to a third that was an inhabitant of Lynn, and
not in fellowship with any church, and yet upon answer in
open Court did affirm, that he never re-baptized any," &c.¹
Says Mr. Clarke :-
None were able to turn to the law of God or man by which we were
condemned. At length the Governor stepped up, and told us we had denied
infants' baptism, and being somewhat transported, told me, I had deserved
death, and said he would not have such trash brought into their jurisdic-
tion. Moreover he said, "You go up and down, and secretly insinuate
into those that are weak, but you cannot maintain it before our ministers.
You may try and dispute with them."
To this I had much to reply, but he commanded the gaol-
er to take us away. So the next morning having so fair an
opportunity, I made a motion to the Court in these words
following:-
To the honorable [honored] Court assembled at Boston:
Whereas it pleased this honored Court yesterday to condemn the faith
and order which I hold and practice; and after you had passed your sen-
tence upon me for it, were pleased to express, I could not maintain the
same against your ministers, and thereupon publicly proffered me a dispute
with them; be pleased by these few lines to understand, I readily accept
it, and therefore desire you would appoint the time when, and the person
with whom, in that public place where I was condemned, I might with
freedom, and without molestation of the civil power, dispute that point
publicly, where I doubt not by the strength of Christ to make it good out
of his last Will aud Testament, unto which nothing is to be added, nor
from which nothing is to be diminished. Thus desiring the Father of lights
to shiae forth, and by his power to expel the darkness, I remain your well-
wisher,
JOHN CLARKE.
From the prison, this 1, 6, 51.
This motion, if granted, I desire might be subscribed by
their Secretary's hand, as an act of the same Court by which
we were condemned."
"12
'Neal's History of New England, Vol. I, p. 30. Clarke's Narrative, p. 7, [33, 34.]
182
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
This was presented, and after much ado, one of the mag-
istrates informed Mr. Clarke, that a disputation was granted
to be the next week; but on Monday their ministers came
together and made no small stir about the matter, and near
the close of the day the magistrates sent for Mr. Clarke into
their chamber, and queried with him about the matter, and
demanded of him whether he would dispute upon the things
contained in his sentence, and maintain his practice; "for"
said they, "the Court sentenced you not for your judgment
and conscience, but for matter of fact and practice." To
which, says Mr. Clarke, I replied:-
it so.
You say the Court condemned me for matter of fact and practice. Be
I say that matter of fact and practice was but the manifestation of
my judgment and conscience. And I make account, that man is void of
judgment and conscience, with respect unto God, that hath not a fact and
practice suitable thereunto.... If the faith and order which I profess do
stand by the word of God, then the faith and order which you profess must
needs fall to the ground; and if the way you walk in remain, then the way
that I walk in must vanish away. They cannot both stand together. To
this they seemed to assent; therefore I told them, that if they please to
grant the motion under the Secretary's hand, I would draw up the faith
and order which I hold, as the sum of that I did deliver in open Court, in
[into] three or four conclusions, which conclusions I will stand by and
defeud, until he whom you shall appoint shall by the word of God remove
me from them. In case he shall remove me from them, then the disputa-
tion is at end; but if not, then I desire like liberty by the word of God to
oppose the faith and order which he and you profess, thereby to try whether
I may be an instrument in the hand of God to remove you from the same.
They told me the motion was very fair, and the way like unto a disputant,
....saying, Because the matter is weighty, and we desire that what can,
may be spoken, when the disputation shall be, therefore would we take a
longer time. .... So I returned with my keeper to prison again, drew up
the conclusions, which I was resolved through the strength of Christ to
stand in defence of, and through the importunity of one of the magistrates,
the next morning very early I shewed them to him, having a promise I
should have my motion for a dispute granted, uuder the Secretary's hand.
The conclusions were as followeth :-
The testimony of John Clarke, a prisoner of Jesus Christ at Boston, in
behalf of my Lord, and of his people, is as followeth :—
1. I testify that Jesus of Nazareth, whom God raised from the dead, is
[1651.]
CLARKE'S CONFESSION OF FAITH.
183
made both Lord and Christ; this Jesus I say is the Christ, in English, the
Anointed One; hath a name above every name; he is the Anointed Priest,
none to or with him in point of atonement; the Anointed Prophet, none to
him in point of instruction; the Anointed King, who is gone unto his
Father, for his glorious kingdom, and shall ere long return again; and that
this Jesus Christ is also the Lord; none to or with him by way of com-
manding and ordering, with respect to the worship of God, the household
of faith, which being purchased with his blood as Priest, instructed and
nourished by his spirit as Prophet, do wait in his appointments as the
Lord, in hope of that glorious kingdom which shall ere loug appear.'
2. I testify that baptism, or dipping in water, is one of the command-
ments of this Lord Jesus Christ, and that a visible believer or disciple of
Christ Jesus (that is one that manifesteth repentance towards God, and
faith in Jesus Christ) is the only person that is to be baptized, or dipped
with that visible baptism, or dipping of Jesus Christ in water, and also
that visible person that is to walk in that visible order of his house, and
so to wait for his coming the second time, in the form of a Lord and King,
with his glorious kingdom according to promise, and for his sending down
in the time of his absence the Holy Ghost, or Holy Spirit of promise, and
all this according to the last Will and Testament of that living Lord, whose
will is not to be added to or taken from.2
'To confirm this article Mr. Clarke says, "If the nature of the commanding and
ordering power, that suits both with the worship, and with the worshippers, which
the Father of Spirits seeks for, be [also] considered, which is not a law of a carnal
commandment, seconded with carnal weapons, or an arm of fiesh; but a spiritual
law, as the apostle calls it, Rom. viii., a law of the spirit of life from Christ
Jesus,' spoken unto, or rather written in the heart of a Christian by the Spirit of
Christ, by reason whereof he obeys from the heart readily, willingly and cheerfully,
that form of doctrine which is engraven and laid up therein; Heb. viii. 10, II Cor.
iii. 3, Rom. vi. 17; If this I say be considered, that the worship is spiritual, such
as must begin in, spring up and rise from, the heart and spirit, and so be directed to
the Father of Spirits, and so the commanding power that suits herewith must speak
to the heart and spirit of the man, then there is no Lord in this matter to Christ
Jesus, who speaks to the heart and spirit, and his words are as commands from the
head to the members, which convey [together] spirit and life to obey them, by rea-
son of which his commands are not grievous, for where the Spirit of the Lord is
there is liberty; &c. II Cor. iii. 17, 18." pp. 48, 49, [81.]
2To confirm the first part of this article Mr. Clarke says, Although there be fre
quent mention made of that appointment of Christ in his last Will and Testament,
yet it is never expressed by the word that may be rendered rantism, or sprinkling,
but by the word that is rendered baptism, or dipping;" to which he adds many
proofs, pp. 50-52, [82.] The other part, which concerns the subjects of baptism,
he confirms by the apostles' commission, and by their practice, and notes in par-
ticular, that on the day of Pentecost they baptized none but such as were called,
gladly received his word, were added and continued in the apostles' doctrine and
fellowship, fc. p. 54, [87.]
184
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
3. I testify or witness, that every such believer in Christ Jesus, that
waiteth for his appearing, may in point of liberty, yea ought in point of
duty, to improve that talent his Lord hath given unto him, and in the con-
gregation may either ask for information to himself; or if he can, may
speak by way of prophecy for the edification, exhortation and comfort of
the whole; and out of the congregation at all times, upon all occasions,
and in all places, as far as the jurisdiction of his Lord extends, may, yea
ought to walk as a child of light, justifying wisdom with his ways, and
reproving folly, with the unfruitful works thereof, provided all this be
shown out of a good conversation, as James speaks, with meekness of
wisdom.
4. I testify that no such believer or servant of Christ Jesus hath [any]
liberty, much less authority, from his Lord, to smite his fellow servant,
nor yet with outward force, or arm of flesh to constrain, or restrain his
conscience, no nor yet his outward man for conscience sake, or worship of
his God, where injury is not offered to the person, name or estate of others,
every man being such as shall appear before the judgment-seat of Christ,
and must give an account of himself to God, and therefore ought to be fully
persuaded in his own mind for what he undertakes, because he that doubt-
eth is damned if he eat, and so also if he act, because he doth not eat or
act in faith, and what is not of faith is sin.¹
When Mr. Clarke had thus freely given them his testi-
mony, instead of openly and fairly meeting him as they had
talked of, to vindicate their proceedings, the next news that
he hears from them is this:
To the Keeper of the Prison:
By virtue hereof you are to release and set at liberty the body of Mr.
John Clarke, and this shall be your discharge for so doing. Given under
my hand the 11th of the 6th month, 1651.
WILLIAM HIBBINS.2
Great expectations had been raised in the country of hear-
ing these points disputed, and Mr. Clarke knowing well how
they would try to turn all the blame upon him, immediately
drew up the following address:-
Whereas through the indulgence of tender hearted friends, without my
consent, and contrary to my judgment, the sentence and condemnation of
'Narrative, pp. 9, 10, [34-37.]
2Narrative, p. 10, [37.] Four years after, Hibbins's wife was hanged for a witch.
1
[1651.]
DISPUTATION WITH CLARKE PROPOSED.
185
the Court at Boston (as is reported) have been fully satisfied on my behalf,
and thereupon a warrant hath been procured, by which I am secluded the
place of my imprisonment, by reason whereof I see no other call for pres-
ent but to my habitation, and to those near relations which God hath given
me there; yet lest the cause should hereby suffer, which I profess is
Christ's, I would hereby signify, that if yet it shall please the honored
magistrates, or General Court of this colony, to grant my former request
under their Secretary's hand, I shall cheerfully embrace it, and upon your
motion shall, through the help of God, come from the island to attend it.
And hereunto I have subscribed my name.
11th, 6, 51.
JOHN CLARke.
This was the next morning sent to the magistrates, who
were met at the Commencement at Cambridge, upon which
it was noised abroad that the motion was granted, and that
Mr. Cotton was to be the man; "a man," says Mr. Clarke,
"best of all approved of by myself for that same purpose,
he being the inventor and supporter of that way in these
parts wherein they walk." But a little before their lecture
the next Thursday, he received the following paper:-
MR. JOHN CLARKE:
We conceive you have misrepresented the Governor's speech, in saying
you were challenged to dispute with some of our elders, whereas it was
plainly expressed, that if you would confer with any of them, they were
able to satisfy you, neither were you able to maintain your practice to them
by the word of God, all which we [was] intended for your information and
conviction privately; neither were you enjoined to what you were then
[then were] counselled unto; nevertheless if you are forward to dispute,
and that you will move it yourself to the Court, or magistrates about Bos-
ton, we shall take order to appoint one who will be ready to answer your
motion, you keeping close to the questions to be propounded by yourself;
and a moderator shall be appointed also to attend upon that service; and
whereas you desire you might be free in your dispute, keeping close to the
points to be disputed on, without incurring damage by the civil justice,
observing what hath been before written, it is granted; the day may be
agreed, if you yield the premises.
11th of the 6th, 1651.
'It seems that this should be the 12th.
JOHN ENDICOTT, Governor,
THOMAS DUDLEY, Dep. Governor,
RICHARD BELLINGHAM,
WILLIAM HIBBINS,
INCREASE NOWEL."
186
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Says Mr. Clarke :-
My answer followeth superscribed,
To the honored Governor of the Massachusetts, and the rest of that hon-
orable Society, these present:
WORTHY SENATORS :-I received a writing, subscribed with five of your
hands, by way of answer to a twice repeated motion of mine before you,
which was grounded as I conceive sufficiently upon the Governor's words,
in open Court, which writing of yours doth no way answer my expecta-
tion, nor yet that motion which I made; and whereas, (waiving that
grounded motion) you are pleased to intimate, that if I were forward to
dispute, and would move it myself to the Court, or magistrates about Bos-
ton, you would appoint one to answer my motion, &c., be pleased to un-
derstand, that although I am not backward to maintain the faith and order
of my Lord, the King of saints, for which I have been sentenced yet am I
not in such a way so forward to dispute, or move therein, lest inconven-
ience should thereby arise; I shall rather once more repeat my former
motion, which if it shall please the honored General Court to accept, and
under their Secretary's hand shall grant a free dispute, without molestation
or interruption, I shall be [so] well satisfied therewith; that what is past
I shall forget, and upon your motion shall attend it; thus desiring the
Father of mercies not to lay that evil to your charge, I remain your well
wisher,
JOHN CLARKE.¹
From Prison this 14, 6, 51.
I have transcribed the whole of these letters with great
care, to give the reader a fair opportunity to judge for him-
self, whether those rulers and ministers were not afraid of
the light, though they pretended the contrary. For they
knew that they had then laws in force to punish any man
who should dispute against infant baptism, as well as
other of their ways, and what they now sent was no act of
Court, but only a writing from some of their rulers met at
Commencement. Mr. Clarke says, it was in Mr. Cotton's
handwriting. They would thus fain have stopped Mr.
Clarke's mouth, or else have drawn him again under the
lash of their laws. This he says gave ground for others to
conclude, “that the utmost they can say for themselves, and
to stop the mouth of him that is contrary minded, lies in
'Narrative, pp. 11-13. [40.]
K
[1651.]
CLARKE AND CRANDAL RELEASED.
187
the sword and power of the magistrate, which, although it
be a good ordinance of God in this present evil world to re-
strain the oppressor, and to let the oppressed go free, and
so approved and owned by Christ and all true Christians, in
case of wrong and wicked lewdness, yet was it never
appointed by Christ (to whom all power, not only in earth,
but also in heaven, is committed, and by whom all earthly
powers are to be judged; I say it was never appointed by
Christ) to inform and rectify the minds and consciences of
men in the worship of God, in that great mystery of godli-
ness, and in those mystical matters concerning the kingdom
of Christ, that being a matter that only belongs to the Holy
Spirit of promise, and to the sword of that Spirit, which is
the word (not of man, but) of God, to effect, much less to
conform their outward man contrary to their minds and con-
sciences in the worship of God; and therefore that sword
and power ought to take heed how they meddle herein, lest
they attempt to take the place and enter upon the throne
and kingdom of Christ."
Mr. Crandal, who was fined five pounds, only for being
with the others, was released upon promise of appearing at
their next Court (though they did not let him know when it
was, till it was over, and they exacted the fine of the keeper)
and he with Mr. Clarke returned home. Mr. Holmes was
kept in prison till their Court met in the beginning of Sep-
tember, and then, after their public lecture in Boston, the
sentence of Court was executed upon him; a particular ac-
count of which we have written with his own hand, as
follows:-
Unto the well beloved brethren, John Spilsbury, William Kiffen, and the
rest that in London stand fast in the faith, and continue to walk stead-
fastly in that order of the gospel which was once delivered unto the saints
by Jesus Christ; Obadiah Holmes, an unworthy witness that Jesus is the
Lord,and of late a prisoner for Jesus' sake at Boston, sendeth greeting:
DEARLY BELOVED AND LONGED AFTER :-My heart's desire is to hear
from you, and to hear that you grow in grace, and in the knowledge of our
'Narrative, pp. 13, 14. [41.]
T
:
188
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, and that your love to him, and one
unto another, as he hath given commandment, aboundeth, would be
the very joy and great rejoicing of my soul and spirit. Had I not been
prevented by my beloved brethren of Providence, who have wrote unto
you, wherein you have my mind at large; and also by our beloved brother
Clarke, of Rhode Island, who may, if God permit, see you, and speak with
you mouth to mouth, I had here declared myself in that matter, but now
I forbear; and because I have an experimental knowledge in myself, that
in members of the same body, while it stands in union with the head, there
is a sympathizing spirit, which passeth through, and also remaineth in each
particular, so that one member can neither mourn nor rejoice, but all the
members are ready to mourn and rejoice with it; I shall the rather impart
unto you some dealings which I have had therein from the sons of men,
and the gracious supports which I have had from the Son of God, my
Lord and yours, that so like members you might rejoice with me, and
might be encouraged, by the same experiment of his tender mercies, to
fear none of those things which you shall suffer for Jesus' sake. It pleased
the Father of lights, after a long continuance of mine in death and dark-
ness, to cause life and immortality to be brought to light in my soul, and
also to cause me to see that this life was by the death of his Son, in that
hour and power of darkness procured, which wrought in my heart a rest-
less desire to know what the Lord, who had so dearly bought me, would
have me to do, and finding that it was his last will (to which none is to add,
and from which none is to detract,) that they which had faith in his death
for life, should yield up themselves to hold forth a lively consimilitude or
likeness unto his death, burial and resurrection, by that ordinance of bap-
tism, I readily yielded thereto, being by love constrained to follow the [that]
Lamb (that takes away the sins of the world) whithersoever he goes. I
had no sooner separated from their assemblies, and from communion with
them in their worship of God, and thus visibly put on Christ, being resolv-
ed alone to attend upon him, and to submit to his will, but immediately
the adversary cast out a flood against us, and stirred up the spirits of men
to present myself and two more to Plymouth Court, where we met with
four petitions against our whole company to take some speedy course to
suppress us; one from our own plantation, with thirty-five hands to it;
one from the church, as they call it, at Taunton; one from all the minis-
ters in our colony, except two, if I mistake not, and one from the Court
at Boston, in the Massachusetts, under their Secretary's hand; whereupon
the Court straitly charged us to desist, and neither to ordain officers, nor
to baptize, nor to break bread together, nor yet to meet upon the first day
of the week; and having received these strait charges, one of the three
discovers the sandy foundation upon which he stood, who, when the flood
came and the wind blew, fell, yet it pleased the Father of mercies (to
;
[1651.]
OBADIAH HOLMES SENTENCED.
189
whom be the praise) to give us strength to stand, and to tell them it was
better to obey God [rather] than man; and such was the grace of our God
to us-ward, that though we were had from Court to Court, yet were we
firmly resolved to keep close to the rule, and to obey the voice of our
Lord, come what will come.
Not long after these troubles I came upon occasion of business into the
colony of Massachusetts, with two other brethren, as brother Clarke being
one of the two can inform you, where we three were apprehended, carried.
to [the prison at] Boston, and so to the Court, and were all sentenced.
What they laid to my charge, you may here read in my sentence,¹ upon
the pronouncing of which, as I went from the bar, I expressed myself in
these words:-I bless God, I am counted worthy to suffer for the name
of Jesus. Whereupon Jolin Wilson (their pastor, as they call him) struck
me before the judgment-seat, and cursed me, saying, The curse of God or
Jesus go with thee. So we were carried to the prison, where not long
after I was deprived of my two loving friends, at whose departure the ad-
versary stepped in, took hold of [on] my spirit, and troubled me for the
space of an hour, and then the Lord came in, and sweetly relieved me,
2
'The sentence of Obadiah Holmes, of Seaconk, the 31st of the 5th mouth, 1651.
Forasmuch as you Obadiah Holmes, being come into this jurisdiction about the
21 of the 5 month, did meet at one William Witter's house, at Lynn, and did here
privately (and at other times, being an excommunicate person, did take upon you
to preach and baptize) upon the Lord's day, or other days, and being taken then by
the constable, and coming afterward to the assembly at Lynn, did, in disrespect to
the ordinance of God and his worship, keep on your hat, the pastor being in prayer,
insomuch that you would not give reverence in vailing your hat, till it was forced
off your head, to the disturbance of the congregation, and professing against the
institution of the church, as not being according to the gospel of Jesus Christ; and
that you the said Obadiah Holmes did upon the day following meet again at the said
William Witter's, in contempt to authority, you being then in the custody of the
law, and did there receive the sacrament, being excommunicate, and that you did
baptize such as were baptized before, and thereby did necessarily deny the baptism
that was before administered to be baptism, the churches no churches, and also
other ordinances, and ministers, as if all were a nullity; and also did deny the law-
fulness of baptizing of infants; and all this tends to the dishonor of God, the de-
spising the ordinances of God among us, the peace of the churches, and seducing
the subjects of this Commonwealth from the truth of the gospel of Jesus Christ,
and perverting the strait ways of the Lord, the Court doth fine you thirty pounds,
to be paid, or sufficient sureties that the said sum shall be paid by the first day of
the next Court of Assistants, or else to be well whipped, and that you shall remain
in prison till it be paid, or security given in for it. By the Court,
[Clarke's Narrative, p. 44.]
INCREASE NOWEL.
2. Mr. Wilson is represented by his cotemporaries as one of the most humble,
pious and benevolent men of the age." Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 258.
[237.] But when that darling point, infant sprinkling, was in danger, see how it
makes the most benevolent act like cruel persecutors!
!
་
190.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
causing to look to himself; so was I stayed, and refreshed in the thoughts
of my God.
And although during the time of my imprisonment the
tempter was busy, yet it pleased God so to stand at my right haud, that the
motions were but sudden, and so vanished away. And although there
were that would have paid the money if I would accept it, yet I durst not
accept of deliverance in such a way, and therefore my answer to them was,
that although I would acknowledge their love to a cup of cold water, yet
could I not thank them for their money, if they should pay it. So the
Court drew near, and the night before I should suffer according to my sen-
tence, it pleased God I rested and slept quietly. In the morning my friends
come [came] to visit me, desiring me to take the refreshment of wine, and
other comforts; but my resolution was not to driuk wine, nor strong drink
that day until my punishment was over, and the reason was, lest in case I
had more strength, courage and boldness than ordinarily could be expected,
the world should either say, He is drunk with new wine, or else that the
comfort and strength of the creature hath carried him through. My course
was this:-I desired brother John Hazel to bear my friends company, and
I betook myself to my chamber, where I might communicate with my God,
commit myself to him, and beg strength from him. I had no sooner se-
questered myself, and come into my chamber, but Satan lets fly at me, say-
ing, Remember thyself, thy birth, breeding, and friends, thy wife, children,
name and credit; but as this was sudden, so there came in sweetly from
the Lord as sudden an answer, 'Tis for my Lord; I must not deny him
before the sons of men (for that were [is] to set men above him) but rather
lose all, yea wife, children, and mine own life also. To this the tempter
replies, Oh! but that is the question, is it for him? and for him alone? is
it not rather for thy own, or some other's sake? thou hast so professed and
practiced, and now art loth to deny it; is not pride and self in the bottom?
Surely this temptation was strong, and thereupon I made diligent search
after the matter, as formerly I had done, and after a while there was even
as it had been a voice from heaven in my very soul, bearing witness with
my conscience, that it was not for any man's case or sake in this world,
that so I had professed and practiced, but for my Lord's case and sake,
and for him alone; whereupon my spirit was much refreshed; as also in
the consideration of these three Scriptures, which speak on this wise:
"Who shall lay any thing to the charge of God's elect?" "Although I
walk through the valley and shadow of death I will fear no evil, thy rod
" and "He that continueth to the end,
and thy staff they shall comfort me;
the same shall be saved."
But then came in the consideration of the weakness of the flesh to bear
the strokes of a whip, though the spirit was willing, and thereupon [here-
upon] I was caused to pray earnestly unto the Lord, that he would be
pleased to give me a spirit of courage and boldness, a tongue to speak for
4
[1651.]
OBADIAH HOLMES WHIPPED.
191
him, and strength of body to suffer for his sake, and not to shrink or yield
to the strokes, or shed tears, lest the adversaries of the truth should there-
upon blaspheme and be hardened, and the weak and feeble-hearted dis-
couraged; and for this I sought [besought] the Lord earnestly. At length
he satisfied my spirit to give up, as my soul so my body to him, and
quietly to leave the whole disposing of the matter to him; and so I
addressed myself in as comely a manner as I could, having such a Lord and
Master to serve in this business. And when I heard the voice of my
keeper come for me, even cheerfulness did come upon me, and taking my
Testament in my hand, I went along with him to the place of execution,
and after common salutation here stood. There stood by also one of the
magistrates, by name Increase Nowel, who for a while kept silent, and
spoke not a word, and so did I, expecting the governor's presence, but he
came not. But after a while Mr. Nowel bade the executioner do his office.
Then I desired to speak a few words, but Mr. Nowel answered, It is not
now a time to speak. Whereupon I took leave, and said, Men, brethren,
fathers and countrymen, I beseech you give me leave to speak a few words,
and the rather because here are many spectators to see me punished, and I
am to seal with my blood, if God give strength, that which I hold and
practice in reference to the word of God, and the testimony of Jesus.
That which I have to say in brief is this, Although I confess I am no dis-
putant, yet seeing I am to seal what I hold with my blood, I am ready to
defend it by the Word, and to dispute that point with any that shall come
forth to withstand it. Mr. Nowel answered me, now was no time to dis-
pute. Then said I, Then I desire to give an account of the faith and order
I hold, and this I desired three times, but in comes Mr. Flint, and saith to
the executioner, Fellow, do thine office, for this fellow would but make a
long speech to delude the people.¹ So I being resolved to speak, told the
people; That which I am to suffer for is the Word of God, and testimony
of Jesus Christ. No, saith Mr. Nowel, it is for your error, and going
about to seduce the people. To which I replied, Not for error, for in all
the time of my imprisonment wherein I was left alone (my brethren being
gone) which of all your ministers in all that time came to convince me of
an error; and when upon the governor's words a motion was made for a
public dispute, and upon fair terms so often renewed, and desired by hun-
dreds, what was the reason it was not granted. Mr. Nowel told me, it was
his fault that went away, and would not dispute, but this the writings will
clear at large. Still Mr. Flint calls to the man to do his office; so before
and in the time of his pulling off my clothes I continued speaking, telling
them, that I had so learned, that for all Boston I would not give my body
into their hands thus to be bruised upon another account, yet upon this I
'Thomas Flint was chosen one of their magistrates in 1642.
"
=
192
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
would not give the hundredth part of a wampum peaque¹ to free it out of
their hands, and that I made as much conscience of unbottoning one but-
ton, as I did of paying the thirty pounds in reference thereunto. I told
them moreover, The Lord having manifested his love towards me, in giv-
ing me repentance towards God and faith in Jesus Christ, and so
to be baptized in water by a messenger of Jesus into the name of the
Father, Son and Holy Spirit, wherein I have fellowship with him in his
death, burial and resurrection, I am now come to be baptized in afflictions
by your hands, that so I may have further fellowship with my Lord, and
am not ashamed of his sufferings, for by his stripes am I healed.
And as the man began to lay the strokes upon my back, I said to the
people, Though my flesh should fail, and my spirit should fail, yet my God
would not fail. So it pleased the Lord to come in, and so to fill my heart
and tongue as a vessel full, and with an audible voice I broke forth pray-
ing unto the Lord not to lay this sin to their charge; and telling the people,
that now I found he did not fail me, and therefore now I should trust him
forever who failed me not; for in truth, as the strokes fell upon me, I had
such a spiritual manifestation of God's presence as the like thereof I never
had nor felt, nor can with fleshly tongue express; and the outward
pain was so removed from me, that indeed I am not able to declare it to
you, it was so easy to me, that I could well bear it, yea and in a manner
felt it not although it was grievous as the spectators said, the man striking
with all his strength (yea spitting in [on] his hand three times as many
affirmed) with a three-corded whip, giving me there with thirty strokes.
When he had loosed me from the post, having joyfulness in my heart, and
cheerfulness in my countenance, as the spectators observed, I told the mag-
istrates, You have struck me as with roses; and said moreover, Although
the Lord hath made it easy to me, yet I pray God it may not be laid to
your charge.
"After this many came to me rejoicing to see the power of the Lord
manifested in weak flesh; but sinful flesh takes occasion hereby to bring
others in trouble, informs the magistrates hereof, and so two more are
apprehended as for contempt of authority. Their names were John Hazel
and John Spur, who came indeed and did shake me by the hand, but did
use no words of contempt or reproach unto any. No man can prove that
the first spoke any thing, and for the second, he only said thus: Blessed be
the Lord; yet these two for taking me by the hand, and thus saying after
I had received my punishment, were sentenced to pay forty shillings, or to
be whipped. Both were resolved against paying their fine; nevertheless
after one or two days imprisonment, one paid John Spur's fine and he was
released; and after six or seven days imprisonment of brother Hazel, even
¹A wampum peaque is the sixth part of a penny with us.
[1651.]
TESTIMONY OF OBADIAH HOLMES.
.1
193
the day when he should have suffered, another paid his, and so he escaped;
and the next day went to visit a friend about six miles from Boston, where
the same day he fell sick, and within ten days [he] ended his life. When
I was come to the prison, it pleased God to stir up the heart of an old
acquaintance of mine, who, with much tenderness, like the good Samaritan,
poured oil into my wounds, and plastered my sores ; but there was present
information given what was done, and inquiry made who was the surgeon,
[chirurgeon] and it was commonly reported he should be sent for, but what
was done I yet know not. Now thus it hath pleased the Father of mercies
so to dispose of the matter, that my bonds and imprisonments, have been
no hindrance to the Gospel; for before my return, some submitted to the
Lord, and were baptized, and divers were put upon the way of inquiry.
And now being advised to make my escape by night, because it was re-
ported that there were warrants forth for me, I departed; and the next day
after, while I was on my journey, the constable came to search at the house
where I lodged, so I escaped their hands, and was by the good hand of my
heavenly Father brought home again to my near relations, my wife and
eight children. The brethren of our town, and Providence, having taken
pains to meet me four miles in the woods where we rejoiced together in the
Lord. Thus have I given you as briefly as I can, a true relation of things;
wherefore, my brethren, rejoice with me in the Lord, and give all glory to
him, for he is worthy, to whom be praise forevermore; to whom I com-
mit you, and put up my earnest prayers for you, that by my late experi-
ence who have trusted in God, and have not been deceived, you may trust
in him perfectly. Wherefore, my dearly beloved brethren, trust in the
Lord, and you shall not be ashamed nor confounded; so I also rest.
Yours in the bond of charity,
OBADIAH HOLMES.2
Thus I have given the reader his own testimony, without
adding or diminishing a single word, that all who under-
stand may judge; for the Scriptures assure us, that “the ear
trieth words, as the mouth tasteth meat." You have heard
from Mr. Holmes, that two men were put to trouble for the
respect they showed to him after his sufferings. Mr. Clarke
'In a manuscript of Governor Joseph Jencks, written near fifty years ago, he says:-
"Mr. Holmes was whipped thirty stripes, and in such an unmerciful manner, that
in many days, if not some weeks, he could take no rest but as he lay upon his
knees and elbows, not being able to suffer any part of his body to touch the bed
whereon he lay. But Mr. Clarke being a scholar bred, a friend of his, paid his
fine.
2Clarke's Narrative, pp. 16-23, [45-52.]
13
194
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
says, it was reported that warrants were sent forth to the
number of thirteen, but that "some through fear were fain
to hide themselves, and being strangers, to hasten away, or
to change their habit." John Spur, one of their church mem-
bers, who was taken, gives us the following testimony.
Says he:-
Mr. Cotton in his sermon immediately before the Court gave their sen-
tence against Mr. Clarke, Obadiah Holmes, and John Crandal, affirmed,
that denying infant baptism would overthrow all, and this was a capital
offence; and therefore they were soul-murderers. When therefore the
Governor, Mr. John Endicott, came into the Court to pass sentence against
them, he said thus, You deserve to die, but this we agreed upon, that Mr.
Clarke shall pay twenty pounds fine, and Obadiah Holmes thirty pounds.
fine, and John Crandal five pounds, and to remain in prison until their fines
be either paid or security given for them, or else they are all of them to be
well whipped. When Obadiah Holmes was brought forth to receive his
sentence, he desired of the magistrates, that he might hold forth the ground
of his practice; but they refused to let him speak, and commanded the
whipper to do his office; then the whipper began to pull off his clothes,
upon which Obadiah Holmes said, Lord lay not this sin unto their charge;
and so the whipper began to lay on with his whip; upon which Obadiah
Holmes said, O Lord, I beseech thee to manifest thy power in the weak-
ness of thy creature. He neither moving nor stirring at all for their
[the] strokes, breaks out in these expressions, Blessed and praised be the
Lord, and thus he carried it to the end, and went away rejoicingly. I
John Spur being present, it did take such an impression in my spirit to
trust in God, and to walk according to the light that God had communi-
cated to me, and not to fear what man could do unto me, that I went to
the man (being inwardly affected with what I saw and heard) and with a
joyful countenance took him by the hand when he was from the post and
said, Praised be the Lord; and so I went along with him to the prison;
and presently that day there was information given to the Court what I had
said and done; and also a warrant¹ [was] granted out that day to arrest
both myself and John Hazel, which was executed on the morrow morning
upon us, and so we were brought to the Court and examined. The Gov-
ernor asked me concerning Obadiah Holmes, according as he was informed
'To the keeper or his deputy:
By virtue hereof you are to take into your custody and safe keeping, the body of
John Spur for a heinous offence by him committed; hereof fail not [not to fail.]
Dated the 5th of the 7th month, 1651. Take also into your safe keeping John
Hazel. By the Court,
INCREASE NOWEL.
[1651.]
TESTIMONY OF JOHN SPUR.
195
by old Mr. Cole and Thomas Buttolph, of my taking of him by the hand,
and smiling, and I did then freely declare what I did, and what I said,
which was this:-Obadiah Holmes, said I, I do look upon as a godly man ;
and do affirm that he carried himself as did become a Christian, under so
sad an affliction; and his affliction did so affect my soul, that I went to him
being from the post, and said, Blessed be the Lord. .... But said the Gov-
ernor, What do you apprehend concerning the cause for which he suffered?
My answer was, That I am not able to judge of it. Then said the Gov-
ernor, we will deal with you as we have dealt with him. I said unto him
again, I am in the hands of God. Then Mr. Symonds, a magistrate, said,
"You shall know that you are in the hands of men." The Governor then
said, Keeper, take him; and so I was presently carried away to prison.
1
The next day about one of the clock, I was sent for again into the Court.
The Governor (being then about to go out of the Court when I came in)
delivered his [this] speech to me; said he, You must pay forty shillings or
be whipped. I said then to those of the Court that remained, That if any
man suffer as a Christian, let him glorify God in this behalf. Then I de-
sired to know what law I had broken, and what evil I had done? but they
produced no law, only they produced what the two witnesses had sworn
against me. My speech thereto was this:-My practice and carriage is
allowed by the word of God, for it is written in Rom. 12. Be like affec-
tioned one towards another; rejoice with them that rejoice; and it is con-
trary to my judgment and conscience to pay a penny. Then said Mr.
Bendal, I will pay it for him, and there presented himself. I answered
then and said, I thanked him for his love, but did believe it was no accept-
able service for any man to pay a penny for me in this case; yet notwith-
standing, the Court accepted of his proffer, and bid me begone. Then came
John Hazel to be examined.
JOHN SPUR.2
166
J. Cole being in the market place, when Obadiah Holmes came from the whip-
ping-post, John Spur came and met him presently, laughing in his face, saying,
'Blessed be God for thee brother,' and so did go with him, laughing upon him up to-
wards the prison, which was very grievous to me to see him harden the man in his
sin, and shewing much contempt of authority by that carriage, as if he had been
unjustly punished, and had suffered as a righteous man under a tyrannical govern-
ment. Deposed before the Court, the 5th of the 7th month.
INCREASE NOWEL."
"I, Thomas Buttolph, did see John Spur come to Obadiah Holmes, so soon as he
came from the whipping-post, laughing in his face, and going along with him to-
wards the prison to my great grief to see him harden him in his sin, and to shew
such contempt of authority. Deposed the 5th of the 7th month, 1651, before the
Court.
INCREASE NOWEL."
[Narrative, p. 58.]
Narrative, pp. 26–28. [56–58.]
I find that John Hazel was admitted a freeman at Boston, March 9, 1637, and
John Spur, May 22, 1639. Massachusetts Records.
196
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Mr. Hazel was one of Mr. Holmes's brethren of Reho-
both, who, though above threescore years old, and infirm in
body, had traveled near fifty miles, partly indeed on other
business, but chiefly to visit his beloved brother in prison;
and how he was treated there, he has given us an account,
written and subscribed with his own hand as follows:-
A relation of my being brought before the magistrates the 6th of the 7th
month, 1651.
I, going from place to place, to buy and take up commodities for my
use, was attached or arrested by the marshal, by virtue of a warrant from
the Court, to appear in the Court, and there to answer for a high misde-
meanor committed by me; and coming into the Court (which was then
privately kept in the chamber) they asked me divers questious, among[st]
which this was one, Whether I did think that Obadiah Holmes did well or
not, in coming among them to baptize, and administer the sacrament? lay-
ing this to my charge, that I was one with him, and of the same judgment,
and, Whether I did think he did well or no, in his so carrying himself?
To which I answered, I had here nothing to do with that which another
man did, but I was here to answer for what I myself had committed
against their law. Then said they, You have offended our law, and have
contemned authority, for you took him by the hand, and did countenance
him in his sin, so soon as he was gone from the post. To which I said, If
I have broken any law of the place, by what I then did, I am willing to
submit unto punishment. Yea, said the Governor you took him by the
hand, did you not? and spake to him; what said you? did you not say so
and so? Blessed be God, &c. To which I said, I shall refer myself unto
the testimonies that may or can be brought against me. Well, said the
Governor, we shall find testimony enough against you. Take him to you,
keeper, and we will call you forth in public, for what [that] we do with
you we will proceed in public with you. And so I went to prison. This
was the sum and substance of the first time I was called before them. The
next day being the last day of the week, and the last day of their Court, I
So
was in expectation all the forenoon to be called forth, but was not.
after dinner, when (as appeareth) the Court was risen, and some of the
magistrates departed, I was sent for again into the chamber, where was
the Governor with three others, scil, Mr. Bellingham, Mr. Hibbins, and
Mr. Increase Nowel. As soon as I was come into the room, the Gov-
ernor read my sentence, which was, that I must pay forty shillings, or be
well whipped; and so immediately he departed, and when he was gone (for
could not have time before) I answered, that I desired the privilege of au
English subject, which was to be tried by the country, to wit, a jury, and
[1651.]
TESTIMONY OF JOHN HAZEL.
197
To
to be made to appear (if they can) to be a transgressor by a law.
which they said, I had contemned authority, and they had a law to punish
such, and said they, You did show your contempt of authority in that you
did take such a person by the hand, as soon as he was from the post. To
which I answered, I could not do that which I did in contempt to authority,
seeing he had satisfied the law to the full, and was departed from the place
of suffering; and in the next place, what I did, I did unto him as my
friend; and further I said, If I had taken him by the hand so soon as he
was loosed from the post, and had led him out of the town, I should not
have broken any law either of God or man. To this they said, that there
was a law in all Courts of justice, both in Old England and other coun-
tries, to punish contempt of authority, and so had they such a law among
themselves. To which I said, that in Old England and other places, they
had such a law I denied not, but that law also was both enacted and pub-
lished, but what law have I broken in taking my friend by the hand, when
he was free, and had satisfied the law? To this they replied, that he had
not satisfied the keeper. To this I answered, that he had talked with the
keeper, and there was some agreement between them, and so in that sense
also not under the law, but free. Then said they, if you would have
showed kindness unto your friend, you might have forborne in that place,
and done it more privately. To which I answered, I knew not but that
place was as free as another, he having satisfied the law. The testimony
that was given by Mr. Cole, was this, "I saw John Hazel take Obadiah
Holmes by the hand, but what he said I cannot tell." This is the sub-
stance of all the proceedings until the last day at night, and then they said
I should be whipped; but said some of their officers, The whipper cannot
be found. Then they commanded that they should be ready by the second
day morning, and then I did expect to be called forth; but neither that
day, nor the third, nor fourth, was I called, but am as I understand
reserved unto the fifth day, to be more public in the view of the world.
And when the fifth day came, as I had many before, so also then, that
would have paid the fine, if I would give my consent which I denied to do,
and so set myself by the power of Christ to suffer what should be inflicted
upon me; but when noon came I was told I should not suffer whipping;
yet not having a discharge I did not look to be freed until the keeper told
me I might go about my business. Then I demanded a discharge,
(meaning under the magistrates' hands) so he bade me go; he would dis-
charge me.
The strokes I was enjoined by the Court to have, were ten with a three-
corded whip; the very same number I understand, that the worst malefac-
tors that were there punished had; of which some were guilty of common
whoredom, another of forcing a little child, and one Indian for coining of
money. Thus far have you a relation according to my best remembrance
198
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
!
from the first to the last of all the passages concerning this matter; by me
John Hazel, written with mine own hand in Boston prison, the 13th day of
the seventh month, 1651.
A postscript. Since I wrote, I understand there is report that I was
willing to pay my fine, and that the magistrates would not accept of it
without I were willing. Gentle reader, be pleased to understand that this
is false, for it was without my consent or approbation; and further,
understand, that the fine was taken by them, upon the proffer of Mr.
Bendal for John Spur. It was willingly accepted by the magistrates, and
approved of, although John Spur did to their faces contradict it, and oppose.
it; therefore, good reader, believe not such reports.
By me,
JOHN HAZEL.”1
Thus far we have attended to those sufferers' own testi-
mony, the last of whom wrote the postscript of his relation
on his death-bed; and how much the abusive treatment he
met with was the cause of his death, God only knows. Let
us now hear what others had to say about them. Mr. Clarke
went to England in November, 1651, and the next year
printed the narrative from whence we have taken these
accounts; upon which Sir Richard Saltonstall, one of the
Massachusetts' first magistrates, then in our mother country,
wrote to Messrs. Cotton and Wilson, of Boston, in this
manner:
Reverend AND DEAR FRIENDS, WHOM I UNFEIGNEDLY LOVE AND RESPECT :-
It doth not a little grieve my spirit to hear what sad things are reported
daily of your tyranny and persecutions in New England, as that you fine,
whip and imprison men for their consciences. First, you compel such to
come into your assemblies as you know will not join with you in your wor-
ship, and when they show their dislike thereof or witness against it, then
you stir up your magistrates to punish them for such (as you conceive)
their public affronts. Truly, friends, this your practice of compelling any
in matters of worship to do that whereof they are not fully persuaded, is
to make them sin, for so the apostle (Rom. 14 and 23) tells us, and many
are made hypocrites thereby, conforming in their outward man for fear of
punishment. We pray for you and wish you prosperity every way, hoped
the Lord would have given you so much light and love there, that you
'Narrative, pp. 29–32, [59—62.] IIere note, that Mr. Neal mistakes in repre-
senting that it was the General Court that fined these men, for it was only the Court
of Assistants.
¡
[1651.]
MR. COTTON'S VINDICATION.
199
might have been eyes to God's people here, and not to practice those cour-
ses in a wilderness, which you went so far to prevent. These rigid ways
have laid you very low in the hearts of the saints. I do assure you I have
heard them pray in the public assemblies that the Lord would give you
meek and humble spirits, not to strive so much for uniformity as to keep
the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace.¹
us.
Mr. Cotton's answer:
HONORED AND DEAR SIR:-My brother Wilson and self do both of us
acknowledge your love, as otherwise formerly, so now in the late lines we
received from you, that you grieve in spirit to hear daily complaints against
Be pleased to understand we look at such complaints as altogeth-
er injurious in respect of ourselves, who had no hand or tongue at all to
promote either the coming of the persons you aim at into our assemblies,
or their punishment for their carriage there. Righteous judgment will not
take up reports, much less reproaches against the innocent. The cry of
the sins of Sodom was great and loud, and reached up to heaven; yet the
righteous God (giving us an example what to do in the like case) he would
first go down to see whether their crime were altogether according to the
cry, before he would proceed to judgment. And when he did find the truth
of the cry, he did not wrap up all alike promiscuously in the judgment, but
spared such as he found innocent. We are amongst those whom (if you
knew us better) you would account, [as the matron of Abel spake of her-
self,] peaceable in Israel. Yet neither are we so vast in our indulgence or
toleration, as to think the men you speak of, suffered an unjust censure.
For one of them, (Obadiah Holmes) being an excommunicate person him-
self, out of a church in Plymouth patent, came into this jurisdiction, and
took upon him to baptize, which I think himself will not say he was com-
pelled here to perform. And he was not ignorant that the rebaptizing of
an elder person, and that by a private person out of office and under ex-
communication, are all of them manifest contestations against the order
2
'Massachusetts History, Vol. III, pp. 401, 402.
Alas! how often do men act contrary to the good rules they prescribe for others!
How often was Mr. Cotton guilty of censuring others, without a fair and full hear-
ing! He does it to Mr. Holmes before he has got to the end of this letter. And
where there are some things wrong, yet how little care has been used by his party to
distinguish the innocent from the guilty, among the Baptists! So far from such a
care, that from his day to ours, it has been a common trade of that party to ransack
Germany, in order to reproach the English Baptists with errors and bad actions,
which we never had any more concern with, than our accusers have with the whore-
dom of pope Joan!
3What an evasion is this! Sir Richard spake of compelling persons into their
worship, and Cotton here turns it as if he meant a compelling persons out of one
government into another to worship in their own way.
200
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
and government of our churches, established (we know) by God's law, and
he knoweth) by the laws of the country. As for his whipping, it was
more voluntarily chosen by him than inflicted on him. His censure by the
Court was to have paid (as I know) thirty pounds, or else be whipped; his
fine was offered to be paid by friends for him freely, but he chose rather to
be whipped; in which case, if his suffering of stripes was any worship of
God at all, surely it could be accounted no better than will-worship.¹ The
other (Mr. Clarke) was wiser in that point and his offence was less, so
was his fine less, and himself (as I hear) was contented to have it paid for
him, whereupon he was released. The imprisonment of either of them
was no detriment. I believe they fared neither of them better at home,
and I am sure Holmes had not been so well clad of many years before.
2
But be pleased to consider this point a little further. You think to com-
pel men in matter of worship is to make them [men] sin. If the worship
be lawful in itself, the magistrate compelling him to come to it, compelleth
him not to sin, but the sin is in his will that needs to be compelled to a
Christian duty. If it do make men hypocrites, yet better be hypocrites
than profane persons. Hypocrites give God part of his due, the outward
man, but the profane person giveth God neither outward nor inward man.
You know not, if you think we came into this wilderness to practice those
courses here which we fled from in England. We believe there is a vast
difference between men's inventions and God's institutions; we fled from
men's inventions, to which we else should have been compelled; we compel
none to men's inventions. If our ways (rigid ways as you call them) have
laid us low in the hearts of God's people, yea, and of the saints (as you
style them) we do not believe it is any part of their saintship. Nevertheless,
I tell you the truth, we have tolerated in our church some Anabaptists,
some Antinomians and some Seekers, and do so still at this day. We are
far from arrogating infallibility of judgment to ourselves or affecting uni-
formity; uniformity God never required, infallibility he never granted us.³
Here I would remark:-
1. That they were not infallible, can easily be believed,
by all who see what great absurdities and self-contradictions
they were driven to, in trying to support that way. Mr.
"Although the paying of a fine seems to be but a small thing in comparison of a
man's parting with his religion, yet the paying of a fine is the acknowledgment of
a transgression; and for a man to acknowledge that he has transgressed when his
conscience tells him he has not, is but little, if any thing at all, short of parting
with his religion; and 'tis likely that this might be the consideration of those suffer-
ers." Governor Jencks.
"If the reader will look back to page 185, he may see how contrary this is to truth.
"Mass. History, Vol. III, pp. 403-406.
}
[1651.]
GROUNDS OF LEGISLATION FOR CONSCIENCE.
201
Cotton here asserts that they were far from arrogating infal-
libility to themselves, and yet in the same letter had said,
our churches are established, "We know by God's law," and
that in the points Mr. Holmes contested. And the use of
force in religious matters naturally carries men into this
absurdity; for it would sound very odd in any men, to com-
pel others to their way by the magistrate's sword, and yet
own at the same time that they did not know but they were
compelling them into errors. When I first came into the
parish where I now dwell, as they were without a minister,
their committee requested me to preach to them for some
time, which I did. But in the year following, they got a
major vote to hire another sort of preaching, and taxed me
with our society thereto. This caused our society to present
an address to that party, dated November 21, 1748, wherein
they say, "Pray consider, would you like it if we were a few
more in number than you, to be forced to help us build a
meeting house, and maintain our minister? We doubt it
much." To this the other party, by the help of a neighbor-
ing minister, returned a long answer, the turning point of
which was in these words, viz. :—
What we demand of you is equal and right; what you demand of us is
evil and sinful; and hence we have the golden rule upon our side, while
you are receding and departing from it; for if we were in an error, and out
of the right way, as we see and know that you are in several respects, and
you see and know it of us, as we do of you, we think the golden rule would
oblige you to tell us of our error, and not let us alone to go on peaceably
in it, that is without using proper means to recover and reclaim us; whether
by the laws of God, or the good and wholesome laws of the land, as we
now treat you.
Now, only allow it to be right to join the laws of the land
with the laws of God, in supporting what the majority calls
the right way of worship, and then how can any one fairly
withstand this reasoning? For we are required not to suffer
sin upon our neighbor; and if secular force be a means that
Christians ought to use, to bring their neighbors from error
202
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
A
to attend and support the truth, how can Mr. Cotton's party
be condemned for seizing and punishing Mr. Clarke and his
brethren for worshipping in a private house, when they had
an Orthodox meeting in the town, established by public
authority? And how can the major party in any parish be
blamed for imprisoning men for their minister's rates (as my
neighbors did me) though they never heard him, or received
the least benefit from him? If any think these two are not
parallel cases, I ask what is the difference? Mr. Clarke and
Holmes might have gone to the established worship, if they
would; and Mr. Holmes might have had his fine paid it
seems if he would, and so all his devotion under the whip is
declared to be "no better than will worship." According
to Mr. Cotton's own words, men might then be Anabaptists,
Antinomians, and what not, if they would but come to hear
the right ministers, and join with the right churches; and is
not the greatest complaint they have at this day against the
Baptists, because they refuse to commune with Pedobaptist
churches? They professed to grant liberty of conscience
then, as well as now. Captain Johnson who wrote in the
time we are upon, says of erroneous persons:
They report in all places where they come, that New England govern-
ment doth persecute the people and churches of Christ; which, to speak
truth, they have hitherto been so far from, that they have endeavored to
expel all such beasts of prey (who will not be reclaimed) that here might
be none left to hurt or destroy in all God's holy mountain. Neither do
they exercise civil power to bring all men under their obedience, to a uni-
formity in every point of religion, but to keep them in the unity of the
spirit, aud the bond of peace; nor yet have they ever mixed their civil
powers with the authority peculiarly given by Christ to his churches and
officers of them, but from time to time have labored to uphold their privi-
leges, and only communion one with another.¹
It is readily granted that the sentiments of Mr. Williams
and Mr. Clarke, about religious liberty, have had a great
spread since that day, so that men of a contrary mind can-
'Johnson's History, p. 107.
}
[1651.]
CLARKE'S NARRATIVE IRREFUTABLE.
203
not carry their oppressive schemes so far now as they did
then; yet as to such as still hold that they have a right to use
secular force to support worship, I think the chief differ-
ence between them and their fathers in 1651, lies in these
two points: Then they gave the church the whole power of
electing and settling ministers; now the world is empowered
to control the church in her choice; then they obliged men
to hear, as well as support their good ministers; now men
may hear whom they please, if they will but let the parish
minister have their money; but if that is refused, men are
as liable to imprisonment or confiscation of goods now
as then; and whether the compelling of a man to pay for
that which is no benefit to him, be not an action more void
of the very appearance of justice, than the compelling of
men to hear what the compellers esteemed good preaching
was, is freely referred to every reader's conscience; as it also
is, whether the real error in both cases does not lie in blend-
ing divine and human laws together, rather than in any mis-
take about applying of them then, more than now.
2. We have abundant reason to think that Mr. Clarke's
narrative of their sentiments and sufferings, is a true and
just one; for he published it in 1652, and it greatly concerned
the Massachusetts colony to confute the same if they could,
and they did not want for men of ability and inclination to
vindicate themselves in that respect, if they had found mat-
ter to work upon. But Captain Johnson who published his
history of that colony in 1654, is silent about this remarka-
ble affair. Mr. John Leverett, their agent at the British
Court, wrote to Governor Endicott about it; but he in a letter
of June 29, 1657, says, "I cannot for the present answer
your expectation touching Rhode Island, and Clarke and
Holmes." Mr. Morton printed his New England Memorial
in 1669, in which he endeavors to vindicate the country
against many other complaints, but leaves this narrative
'Massachusetts History, Vol. III, p. 309.
204
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
untouched. Mr. Hubbard wrote a large history of the
country in 1680, yet touches not this affair unless in an
obscure hint which confutes nothing. Dr. Cotton Mather
published his folio history of New England in 1702, but
passes over these sufferings in silence; yea, and so does
Governor Hutchinson, though his history is the most impar-
tial upon religious disputes of any that has been written in
this country, yet he says, "The first persecution I find upon
record of any of the people called Anabaptists was in the
year 1665." In his third volume, which is a collection of
ancient papers, are a few references to these sufferers, which
I have now made use of, but instead of confuting, they con-
firm Mr. Clarke's Narrative. Mr. Neal who wrote in London,
1720, has from that narrative given a brief account of their
sufferings, and has done them the most honor of any Pedo-
baptist author I ever saw; though he has made several mis-
takes about them.2
'Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 226. [208.]
'As in Vol. I, p. 298, he says, "Mr. Newman admonished Holmes of his offence;
but finding him obstinate, and not willing to give an account of his conduct to the
church, he excommunicated him;" for which he gives no other proof than Mr.
Clarke's Narrative, and that informs us, p. 24, [53, 54,] that the first occasion of
Mr. Holmes's separation was, "That seven of the brethren should pass an act of
admonition upon a brother, without the consent of the rest, we (says Mr. Holmes)
being twenty-three in number, who might all in one hour's space, if in health, have
come together; so when I heard of it I went to Mr. Newman, and told him of the
evil which he and the other six had done; he told me they were the church represen-
tative, and if four of them had done it, it had been a church act. When this comes
to the congregation, with much ado, he got five more to himself, and then they were
twelve and we eleven; then they owned themselves to be the church, and began to
deal with me for saying, they had abused the church, and had took from them their
power; whereupon I told them I should renounce them, till either they saw their
sin, or I further light." After which a number more drew off and set up a meeting
by themselves, and there was public notice of the day when they were to be baptized,
and many witnesses of the transaction, yet says he, "Not one man or woman of
Mr. Newman's company ever come to deal with me for evil either in judgment or
practice till a long time after." Now is it just to charge Mr. Holmes with obstinacy,
only for his refusing to submit to the other party after this? Again Mr. Neal, p. 302,
charges Mr. Clarke, with standing upon a punctilio against very fair concessions of
the Massachusetts rulers, only because he refused to dispute without an exemption
from the lash of their law.
[1651.]
BAPTIST FATHERS SOUND IN DOCTRINE.
205
3. By all that appears, those Baptist fathers were sound
in the faith and much acquainted with experimental and
practical religion. All that was proved against them may be
summed up in their noble testimony, that there is "none to
or with Christ the Lord, by way of commanding and order-
ing with respect to the worship of God; that baptism or
dipping in water is one of his commandments, and that a
visible believer or disciple of Christ is the only person that
is to be baptized; that every such believer, may in point of
liberty, yea, ought in point of duty to improve that talent
his Lord hath given him with meekness of wisdom; and
that no such believer hath any liberty, much less authority
from his Lord, to smite his fellow-servant, nor yet with out-
ward force to restrain his conscience, nor outward man for
conscience sake, where injury is not offered to the person,
name or estate of others." This is the sum of all the princi-
ples for which they suffered such cruel things, though their
opposites have constantly accused them of others. The
assembly of Massachusetts begin their law against the Bap-
tists in 1644, with saying, that "since the first arising of the
Anabaptists about one hundred years since, they have been
the incendiaries of the commonwealths, and the infectors
of persons in main matters of religion, and the troublers of
churches in all places where they have been ;" and great
pains have been taken by teachers and writers from that day
to this, to connect these odious ideas with the very name of
Anabaptists. But let the reader judge whether it be possible
for ministers of any denomination, to visit and worship with
any of their brethren, more peaceably than these ministers
did with their brother at Lynn; and whether he can find
one of their martyrs who showed less of a disposition for
denying the lawful authority of magistrates, or more of a
Christian temper in sufferings, under their unlawful usurpa-
tions, than these Baptists did. And whether they were
heterodox or not in main matters of religion, may be partly
206
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
gathered from the foregoing account, and still further by the
confession of their faith inserted below.¹
1
I shall close this chapter with an address of Mr. Roger
Williams to Governor Endicott, concerning these affairs.
'Mr. Clarke left a confession of his faith in writing, from whence an extract was
inserted in the records of his church, the main of which here follows:-
"The decree of God is that whereby God hath from eternity set down with him-
self whatsoever shall come to pass in time. Eph. i. 2. All things with their causes,
effects, circumstances and manner of being, are decrced by God. Acts, ii. 23.
'Him, being delivered by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God,' &c.
Acts, iv. 28. This decree is most wise; Rom. xi. 33; most just; Rom. ix. 13. 14;
eternal; Eph. i. 4, 5; II Thes. ii. 13; necessary; Psa. xxxiii. 2, Prov. xix. 21;
unchangeable; Heb. vi. 17; most free; Rom. ix. 13; and the cause of all good;
Jam. i. 17; but not of any sin; I John, i. 5. The special decree of God concern-
ing angels and men is called predestination. Rom. viii. 30. Of the former, viz.,
angels, little is spoken in the Holy Scripture; of the latter more is revealed, not
unprofitable to be known. It may be defined, the wise, free, just, eternal and un-
changeable sentence or decree of God, determining to create and govern man for his
special glory, viz., the praise of his glorious mercy and justice; Rom. ix. 17, 18,
and xi. 36. Election is the decree of God, of his free love, grace and mercy,
choosing some men to faith, holiness and eternal life, for the praise of his glorious
mercy; I Thes. i. 4, II Thes. ii. 13, Rom. viii. 29, 30. The cause which moved
the Lord to elect them who are chosen, was none other but his mere good will and
pleasure, Luke xii, 32. The end is the manifestation of the riches of his grace
and mercy, Rom. ix. 23, Eph. i. 6. The sending of Christ, faith, holiness, and eter-
nal life, are the effects of his love, by which he manifesteth the infinite riches of
his grace.
In the same order God doth execute this decree in time, he did decree
it in his eternal counsel. I Thes. v. 9; II Thes. ii. 13. Sin is the effect of man's
free will, and condemnation is an effect of justice inflicted upon man for sin and
disobedience. .... A man in this life may be sure of this election, II Pet. i, 10, I
Thes. i, 4; yea of his eternal happiness, but not of his eternal reprobation; for
...
he that is now profane, may be called hereafter." Thus far Mr. Clarke.
Mr. Holmes says:-" "Having had two or three requests from my friends and
brethren, in special my brother Robert, to give some information of my present
state and standing with reference to the Lord and my own soul, [I] shall as briefly
as I can, give account thereof. But before I come to speak to the point in
hand, I cannot forget the rock out of which I was hewn, and the cistern out of which
I was digged; who was by nature a child of wrath as well as others, and by actual
transgression added sin to sin, as my conscience and others did know. But God
had mercy for me in store when I neither deserved it nor desired it, for he knows
who are his; and the elect shall obtain it, forever blessed be his holy name, to whom
be glory forever. Amen. Now in this faith or belief I stand, not doubting but it is
the faith of God's elect.
1. "I believe there is one Essence or Being, even one God, who made heaven and
earth, the waters, and all things therein contained, who governs all things by the
word of his power, and hath appointed life and death to men, and bounded their habi-
tations, whose providence extendeth to the least creature and actions. 2. I believe
this God is Father to our Lord Jesus Christ; in a special understanding may be dis-
[1651.]
HOLMES'S CONFESSION OF FAITH.
207
The governor having occasion (as they often had,) to write
to Mr. Williams about the " peace of the English and
Indians," and having at the entrance of his letter said,
"Were I as free in my spirit as formerly I have been to
tinguished as Father, Son and Holy Spirit, and yet but one in Essence. 3. I believe
that as God made the world, so by his word made he man in his own image without
sin, and gave him a most excellent place and being, giving him commandment what
he should do, and what he should forbear; but through the malice of Satan working
with his wife was deceived; for she did eat, and gave her husband and he did eat,
which was the first cause of the curse to him, and reached to all his posterity, by
which came death natural, and death eternal. 4. I believe in this interim of time
the Lord manifested his great love in that word, 'The seed of the woman shall
break the head of the serpent,' but enmity was between the two seeds. 5. I believe
that at that and after time the Lord was worshipped by sacrifices, though darkly
held forth to us. 6. I believe after that God in his own time chose a people to him-
self, and gave them his laws and statutes in a special manner, though he had always
his chosen ones in every generation. 7. I believe with this people he made a choice
covenant to be their God, and they to be his people; which covenant they brake
though he was a Father to them, and was grieved for them, and yet did not only give
them his laws, but sent his prophets early and late, but they would not hear; and
in fullness of time sent his only Son; but as they had abused his prophets, so they
killed his only Son. 8. I believe God in his Son made a new covenant, a sure and
everlasting covenant, not like that he made with Israel, of which Moses, that faith-
ful servant, was mediator, but a covenant of grace and peace through his only Son,
that whosoever believed in him should not perish, but have everlasting life. 9. I
believe that all those that are in this covenant of grace, shall never fall away nor
perish, but shall have life in the Prince of Life, the Lord Jesus Christ. 10. I be-
lieve no man can come to the Son but they that are drawn by the Father to the Son,
and they that come, he in no wise will cast away. 11. I believe he came to call
sinners to repentance, for the whole need him not, but they that are sick. 12. I be-
lieve that by the shedding of his precious blood is my redemption, and not mine
only, but all that are or shall be saved. 13. I believe that as he was God so was he
man, for he did not take the nature of angels, but the nature of Abraham.
believe God hath laid the iniquity of all his elect and called ones, upon him.
believe the Father is fully satisfied, and the debt is truly paid to the utmost farthing,
and the poor sinner is quit, and set free from all sin past, present and to come.
16. I believe the Holy Scriptures which testify of Christ in dark shadows and types,
and all that was written of Christ in the Prophets and Psalms; and that he was born
of a virgin at Bethlehem, and come to his own and they received him not. 17. I
believe he was put to death and hanged upon a tree, called the cross, and was
buried, and the third day rose again according to the Scriptures, and appeared to
many. 18. I believe he ascended to his Father and sitteth at his right hand, having
made request for his. 19. I believe that the Father's commandment and his decla-
ration of him is to be observed, when the Father uttered that voice saying, This
is my beloved Son in whom I am well pleased; hear ye him.' 20. I believe there
is no salvation but by him alone; no other name under heaven by which man can
be saved. 21. I believe he is sent unto the world, and to be published to all men;
but some, yea, many reject the counsel of God against themselves. 22. I believe
✔
14. I
15. I
208
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
i
}
write unto you, you should have received another manner of
salutation than now, with a good conscience I can express;
however God knoweth who are his, and what he is pleased
to hide from sinful man in this life, shall in that great day be
none have power to choose salvation, or to believe in Christ for life; it is only the
gift of God. 23. I believe although God can bring men to Christ, and cause them
to believe in him for life, yet he hath appointed an ordinary way to effect that great
work of faith, which is by means of sending a ministry into the world, to publish
repentance to the sinner, and salvation, and that by Jesus Christ; and they that are
faithful shall save their own souls and some that hear them. 24. I believe that they
that are sent of God are not to deliver a mission of their own brain, but as it is in
the Scripture of truth, for holy men wrote as they were inspired by the Holy Spirit.
25. I believe the precious gifts of the Spirit's teaching were procured by Christ's
ascension and given to men for begetting of souls to the truth, and for establish-
ment and consolation of those that are turned to the Lord; for none shall pluck
them out of his Father's hand. 26. I believe no man is to rush into the ministry
without a special call from God, even as gospel ministers had of old, which was the
call of the Holy Spirit, with some talent or talents to declare the counsel of God to
poor sinners, declaring the grace of God through Jesus Christ, even to those that
are yet in the power of Satan; yea, to bring glad tidings by and from the Lord
Jesus Christ. 27. I believe this ministry is to go forth, and he that hath received
grace with a talent or talents, as he hath received freely of the Lord, so he is freely
to give, looking for nothing again but the promise of the Lord. 28. I believe none
is to go forth but by commission, and carefully to observe the same according as
Christ gave it forth without adding or diminishing; first to preach Christ, that is to
make disciples, and then to baptize them, but not to baptize them before they believe;
and then to teach them what Christ commanded them. For as the Father had his
order in the former dispensation, so hath the Son. In former times the Lord spake
29. I believe that
in divers ways and manners, but now hath he spoken by his Son.
as God prepared a begetting ministry, even so doth he also prepare a feeding min-
istry in the church, where a called people out of the world, by the word and Spirit
of the Lord, assembling of themselves together in a holy brotherhood, continuing in
the apostles' doctrine, fellowship, breaking bread and prayer. 30. I believe such
a church ought to wait for the Holy Spirit of promise, on whom it may fall, and to
choose out among themselves either pastor, teacher, or elders to rule, or deacons
to serve the table, that others may give themselves to the word and prayer, and to
keep them close to the Lord, and their fellowship clear and distinct, not to have fel-
lowship with the unfruitful works of darkness, but rather to reprove them. 31. I
believe the church of Christ, or this company gathered, are bound to wait on the
Lord for the Spirit to help them, and have liberty, and are under duty, that they may
prophesy one by one 32. I believe that the true baptism of the gospel, is a visible
believer with his own consent to be baptized in common water, by dying, or as it
were drowning, to hold forth death, burial and resurrection, by a messenger of Jesus,
into the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. 33. I believe the promise of the
Father, concerning the return of Israel and Judah, and the coming of the Lord to
raise up the dead in Christ, and to change them that are alive, that they may reign
with him a thousand years, according to the Scripture. 34. I believe the resurrec-.
tion of the wicked to receive their just judgment, Go ye cursed to the devil and his
1
[1651.]
WILLIAMS'S LETTER TO ENDICOTT.
209
manifested to all." Mr. Williams referring to the sufferings.
of Mr. Clarke and Mr. Holmes, says :-
Sir, at the reading of this line, the speech of that wise woman of Tekoa
unto David came fresh unto my thoughts: Speaks not the King this thing
as one that is guilty? for will my honored and beloved friend not know me
for fear of being disowned by his conscience? Shall the goodness and in-
tegrity of his conscience to God cause him to forget me? Doth he quiet
his mind with this (God knoweth who are his; God hides from sinful
man; God will reveal before all?) Oh how comes it then that I have
heard so often [and] heard so lately, and heard so much, that he that
speaks so tenderly for his own, hath yet so little respect, mercy or pity to
the like conscientious persuasions of other men? are all the thousands of
millions of millions of consciences at home and abroad, fuel only for a
prison, for a whip, for a stake, for a gallows? are no consciences to breathe.
the air, but such as suit and sample his? may not the Most High be
pleased to hide from his as well as from the eyes of his fellow-servants,
fellow-mankind, fellow-English? .... Who can shut when he will open?
and who can open, when he that hath the key of David will shut?
Objection. But what makes this to heretics, blasphemers, seducers, to
them that sin against their conscience (as Mr. Cotton saith) after convic-
tion? . . . . First, I answer, he was a tyrant that put an innocent man into a
bear's skin, and so caused him as a wild beast to be baited to death.
angels forever. 35. I believe, as eternal judgment to the wicked, so I believe the
glorious declaration of the Lord saying, Come ye blessed of my Father, enter
into the joy of your Lord, which joy, eye hath not seen, car hath not heard, neither
can it enter into the heart of man to conceive the glory that God hath prepared for
them that love and wait for his appearance; wherefore come Lord Jesus, come
quickly!
For this faith and profession I stand, and have sealed the same with my blood in
Boston, in New England, and hope through the strength of my Lord I shall be en-
abled to witness the same to death, although I am a poor unworthy creature, and
have nothing to plead or fly unto but to grace, grace; and have nothing to rest on
but only the mercy, the free mercy of God in and through Jesus Christ my Lord and
Saviour; to whom be honor, glory and praise forever and ever, Amen. Thus have
I given you an humble and true account of my standing, and of my dear wife's
standing in our faith and order, that you may consider the same, comparing what is
written by the Holy Scriptures, which are our rule towards God and man; commit-
ting this and you to the wisdom and counsel of God. Yours in all love to serve con-
tinually having you in our prayers; fare ye well.
"This for Mr. John Angher, and my brother Robert Holmes, and my brother-in-
law, and sisters, with Mary Nonly, and to them that love and fear the Lord. For
Robert Holmes in the parish of Manchester, Lancashire." Obadiah Holmes's
Manuscript, 1675.
14
210 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
Secondly, This is the common cry of haunters [hunters] or persecutors,
heretics, blasphemers, &c., and why, but for crossing the persecutors' con-
sciences (it may be but their superstitions) whether Turkish, Popish,
Protestant, &c. This is the outcry of the pope and prelates, and of the
Scotch Presbyterians, who would fire all the world, to be avenged on the
sectarian heretics, the blasphemous heretics, the seducing heretics, &c.,
had it not pleased the God of heaven who bounds the insolent rage of the
furious ocean to raise up a second Cromwell to stay the fury of the oppres-
sor, whether English, Scottish, Popish, Presbyterian, Independent,
&c.
Let it not be offensive in your eyes, that I single out a point, a cause of
my banishment, wherein I greatly fear one or two sad evils have [which
hath] befallen your soul and conscience. The point is that of the civil
magistrate's dealing in matters of conscience and religion, as also of
persecuting [and hunting] any for any matter merely spiritual and religious.
The two evils intimated are these: first, I fear you cannot after so much
light, and so much profession to the contrary (not only to myself [and so]
often in private,' but) before [so] mauy witnesses; I say, I fear you can-
not say and act so much, against so many several consciences, former and
latter, but with great checks, great threatenings and inward throes [great
blows and throes] of conscience. Secondly, If you shall thank God, that
it is not so with you, but that you do what conscience bids you in God's
presence, upon God's warraut, I must then be humbly faithful to tell you,
that I fear your underprizing of holy light, hath put out the candle, and the
eye of conscience in these particulars, and that delusions, strong delusions,
and that from God, (by Satan's subtilty) hath seized upon your very soul's
belief, because you prized not, loved not the persecuted Son of God in his
despised truths and servants. I desire to say it tremblingly and
mournfully, I know not which way he will please to raise his glory, only I
know my duty, my conscience and my love, all which enforce me to knock,
to call, to cry at the gate of heaven, and at yours, and to present you with
this loving, though loud and faithful noise, and sound of a few grounds of
deeper examination of both our souls and consciences, uprightly and impar-
tially at the holy and dreadful tribunal of him that is appointed the Judge
of all the living and the dead.
Be pleased then (Honored Sir) to remember that the thing which we
call conscience is of such a nature, especially in Englishmen, as once a
pope of Rome, at the suffering of an Englishman in Rome himself observed
that although it be groundless, false and deluded, yet it is not by any argu-
ments of torments easily removed. I speak not of the stream of the mul-
titude of all nations, which have their ebbings and flowings in religion (as
'Governor Endicott was once a member of Salem church, under Mr. Williams's
ministry.
༣
{
[1651.]
WILLIAMS'S LETTER TO ENDICOTT.
•
211
the longest sword and strongest arm of flesh carries it (but I speak of
conscience, a persuasion fixed in the mind and heart of a man, which
enforceth him to judge (as Paul said of himself a persecutor) and to do so
and so with respect to God, his worship, &c. This conscience is found in
all mankind more or less. To this purpose let me freely without
offence remember you (as I did Mr. Clarke, newly come up from his suf-
ferings amongst you) I say, remember you of the story I did him of Wil-
liam Hartly in queen Elizabeth, her days, who receiving the sentence of
hanging, . . . . spake confidently (as afterward he suffered) "What tell you
me of hanging? if I had ten thousand millions of lives, I would spend them
all for the faith of Rome !" Sir, I am far from glancing the least counte-
nance on the consciences of papists . . . . all that I observe is, that bold-
ness and confidence. zeal and resolution, as it is commendable in a kind
when it seriously respects a Deity, so also the greatest confidence hath
sometimes need of the greatest search and examination. .... Wise men
use to enquire what motives, what occasions, what snares, what tempta-
tions were there which moved, allured, &c. .... Surely sir, the baits, the
temptations, the snares laid to catch you were not few, nor common.
It is no small offer, the choice and applause and rule over so many towns,
so many holy, so many wise, in such a holy way as you believe you are
in. .... I cannot but fear and lament, that some of these and others have
been too strong and potent with [for] you. .... Sir, I must be humbly
bold to say, it is [that 'tis] impossible for any man or men to maintain their
Christ by the sword, and to worship a true Christ! to fight against all con-
sciencies opposite to theirs, and not to fight against God in some of them,
and to hunt after the precious life of the true Lord Jesus Christ.
Oh re-
member whither your principles and consciencies, must in time and oppor-
tunity force you! .... Yourself and others have said it by your principles,
such whom you count heretics, blasphemers, seducers, ought to be put to
death. You cannot be faithful to your principles and consciences, if you
satisfy them with but imprisoning, fining, whipping and banishing the here-
tics, and by saying that banishing is a kind of death, as some chief with
you formerly said in my case. I end with au humble cry to the Father of
2
'The following words are remarkable, viz.: "It is made by learned and judicious
writers, one of the undoubted rights of sovereignty to determine what religion shall
be publicly professed and exercised within their dominions. Why else do we in
New England that profess the doctrines of Calvin, yet practice the discipline of them
called Independent, or Congregational churches, but because the authority of the
country is persuaded, that is most agreeable to the mind of God." Mr. Hubbard's
Election Sermon at Boston, May 3, 1676, p. 35.
2Cotton, on the contrary, declared that in this country, "where a man may make
his choice of a variety of more pleasant and profitable seats than he leaveth behind
1
1
212
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
mercies, that you may take David's counsel, and silently commune with
your own heart upon your bed, reflect upon your own spirit, and believe
him that said [it] to his over-zealous disciples, "You know not what spirit
you are of;" that no sleep may seize [upon] your eyes, nor slumber upon
your eye-lids, until your serious thoughts have [seriously] calmly, and
unchangeably, through help from Christ, fixed, first on a moderation towards
the spirit and consciences of all mankind, merely differing from, or oppos-
ing yours with only religious and spiritual opposition; .... secondly, a
deep and cordial resolution to search, to listen, to pray, to fast, and more
fearfully, more tremblingly to enquire what the holy pleasure, and the
holy mysteries of the Most Holy are; in whom I humbly desire to be, your
poor fellow servant, unfeignedly, respective, and faithful.
ROGER WILLIAMS.¹
How happy had it been for New England, and for Gov-
ernor Endicott in particular, if they had then regarded this
faithful admonition of their old friend! but disregarding it,
Mr. Williams's words a few years after were fully verified,
when, under Governor Endicott's administration, the blood
of the Quakers was shed, which has left an indelible stain.
upon their characters, and "sullied the glory of their former
sufferings from the bishops; for now it appeared that the
New England Puritans were no better friends to liberty of
conscience than their adversaries, and that the question be-
tween them was not, whether one party of Christians should
have power to oppress another, but who should have that
power?"2
him," "“banishment is not counted so much a confinement as an enlargement."
Reply, &c., pp. 8, 9.-ED.
'Appendix of his Reply to Cotton, 1652, pp. 303-313. Mr. Cotton died the twenty-
third of December, that year.
'Neal's History of New England, Vol. I, p. 320.
CHAPTER V.
A VARIETY OF EVENTS, FROM 1651 TO 1664.
A review of 1651, presents before us such a dark cloud
and threatening gloom, upon the cause of believers' baptism,
and true liberty of conscience, as must affect every heart
that is not extremely obdurate. The friends of that cause
had been so cruelly treated in Europe, that a number of
them fled into America, where a persecuting temper followed
them and expelled them out of Massachusetts colony; but
God gave them favor in the eyes of the heathen, from whom
they obtained a grant of lands, upon which to begin the first
civil government that ever allowed equal liberty of conscience,
since our Saviour died for us. With great hazard and ex-
pense Mr. Williams had procured a charter for that purpose,
which they had enjoyed about seven years, when alas! Mr.
Coddington, who had the deeds and records of the island
in his own hands, went to England, and procured from the
Council of State, a commission, dated April 3, 1651, signed
by J. Bradshaw, constituting him Governor of the islands,
to rule them with a council of six men, nominated by the
people and approved by himself; which split this little col-
ony into two parts, and Mr. Clarke and his brethren were to
submit to a Governor that they had no hand in choosing,
and their estates lay at his mercy. This melancholy news
arrived just about the time that he and his brethren had
been so cruelly handled in the Massachusetts, only for visit-
214
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
ing and worshiping with an aged brother there. At the
same time a party both of English and savages were sup-
ported in the heart of Mr. Williams's part of the colony, in
opposition to all the good orders that he endeavored to es-
tablish among them. What could they now do? where
could they go for relief? banished from their mother king-
dom, and from neighboring colonies, who were exerting all
their power to divide and conquer them! Indeed a man of
the greatest worldly note among them, seemed as if he was
like to do it effectually.¹
'Near the same time the Court at Boston imposed a large fine upon the church in
Malden, for calling a man to be their minister, without the approbation of the rulers
and other ministers; and as they had before a law against gathering churches with-
out their consent, their assembly now made another wherein they enacted, "that no
minister should be called unto office in any of the churches, without the approbation
of some of the magistrates, as well as the neighboring churches; on which ground
in the year 1653, the Court would not allow the north church in Boston to call Mr.
Powell, a well gifted though illiterate person to the stated office of a public teacher
or minister; wherefore the people contented themselves with his being called to the
place of a ruling elder. And whereas the plantations of New England had never
as yet been acquainted, with the way of paying tithes for the support of the minis-
try, it was now left to the power of the county courts throughout the whole juris-
diction, to make sufficient provision for the maintenance of the ministry in the re-
spective towns of the colony." [Hubbard, p. 551.]—B.
The Massachusetts Records give the following account of the above-mentioned
dealings with the church in Malden. Under date of May 22, 1651, is the record :--
"Whereas Mr. Marmaduke Matthews hath formerly and lately given offence to the
magistrates, elders and many brethren, in some unsafe if not unsound expressions
in his public teachings, and as it hath been manifested to this Court, and has not yet
given satisfaction to those magistrates and elders that were appointed to receive sat-
isfaction from him, since which time there hath in his public ministry been deliv-
ered other unsafe and offensive expressions by him, whereby both magistrates, min-
isters and churches were occasioned to write to the church of Malden to advise them
not to proceed to the ordination of Mr. Matthews, which offences taken against him
were also made known, yet, contrary to all advice and the rule of God's word, as
also the peace of the churches, the church of Malden hath proceeded to the ordina-
tion of Mr. Matthews; this Court therefore, taking into consideration the premises
and the dangerous consequences and effects that may follow such proceedings, &c."
After this preamble, the act proceeds to appoint a committee of nine deputies to ex-
amine the affair, with permission to "call in the help or advice of any of the rever-
end elders whom they shall think meet." "The offence of the church" is then
"referred to the next Court," but Mr. Matthews, for " suffering himself to be or-
dained contrary to the rules of God's word," is required to "give satisfaction at this
session of this Court, by an humble acknowledgment of his sin for his so proceed-
ing; which, if he refuse to do, to pay the sum of ten pounds within one month."
Mr. Mathews " gave no satisfaction before the Court," and a warrant was issued to
[1651.] MALDEN AND BOSTON CHURCHES RESTRAINED.
215
Captain Johnson at that time said, "Familists, Seekers,
Antinomians, and Anabaptists, [they] are so ill armed, that
they think it best sleeping in a whole skin, fearing that if
the day of battle once go on they shall fall among anti-
"levy the fine on his goods." The reverend gentleman seems not to have been en-
cumbered with a heavy weight of worldly means, for, at the next session of the
Court his fine was respited "till other goods appear besides books." He made an
acknowledgment to the next General Court, and asked the remission of his fine,
which was at first refused but afterwards granted.
October 14, 1651, the Court "appointed the church of Malden speedily to con-
sider the errors Mr. Matthews stands charged with in Court," and if they refused,
the Secretary was directed to give notice to the churches of Cambridge, Charles-
town, Lynn and Reading, "to send their messengers in way of counsel and advice
unto the church of Malden," "to debate the doctrines there delivered by Mr.
Matthews." At the same session it is recorded, "The Court having perused an an-
swer of the church of Malden touching those things wherein they have given of-
fence, are not satisfied therewith, and do therefore judge that the members of the
church of Malden shall be fined for their offences the sum of fifty pounds." This
fine was levied on the estates of three members of the church, and they were em-
powered to apportion it upon the rest of the church except "such as consented not
to Mr. Matthews's ordination." Ten pounds of the fine were afterwards remitted.
May 23, 1655, certain of the church presented an acknowledgment and a petition for
the repayment of the remainder of the fine, but were answered, "The Court doth
not think meet to grant the petitioners' request herein.”
The case of the "north church in Boston" appears from the records of the Court
to have been as follows:-The church seems to have referred the question of Mr.
Powell's ordination to the General Court for advice, representing themselves satis-
fied of his "abilities and fitness," notwithstanding his limited education; where-
upon, October 19, 1652, the Court expressed themselves willing that Mr. Powell
should “exercise in public" with the new church in Boston, "till it please God to
provide better for them," but they advised against their proceeding to establish him
as teaching elder. They gave as reasons, that Boston is "a place of such public
resort," and the humor of the times to discourage learning. Four days later is the
record, 'The General Court having received credible information that the new
church in Boston have chosen Mr. Powell to be their minister, and that he hath ac-
cepted their choice, they think it meet, in respect of the trust the country hath com-
mitted to them, lovingly to advise both the church and Mr. Powell to desist from any
further proceeding." The church petitioned the next Court for liberty to call and
ordain Mr. Powell, but the Court replied that they could not but judge Mr. Powell
unfit for the office of pastor or teacher, nor could they consent thereto, because they
could not be satisfied that Mr. Powell had such abilities, learning and qualifications
as are requisite and necessary for an able ministry of the gospel. They added,
"The Court conceives the church may call Mr. Powell to the office of ruling elder,
and then they may enjoy all the ordinances of Christ amongst them save the sacra-
ment, which they are supplied with in Boston; and their waiting till the Lord shall
send unto them an able minister of the gospel, they hope, will not be in vain." The
next year the church repeated its petition, and was curtly answered by being referred
to the records of the previous Court.-ED.
216
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
christ's armies; [and] therefore they cry out like cowards,
If you will let me alone, I will let you alone; but assuredly
the Lord Christ hath said, 'He that is not with us, is against
us;' there is no room in his army for toleratorists." Had
this been true, how could Mr. Williams and Mr. Clarke have
persevered like heroes, in the cause of equity and liberty as
they did? For being requested by their injured neighbors,
they again crossed the boisterous ocean, and appeared as ad-
vocates for them at the British court; and also published to
the world their pleas for equal liberty of conscience; and
where can any writers be found of so early date, who de-
fended that important right of mankind, so well as they did?
Mr. Locke's excellent letters upon that subject were written
near forty years afterward.
A little look back will give a more clear and just view of
the important concerns of Mr. Williams's agency at this
time. When the Commissioners of the United Colonies met
at Plymouth, September 7, 1648, Mr. Coddington and Captain
Partridge tried for a confederacy with them, but were denied
it, unless they would come in as part of Plymouth colony.
Mr. Henry Bull then complained to them, that some Narra-
gansett Indians had beat him, and done him other injuries;
and Mr. John Smith, Assistant for Warwick, sent a writing
by Messrs Holden and Warner, in the behalf of the whole
town, "wherein they complain, among other things, of
divers injuries, insolences and affronts offered them by the
Indians that are about them, and near inhabitants to them,
as, namely, killing their cattle, about a hundred hogs, abusing
their servants when they take them alone, [and] sometimes
making violent entrance into their houses, and striking the
masters thereof, stealing and purloining their goods; and
hereupon do earnestly desire to know the minds of the
Commissioners herein, and to receive advice from them."
Upon which the Commissioners gave them a writing to the
'Johnson, p. 231.
}
[1651.]
INJUSTICE TOWARD WARWICK.
217
sachems and others to warn them "to prevent and abstain
from all such miscarriages for the future, and if any of them
receive any injury from the English, upon complaint in due
place and order, satisfaction shall be endeavored them accord-
ing to justice, as the like will be expected from them."
When the Commissioners met at Boston, July 23, 1649,
Warwick wrote again to them; but they refused to do any
thing for their defence, till they could find under what colony
their plantation fell; and it was then disputed whether
it belonged to the Massachusetts, or Plymouth; and they
advised the latter to take it. When the Commissioners met
again at Hartford, September 5th, 1650, they received a let-
ter from Mr. Easton, President, in the name of the council
of that colony, in which he declared, that "Rhode Island
and Warwick were combined and bound mutually to sup-
port one another." Upon this the Commissioners mention
a former article of advice which they had received from the
honorable committee of parliament, "that in this and like
cases the bounds of patents should be first set out by a jury,
of uninterested persons, and that all inhabiting within the
limits so set forth, should fall under the government estab-
lished by patent." But instead of following this direction,
after mentioning that the inhabitants of Warwick claimed
an interest in Mr. Williams's patent, and refused to be
brought under the Massachusetts government, they advised
the authority of Plymouth "forthwith to resume [reässume]
the right they formerly had by patent to the place." And
that if the inhabitants refused to submit to them, then the
advice of said committee should be taken, and if the same
was not complied with," that real damages duly proved, be
levied by legal force, though with as much moderation and
tenderness as the case will permit." This was the treat-
ment that was shown to Warwick; and hearing of what Mr.
Coddington had done, they joined with Providence in send-
'Records of the United Colonies.
218
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
ing Mr. Williams to England. William Arnold hired a
messenger secretly to carry a letter to Boston, to apprize
their rulers of it,' but they were notified of it in a better
way; for at a meeting of the Commissioners of the United
Colonies at New Haven, September 4, 1651, they received
the following letter, viz. :-
May it please this honored committee to take knowledge, that we, the
inhabitants of Shawomet alias Warwick, having undergone divers oppres-
ions and wrongs, amounting to great damage since we first possessed this
place; being forced thereby to seek to that honorable state of Old England
for relief, which did inevitably draw great charge upon us, to the further
impairing of our estates; and finding favor for redress, were willing to
waive for that time (in regard to the great troubles and employment that
then lay on that State) all other lesser wrongs [other losses and wrongs]
we then underwent, so that we might be replaced [replanted] in and upon.
this [that] our purchased possession, and enjoy it peaceably for time to
come, without disturbance or molestation by those from whom we had for-
merly suffered. But since our gracious grant from the honorable parlia-
ment, in replacing [replanting] of us in this place, we have been and daily
are pressed with intolerable grievances, to the eating up of our labors, and
wasting of our estates, making our lives, together with our wives and chil-
dren, bitter and uncomfortable; insomuch, that groaning under our bur-
thens, we are constrained to make our address[es] to the honorable parlia-
ment and state, once again, to make our just complaint against our cause-
less molesters, who by themselves and their agents, are the only cause of
this our reüttering of our distressed condition. May it please therefore
this honored Assembly, to take notice of this our solemn intelligence (given
unto you as the most public authorized society appertaining unto, and insti-
tuted in the United Colonies, whom our complaints do concern) that we
are now preparing ourselves with all convenient speed for Old England, to
make our grievances known again to the state, which fall upon us by reason
that the order of parliament [of England] concerning us hath not been.
observed, nor the enjoyment of our granted privileges permitted to us, that
we are as it were bought and sold from one patent and jurisdiction to
another; in that we have been prohibited and charged to acquit this
place since the order of parliament given out and known to the contrary;
in that we have had warrants sent us, to summon us to the Massachusetts
Court, and officers employed amongst us for that purpose; in that these
barbarous Indians about us, with evil minded English mixed among us,
under pretence of some former personal subjection to the government of
'Massachusetts History, Vol. III, pp. 237–239.
[1651.]
WARWICK APPEALS TO ENGLAND.
219
the Massachusetts countenancing of them, cease not to kill our cattle, offer
violence to our families, vilify authority of parliament vouchsafed to us,
justifying their practices with many menances and threatenings, as being
under the protection of the Massachusetts; in that we [are and] have
been restrained this seven or eight years past of common commerce in the
country, and that only for matters of conscience; in that our estates for-
merly taken from us remain yet unrestored, with these additions thereunto.
These and the like are the grounds of our complaints, with our serious
desires that you would be pleased to take notice of them, as our solemn
intelligence given hereof, that as yourselves shall think meet, you may
give further seasonable intelligence to your several colonies whom it may
concern, so that their agent or agents may have seasonable instructions to
make answer, and we hereby shall acquit ourselves, that we offer not to
proceed in these our complaints, without giving due and seasonable notice
thereof.
By me,
JOIN GREENE, Jun., Clerk.
In behalf of the town of Warwick.
Warwick, the first of September, 1651.
This brought matters to a close trial among them and the
Commissioners, for those of Massachusetts (who were Mr.
Simon Bradstreet, and Mr. William Hathorne, Esq'rs.) made a
long declaration, how Plymouth gave up their right in that
land to them in 1643; which was approved by all the Com-
missioners, who advised them to proceed against Gorton and
his company, and had silently assented to what they had
done from time to time since; and that when in 1649 they
were advised to return those lands back to Plymouth, their
Court sent two deputies to the Assembly at Plymouth, with
orders to offer, to "resign and submit the said [aforesaid]
lands, and persons residing thereon to the government of
Plymouth; they only promising to do equal justice both to
English and Indians there, according to our engagements;
but the government of Plymouth chose rather to ratify the
aforesaid resignment of their Commissioners;" after which
they had "out of their own treasury allowed a large gratu-
ity [quantity] of corn to the Indians under their government
there, to keep them alive, the cattle of Gorton's company
having destroyed most of theirs, rather than force to com-
220
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
pel them, till all other means and ways of prudence for
issuing these and the like differences were used." They
closed with asking what aid the other jurisdictions would
afford them, for the righting their injured and oppressed
people, and bringing delinquents to condign punishment.
The Connecticut aud New Haven Commissioners answered,
by owning that they had their advice in 1643, to proceed
against Gorton's company, and that when Plymouth Com-
missioners yielded up their right to the Massachusetts, the
others, being neither concerned, nor understanding where
the right lay, saw no cause to dissent, &c. The Commis-
sioners for Plymouth (who were Mr. John Brown, and Mr.
Timothy Hatherley (declared that what was done by the
Commissioners for their colony in 1613, in resigning said
lands to the Massachusetts, was not at all in their power,
neither could the Massachusetts receive any such resigna-
tion without injuring the third and sixth articles of their
confederation; and that what right the authority of the
Massachusetts had to send for Samuel Gorton and company,
"inhabiting so far out of their jurisdiction they understand
not." As to what the Governor of Plymouth and some
others did in 1650, about ratifying that former resignation
of Warwick to the Massachusetts, they said they had " pro-
tested against it in the Court of Plymouth, as being directly
contrary to the order of the honorable committee of the
parliament of England, and contrary to the articles of con-
federations with the rest of the colonies. "And whereas
we are informed, that the Court of the Massachusetts have
lately sent out several [summons or] warrants to several per-
sons inhabiting [Shawomet, alias] Warwick and Pawtuxet,
and have made seizure upon some of their estates, we do
hereby protest against such proceedings if any there be."
Those in Massachusetts were so unwilling to have these
things laid before the parliament, that they put Mr. Williams
'Records of the United Colonies.
+
[1651.]
MR. CLARKE SENT TO ENGLAND.
221
to great distress only for attempting to take his passage
through their colony.
The town of Newport signed an engagement and request
to Mr Clarke in these words :-
We whose names are here underwritten,¹ being resolved to make our
address unto the parliament of England, in point of our lands and liberties,
do earnestly desire those six men that were last chosen the council of the
town of Newport, and such as they shall consult with, to improve their
best abilities for the managing thereof. We also do earnestly request Mr.
John Clarke to do his utmost endeavors in soliciting our cause in England;
and we do hereby engage ourselves to the utmost of our estates to assist
them, being resolved in the mean time peaceably to yield all due subjection
unto the present power set over us. Witness our hands the 15th of Octo-
ber, in the year of our Lord, God, 1651.
He sailed for England the next month.
Mr. Coddington having gotten the command of the islands,
Providence and Warwick, each chose six deputies, who met
at Providence, November 4, and unanimously concluded to
stand embodied and incorporated as before, by virtue of their
charter; and as president Easton had given place to Mr.
Coddington, they chose another in his room, and made sev-
eral laws, one of which was to prohibit any from purchas-
ing lands of the Indians, without the Assembly's approba-
tion, on penalty of forfeiting the same to the colony. When
those two agents arrived in England, they united in a
petition to the council of state, who on April 8th, 1652,
referred the same to the Committee for Foreign Affairs. The
Court of election at Warwick, May 18, made a law to forbid
'This was signed by John Easton, James Barker, John Cranston, Robert Carr,
John Sheldon, Samuel Hubbard, John Allen, Henry Bull, Edward Thurston,
Nathaniel West, William Dyre, William Lytherland, Richard Knight, Thomas
Clarke, Thomas Dungan, &c., to the number of sixty-five, who with the six coun-
sellors were almost all the free inhabitants of Newport, as Mr. Clarke said afterward
to their General Assembly. Forty-one of the inhabitants of Portsmouth signed a like
request. Copied from the original papers now before me.
Many of the above men were afterwards noted rulers in that colony; and Mr.
Dungan was a member of Mr. Clarke's church, till about the year 1684; when he
went to Pennsylvania, and became the first Baptist minister in that colony, where he
left a numerous posterity. Edwards's History of the Baptists in that colony, p. 10.
222 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
the Dutch who were not inhabitants among them, from
trading with the Indians in this colony, upon penalty of for-
feiting both goods and vessel to the colony if they did; and
the president was ordered to give the Governor of Manha-
toes notice of it. When their Assembly met again in the
fall at Providence, they wrote the following letter to Mr.
Williams, viz. :—
HONORED SIR-We may not neglect any opportunity to salute you in
your absence, and have not a little cause to bless God, who hath pleased to
select you to such a purpose, as we doubt not but will conduce to the
peace and safety of us all, as to make you once more au instrument to
impart and disclose our cause unto those Loble and grave senators our hon-
orable protectors, in whose eyes God hath given you honor [favor] (as we
understand) beyond our hopes, and moved the hearts of the wise to stir on
your behalf.
We give you hearty thanks for your care and diligence, to
watch all opportunities to promote our peace, for we perceive your prudent
and comprehensive mind stirreth every stone to present it unto to the build-
ers, to make firm the fabric unto us about which you are employed, labor-
ing to unweave such irregular devices wrought by others amongst us, as
have formerly clothed us with so sad events, as the subjection of some
amongst us, both English and Indian to other jurisdictions; as also to pre-
vent such near approach of our neighbors upon our borders on the
Narragansett side, which might much annoy us, with your endeavors to
furnish us with such ammunition as to look a foreign enemy in the face,
being that the cruel begin to stir in these western parts, and to unite in one
again, such as of late have had seeming separation in some respects; to
encourage and strengthen our weak and enfeebled body to perform its work
in these foreign parts, to the honor of such as take care, have been, and
are so tender of our good, though we be unworthy to be had in remein-
brance by persons of so noble places, indued with parts of so excellent and
honorable and abundantly beneficial use.
Sir, give us leave to intimate thus much, that we humbly conceive (so
far as we are able to understand) that if it be the pleasure of our protec-
tors to renew our charter for the re-establishing of our government, that it
might tend much to the weighing of men's minds, and subjecting of per-
sons who have been refractory, to yield themselves over as unto a settled
government, if it might be the pleasure of that honorable state, to invest,
appoint and empower yourself to come over as Governor of this colony for
the space of one year, and so the government to be honorably put upon
this place, which might seem to add much weight forever hereafter in the
constant and successive derivation of the same. We only present it to
[1652.]
CIVIL AFFAIRS OF RHODE ISLAND.
223
your deliberate thoughts and consideration, with our hearty desires that
your time of stay there for the effectual perfecting and finishing of your
so weighty affairs may not seem tedious, nor be any discouragement unto
you; and rather than you shall suffer for loss of time here, or expense
there, we are resolved to stretch forth our hands at your return beyond our
strength for your supply. Your loving bed-fellow is in health, and presents
her endeared affection; so are all your family. Mr. Sayles also his,
with the rest of your friends throughout the colony, who wish and desire
earnestly to see your face.
Sir, we are yours, leaving you unto the Lord, we heartily take leave.
From the General Assembly of this colony of Providence Plantations,
assembled in the town of Providence the 28th of October, 1652.¹
JOHN GREENE, General Recorder.
On the 2d of October, the Council of State gave an order
and wrote letters to vacate Mr. Coddington's commission,
and to confirm their former charter; which were sent over
by William Dyre. And about the 16th of February, 1653,
he brought a letter to Providence, signed by Messrs. Sanford,
Baulston, Porter and William Jefferies, requesting the two
towns on the main to appoint a time to meet those on the
Island, to hear and act upon the State's letters. Providence
met upon the affair, and inquired why those letters were not
brought to them, seeing they had continued to act upon the
charter, after the Island was parted from them? Dyre told
them that the two agents had united in their petition, and
that as it appeared to him that the Island was the major part
of the colony, therefore they had the greatest interest in the
letters, and he had left them there. President Smith, Wil-
liam Field, and some others, joined with Dyre, and strove to
persuade them to "account themselves a disordered, con-
fused rout, as he acknowledged the islanders were, and to
account all officers' orders of court, laws and cases depend-
ing, as null, and to come to a popular meeting to lay a new
foundation of government for the colony." This they could
not consent to, but each town chose six commissioners who
met at Pawtuxet on February 25th, and sent four messen-
'Providence Records.
224
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
gers to the Island for those letters or a copy of them; and
that if the state's orders were for them all to unite again,
then to agree upon a meeting for that purpose. Dyre seeing
no other way to carry his own scheme, assumed the power
to himself to call the whole colony together by the follow-
ing instrument :-
Loving friends and neighbors, these are to signify unto you, that it hath
pleased the right honorable, the Council of State, authorized by the supreme
authority of the commonwealth of England to betrust myself with letters
and orders concerning this colony, and the welfare thereof; be pleased
therefore to understand, that upon Tuesday come seven night, at Ports-
mouth on Rhode Island, at Mr. Baulston's house, I shall be there (God
willing) ready to attend the communication of the trust committed to my
charge, unto all such free inhabitants as shall there make their personal
appearance. Given under my hand this present 6th day of the week, being
the 18th of February, 1652.
WILLIAM DYRE.¹
1
A copy of this he sent to each town, and many of the
freemen met on the said March first, but instead of throw-
ing all up, they ordered, "that all officers who were in
place when Mr. Coddington's commission obstructed, should
stand in their places, to act according to their former com-
missions, upon the Island; and the rest in the colony accord-
ing as they had been annually chosen, until a new election
according to former order." The Commissioners met again
at Pawtuxet on March 9th, to receive the answer of their
messengers from the Island, who reported what was done,
but that they could not obtain so much as a copy of those
letters from England. Upon which they sent again there-
for, and also a proposal of joining with the towns on the
Island in the next election, if they would agree to it in their
'This document, together with many others relating to the early history of Rhode
Island, was copied for Backus by David Howell, then Professor in Rhode Island
College, afterwards Judge in the United States' Court. The manuscript is among
the Backus papers in the library of the Backus Historical Society. Appended to
the above document are the words, "This the town of Providence in their letter to
R. W. [Roger Williams], Agent in England, call Dyre's Mandamus. His conduct
herein gave great offence to Providence and Warwick."-ED.
}
!
[1653.]
AFFAIRS IN RHODE ISLAND COLONY.
225
former method, and give them ten days' notice. By some
means such notice was not given, therefore the two towns
on the main met at Providence, May 17th, 1653, and elected
their officers. An assembly met at the same time on the
Island, and chose Mr. Sanford their President, and some
freemen coming from the main, they chose an Assistant for
each town in the colony; and they sent Mr. James Barker,
and Mr. Richard Knight to Mr. Coddington, to demand the
statute book, and book of records. And as it was then a
time of war betwixt England and Holland, and mention was
made of it in the letters which confirmed their charter, Dyre
thought to make his advantage thereby, and procured com-
missions for himself, Captain Underhill, and Edward Hull to
act against the Dutch in America; and some cannon with
twenty men were sent to the English' on the east end of
Long Island, to enable them to act against the Dutch who
lay to the westward of them. This alarmed Providence colo-
ny, who met again in June, and a third time at Warwick, on
August 13th, when they answered a letter from the Massa-
chusetts, and remonstrated against being drawn into a war
with the Dutch;2 and wrote to Mr. Williams an account of
Dyre's conduct, and of their being urged to give up their
former actings as null; but say they, "being still in the same
order you left us, and observing two great evils that such a
course would bring upon us; first, the hazard of involving
in all the disorders and bloodshed which have been com-
mitted on Rhode Island since their separation from us;
secondly, the invading and frustrating of justice in divers
weighty causes then orderly depending in our courts, in
some of which causes Mr. Smith, President, William Field,
&c., were deeply concerned;" therefore they could not yield
to such a notion.3
"They shall have two great guns and what murtherers are with us, on promise of
returning them." R. I. Colonial Records.-ED.
"The remonstrance was made in June; the letter to Massachusetts was written
in August. R. I. Colonial Records.-ED.
'Callender, [p. 99. ] Colony Records. To give a clear idea of their difficulties
I would insert the following things:-
15
226
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Before we proceed further upon their affairs, some trans-
actions in the Massachusetts call for our attention. Their
ministers have often tried to persuade people, that ignorance
of the original languages in which our Bible was written, is
"The 24th of the first month called March, in the year (so commonly called)
1637-8, Memorandum, that we Canonicus and Miantinomo, the two chief sachems
of the Narragansetts, by virtue of our general command of this Bay, as also the par-
ticular subjecting of the dead sachems of Aquedneck and Kitackamuckqut, them-
selves and lands unto us, have sold to [unto] Mr. Coddington and his friends united
unto him, the great island of Aquedneck, laying [from]hence eastward in this Bay,
as also the marsh or grass upon Quinunnuqut, and the rest of the islands in this
bay (excepting Chibachuwesa [Prudence] formerly sold to [unto] Mr. Winthrop,
the now Governor of the Massachusetts, and Mr. Williams of Providence) also the
grass upon the rivers and bounds [coves] about Kitackamuckqut, and from
thence [these] to Paupusquatch, for the full payment of forty fathoms of white
beads, to be equally divided between us; in witness whereof we have here sub-
scribed. Item, that by giving, by Miantonomo's hands, ten coats and twenty hoes
to the present inhabitants, they shall remove themselves from off the Island before
next winter.
In presence of,
The mark X of YOTUESH,
ROGER WILLIAMS,
Witness our hands,
The mark of CANONICUS,
The mark of MIANTINOMO.”
RANDAL HOLden,
The mark of ASSOTEMUIT,
The mark of MISHAMMOH,
CANONICUS his son.
“Memorandum, that I, Osamaquin freely consent that Mr. William Coddington,
and his friends united unto him, shall make use of any grass or trees on the main
land on Pawakasick side, and I do promise loving [and just] carriage of myself and
all my men to the said Mr. Coddington, and English, his friends united to him,
having received of Mr. Coddington five fathoms of wampum, as gratuity for [from]
himself and the rest.
Witness, {
S ROGER WILLIAMS,
RANDAL HOLDEN.
Dated the sixth day of the fifth month, 1638.
The mark X of OSAMAQuin.
These deeds, with a number of receipts from the Indians, are upon the colony
records which Mr. Coddington had in his power when he obtained a commission to
be their Governor without the people's consent, and when they contended hotly
with him, it seems that he fled to Boston, where they sent after him, and prevailed
with him to sign an engagement on April 14th, 1652, in the presence of Robert
Knight and George Manning, to deliver up said deeds and records to such men as
the majority of the purchasers and freemen should appoint to receive them, and to
claim no more to himself than an equal share with the other purchasers. And the
above record shows that he had those deeds in his hands till May. 1653. The main
instance of bloodshed above referred to, was of a principal inhabitant of Newport,
who was charged with a capital crime before a town meeting, and was condemned
by them, and carried forth and shot to death in their presence. History of Provi-
dence. [Mass. Hist. Coll., Second series, Vol. IX, p. 184.]
[1653.]
PRESIDENT DUNSTAR.
227
the cause why any embrace Baptist principles. How well
this agrees with their fear of a fair dispute with the learned
Mr. Clarke the reader will judge, and what follows may
afford further light.
Captain Johnson, speaking of the first president of Har-
vard College, says, that he was "fitted from the Lord for the
work, and, by those that have skill that way, reported to be
an able proficient both in the Hebrew, Greek and Latin lan-
guages, an orthodox preacher of the truths of Christ, and
very powerful through his blessing to move the affections.”¹
Mr. Hubbard speaking of Mr. Dunstar's being made presi-
dent in 1640, says,
"Under whom, that which was before
but at best schola illustra, grew to the stature and perfection
of a College, and flourished in the profession of all liberal
sciences for many years." And Mr. Prince, upon the New
England Psalm Book, says, " For a further improvement it
was committed to the Rev. Mr. Henry Dunstar, president of
Harvard College; oue of the greatest masters of the oriental
languages, that hath been known in these ends of the
earth."2
'Johnson, p. 168.
2Prince's preface to his own version of the psalms.-B.
"Among the early friends of the college none deserves more distinct notice than
Henry Dunstar. He united in himself the character of both patron and President;
for, poor as he was, he contributed, at a time of its utmost need, one hundred acres
of land towards its support, besides rendering to it for a succession of years a series
of official services well directed, unwearied and altogether inestimable. Under his
administration the first code of laws was formed, rules of admission, and the prin-
ciples on which degrees should be granted, were established. . . . . The charter of
1642, was probably, and that of 1650 was avowedly obtained on his petition. By
solicitations among his personal friends, and by personal sacrifices he built the
President's house. He was instant in season and out of season with the General
Court for the relief of the College in its extreme wants.
•
•
"Dunstar's usefulness however was deemed to be at an end and his services no
longer desirable, in consequence of his falling in 1653, as Cotton Mather expresses it,
'into the briars of anti-pædobaptism,' and of his having borne 'public testimony in the
church at Cambridge against the administration of baptism to any infant whatever.'
.... Indicted by the grand jury for disturbing the ordinance of infant baptism in
the Cambridge church, sentenced to a public admonition on lecture day, and laid
under bonds for good behavior, Dunstar's martyrdom was consummated by being
compelled in October, 1654, to resign his office of President.
He found the
seminary a school, it rose under his auspices to the dignity of a college. No
man ever questioned his talents, learning, exemplary fidelity, and usefulness.'
Quincy's History of Harvard University, Vol. I, pp. 15—18.—ED.
228
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
J
}
}
This eminent man was brought so far this year that, "he
not only forbore to present an infant of his own unto bap-
tism, but also thought himself under some obligation to bear
his testimony in some sermons, against the administration of
baptism to any infant whatsoever." His brethren were so
vehement and violent against him therefor, as to desire him
to cease preaching there, and procured his removal both
from his office and from his living in the town;¹ and Mr.
Jonathan Mitchell, their minister at Cambridge, wrote
December 24th, 1653:-
That day after I came from him, I had a strange experience; I found
hurrying and pressing suggestions against pædobaptism, and injected
scruples and thoughts whether the other way might not be right, and infant
baptism an invention of men, and whether I might with good conscience
baptize children, and the like. And these thoughts were darted in with
some impression, and left a strange confusion and sickliness upon my spirit.
Yet methought, it was not hard to discern that they were from the evil one.
First, because they were rather injected, hurrying suggestions, than any
deliberate thoughts, or bringing any light with them. Secondly, because
they were unseasonable; interrupting me in my study for the sabbath, and
putting my spirit into [a] confusion, so I had much ado, to do ought in my
It was not now a time to study that matter; but when in the
former part of the week, I had given myself to that study, the more I
studied it, the more clear and rational light I saw for pædobaptism, but
now these suggestions hurried me into scruples. It was a check to my
sermon.
former self-confidence, and it made me fearful to go needlessly to Mr. D.,
for methought I found a venom and poison, in his insinuations and dis-
courses against pædobaptism. .... I resolved also on Mr. Hooker's princi-
ple, that I would have an argument, able to remove a mountain, before I
would recede from, or appear against a truth or practice received among
the faithful.2
Query. How did he know but that his hurry and darkness
was caused by the opposition of his heart, and the injec-
tions of the devil against the truth? Can anything be more
unreasonable than his conclusion drawn from the time of his
'Governor Dudley died July 31, 1653, with these lines in his pocket, viz. :—
"Let men of God in courts and churches watch
O'er such as do a toleration hatch."
2Mitchell's Life, pp. 67-70. [Magnalia, Vol. II, p. 79.]
[1653.]
PRESIDENT CHAUNCY.
229
scruples ? The fact was just this; in his own study he
thought he saw a light for infant baptism, but when he came
to converse with a gentleman who knew more than he did,
it raised scruples in his mind about that practice. But
where was the modesty of a youth not thirty years old, when
he accused one of the most venerable fathers of that age,
of having venom and poison in his discourses, only because
his own self-confidence was shocked thereby? Sure I am
that if any Baptist minister had told such a story, and that
it made him fearful of going near a learned gentleman,
whose arguments had brought him to scruple whether he
had not been educated in a wrong way, but that he was re-
solved to have an argument able to work miracles before he
would leave it, the other party would then have had such
grounds, to charge the Baptist with wilfulness and obstinacy
as they never yet had.
Rigidness is a word that both Episcopalians and Presby-
terians have often cast upon our Plymouth fathers. Yet the
Massachusetts now discovered so much more of that temper
than they, that Mr. Dunstar, on October 24, 1654, resigned
his office among them, and removed and spent his remain-
ing days at Scituate, in Plymouth colony. And it seems
remarkable that Mr. Charles Chauncy who, though he
allowed believers to bring their infants, yet held that bap-
tism was dipping, was, on the 27th of November fol-
lowing, made president of Harvard College in Mr. Dun-
star's room.¹ Mr. Chauncy was born in Hartfordshire, in
1589; was educated in the university of Cambridge; "was
incomparably well skilled in all the learned languages,
especially in the oriental, and eminently in the Hebrew; in
obtaining whereof his conversation with a Jew for the space
of a year, was no little advantage. He was successful in the
ministry at Ware, in England, till, being persecuted, and
having suffered much from Laud's party, he came to Ply-
2
'Magnalia, Book IV, p. 128. [Vol. II, p. 10.] Ibid, Vol. I, p. 419.—Ed.
>
230
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
mouth in 1638; in which place he preached about two
years, and then, as has been noted, he removed and settled
at Scituate, where, upon his taking the charge of that flock,
he preached from that text, "Wisdom hath sent forth her
maidens!" and reflecting in his discourse upon some com-
pliances with the High Commission Court that he had been
guilty of in his own country, he, with tears said, "Alas, Chris-
tians, I am no maiden! my soul hath been defiled with false
worship! how wondrous is the free grace of the Lord Jesus.
Christ, that I should still be employed among the maidens.
of wisdom!" Upon an invitation from his old people at
Ware, he now came to Boston, with a design of returning
to them, when the overseers of the college, "by their vehe-
ment importunity prevailed with him to accept the govern-
ment of that society." Here we will leave him, till we shall
have further occasion to mention his testimony against degen-
eracy in our land.
Mr. Williams had many enemies and difficulties to encoun-
ter in pleading for the rights of his colony, but was wonder-
fully supported and carried through them all; of which some
account is given in the following letter:-
From Sir Henry Vane's at Belleau, Lincolnshire.
April 1st, '53 (so called.)
MY DEAR AND LOVING FRIENDS AND NEIGHBORS OF PROVIDENCE and
WARWICK :-Our noble friend Sir Henry Vane, having the navy of Eng-
land mostly depending on his care, and going down to the navy at Ports-
mouth, I was invited by them both to accompany his lady to Lincolnshire,
where I shall yet stay as I fear until the ship is gone; I must therefore pray
your pardon that by the post I send this to London. I hope it may have
pleased the most high Lord of sea and land to bring Capt. Ch-rst-n's ship
and dear Mr. Dyre unto you, and with him the council's letters, which
answer the petition Sir Henry Vane and myself drew up, and the council
by Sir Henry's mediation granted us, for the confirmation of the charter,
until the determination of the controversy. This determination you may
please to understand is hindered by two main obstructions. The first is
the mighty war with the Dutch, which makes England and Holland and
the nations [to] tremble. This hath made the parliament set Sir Henry
'Magnalia, Book IV, pp. 134–136. [Vol. I, pp. 120-122.]
}
[1653.]
WILLIAMS'S LETTER TO VANE.
231
Vane and two or three more as commissioners to manage the war, which
they have done with much engaging the name of God with them, who
hath appeared in helping [of] sixty of ours against almost three hundred of
their men-of-war, and perchance to the sinking and taking about one hun-
dred of theirs, and but one of ours which was sunk by our own men. Our
second obstruction is the opposition of our adversaries, Sir Arthur Hasel-
rig and Colonel Fenwicke, who hath married his daughter, Mr. Winslowl
and Mr. Hopkins, both in great place; and all the friends they can make
in the parliament and council, and all the priests both Presbyterian and
Independent; so that we stand as two armies ready to engage, observing
the motions and postures each of other, and yet shy each of other. Under
God the sheet anchor of our ship is Sir Henry, who will do as the eye of
God leads him, and he faithfully promised me that he would observe the
motion of our New England business, while I stayed some ten weeks with
his lady in Lincolnshire. Besides here is [are] great thoughts and prepar-
ation for a new parliament; some of our friends are apt to think another
parliament will more favor us and our cause than this has done. You may
please to put my condition into your souls' cases; remember, I am a father
and an husband; I have longed earnestly to return with the last ship, and
with these, yet I have not been willing to withdraw my shoulders from the
burthen lest it pinch others, and may fall heavy upon all; except you are
pleased to give to me a discharge. If you conceive it necessary for me
still to attend this service, pray you consider if it be not convenient that
my poor wife be encouraged to come over to me, and to wait together on
the good pleasure of God for the end of this matter. You know my many
weights hanging on me, how my own place stands, and how many reasons
I have to cause me to make haste, yet I would not lose their estates, peace
and liberty [liberties] by leaving hastily. I wrote to my dear wife, my
great desire of her coming while I stay; yet left it to the freedom of her
spirit, because of the many daugers. Truly at present the seas are danger-
ous, but not comparably so much nor likely to be, because of the late great
defeat of the Dutch, and their present sending to us offers of peace. My
dear friends although it pleased God himself, by many favors to encourage
me, yet please you to remember, that no man can stay here as I do, leav-
in a present employment there, without much self-denial, which I beseech
God for more, aud for you also, that no private respects or gains or quar-
rels may cause you to neglect the public and common safety, peace and
liberties. I beseech the blessed God to keep fresh in your thoughts what
he hath done for Providence Plantations. My dear respects to yourselves,
wives and children; I beseech the eternal God to be seen amongst you.
So prays your most faithful and affectionate friend and servant,
P. S. My love to all my Indian friends.
'Winslow died in the West Indies in 1655.
ROGER WILLIAMS.
232
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
•
As men of all tempers and sentiments had resorted to.
that colony, and there had been from various quarters such
interruptions of a regular administration of government as
have been mentioned, it is not to be wondered at if many
disorders appeared among them, of which enemies to their
liberties did not fail to make all the advantage they could.
Mr. Williams attended upon the difficult and important
affairs of his agency another year, and then leaving the
cause there with Mr. Clarke and other friends, he came over
to take care of things here. He brought with him the follow-
ing epistle, viz. :—
LOVING AND CHRISTIAN FRIENDS :--I could not refuse this bearer, Mr.
Roger Williams, my kind friend and ancient acquaintance, to be accom-
panied with these few lines from myself to you, upon his return to Provi-
dence colony; though perhaps my private and retired condition, which the
Lord of his mercy hath brought me into, might have argued strongly
enough for my silence; but indeed something I hold myself bound to say
to you, out of the Christian love I bear you, and for his sake whose name
How is it that there
is called upon by you and engaged on your behalf.
are such divisions amongst you? Such headiness, tumults, disorders,
injustice? the noise whereof echoes into the ears of all, as well friends as
enemies, by every return of ships from those parts. Is not the fear and
awe of God amongst you to restrain? Is not the love of Christ in you to
fill you
with yearning bowels one towards another, and constrain you not
to live to yourselves but to him that died for you, yea, and is risen again?
Are there no wise men amongst you? No public self-denying spirits, that at
least upon grounds of common safety, equity and prudence can find out some
way or means of union and reconciliation for you amongst yourselves, before
you become a prey to common enemies? Especially since this state, by the
last letter from the Council of State, gave you your freedom, as supposing a
better use would have been made of it than there hath been. Surely when
kind and simple remedies are applied and are ineffectual, it speaks loud and
broadly, the high and dangerous distempers of such a body, as if the
wounds were incurable. But I hope better things from you, though I thus
speak, and should be apt to think, that by commissioners agreed on and
appointed on all parts, and on behalf of all interests, in a general meet-
ing, such a union and common satisfaction might arise, as through God's
blessing might put a stop to your growing breaches and distractions, silence
your enemies, encourage your friends, honor the name of God which of
late hath been much blasphemed by reason of you; and in particular
[1654.]
WILLIAMS'S LETTER TO PROVIDENCE.
233
refresh and revive the sad heart of him who mourns over your present
evils, as being your affectionate friend, to serve you in the Lord.
Belleau, the 8th of February, 1653—4.
H. VANE.¹
With this Mr. Williams returned to Providence; but at
first met with such treatment as caused him to address the
town in the following manner :-
WELL BELOVED FRIENDS AND NEIGHBORS :-I am like a man in a great
fog. I know not well how to steer. I fear to run upon the rocks at home,
having had trials abroad. I fear to run quite backward (as men in a mist
do) and undo all that I have been a [this late] long time undoing myself
to do, viz.: to keep up the name of a people, a free people, not enslaved to
the bondages and iron yokes of the great (both soul and body) oppressions
the English and barbarians about us; nor to the divisions and disorders
within ourselves. Since I set the first step of any English foot into these
wild parts, and have maintained a chargeable and hazardous correspon-
dence with the barbarians, and spent almost five years time with the state
of England, to keep off the rage of the English against us, what have I
reaped of the root of being the stepping stone to so many families and
towns about us, but grief, and sorrow, and bitterness! I have been charged
with folly for that freedom and liberty which I have always stood for; I
say liberty and equality both in land and government. I have been blamed
for parting with Mooshawsick, and afterward Pawtuxet (which were mine
own, as truly as man's coat upon his back) without reserving to myself a
foot of land or an inch of voice in any matter, more than to my servants
or strangers. It hath been told me that I labored for a licentious and con-
tentious people; that I have foolishly parted with town and colony advan-
tages, by which I might have preserved both town and colony in as good
order, as any [town or colony] in the country about us. This and ten
times more I have been censured for, and at this present am called a traitor
by [the] one party, against the state of England, for not maintaining the
charter and the colony; and it is said that I am as good as banished by
yourselves, and that both sides wished that I might never have landed,
that the fire of contention might have had no stop in burning. In-
deed the words have been so sharp between myself and some lately, that
at last I was forced to say, They might well silence all complaints if I
once began to complain, who was unfortunately fetched and drawn from
my employment, and sent to so vast distance from my family to do your
work of a high and costly nature, for so many days, and weeks, and
months together, and there left to starve, or steal, or beg, or borrow. But
'Copied from the original letter.
&
234
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
blessed be God who gave me favor to borrow one while, and to work
another, and thereby to pay your debts there, and to come over with your
credit and honor, as an agent from you, who had in your name grappled
with the agents and friends of all your enemies round about you.
I am
told that your opposites thought on me, and provided (as I may say) a
sponge to wipe off your scores and debts in England, but that it was ob-
structed by yourselves, who rather meditated on means and new agents to
be sent over to cross what Mr. Clarke and I had obtained. But gentlemen,
blessed be God who faileth not, and blessed be his name for his wonderful
providences, by which alone this town and colony, and that grand cause of
truth and [and truth of] freedom of conscience hath been upheld to this
day. And blessed be his name who hath again quenched so much of our
fires hitherto, and hath brought your names and his own name thus far out
of the dirt of scorn, reproach, &c. I find among[st] yourselves and your
opposites that of Solomon true, that the contentions of brethren, some that
lately were so, are the bars of a castle, and not easily broken, and I have
heard some of both sides zealously talking of undoing themselves by a trial
in England. Truly, friends, I cannot but fear you lost a fair wind lately,
when this town was sent to for its deputies, and you were not pleased to
give an overture unto the rest of the inhabitants about it; yea,
and when yourselves thought that I invited you to some conference tending
to reconciliation, before the town should act in so fundamental a business,
you were pleased to forestall that, so that being full of grief, shame and
astonishment [amazement]; yea, and fear that all that is now done (espec-
ially in our town of Providence) is but provoking the spirits of men to
fury of desperation. I pray your leave to pray you to remember (that
which I lately told your opposites) Only by pride cometh contention. If
there be humility on the one side, yet there is pride on the other, and
certainly the eternal God will engage against the proud; I therefore pray
you to examine, as I have done them, your proceedings in this first par-
ticular. Secondly, love covereth a multitude of sins. Surely your charges
and complaints each against other have not hid nor covered anything, as
we used to cover the nakedness of those we love. If you will now profess
not to have disfranchised humanity [humility] and love, but that (as [once]
David in another case) you will sacrifice to the common peace, and com-
mon safety, and common credit, that which may be said to cost you some-
thing, I pray your loving leave to tell you that if I were in your souls'
case, I would send unto your opposites such a line as this:-"Neighbors,
at the constant request, and upon the constant mediation which our neigh-
bor Roger Williams, since his arrival, hath used to us, both for pacifica-
tion and accommodation of our sad differences, and also upon the late
endeavors in all the other towns for an union, we are persuaded to remove
our obstruction, viz., that paper of contention between us, and to deliver it
کھو
[1654.]
LETTER TO SIR HENRY VANE.
235
into the hands of our aforesaid neighbor, and to obliterate that order
which that paper did occasion. This removed, you may be pleased [please]
to meet with, and debate freely, and vote in all matters with us as if such
grievances had not been amongst us. Secondly, If yet ought remain
grievous which we ourselves by free debate and conference cannot compose,
we offer to be judged and censured by four men, which out of any part of
the colony you shall choose two, and we the other.
Gentlemen, I only add, that I crave your loving pardon to your bold but
true friend,
ROGER WILLIAMS.
This address had the desired effect; and when the town
came together, and Mr. Williams had a full hearing of the
case, he, in the name of the town, drew an answer to Sir
Henry Vane's letter, on August 27th, 1654, which now
remains on record in his own hand writing as follows:-
SIR:-Although we are aggrieved at your late retirement from the helm
of public affairs, yet we rejoice to reap the sweet fruits of your rest in
your pious and loving lines, most seasonably sent unto us. Thus the sun
[Thus sir, your sun] when he retires his brightness from the world, yet
from under the very clouds we perceive his presence, and enjoy some light
and heat and sweet refreshings. Sir, your letters were directed to all and
every particular town of this Providence colony. Surely Sir, among the
many providences of the most High, toward this town of Providence, and
this Providence colony, we cannot but see apparently his gracious hand,
providing your honorable self for so noble and true a friend to an outcast
and despised people. From the first beginning of this Providence colony,
(occasioned by the banishment of some in this place [these parts] from the
Massachusetts) we say ever since, to this very day, we have reaped the
sweet fruits of your constant loving-kindness and favor toward us. Oh
Sir! whence then is it that you have bent your bow, and shot your sharp
and bitter arrows now against us? Whence is it that you charge us with
divisions, disorders, &c.? Sir, we humbly pray your gentle acceptance of
our two-fold answer.
First, we have been greatly disturbed and distracted [distressed] by the
ambition and covetousness of some amongst ourselves. Sir, we were in
complete order until Mr. Coddington (wanting that public self-denying
spirit which you commend to us in your letter) procured, by most untrue
information, a monopoly of part of the colony, viz.: Rhode Island to him-
self, and so occasioned our general disturbance and distractions. Secondly,
Mr. Dyre, with no less want of a public spirit, being ruined by party con-
tentions with Mr. Coddington, and being betrusted to bring from England
the letters of the Council of State for our re-unitings, he hopes for a recruit
236
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
to himself by other men's goods; and (contrary to the State's intentions
and expressions) plungeth himself and some others, in most unnecessary
and unrighteous plundering, both of Dutch and French, and English also,
[all] to our great grief, who protested against such abuse of our power
from England; and the end of it is [even] to the shame and reproach of
himself, and the very English name, [itself] as all these parts do witness."
Sir, our second answer is, (that we may not lay all the load upon other
men's backs) that possibly a sweet cup hath rendered many of us wanton
and too active; for we have long drunk of the cup of as great liberties as
any people that we can hear of under the whole heaven. We have not
only been long free (together with all New England) from the iron yoke
of wolfish bishops, and their popish ceremonies (against whose cruel
oppressions God raised up your noble spirit in parliament)¹ but we have
sitten quiet and dry, from the streams of blood spilt by that war in our
native country. We have not felt the new chains of the presbyterian tyr-
ants, nor in this colony, have we been consumed with the over-zealous fire
of the (so called) godly Christian magistrates. Sir, we have not known
what an excise means; we have almost forgot what tythes are, yea, or
taxes either, to church or commonwealth. We could name other special
privileges, ingredients of our sweet cup, which your great wisdom knows
to be very powerful (except more than ordinary watchfulness) to render
the best of men wauton and forgetful. But blessed be your love, and your
loving heart and hand, awakening any of our sleepy spirits by your sweet.
alarm; and blessed be your noble family, root and branch, and all your
pious and prudent engagements and retirements. We hope you shall no
more complain of the saddening of your loving heart, by the men of Provi-
dence town or Providence colony, but that [Sir,] when we are gone and
rotten, our posterity and children after us shall read in our town records,
your pious and favorable letters and loving-kindness to us, and this our
answer, and real endeavor after peace and righteousness; and to be found
Sir, your most obliged and most humble servants, the town of Providence,
in Providence colony in New England.
GREGORY DEXTER, Town Clerk.
They chose commissioners who met with those from the
other towns on August 31; when they agreed that the
affairs that had been transacted by authority in each town
should remain till further orders; and that for the future
their government should be managed according to their
'When those cruel oppressors had regained their power in 1662, so as to eject
two thousand Protestant teachers out of their places, they wreaked their vengeance
on this noble man, so as to have him publicly beheaded; but he died in an heroic
inanner.
[1654.]
GOVERNMENT AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM.
237
charter; and that an assembly of six commissioners from
each town, should transact the business of making laws, and
trying their general affairs; and they ordered, "that Mr.
Ezekiel Holiman, and Mr. John Greene, jun'r, are to view
the general laws of the colony, and to represent [present]
them to the next Court of Commissioners;" and they appoint-
ed a general election at Warwick, on Sept. 12.¹ At that
election Mr. Williams was chosen president of the colony;
and the assembly ordered, "that Mr. Roger Williams, and
Mr. Gregory Dexter [are desired to] draw forth and send
letters of humble thanksgiving, to his Highness the Lord
Protector, and Sir Henry Vane, Mr. Holland, and Mr. John
Clarke, in the name of the colony, and Mr. Williams is
desired to subscribe them by virtue of his office." Thus far
things appeared encouraging; but as tyranny and licentious-
ness are equally enemies, both to government and liberty,
Mr. Williams often had both of them to contend with.
Soon after this settlement a person sent a paper to the town
of Providence. That it was blood-guiltness, and against the
rule of the gospel, to execute judgment upon transgressors,
against the private or public weal. But said Mr. Williams:-
That ever I should speak or write a tittle that tends to such an infinite
liberty of conscience is a mistake, and which I have ever disclaimed and
abhorred. To prevent such mistakes, I at present shall only propose this
There goes many a ship to sea, with many [a] hundred souls in
one ship, whose weal and woe is common; and is a true picture of a com-
monwealth, or an human combination, or society. It hath fallen out some-
case.
'Providence Records. The names of the commissioners who composed and
signed this amicable settlement were, Thomas Harris, Gregory Dexter, John Sayles,
William Wickenden, John Brown and Henry Brown, for Providence; William
Baulston, John Roome, Thomas Cornell, John Briggs and William Hall, for Ports-
mouth; Benedict Arnold, Richard Tew, John Coggshall, John Easton, William
Lytherland and Thomas Gould, for Newport; John Greene, senior, Randal Holden,
Ezekiel Holiman, John Greene, junior, John Townsend and Richard Townsend, for
Warwick., Arnold left his father's party at Pawtuxet, and was received a freeman
at Newport, in May, 1653; after which he was greatly promoted in the colony.-B.
The published R. I. Colonial Records give the name John Taylor, instead of John
Sayles. Backus is undoubtedly correct, as it is known from other sources that
238
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
times that both Papists and Protestants, Jews and Turks, may be embarked
into one ship. Upon which supposal, I [do] affirm that all the liberty of
conscience, that ever I pleaded for, turns upon these two hinges, that none
of the Papists, Protestants, Jews or Turks, be forced to come to the ship's
prayers or worship; nor [secondly] compelled from their own particular
prayers or worship, if they practice any. I further add, that I never denied
that notwithstanding this liberty, the commander of this ship ought to
command the ship's course; yea, and also command that justice, peace and
sobriety to be kept and practiced, both among the seamen and all the pas-
sengers. If any of the seamen refuse to perform their service, or passen-
gers to pay their freight; if any refuse to help in person or purse towards
the common charges or defence; if any refuse to obey the common laws
and orders of the ship, concerning their common peace or preservation ; if
any shall mutiny and rise up against their commanders and officers; if any
should [shall] preach or write that there ought to be no commanders nor
officers, because all are equal in Christ, therefore no masters nor officers,
no laws nor orders, no corrections nor punishments; I say, I never denied
but in such cases, whatever is pretended, the commander or commanders
may judge, resist, compel and punish such transgressors, according to their
deserts and merits. This, if seriously and honestly minded, may if it so
please the Father of lights, let in some light to such as willingly shut not
their eyes. I remain studious of your [our] common peace and liberty.
ROGER WILLIAMS.¹
This clear description of the difference between civil and
ecclesiastical affairs, and of the difference betwixt good
government on the one hand, and tyranny or licentiousness
on the other, confirmed by a correspondent practice through
fifty years of incessant labors, is more than a sufficient bal-
ance to all the slanders that various parties have cast upon
this ancient witness and advocate for the rights and liberties
of men, against the superstitions and enthusiasms of his day.
Having settled things as well as he could among his own
people, he, as president of his colony, addressed the general
there was a John Sayles in Providence at about this time, and there seems to be no
account of a John Taylor. After the name of William Baulston, should be inser-
ted that of Richard Barden. It is given in the Colonial Records, and Backus by
omitting it represents Portsmouth as having only five commissioners though he has
said above that each town was to have six. The name which stands in the first
edition as Richard Jew, we have changed to Richard Tew as it stands here and in
many other places on the Records.-ED.
'History of Providence. [Mass. Hist. Coll., Second series, Vol. II. pp. 191, 192.]
}
[1655.]
LETTER CONCERNING THE TOWN OF WARWICK.
239
assembly at Boston, in the following words, directed to their
governor :-
Providence, 15, 9 month, '55 (so called.)
MUCH HONORED SIRS :-It is my humble and earnest petition unto God
and you, that you may be so pleased to exercise command over your own
spirits that you may not mind myself nor the English of these parts (un-
worthy with myself of your eye) but only that face of equity (English
and Christian) which I humbly hope may appear in these representations
following:
First, May it please you to remember, that concerning the town of War-
wick, [in this colony] there lies a suit of two thousand pounds damages
against you before his Highness and the Lords of the [his] Council. I
doubt not, if you so please, but that (as Mr. Winslow and myself had well
nigh ordered it) some gentlemen from yourselves and some from Warwick
deputed, may friendly and easily determine that affair between you.¹
1
Secondly, The Indians which pretend your names at Warwick and Paw-
tuxet (yet live as barbarously if not more than any in the whole colony)
please you to know their insolences upon ourselves and cattle (unto twenty
pounds damages per annum) are insufferable by English spirits; and
please you to give credence that to all these they pretend your name, and
affirm that they dare not (for offending you) agree with us, nor come to
rules of righteous neighborhood, only they know you favor us not, and
therefore send us for redress unto you.
Thirdly, Concerning four families at Pawtuxet, may it please you to
remember the two controversies they have long (under your name) main-
tained with us, to the constant obstructing of all order and authority amongst
'Thus it appears that their invading their neighbors' rights at Warwick, caused
troubles for them in England above ten years after, which Mr. Winslow, their agent,
and Mr. Williams, could not quite settle; and they not complying with his reason-
able proposal now, Gorton entered a complaint against them before king Charles's
Commissioners in 1665, in which, besides all their other sufferings, they alleged that
the Massachusetts took away and sold eighty head of their cattle. Massachusetts
History, Vol. I, p. 103.
The controversy not being then settled, drew consequences after it enough to make
our ears to tingle; an account of which I perceive was presented to king Charles
the Second, in 1679, by Randal Holden and others, as agents from Warwick, wherein
they, after describing their suffering at Boston, say, and all this because that we
(being without their jurisdiction) would not relinquish and forsake the sound doc-
trine and Christian principles taught us in our minority in the church of England.”
Upon which they go on to relate how that party disposition against them, after exas-
perating the Narragansetts in Philip's war, left Warwick defenceless to the fury of
the savages; and that the English themselves did them other great injuries after-
ward, How should these things warn all to leave off contention before it is meddled
with?
240
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
us..... To obey his Highness' authority in this charter, they say they
dare not for your sakes, though they live not by your laws, nor bear your
common charges, nor ours, but evade both under color of your authority.
.... Be pleased to consider how unsuitable it is for yourselves [if these
families at Pawtuxet plead truth] to be the obstructors of all orderly pro-
ceedings amongst us; for I humbly appeal to your own wisdoms and
experience, how unlikely it is for a people to be compelled to order and
common charges, when others in their bosoms are by such (seeming) par-
tiality exempted from both.
He then observes that there were in reality only W.
Arnold and W. Carpenter, "very far in religion from you, if
you knew all," who continued this obstruction; and all their
plea for it was a fear of offending the Massachusetts. And
says he :-
I perceive your commerce with the people of this colony is as great as
with any in the country, and our dangers (being a frontier people to the
barbarians)¹ are greater than those of other colonies, and the ill conse-
quences to yourselves would be not few nor small, and to the whole land,
were we first massacred or mastered by them. I pray your equal and favor-
able reflection upon that your law, which prohibits us to buy of you all
means of our necessary defence, of our lives and families; yea, in this
[most] bloody and massacring time. We are informed that tickets have
rarely been denied to any English of the country; yea, the barbarians,
though notorious in lies, if they profess subjection, they are furnished;2
only ourselves, by former and latter denial, seem to be devoted to be the
Indian shambles and massacres. The barbarians all the land over are
filled with artillery and ammunition from the Dutch, openly and horridly,
and from the English all over the country, by stealth, I know they abound
so wonderfully, that their activity and insolence is grown so high, that they
daily consult and hope and threaten to render us slaves, as they long since
[and now most terribly] have made the Dutch. For myself, as through
God's goodness, I have refused the gain of thousands by such a murderous
trade, and think no law yet extant among yourselves or us, secure
enough against such villainy; so am I loth to see so many hundreds, if
not some thousands, in this colony destroyed like fools and beasts without
resistance. I grieve that so much blood should cry against yourselves;
yea, and I grieve that at this instant by these ships, this cry and the prem-
ises should now trouble his Highness and his council. For the seasonable
'When Mr. Williams first began among the Narragansetts, he said they had five
thousand fighting men. Callendar, p. 70. [124.]
2See page 104.
1
;
[1655.]
WILLIAMS AND HARRIS.
241
preventing of which is this humble address presented to your wisdom, by
him who desires to be your unfeigned and faithful servant,
ROGER WILLIAMS,
Of Providence Plantations, President."
He then requested them to record an order which the
Lords of the Council gave him upon his last return from
England, for his free taking of ship or landing at their
ports, lest, says he, "forgetfulness hereafter again put me
upon such distresses as, God knows, I suffered, when I last
passed through your colony to our native country.'
""1
The above were not all the trying things that he met with
this year. No, Mr. William Harris, to whom he generously
gave a share in Providence lands, and who had professed
himself a Baptist, "sent his writings to the main and to the
Island, against all earthly powers, parliaments, laws, char-
ters, magistrates, prisons, punishments, rates, yea, against
all kings and princes, under the notion that the people
should shortly cry out, No lords, no masters; and in
open court
protested, before the whole colony assembled, that he would
maintain his writings with his blood!" This was done at
the election at Newport, May 22d, 1655. Upon which the
Assembly appointed Messrs. Olney, Baulston and Roome to
deal with him:2 and Mr. Williams soon after received the
following letter from the Lord Protector, viz. :—
GENTLEMEN :—Your agent here hath represented unto us some particu-
lars concerning your government, which you judge necessary to be settled
'Massachusetts History, Vol. III. pp. 275-278. [R. I. Colonial Records.] This
year the church of Charlestown began their dealings with Mr. Gould, which issued
in his gathering the first Baptist church in Boston.
2In the published R. I. Colonial Records of the Court which sat at Newport, May
25, 1655, the election of which was held May 22, is the following:-"It is ordered,
that, whereas, it hath been debated in this Court of some rising or taking up
of arms to the opposing of authority by Mr. Thomas Olnie, Mr. Baulston and Mr.
Roome are desired to treat with him and to declare to him the mind of this Court
and the proceedings of the Colony concerning him." If this is the record to which
Backus refers in the above statement,—and there appears to be no other to which
he could refer,-it has been materially misread, either by him or by the copyist who
prepared it for the press. It was nearly a year later, May 20, 1657, that Roger
Williams impeached Harris for high treason The articles of impeachment com-
16
242
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
>
by us here, but by reason of the other great and weighty affairs of this
commonwealth, we have been necessitated to defer the consideration of them
to [a] further opportunity; in the mean time we are [were] willing to let
you know that you were [are] to proceed in your government according
to the tenor of your charter, formerly granted on that behalf, taking care
of the peace and safety of those plantations, that neither through [any]
intestine commotions or foreign invasions, there do arise any detriment or
dishonor to their [this] commonwealth or yourselves, as far as you by
your care and diligence can prevent. And as for the things that are before
us, they shall, as soon as the other occasions will permit, receive a just
and sufficient [fitting] determination. And so we bid you farewell and rest,
Your very loving friend,
OLIVER, P.
March 29th, 1655.
To our trusty and well-beloved, the President, Assistants, and inhabitants
of Rhode Island, together with the rest of the Providence Plantations in
the Narragansett Bay, in New England.
Hereupon the Assembly met again, June 28th, and enact-
ed as follows:-
Whereas, we have been rent and torn with divisions, and his Highness.
hath sent unto us an express command, under his hand and seal, to pro-
vide against intestine commotions, by which his Highness noteth, that not
only ourselves are dishonored and endangered, but also dishonor and detri-
ment redounds to the commonwealth of England; it is ordered, that if any
person or persons be found, by the examination and judgment of the Gen-
eral Court of Commissioners, to be a ringleader or ringleaders of factions
or divisions among us, he or they shall be sent over at his or their own
charges, as prisoners, to receive his or their trial or sentence at the pleas-
ure of his Highness and the Lords of his Council.
These means had such effect, that at their Assembly at
Warwick, in March following, I find it thus recorded:-
I, William Coddington, do freely submit to the authority of his Highness
in the colony as it is now united, and that with all my heart.
Whereas, there have been differences depending between William Cod-
dington, Esq.; and Mr. William Dyre, both of Newport, we declare joy-
menced as follows:-"Whereas, William Harris, of Providence, published to all
the towns in the colony dangerous writings containing his notorious defiance to the
authority of his Highness the Lord Protector, &c., and the high Court of Parlia-
ment of England, as also his notorious attempts to draw all the English subjects of
this colony into a traitorous renouncing of their allegiance and subjection, and
whereas the said William Harris now openly in the face of the Court, declareth
himself resolved to maintain the said writings with his blood," &c. Arnold's History
of Rhode Island, Vol. I, p. 263.-ED.
[1656.] WILLIAMS TO THE MASSACHUSETTS ASSEMBLY.
243
fully for ourselves and heirs by this present record that a full agreement
and conclusion is made between us, by our worthy friends, Mr. Baulston,
Mr. Gorton, Mr. John Smith of Warwick, Mr. John Greene, jun. of War-
wick, and Mr. John Easton; and in witness whereof we subscribe our
hands, and desire this to be recorded, this present 14th of March, 1655,
-56.
In the presence of
ROGER WILLIAMS, President,
JOHN ROOME,
Benedict ARNOLD,
WILLIAM COddington.
WILLIAM DYRE.
JOHN GREENE, jun.¹
2
Harris now turned, and cried up government and magis-
trates as much as he had cried them down before. Being
desirous to make thorough work of it, Mr. Williams wrote
again to the Massachusetts governor, and was encouraged
by him to come to their Assembly at Boston, which he did,
with an address, dated May 12th, wherein he says:-
HONORED SIRS :-Our first request was and is, for your favorable con-
sideration of the long and lamentable condition of the town of Warwick,
which hath been thus. They are so dangerously and so vexatiously inter-
mingled with the barbarians, that I have long admired the wonderful power
of God in restraining and preventing very great fires, of mutual slaughters,
breaking forth between them. Your wisdoms know the inhuman insulta-
tions of these wild creatures, and you may be pleased also to imagine, that
they have not been sparing of your name as the patron of all their wicked-
ness against our English, men, women and children, and cattle, to the
yearly damage of sixty, eighty and a hundred pounds. The remedy, under
God is only your pleasure that Pumham shall come to an agreement with
the town or colony, and that some convenient way and time be set for their
removal. And that your wisdoms may see just grounds for such your
willingness, be pleased to be informed of a reality of a solemn covenant
between this town of Warwick and Pumham, unto which, notwithstanding
[that] he pleads his being drawn to it by the awe of his superior sachems,
yet I humbly offer that what was done was according to the law and tenor
of the natives (I take it) in all New England and America, viz., that the
inferior sachems and subjects shall plant and remove at the pleasure of the
highest and supreme sachems, and I humbly conceive that it pleaseth the
Most High and only wise to make use of such a bond of authority over
'This latter document is not in the published R. I. Colonial Records, it being re-
garded, perhaps, as the record of a merely private matter.-ED.
2Rhode Island Colony Records. Williams against the Quakers, pp. 11–20.
EM.
TAPHO
244 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
them, without which they could not long subsist in human societies, in this
wild condition wherein they are. Please you not to be insensible of the
slippery and dangerous condition of this their intermingled cohabitation. I
am humbly confident that all the English towns and plantations in all New
England put together, suffer not such molestation from the natives as this
one town and people. . . . . Be pleased to review this copy from the Lord
Admiral' that this English town of Warwick should proceed, and
[also] that if any of yours were there planted, they should by your au-
thority be removed. And [we humbly conceive that] if the English, whose
removes are difficult and chargeable, how much more these wild ones, who
remove with little more trouble and damage than the wild beasts of the
wilderness? . . . . This small neck, whereon they keep and mingle fields
with the English, is a very den of wickedness, where they not only practice.
the horrid barbarisms of all kinds of whoredoms, idolatries and conjura-
tions, but living without all exercise of actual authority, and getting store
of liquors (to our grief) there is a confluence and rendezvous of all the
wildest and most licentious natives and practices of the whole country.
He then proceeded to inculcate his other former requests,
which now had their effect.2
The journal of governor Winthrop shows, that before they
received Pumham and his fellows under their protection, the
Court made them promise to keep the Sabbath, and to ob-
serve other religious rules; but this account manifests the
pernicious evil of invading others' rights under the mask of
religion. They were awfully requited therefor. Beside
the manifold troubles that it cost the Massachusetts before,
in Philip's war; they not only "lost more of their substance
as well as inhabitants than both Plymouth and Connecticut
colonies together," but Pumham and his family had so great
a hand therein, that the dispatching of a grandson of his is
mentioned among the heroic exploits of Captain Denison,
nine months after that war began. Pumham himself was
"accounted the most warlike and best soldier of all the
Narragansett sachems," and he was so bloody and barbarous
through the war that when he was killed a few days before
'See page 165.
Massachusetts History, Vol. III, pp. 278-283.
3Winthrop's Journal, pp. 121, 122.-En.
*Massachusetts History, Vol. III, p. 493.
[1657.]
RISE OF THE QUAKERS.
245
Philip, within about fifteen or twenty miles of Boston, he,
after he could not stand, "catching hold of an Englishman,
that by accident came near him, had done him a mischief,
if he had not been presently rescued."
No sooner had Mr. Williams obtained such a settlement
of old controversies in the country, than new ones arose in
the following manner. George Fox, a very zealous teacher,
had raised a new sect in England, who, from his, and his
companions' quaking and trembling when they were brought
before Gervase Bennett, a justice in Derby, in 1650, were
called QUAKERS; though Fox says, it was because, "we bid
him and his company tremble at the word of God." In
July (this year) a number of his followers arrived at Bos-
ton, but were soon imprisoned. Mr. Gorton wrote to them
as I have related,³ to which they gave an answer Sept. 28th,
wherein they say:-
Friend, in that measure which we have received, which is eternal, we
see thee, aud behold thee, and have oneness with thee, in that which is meek
and low, and is not of this world; .... and in that meek and low spirit we
salute thee, and own that of God in thee, which is waiting for, and ex-
pecting the rising of that which is under the earth.....The ransomed
of the Lord shall come to Zion with joy and gladness, being redeemed from
kindreds, nations, tongues and people, by the blood of Jesus, which is
spirit and life to all those that obey the light, which from the life doth come,
for the life is the light of men, and whosoever believes in the light which
they are enlightened with, shall not abide in darkness, which light we
have obeyed in coming into these parts. The Lord is come and coming
to level the mountains, and to rend the rocks of wisdom and knowledge,
and to exalt that which is low and foolish to the wisdom of the world; and
blessed shall thou, and all those be, who meet him in this his work. From
the servants and messengers of the Lord whom he hath sent and brought
by the arm of his power into these parts of the world, for which we suffer
bonds and close imprisonment..... Known in the world by these names,
CHRISTOPHER HOLDEN,
JOHN COPELAnd,
'Hubbard's History of that war, pp. 68-100.
WILLIAM BREnd,
THOMAS THURSTON.
"Williams's dispute with them, p. 27. Fox's answer, p. 26.-B.
Page 165. See Appendix A at the close of this volume.-ED.
246
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
To this Gorton wrote a reply recited in page 110,
and thereby as well as by what is in pages 116, 117, we
may learn that he held with them about inward power, per-
fection in this life, and falling from grace received; but
when he came to be acquainted with them, he did not con-
cur with them about Thee and Thou, and the names of
months and days, nor in the more important articles of refus-
ing the oath of allegiance to civil government and a defen-
sive war.
After his return from England, his character as
a member of civil society, and as a ruler, stands unimpeached
in their records. And as Fox in his book in folio had said,
"The Scriptures are the words of God, but Christ is the
word of God in whom they end; and it is not blasphemy
[as an author said it was] to say the soul is part of God, for
it comes out of him, and rejoiceth in him;" which John
Stubs tried to defend against Mr. Williams, from those
words, God breathed into man the breath of life; Gorton,
desiring liberty to speak, said, "If it be affirmed that God
can be divided, and that man was a part of God, the God-
head was destroyed, and the soul of man. . . . . It is in the
margin, the breath of lives, which Stubs acknowledged."
On September 2, 1656, the Assembly at Boston wrote to
the Commissioners of the United Colonies, and said:
:-
Having heard some time since, that our neighbor colony of Plymouth,
our beloved brethren, in a great part seem to be wanting to themselves, in
a due acknowledgment and encouragement to the ministry of the gospel,
so as many pious ministers (how justly we know not) have deserted their
stations, callings, and relations; our desire is, that some such course may
be taken, as that a pious orthodox ministry may be re-stated among them,
that so the flood of errors, and principles of anarchy, [which will not long
be kept out where Satan and his instruments are so prevalent as to prevail
to the crying down of ministry and ministers] may be prevented. Here
have [hath] arrived amongst us several persons, professing themselves
Quakers, fit instruments to propagate the kingdom of Satan; for the secur-
ing of ourselves and our neighbors from such pests, we have imprisoned
them till they be despatched away to the place from whence they came.
'Williams, 1672, pp. 144, 145.
}
[1657.]
MASSACHUSETTS' PROVISION FOR THE MINISTRY.
247
We hope that some general rules may be commended to each General
Court, to prevent the coming [in] amongst us, from foreign places such
notorious heretics as Quakers, Ranters, &c.
The Commissioners replied as follows:
The Commissioners having considered the premises, cannot but acknow-
ledge the godly care and zeal of the gentlemen of the Massachusetts to
uphold and maintain those professed ends of coming into these parts, and
of combination of the United Colonies, which, if not attended in the particu-
lars aforesaid, will be rendered wholly frustrate, our profession miserably
scandalized, ourselves become a reproach in the eyes of those that cannot
without admiration behold our sudden defection from our first principles.
From this they went on to inculcate what Massachusetts
Assembly had proposed.¹
1
Though the Massachusetts rulers knew not whether those
ministers had deserted their stations justly or not, yet they
had approved of the settlement of Mr. John Mayo in Bos-
ton, Mr. Edward Bulkley at Concord, Mr. John Reyner at
Dover (who preached in Boston, the winter after he left
Plymouth,) Mr. Richard Blinman at Cape Ann, &c., all of
whom were ministers in Plymouth colony, when the col-
onies confederated together in 1643. We learn also that
Mr. John Norton arrived at Plymouth in 1635, where he
preached the following winter, and Mr. Smith their pastor
resigned his place to him, " and the church used him with
all respect, and large offers, yet he left them, alleging
that his spirit could not unite with them." He went and
settled at Ipswich, but after Mr. Cotton's death removed and
took his place in Boston, where he with his colleague had
not a little hand in spiriting up others to the above described
measures. Another vigorous hand in the same work was
Mr. Cobbet, who arrived at Boston in 1637, wrote against
the Baptists in 1645, was minister at Lynn, when they suf
fered there in 1651, but upon the death of Mr. Nathaniel
Rogers, took his place at Ipswich, where the town, on Feb.
25th, this year, voted to give him a hundred pounds to buy
'Massachusetts History, Vol. III, pp. 283–285.
2Winthrop, [Vol. I, p. 175.] Hubbard, [274.]
1
248
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
)
or build him a house, and taxed all the inhabitants to pay
it. This being a new thing with them, several persons
would not comply with the scheme; therefore distress was
made upon them in 1657. Samuel Symonds, Esq., descend-
ed from an ancient and honorable family in Essex in Eng-
land, was then one of the Massachusetts magistrates, and at
last died their Deputy Governor. Before him George Gid-
dings prosecuted Edward Brown, for seizing his pewter for
said tax. The justice gave the plaintiff damage and costs,
for which judgment he rendered these reasons:-
I understand this to be about a fundamental law; such a law as
that God and nature has [have] given to a people; so that it is in the
trust of their governors in highest place and others to preserve, but
not in their power to take away from them. Of this sort are these,
viz.: 1. Election of the supreme governors. 2. That every subject
shall and may enjoy what he hath a civil right unto, so as it cannot be
taken from him, by way of gift or loan, to the use or to be made the
right or property of another man, without his own free consent. 3.
That such laws, (though called liberties) yet more properly may be called
rights, and in this sense this may be added, as. a t'.ird fundamental law,
viz. :—That no custom or precedent ought to prevail in any moral case,
that may appear to be sinful in respect of the breach of any law of piety
against the first table, or of righteousness against the second. I shall
add .... that it is against a fundamental law in nature, to be compelled to
pay
that which others do give; for then no man hath any certainty, or
right to what he hath; if it be in the power of others by pretence of
authority or without, to give it away (when in their prudence they con-
ceive it to be for the benefit of the owner) without his own consent.
The parliament may tax, and that justly, the whole country to give a [gift
or] reward to one man for some service, for they are betrusted so to do.
The reason is, it is levied upon the whole country, with their consent, and
for the immediate benefit of the whole. But if they should do it between
persons (though they should do it [so do] by power, and the person
wronged hath no remedy in this world) yet it should be accounted tyranny.
Is it not to take from Peter and give unto [it to] Paul?
•
Then after mentioning the law for ministers' salaries,' he
says:
Yet the law was framed so as such churches as chose to go in a volun-
'See page 79
[1657.]
MEASURES IN REGARD TO QUAKERS.
249
tary way of weekly contribution, might so continue, as some churches in
the country do to this day.
After an appeal to the County Court, the question, with
the reasons each party had for and against it, was put to
the General Court, whether the town vote for giving the
said hundred pounds, bound the inhabitants, so that any of
them who were unwilling, might be compelled to pay it, or
not? On October 20th, 1657, the deputies resolved it in
the negative, which was non-concurred by the Council; and
influence enough was made the next day to bring a majority
of the House round to the compelling side.'
1
Neither could they be content with using compulsion
themselves, but the Commissioners of the United Colonies,
wrote to that of Providence, September 25, 1656, to try to
draw them into their measures towards the Quakers. To
this the Assembly at Portsmouth, gave an answer, on March
13, 1657, wherein they say:—
Whereas freedom of different consciences to be protected from inforce-
ments, was the principal ground of our charter, both with respect to our
humble suit for it, as also to the true intent of the honorable and renowned
parliament of England, in granting of the same to us, which freedom we
still prize, as the greatest happiness that men can possess in this world,
therefore we shall for the preservation of our civil peace and order, the
more especially [seriously] take notice that those people, and any others
that are here, or shall come among us, be impartially required, and to our
utmost, constrained to perform all civil duties requisite.
And in case
they refuse it, we resolve to [take and] make use of the first opportunity
to inform our agent, residing in England, &c.
They close with thankful acknowledgments of the Com-
'Massachusetts History, Vol. III,
pp. 287-308. So in October, 1658, the major-
ity of the House were against the law, to banish Quakers on pain of death; but the
Council, with the help of some ministers, at last prevailed to carry it, by the major-
ity of only one vote; which, when deacon Wozel [or Wiswal] understood, he wept,
and though illness caused his absence, yet had notice been given him, he said, "If
he had not been able to go, he would have crept upon his hands and knees, rather
than it should have been." Thus those oppressions were carried on by a few men,
against the sense of the best part of the community. Endicott, Bellingham, Brad-
strect and Denison, with the ministers they sat under, were as guilty in this respect
as any. Bishop's New England Judged, [Grove's Abridgment, pp. 101, 102.]
Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 198, [182.]
•
250
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
missioners' care they had expressed for the peace and
welfare of the whole country, and saying:-
We rest yours, most affectionately, desirous of your honorable [honors
and] welfare.
JOHN SANFORD, Clerk of Assembly.
This did not content those Commissioners; but they wrote
again the next fall, to which Governor Arnold and his Court
returned an answer, October 13th, which has been pub-
lished.¹ And the contention growing more terrible the year
after, the Assembly at Warwick, November 5th, 1658, ap-
pointed Mr. Olney, Mr. Gorton and Mr. Crandal, who had
'Massachusetts History, Vol. I, pp. 526, 527. [453, 454.]—B.
The letter was as follows:-
"MUCII HONORED GENTLEMEN:-Please you to understand that there hath come
to our view a letter subscribed by the honored gentlemen, Commissioners of the
United Colonies, the contents whereof are a request concerning certain people
called Quakers, come among us lately, &c.
"Our desires are, in all things possible, to pursue after and keep fair and loving
correspondence and intercourse with all the colonies and with all our countrymen.
in New England, and to that purpose we have endeavored (and shall still endeavor)
to answer the desires and requests from all parts of the country, coming unto us,
in all just and equal returns; to which end, the colony have made suitable provision
to preserve a just and equal intercourse between the colonies and us, by giving
justice to any that demand it among us, and by returning such as make escapes
from you, or from the other colonies, being such as fly from the hands of justice,
for matters of crime done or committed amongst you, &c. And as concerning these
Quakers, (so called,) which are now among us, we have no law among us whereby
to punish any for only declaring by words, &c., their minds and understandings con-
cerning the ways and things of God as to salvation and an eternal condition. And
moreover we find that in those places where these people aforesaid, in this colony,
are most of all suffered to declare themselves freely, and are only opposed by argu-
ments in discourse, there they least of all desire to come, and we are informed that
they begin to loath this place, for that they are not opposed by the civil authority,
but with all patience and meekness are suffered to say over their pretended revela-
tions and admonitions, nor are they like or able to gain many here to their way;
and surely we find that they delight to be persecuted by civil powers, and when they
are so, they are like to gain more adherents by the conceit of their patient suffer-
ings than by consent to their pernicious sayings. And yet we conceive that their
doctrines tend to very absolute cutting down and overturning relations and civil
government among men, if generally received. But as to the damage that may in
likelihood accrue to the neighbor colonies by their being entertained, we conceive
it will not prove so dangerous, (as else it might) in regard of the course taken by
you to send them away out of the country as they come among you. But, however,
at present we judge it requisite, and do intend to commend the consideration of
their extravagant outgoings unto the General Assembly of our colony in March
1
[1658.]
LETTER TO MR. CLARKE.
251
suffered from them at Boston, with Mr. Trip, to draw a let-
ter to their agent in England,' which is as follows:-
WORTHY SIR, AND TRUSTY FRIEND, MR. CLARKE:-We have found, not
only your ability and diligence, but also your love and care to be such con-
cerning the welfare and prosperity of this colony, since you have been en-
trusted with the more public affairs thereof, surpassing the [that] no small
benefit which [formerly] we had of your presence here at home, that we in
all straits and incumbrances, are emboldened to repair unto you, for further
and continued care, counsel and help, finding that your solid and Christian
demeanor hath gotten no small interest in the hearts of our superiors,
those noble and worthy senators, with whom you had to do in our behalf,
as it hath constantly appeared in our [your] addresses made unto them,
[which] we have by good and comfortable proofs found, having plentiful
experience thereof. The last year we had laden you with much employ-
ment, which we were then put upon by reason of some too refractory among
ourselves, wherein we appealed unto you for advice, for the more public
manifestation of it, with respect to our superiors; but our intelligence [it
seems] fell short in that great loss of the ship, which we concluded [is con-
ceived] here to be cast away. We have now a new occasion given us by
an old spirit, with respect to the colonies round about us, who [which]
seem to be offended with us because of a sort of people, called by the name
of Quakers, who are come amongst us, who [and] have raised up divers
who at present seem to be of their spirit, whereat the colonies about us
seem to be offended with us, being the said people have their liberty with
[amongst] us, are entertained in our houses, or any of our assemblies ;
and for the present we have found no just cause to charge them with the
breach of the civil peace; only they are constantly going forth amongst
them about us, and vex and trouble them about [in point of] their religion
and spiritual state, though they return with many a foul scar in their bodies
next, where we hope there will be such order taken, as may, in all honest and con-
scientious manner, prevent the bad effects of their doctrines and endeavors; and so,
in all courteous and loving respects, and with desire of all honest and fair com-
merce with you, and the rest of our honored and beloved countrymen, we rest,
Yours in all loving respects to serve you,
BENEDICT ARNOLD, President.
WILLIAM BAULSTON,
RANDALL HOwlden,
ARTHUR FENner,
WILLIAM FIELD.
From Providence, at the Court of Trials held for the Colony, October 13, 1657.
To the much honored, the General Court, sitting at Boston, for the Colony of
Massachusetts."-ED.
'They were "chosen and authorized to draw up a letter to be sent to Mr. John
Clarke, in England, to be presented to his Highness and Council." Rhode Island
Records.-ED.
252
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
for the same.¹ And the offence our neighbors take against us, is because
we take not some course against the said people, either to expel them from
amongst us, or take such courses against them as themselves do, who are
in fear lest their religiou should be corrupted by them. Concerning which.
displeasure that they seem to take, it was expressed to us in a solemn let-
ter, written by the Commissioners of the United Colonies at their sitting,
as though they would either bring us in to act according to their scantling,
or else take some course to do us a greater displeasure. A copy of which
letter we have herewith sent unto you, wherein you may perceive how they
express themselves; as also we have herewith sent our present answer
unto them, to give you what light we may in the matter. There is one
clause in the [their] letter which plainly implies a threat, though courtly
[covertly] expressed as their manner is; which we gather to be this, that
[as] themselves (as we construe [conceive] it) have been much awed in
point of [their] continued subjection to the state of England, lest in case
they should decline, England might prohibit all trade with them, both in
point of exportation and importation of any commodities, which were an
host sufficiently prevalent to subdue New England, not being able to sub-
sist; even so they seem [secretly] to threaten us, by cutting us off from
all commerce and trade with them, and thereby to disable us of any com-
fortable subsistance, being that the concourse of shipping, and all other
sorts [so of all kinds] of commodities are universally conversant among
themselves; as also knowing that ourselves are not in a capacity to send
out shipping of ourselves, which in great measure is occasioned by their
oppressing of us, as yourself well knows; as in many other respects so in
this for one, that we cannot have anything from them, for the supply of our
necessities, but in effect they make the price, both of our commodities and
their own.
Also, because we have no English coin, but only that which
passeth among these barbarians, and such commodities as are raised by the
labor of our hands, as corn, cattle, tobacco, &c., to make payment in,
which they will have at their own rates, or else not deal with us; where-
by, though they gain extraordinarily by us, yet, for the safeguard of their
[own] religion, they may seem to neglect themselves in that respect; for
what will not men do for their God? Sir, this is our earnest and pressing
request unto you in this matter, that as you may perceive by our answer
unto the United Colonies [that] we fly as our refuge in all civil respects to
his Highness and Honorable Council, as not being subject to any other in
matters of our civil state, so may it please you to have an eye and ear
open in case our adversaries should speak [seek] to undermine us in our
privileges granted unto us, and plead our cause in such sort, as that we
'Many were whipped, some were branded, and Holder, Copeland and Rouse,
three single young men, had each his right ear cut off in the prison at Boston, the
16th of September this year. Grove's Abridgment of Bishop, pp. 64, 91, 92.
C
[1658.]
LAWS AGAINST QUAKERS.
253
may not be compelled to exercise any civil power over men's consciences,
so long as human orders in point of civility are not corrupted and violated,
which our neighbors about us do frequently practice, whereof many of us
have absolute [large] experience, and [do] judge it to be no less than a
point of ABSOLUTE CRUELTY.
JOHN Sanford, Clerk of Assembly.¹
The Commissioners of the colonies who met at Boston,
September 2, 1658, and continued their meeting to Septem-
ber 23, closed their acts with saying:
Whereas there is an accursed and pernicious sect of heretics, lately risen
up in the world, who are commonly called Quakers, who take upon them
to be immediately sent of God, and infallibly assisted, who do speak and
write blasphemous things, despising government, and the order of God in
church and commonwealth; speaking evil of dignities, reproaching and
reviling magistrates, and the ministers of the gospel, seeking to turn the
people from the faith, and to gain proselytes to their pernicious ways; and
whereas the several jurisdictions have made divers laws to prohibit their
coming amongst them; (but they refusing to obey them, and still making
disturbance) it is therefore propounded, and seriously commended to the
several General Courts, to make a law, that all Quakers formerly
convicted and punished as such, shall (if they return again) be imprisoned,
and forthwith banished or expelled out of the said jurisdiction, under pain
of death.
All the eight Commissioners signed this advice, only the
Governor of Connecticut said, "Looking at the last as a
query and not an act, I subscribe, John Winthrop."2 Such
'As Oliver Cromwell died Sept. 3, 1658, and his son Richard was chosen Protector
in his stead, their Assembly of May 17, 1659, sent an address to the latter, wherein
they say,
May it please your Highness to know, that this poor colony of Provi-
dence Plantations, mostly consists of a birth and breeding of the providence of the
Most High, we being an outcast people, formerly from our mother nation in the
bishops' days, and since from the New English over-zealous colonies; our whole
frame being like unto the present frame and constitution of our dearest mother
England; bearing with the several judgments and consciences each of other in all
the towns of our colony [the] which our neighbor colonies do not, which is the
only cause of their great offence against us.....Sir, we dare not interrupt your high
affairs with the particulars of our wilderness condition, only [we] beg your eye of
favor to be cast upon our faithful agent, Mr. John Clarke, and unto what humble
addresses he shall at any time present your Highness with in our behalf." Colony
Records.
2Records of the United Colonies. The other Commissioners were Endicott and
Bradstreet, of Massachusetts; Prince and Winslow, of Plymouth; Taliot, of Con-
necticut; and Newman and Leet, of New Haven.
254
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
!
a law was made at Boston the next month, but the like was
not done in any of the other colonies. At Plymouth they
had prevailed for two years past, with the majority of the
Court, to imprison, fine and whip the Quakers, and to send
some of them out of the colony; and the manner of their
proceedings was as follows:-
Mr. John Brown, who had long been one of their magis-
trates, and often a commissioner for his colony, took a voy-
age to England. Captain James Cudworth of Scituate, was a
magistrate these two years; and near the beginning of this
year he entertained Copeland and Brend, two of the Qua-
kers, at his house a night or two, and says:-
I thought it better so to do, than with the blind world, to censure, con-
demn and rail at them, when they neither saw their persons, nor knew any
of their principles; but the Quakers and myself cannot close in divers
things; and so I signified to the Court, I was no Quaker, but must bear
my testimony against sundry things that they held, as I had occasion and
opportunity. But withal I told them, that as I was no Quaker, so I would
be no persecutor. This spirit worked in those two years that I was of the
magistracy; during which time, I was on sundry occasions forced to declare
my dissent, in sundry actings of that nature; which, although I did with
all moderation of expression, together with respect unto the rest, yet it
wrought great disaffection and prejudice against me.
A person took pains to go to Marshfield to procure a war-
rant to apprehend the Quakers he had entertained, which
Mr. Hatherly understanding, said, "Mr. Envy hath pro-
cured this;" and in lieu of it, gave them a pass under his
hand, with which they travelled to Plymouth; but were
there seized and whipped by order of three other magis-
trates. And says Captain Cudworth :
Truly the whipping of them with that cruelty as some have been, and
their patience under it hath sometimes been the occasion of gaining more
adherence to them, than if they had suffered them openly to have preached
a sermon..... The Massachusetts after they have whipped them, and cut
their ears, they have now gone the farthest step they can; they banish them
upon pain of death, if ever they come there again. We expect we must
do the like; we must dance after their pipe; now Plymouth saddle is
[1658.]
CAPTAIN CUDWORTH'S TESTIMONY.
255
on the Bay horse, we shall follow them on the career. .... All these car-
nal and antichristian ways being not of God's appointment, effect nothing.
as to hindering of them in their way or course. It is only the word and
spirit of the Lord, that is able to convince gainsayers. They are the
mighty weapons of the Christian warfare, by which great and mighty
things are done and accomplished.....Our civil powers are so exercised
in things appertaining to the kingdom of Christ, in matters of religion and
conscience, that we can have no time to effect any thing that teuds to the
promotion of the civil weal, or prosperity of the place; but now we must
have a state religion, such as the powers of the world will allow, and no
other; a state ministry, and a state way of maintenance; and we must
worship and serve the Lord Jesus, as the world shall appoint us. We must
all go to the public place of meeting, in the parish where we dwell, or be
presented. I am informed of three or fourscore last Court, presented for
not coming to public meetings; and let me tell you how they brought this
about. You may remember a law once made, called Thomas Hinckley's
law, That if any neglected the worship of God, in the place where he lives,
and set up a worship contrary to God, and the allowance of this govern-
ment, to the public profanation of God's holy day and ordinance, [he]
shall pay ten shillings. This law would not reach what then was aimed at;
because he must do so and so; that is, all things therein expressed, or else
break not the law. In March last, a Court of Deputies was called, and
some acts touching Quakers were made; and then they contrived to make
this law serviceable to them; and that was by putting out the word “And,”
and putting in the word "Or," which is a disjunctive, and makes every
branch become a law. So now, if any neglect, or will not come to the
public meetings, teu shillings for every defect..... And these men altering
this law last March, yet left it dated, June 6th, 1651,¹ and so it stands as
the act of a General Court; they to be the authors of it seven years before
it was in being; and so yourselves have your part and share in it, if the
records lie not. But what may be the reason that they should not by
another law, made and dated by that Court, as well effect what was intend-
ed, as by altering a word, and so the whole sense of the law; and leave
this their act, by the date of it, charged on another Court's account? Surely
the chief instruments in the business, being privy to an act of parliament
for liberty, should too openly have acted repugnant to a law of Eugland;
but if they can do the thing, and leave it on a Court, as making it six years
'These things Capt. Cudworth wrote to Mr. Brown, then in England, who let
Bishop publish them, pages 168--176. Morton says that Mr. Dunstar, was useful
and helping in defending the truth against the Quakers; and that he fell asleep
in the Lord, in 1659." [186.] After Mr. Brown returned from England, he and Cud-
worth were called to account for this letter, but were not punished. Cudworth was
restored to the magistracy in 1674, and died their Deputy Governor, in 1681. Ply-
mouth Records.
256
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
before the act of parliament, there can be no danger in this.....If we can
but keep the people ignorant of their liberties and privileges, then we have
liberty to act in our own wills what we please.....Through mercy we have
yet among us worthy Mr. Dunstar, whom the Lord hath made boldly to
bear testimony against the spirit of persecution.¹
For the above things those two magistrates Hatherly and
Cudworth were left out of all their offices, in June, this
year. At the same time it is meet that posterity should
know how those Quakers behaved under their sufferings.
Humphrey Norton, one of their teachers and authors, was
sent out of Plymouth colony in 1657, for being an extrava-
gant person; which charge, says Bishop, could not be
proved. On election day, June 1st, 1658, he and John
Rouse came again to Plymouth, and were taken up and
whipped, Norton twenty-three lashes, and Rouse fifteen,
which, Bishop says, "they received for no other thing but
for coming into that colony in the will of God."3
The rec-
ords inform us, that when they were brought before the
Assembly, June 3d, Norton "said unto the Governor sun-
dry times, Thou liest! and said unto him, Thomas, thou art a
malicious man, &c. For these things, and for refusing the
oath of allegiance to any civil government, they were then
whipped, and for officers' fees were imprisoned till the tenth,
when they were released, and went to Rhode Island, where,
on the 16th, Norton wrote a letter to Mr. Alden, one of
their magistrates, and another to the Governor, with an
answer to Christopher Winter's deposition against them, all
which the Court ordered to be recorded." The beginning
and end of that to the Governor, I took from thence with
my own hand, which is in the words and letters following:
Thomas Prince, thow who hast bent thy hart to worke wickedness, and
with thy tongue hast thow set forth deceite; thou imagineзt mischief upon thy
'See page 178, note.
2In the Massachusetts Records his offense is somewhat differently stated. "Octo-
ber 6, 1657. At this Court, IIumphrey Norton, one of those commonly called Qua-
kers, being summoned, appeared and was examined and found guilty of divers
horrid errors, and was sentenced speedily to depart the government and was forth-
with expelled the government by the under marshal."-Ed.
"New England Judged, [Grove's Abridgement,] pp. 163-179.
[1658.]
VIEWS OF THE QUAKERS ON GOVERNMENT.
257
bed, and hatcheth thy hatred in thy cecrett chamber; the strength of dark-
nes is over thee, and a malliciouse mouth hast thow opened against God
and his anointed, and with thy tongue and lipps hast thow uttered perverse
things; thow hast slaundered the innoceut by railing, lying and false accu-
sations, and with thy barborouse hart hast thow caused theire bloud to bee
shed. Thow hast through all these things broke and transgresed the laws
and waies of God, and equitie is not before thy eyes. The curse causles
cannot come upon thee, nor the vengance of God unjustly cannot fetch
thee up; thow makest thyself merry with thy cecrett mallice. .... The
day of thy wailing will bee like unto that of a woman that murthers the
fruite of her wombe; the anguish and paine that will enter upon thy reignes
will be like knawing worms lodging betwixt thy hart and liver: When
these things come upon thee, and thy backe bowed downe with pain, in
that day and houre thow shalt know to thy griefe, that prophetts of the
Lord God wee are, and the God of vengance is our God.
HUMPHREY NORTON.
I have sent thee heer inclosed a reply to C. Winter's deposition, alsoe I
have sent already a true relation of parte of thy proceedings towards Lon-
don, with a coppy of the fines laid on, and levied of the people of God,
with a coppy of thy late laws.
Superscribed, For the governor of Plymouth pattent, this with care and
speed.
After this prophecy Mr. Prince continued Governor of
that colony near fourteen years, and then died in peace, (for
ought we know). His son was a justice of peace in his day,
and his grandson was a learned and pious minister at Bos-
ton, whose writings have furnished many valuable materials
for our history. It ought also to be known, that in rending the
rocks of wisdom and knowledge, and exalting that which is low,
the Quakers meant to have civil as well as ecclesiastical-
government managed by the above described power. For
in those times George Fox published a large book in folio,
in the 170th page of which he said :—
The magistrate of Christ, the help government for him, he is in the light
and power of Christ; and he is to subject all under the power of Christ,
into his light, else he is not a faithful magistrate: and his laws here are
agreeable, and answerable according to that of God in every man; when
men act contrary to it, they do evil; so he is a terror to evil-doers, dis-
cerneth the precious and the just from the vile; and this is a praise to
them that do well.
17
258
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
When Mr. Williams mentioned this passage, as one proof,
that their spirit tended to arbitrary government, and fiery
persecution, they said upon it:—
Is there one word of persecution here? Or can Roger Williams think
himself a Christian, and look upon it to be persecution, for Christ's magis-
trates, by Christ's light and power, to subject all under the power of
Christ, and to bring all into this light of Christ? Or can he think such an
one an unfaithful magistrate? Or are those laws, and the execution of
them, persecution, that are agreeable and answerable to that of God in
every man?
These are George Fox's words. Such magistrates, such
laws, such power, and light, and subjection, is G. F. for, and no other.¹
This opens the plain cause why they militated so hard
against other magistrates and government, as in the lament-
able instances following.
Our Lord directed his disciples to depart from any house
or city, that they should travel into, when they refused to
receive them; and when the Gadarenes besought him to de-
part out of their coasts, he did so; and we have no account
of his forcing himself upon them again. The Quakers took
another course. Three of them who were banished, on
pain of death, returned again to Boston, and were con-
demned to die; and William Robinson gave in a paper to
the Court, which contains the following reason for his con-
duct therein, viz. :-
On the eighth day of the eighth month, 1659, in the after part of the
day, in traveling betwixt Newport in Rhode Island, and Daniel Gould's
house, with my dear brother Christopher Holder, the word of the Lord
came expressly to me, which did fill me immediately with life and power,
and heavenly love by which he constrained me, and commanded me to pass
to the town of Boston, my life to lay down in his will, for the accomplish-
ing of his service, that he had there to perform at the day appointed. To
which heavenly voice I presently yielded obedience, not questioning the
Lord how he would bring the thing to pass. .... For the Lord had said
unto me, My soul shall rest in everlasting peace, and my life shall enter
into rest, for being obedient to the God of my life.
Marmaduke Stevenson, gave in another paper, informing
the Court, how he heard a voice as he was plowing in York-
'Williams, p. 207. Fox's Answer, pp. 229, 230.
5
[1659.] VIEWS OF THE QUAKERS ON INWARD LIGHT.
259
shire, saying, I have ordained thee a prophet unto the nations;
and after he came to Rhode Island, he says:
The word of the Lord came unto me saying, Go to Boston, with thy
brother William Robinson. This is given forth to be upon record,
that all people may know, who hear it, that we came not in our own will,
but in the will of God.¹
This was their way of following what they called the
light, and the clearest account of what they meant thereby,
that I have seen, is contained in the following sentences
directed to Mr. Williams, viz. :-
•
Thou wrongest the Quakers in saying, they confess their light to be con-
science. In this thou pervertest their words, and thou wouldest have it so ;
for George Fox's words are, The light which you call conscience, which is
the light of Christ, as you may see all along in his book. .... Thou hast
read our books with an evil eye, or else thou mightest see how often we
mention, that Christ hath bought us with a price, which is his blood; and
how that all died in Adam, and how that Christ died for all, that they that
live, might live to him; and that all might believe in him, who died for
them; and if they do not, they are condemned with the light, which they
should believe in. .... Christ lighteth every man that cometh into the
world,² with life in him, the word and faith. He is the light of the world,
and saith, Believe in the light, that ye may become children of light, and
he that believeth is saved, and he that doth not is condemned. And the
condemnation is the light that is come into the world; which light is saving
to them that believe in it, and condemning to them that do not believe in it,
but hate it, whose deeds be evil. John 3.3
In all this there is a manifest confounding of grace and
works, law and gospel, which the inspired writers took great
pains to keep distinct. And since Christ himself says, "God
sent, not his Son into the world to condemn the world; but
that the world through him might be saved," "Think not
that I will accuse you to the Father; there is one that ac-
cuseth you, even Moses, in whom ye trust;" John 3. 17,
and 5. 45; was not the zeal of these men like that we read
of Rom. 10. 2-4? Did they not trust in the law instead
'Bishop, [Grove's Abridgment,] pp. 127-133.
2Williams says, he believes Fox, in his book in folio, repeats these words, near or
quite a thousand times. P. 186.
"Fox against Williams, Second Part, pp. 4, 6, 10.
}
}
f
260
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
of the gospel? As to the person of the Saviour, Mr. Wil-
liams says:-
Fox in all his book cannot endure to hear of the word Human, as being
a new name, and never heard of in Scripture. I said in public, many
words truly and properly English, are commendably used that are not in
Scripture, in English. The word human comes from the Latin humanus,
signifying pertaining, or belonging to man. So a human soul or body is
such as all mankind have. Hence I told them that the word anthropinos
peirasmos, I. Cor. 10, might have been turned human, but is truly turned,
no temptation but such as is common to man. G. Fox knows, that if
Christ Jesus be granted to have had such a soul and body as is human, or
common to man, down falls their monstrous idol of a Christ, called light
within.
To this Fox answers:
For thee and the priests to give such names to Christ, our Lord and
Saviour, which the Scriptures do not give, and yet say the Scriptures are
the rule, that is abominable. And there is no such word in I. Cor. 10,
that calleth Christ's body and soul human; and whether is Christ's body
celestial or terrestial, or which glory doth he bear? I. Cor. 15, 14. G.
F. doth grant, and all the Quakers, that Christ was made like unto us, sin
excepted, and had a body and soul, or else how could he suffer? and is
risen, the same that descended is ascended, as the apostle saith.'
And I have seen other of their writings which hold ex-
pressly, that Christ brought the same body from heaven,
that he carried thither again. But they reckoned it "abom-
inable" for Mr. Williams to use a word concerning our
Saviour's humanity, that is not in our translation, while he
at the same time approved of the reading as it is; yet when
Hebrews i. 3, was brought in those times to prove the per-
sonality of the Trinity, the Quakers said, "That is falsely
translated, for in the Greek it is not person but substance.”2
And said Mr. Samuel Hubbard, "They turn the Holy Scrip-
tures into allegories, all unless some which they wrest to
their own destruction, as the apostle Peter saith?"
They expressly held to a power of direction within them,
superior to the Scriptures, which carried them into actions.
that light from thence, or from reason could not justify;
'Bishop, [Grove's Abridgment,] p. 360.
'Williams, p. 51; Fox, p. 43.
}
[1659.]
EXTRAVAGANCES OF THE QUAKERS.
261
and their only way was to appeal to an inward motion or
voice. As for instance, George Bishop speaks of Deborah
Wilson, as a "modest woman, of retired life, and sober con-
versation; and that bearing a great burthen for the hardness
and cruelty of the people, she went through the town of
Salem naked, as a sign, which she having in part performed,
was laid hold of, and bound over to appear at the next Court
of Salem, where the wicked rulers sentenced her to be
whipped." Lydia Wardwel, a married woman of Hampton,
went in the same manner into the meeting-house in New-
bury, in time of public worship; for which she met with
the like treatment.2 Mr. Williams referred the Quakers to
these instances which their own author had published; and
told them they never could persuade souls not bewitched,
that the Holy Spirit would move them to do so; to which
they answer thus:-
We do believe thee, in that dark, persecuting, bloody spirit, that thou
and the New England priests are bewitched in, you cannot believe that you
are naked from God and his clothing, and blind; and therefore hath the
Lord in his power moved some of his sons and daughters to go naked ; yea,
and they did tell them in Oliver's days, and the long parliaments, that God
would strip them of their church profession, and of their power, as naked
as they were. And so they were true prophets and prophetesses to the na-
tion, as many sober men have confessed since; though thou and the old
persecuting priests in New England remain in your blindness and naked-
As thou didst in the dispute, so now, thou makest a great ado
with our men and women going naked. We told them then, we owned no
such practice in any, unless they were called unto it by the Lord. .... He
beginneth again to upbraid us with our men's and women's going naked,
as if it were a thing commonly allowed among us in their wills, without
the motion of God.³
ness.
As an impartial historian I thought it duty thus to state
these plain facts and sentiments on both sides; for upon Dr.
Mather's saying, that some good men formerly took that
wrong way of reclaiming heretics by persecution, the Quakers
spent seventeen pages in the most striking recital of what
they suffered in those times that their art would admit of, in
'Bishop, [Grove's Abridgment] p. 383.-ED. Ibid, p. 367.-ED. Fox, pp. 9, 28, 32.
262
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
order to prove, that no good man could be an actor therein.
To fix this prejudice more lastingly in the minds of all, they
turned it into verse, saying:
Those that in conscience cannot wrong a worm,
Are fin'd and whip'd, because they can't conform ;
And time hath been, which ne'er shall be forgot,
God's servants have been hanged, none knows for what,
Except for serving of their blessed Lord,
For quaking and for trembling at his word.
Let these black days, like the fifth of November,
Be writ in red, for ages to remember.¹
And they are remembered in such a manner to this day,
that a person can hardly plead for equal liberty of con-
science in Massachusetts without having the disorders of
Rhode Island colony brought up against it; nor for the good
doctrine, and family orders of those fathers, among some in
the latter colony, without having hot irons and halters
thrown in his teeth? Not only so, but we have lately seen
artful men trying to prevent our union in the cause of our
civil liberties by these means. But from the above facts the
reader may judge, whether an invasion of each other's rights,
under the name of religion, was not the real cause of those
dreadful broils; which a true acknowledgment thereof, both
as to property and conscience, would have prevented;
whether the grand error on both sides, was not the assum-
ing a power to govern religion, instead of being governed
by it.
On October 20th, Robinson, Stevenson and Mary Dyre,
received the sentence of death. It was executed upon the
2
'Magnalia, Book 7, p. 22. [Vol. II, pp. 453, 454.] Whiting's Answer, pp. 11–29.
2In justice to the rulers on whom rests the responsibility of this persecution, its
whole history should be related.
September 14, 1659, William Robinson, Marmaduke Stevenson, Nicholas Davis,
and Mary Dyer, were banished on pain of death. "Nicholas Davis and Mary Dyer,”
says Bishop, addressing the rulers of Massachusetts colony, "found freedom to de-
part your jurisdiction, the one to Plymouth patent, the other to Rhode Island; but
the other two, were constrained in the love and power of the Lord, not to depart
but to stay in your jurisdiction and to try your bloody law unto death." Remaining
in Massachusetts, they were apprehended, whipped and again set free on pain of
!
[1660.]
HANGING OF QUAKERS IN MASSACHUSETTS.
263
two men, the 27th. The woman was brought with them to
the gallows, but at the intercession of her son of Newport
and others, she was then reprieved, and sent away.' Return-
ing again the next spring, she was hanged, June 1st, 1660.2
Twelve days after, the Court of Plymouth repealed one or
more of the sharpest laws they had made against that peo-
ple. Charles the Second had been restored to the crown
3
death. October 8, Mary Dyer came to Boston to visit a Quaker imprisoned there.
October 15, "W. Robinson and M. Stevenson," says Bishop, "came to Boston, and
with them Alice Cowland, who came to bring linen to wrap the dead bodies of them
"These all came
who were to suffer." Several other Quakers also attended them.
together," continues Bishop, "in the moving and power of the Lord, as one, to look
your bloody laws in the face, and to accompany those who were to suffer by them.
Upon the trial of Robinson, Stevenson and Mrs. Dyer, the Governor said "that he
desired not their death;" and again, "We have made many laws, and endeavored by
several ways to keep ye from us, and neither whipping nor imprisonment nor cut-
ting off ears, nor banishment upon pain of death will keep ye from us."
This con-
duct of the Quakers in provoking their own punishment is certainly no excuse for
the cruelty of the General Court of Massachusetts, but it is utterly inconsistent
with the example of Christ and his apostles, and, as has been observed, p. 258, with
Christ's direction. Far different was the conduct of Clarke, Crandall and Holmes
in coming into Massachusetts, not to rush into danger, breaking no law, and, though
bold in the face of suffering, at the first honorable opportunity retiring to a place of
safety. See p. 193. Bishop's New England judged, Grove's Abridgment, pp. 114,
Massachusetts Records. -ED.
125.
'This language might be misunderstood as stating that she was brought to the gal-
lows to be executed, and there was reprieved. The record of the Court is as fol-
lows:- Whereas Mary Dyer is condemned by the General Court to be executed for
her offences, on the petition of William Dyer, her son, it is ordered that the said
Mary Dyer shall have liberty for forty-eight hours after this day to depart out of
this jurisdiction; after which time, being found therein she is forthwith to be exe-
cuted; and in the meantime that she be kept close prisoner till her son or some
other be ready to carry her away within the aforesaid time. And it is further ordered
that she shall be carried to the place of execution and there to stand upon the gal-
lows with a rope about her neck till the rest be executed.—ED.
2Mary Dyer, like Robinson and Stevenson, came back deliberately, to challenge
her own death. "Being asked what she had to say why sentence should not be
executed, she gave no other answer but that she denied our law, came to bear wit-
ness against it, and could not choose but come and do as formerly." Bishop's New
England judged, Grove's Abridgment, pp. 156, 157.—Ed.
In 1657 it was enacted "that no Quaker or person commonly so called, shall be
entertained by any person or persons within this government, under penalty of five
pounds for every such default, or be whipped;" also, "that if any Ranter or Quaker,
or person commonly so called, shall come into any town within this government,
and by any person or persons be known, or be suspected to be such, the person know-
ing or suspecting him shall forthwith acquaint the constable or his deputy of them,
on pain of presentment;" and also that no meeting of Quakers or Ranters "shall be
assembled or kept by any person in any place within this government, under the
264
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
of England, on May 29th, of which Plymouth could have had
no knowledge then. After the news of it arrived, Governor
Endicott and his Court wrote to him, December 10th, when
they said:-
Our liberty to walk in the faith of the gospel, with all good conscience,
was the cause of our transporting ourselves, with our wives, little ones,
and our substance, from that pleasant land over the Atlantic ocean, into
this [the] vast wilderness, choosing rather the pure Scripture worship with
a good conscience, in this remote wilderness, among the heathen, than the
pleasures of England with submission to the [impositions of the] then so
disposed and so far prevailing hierarchy, which we could not do without an
evil conscience. .... Concerning the Quakers, open and capital blasphem-
ers, open seducers from the glorious Trinity, our Lord Jesus Christ, the
the blessed gospel, and from the Holy Scriptures as the rule of life, open
enemies to the government itself as established in the hands of any but
men of their own principles, [we were at last constrained, for our own
safety, to pass a sentence of banishment against them upon pain of death.]
The magistrate at last, in conscience, both to God and man, judged
himself called for the defence of all, to keep the passage with the point of
the sword held towards them; this could do no harm to him that would be
warned thereby; their wittingly rushing themselves thereupon was their
penalty of forty shillings a time for every speaker and ten shillings a time for every
hearer that are heads of families, and forty shillings a time for the owner of the
place that permits them so to meet together." The same year it was enacted, "that
in case any shall bring in any Quaker or other notorious heretic, by land or water,
into any part of the government, [he] shall forthwith, from order from any one
magistrate, return them to the place from whence they came, or clear the govern-
ment of them, on the penalty of paying a fine of twenty shillings for every week
that they shall stay in the government after warning."
These enactments were repealed, June 13, 1660; but, alas, they were repealed
only to be reënacted on the spot, with slight modifications, or to give place to new
laws quite as oppressive. The first law above mentioned, was passed again with the
change of scarce a word. The second law, requiring any who might know or sus-
pect the presence of a Quaker to give immediate notice thereof, was reenacted with
a very little modification. The law prohibiting the holding of meetings by Quakers
or Ranters was changed by the addition of a clause that all persons "under the gov-
ernment of others, as wives, children or servants," who might be present at such
meetings, should be carried by the constable of the town "either into the stocks or
cage," to continue there two hours, if in winter, or four, if in summer; and towns
were required to provide cages for their coufinement.
All these reënactments were made near the commencement of the session of the
General Court which sat "at New Plymouth, June 10, 1660," probably the very day
of the repeals. It was also enacted at this time that if any should furnish horses to
Quakers, for travel in the colony or escape from it, such horses should be forfeited
to the government. Laws of Plymouth Colony.-ED.
[1661.]
QUESTIONS UPON INFANT BAPTISM.
265
own act, we with [all] humility conceive, a crime bringing their blood upon
their own head.¹
In like manner they proceeded and hanged William Led-
dra, March 14th, 1661; but their friends in England pro-
cured an express from White-Hall, of Sept. 9th, which was
brought over by Samuel Shattock, of Salem, requiring these
rulers to forbear such things for the future, and to send such
Quakers as appeared to them so obnoxious, to be tried in
England. Soon after the receipt of this, Mr. Norton and
Mr. Bradstreet, were sent over as agents, by whom Govern-
or Endicott and his Court wrote to the Earl of Manchester,
"to beseech his Majesty to tender them in respect of those
pestilent heretics the Quakers, who have lately obtained
his Majesty's letter, requiring us to forbear their punish-
ments; in observance whereof we have suspended execution
of our laws against them respecting death or corporal pun-
ishments; but this indulgence they [do] abuse to insolency
and seduction of our people, and unless his majesty strength-
en our hands in the application of some suitable remedy
to suppress these and others, ill affected to our tranquility,
this hopeful plantation is likely in all probability to be de-
stroyed." They had before said, that allowing such to have
liberty here, would be "so contrary to our consciences to per-
mit, and no less oppression of us than the destroying both us
and ours by the sword."2 How justly then did Mr. Williams
call the use of force in such affairs, “The bloody tenet !”³
We will now return to the affairs of baptism. Mr. Hub-
bard upon the year 1656, says :-
3
Baptism unto this time had been administered unto those children only,
whose immediate parents were admitted into full communion in the
churches where they lived; but now the country came to be increased, and
sundry families were found, that had children born in them, whose imme-
diate parents had never attempted to join to any of the churches to which
they belonged, and yet were very much unsatisfied that they could not ob-
'Hubbard, [559.] Massachusetts History, Vol. III, pp. 326, 327.
2Massachusetts History, Vol. III, pp. 331–360.
Upon what has been said in reference to Quakers, see Appendix A, at the close
of this volume.-ED.
266
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
tain baptism for their children; the cause occasioned many debates be-
tween the ministers of the country.¹
Connecticut took the lead therein, and sent a draught of
questions about it to the rulers of the Massachusetts, re-
questing that the ablest ministers of both colonies might be
called together, to answer the same. Such an assembly was
therefore called by authority at Boston, June 4th, 1657, and
sat till the 19th. Their answers to twenty-one questions
were afterwards printed in London, under the title of "A dis-
putation concerning church members, and their children."
Therein they concluded, that the children of professing pa-
rents, "are by means of their parents' covenanting, in cov-
enant also, and members of the church, by divine institution."
1. Because they are in that covenant for substance which was made
with Abraham. Gen. 17, 7, compared with Deut. 29, 12, &c. 2. Because
such children are, by Christ, affirmed to have a place and portion in the
kingdom of heaven. 3. Else no children could be baptized, baptism being
a church ordinance, and a seal of the covenant of grace.
And also they concluded:-
It is the duty of infants, who confederate in their parents, when grown
up to years of discretion, though not yet fit for the Lord's Supper, to own
the covenant they made with their parents, by entering thereinto in their
own persons; and it is the duty of the church to call upon them for the
performance thereof; and if, being called upon, they shall refuse the per-
formance of this great duty, or otherwise continue scandalous, they are
liable to be censured for the same by the church. And in case they under-
stand the grounds of religion, are not scandalous, and solemnly own the
covenant in their own persons, wherein they give up both themselves and
their children unto the Lord, and desire baptism for them, we (with due
reverence to any godly learned that may dissent) see not sufficient cause to
deny baptism unto their children.
As this disputation had its first risc in Connecticut, so was there much
difference and contention raised at Hartford,.... between Mr. Samuel Stone,
theirteacher, and the rest of the church, occasioned at the first on some such
account; insomuch that sundry members of that church, having rent them-
selves off, removed to another place higher up the river, where they settled,
and gathered a distinct church in that way of schism as the rest of the
churches accounted.2
This unhappy difference overspread the whole colony of
Connecticut, with such a monstrous enchantment upon the
'Hubbard, p. 562.-Ed.
2Hubbard, [pp. 464-570.]
[1662.]
THE HALF-WAY COVENANT.
267
minds of Christian brethren that in all the towns round
about, the people generally made themselves parties to one
side or the other of the quarrel. A world of sin was doubt-
less committed, even by pious men on this occasion. It came
at last to an open breach, which could not be healed, or
made up among themselves, which put them upon a necessity
of calling a convention of the messengers of sundry churches.
in Massachusetts, who met at Boston, in 1659, and made a
reconciliation between them. The practice of church-care,
about the children of our churches, met with such opposi-
tion as could not be encountered with any thing less than a
synod of elders and messengers from all the churches of
the Massachusetts colony. Accordingly the General Court,
having the necessity of the matter laid before them at their
second session in the year 1661, issued out their desire
and order for the convening of such a synod at Boston in
the spring. After long labor the majority of them approved
of the above proposition, and obtained the concurrence of
the General Court thereto, on October 8th, 1662.1 Mr.
Mitchel who was the chief draughtsman, of that result, said,
“We make account that if we keep baptism within the non-
excommunicable, and the Lord's Supper within the compass.
of those that have (unto charity) somewhat of the power
of godliness, or grace in exercise, we shall be near about the
right middle-way of church reformation." And it has been
called the " Half-way Covenant" ever since; though this
halving of matters in religion has done more mischief in this
land as well as elsewhere, than tongue can express.
Mr. Eleazer Mather, the first minister of Northampton,
wrote on July 4, this year, to Mr. Devenport, and said con-
cerning this synod, "There was scarce any of the congrega-
tional principles, but what were layen at by some or other
of the assembly; as relations of the work of grace, power
of voting of the fraternity in admission," &c.3 President
'Hubbard, 570. Magnalia, B, 3. pp. 117, 118, [Vol. I, p. 194,] and B. 5, pp. 63, 64.
[Vol. II, p. 239.]
2His life, pp. 76, 80. [Magnalia Book 4, Vol. II, p. 83.]
"Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 224, [206.]
268
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
!
Chauncey published his testimony against this new scheme;
and so did Mr. Devenport; to the last of which Mr. Increase
Mather wrote a preface, containing a distinct apology for
those who dissented from it. Mr. John Allen, of Dedham,
answered Mr. Chauncey, and Mr. Richard Mather the other,
while Mr. Mitchel was employed to answer his son's preface.
Young Mr. Mather in that preface says, "The synod
acknowledged, that there ought be to true saving faith in
the parent, or else the child ought not to be baptized. We
intreated and urged again and again, that this, which them-
selves acknowledged was a principle of truth, might be set.
down for a conclusion, and then we should all agree. But
those reverend persons would not consent to this." No;
and Mr. Mitchel was so far from doing it in his answer, that
he tells of distinguishing between faith in its hopeful begin-
ning, and faith in special exercise; initial faith and exer-
cised faith, and says, "All reformed churches, unanimously
grant the child's right unto baptism, by its being born within
the visible church. Besides, what have infants more than
mere membership to give them right unto baptism! We
know of no stronger argument for infant baptism than this,
that church members are to be baptized." To which I would
say, that the Jewish church indeed was first constituted of
the household of Abraham, and all his offspring were born
in the church, of whom the son of the bond woman was
the first that was circumcised; but the Christian church is
constituted of the household of God, the children of the
free woman, in distinction from those who were born after
the flesh, though from Abraham's body. Ephesians 2.
Gal. 4.
Mr. Mitchell, by his reasonings drew Mr. Increase Mather
over to that side; after which he acted many cruel things
against the Baptists for near twenty years, till the same
measures were meeted to him again, so as very sensibly to
convince him of his error therein. Mr. Hubbard says,
2Magnalia, Book 5, page 77-79. [Vol. II, p. 262.]
ト
​[1662.] LETTER FROM MASSACHUSETTS TO RHODE ISLAND.
269
"Some think Mr. Devenport's book hath overthrown the
propositions of the synod, according to their own princi-
ples."
Mr. Devenport was a while in Holland, before he
came here, where he testified against their promiscuous bap-
tism; and he said:-
When a reformation of the church has been brought about in
any part
of the world, it has rarely been afterwards carried on any one step further
than the first reformers did succeed in their first endeavors. He observed,
that as easily might the ark have been removed from the mountains of
Ararat, where it first grounded, as a people get any ground in reformation,
after and beyond the first remove of the reformers. And this observation
quickened him to embark in a design of reformation, wherein he might
have opportunity to drive things in the first essay, as near to the precept
and pattern of Scripture as they could be driven.2
We shall presently see other ministers promoting a sepa-
ration from him for these attempts.
On the 8th of May, this year, the Assembly at Boston
wrote to that of Rhode Island, and said:-
Our affection to peace and a fair correspondence, [with you] puts us
upon a condescension far beneath our own reason, and the justice of our
cause, once more to transmit [emit] this our last letter to you, concerning
the unjust molestation and intrusion of some of your inhabitants, upon the
undoubted rights of this jurisdiction, and the inhabitants thereof, in their
grants and possessions in the Pequot and Narragansett country, upon pre-
tence of authority from your Court, and purchase from [the] Indians, but
producing no deed, record, order or commission for warranting the same;
wherein, as we conceive, they act directly against reason, righteousness,
precedent, grants from England, clear conquest, purchase and possession.
It is not unknown to yourselves what means have been used from time to
time, both by the Commissioners of the United Colonies, and by the Gov-
ernor and magistrates, General Court and Council of this jurisdiction, by
their several letters, to desire you to cause your people to desist [from]
such proceedings, and extend [exert] your authority for suppressing injus.
tice; but to this day [we] have received no satisfactory or particular answer
in the premises; which has given [gives] us grounds to suppose, [suspect]
that at least you indulge them in their proceedings. You may hereby have
[take] notice, that two of your people, namely, Tobias Sanders, and Robert
Bardick, [Burditt] being long since taken on the place, and secured by us
'Hubbard, p. 590.-Ed.
'Magnalia, Book 3, p. 53. [Vol. I, p. 295.]
270 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
$
t
to answer their trespass, we have now called them before the Court, and
find nothing from them to justify their proceedings; therefore the Court
hath fined them forty pounds for their [your]¹ offence, and towards satis-
faction for the charges expended in carrying them before authority; and
that they stand committed [to prison] till the [your] fine be satisfied, and
security given to the Secretary to the value of one hundred pounds for their
[your] peaceable demeanor toward all the inhabitants of this jurisdiction.
for the future. .... And we hereby signify unto you, that unless you com-
mand off your inhabitants that yet continue their possession at Sotherton
and Pateskomscut, before the last of June next, you may expect we shall
not continue to neglect the relief and protection of our people there [thus]
molested; and shall account it our duty to secure all such persons and es-
tates of yours as shall be found within our jurisdiction, until [all] just dam-
ages be satisfied. But this we heartily and earnestly desire may be avoided,
by your prudent care and justice, and that peace and good agreement [gov-
ernment] may for the future be preserved between us.²
This reminds me of Mr. Locke's saying, "That dominion
is founded in grace, is an assertion by which those who main-
tain it do plainly lay claim to the possession of all things;
for they are not so wanting to themselves as not to believe.
or at least as not to profess themselves to be the truly pious
and faithful."3 Because Mr. Williams testified against that
power when he first came to Boston, the Court wrote to Sa-
lem against him; whereupon he did not stay to contend
with them, but peaceably withdrew to Plymouth, where his
teaching was well approved as long as Mr. Bradford was
Governor. But when Mr. Winslow came into that office,
who with Massachusetts was against a full toleration in reli-
gious matters, Mr. Williams peaceably retired to Salem, and
took the charge of that flock; but for the church's receiv-
ing him without the rulers' leave, they took away some of
their possessions, till they would give up Mr. Williams; and,
for his faithful admonitions to them on that account, they
4
'The original document probably had in several instances the old abbreviation,
Backus under-
"yr," which sometimes stood for their, and sometimes for your.
stood it in the former sense, and the copyist of the Rhode Island Records in the
latter. Backus's interpretation seems far preferable to the other.-ED.
2Rhode Island Records.
"On Toleration, p. 61.
'Massachusetts History, Vol. III, p. 154.
[1662.]
DIFFICULTIES WITH THE INDIANS.
271
expelled him out of their jurisdiction. But who can tell
how far that extends? When he came first into this coun-
try all the Indians from Boston and Plymouth bays to Pau-
catuck River were tributaries to the chief sachems of Narra-
gansett; and from thence to Hudson's River, and over all
Long Island, Sassicus had extended his power, even over
twenty-six sachems.¹ The Pequots being thus powerful,
made war upon the Narragansetts, who, in April, 1632, had
a number of their tributaries out of Plymouth and Massa-
chusetts colonies to assist them against him; yet Sassicus
prevailed, and extended his territories ten miles east of
Paucatuck River. About the same time Natuwannute, a sa-
chem of the country about where Hartford now stands, with
a number of his men, "were driven out from thence by the
potency of the Pequots," and came to our fathers at Ply-
mouth, and requested them to go up and trade there, though
“their end was to be restored to their country again." This
motion was complied with, and a trading house was set up
among them. This was such an eyesore to the Pequots,
that in 1634 they murdered Captain Stone and seven men
with him, plundered his goods and sunk his vessel, because
they were going up Connecticut river to trade there. Two
years after they murdered Captain Oldham as I have related.*
Upon the notice which Mr. Williams gave them of this sad
event, Mr. Endicott with an armed force was sent in August
25, 1636, to try to bring the Pequots to terms; but Johnson
says it proved a bootless voyage, only his leaving some men
with Underhill, at Saybrook fort, prevented its being taken.
Upon his return Sassicus applied to the Narragansetts for a
reconciliation, that they all might join to expel these new
comers; representing, "that if they should help, or suffer
the English to subdue the Pequots, they would thereby make
3
'Connecticut Assembly's answer to the king's letter, 1773, written by Governor
Trumbull.
*Prince's Annals, pp. 58, 59. [391, 392.]
"Massachusetts History, Vol. II, pp. 469, 470. [416.]
*Page 59.-ED.
272
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
鳃
​way for their own future ruin; and that they need not come
to open battle with the English; for only to fire their houses;
kill their cattle, lay in ambush and shoot them as they went
about their business, they would quickly be forced to leave
the country, and the Indians not be exposed to any great
hazard."1
Had two such politic and potent princes as Sassicus and
Miantinomo were, united in this scheme, when Boston was
but six years old, Providence and Hartford but a few months,
and New Haven not begun, what would have become of all
their claims they were now contending for? And it is most
evident that Mr. Williams was the very instrument of pre-
venting the junction of those two great Indian powers, and
so of saving the vast interest we now have in this country.
But how was he requited for it? Why, after Warwick men
had obtained as fair a title to that town, as the Massachu-
setts ever had to Boston, yet because they were not ortho-
dox they were fetched away by force of arms; and the cap-
tive sachem was murdered for fear he should revenge such
doings. And when the orthodox party afterward proclaimed
war upon his successors, because they were for revenging
his death, and Mr. Williams, to prevent the further effusion
of blood, had prevailed with them to go down and settle the
matter at Boston, how were they treated ?2 They were not
only compelled to sign an engagement to pay all damages
and costs, and to quit any claim to the Pequot country, but
also to say, The Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and
deputy, hereby agree and covenant, to and with the Com-
missioners of the United Colonies, that henceforward, they
will neither give, grant, sell, or in any manner alienate any
part of their country, nor any parcel of land therein, either
to any [of the] English or others, without consent or allow-
ance of the said Commissioners." Two years after,* upon
'Major Mason's history of the Pequot war and others. [Massachusetts Historical
Collections, second series, Vol. VIII, p. 123.]
2Pp. 161-163.
"This agreement was made August 27, 1645.-ED.
July 30, 1647.-Ed.
t
[1662.]
AFFAIRS WITH THE INDIANS.
273
their calling for their pay, Passicus sent them word, that
“when he made this covenant, he did it in fear of the army,
and though the English kept their covenant with him there,
and let him go from them, yet the army was to go to Narra-
gansett immediately and kill him there; therefore said the
Commissioners, Set your hands to such and such things, or else
the army shall go forth to the Narragansetts." In answer to
which the Commissioners say, "After covenants have been
solemnly made, and hostages given, and a small part of the
wampum paid, and all the rest due, now to pretend fears is
a vain and offensive excuse. This shows that they them-
selves did not neglect the rule they prescribed to their Gen-
eral in that expedition, viz. :
791
You are to use your best endeavors to gain the enemies' canoes, or
utterly to destroy them, and herein you may make good use of the Indians.
our confederates, as you may do upon other occasions, having due regard
to the honor of God, who is both our sword and shield, and to the dis-
tance which is to be observed betwixt Christians and barbarians, as well
in war as in other negotiations.2
3
Sixteen months before that covenant was made, Passicus
and other heads of their tribes, had by an ample deed re-
signed over and submitted all those lands to the supreme
authority in England, and Mr. Williams had procured a
charter thereof from thence, extending unto the Pequot
River and country. The Massachusetts Records, upon grant-
ing Fisher's Island to Mr. Winthrop, say it lies against the
mouth of Pequot River. What right of jurisdiction then
had those colonies east of that river? and what right had
Passicus to engage any of those lands to them, which he
had submitted to another authority so long before? By re-
'Records of the United Colonies.
2Massachusetts History, Vol. III, p. 151.—B.
The words above quoted are from a document issued by the Commissioners of
the United Colonies entitled, "Instructions for Sergeant-Major Gibbones, Com-
mander-in-chief of our military forces, and for such as are joined with him in a
council of war."-ED.
³Pp. 122, 161.
18
274
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
peated endeavors the Commissioners had got all the wam-
pum that was promised in said covenant but three hundred
and eight fathoms, before they met at Hartford, on Septem-
ber 5, 1650; and then Captain Atherton was sent, with
twenty armed men, to demand the remainder, with orders to
seize their goods if the Indians refused to pay it; and if re-
sistance should be made so as any life was lost, that a special
meeting of the Commissioners should then be called to make
war upon them for it. He accordingly went, and placed his
men round Passicus's tent, and going into it, seized the sa-
chem by the hair of his head, and threatened to shoot him,
if any resistance was made. This terrified them so much,
that the wampum was presently paid. On July 25, 1651,
at the desire of the Narragansett sachems, Mr. Williams
wrote to the Governor at Boston, an account of sundry com-
plaints they had against Uncas; which letter was laid before
the Commissioners when they met at New Haven, the 4th
of September following; but though Uncas was present,
yet they acted nothing upon it, because the Narragansetts
had not sent any of their men to support the charge. At
the same time a tribute of three hundred and twelve fathoms
of wampum was paid by Uncas, Ninecrost and others, on
account of the Pequots they had among them; and upon
laying of it down they demanded :—
Why this tribute was required, how long it should continue, and whether
the children to be born hereafter were to pay it? All which being consid-
ered, the Commissioners by Thomas Stanton, answered, that the tribute
by agreement hath been due yearly from the Pequots since anno 1638, for
sundry murders without provocation committed by them upon several of
the English at several times, as they found opportunity; refusing either to
deliver up the murderers or to do justice upon them; [and] so drawing on
a war upon themselves, to the great charge and inconvenience of the Eng-
lish; which war, through the good hand of our God, issued first in a con-
quest over that treacherous and bloody people, and after by agreement, (to
spare as much as might be even such guilty blood,) in a small tribute, to
be paid in different proportions, by, and for their males, according to their
different ages yearly; but hath not hitherto been satisfied, though de-
manded. Wherefore, though twelve years' tribute were due before
[1662.]
AFFAIRS WITH THE INDIANS.
275
the year 1650, [this last year] and though the agreement was for a yearly
tribute to be paid by them and theirs, so long as they continue in this part
of the country; yet the Commissioners, something to ease their spirits [in
reference to this just burthen,] and to engage them to an inoffensive and
peaceable carriage, . . . . declared that the payment of this tribute shall
be limited to ten years, [of which] this last year to be reckoned the first;
after which, [time] unless they draw trouble unto themselves, they shall
be free.¹
Such an uneasiness among the Narragansetts was dis-
covered two years after, that another army was raised and
sent against them, which compelled them into another treaty,
which not being otherwise fulfilled, the sachems were
brought, on October 13, 1660, to mortgage all their lands, to
Major Atherton, and about twenty associates with him, for
six hundred fathoms of wampum, said then to be due to the
Commissioners of the United Colonies. I find also by the
records, that Massachusetts and Connecticut could never
agree how to divide the Pequot lands betwixt them, till the
Commissioners from Plymouth and New Haven had the case
referred to them; and they on September 16, 1658, settled
the line betwixt them, which was to be Mistick River (which
runs in betwixt Stonington and Groton) up to the pond, by
Lanthorn Hill, and thence from the middle of that pond to
run a north course; Massachusetts to have both property
and jurisdiction from thence to Wecapaug Brook, which was
the easterly bounds of Sassicus's conquest. Pataquamscut
purchase was made partly in 1657, and partly in 1658, by
some inhabitants of Rhode Island, and John Hull of Bos-
ton, (who got a great estate by coining their silver money.)
This purchase was about thirteen miles in length, and seven
in breadth, in the heart of the Narragansett country.2
'Records of the United Colonies.
In 1668, these purchasers gave three hundred acres of their best land, for an
orthodox person, to preach God's word to the inhabitants; which has cost much
contention in the law. Dowglass, Vol. II. p. 104.
In 1752, Dr. Macsparran said, "I have been engaged in a law suit about Glebe
land twenty-eight years, and the Independent teacher has at last obtained a decree
276
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
When their Assembly met at Newport, May 21, 1661,
they appointed a committee upon the letters they had then
received from the Massachusetts, "who seriously considered
and debated circumstances, concerning the matter in differ-
ence, betwixt the gentlemen, and some friends with them,
that are active in sharing the Narragansett lands in the
colony, without the consent of the colony; and we [do] find
by their letter, that those gentlemen, Major Atherton and
associates, are not so well informed of the intent of the
colony as might be requisite." They concluded to write and
give them better information, and to offer to leave the case
to referees to settle it; but say :-
In case a fair issue cannot be had, as is desired, then, in a speedy and
convenient time and season, to forbid the said gentlemen, or any of their
company, in his Majesty's name, from further proceeding in the said pur-
chase, as to possessing or sharing of any of the said lands, and to prose-
cute [against] them, or any of them, in case they still proceed without
consent of the colony, as concluding that such their proceedings are con-
trary to the crown and dignity of his Majesty, and to the peace and well-
being of his Majesty's subjects in this colony.
The 27th of August following, an Assembly met at Ports-
mouth, of which Mr. Williams was a member, when they
sent a commission and letters to Mr. Clarke, to solicit for a
new charter.¹ April 27th, 1662, the town of Providence
gave Mr. Clarke a full purchase right of land therein as a
free gift. The next month came the foregoing letter² from
Boston to their Assembly, with account of their dealings
in council in his favor; so that I am forced to sit down by the loss of at least six
hundred pounds sterling." America Dissected, p. 42.
I am told that Dr. Stennett, a Baptist minister in London, had a great hand in
procuring this decree for Mr. Joseph Torry,
"This commission was drawn up and adopted by the previous Assembly which
met in Warwick, October 16, 1660, and was "drawn out," that is, copied in due
form, and sealed at the session in Portsmouth. Mr. Williams was not a member of
the former Assembly. The commission simply appointed Mr. Clarke the "undoubt-
ed agent and attorney" of the colony, but did not direct him "to solicit a new char-
ter." Probably this duty was assigned him in the letters, which seem to have had
their origin in the later session of the Assembly. R. I. Colonial Records.-ED.
2See page 269.-Ed.
[1662.]
MASSACHUSETTS' LETTER TO RHODE ISLAND.
277
with men whom they called trespassers, of whom Mr. Bur-
dick was then a member of Mr. Clarke's church. He married
Mr. Samuel Hubbard's daughter, and has a large posterity
remaining in and about Westerly to this day. Mr. Sanford,
and Mr. Greene, were now sent to Boston to make another
trial for an amicable settlement of this controversy.
It is to
be noted, that neither of those colonies, which had made
such a noise about their rights, had ever received any char-
ter, either from king or parliament, of any lands to the west
of Providence colony, till Connecticut, by the help of Mr.
Winthrop, obtained one dated April 23, 1662, which took
New Haven into the same colony. When the Commission-
ers met at Boston the 4th of September, they wrote to Rhode
Island rulers in their former strain, and informed them of a
warrant they had seen, signed by Joseph Torry, their Secre-
tary, in the name of the General Court, "warning Captain
Gookin and others to desist and forbear any further or
future possession of any [of the] lands at or about Pauca-
tuck as they shall answer the contrary at their peril; yet
withal expressing your submission to his Majesty's determi-
nation. Wherefore (say the Commissioners) being earnest-
ly[jointly] desirous to prevent any further disturbance of the
peace of the colonies, though we have no doubt of the
present right and interests of the Massachusetts to those
lands we are willing to improve the argument which [that]
yourselves have owned, and therefore thought meet to cer-
tify you, that we have read and perused a charter of incor-
poration, under the broad seal of England, sent over in the
last ship, granted to some gentlemen of Connecticut, where-
in the land at Paucatuck and Narragansett are contained,
which we hope will prevail with you to require and cause
your people to withdraw themselves, and desist from further
disturbance." •
The words in said charter which they built this upon,
bounded that colony east," by the Narragansett River, com-
monly called Narragansett Bay, where the said river, falleth
278
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
into the sea."
Now it is to be remembered, that Plymouth
patent was bounded westward by Narragansett River and
Bay, and these colonists pretended that Warwick was inclu-
ded therein, which could not be, unless Paucatuck was the
river meant; and if it was, where is their right now to go
east of it by Connecticut charter? The truth is, names are
arbitrary, and those worthy governors, Bradford and Win-
slow, took Patucket to be the river intended in their patent.¹
And there was now less room left for this dispute; for on
July 8, 1663, his Majesty granted Rhode Island charter,
which describes their west boundaries to be the middle chan-
nel of Paucatuck River up to its head, and thence a north.
course to the south line of Massachusetts; which river says
he, “having been yielded after much debate, for the fixed
and certain bounds between these our said colonies, by the
agents thereof; who have also agreed, that the said Pauca-
tuck River shall be also called, alias, Narragansett River; and
to prevent future disputes that otherwise might arise thereby
forever hereafter, shall be construed, deemed and taken to
be the Narragansett River, in our late grant to Connecticut
colony, mentioned as the eastwardly bounds of that colony."
This colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations,
was to extend three English miles east and north-east of the
most eastern and north-eastern parts of the Narragansett
Bay, unto the mouth of Providence River, and thence by the
eastwardly bank of it up to Patucket Falls, being the most
westwardly line of Plymouth colony; and thence due north
to the Massachusetts line, by which it is bounded on the
north, and by the ocean on the south, including Block Island,
and the other islands within their bay. As the Indians had
formerly sent over a submission of themselves and land, to
the king's father, they had now sent another to him; where-
upon he says in this charter :-
It shall not be lawful to, or for the rest of the colonies, to invade or
molest the native Indians, or any other inhabitants inhabiting within the
'See pp. 57, 58.
[1663.]
RHODE ISLAND RECEIVES A NEW CHARTER.
279
bounds and limits hereafter mentioned; they having subjected themselves
unto us, and being by us taken into our special protection, without the
knowledge and consent of the governor and company of our colony of
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations.
This charter appointed that a Governor, Deputy Governor,
and ten Assistants should be elected annually on the first
Wednesday in May, who, with deputies or representatives
from each town, were to make laws, not contrary to the
laws of England, make grants of land, constitute courts of
justice, and appoint their officers both civil and military.
Mr. Clarke sent over this charter, and Captain Gregory
Dexter¹ fetched it from Boston; upon which a large assem-
bly of the freemen in all the colony met at Newport, Novem-
ber 24th, and ordered Captain Dexter [Baxter] to take forth
the charter and read it before all the people, and hold it up
with the broad seal to their view, and then to have it safely
deposited with Governor Arnold.2 And they voted to pay
all Mr. Clarke's disbursements in going to England, in their
service there, and upon his intended return; as also one
hundred pounds sterling as a free gratuity to him, besides
those expenses; yea, and to give Captain Dexter [Baxter]
twenty-five pounds sterling for his service and faithfulness in
bringing the charter from Boston. Mr. Clarke's letters were
read, upon which letters of thanks were ordered to be sent
to the king, and to Lord Clarendon, for these great favors
they had received by their means. The next day (after the
'This name should be "George Baxter." Bancroft says, Vol. II, p. 63, note,
"Backus, almost always very accurate, here mistakes the name." He was doubtless
led into the error by the fact that Gregory Dexter is a name well known in Rhode
Island annals, Mistakes in deciphering old records are among the most excusable
of mistakes; and the Records of Providence seem, from the wide difference between
different copyists, to be especially obscure.-ED.
2.Voted; That the box in which the King's gracious letters were enclosed be
opened, and the letters, with the broad seal thereto affixed, be taken forth and read
by Captain George Baxter, in the audience and view of all the people; which was
accordingly done, and the said letters, with his Majesty's royal stamp and the broad
seal, with much becoming gravity, held up on high, and presented to the perfect
view of the people, and then returned into the box and locked up by the Governor
in order to the safe keeping of it." R. I. Colonial Records.-ED.
.
*+
280 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Governor, Deputy Governor, and six Assistants had taken
their engagements) they called the sachems of the Narra-
gansetts and Niantics before them, and let them know what
the king had done for them; upon which they said, “they
return his Majesty great thanks for his gracious relief, in
releasing their lands from those forced purchases and mort-
gages by some of the other colonies." But another thing
which is by no means to be omitted is, that the king says, in
their petition for the charter they declared :—
That it is much on their hearts, if they may be permitted, to hold forth a
lively experiment, that a most flourishing civil state may stand and best be
maintained, and that among our English subjects, with a FULL LIBERTY OF
RELIGIOUS CONCERNMENTS, and that true piety rightly grounded upon gospel
principles, will give the best and greatest security to sovereignty, and will
lay in the hearts of men the strongest obligation to true loyalty.¹
This petition was therefore fully granted; and above a
hundred years after, a worthy gentleman well says:-
This great experiment hath been made, [and hath fully answered the
expectations of the beneficent, royal mind, that proposed it,] and it hath
fully appeared, that a flourishing civil state, and the most unstained loyalty,
may stand without the help of any religious party tests to support them;
and the Christian religion is as little indebted to human laws for its support,
as it is to human inventions, for the purity of its morals, and the sublimity
of its doctrines.2
For seven years past there had been many contentions.
about lands, and strivings to strain Indian purchases, beyond
their just limits, in Providence, Newport, and other parts of
the colony, which Mr. Williams had a great hand in com-
posing and settling; the particulars of which would be
very instructive, had we room for them. And his HOPE in
'It is perhaps not strange that this familiar and noble sentence has been, by im-
plication at least, ascribed to Roger Williams. See Morgan Edwards's History of
the Baptists of Rhode Island; Benedict's Ilistory of the Baptists, Vol. II, pp. 489,
490. It was the product of a spirit kindred to that of Williams, it being part of
John Clarke's second address or petition to the King. R. I. Colonial Records;
Arnold's History of Rhode Island, Vol. I, p. 280.—Ed.
2History of Providence. [Massachusetts Historical Collections, Second Series,
Vol. IX, p. 196.]
[1663.]
QUESTIONS OF BOUNDARY LINES.
281
1647, that government, held forth through love, union and
order, though by few in number, and mean in condition,
yet would withstand and overcome mighty opposers,¹ was
wonderfully granted and confirmed; the memory of which,
in the figure of an ANCHOR with this word for its motto, in
their colony seal, has been continued from that time to this.2
Mr. Clarke returned June 7, 1664, after he had served his
colony at the British Court twelve years. In October fol-
lowing the Assembly appointed him, Mr. Williams and
others, to inspect their laws, to see if any of them were
contrary to their charter, and to make a table of them.³ A
committee was also appointed to consider of their eastern
and western boundaries, and to write to the other colonies.
concerning them. Connecticut still contended for power and
jurisdiction in Narragansett and offered to leave the case to
the colonies of Massachusetts and Plymouth; which Rhode
Island would not do. The king's Commissioners who were
now sent over, heard the complaints of the sachems and
others, and entered upon the Narragansett country in the
king's name, and called it the king's province. But on the
'Page 168.
2In 1647, the General Assembly ordered, "The seal of the Province shall be an
ANCHOR; in 1664, they ordered that the seal be changed by inscribing above the
anchor the word HOPE.-Ed.
3Two years later Mr. Clarke was again assigned a similar duty. "It is ordered that
Mr. John Clarke is deputed and authorized to compare all the laws of the colony
into a good method and form, leaving out what may be superfluous, and adding what
may appear unto him necessary, as well for the regulation of Courts as otherwise."
R. I. Colonial Records.-ED.
4John Leverett, afterwards Governor of Massachusetts, wrote to Sir Thomas
Temple of London, as follows :--"Connecticut have offered to refer the matter [of the
boundary line] to the two colonies of Massachusetts and Plymouth; to which motion,
divers of Rhode Island will come, but others refuse, upon what ground is not under-
stood, these colonies not being interested in the quarrel or reason of it; [though
some of the inhabitants may be in the land, or claim an interest therein, but the
government do not,] so that that course might have been neighborly, to have tried
for an issue that way before there had been giving a trouble to his Majesty in so
small a matter as it is supposed that will be when heard." Massachusetts History,
Vol. III, [Hutchinson's Collection of Original Papers,] p. 382. Any one who knows
the attitude in which the colony of Plymouth, and especially that of Massachusetts
stood toward Rhode Island, will readily understand upon what grounds some in
Rhode Island should refuse this proposal.-ED.
282.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
east line they allowed Plymouth colony to come to the water,
till his Majesty's pleasure should be further known.¹ And
so the line continued, till other Commissioners in 1741, set-
tled the line according to Rhode Island charter, which gave
them the towns of Bristol, Warren, Barrington, Tiverton
and Little Compton, which Plymouth and Massachusetts had
held till then.
The first Baptist church within that which is now the
Massachusetts State, was constituted in Rehoboth this year;
Mr. Holmes and his friends having only held a meeting
there for a while, and then removed to Newport. For a
more clear idea of its original we must look over into Wales,
where at Ilston in Glamorganshire, a Baptist church was
formed, October 1, 1649; the beginning whereof their rec-
ords describe thus, viz. :-
We cannot but admire at the unsearchable wisdom, power and love of
God, in bringing about his own designs, far above, and beyond the capacity.
and understanding of the wisest of men. Thus, to the glory of his own
great name, hath he dealt with us; for when there had been no company
or society of people, holding forth and professing the doctrine, worship,
order and discipline of the gospel, according to the primitive institution,
that ever we heard of in all Wales, since the apostacy, it pleased the Lord
to choose this dark corner to place his name in, and honor us, undeserving
creatures, with the happiness of being the first in all these parts, among
whom was practiced the glorious ordinance of baptism, and here to gather
the first church of baptized believers.
From thence they go on to relate, how Mr. John Miles
and Mr. Thomas Proud, went up to London the next preced-
ing spring, and, by the direction of Providence, came into
the Baptist society at the Glass-house in Broad street, under
the care of Mr. William Consett, and Mr. Edward Draper,
immediately after they had kept a day to seek the Lord,
that he would send laborers into the dark corners of the
land." These travellers were well received, and were soon
sent back into their own country again, and were instrumen-
tal of gathering a Baptist church at the time above men-
'Massachusetts History, Vol. III, pp. 382, 414, 415.
[1663.]
EXECUTION OF SIR HENRY VANE.
283
tioned; and which, by a blessing upon their labors, in-
creased by the close of the next year to fifty-five members.
In 1651, forty more joined to it; forty-seven in 1652, and by
the end of 1660, two hundred and sixty-three persons had
joined to that church, whose names all now stand in a neat
book of records which they kept; which contain a distinct
account of the means and methods they took to promote
vital and practical religion among the several branches of
their society; as also letters of correspondence to and from
their brethren in various parts of Englaud and Ireland.
But here another scene opens.
The Presbyterians had been as much against equal relig-
ous liberty as the Episcopalians, and manifested as great
bitterness against those who broke their power in the long
parliament. These two parties joined in restoring the sec-
ond Charles to the throne, who came in with plausible prom-
ises of indulgence to tender consciences; and great pains
were taken to accommodate matters between them, without
any good effect. The Episcopalians having got the power
into their hands, determined to crush all that opposed it.
Among the rest they wreaked their vengeance on Sir Henry
Vane, whom they beheaded in August, 1662. "His indis-
cretion and insolence (says a great author) as well on his
trial as his execution, have been extremely aggravated; but
it is easy to see, it was only to save the king's honor, who
having positively promised a pardon to all except the king's
judges, could not avoid granting a pardon to Vane, without
violating his promise." And when Vane's friends per-
ניי
suaded him to make some submission in order to save his
life, he said, “If the king does not think himself more con-
cerned for his honor and word than I do for my life, I am very
willing they should take it. Nay, I declare that I value my
life less in a good cause, than the king can do his promise."
A Presbyterian author who writes very bitterly against him,
'Rapin, Vol. II, p. 631. [The History of England, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil,
by Mr. De Rapin Thoyras, London, 1731, Vol. XIII, p. 305.]
284
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
yet owns that," the two things in which he had most suc-
cess, and spake most plainly, were his earnest plea for uni-
versal liberty of conscience, and against the magistrates'
intermeddling with religion, and his teaching his followers
to revile the ministry, calling them ordinarily, black coats,
priests, and other names which savored of reproach." And
he says,
"No man could die with greater appearance of a
gallant resolution, and fearlessness, than he did, though
before supposed a timorous man; insomuch that the manner
of his death procured him more applause than all the actions
of his life." On the twenty-fourth of that month, called
St. Bartholomew's day, an act of parliament was passed,
which ejected all teachers, both of churches and schools,
out of their places, who would not declare their assent or
consent to all the forms and ceremonies of the church of
England. About two thousand were turned out by it.
method the church party took to procure this act, was secretly
to foment disturbances and tumults in different parts of Eng-
land, and then to persuade the parliament that the Presby-
terians did it, and that no peace could be had with them till
dissenters were all turned out of place. Among those so
ejected was our Mr. Miles. Upon which he and some of his
friends came over to our country, and brought their church.
records with them. And at Mr. Butterworth's house, in
Rehoboth, in 1663, John Miles, elder, James Brown, Nicho-
las Tanner, Joseph Carpenter, John Butterworth, Eldad
Kingsley, and Benjamin Alby, joined in a solemn covenant
together.
2
The
This church was then in Plymouth colony, concerning
whom Dr. Mather says, "there being many good men among
those—I do not know that they have been persecuted with
any harder means, than those of kind conferences to reclaim
them." I suppose it was so for some years, and that because
'Calamy's Abridgment. Vol. I, pp. 99, 101.
2Calamy's Abridgment, Vol. I, pp. 178–181, and Vol. II, pp. 731.
"Magnalia, Book I, p. 14. [Vol. I, p. 58.]
[1663.]
BAPTIST CHURCH FORMED IN SWANZEY.
285
Mr. Newman, who persecuted Mr. Holmes died this year;
but four years after I find it thus recorded, viz. :—
At the Court holden [held] at Plymouth the 2d of July, 1667, before
Thomas Prince, Governor, John Alden, Josiah [Josias] Winslow, Thomast
Southworth, William Bradford, Thomas Hinckley, Nathaniel Bacon, and
John Freeman, assistants....Mr. Miles, and Mr. Brown, for their breach
of order, in setting up of a public meeting without the knowledge and
approbation of the Court to the disturbance of the peace of the place, are
fined each of them five pounds, and Mr. Tanner the sum of one pound
[twenty shillings] and we judge that their continuance at Rehoboth, being
very prejudicial to the peace of that church and that town, may not be
allowed; and do therefore order all persons concerned therein, wholly to
desist from the said meeting in that place or township, within this month.
Yet in case they shall remove their meeting unto some other place, where
they may not prejudice any other church, and shall give us any reasonable
satisfaction respecting their principles, we know not but they may be per-
mitted by this government so to do.
And it was no longer than the 30th of October following,
before the Court made them an ample grant of Wannamoi-
set which they called Swanzey. It then included what is
now Warren and Barrington, and the district of Shawomet,
as well as the present town of Swanzey.' There they made
a regular settlement,² which has continued to this day. The
'Plymouth Records. Note. This town was named on March first, 1667-8. When
by mistake the first grant is dated, in Swanzey Town Records; but the above I took
from the Court Records at Plymouth.
2The grant of this town was made to "Capt. Thomas Willet, Mr. Paine, senior,
Mr. Brown, John Allen, and John Butterworth." Of these, says John Comer, "the
first two were Pædobaptists, the others Baptists." Captain Willet made the fol-
lowing proposals unto those that were with him. 1. That no erroneous persons be
admitted into the township either as an inhabitant or sojourner. 2. That no man
of an evil behavior or contentious person, &c., be admitted. 3. That none may
be admitted that may become a charge to the place.
"The church of Christ here gathered and assembling did therefore make the fol-
lowing address unto the said Captain Willet and his associates, the trustees, as
aforesaid
SIRS: We being with you engaged (according to our capacities) in the carrying
on a township according to the grant given us by the Honorable Court, and desiring
to lay such a foundation thereof as may effectually tend to God's glory, our future
peace and comfort, and the real benefit of such as shall hereafter join with us
herein; as also to prevent all future jealousies and causes of dissatisfaction, or dis-
turbances in so good a work, do, in relation to the three proposals made by our
•
286 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
{
families also of Luther, Cole, Bowen, Wheaton, Martin,
Barnes, Thurber, Bosworth, Mason, Child, and others, which
are numerous in those parts, sprang from the early planters
of that town and church. Their first meeting-house was
built a little west of Kelly's ferry, against Warren, but Mr.
Miles settled the west side of the great bridge which still
bears his name.
much honored Captain Willet, humbly present to your serious consideration (before
we further proceed therein) that the said proposals may be consented to and sub-
scribed by every townsman under the following explication :-
"That the first proposal relating to the non-admisson of erroneous persons may
be only understood under the following explications, viz. of such as hold damna-
ble heresies, inconsistent with the faith of the gospel; as, to deny the Trinity, or
any person therein; the deity or sinless humanity of Christ, or the union of both
natures in him, or his full satisfaction to the divine justice of all his elect, by his
active and passive obedience, or his resurrection, ascension into heaven, interces-
sion, or his second coming personally to judgment; or else to deny the truth or
divine authority of the Scriptures, or the resurrection of the dead, or to maintain
any merit of works, consubstantiation, transubstantiation, giving divine adoration
to any creature, or any other anti-christian doctrine directly opposing the priestly
prophetical or kingly offices of Christ, or any part thereof; (2) or such as hold
such opinions as are inconsistent with the well-being of the place, as to deny the
magistrate's power to punish evil doers as well as to encourage those that do well,
or to deny the first day of the week to be observed by divine institution as the Lord's
day or Christian Sabbath, or to deny the giving of honor to whom honor is due, or
to oppose those civil respects that are usually performed according to the laudable
customs of our nation each to other, as bowing the knee or body, &c., or else to
deny the office, use or authority of the ministry or a comfortable mainten-
ance to be due to them from such as partake of their teachings, or to speak re-
proachfully of any of the churches of Christ in the country, or of any such other
churches as are of the same common faith with us or them.
"We desire that it be also understood and declared that this is not understood of
any holding any opinion different from others in any disputable point, yet in con-
troversy among the godly learned, the belief thereof not being essentially necessary
to salvation; such as pædobaptism, anti-pædobaptism, church discipline or the like;
but that the minister or ministers of the said town may take their liberty to baptize
infants or grown persons as the Lord shall persuade their consciences, and so also
the inhabitants take their liberty to bring their children to baptism or to forbear."
This is followed by the "explication" of the other two proposals, and the docu-
ment is signed by John Myles, pastor, and John Butterworth. Comer's Manuscript
Diary. It is evident that this ancient Baptist church was not, at first, clear in the
view that civil government has no right of interference with religious belief; and
that it took upon itself the dangerous task of deciding between Christian doctrines
as more or less essential.-ED.
CHAPTER VI.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FIRST BAPTIST CHURCH IN BOS-
TON, IN 1665, AND OF THEIR SUFFERINGS DOWN TO 1675.
Mr. Hubbard says:-
As some were studying how baptism might be enlarged and extended to
the seed of the faithful in their several generations, there were others as
studious to deprive all unadult children thereof, and to restrain the privi-
lege only to adult believers.¹
And Dr. Mather, after confessing that very odious and un-
just things had been published against Anabaptists ever since
Luther's time, says:―
Infant baptism hath been scrupled by multitudes in our day, who have
been in other points most worthy Christians, and as holy, watchful, fruit-
ful and heavenly people as perhaps any in the world. Some few of these
people have been among the planters of New England from the beginning,
and have been welcome to the communion of our churches, reserving their
particular opinion unto themselves. At last some of our churches used,
it may be, a little too much cogency towards the brethren, who would
weakly turn their backs when infants were brought forth to be baptized.2
Twenty years before, Mr. Cobbet had called their so doing
a "profane trick." What their dealings were, which are
here covered under the obscure term cogency, will presently
'Hubbard,
p. 590.-ED.
2Magnalia, Book VII, p. 27, [Vol. II, p. 459.] Seth Sweetser, who came over to
Charlestown in 1638, from Tring, in Hardfordshire, was one of those early Baptists.
I find by the records that he was received a freeman that year. His son Benjamin
was long a useful member of the Baptist church in Boston, and he has left a
numerous posterity, one of whom has been schoolmaster and town clerk in Charles-
town for sundry years past.
288
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
be seen.
It was such that a number drew off and met by
themselves in Charlestown, till, on May 28th, 1665, Thomas
Gould, Thomas Osburne, Edward Drinker, and John George,
were baptized, and joined with Richard Goodall, William
Turner, Robert Lambert, Mary Goodall, and Mary Newel,
"in a solemn covenant, in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ,
to walk in fellowship and communion together, in the prac-
tice of all the holy appointments of Christ, which he had,
or should further make known to them." Goodall came
recommended from Mr. Kiffin's church in London; Turner
and Lambert from Mr. Stead's church in Dartmouth, having
been regular walkers in the Baptist order before they came
to this country. Gould and Osburne separated from the
church in Charlestown; Drinker and George had lived many
years in this country, but had not joined to any of their
churches.¹
The king's Commissioners being here, caused the Court
not to lay hold of these people so soon as otherwise they
might have done. But in August a note was entered in Rox-
bury church records, and published in an Almanac, which
has been communicated to me in these words:-
The Anabaptists gathered themselves into a church, prophesied one by
one, and some one among them administered the Lord's Supper after he
was regularly excommunicated by the church at Charlestown; they also
set up a lecture at Drinker's house once a fortnight.
As great noise was made about their receiving excommu-
nicate members and officers, it is proper to give that matter
a distinct consideration here. Dr. Mather says:-
Our Anabaptists formed a church not only with a manifest viola-
tion of the laws in the Commonwealth, relating to the orderly manner of
gathering a church, but also with a manifold provocation unto the rest of
our churches, by admitting into their own society such as our churches had
excommunicated for moral scandals, yea, and employing such persous to
be administrators of the two sacraments among them.2
"Their Church Records. Russell's Narrative, pp. 1, 2.
"Magnalia, Book VII, p. 27, [Vol. II, p. 459.]
[1665.]
CASE OF THOMAS GOULD.
289
They would thus represent as though that church had
many such members and officers; whereas, in fifteen years,
among fourscore Baptist members, they have named but
four excommunicated persons, and but one of them an offi-
cer, viz., Thomas Gould, who, with Thomas Osburne, was
of the first members; and as the impartial reader would be
willing to hear both sides upon it, I will give him their
story in their own words.
Mr. Samuel Willard of Boston, who wrote against this
church, says of Thomas Gould:-
Though he was first called to an account about withholding his child
from baptism, yet that was not the reason of his being admonished, nor be-
cause he could not be convinced of error; nor yet did the church proceed
to admonition, till such time as he (not only spake contemptuously and irre-
ligiously of the emptiness and nullity of that ordinance, but also) used un-
becoming gestures in the time of administration, of which (being asked
the reasou) he (before the congregation) acknowledged they were to cast
disrespect upon it; nor then neither till after much patience. 2. At his
first admonition he was not sententially suspended, but only desired, for
preventing of the offence of some, to abstain from coming to the other
sacrament. 3. Upon this Thomas Gould took up a trade of absenting
himself from the meetings of the church to worship God on the Sabbath,
which made a new offence. 4. The church in much tenderness waited upon
him, and proceeded not to excommunication, but tried with admonition upon
admonition, and that by the space of seven or eight years; nor was he ex-
communicated, till (having left his own) he joined to another society, with-
out the church's leave, or once asking it; and now also being twice sent
for by the church, he disclaimed their authority over him. 5. Thomas
Gould did not leave the church at Charlestown on the account of the Ana-
baptists' new church (as is pretended) but had many years before renounced
his submission to that church. 6. He did (while under admonition) neglect.
public worship, and gather a private meeting on the Sabbath to his house.
7. He did wickedly slight the admonition of the church, declaring that
they had by it, discharged him of all relation to them.
For Thomas Osburne; the church's proceedings with him were with the
like patience as to Thomas Gould; only it is to be observed, that his first
offence was this; whereas it is one thing which church members engage
to upon admission, to walk with the church in constant attendance upon
public worship, he (without notifying any offence) did withdraw and sepa-
rate, frequenting those schismatic meetings at Gould's on the Sabbath;
19
290
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
this was the offence, nor did he when first dealt with pretend any dislike of
infant baptism, but that the church gave no liberty to private brethren to.
prophesy, that they limited the ministry to learned men, and that he did
not find his own spirit free to come; though afterwards he spake both of
that, and of their severity to the Quakers, though that church meddled not
with them, but to preach against their errors. In this practice he contu-
maciously persisted many years, denying himself to be subject to that
church, or bound to assemble with them, slighting many admonitions; and
afterwards (with Thomas Gould) went off to, and became a worthy pillar
of an Anabaptist church.¹
1
This is the Pædobaptist's story; Mr. Gould has given us
his in the words following:-
It having been a long time a scruple to me about infant baptism, God
was pleased at last to make it clear to me by the rule of the gospel, that
children were not capable nor fit subjects for such an ordinance, because
Christ gave this commission to his apostles, first to preach to make them
disciples, and then to baptize them, which infants were not capable of; so
that I durst not bring forth my child to be partaker of it; so looking that
my child had no right to it, which was in the year 1655, when the Lord
was pleased to give me a child; I staid some space of time and said noth-
ing to see what the church would do with me. On a third day of the
week when there was a meeting at my house, to keep a day of thanksgiv-
ing to God for his mercy shown to my wife, at that time one coming to the
meeting, brought a note from the elders of the church to this effect, that
they desired me to come down on the morrow to the elder's house, and to
send word again what time of that day I would come, and they would stay
at home for me; and if I could not come that day to send them word. I,
looking on the writing with many friends with me, I told them I had prom-
ised to go another way on the morrow. Master Dunstan² being present
desired me to send them word, that I could not come on the morrow, but
that I would come any other time that they would appoint me; and so I
sent word back by the same messenger. The fifth day, meeting with elder
Green, I told him how it was; he told me it was well, and that they would
appoint another day when he had spoken with the pastor, and then they
would send me word. This lay about two months, before I heard any
more from them. On a First-day, in the afternoon, one told me I must
stop, for the church would speak with me. They called me out, and Mas-
'Willard's answer to Russell, pp. 13, 14. Note, Richard Russell, one of their
magistrates, was a member of Charlestown church; and did not he act against the
Quakers?
2I suppose, Mr. Henry Dunstar.
f
•
[1665.]
CASE OF THOMAS GOULD.
291
ter Sims told the church, that this brother did withhold his child from bap-
tism, and that they had sent unto him to come down on such a day to speak
with them, and if he could not come on that day to set a day when he
would come, and they be at home, but he refusing to come would
appoint no time, when we writ to him to take his own time and send us
word.
I replied that there was no such word in the letter, for me to appoint the
day; but what time that day I should come. Mr. Sims stood up and told me,
I did lie, for they sent to me to appoint the day. I replied again that there
was no such thing in the letter. He replied again, that they did not set down
a time, and not a day, therefore he told me it was a lie, and that they would
leave my judgment and deal with me for a lie; and told the church that he
and the elder agreed to write, that if I could not come that day, to appoint
the time when I could come, and that he read it, after the elder writ it, and
the elder affirmed it was so; but I still replied, there was no such thing in the
letter, and thought that I could produce the letter. They bid me let them see
the letter, or they would proceed against me for a lie. Brother Thomas Wil-
der, sitting before me, stood up and told them, that it was so in the letter
as I said, for he read it when it came to me. But they answered, it was
not so, and bid him produce the letter, or they would proceed with me. He
said, I think I can produce the letter, and forthwith took it out of his
pocket, which I wondered at; and I desired him to give it to Mr. Russell
to read, and so he did, and he read it very faithfully, and it was just as I
had said, that I must send them word what time of that day I would come
down; so that their mouths were stopped, and Master Sims put it off, and
said he was mistaken, for he thought he had read it otherwise; but the
elder said, This is nothing, let us proceed with him for his judgment. Now
let any man judge what a fair beginning this was, and if you wait a while
you may see as fair an ending. They called me forth to know why I would
not bring my child to baptism. But before I speak to that, observe the
providence of God in the carriage of this letter. Brother Wilder was
with us when their letter came to my house, and after Mr. Dunstan [Dun-
star] had read it, he gave it to brother Wilder and he put it into his pocket,
and it lay there eight or nine weeks, till, that day I was called forth, going
a good space from his house, finding it too cold to go in the clothes he had
on, [he] returned again and put on another pair of breeches which were
warmer, and when he had so done, put his hand into his pocket to see if he
had any paper to write with, and there found that letter, and put it in again
and went to meeting, yet not knowing what would be done that day concern-
ing me. God had so appointed it, to stop their fierce proceedings against
me for a lie, which they sought to take me in. Then asking me why I did
not bring my child to baptism, my answer was, I did not see any rule of
Christ for it, for that ordinance belongs to such as can make profession of
292
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
2
their faith, as the Scripture doth plainly hold forth..... They answered
me, That was meant of grown persons, and not of children; but that which
was most alleged by them was, that children were capable of circumcision
in the time of the law, and therefore as capable in the time of the gospel of
baptism; and asked me why children were not to be baptized in the time of
the gospel, as well as children were circumcised in the time of the law?
My answer was, God gave a strict command in the law for circumcision of
children; but we have no command in the gospel, nor example, for the
baptizing of children. Many other things were spoken, then a meeting
was appointed by the church the next week at Mr. Russell's.
Being met at Mr. Russell's house, Mr. Sims took a writing out of his
pocket wherein he had drawn up many arguments for infants' baptism, and
told the church that I must answer those arguments, which I suppose he
had drawn from some author; and told me I must keep to those argu-
ments. My answer was, I thought the church had met together to answer
my scruples, and to satisfy my conscience by a rule of God, and not for
me to answer his writing. He said he had drawn it up for the help of his
memory, and desired we might go on. Then I requested three things of
them. 1st. That they should not make me offender for a word. 2d. They
should not drive me faster than I was able to go. 3d. That if any present
should see cause to clear up any thing that is spoken by me, they might
have their liberty without offence; because here are many of you that have
their liberty to speak against me if you see cause. But it was denied, and
Mr. Sims was pleased to reply, that he was able to deal with me himself
and that I know it. So we spent four or five hours speaking to many
things to aud again; but so hot, both sides, that we quickly forgot and went
from the arguments that were written. At last one of the company stood
up and said, I will give you one plain place of Scripture where children
were baptized. I told him that would put an end to the controversy. That
place in the second of the Acts, 39th, 40th verses. After he had read the
Scripture, Mr. Sims told me that promise belonged to infants, for the
Scripture saith, The promise is to you and your children, and to all that are
afar off; and he said no more, to which I replied, Even so many as the
Lord our God shall call. Mr. Sims replied, that I spoke blasphemously in
adding to the Scriptures. I said, pray do not condemn me, for if I am
deceived, my eyes deceive me. He replied again, I added to the Scripture,
which was blasphemy. I, looking into my Bible, read the words again, and
said it was so. He replied the same words the third time before the church.
Mr. Russell stood up and told him it was so as I had read it. Ay, it may
Mr. Russell answered, Yea in yours
be so in your Bible, saith Mr. Sims.
too if you will look into it. Then he said he was mistaken, for he thought
on another place; so after many other words we broke up for that time.
[1665.]
CASE OF THOMAS GOULD.
293
At another meeting the church required me to bring out my child to bap-
tism. I told them I durst not do it, for I did not see any rule for it in the
word of God. They brought many places of Scripture in the Old and
New Testaments, as circumcision and the promise to Abraham, and that
children were holy, and they were disciples.
places made nothing for infants' baptism.
church and said, " Put him in the Court!
But I told them that all these
Then stood up W. D. in the
Put him in the Court!" But
Mr. Sims answered, I pray forbear such words; but it proved so, for pres-
ently after, they put me in the Court, and put me in seven or eight Courts,
whilst they looked upon me to be a member of their church. The elder
pressed the church to lay me under admonition, which the church was
backward to do. Afterwards I went out at the sprinkling of children,
which was a great trouble to some honest hearts, and they told me of it.
But I told them I could not stay, for I look upon it as no ordinance of
Christ. They told me that now I had made known my judgment I might
stay, for they know I did not join with them. So I stayed and sat down in
my seat when they were at prayer and administering that service to infants.
Then they dealt with me for my nureverent carriage.
One stood up
and accused me, that I stopped my ears; but I denied it.
At another meeting they asked me if I would suffer the church to fetch
my child and baptize it? I answered, If they would fetch my child and do
it as their own act they might do it; but when they should bring my child,
I would make known to the congregation that I had no hand in it; then
some in the church were against doing of it. A brother stood up and
said, Brother Gould, you were once for children's baptism, why are you
fallen from it? I answered, It is true, and I suppose you were once for
crossing in baptism, why are you fallen from that? The man was silent.
But Mr. Sims stood up in a great heat, and desired the church to take no-
tice of it, that I compared the ordinance of Christ to the cross in baptism!
This was one of the great offences they dealt with me for. After this the
Deputy Governor' meeting me in Boston, called me to him and said, Good-
man Gould, I desire you that you would let the church baptize your child.
I told him that if the church would do it upon their own account they
should do it, but I durst not bring out my child. So he called to Mrs.
Norton of Charlestown, and prayed her to fetch Goodman Gould's child
and baptize it. So she spake to them, but not rightly, informing them,
she gave them to understand that I would bring out my child. They called
me out again and asked me if I would bring forth my child? I told them
No, I durst not do it, for I see no rule for it. One of the brethren stood
up and said, If I would not let my child partake of one ordinance, it was
meet I should not partake of the other; so many of the church concluded
to lay me under admonition; but before they did it Mr. Sims told me, it
'Mr. Bellingham, who was chief Governor when Mr. Gould was banished in 1668.
294
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
was more according to rule for me to withdraw from the ordinance, than
for them to put me by; bringing that place of Scripture, If thou bring
thy gift to the altar, and there rememberest that thy brother hath ought
against thee, leave there thy offering and be reconciled first to thy brother.
But I told them, I did not know that my brother had any thing justly
against me; for they had not shewn me any rule of Christ that I had bro-
ken, therefore I durst not withdraw from that ordinance that I had found
so much of God in; but if they would put me by, I hoped God would feed
my soul another way. So they proceeded to admonition. Elder Green¹
said, Brother Gould, you are to take notice that you are admonished for
three things; the first is, that you refused to bring your child to be bap-
tized; the second is, for your contentious words, and unreverent carriage
in the time of that ordinance; the third is, for a late lie you told; and
therefore you are to take notice, that you are not to partake any more of
the ordinance of Christ with us, till you give satisfaction for these things.
But when that late lie was told I know not, except it was when the letter
was found in brother Wilder's pocket. This admonition was between seven
and eight years before they cast me out. After this I went to Cambridge
meeting, which was as near to my house as the other; upon that they put
me into the Court, that I did not come to hear; but many satisfied the
Court that I did come constantly to Cambridge; so they cleared me. Then
the church called me to account and dealt with me for schism, that I rent
from the church. I told them, I did not rend from them, for they put me
away.
Master Sims was very earnest for another admonition for schism,
which most of the church were against; but it seems he set it down for an
admonition on a bit of paper. This continued for a long time before they
called me out again. In the meantime, I had some friends who came to
me out of old England, who were Baptists, and desired to meet at my house
of a First-day, which I granted. Of these was myself, my wife and
Thomas Osburne, that were of their church. Afterward they called me
forth and asked why I kept the meeting in private on the Lord's day, and
did not come to the public? My answer was, I know not what reason the
church had to call me forth. They asked me if I was not a member of
that church? I told them they had not acted toward me as a member, who
had put me by the ordinances of Christ seven years ago;
• they had
denied me the privileges of a member. They asked whether I looked
upon admonition as an appointment of Christ? I told them, Yes, but not
to lie under it above seven years, and to be put by the ordinances of Christ
in the church; for the rule of Christ is first to deal with men in the first
and in the second place, and then in the third place before the church; but
the first time that ever they dealt with me, they called me before the whole
'Mr. Green, as I take it, was ruling elder; Mr. Zachariah Sims, was teaching
elder.
[1665.]
CASE OF THOMAS GOULD.
295
church. Many meetings we had about this thing, whether I was a mem-
ber or not, but could come to no conclusion; for I still affirmed that their
actings rendered me no member. Then Mr. Sims told the church that I
was ripe for excommunication, and [he] was very earnest for it; but the
church would not consent. Then I desired that we might send to other
churches for their help to hear the thing betwixt us; but Master Sims made
me this answer: We are a church of Christ ourselves, and you shall know
that we have power to deal with you ourselves. Then said Mr. Russell,
We
have not gone the right way to gain this our brother, for we have dealt too
harshly with him. But still Master Sims pressed the church to excommuni-
cate me. Mr. Russell said, There were greater errors in the church in the
apostles' time, and yet they did not so deal with them. Mr. Sims asked him
what they were? He said, How say some of you that there is no resurrection
of the dead? Mr. Sims was troubled and said, I wonder you will bring
this place of Scripture to encourage him in his error? Mr. Sims was ear-
nest for another admonition. Then stood up Solomon Phips and said, You
may clap one admonition on him upon another, but to what end, for he was
admonished about seven years ago! Mr. Sims said, Brother! do you make
such a light matter of admonition, to say, Clap them oue upon another?
Doth not the apostle say, After the first and second admonition reject an
heretic? therefore there might be a second admonition. It was answered,
it was a hard matter to prove a man an heretic, for every error doth not
make a man a heretic. Mr. Sims said, It was not seven years ago, nor
above three, since I was admonished, and that was for schism. A brother
replied and said, it was seven years since I was admonished. On that
there was some difference in the church what I was admonished for. Mr.
Sims then pulled a bit of paper out of his pocket and said, This is that he
was admonished for, and that was but three years since. Brother Phips
asked him when that paper was writ, for he never heard of that admoni-
tion before? He answered, he set it down for his own memory; then he
read it, that it was for schism, and rending from the church. I told him
I did not rend from the church, but the church put me away from them,
and that was four years before this. Then there was much agitation when
the admonition was given, and what it was for? And this was all the
church records that could be found, which was about seven years after the
admonition was given; so after many words we broke up, which was the
last time we met together. Now let any man judge of the church records
that were drawn up against me, and read at the dispute in Boston, which
contained three or four sheets of paper; read by Mr. Shepard,' aud drawn
up by him, a little while before the dispute, who was not an eye nor ear
witness to the church's actings not above half the time.
'Son to Mr. Thomas Shepard, formerly of Cambridge.
296
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
&
Now after this, considering with myself what the Lord would have me
to do; not likely to join with any of the churches of New England any
more, and so to be without the ordinances of Christ; in the mean time God
sent out of Old England some who were Baptists; we, consulting together
what to do, sought the Lord to direct us, and taking counsel of other
friends who dwelt among us, who were able and godly, they gave us coun-
sel to congregate ourselves together; and so we did, being nine of us, to
walk in the order of the gospel according to the rule of Christ, yet know-
ing that it was a breach of the law of this country; that we had not the
approbation of magistrates and ministers, for that we suffered the penalty
of that law, when we were called before them. After we had been called
into one or two courts, the church understanding that we were gathered into
church order, they sent three messengers from the church to me, telling
me the church required me to come before them the next Lord's day. I
replied, The church had nothing to do with me, for they had put me from
them eight years before. They replied, that they had nothing to do with
that, but were sent by the church to tell me it was the mind of the church
to speak with me. I told them I was joined to another church, and that
church was not willing I should come to them, they having nothing to do
with me, therefore I would not come without the church's consent.
Then they departed. The next week they sent three messengers more, who
came to my house and told me that the church had sent them to require me
to come to the church the next Lord's day after. I told them that the
church had nothing to do to require me to come, who had put me from
them eight years, and the church I now walked with would not let me
come. They told me again that if I did not come, the church would pro-
ceed against me the next Lord's day. I told them that I could not come
for we were to break bread the next Lord's day. They told me they would
return my answer to the church. One of them asked if I would come the
next Lord's day after? But another presently said, We have no such order
from the church; so they departed. The last day of that week three lov-
ing friends coming to me of their own account, one of them was pleased to
say to me, Brother Gould, though you look upon it as unjust for them to
cast you out, yet there be many that are godly among them, that will act
with them through ignorance, which will be a sin of them, and you are
persuaded, I believe, that it is your duty to prevent any one from any sinful
act; for they will cast you out for not hearing the church; now your com-
ing will stop them from acting against you, and so keep many from that
sin. Upon these words I was clearly convinced that it was my duty to go,
and replied, Although I could not come the next day, yet I promised them
that if I was alive and well, I would come the next Lord's day if the Lord
permit. He replied, What if the church I was joined to was not willing?
I told him I did not question that any one would be against it upon this
[1665.]
GOULD AND OTHERS ARRESTED.
297
ground. After I had propounded it to the church, not one was against it. I
entreated these friends to make it known to the elders that I would come
to them the next Lord's day after; yet, though they knew of it, they pro-
ceeded against me that day, and delivered me up to Satan for not hearing
the church.
This narrative I met with among Mr. Callender's papers,
and I have good reason to think it genuine, and that the
manuscript now in my hands was written above a hundred
years ago; which I have copied that the public may be better
able to judge of what those excommunications were. It
appears by Mr. Willard that the first charge they had
against Mr. Osburne, was his going to meeting with that
schismatical Gould; therefore, as the reader judges of the
one, so likely he will of the other. Only it ought to be
noted, that neither of them were excommunicated persons,
when they formed that Baptist church, but had that sentence
pronounced upon them afterwards, for refusing to return to
those who had treated them so ill. And before that act,
viz., on August 20, 1665, Richard Russell, Esq., issued a
warrant to the constable of Charlestown, the original whereof
is now before me, requiring him in his Majesty's name, to
labor to discover where these people were assembled, and to
require them to attend the established worship, which if they
refused, he was to return their names and places of abode
to the next magistrate. In consequence whereof they were
brought before the Court of Assistants in September; to
whom they exhibited a confession of their faith, which is
copied into their records. The only article of which that I
find objected against is in these words, viz.: "Christ's commis-
sion to his disciples is to teach and baptize, and those who
gladly receive the word and are baptized, are saints by call-
ing, and fit matter for a visible church." This was com-
plained of as excluding all from a visible saintship but bap-
tized persons, which we shall hereafter see they had no
thought of. But their grand crime lay in not obeying the
ruling party in their religious affairs.
298
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
The Court of Assistants charged them to desist from what
they called their schismatical practice; and because they
would not, the General Court that met October 11, con-
vented Gould, Turner, Osburne, Drinker and George before
them, to whom these Baptists exhibited the same confession
as they had to the Court of Assistants, which was closed
with saying, "If any take this to be heresy, then do we,
with the apostle, confess, that after the way which they call
heresy, we worship God the Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ, believing all things that are written in the law and
the prophets and apostles." This the Court called a "con-
temning the authority and laws here established, for the
maintenance of godliness and honesty, as well as continuing
in the profanation of God's holy ordinances ;" and said:-
This Court taking the premises into their serious consideration, do judge
meet to declare, that the said Gould and company, are no orderly church
assembly, and that they stand justly convicted of high presumption against
the Lord and his holy appointments, as also the peace of this government,
against which this Court doth account themselves bound to God, [to] his
truth and his churches here planted, to bear their testimony, and do there-
fore sentence the said Thomas Gould, William Turner, Thomas Osburne,
Edward Drinker and John George, such of them as are freemen, to be
disfranchised, and all of them, upon conviction before any one magistrate
or Court, of their further proceedings herein, to be committed to prison
until the General Court shall take further order with them. Zechariah
Rhodes being in Court when they were procceding against Thomas Gould
and company, and saying in Court, "The Court has not to do in [with]
matters of religion;" he was committed likewise. Being sent for he ac-
knowledged his fault, declaring he was sorry he had given them offence.
The Court judged meet to discharge him, the Governor giving him an
admonition for his said offence.¹
Can any man believe that these were measures to promote
either godliness or honesty, in Rhodes, or in any one else?
rather did not the Court take Jehovah's name in vain in this
'Massachusetts Records. Rhodes was a Baptist, but had been of Arnold's party at
Pawtuxet. Massachusetts History, Vol. III, p. 277.—B.
The Massachusetts Records as published give only the surnames of the offenders
and arrange them in the following order, viz.: Gould, Osburne, Drinker, Turner
and George.--Ed.
[1666.]
GOULD AND OTHERS FINED.
299
act? The forementioned excuse, made by Dr. Mather, for
this severity, viz., their joining in church fellowship without
the approbation of other ministers and their rulers,¹ says
Mr. Neal, "condemns all the dissenting congregations that
have been gathered in England, since the act of uniformity
in the year 1662. ... Let the reader judge, who had most
reason to cemplain; the New England churches, who would
neither suffer the Baptists to live quietly in their communion
nor separate peaceably from it; or these unhappy persons
who were treated so unkindly for following the light of their
consciences."2 Yet because they still followed that light,
they were presented to the County Court at Cambridge,
April 17, 1666, "for absenting themselves from the public
worship." And when they asserted that they did steadily
attend such worship, the foregoing act of the Assembly was
produced to prove that it was not in a lawful way; and
Gould, Osburne and George, were each of them fined four
pounds therefor, and ordered to bind themselves in a bond
of twenty pounds apiece, for their appearance at the next
Court of Assistants; and refusing so to do were committed
to prison. When the Court of Assistants came, they gave
sentence that they should pay their fines and Court charges;
and when the Assembly sat on September 11, they ordered,
4
'See page 288.-ED.
'Neal's History of New England, Vol. I, pp. 304, 305.
3. Thomas Osburne answered that the reason of his non-attendance was that the
Lord hath discovered unto him from his word and spirit of truth that the society
wherewith he is now in cominunion is more agreeable to the word of God, asserted
that they were a church and attended the worship of God together, and do judge
themselves bound so to do, the ground whereof he said he gave in to the General
Court. Thomas Gould answered that as for coming to public worship, they did
meet in public worship according to the rule of Christ, the grounds whereof they
had given to the Court of Assistants, asserted that they were a public meeting
according to the order of Christ Jesus, gathered together. John George answered
that he did attend the public meetings on the Lord's days where he was a member,
asserted that they were a church according to the order of Christ in the gospel, and
with them he walked and held communion in the public worship of God on the Lord's
days. Massachusetts History, Vol. III, [Hutchinson's Collection of Original
Papers,] p. 400.-Ed.
Massachusetts History, Vol. III, pp. 400, 401.
300
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
that if they would pay the same, they should be set at lib-
erty; but added that, "the order of Court of October, 1665,
referring to the said schismatical assembly, shall be, and
hereby is declared to stand in full force." Thus they went
on from time to time, till the Court of Assistants at Boston,
March 3, who adjourned to May 1, 1668, passed the follow-
ing act, a copy of which I find among their church papers,
exactly in these words, viz. :
Thomas Gould, plaintiff, on appeal from the judgment of the last County
Court at Charlestown. After the Court's judgment, reasons of appeal and
evidences in the case produced were read, committed to the jury, and re-
main on files with the records of this Court. The jury brought in their
verdict; they found for the plaintiff, reversion of the former judgment. The
Court not accepting this verdict, commended it to the jury's further consid-
eration, and sent them out again. And at the adjournment, on the further
consideration, they brought in a special verdict, i. e., If the intent of this
law, that the appellent is accused of the breach of, be that the presentment
of the Grand Jury, without their certain knowledge, or other evidence, or
the person so complained of is legally convicted of the breach of the law,
thereby he not making it appear he had done his duty, then they con-
firmed the judgment of the former Court at Charlestown, but if otherwise
they acquit the appellant. The Court, on a due consideration of this special
verdict, do confirm the judgment of the County Court at Charlestown.
This judgment was declared, and on the plaintiff's refusal to pay the fine
imposed, [he] was committed to prison.
On the 7th of this March, they also said :-
The Governor and Council, accounting themselves bound by the law of
God, and of this Commonwealth, to protect the churches of Christ here
planted, from the intrusion thereby made upon their peace in the ways of
godliness, yet being willing by all Christian candor to endeavor the reduc-
ing of the said persons from the error of their way, and their return to the
Lord and the communion of his people from whence they are fallen, do
judge meet to grant unto Thomas Gould, John Farnum, Thomas Osburne
and company, yet further an opportunity of a full and free debate, of their
grounds for their practice; and for that end this court doth nominate aud
request the Rev. Mr. John Allen, Mr. Thomas Cobbet, Mr. John Higgin-
son, Mr. Samuel Danforth, Mr. Jonathan Mitchel, and Mr. Thomas Shep-
ard, to assemble with the Governor and magistrates, upon the 14th day of
'Massachusetts Records.
}
[1668.]
PUBLIC DISPUTATION PROPOSED.
301
the next month, in the meeting-house at Boston, at nine in the morning;
before whom, or so many of them, with any other the Reverend elders or
ministers, as shall then assemble, the above-said persons and their com-
pany shall have liberty, freely and fully, in open assembly, to present their
grounds as above-said, in an orderly debate of this following question :-
Whether it be justifiable by the word of God, for these persons and their
company to depart from the communion of these churches, and to set up
an assembly here in the way of Anabaptism, and whether such a practice
is to be allowed by the government of this jurisdiction? To Thomas
Gould :-You are hereby required in his Majesty's name, according to the
order of the Council above-written, to give notice thereof to John Far-
num, seuior, Thomas Osburne, and the company, and you and they are
alike required to give your attendance, at the time and place above-men-
tioned, for the end therein expressed.
EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary.¹
Mr. Clarke's church in Newport, hearing of this appoint-
ment, sent to the assistance of their brethren, Mr. William
Hiscox, Mr. Joseph Tory, and Mr. Samuel Hubbard, who
arrived at Boston, three days before the dispute. The author
of Mr. Mitchel's life says:-
When the churches were troubled by a strong attempt upon them from
the spirit of anabaptism, there was a public disputation appointed at Bos-
ton, two days together, for the clearing of the faith in that article; this
worthy man was he, who did most service in this disputation; whereof the
effect was, that although the erring brethren, as is usual in such cases, made
this their last answer to the arguments, which had cast them into much
confusion, Say what you will, we will hold our minds! yet others were
happily established in the right ways of the Lord.
How well this corresponds with the preceding pages,
the reader may judge. For therein we are informed, that
Mr. Mitchel was fearful of going to a learned gentleman
who had renounced infant baptism; and that he resolved
that he would have an argument able to remove a mountain,
before he would recede from that principle.² And a look
back to our page 185, will show what fear the ruling party
had, of disputing upon their way with another learned Bap-
'Copied from the warrant now before me in Mr. Rawson's hand writing.
"His Life, pp. 69, 70, 72. [Magnalia, Vol. II, pp. 79, 80.1 The dispute was held
both the 14th and 15th of April.
302
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
t
#
tist; but the whole power of the country now adventured
to enter the lists with a few honest mechanics.
When the Assembly met at Boston in May following,
they proceeded to the next argument and said :-
Whereas, the Council assembled in March last, did, for their further con-
viction, appoint a meeting of divers elders, and required the said persons.
to attend the said meeting, which was held [here] in Boston with a great
concourse of people, this court, being sensible of their duty to God
and the country, and being desirous that their proceedings in this great
cause might be clear and regular, do order that the said Gould and com-
pany be required to appear before this Court, on the seventh instant, at
eight in the morning, that the Court may understand from themselves,
whether upon the means used, or other considerations, they have altered
their former declared resolution, and are willing to desist from their for-
mer offensive practice, that accordingly a meet [and] effectual remedy
may be applied to so dangerous a malady..... At the time they, Thomas
Gould, William Turner and John Farnum, being summoned, made their
appearance, and after the Court had heard what they had to say for them-
selves, proceeded. Whereas, Thomas Gould, William Turner, and John
Farnum, senior, obstinate and turbulent Anabaptists, have some time
since combined themselves with others in a pretended church estate, with-
out the knowledge and [or] approbation of the authority here established
to the great grief and offence of the godly orthodox;....the said persons.
did in open Court, assert their former practice to have been according to
the mind of God, and that nothing that they had heard convinced them
to the contrary; which practice, being also otherwise circumstanced with
making infant baptism a nullity, and thereby making us all to be unbap-
tized persons, and so consequently no regular churches, ministry, or ordi-
nances; as also renouncing all our churches, as being so bad and corrupt
that they are not fit to be held communion with; denying to submit to the
government of Christ in the church, and entertaining of those who are
under church censure, thereby making the discipline of Christ [in his
churches] to be of none effect, and manifestly tending to the disturbance
and destruction of these churches,-opening the [a] door for all sorts of
abominations to come in among us, to the disturbance not only of [our]
ecclesiastical enjoyments, but also contempt of our civil order, and the
authority here established, .... which [our] duty to God and the country
doth oblige us to prevent, by using the most compassionate effectual means
to attain the same; all of which considering, together with the danger of
disseminating their errors, and encouraging presumptuous irregularities by
their example, should they continue in this jurisdiction; this Court do
L
[1668.]
GOULD AND OTHERS BANISHED.
303
judge it necessary that they be removed to some other part of this country,
or elsewhere, and accordingly doth order, that the said Thomas Gould, Wil-
liam Turner, and John Farnum, senior, do before the 20th of July next,
remove themselves out of this jurisdiction, and that if after the said 20th
of July [the said Thomas Gould, William Turner, and John Farnum,
senior, or] either of them be found in any part of this jurisdiction, with-
out license, [first] had [and obtained] from this Court or the Council, he
or they shall be forthwith apprehended and committed to prison by war-
rant from any magistrate, and there remain without bail or mainprise,
until he or they shall give sufficient security to the Governor or any magis-
trate, immediately to depart the jurisdiction, and not to return as above
said. And all constables and other officers, are required to be faithful and
diligent in the execution of this sentence. And it is further ordered, that
the keepers of all prisons whereto the said Thomas Gould, William Tur-
ner and John Farnum, senior, or any of them shall be committed, shall
not permit any resort of companies of more than two at one time to
any of the said persons. And our experience of their high, obstinate and
presumptuous carriage, doth engage us to prohibit them any further meet-
ing together, on the Lord's day, or [upon any] other days, upon pretence of
their church estate, or for the administration or exercise of any pretended
ecclesiastical functions, or dispensation of the seals or preaching; wherein
if they shall be taken offending, they shall be imprisoned until the tenth of
July next, and then left at their liberty within ten days to depart the juris-
diction upon penalty as aforesaid. And, whereas, Thomas Gould is com-
mitted to prison in the county of Middlesex, by the last Court of Assist-
ants, for non-payment of a fine imposed, this Court [having passed a cen-
sure on him and others] judgeth it meet, after the sentence of this Court is
published this day after the lecture to them, that the said Gould shall be
[declared to be] discharged from imprisonment in Middlesex as to his fine,
that so he may have time to prepare to [and] submit to the judgment of
this Court.¹
This looked like a powerful way of arguing; but the
Baptists were not convinced by it, either of its being duty
to return into fellowship with those who managed the argu-
ment, or to quit their stations and enjoyments at their com-
mand. I find by the colony records, that John Farnum was
admitted a freeman of that colony May 13, 1640; Thomas
Gould, June 2, 1741; in which year John George bound
himself to Governor Winthrop, I suppose, to pay for his
'Massachusetts Records.
304 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
passage over to this country. And I have a copy before me
of a warrant for the commitment of Turner and Farnum to
Boston jail, dated July 30, this year, signed by Governor
Bellingham, Eleazer Lusher and Edward Tyng. When the
Assembly met again in the fall, a petition was presented to
them, whereof a copy found among their church papers, is
before me, in these words:-
Whereas by the censure of this honorable Court, Thomas Gould, Wil-
liam Turner and John Farnum, now lie in prison deprived of their liberty,
taken off from their callings, separated from their wives and children, diз-
abled to govern or to provide for their families, to their great damage and
hastening ruin, how innocent soever; beside the hazard of their own lives,
being aged and weakly men, and needing that succor a prison will not
afford; the sense of this, their personal and family most deplorable and
afflicted condition, hath sadly affected the hearts of many sober and serious
Christians, and such as neither approve of their judgment or practice; es-
pecially considering that the men are reputed godly, and of a blameless con-
versation; and the things for which they seem to suffer seem not to be
moral, unquestioned, scandalous evils, but matters of religion and con-
science; not in things fundamental, plain and clear, but circumstantial,
more dark and doubtful, wherein the saints are wont to differ, and to for-
bear one another in love, that they be not exposed to sin, or to suffer for
conscience sake. We therefore most humbly beseech this honored Court,
in their Christian mercy and bowels of compassion, to pity and relieve
these poor prisoners; whose sufferings (also being doubtful to many, and
some of great worth among ourselves, and grievous to sundry of God's
people at home and abroad,) may crave a further consideration, whereby
perceiving this Court not likely to effect the end desired, but rather to
grieve the hearts of God's people; now your wisdoms may be pleased to
think of some better expedient, and seriously consider whether an indul-
gence, justifiable by the word of God, pleaded for and practiced by Con-
gregational churches, may not, in this day of suffering to the people of God,
be more effectual, safe and inoffensive than other ways, which are always
grievous, and seldom find success. We in all humility hope, hereby occa-
sions of difference being removed, that love and communion among all
saints, which our dying Lord so weightily charged and earnestly prayed
for, will more easily be preserved and practiced, to the glory of God, honor
of the gospel, peace and welfare of all the churches, which this honored
Court being the happy instruments of effecting, will oblige your poor peti-
tioners, as in duty bound, to pray for your happiness both in this life and
in that to come, and that your authority may be long continued as an un-
paralleled blessing to this Commonwealth.
1
[1668.]
DEFENCE OF GOULD, OSBURNE, &c.
305
We are informed that Captain Edward Hutchinson, Cap-
tain Oliver, and many others, signed this petition; but the
Court were so far from granting it, that the chief promoters
of it were fined, and others compelled to an acknowledgment
of their fault in reflecting upon the Court herein. We are
also told, that the Honorable Francis Willoughby, who was
their Deputy Governor from 1665, till he died on April 4,
1671," was a great opposer of these persecutions against
the Baptists."¹ Leverett and Symonds, his successors in that
office, appear also to have been on that side of the question.
The ruling party printed their sentence against those Bap-
tists, an answer to which I find among their church papers,
which is closed with these words:
This my husband would entreat of you, to take counsel of Master
Bennet, and if he and you judge it meet, to send it to England, and the
printed sentence with it. It is desired that no man see it but Goodman
Sweetser, and that Josiah write it fair and plain.
I conclude the person here speaking is Elder Gould's wife;
and the most material points of her answer are as follows:-
First, They call them obstinate and turbulent Anabaptists. 1. I desire
to know wherein their obstinacy doth appear? They desired the Court to
show them, from the rule of Christ, of any point that they were out of the
way of God; and if the Lord was pleased to show them wherein they
were out, they would freely lay it down; but they shewed them no other
rule than their own law; and sentenced them to be fined and imprisoned;
and this was all the rule they could give, which did not convince them. 2.
They say they were turbulent. I desire them to prove wherein they were
turbulent, when they did not disturb neither churches nor courts, neither by
word nor by action, but desired to live quietly and peaceably among them,
and they cannot tell of any one thing that they disturbed them in, but
desired they might enjoy that liberty that Christ hath purchased for them.
They know not that they spoke any word that gave offence to the Court,
unless it was those few words, when Master Bradstreet pronounced that
sentence against them, and charged them no more to meet together,
whether on the Lord's day or on the week days, in their conventicles; those
words were returned by them, We ought to obey God rather than man;
we cannot but do the things we have heard and learned. 3. As for Ana-
'Massachusetts History, Vol. II, pp. 227, 269, [236, 246.]
20
306
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
baptists, they do not own that name, except they will be pleased to explain
what they mean by it; for they own them to be of the baptized. Again,
they say, they combined together in a pretended church estate. They need
not have said so, unless they could have proved they set up their church
contrary to a rule of Christ. Beside, they gave them in a writing wherein
they gave a brief account of their faith, where they declared what they
owned to be a church of Christ, and the order of it according to the rule of
the Scripture, which neither the Court nor the elders ever answered to this
day. They say it was without the knowledge or approbation of the author-
ity here established as the law required. Answer:-1. If the apostles had
not set up churches in their time, without the approbation of the authority.
and their priests, there had been few or no churches in their time. 2. Christ
is Lord and King of his church, and he will set up his government therein,
and hath given them rules from himself, how to set it up and to carry it
along according to his appointment, and not to ask leave of the powers of
the world to set up his church; for Christ's jurisdiction is the greatest
jurisdiction in the world. 3. They had asked leave, had they found a com-
mand of Christ for it, but finding no rule of Christ they did not do it.
Again, they say some of themselves were excommunicated persons.
First, it is true what they say, yet that some was but two that were cast
out, and that after they were gathered into this pretended church, as they
call it, a good space of time. But consider for what it was, and how it
was?
Here the foregoing account of Messrs. Gould and Osburne
is confirmed. And of the day they were cast out she
says:
The word was carried to the elder, that if they were alive and well they
would come the next day, yet they were so hot upon it that they would not
stay, but Master Sims when he was laying out the sins of these men,
before he had propounded it to the church, to know their mind, the church
having no liberty to speak, he wound it up in his discourse, and delivered
them up to Satan, to the amazement of the people, that ever such an ordi-
nance of Christ should be so abused, that many of the people went out;
and these were the excommunicated persons. They say, After long for-
bearance to use the utmost means to convince and reduce them, entreated the
assistance of divers elders. Auswer:-1. It is true there were seven elders
appointed to discourse with them, and there were a few plowmen and tai-
lors to come before them; but how they were served with a warrant to
appear before these elders in his Majesty's name! 2. When they were
met, there was a long speech made by one of them, of what vile persons
they were, and how they acted against the churches and government here,
!
[1668.]
DEFENCE OF GOULD, OSBURNE, &c.
307
and stood condemned by the Court. The others desiring liberty to speak,
they would not suffer them, but told them they stood there asy delinquents,
and ought not to have liberty to speak. Then they desired they might
choose a moderator as well as they; they denied them. Two days were
spent to little purpose. In the close, Master Jonathan Mitchel pro-
nounced that dreadful sentence against them in Deut. xvii. 8 to the end of
the 12th, and this was the way they took to convince them, and you may
see what a good effect it had. ... There was nothing spoken from the
rule of Christ, neither from the Court nor the elders, but such sentences as
these, fining, and whipping, and prisoning, and banishing, and Master
Mitchel's sentence, and all these are not the weapons of Christ, but carnal
weapons that never did convince any soul of the error of his ways.
•
Whereas, they say, Which practice making infant baptism a nullity, &c.;
I answer, It is good for every one to be sure that they are upon good ground
whatsoever the practice of others may seem to condemn. They say,
Tending to the disturbance and destruction of these churches. For Answer,
1. If eight or nine poor Anabaptists, as they call them, should be the de-
struction of their churches, then let any seeing man judge what their
churches are built upon; then we may think they are built upon a sandy
foundation; for the church of Christ is built upon himself, and the gates
of hell shall not prevail against it. 2. If they be the churches of Christ,
and think they shall be overthrown by them, it is from the weakness of
their faith, looking more to an arm of flesh and powers of the world to
uphold them, than to Christ and his faithful promise. 3. If they fear they
will be the destruction of their churches, now [that] all the power of the
country is for them and [they] have an arm of flesh to help them, what
will they do when all the powers of the country are against them, as are
against the other, as you say yourselves of them, that when they were in
examination before the Court, they professed themselves resolved to adhere
to the same practice; and now suffer willingly for it.
But for the men,
what they are, I shall say nothing, for the sixty-five hands to the petition
that was put into the General Court, does [do] plainly declare to their best
discerning, that they have been honest and godly, and lived quietly and
peaceably among them a good length of time. Again they say, By using
the most compassionate and effectual means to attain the same. Answer :--1.
The Lord keep every gracious soul from such compassionate means for the
truth of the gospel! 2. For what compassionate means were used with
them, let men fearing God judge; for one of them was called from prison
when this sentence of banishment was read against them; and if
any man
desires to inform himself wherein their compassion appears, let him read
their printed sentence against them, which was executed upon them; for,
not moving themselves, they sent the constable, and fetched them away to
prison on a public lecture day at Boston, when the said Thomas Gould,
3
308
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
William Turner and John Farnum, had been all there, and newly come
home to their houses, and they remain in prison to this day.
How any that feared God, could be ensnared and held in
such a way of treating their fellow-servants may doubtless
appear unaccountable to many; but a careful search will
help us to discover the nature of this mystery. The estab-
lishment of a Christian commonwealth, was the grand ob-
ject that had been before those leaders for forty years, and
it continued so to their last hours. Mr. Wilson, the first
minister of Boston, had been famed for a gift of prophecy,
or foretelling future events; and as his dissolution appear-
ed near, a large number of ministers came round him on
May 16, 1667, and desired him to declare unto them, what
he conceived to be the sins among them that caused the
displeasure of God against the country. He told them he
had long feared the following sins as chief among others,
which greatly provoked God, viz. :—
1. Separation. 2. Anabaptism. 3. Corahism. [The latter he did
explain thus:] when people rise up as Corah, against their ministers or
elders, as if they took too much upon them, when indeed they do but rule
for Christ, and according to Christ; yet (said he) it is nothing for a brother
to stand up and oppose, without Scripture or reason, the doctrine and word
of the elder, saying I am not satisfied, &c., and hence, if he do not like
the administration, be it baptism or the like, he will [then] turn his back
upon God and his ordinances, and go away. And [saith he] for our neg-
lect of baptizing the children of the church, those that some call grand-
children, I think God is provoked by it. 4. Another sin I take to be the
making light of, [and] not subjecting to the authority of synods without
which, the churches cannot long subsist. And so for the magistrates being
Gallio-like, either not caring for these things, or else not using their power
and authority for the maintenance of the truth, [and] gospel and ordinan-
ces of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, and for bearing thorough wit-
ness against the contrary. Should the Lord leave them hereunto how
miserable a people should we be!
And at night he blessed them upon their parting, with
great affection, and with tears, "and all the ministers wept
with him, and took their leave of him, even as children of
their father, who having blessed them was about to die."
[1668.]
SCHISM IN BOSTON CHURCH.
309
He died the 7th of August following.¹ These things affect-
ed their minds in such a manner, that upon his church's
obtaining Mr. Devenport from New Haven to succeed him,
who had printed his testimony against the result of the late
synod about the Half-way Covenant, a minor part of the
church drew off from the rest, and in May, 1669, other minis-
ters assisted in forming them into a new church, in open
separation from the first church in Boston, which schism
continued about fourteen years, till an Episcopal invader
of their rights drove them together again. Hence see what
a schismatical doctrine that is, of infant church membership,
and of using secular force in religious affairs. What divis-
2
ions and contentions did it produce both in Connecticut and
'Morton, pp. 195, 196. [211, 212.]
2Magnalia, B. 5., pp. 82, 83. [Vol. II, pp. 266, 267.] "There was a great differ-
ence betwixt the old church and the members of the new church, about baptism,
and their members joining in full communion with either church. This was so high
that there was imprisoning of parties, and great disturbances; but now hearing of my
proposals for ministers to be sent over, they are joined together, about a fortnight
ago, and pray to God to confound the devices of all who disturb their peace and
liberties." Randolph's letter to the Bishop of London, May 9, 1682. Massachu-
setts History, Vol. III, pp, 531, 532. That new church is since called The Old
South.-B.
•
The passage in the Magnalia above referred to, is as follows:-"That famous and
faithful society of Christians, the first church in Boston, had, after much agitation, so
far begun to attend the discipline directed in the doctrine of the synod that they pro-
ceeded ecclesiastically to censure the adult children of several communicants for
scandals, whereinto they had fallen. But that church, for a supply of their vacancy
upon the death of their former more synodical ministers, applying themselves unto
Mr. John Devenport, the greatest of the antisynodists, all the interests of the synod
came to be laid aside, therein, on that occasion. Hereupon thirty members of that
-eminent church offered several reasons of their dssent from their call of that worthy
person.
The difference produced so much division that the major part of
the church, by far, proceeded to their election of that great man; this lesser part
nevertheless carefully and exactly following the advice of councils fetched from
other churches in the neighborhood, set up another church in the town of Boston,
which hath since been one of the most considerable in the country. Very uncom-
fortable were the paroxisms which were the consequents of this ferment. Longa
est injuria, longa ambages.... Indeed, for a considerable while, though the good
men on both sides really loved, respected and honored one another, yet, through
some unhappy misunderstandings in particular persons, the communicants of these
two particular churches in Boston, like the two distinguished rivers, not mixing,
though running between the same banks, held not communion with one another at
the table of the Lord."-ED.
I
310
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Massachusetts? Is it not evident that they proceeded from
a confounding of the Jewish and Christian churches to-
gether? for a right to membership and to office, in the
former, proceeded in a natural, in the latter, in a spiritual
line. The gainsaying of Korah was after an infallible au-
thority had fixed the priesthood in the line of Aaron and
his seed, who were types of Christ and his saints, but officers
in distinction from the rest of the lively stones whereof his
house is built, are never called priests in the New Testa-
ment; yea, we have seen ministers resenting others calling
of them by that name, and yet they in the above instance and
down to this day, have applied the case of Korah to those
who refuse practically to own them as such. And they have
often told us of David's error, in carrying the ark upon a
new cart, instead of the priests' shoulders; but that error is
theirs, not ours; and had they been as ready to imitate
David in reformation as they were in transgression what
happy times might we have seen before now? The oracles
of God were then carried in the ark, but now his church is
the pillar and ground of the truth. I Timothy 3. 15; I
Peter 2. 5. Upon Uzza's being struck dead, David was
turned to search the divine rules, which taught him to rest
the cause of truth upon living shoulders, instead of an
earthly machine drawn by beastly force. I Chron. 15. 2.
But when the rulers of the Massachusetts were moved by
their ministers to exert such force against the Baptists,
though they saw the chief procurers of that sentence struck.
dead before the time came for its execution, and many more
of them about that time, yet their posterity have approved
their sayings even to this day.¹ I am well sensible that the
'Mr. Henry Flint of Braintree, and Mr. Samuel Shepard of Rowley, died about
the time of their dispute with the Baptists in Boston. Mr. Mitchel, who was most
active in procuring the sentence against them, died July 9, aged 43, and Mr. John
Eliot, junior, October 13, 1668, aged 35, both of Cambridge. Mr. John Reyner of
Dover, and Mr. Richard Mather of Dorchester, both died in April, and Eleazer
Mather of Northampton, on July 24, 1669, aged 32. Mr. Sims, who had treated
the Baptists so ill, and Mr. John Allen of Dedham, one of the disputants against
them, both died within two years after, as well as many others.
I
}
[1669.J
ROBERT MASCALL'S LETTER.
311
divine judgments are a great deep, and that love or hatred
is not to be known merely by such outward events; yet
they ought to put us all upon searching and trying our ways
as David did) by the revealed will of God; which duty was
excellently inculcated upon them at that time in a letter to
Captain Oliver of Boston, in the words following:-
MY DEAR BROTHER: The ardent affection and great honors that I have
for New England transport me, and I hope your churches shall ever be to
me as the gates of heaven. I have ever been warmed with the apprehen-
sion of the grace of God towards me in carrying me thither. I have always
thought that of the Congregational churches of New England in our days.
But now it is otherwise, with joy as to ourselves and grief as to you be it
spoken. Now the greater my love is to New England the more am I
grieved at their failings. It is frequently said here, that they are swerved
aside towards presbytery; if so, the Lord restore them all. But another
sad thing that much affects us is, to hear that you even in New England
persecute your brethren; men sound in the faith; of holy life [and] agree-
ing in worship and discipline with you; only differing in the point of bap-
tism. Dear brother, we here do love and honor them, hold familiarity
with them, and take sweet council together; they lie in the bosom of Christ
and therefore they ought to be laid in our bosoms. In a word, we freely
admit them into churches; few of our churches but many of our members
are Anabaptists; I mean baptized again. This is love, in England; this
is moderation; this is a right New Testament spirit. But do you now (as
is abovesaid) bear with, yea, more than bear with, the Presbyterians? yea,
and that the worst sort of them, viz., those who are the corruptest, rigedest;
whose principles tend to corrupt the churches; [so] turning the world into
the church, and the church into the world; and which doth no less than
bring a people under mere slavery. It is an iron yoke which neither we
nor our Congregational brethren in Scotland were ever able to bear. I
have heard them utter these words in the pulpit, that it is no wrong to
make the Independents sell all they have, and depart the land; and many
more things I might mention of that kind; but this I hint only, to shew
what cause there is to withstand that wicked tyranny which was once set
up in poor
miserable Scotland, which I verily believe was a great wrong
and injury to the reformation. The generality of them here, even to this day
will not freely consent to our enjoyment of our liberty; though, through
mercy, the best and most reformed of them do otherwise. How much
more therefore would it conceru dear New England to turn the edge against
[those] who, if not prevented, will certainly corrupt and enslave, not only
their own, but also your churches? Whereas Anabaptists are neither
312
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
spirited nor principled to injure nor hurt your government nor your liber-
ties; but rather these be a means to preserve your churches from apostacy,
and provoke them to their primitive purity, as they were in the first plant-
ing, in and admission of members to receive none into your churches but
visible saints, and in restoring the entire jurisdiction of every congregation
complete and undisturbed. We are hearty and full for our Presbyterian
brethren's enjoying equal liberty with ourselves; oh that they had the same
spirit towards us! but oh how it grieves and affects us that New England
should persecute! will you not give what you take? is liberty of conscience
your due? and is it not as due unto others that are sound in the faith?
Read the preface to the declaration of the faith and order, owned and
practiced in the Congregational churches in England, pp. 6, 7. Amongst
many other Scriptures, that in the 14th of Romans much confirms me in
liberty of conscience thus stated: To him that esteems any thing unclean,
to him it is unclean; verse 13. Therefore though we approve of the bap-
tism of the immediate children of church members, and [of] their admis-
sion into the church when they evidence a real work of grace; yet to
[those] that in conscience believe the said baptism to be unclean, it is un-
clean. Both that and mere ruling elders, though we approve of them, yet
our grounds are mere interpretations of, and not any express Scripture. I
cannot say so clearly of any thing else in our religion, neither as to faith
or practice. Now must we force our interpretation, upon others, Pope-like?
In verse 5 of that chapter the Spirit of God saith, Let every one be fully
persuaded in his own mind; therefore this being the express will of God,
who shall make a contrary law, and say, Persuaded or not persuaded, you
shall do as we say, and as we do! and verse 23, What is not of faith is sin;
therefore there must be a word for what we do, and we must see and
believe it, or else we sin if we do it. And Deut. 12, and last, as we must
not add, nor may we diminish; what is commanded we must do. Also
28th of Matthew. And what principles is persecution grounded upon?
Domination and infallibility. This we teach is the truth.
But are we
infallible, and have we the government? God made none, no not the
apostles who could not err, to be lords over [of our] faith; therefore what
monstrous pride is this? At this rate any persuasion getting uppermost
may command, and persecute them that obey them not; all non-conformists
must be ill-used. Oh wicked and monstrous principle! Whatever you can
plead for yourselves against those that persecute you, those whom you per-
secute may plead for themselves against you. Whatever you can say
against those poor men, your enemies say against you. And what! is that
horrid principle crept into precious New England, who have felt what per-
secution is, and have always pleaded for liberty of conscience; Have not
those run equal hazards with you for the enjoyment of their liberties; and
how do you cast a reproach upon us, that are Congregational in England,
[1669.]
ROBERT MASCALL'S LETTER.
313
and furnish our adversaries with weapons against us? We blush and are
filled with shame and confusion of face, when we hear of these things.
Dear brother, we pray that God would open your eyes and persuade the
hearts of your magistrates, that they may no more smite their fellow ser-
vants, nor thus greatly injure us their brethren; and that they may not
thus dishonor the name of God, and cause his people to be reproached, nor
the holy way of God (the Congregational way) to be evil spoken of. My
dear brother! pardon my plainness and freedom, for the zeal of God's
house constrains me. What cause have we to bless God who gives us to
find favor in the eyes of his Majesty, and to pray God to continue him,
and to requite it graciously to him in spiritual blessings. Well, strive I
beseech you with God by prayers, and use all lawful ways and means, even
to your greatest hazard, that those poor men may be set free. For be
assured, this liberty of conscience, as we state it, is the cause of God; and
hereby you may be a means to divert the judgments of God from falling upon
dear New England, for our Father in faithfulness will afflict us if we repent
not. Doth not the very gospel say, What measure we mete to others shall
be measured to us? God is not unrighteous. What is more provoking to
him than the persecuting of his saints? Touch not mine anointed, and do
my prophets no harm! Did he not reprove kings for their sake? those who
have the unction the apostle John speaks of, and the spirit and gift of pro-
phecies. With what marvellous strength did holy Mr. Burroughs urge that
place against persecution? Persecution is bad in wicked men, but it is
most abominable in good men, who have suffered and pleaded for liberty of
conscience themselves. Discountenance men that certainly err, but perse-
cute them not. I mean gross errors. Well, we are travelling to our place
of rest; with joy we look for new heavens and new earth. We shall ere
long be in the fullness of bliss, holy, harmless in the bosom of Christ. Let
us pray the earth may be filled with the knowledge of the Lord, that they
may not hurt nor destroy in all his holy mountain. The Lord grant we
may by the next hear better things of the government of New England.
My most hearty love to [you and] your brother, and to all our brethren.
My respects and my service to my dear cousin Leverett, and to Mr. Francis
Willoughby. The Lord make them instrumental for his glory, in helping
to reform things among you. I shall be glad to hear from you. I remem-
ber our good old sweet communion together. My dear brother, once again
pardon me, for I am affected! I speak for God, to whose grace I commit
you all in New England; humbly craving your prayers for us here, and
remain,
Your [most] affectionate brother,
ROBERT MASCALL.
Finsbury, near Morefield, the 25th of March, 1669.1
'Samuel Hubbard's collection.
1
314
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
Never did I see the true nature of these controversies
better stated by any on that side. Our opponents have no
better grounds for accusing us of denying Scripture conse-
quences, than because we refuse to yield to their interpreta-
tions, which appear to us unsound. Neither are we any
more rigid than themselves; though because they hold to
two or three ways of baptizing, while we believe our Lord
has instituted but one baptism, they accuse us with it, if we
cannot act with them as baptized persons, who appear to us
not to be such. The plain question is, Whether each one
shall be allowed to act the full persuasion of his own mind,
according to God's law, or whether the ruling party in the
State shall make the law void by their traditions? The
learned and much esteemed Dr. Goodwin, Dr. Owen, Mr.
Nye, Mr. Caryl, and nine other noted dissenting ministers in
London wrote to the Massachusetts Governor, upon these
things at the same time, and said:-
We shall not here undertake [in the least] to make any apology for the
persons, opinions and practices of those who are censured among you.
You know our judgment and practice to be contrary unto theirs, even as
yours; wherein (God assisting) we shall continue to the end. Neither
shall we return any answer to the reason of the reverend elders, for the
justification of your proceedings, as not being willing to engage in the man-
agement of any the least difference with persons whom we so much love and
honor in the Lord. But the sum of all which at present we shall offer to
you is, that though the Court might apprehend. that they had grounds, in
general, warranting their procedure (in such cases) in the way wherein
they have proceeded; yet that they have any rule of command rendering
their so proceeding indispensably necessary, under all circumstances of fines
[times?] and places, we are altogether unsatisfied; and we need not represent
unto you how the case stands with ourselves, and all your brethren and
companions in the services of these latter days in these nations. We are
sure you would be unwilling to put an advantage into the hands of some,
who feel pretences, aud occasions against our liberty, and to reinforce the
former rigor. Now we cannot deny but this hath already in some measure
been done, in that it hath been vogued, that persons of your [our] way,
principles and spirit, cannot bear with dissenters from them. And as this
greatly reflects on us, so some of us have observed how already it has
turned unto your own disadvantage. We leave it to your wisdom to
[1669.]
LETTER FROM MINISTERS IN ENGLAND.
1
315
determine, whether under all these circumstances, and sundry others of the
like nature that might be added, it be not advisable at present to put an
end unto the sufferings and confinements of the persons censured, and to
restore them to their former liberty. You have the advantage of truth
and order; you have the gifts and learning of an able ministry to manage
and defend them; you have the care and vigilancy of a very worthy
magistracy to countenance and protect them, and to preserve the peace;
and above all, you have a blessed Lord and Master, who hath the keys of
David, who openeth and no man shutteth, living forever to take care of
his own concernments among his saints; and assuredly you need not be
disquieted, though some few persons (through their own infirmity and weak-
ness, or through their ignorance, darkness and prejudices) should to their
disadvantage turn out of the way, in some lesser matters, into by-paths of
their own.
We only make it our hearty request to you, that you would
trust God with his truths and ways so far, as to suspend all vigorous pro-
ceedings in corporal restraints or punishments, on persons that dissent from
you, and practice the principles of their dissent without danger or distur-
bance to the civil peace of the place.
Dated March 25, 1669.
66
66 I
We may reasonably conclude that this address did not
reach Boston till May or June; and Dr. Mather says,
cannot say that this excellent letter had immediately all the
effect it should have had." So that though he allows that
some of those Baptists were “ truly godly men," yet it is
likely that they were imprisoned a year or more, only for
not banishing themselves for their religion. After their re-
lease, Elder Gould went and lived upon an island in the
harbor; where they held their meeting for some years. But
this could not make the ruling party easy, as the following
"At a Court of Assistants held at Boston, March 2, 1669, the Governor and
Magistrates being assembled in Council, and motion being made by Thomas Gould,
in behalf of himself and William Turner, now in durance by the sentence of the
General Court; the keepers of the prisons, under whose custody they now are, are
ordered to permit them liberty for three days, to visit their families, as also to apply
themselves to any that are able and orthodox, for their further convincement of their
many irregularities in those practices for which they were sentenced; the said keep-
er staking the engagements of the said Gould and Turner, or other sufficient caution,
for their return again to prison at the end of the said three days.
By the council,
EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary."
Magnalia, B. 7, pp. 27, 28. [Vol. II, pp. 460, 461.]
"Ibid. [Vol. II, p. 459.]
316
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
letter to Mr. Clarke and his church at Newport plainly
shews:-
BELOVED BRETHREN AND SISTERS:-I most heartily salute you all in
our dear Lord, who is our alone Savior in all our troubles, that we his
poor members are exercised with for his name's sake. And blessed be
God our Father, that has given us such a High Priest, that was touched
with the feeling of our infirmities, which is no small comfort to the souls
of his poor suffering ones; the which, through grace, the Lord hath been
pleased to make us in some [small] measure partakers of. And at this
present our dear brother William Turner, a prisoner for the Lord's cause
in Boston, has some good experience of, both of that which Paul desired,
to be comformable to our Lord in his sufferings, and also of the promises.
of our Lord, in the giving forth [of] the comfort of his Spirit, to uphold us
all, for that he is sensible of the sufferings of his poor members, and is
ready to give forth supplies as are most suitable to such a condition as he
calls his to. Friends, I suppose you have heard that both he and brother
Gould were to be taken up; but only brother Turner is yet taken and has
been about a month in prison. Warrants are in two marshals' hands for
brother Gould also, but he is not yet taken, because he lives on Noddle's
Island, and they only wait to take him at town [but he comes not over.]
The cause why they are put in prison is the old sentence of the General
Court in '68, because they would not remove themselves. There were
six magistrates' hands to the warrant to take them up, viz., Mr. Brad-
street, Major Denison, Thomas Danforth, Captain Gookin, Major Willard
and Mr. Pinchon. But all the deputies of the Court voted their liberty,
except one or two at most, but the magistrates carry against all; and
because some others of the magistrates were absent, and some that were
there were Gallio-like, as one Mr. R. B. G.¹ But blessed be the Lord who
takes notice of what is done to his poor servants, though men little regard.
The town and country is very much troubled at our troubles; and especial-
ly the old church in Boston, and their elders, both Mr. Oxonbridge and Mr.
Allen have labored abundantly, I think as if it had been for their best
¹I
suppose, Richard Bellingham, Governor. Thus a few men at the head of the
government, by the clergy's help, carried on their oppressions against the minds of
those worthy rulers, Willoughby, Symonds and Leverett, a whole House of Depu-
ties, and the best part of the whole community. "That magistrates should thus
suffer these incendiaries, and disturbers of the public peace, might justly be won-
dered at, if it did not appear that they have been invited by them unto a participa-
tion of the spoil, and have therefore thought fit to make use of their covetousness
and pride, as a means whereby to increase their own power. For who does not see
that these good men are indeed more ministers of the government, than ministers of
the gospel. Locke on Toleration, pp. 71, 72.
:
[1670.]
1
EDWARD DRINKER'S LETTER.
317
friends in the world. Many more gentlemen and solid Christians are for
our brother's deliverance; but it cannot be had; a very great trouble [is
it] to the town; and they had gotten six magistrates' hands for his deliver-
ance, but could not get the Governor's hand to it..... Some say one end is,
that they may prevent others coming out of England; therefore they would
discourage them by dealing with us; a sad thing if so, when God would
hare Moab be a refuge for his banished ones, and that Christians will not.
But God will be a refuge for his, which is our comfort. We keep our
meeting at Noddle's Island, every First-day, and the Lord is adding some
souls to us still, and is enlightening some others; the priests are much en-
raged. The Lord has given us another elder, one John Russell, senior, a
gracious, wise and holy man that lives at Woburn, where we have five
brethren near that can meet with him; and they meet together First-days
when they cannot come to us, and I hear there are some more there look-
ing that way with them. Thus, dear friends, I have given you an account
of our troubles, that you may be directed in your prayers to our God for
us; as also of the goodness of God to us, and the proceedings of his
good work in our hands, both to our, and I doubt not, to your joy and com-
fort. That God may be glorified in all, is our earnest desire and prayer to
God, in all his dispensations to us. Brother Turner's family is very weakly
and himself to. I fear he will not trouble them long; only this is our
comfort, we hear if he dies in prison, they say they will bury him. And
thus, my dear friends, I desire we may be remembered in your prayers to
our Heavenly Father, who can do abundantly above what we can ask or
think; to whom I commend you all, and rest, your friend and brother,
EDWARD DRINKER.
November 30, 1670.
This occasioned the following epistle to them, viz. :-
Unto the church of Jesus Christ, meeting on Noddle's Island in New Eng-
land. Grace, mercy and peace be mightily showered down upon you all, with
such daily supplies to every one of you, according to your various condi-
tions, strengthening the weak, and making you to press forward with life.
and courageous hearts, being valiant for the Lord and his holy truths,
holding out to the end in what ye have received; not to look back, but
pressing forward to know more of his holy will, like children desiring the sin-
cere milk of the word, to grow up therein. Samuel Hubbard, a very poor
and unworthy one, yet by great grace found in my sinful estate, among the
sinners in a sinful world, in a sinful age, and by free grace called by a di-
'Mr. Devenport died March 15, 1670, aged 72; and Mr. John Oxonbridge, who
left England, after the cruel Bartholomew Act in 1662, was settled in his stead, col-
legue with Mr. James Allen, who came from thence about the same time.
UM
'
318
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
!
vine call or power, being not able to resist it, but by grace shewed that it
was his will to call sinners that were weary and heavy laden to come unto
him, making a gracious promise, that they should find rest to their souls;
Matt. 11; and by his grace hath made me willing, in my very weak
measure, to be going on in what he hath shewed me; though I find a law
in my members, contrary to God's holy law, which is written in my heart,
leading me captive both in thoughts, words and deeds, which is a great
burden, and makes me go heavily. But blessed be God, my rock, who
hath shewed me that it is not by my works, but by faith in our precious
Redeemer, I am accepted with the Father. Not thereby taken off from
endeavoring to keep all his holy commandments and ordinances, but with
righteous Zacharias and Elizabeth, desirous to be found blameless, when
our Lord and King Jesus shall come, and by him enabled with joy to say,
This is my Lord, I have waited for him; when you with others shall meet
and sing the song of Moses and the Lamb, Hallelujah to God most High,
&c. Dear and precious hearts, my love is such towards you, for what of
God is in you, and what great grace hath appeared towards you, in bear-
ing you up to stand in this hour of temptation, that your feet are not
moved, and your arms are made strong by the mighty God of Jacob; yea,
not only so, but hath crowned your endeavors with a blessing of increase of
such precious helps, as I hear you have, in which I rejoice, desiring greatly
of the Lord, that he would be still with you to the end of your race.
Dear
friends, it was upon my heart to have given you a visit, whereby I might
have been refreshed by your mutual love, as I have been to see your pre-
cious order in the gospel; but it has pleased our heavenly Father to visit
me and my dear wife, by a sore stroke in taking away our only son
Samuel;¹ all we had; a man grown (whose we are also); but God of
his grace hath borne us up, blessed be his name! by which I have been
very much disappointed as in coming to you, so in many other things, and
am learning in every condition to be content; a hard lesson to learn I find.
Dear brethren and sisters, what am I, poor worm, to inform you! but to
stir up your pure minds that you would be holding fast what you have re-
ceived, that you may not lose your rewards, for this is a declining day.
But know, the reward is laid up in most sure hands, for those who hold out
to the end. I beseech you, pray with all manner of prayers, and for me,
poor one, that I may have such fresh supplies of grace, that I may stand
fast in what I have received of God, and not deny his name, knowing of
whom I have received it. Pray for me that I may have more of the spirit
'He was in his 21st year, a very promising youth. Mr. Hubbard's daughter Ruth,
married to Robert Burdick, and Bethia, married to Joseph Clarke, jun'r, have left a
large posterity at Westerly; and Rachel, married to Andrew Langworthy, left a large
family in Newport; and he hoped that all his children, and some of his grandchil-
dren were savingly converted.
[1671.]
SAMUEL HUBBARD'S LETTER.
319
of adoption, to cry in faith, Abba, Father; more of faith in those precious
promises made to his in the Holy Scriptures, and more strength to run the
ways of his holy commandments with more delight and largeness of heart
without partiality. Oh! my dear friends, pray for Sion! they that love
her shall prosper.
Oh! my brethren and sisters! pardon my boldness, and
accept in love my weak endeavors, and let me have from you a few lines,
which would be as a dew upon my poor weak heart, which needs informa-
tion, instruction and comfort. Thus, desiring your prosperity in your
inward man, and outward man also, knowing that if ye seek first the king-
dom of God, we have our Lord's word for it, that all other things shall be
added; committing you to the Almighty to bless you with spiritual bless-
ings, with such daily fresh supplies as you stand in need of, whereby ye
may abound for his name's praise, the good of sinners, strengthening of
saints, comforting one another, drawing in love in all your ways, which is
as precious ointment, giving forth such a precious savor as that all Christ's
virgins may love and rejoice in you, and bless God on your behalf. The
God of all grace be with you all. Amen. My wife desires to have her
affectionate and entire love to you all remembered. Your poor weak
brother in the best relation,
SAMUEL HUBBARD.
Newport, this 4th day of the 9th Month, 1671.
Dear brother and sister, my kind love and respect with my wife's, be
remembered to you with all the rest of our dear friends, hoping you wel-
fare. These few lines are to let you understand, that your loving Christian
letter you sent me I received, for which I give you hearty thanks. I deliv
ered your letter according to your desire, and it was read in the church,
wherein we understand the Lord has been pleased to take away your son,
that was dear unto you. God sometimes tries his people in that which is
most near and dear to them, even in their Isaacs. Jacob must part with
his Benjamin, and say, All these things are against me; yet the Lord
turned it about for good; and he has promised that all shall work for good
unto those that love and fear him; and what he deprives us of in the crea-
ture, he is able to make up abundantly in himself. The good Lord grant
that it may be so with you! Brother Turner has been near to death, but
through mercy is revived, and so has our pastor, Gould. The Lord make
us truly thankful, and give us hearts to improve them, and those liberties
we yet enjoy that we know not how soon may be taken from us. The
persecuting spirit begins to stir again. Elder Russell and his son, and
brother Foster, are presented to the Court that is to be this month. We
desire your prayers for us, that the Lord would keep us, that we may not
dishonor that worthy name we have made profession of, and that the Lord
would still stand by us, ard be seen amongst us, as he has been in a won-
derful manner in preserving of us until this day. We should be glad to
320
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
i
4
hear how it is with you, and desire if it be the will of God, that love and
peace may be continued betwixt you and the other society; although
you may differ in some things, yet there may be endeavors to keep the
unity of the spirit in the bond of peace, and as far as we have attained, to
walk by the same rule. I shall not trouble you any further, but commit
you to the guidance and protection of the Almighty, and remain your un-
worthy brother in the best relation,
BENJAMIN SWEETSER.
Charlestown, the first, 10th month, '71.
The next news from them is as follows:
I perceive you have heard as if our brother Russell had died in prison.
Through grace he is yet in the land of the living, and out of prison bouds;
but is in a doubtful way as to recovery of his outward health; but we
ought to be quiet in the good will and pleasure of our God, who is only
wise. I remain your loving brother,
WILLIAM HAMLIT.
Boston, 14, of the 4th month, 1672.
We will now look a little back, and see how their
oppres-
sors got along. The breach in Boston church affected many;
and the Governor appeared against the new party, and in
July, 1669, called his Council together, fearing, he said, " a
sudden tumult, some persons attempting to set up an edifice
for public worship, which was apprehended by authority to
be detrimental to the public peace." But the majority of
the Council were not for hindering their proceeding. On
May 11, 1670, Mr. Danforth of Roxbury, who was one of
those that had been called to the Baptist dispute two years
before, said to the Assembly in his election sermon:
Is not the temper, complexion and countenance of the churches strangely
altered? Doth not a careless, remiss, flat, dry, cold, dead frame of spirit
grow upon us secretly, strongly, prodigiously? They that have ordinances
are as though they had none; they that hear the word as though they heard
it not; and they that pray as though they prayed not; and they that
received sacraments as though they received them not; and they that are
exercised in holy things, use them by the by, as matters of custom and
ceremony. Pride, contention, worldliness, covetousness, luxury, drunk-
enness and uncleanness break in like a flood upon us; and good men
grow cold in their love to God and one another.¹
'Prince's Christian History, Vol. I, p. 97.—B.
This sermon is entitled "A brief recognition of New England's errand into the
wilderness." Text, "What went ye out into the wilderness to see?" The quota-
tions above given are from pages 12, 13.-Ed.
[1672.]
NEW LAW AGAINST BAPTISTS.
321
Upon this the House of Deputies appointed a committee,
to inquire into the prevailing evils that had procured the
divine displeasure against the land; and they reported these
among other causes, viz. :-
Declension from the primitive foundation work, innovation in doctrine
and worship, opinion and practice; an invasion of the rights, liberties and
privileges of churches, a usurpation of a lordly and prelatical power over
God's heritage, subversion of gospel order, &c.
They then go on to speak of the late transaction of the
elders, in constituting the third church in Boston, as "irreg-
ular, illegal and disorderly.' But the effect was such, that
among fifty deputies in their next Assembly, there were but
twenty of those who were in this; and then fifteen ministers
presented an address to the new-modeled house, wherein
they mention their former connection with rulers, like Moses
and Aaron, and then call the setting up of said church in
Boston, "That weighty and worthy transaction." They pre-
vailed with this house to correct and declare against what
the preceding house had done to the contrary.¹ Such was
the ministerial influence of that day. On May 15, 1672, the
Assembly ordered their law-book to be revised and reprinted;
and therein they say:-
Although no human power be lord over the faith and consciences of
men, yet because such as bring in damnable heresies, tending to the sub-
version of the Christian faith, and destruction of the souls of men, ought
duly to be restrained from such notorious impieties; it is therefore ordered
and declared by the Court, that if any Christian within this jurisdiction,
shall go about to subvert and destroy the Christian faith and religion, by
broaching and maintaining any damnable heresies; as denying the immor-
tality of the soul, or resurrection of the body, or any sin to be repented of
in the regenerate, or any evil done by the outward man to be accounted
sin, or denying that Christ gave himself a ransom for our sins, or shall
affirm that we are not justified by his death and righteousness, but by the
perfection of our own works, or shall deny the morality of the fourth com-
mandment, or shall openly condemn or oppose the baptizing of infants, or
shall purposely depart the congregation at the administration of that ordi-
'Massachusetts History, Vol. I, pp. 272-274. [249-251.]
21
>
4
322
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
nance, or shall deny the ordinance of magistracy, or their lawful authority
to make war, or to punish the outward breaches of the first table, or shall
endeavor to seduce others to any of the errors and heresies above men-
tioned; every such person continuing obstinate therein, after due means of
conviction, shall be sentenced to banishment.¹
The reader may here observe what advances they had
made since the year 1644.2 The two articles which the
Baptists own, are now fenced with a much more formidable
catalogue of heresies and errors, than were then inserted in
their law against them. Though they still fall far behind
their mother, the church of England; for the last man that
she burnt for religion was a Baptist, and in the warrant for
his burning, the King says:
Whereas the reverend father in God, Kichard, bishop of Coventry and
Litchfield, having judicially proceeded in the examination, hearing and
determining of a cause of heresie against Edward Wightman, of the par-
ish of Burton upon Trent, in the diocese of Coventry and Litchfield, con-
cerning the wicked heresies of the Ebionites, Cerenthians, Valentinians,
Arrians, Macedonians, of Simon Magus, of Manes, Manichees, of Photi-
nus, and Anabaptists, and of other heretical, execrable and unheard of
opinions, by the instinct of Satan, by him excogitated and holden, &c.
They went on to name sixteen articles, many of them so
foolish and inconsistent, that, as the historian observes, he
must be an idiot or a madman to hold them all. Three of
them are in these words, viz. :-
14. That
13. That the baptizing of infants is an abominable custom.
there ought not, in the church, the use of the Lord's supper to be celebrated
in the elements of bread and wine, and the use of baptism to be celebra-
ted in the element of water, as they are now practiced in the church of
England; but the use of baptism is to be administered in water, only to
converts of sufficient age and understanding, couverted from infidelity to
the faith. 16. That Christianity is not wholly professed and preached in
the church of England but only in part.
For these things Mr. Wightman was burnt at Litchfield,3
'Massachusetts Law-book, printed 1672. pp. 58, 59.
2See page 126.
Descendants of this martyr to Baptist principles are said to have come early to
the country, where several of them have been well known pastors of Baptist churches.
Benedict's History of the Baptists, Vol. I, pp. 196, 501, 521. Semi-centennial Dis-
course of the New London Baptist Association; Minutes, 1867, p. 40.-Ed.
[1673.]
A FORGED PUBLICATION.
323
April 11, 1611, by a warrant from that king, who in the
preface to our Bible is compared to the rising sun,' and
whose tyranny drove our fathers into New England.
The above clearly shows that the church of England far
exceeded her daughters in this land, both in the number of
hard names they imposed upon the Baptists, and also in
their degree of cruelty towards them; though a lamentable
imitation of those evils appears in this history. And to en-
force the fore-cited law among the rest, the Massachusetts
placed the following motto in the title page of their law
book:-"Whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordi-
nance of God, and they that resist receive to themselves
damnation." But whether the assuming and exerting of
such power in religious affairs, be not the way to damnation,
rather than the resistance of it, deserves the serious consid-
eration of all. Some years ago, when the Presbyterians
had the upper hand in England, Mr. Samuel Oates, a noted
and successful Baptist minister, was imprisoned, put in irons,
and tried for his life as a murderer, at Chelmsford assize,
only because Ann Martin, a young woman that he had bap-
tized, happened to die a few weeks after. But when his
case came to be tried, her mother and others declared upon
oath, "that she was in better health for several days after
her baptism than she had been for some years before; and
was seen to walk abroad very comfortably," so that he was
acquitted.3
2
And now when the Episcopalians had gotten the power
again into their own hands, Mr. Neal truly observes, that
the enemies to the Baptists tried to ruin them, "by as un-
paralleled a piece of villainy as ever was heard of."
A pamphlet was published in London, in 1673, entitled, "Mr. Baxter bap-
tized in blood; or a sad history of the unparalleled cruelty of the Anabap-
tists in New England; faithfully relating the cruel, barbarous and bloody
'Crosby's History, Vol. I, pp. 108, and Appendix, pp. 1–3.
2See pp. 146, 147.
'Crosby's history, Vol. I, pp. 237, 238.
324
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
murder of Mr. Josiah Baxter, an orthodox minister, who was killed by the
Anabaptists, and his skin most cruelly flead off from his body. Published
by his mournful brother, Benjamin Baxter, living in Fenchurch street, Lon-
don." This pamphlet was licensed by Dr. Parker, the archbishop's chap-
lain, and cried about streets by the hawkers. The author represents his
brother as worsting the Anabaptists in a public disputation at Boston; for
which, by way of revenge, they sent four ruffians in vizors to his house a
little way out of town, who, after they had bound his wife and three chil-
dren, first whipped, and then flead [flayed] him alive. The author con-
cludes, "I have published this narrative in perpetuam rei memoriam, that
the world may see the spirit and temper of those meu, and that it may stand
as an eternal memorial of their hatred to all orthodox ministers."
But when search was made by authority, they could find
no account of such a minister as Josiah Baxter in New Eng-
land, nor of his brother Benjamin in London. The whole
story was a naked and malicious forgery,2 and verified the
words of Lactantius, in the next century after Constantine
first introduced the custom of supporting such ministers by
force as the court called orthodox. Said he, "Among those
who seek power and gain from their religion, there will
never be wanting an inclination to forge and lie for it.”3
As a contrast to the above, I will give a further taste of
the spirit of those men who have often been accused of
hatred to orthodox ministers. In the beginning of 1665,
Mr. Stephen Mumford, a Seventh Day Baptist, arrived from
London at Newport, and Mr. Hiscox, Mr. Hubbard, and
other members of Mr. Clarke's church, soon embraced the
keeping of that day; but in 1671, two or three men who
had so done, turned back to the observance of the first day,
which Mr. Hubbard and others called apostacy, though many
accounted it a reformation; and in June that year Mr.
Holmes preached smartly against the others' sentiments;
'Yea, it went off so current that a second edition was got into the press in a few
weeks. Parker was thought to be its author. [Crosby, Vol. II, pp. 291, 292.]
'Neal's History of New England, Vol. I, pp. 374, 375.-B.
For a complete exposition of this forgery, see Crosby, Vol. II, pp. 278-294.
-ED.
"Middleton's Letter from Rome, p. 97.
!
[1673.]
LETTER FROM BOSTON TO NEWPORT.
325
and the contention increased, till in December it caused an
open separation;¹ upon hearing of which, our suffering
fathers in the Massachusetts wrote the following letter:-
To brother William Hiscox, and the rest of our beloved brethren and sisters,
that observe the Seventh day Sabbath with him, the church of Christ in
or near Boston sends greeting.
BRETHREN, BELOVED of the LORD :-We having had a view of the pro-
ceedings between yourselves and the church, cannot but be grieved to see
how busy the adversary hath been, and how easily he hath prevailed upon
the corruptions of our nature, to make breaches and divisions among those
whom [who], we dare not but judge, are united unto one Head, even Christ
Jesus. And although we dare not judge your consciences in the observation of
a day or days to the Lord, yet, brethren, your judging them that have so
done, and we hope have not unadvisedly changed their minds, to be apos-
tates, seems to our understandings to savor too much a censorious spirit.
And we, as brethren, made partakers of the same grace of God through
the influence of his Holy Spirit, not being enlightened in the observation of
the Seventh day as a sabbath to the Lord, shall humbly beseech you all, to
put on bowels of mercy, and not to be so strait in your spirits towards
others; but consider, the only wise God giveth to each soul what measure
of light and knowledge he pleaseth; and it is he must give wisdom to im-
prove that measure of knowledge so given, or else we shall make a bad im-
provement thereof. Now, brethren, we dare not justify your action, nor
the manner of the actions that have been between you and the church; but
should have been glad, if it had been the good pleasure of the Lord, that
you could have borne each with other in the matter of difference, and so
have left it for the Lord to reveal more light and knowledge to those that
are yet in the dark. But may we not say, we are all in the dark, and see
and know but in part? and the little part that any one knoweth, he is ready
The covenant drawn up by the Seventh Day church when they were first
gathered, after they withdrew from the church under the pastoral care of Mr. John
Clarke.
"After serious consideration and seeking God's face among ourselves for the Lord
to direct us in a right way for us and our children, so as might be for God's glory
and our souls' good, we, viz., William Hiscox, Samuel Hubbard, Steven Mumford,
Roger Baxter, Tacy Hubbard, Rachel Langworthy, Mumford, entered into coV-
enant with the Lord and with one another, and gave up ourselves to God and one to
another, to walk together in all God's holy commandments and holy ordinances ac-
cording to what the Lord had discovered to us or should discover to be his mind for
us to be obedient unto; with sense upon our hearts of great need to be watchful
over one another, did promise so to do, and in edifying and building up one another
in our most holy faith; this 7th day of December, 1671.” Manuscript of John
Comer; Backus Historical Society's Library.—ED.
326
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
J
4.
to conceive is the will of God, and so would have all to see with his eyes,
and understand with his understanding; and cannot patiently wait on the
Lord till he shall make discoveries of it to his brethren; so that our quick,
narrow and impatient spirits are the cause of so many breaches and divis-
ions amongst the citizens of Sion at this day. By all which we humbly
desire the Lord may make you and us, and all the Lord's people, to see the
corruption of our natures that is yet unsubdued, that so we may all with
sincerity of soul, wait on him according to that measure of light and
knowledge that each of us have [has] received from him. And now brethren,
our desire is, if it may be the good pleasure of God, that this breach may
be healed between you and the church. Our prayers shall be to the Lord
for you, that each one of you may be truly sensible, wherein you have so
far departed from the law of brotherly love, as to be an occasion of grief
one to another, and to the Israel of God, and have given an occasion to the
enemies to speak reproachfully of the ways of God; not doubting but you
will be willing to look back over all those actions past in these differences,
and if you find anything contrary to the mind and will of God, be willing
to own it both to God and his people. We shall leave you to his care and
guiding, who is able to comfort you in all your tribulations, and to estab-
lish, strengthen and settle you; to whom we leave you, and remain your
poor unworthy brethren, who should rejoice in your prosperity, both in
spirituals and temporals. By the appointment of the church assembled.
THOMAS GOUld,
WILLIAM TUrner,
JOHN WILLIAMS.
Noddle's Island, September 1, 1672.
This sweet letter, Mr. Hubbard has preserved, and it
caused no alienation of mind, but there remained a great
nearness between them as long as they lived. I find him
in a letter the next year to his brother Hamlit saying, "I
desire the welfare of the whole Sion, and the brethren with
you; brother Foster, brother Farlow, elder Russell and his
son; yea, to all the church, with thanks for their love to me
and my wife.” Mr. Hamlit wrote on June 19, 1673, that
the Baptists were still persecuted for their withdrawing from
the public meetings, and said, "Brother Trumbel and brother
Osburne were fined last Court at Charlestown, twenty shillings
apiece; they have appealed to the Court of Assistants."
But Mr. Bellingham dying, and Mr. Leverett being chosen
Governor, and Mr. Symonds, Deputy Governor, things took
[1674.]
PROGRESS OF BAPTISTS IN BOSTON.
327
We
another turn, so that Mr. Hamlit wrote to his brother Hub-
bard, on January 9, 1674, and said, "Brother Drinker hath
been very sick near unto death, but the Lord hath restored
him to health again. The church of the baptized do peace-
ably enjoy their liberty. Brother Russell, the elder and the
younger, have good remembrance of you." And while those
governors lived, that church enjoyed the greatest liberty
that ever they did under their first charter. After Governor
Leverett's death, I find Mr. Russell and his church, in an
appointment of a day of thanksgiving, expressing their
sense of “the Lord's goodness in preserving our peace and
liberty beyond all expectation; God having removed him,
who was a friend to us in the authority, by reason of which
our opposites have the greater advantage against us, who
have not been wanting to do their endeavor to suppress us.'
We shall soon find how that advantage was improved.
are informed by their records, that the next members that
were added, after the first constitution of the church, were
Isaac Hull, John Farnum, Jacob Barney, John Russell, Jr.,
John Johnson, George Farlow, Benjamin Sweetser, all before
Ellis Callender, who was received November 9, 1669.
Hull was called also to be an elder in the church in the time
of their sufferings. The next on the list are Joshua Turner,
Thomas Foster, John Russell, Sr., (afterwards their pastor,)
William Hamlit, James Landon, Thomas Skinner, John
Williams, Philip Squire, Mary Gould, Susanna Jackson,
Mary Greenleaf, &c. Elder Gould died October 27, 1675,
having been a man, "in some good measure fitted and quali-
fied (says Elder Russell) for such a work; and proved an
eminent instrument in the hand of the Lord, for the carrying
on this good work of God in its low and weak beginnings."
And including the other first constitutors with him, he
says:
Mr.
Their trouble and temptations followed, one upon the neck of another,
like the waves of the sea; but these precious servants of the Lord, having
in some good measure counted the cost beforehand, were not moved from
328
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
any of these things, but were cheerfully carried on by the hand of the Lord
upon them, through all the afflictions and reproaches they met with; and
are the most of them now at rest with the Lord, having served the will of
God in their generation.¹
'Hubbard, 624-627. Russell's Narrative, 1680, pp. 1, 2, 6.
1
CHAPTER VII.
AN ACCOUNT OF PHILIP'S WAR, OF THE FURTHER SUFFERINGS OF THE
BAPTISTS, AND OTHER EVENTS DOWN TO 1690.
The foregoing history may give the reader some idea, of
the nature and causes of the contentions that long labored
in the country, between the natives and the English. Mr.
Samuel Hubbard in the close of Philip's war, wrote to a
minister in England, and said :—
God has been long waiting with patience, by several signs and warn-
ings, these forty years, as I can witness [to]; but we in our turnings have
not so turned to the Lord as ought to be, and his displeasure is broke forth
in the country by the natives, who were forced thereto, as some of them
said (and in very deed I judge truly.)¹
I find by their records, that the Commissioners of the
United Colonies, in September, 1662, appointed Captain
George Denison, Thomas Stanton, and James Averell, to
manage their affairs at Paucatuck, to govern the Indians, and
collect the tax imposed upon them on account of the Pequots;
and then they say :-
They are also hereby authorized to act and do, or cause to be done,
what, in their discretion, may best conduce, to reduce them to civility and
the knowledge of God, as well by causing due punishment to be inflicted
on disorderly persons according to their demerits, as by encouraging such
as shall be sent to instruct them by order of the Commissioners, and by
causing them to attend thereunto.
'Letter to Edward Stennett, 29th day 9th month, 1676. Samuel Hubbard's Man-
uscript.-ED.
330 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
;
And nothing has been more common with their party ever
since, than to represent the inhabitants of Rhode Island as
an irreligious people; but I trust the foregoing facts show
that they were not all so, to which I shall add, that Mr.
Samuel Hubbard's daughter Ruth was converted and joined
Mr. Clarke's church in 1652, when she was not thirteen
years old, and on August 4, 1666, she wrote from Westerly
thus:
MOST LOVING AND DEAR FATHER AND MOTHER: My duty with my husband
and children presented unto you, with all my dear friends..... My longing
desire is to hear from you, how your hearts are borne up above these
troubles which are come upon us, and are coming, as we fear; for we have
the rumors of wars, and that almost every day. Even now we have heard
from your island by some Indians who declared unto us, that the French
have done some mischief upon the coast, and we have heard that twelve
hundred Frenchmen have joined with the Mohawks, to clear the land both
of English and Indians. But I trust in the Lord, if such a thing be
intended, that he will not suffer such a thing to be. My desire and prayer
to God is, that he will be pleased to fulfill his promise to us, that is, that as
in the world we shall have troubles, so in him we shall have peace. The
Lord of comfort, comfort your and our hearts, and give us peace in believ-
ing and joy in the Holy Ghost. Oh that the Lord would be pleased to fill
our hearts with his good Spirit, that we may be carried above all these
things! and that we may remember his saying, When ye see these things
come to pass, lift up your heads, knowing that your redemption draws nigh.
Then if these things be the certain sign of our Lord's return, let us mind
his command, that is, Pray always that ye may be counted worthy to
all these things, and to stand before the Son of Man. Let us have
boldness to come unto him in the new and living way, which he hath pre-
pared for us. Through grace I find the Lord doth bear up the spirits of
his in this place, in some comfortable measure, to be looking above these
things. The Lord increase it more and more unto the day of his appear-
ing, which I hope is [uear] at hand. Dear father and mother, the Lord
hath been pleased to give us here many sweet and comfortable days of
refreshing, which is great cause of thankfulness, and my desire is, that we
may highly prize it, and you with us give the Lord the praise for this bene-
fit. I pray remember my love to all my dear friends with you in fellow-
ship. Sister Sanders desires to be remembered to you all; so doth sister
Clarke. Your loving daughter to my power,
escape
RUTH BURDICK.
**
[1675.]
OUTBREAK OF THE WAR.
331
Philip was son to Osamaquin and succeeded him as the
chief sachem on the east side of Narragansett Bay. He
had this name given him by Plymouth Court in 1660. Such
rumors spread of his preparing for war, as brought Gov-
ernor Prince, and two of his Assistants to Taunton, April
13, 1671, to meet three gentlemen from the Massachusetts,
to examine into the matter. Philip kept at a distance, and
sent to them to come to him at Three Mile River.¹ The
Governor sent again for him to come to them, but he refused,
till old Mr. Roger Williams and Mr. Brown, I suppose of
Swanzey, offered to remain there as hostages; by which
means he was brought forward and prevailed with to deliver
up about seventy guns he had got, and to promise future
fidelity, which suspended the war for four years. And then
it was brought on in the following manner. John Sasaman,
an Indian that the English had given considerable instruc-
tion to, both as to human learning and religious affairs, being
with Philip at Namasket, discovered that he was preparing
for war, and informed the English of it; for which he was
murdered upon a pond at Assa wamset, both of which places
are in Middleborough. Three Indians were apprehended
for that murder, and were executed at Plymouth.
2
Mr. John Tracy of Norwich had married Mrs. Mary
Winslow from Marshfield five years before, and returning
from a visit there at this time, happened to fall in among a
party of Indians in arms, waiting to hear whether their
friends would be executed or not. They brought him to
Philip, whom he satisfied that he was only a traveler and
upon no ill design, so that he sent him away in peace. But
3
'This river runs from Norton through the west part of Taunton, and falls into the
Great River betwixt that town and Dighton.
2Massachusetts History, Vol. I, pp. 278, 279. [254, 255.]
"Callender's Century Sermon, p. 73. [127.] Mr. Tracy was my mother's grand-
father.-B.
The only further information which we have of the person here mentioned is in a
brief allusion to him in Mr. Backus's Gospel Comfort, a sermon on the death of his
mother, in which he says, Her father, Mr. John Tracy, was a man eminent for
vital and practical religion, who died on March 27, 1726, with such comfortable
1
}
332
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
hearing soon after that those Indians were executed, they
broke out on June 24, 1675, and killed nine men in differ-
ent parts of Swanzey, and fired upon one in Rehoboth;
which alarmed the country, and in four days an army was
collected there, and made Mr. Miles's house their head-quar-
ters. Philip soon left his station at Mount Hope, now Bris-
tol, and retired to a great swamp east of the Great River.
The Massachusetts part of the army went into the Narra-
gansett country, and brought those Indians to promise not to
join in the war, and then returned, and, with the other forces,
attacked Philip at the swamp on July 18, but had little suc-
cess therein. Soon after which, Philip and many of his
men repassed the river, and crossing Seconk plain, made
their way up to the Nepmuck Indians in Worcester county,
who had begun the war on July 14.
These alarms caused Mr. Joseph Tory and Mr. Hubbard
to send a boat which brought their friends from Westerly to
Newport this month, and they continued on the island till
the war was over. Soon after Philip had joined the Nep-
mucks, they violently assaulted a small English plantation
at Brookfield, and as Captain Hutchinson with a company
went to relieve them on August 2, they from an ambush
gave him a mortal wound. But Major Willard came two
days after with forty-eight men, and slew many of the ene-
my, and delivered his friends. Upon which the enemy steered
further westward, and on September 1, burnt most of the
houses in Deerfield, and killed eight men the next day at
Northfield; and Captain Beers going with thirty-six men to
fetch off the inhabitants there, had a terrible fight with the
enemy, wherein he and above half of his men fell. Sep-
tember 18, sundry teams went to bring off a large quantity
of grain from Deerfield, and Captain Lothrop went with
about eighty men to guard them; but not seeing any of the
views of another world, that he charged his friends to give him up, and not hold him
any longer with their prayers. He was very strict in the religious education of his
family, which this daughter of his was ever thankful for as long as she lived."-ED.
[1675.]
PROGRESS OF THE WAR.
333
enemy, they on their return, got to picking grapes by Muddy
Brook, when the enemy got a dreadful advantage of them.
I have seen the stone over the place where they tell me
about seventy of them were buried in one grave. Presently
after, an assault was made upon Springfield, where the min-
ister's house and library was burnt, with thirty-one houses
beside. But a large body of Indians making an onset upon
Hadley, October 19, and having killed one man, were so
bravely repulsed by the English, that in their flight some of
them were drowned in Connecticut River, and others who
escaped, retired into Narragansett. In that country on a
small tract of upland within a great swamp, seven miles
west from the south ferry that goes over from Newport, the
Indians built and stored the strongest fort they ever had in
this country. Therefore the colonies gathered an army of
a thousand men, under the command of Governor Winslow,
and after a fierce conflict, took and destroyed it, on December
19. They supposed that a thousand of the enemy were cut
off; but it cost on our side the lives of six captains, and one
hundred and seventy, some said two hundred and ten men,
killed or wounded. They marched sixteen or eighteen miles
from Major Smith's to that fight, and returned through a
terrible snow-storm the same night.'
1
'I have met with the original of a testimony concerning that family, and that
affair, which I will give a copy of here. It is as follows:-
Narragansett, 21 July, 1679, (ut vulgo.)
I, ROGER WILLIAMS, of Providence, in the Narragansett Bay, in New England,
being (by God's mercy) the first beginner of the mother town of Providence, and of
the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, being now near to four-
score years of age, yet (by God's mercy) of sound understanding and memory, do
humbly and faithfully declare, that Mr. Richard Smith, Sr., who for his conscience
to God, left fair possessions in Gloucestershire, and adventured, with his relations
and estate, to New England, and was a most acceptable inhabitant, and a prime
leading man in Taunton, in Plymouth colony; for his conscience' sake, many differ.
ences arising, he left Taunton and came to the Narragansett country, where (by
God's mercy and the favor of the Narragansett sachems) he broke the ice at his
great charge and hazard, and put up in the thickest of the barbarians, the first Eng-
lish house amongst them. 2. I humbly testify that about forty years from this date, he
kept possession, coming and going himself, children and servants and he had a quiet
possession of his housing, lands and meadows; and there in his own house, with
334
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
!
Great stores of corn were destroyed in that fort, which re-
duced the Indians to terrible distress. But a thaw in Janu-
ary enabled them to get some sustenance out of the earth,
upon which they burnt the deserted houses in Mendon, and
on February 10, 1676, made an onset upon Lancaster, burnt
their habitations, and killed or captivated forty persons, one
of whom was Mrs. Rowlandson, wife of the minister, who
was then gone to Boston to procure help against the enemy.
The narrative she gave of her captivity has lately been re-
printed.¹ Like mischiefs were done at Groton, Marlborough,
Sudbury and Chelmsford; and on February 21, the enemy
wheeled round and came down upon Medfield, (twenty miles
from Boston,) and burnt half their houses, and slew eighteen
men, notwithstanding two or three hundred soldiers that
they then had in town. February 25, they did considerable
damage in Weymouth, still nearer to Boston; and the like
at Groton and Sudbury on March 10. The 12th, they cut
off two families in Clarke's garrison at Plymouth; and the
much serenity of soul and comfort, he yielded up his spirit to God, (the Father of
Spirits,) in peace. 3. I do humbly and faithfully testify as abovesaid, that since his
departure, his honored son, Captain Richard Smith, hath kept possession (with much
acceptance with English and pagans) of his father's housing, lands, and meadows,
with great improvement, also by his great cost and industry. And in the late bloody
pagan war, I knowingly testify and declare. that it pleased the Most High to make
use of himself in person, his housing, goods, corn, provisions and cattle, for a gar-
rison and supply for the whole army of New England, under the command of the
ever-to-be-honored General Winslow, for the service of his Majesty's honor and
country of New England. 4. I do also humbly declare, that the said Captain Rich-
ard Smith, Jr., ought by all the rules of equity, justice and gratitude (to his hon-
ored father and himself) to be fairly treated with, considered, recruited, honored,
and by his Majesty's authority, confirmed and established in a peaceful possession.
of his father's and his own possessions in this pagan wilderness, and Narragansett
country. The premises I humbly testify, as now leaving this country and this
world.
ROGER WILLIAMS,
It appears by Governor Winthrop's journal that Taunton was first planted in 1637,
[Vol. I, pp. 252, 253,] so that Mr. Smith came there soon after. We are told that
the mansion house of the Updike family, in North Kingstown stands where he began
among the Narragansetts.
"A narrative of the captivity, sufferings and removes of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson,
who was taken prisoner by the Indians, with several others, and treated in the most
barbarous and cruel manner by the savages, with many other remarkable events
during her travels. 1773."-Ed.
335
[1675.] TURNER, AND OTHER BAPTISTS, IN THE WAR.
next day burnt almost all Groton, in Middlesex, to the
ground.
Here I must open something that has been surprisingly
concealed from this country. It has been the constant prac-
tice of all parties who are fond of an ecclesiastical establish-
ment by human laws, to accuse the Baptists of disobedience
to government, especially in the point of a defensive war.
This the reader may see inserted in a law of the Massachu-
setts, but three years before this war began. Mr. Callender
was then a member of the Baptist church in Boston, and was
continued a great blessing to them for more than fifty years.
The copy of Mr. Russell's Narrative that I am favored with,
came out of his family, and in it is a manuscript note in the
margin, against Mr. Russell's account of Mr. Turner, which
says:-
In the beginning of the war, William Turner gathered a company of
volunteers, but was denied a commission and discouraged, because the chief
of the company were Anabaptists. Afterwards when the war grew more
general and destructive, and the country in very great distress, having di-
vers towns burnt, and many men slain, then he was desired to accept a com-
mission. He complained it was too late, his men on whom he could con-
fide being scattered; however, was moved to accept.
They made him Captain, and his brother Drinker, Lieuten-
ant, of a company that marched up with others in the be-
ginning of this month, to relieve the western towns, under
Major Savage as chief commander; and by them the Indians
were repulsed and driven off from Northampton on March
14. The 17th, they burnt all but one of the houses in War-
wick, most of the inhabitants being gone to Rhode Island.
On Lord's day, March 26, Captain Pierce being at Rehoboth,
with fifty English soldiers, and twenty friendly Indians, heard
of a body of the enemy up Patucket River, and wrote to
Captain Andrew Edmunds, of Providence, to meet him there
with his company to attack them. He sent the letter by a
person who was going over to Providence meeting, but who
did not deliver it till their worship was done at noon. As
336
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
+
A
soon as Captain Edmunds had read the letter, he gave the
bearer a sharp reprimand, for not delivering it before, and
expressed his fear of the consequence as it proved; for Cap-
tain Pierce engaging the enemy alone, who were also more
numerous than he expected, he was surrounded and cut off,
with all but thirteen of his men, only one of whom was of
the English; and it is said he escaped by a friendly Indian's
turning and running after him with a weapon, as if he was
an enemy, which others seeing did not pursue him. They
tell us that another of those friends escaped in this manner:
being pursued by an enemy, he took shelter behind a rock,
where, as each waited for an opportunity to shoot the other,
our friend gently raising his hat above the rock upon a stick,
the enemy discharged his gun at it, on which the other shot
him down and escaped. It is reported that Captain Pierce
and his men slew one hundred of the enemy in the conflict.
The people both of Marlborough and Springfield suffered
considerably the same day. March 28, forty houses were
burnt in Rehoboth, and twenty-nine the next day at Provi-
dence, the people retiring into garrisons.
In the Clerk's office in that town is a paper, in which Mr.
Williams said :-
I pray the town, in the sense of the late bloody practices of the natives,
to give leave to so many as can agree with William Field, to bestow some
charge upon fortifying his house, for security to women and children; also
to give me leave, and so many as shall agree, to put up some defence on the
hill, between the mill and the highway, for the like safety of the women
and children in that part of the town.
To this eleven principal inhabitants subscribed, the highest
whereof was two pounds six shillings, except Mr. Williams,
who subscribed ten pounds. Tradition says, that when the
Indians appeared on the high lands north of their great cove,
Mr. Williams took his staff and walked over towards them,
hoping likely to pacify them as he had often done; but when
some of their aged men saw him, they came out and met him,
and told him that though those who had long known him
[1676.]
CAPTAIN TURNER'S VICTORY.
337
would not hurt him, yet their young men were so enraged
that it was not safe for him to venture among them; upon
which he returned to the garrison. The house where their
records were kept was plundered, and they thrown into the
mill-pond, but were recovered, though by that means some
passages are not legible, and likely many articles were lost.
In April, Captain George Denison of Stonington, with a
number of English and Mohegan Indians, performed two
great exploits. They penetrated into the Narragansett
country, and slew forty-four of the enemy at one time, and
sixty-six at another, without the loss of a man. In the
mean time the Massachusetts met with a dreadful blow.
Captain Wadsworth and Lieutenant Bruttlebank, with above
thirty men, were cut off as they were going to relieve Sud-
bury on April 18. Bridgewater, which was planted in 1652,
was now assaulted by a great body of the enemy on May 8,
when twelve deserted houses were burnt, but there was
never one of their people killed in that war; neither can we
learn that any English person who was born in that town,
was ever slain by the sword for eighty years after.¹ Major
Savage and most of his men returning, he left Captain Tur-
ner to command in that quarter. Hereupon the enemy,
thinking themselves more out of danger, resorted, seven or
eight hundred of them, to the great falls above Deerfield, on
the fishing design. Two captive lads made their escape, and
gave information of their secure state, whereupon Captain
Turner and young Captain Holioke of Springfield, collected
what force they could on a sudden, being not much more
than a hundred and fifty men, and went up silently in the
night, tied their horses at some distance, and a little before
daybreak, May 18, 1676, came unawares upon the enemy,
"fired amain into their very wigwams, killing many upon
'It is remarkable that the inhabitants of the said Bridgewater never yet lost one
person by the sword of the enemy, though the town is situate within Plymouth col-
ony; yet have they helped to destroy many of the enemy. Hubbard's Narrative of
the Indian wars; Stockbridge, 1803, p. 171.-Ed.
22
338
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
i
the place, and frighting others with the sudden alarm of their
guns, made them run into the river, where the swiftness of
the stream carrying them down a steep fall, they perished
in the waters; some getting into canoes, sank or overset by
the shooting of our men ; others, creeping for shelter, under
the banks of the great river, were espied by our men and
killed by their swords. Some of their prisoners after-
wards owned that they lost above three hundred, some
whereof were principal men, sachems, and some of their best
fighting men that were left. Nor did they seem ever to
have recovered themselves after this defeat, but their ruin
immediately followed upon it." When our people first fired
upon them they cried out, Mohawks! but in the morning dis-
covering their mistake, they rallied their scattered men, and
Captain Turner being unwell, and so "not able for want of bod-
ily strength (no ways defective for want of skill or courage) to
assist or direct in making a retreat; some of the enemy fell
upon the guards that kept the horses, others pursued them
in the rear, so as our men sustained pretty much damage as
they retired, missing after their return thirty-eight of their
men." One of these was Captain Turner, who was after-
wards found and buried.¹ Dr. Stephen Williams says,
“There were many remarkables in this affair (as related by
Jonathan Wells, Esq., who was present) which are not taken
notice of by Mr. Hubbard, or Dr. Mather."2 Mr. Hub-
bard's account was examined and approved by three gentle-
men of the Council, and so was published by authority. All
the rest of the Baptists who were in that action, but their
Captain, were preserved and returned. And as they again
met with cruel treatment four years after, both from rulers.
and ministers, and the old charge of denying magistracy
was revived, they said in answer thereto :-
1
1. It is directly against our principles, and contrary to what we asserted
in a confession of our faith, that we gave into the Court, as also to that Con-
'Hubbard's History of that war, pp. 88, 94. [205-211.]
"Appendix to his father's and Deerfield's captivity, p. 66.
[1676.]
ANSWER TO CHARGES AGAINST THE BAPTISTS.
339
fession of our faith lately set forth by our brethren in old England, which
Confession we own in every particular.¹ 2. Our continual prayer to God
for them, according to I. Tim. ii. 1, 2, will witness against this charge.
3. Our constant subjection and obedience to their laws, both actively, as
far as we can with a good conscience, and where we could not actively,
there have we been passively obedient; in suffering what they inflicted on
us, without seeking any revenge in the least. 4. In paying all due de-
mands whatsoever; not being desirous to withhold from Cæsar at any time,
any of his dues. In a word, both our persons and estates are always ready
at command to be serviceable in the defence of the country; yea, and have
been voluntarily offered on the high places of the field, in the time of the
country's greatest extremity. Among whom was William Turner,
whom they pleased to make Captain of that company, who had been one
of the greatest sufferers among us, for the profession of religion. He was
a very worthy man for soldiery; and Edward Drinker, who had been
another sufferer, whom they pleased to make Lieutenant; and by the pres-
ence of the Lord with them, they were made instruments of the preserva-
tion of one town from the rage of the heathen, who violently broke into it,
but they being there beat them out. And after that, by Captain Turner,
who was then commander-in-chief, as an instrument in the hand of the
Lord, was the greatest blow struck to the Indians of any they had received;
for after this they were broken and scattered, so that they were overcome
and subdued with ease. Here it is to be observed that those who had suf-
fered so much from the country, and scandalized as enemies to the country,
and their privileges, freely offering themselves in their service, have been
(through the Lord's presence with them) some of the principal instruments
'The Confession published in London, in 1677, and revised in 1689.-B.
"God, the supreme Lord and King of all the world hath ordained civil magis-
trates to be under him over his people for his own glory and the public good, and
to this end hath armed them with the power of the sword for defence and encourage-
ment of them that do good, and for the punishment of evil doers. It is lawful for
Christians to accept and execute the office of a magistrate when called thereunto;
in the management whereof, as they ought especially to maintain justice and peace,
according to the wholesome laws of each kingdom and commonwealth, so, for that
end, they may lawfully now, under the New Testament, wage war upon just and
necessary causes. Civil magistrates being set up by God, for the ends aforesaid,
subjection in all lawful things commanded by them, ought to be yielded by us in the
Lord, not only for wrath but for conscience sake; and we ought to make supplica-
tions and prayers for kings and all that are in authority, that under them we may
live a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty." Confession of 1677,
Chap. XXXIV. This Confession is published in Crosby, Vol. III, Appendix II;
Confessions of Faith, &c., Hansard Knolly's Society, pp. 179–246; Cutting's His-
torical Vindications, pp. 131-188. It was highly esteemed among the early Bap-
tists of this country. The Philadelphia Association made brief additions to it and
adopted it in 1742.—ED.
340
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
to subdue the barbarous heathen, and to deliver the country from its great-
est distress; which may stand as a witness of our fidelity to the govern-
ment to the world's end. We have been vilified and greatly reproached,
and are at this day, it being without any just reason laid to us, that we are
one chief cause of all the judgments of God on the land. We do not ex-
cuse ourselves, as not having a share or part in many of the sins that have
provoked the Lord against poor New England; neither have we been freed
from having part with others in the general calamities that God hath
brought on this poor place. Yet it is observable how graciously the Lord
hath dealt with us; that in the time of great mortality by the small-pox,
when so many hundreds died, though many of us were visited with that
visitation, yet not one of our society was removed by it; but it was not for
any thing in us, that the Lord spared us, but for his name's sake, that the
mouth of our adversaries might be silent.¹
In answer to this, Mr. Willard said:-
The German Anabaptists were enemies to civil government; we hope
these (though they have shown too much contempt of authority) are not
so far gone. But for his so gloriously emblazoning their service in the
late wars, it is neither to the purpose, nor of much moment.
That they
did join against the common enemy is true. Swanzey (a place chiefly con-
sisting of Anabaptists, and where they had a church) was the place where
the enemy made the first onset. Besides, any man would fight, rather
than have his throat cut; it was not for religion, nor civil government, but
for lives and estates. Nor did the Indians receive the greatest blow at
that time; nor is it the Anabaptists' true, but vain, glory, to set such an
encomium upon their own deeds.
their own deeds. .... We have dismissed the charge, now
comes a strong argument of their orthodoxy, a witness from Heaven, viz.,
their happy preservation in the time of the small pox. Let it be remem-
bered, that one of their persuasion died of it at Woburn, (where John
Russell lived, and should have observed it) and many of their children.
But be it so; their society is small, and scattered from Dan to Beersheba.
And who knows, but God might spare them in judgment, to harden them?
These are too high things for us; only when God comes to chasten his people,
those that are not chastened, may ask whether they are not bastards?
He had before said:-
As the honored magistrates here are Christians, so have they judged it
their duty to maintain the ways of Christ, and strengthen them by civil
laws, which hath not only been the practice of reformers of old, but the
constant judgment of the church of Christ ever since the apostles. .... On
this principle our worthy rulers have made laws against many sects and
'Russell's Narrative, pp. 11, 12.
MR. WILLARD'S STATEMENTS CONSIDERED.
[1676.]
341
intruders, and among the rest the Anabaptists. That in quelling the Ana-
baptists they do not oppose the truth, but suppress error, they are fully
persuaded; and although they never pretended to a lordship over men's con-
sciences, yet they account the outward man is subject to them; and if they
must tarry till all men are agreed about what is truth, before we oppose
error, we shall stay till there is no need of it.¹
According to this, we are not to imagine that those minis-
ters ever intended to lord it over Thomas Gould's conscience,
when they censured him for not standing up, and looking on
when they sprinkled infants in the sacred name.
He might
have thought what he pleased of it inwardly, if he would
but have honored them before the people; and though for re-
fusing so to do, they excluded him from the ordinance of the
Supper for seven years, and then for taking another method to
enjoy it, they moved the rulers to disfranchise, fine, imprison
and banish him, yet all this was for error in his outward
man, not in his conscience! neither must it be supposed, that
vain glory had any influence in the emblazoning of things
on their side; for all these things were done by orthodox
ministers, and Christian rulers. But let the Anabaptists
offer themselves ever so willingly, and at a time when the
main of the enemy were remote from their churches, both
of Boston and Swanzey; and let them do ever so great public
service, yet it must not be thought that they were moved
either by religion or loyalty. No, all proceeded either from
love to the world, or else fear of having their throats cut
by the Indians in Boston, if they had not gone a hundred
miles into the country to meet them! This is spoken, not
in contempt to any man's person, but to expose and detect
that self-flattery which so often deceives mankind. The
above is all the mention I ever saw, in any publication from
that party, that shews the chief commander in the fall fight
to have been a Baptist. Most of their histories of that war
mention his name, but not a word of his being the man who
had before suffered in the Baptists' cause. And lest it should
detect the slanders they still were casting upon our denomi-
'Ne sutor, &c., pp. 23, 24.
21 Sam. xv. 30.
1
342
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
tion, they, having gained his son to their party, entirely con-
cealed this fact from his numerous posterity. For though
his grandson, Captain William Turner of Swanzey, embraced
our principles, which he continued in after he removed to
Newport, where he died in 1759, bequeathing, among other
legacies in his will, his lands in Fall Town, adjoining to the
place where his grandfather was slain; yet in June, 1774, I
was conversing with one of his daughters, together with her
son, William Turner Miller, Esq., both members of the Bap-
tist church in Warren, and they told me, they had often
heard of their ancestor's exploits and death in Philip's war,
but never a word before of his being a Baptist, or of his
sufferings in that cause. Neither have any of their histori-
ans ever ventured to publish a particular account of the
Baptist sufferings, as they have of the Quakers. For which
I can give no better reason than, because they could find
encroachments upon their rights in the latter to found a plea
upon, which they could not in the former. And the author
of the Magnalia plainly expressed his unwillingness that
the records thereof should be kept anywhere.¹
Captain Benjamin Church of Duxbury near Plymouth,
who had made some beginning at Sokonet, now Little Comp-
ton, east of Rhode Island, the year before the war, carried
his family on that Island after it began, as a place in his
opinion of greater safety than Duxbury or Plymouth; and
he was an active and successful commander through the
war. As he knew that Philip had forced the Sokonet In-
dians into the war, contrary to the minds of the leading part
of them, he, against his friends' advice, went over in a canoe,
and adventured himself among them in June this year, and
gained them over to our side, by whose help he took great
numbers of the enemy from day to day, who had now lost
all their courage. At length returning to visit his wife,
whose anxious mind fainted to see him again well, he was
immediately informed by Major Sanford and Captain Gold-
'Magnalia, Vol. I, p. 58; Vol. II, p. 552.-Ed.
1
[1676.]
CLOSE OF PHILIP'S WAR.
343
ing, that one of Philip's men had fled from him (then at the
foot of Mount Hope) and was come over to the Island.
Hereupon they all put spurs to their horses, and having
heard the Indian's account, crossed the ferry in the night
with a few men, and after Captain Church had stationed his
ambush, of the Rhode Island gentlemen, beat up Philip's
head-quarters, upon which he set out to flee through a little
swamp, but after an Englishman had snapped his gun at
him without effect, Alderman, an Indian, fired a bullet
through his heart, on August 12, 1676, a little before the
break of day; after which the war was soon brought to a
close.
This summary of that bloody war I have carefully collected
from a great variety of histories and accounts. And upon
the whole, it was said, that in this war were slain, twelve
captains and about six hundred men; that about one
thousand two hundred houses were burnt, eight thousand
head of cattle, and many thousand bushels of grain de-
stroyed; and also three thousand Indians. The loss to the
English colonies was computed at one hundred and fifty thou-
sand pounds sterling, and Captain Tom, with another chief of
the Christian Indians at Natick, were taken and hanged at
Boston, for being active instruments of those mischiefs.¹
Many others were faithful. Of those twelve captains, Gal-
lop, Seily and Marshall, (who were slain at the Narragansett
fort,) were of Connecticut; Hutchinson, Beers, Lothrop,
Devenport, Gardner, Johnson, Wadsworth and Turner, were
of the Massachusetts, and Pierce was of Scituate, in Ply-
mouth colony. From Pierce, one Baptist elder of that name,
and many members of the Baptist churches of Swanzey,
Rehoboth and other places have sprung.
On November 29, this year, Mr. Samuel Hubbard wrote
to Mr. Edward Stennett, in England; and after what is re-
'Massachusetts History, Vol. III, pp. 492, 493.
2
2Mr. Stennett's son and grandson, named Joseph, and great-grandson, named
Samuel, have been noted Baptist ministers in London; the two latter, Doctors of
Divinity.
344
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
cited in the beginning of this chapter, he further said of
the Indians :-
They have done much harm in our bordering towns, as Warwick, de-
stroyed by fires; only most of the people are here, and their goods, and
some of their cattle; and the like at Pawtuxet and Providence, though not
altogether destroyed, for a garrison remaineth there to this day. And for
the other side over against us on the main, which once was ours, and is, I
judge, by charter, many are killed by the Indians, the rest came to us with
what they could bring. Connecticut army, Plymouth and Bay armies being
there, wasted very much; when they left it, the Indians burnt near all that
was left.
In Plymouth the wars began, and [they] are sore wasted [lost
most men of all]; the Bay lost very many men. Connecticut did most ser-
vice, and I have not heard of one town destroyed or fired in that colony.
In the beginning of these troubles of the wars, Lieutenant Joseph Tory,
elder of Mr. Clarke's church, having but one daughter living at Squamicot,
[Westerly] and his wife being there, he said unto me, Come, let us send a
boat to Squamicot; my all is there and part of yours. We sent a boat so
as his wife, his daughter, and son-in-law, and all their children, and my
two daughters and their children (one had eight, the other three, with an
apprentice boy) all came, and brother John Crandal and his family, with
as many others as could possibly come. My son Clarke came afterwards
before winter, and my other daughter's husband came in the spring, and
they all have been at my house to this day. .... Now, dear brother, al-
though we are not destroyed by the Indians, God hath visited this land by
taking away many by death, and in this place [very much, yea to this day,
yea] of all sorts. Of the old church, first Mr. Joseph Tory, then my dear
brother John Crandal, then Mr. John Clarke, then William Weeden, a dea-
con, then John Salmon; a sad stroke in very deed; young men and maids;
to this day, I never knew or heard the like in New England. Last week
four or five were buried in this town. .. Brother Turner went to war,
and God prospered him for a time, but he is now killed by the Indians;
the rest are well and enjoy their liberty. Mr. Miles, that was at Swanzey,
is now with them. Brother William Gibson, who came from old England
with brother Mumford, is now gone to New London to visit our brethren
there.
Mr. Mumford had been over to London, and he with Mr.
Gibson returned to Boston, in October 16, 1675. Mr. Gib-
son afterward succeeded Elder Hiscox in the pastoral office
at Newport.
The above account of the preservation of Connecticut, as
well as the other articles expressed, are just, as far as I can
[1676.]
THE INDIANS ON MARTHA'S VINEYARD.
345
learn. The Mohegan Indians, under Uncas, did the Eng-
lish great service in that war. I have seen scarce any ac-
count of any other damages in Swanzey and Rehoboth, beside
what have been recited, except the Indians' killing Captain
Willet's son near the garrison in Swanzey this year. Mid-
dleborough and Dartmouth were but just begun before the
war, and when it came on, the English and part of the Indians
therein, removed to Plymouth and other places of greater
safety; and the large body of natives near to and upon Cape
Cod, continued in amity with the English, as those on the
islands south of it also did. Of the latter I have met with
the following entertaining account.
Thomas Mayhew, Esq., obtained a grant of Martha's Vine-
yard, with the islands adjacent, and began a settlement at
Edgartown, on the east part of the Vineyard, in 1642, where
he was their chief ruler, and his son their minister. In
1646, the son began to preach to the Indians with success;
to promote which cause his father told them, "that by order
from the crown of England, he was to govern the English
who should inhabit those islands; that his royal master was
in power far above any of the Indian monarchs; but that
as he was great and powerful, so he was a lover of justice;
and that therefore he would in no measure invade their
jurisdictions, but on the contrary assist them if need required;
that religion and government were distinct things, and their
sachems might retain their just authority, though their sub-
jects were Christians." And he practiced according to his
profession; for he would not suffer any to injure them
either in their goods, lands or persons. They always found
a father and protector in him; and he was so far from in-
troducing any form of government among them against their
wills, that he first convinced them of the advantage of it,
and even brought them to desire him to introduce and settle
it." This wise conduct and the gospel means that were
used with them, produced such happy effects, that a Chris-
tian church was formed and organized among them five
66
346
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
years before this war.
And now in the time of it, the govern-
ment furnished those Christian Indians with arms and ammu-
nition and employed them to defend the islands against the
enemy. "And so faithful were they, that they not only reso-
lutely rejected the strong [and repeated] solicitations of the
natives on the neighboring main, but, in observance of the gen-
eral orders given them, when any landed to solicit them,
though some were nearly related by marriage, and others by
blood, yet the island Indians would immediately bring them.
before the Governor to attend his pleasure." By the divine
blessing on these means, though the Indians there were twenty
to one of the English, yet through this extensive and bloody
war, "these islands enjoyed a perfect calm of peace; and
the people wrought and dwelt secure and quiet.'
'Prince's Appendix to Mayhew's Indian converts, pp. 293-297. In that perform-
ance I find that Mr. Peter Foulger was early employed as a "school-master among
those Indians, and when young Mr. Mayhew went to England, in 1667, Mr. Prince
says, they had not only several Indian teachers on the island, but also 'an able,
godly Englishman named Peter Foulger, employed in teaching the youth in reading,
writing and the principles of religion by catechizing; being well learned likewise in
the Scripture, and capable of helping them in religious matters." p. 291. I find
by Mr. Samuel Hubbard, that Mr. Foulger became a Baptist, and joined Mr. Clarke's
church about the time of this war; as Thomas West, an Englishman, and some In-
dians from thence, did to Mr. Hiscox's church in 1680. And Mr. Foulger promoted
the Baptist principles among the Indians. Though one of them named Japheth, who
had been his scholar, and now was got to be a noted teacher, reminded him that he
had formerly warned them against false teachers that would come, and said he,
"Now Sir, I find your prediction true, for you yourself are becoine one of these
teachers, you cautioned us against; I am therefore fully resolved to take your good
counsel, and not believe you, but will continue steadfast in the truths wherein you
formerly instructed me." Mayhew, pp. 49, 50. However he found others not to be
so resolute, for by the time that their Governor, Mayhew, died in 1680, the Baptist
principles had prevailed considerably among them; and by the year 1694, they had
one Baptist church on the Vineyard among the Christian Indians, and another on
Nantucket. Magnalia, B. 6, p. 56. [Vol. II, p. 375.] The first Indian pastor over
those Baptists on the Vineyard, that I have seen any account of, was Stephen Tacka-
mason. He first joined a church of the other denomination, in or about 1690. Mr.
Mayhew informs us, that he was re-baptized some years after, and became a membe
and a teacher of that church, but says, "However, he appeared to be so serious a man,
that I cannot but judge, that he acted according to the dictates of his conscience in what
he did, and not out of any base or sordid ends." He died in Chilmark, in 1708; and our
author says, "I had frequent conversation with him while he was in health, and
sometimes . . . . in the time of that long sickness whereof he died; and never from
first to last saw anything by him, that made me any ways suspect the integrity of his
[1676.]
BAPTISTS AT MARTHA'S VINEYARD.
347
Ninegret and his Nyantick subjects, who dwelt from Point
Judith up to Westerly, on the shore south of the Narragan-
setts, did not join in that war; and a considerable number
of their descendants now live there in Charlestown; and in
1741 a great reformation took place among them; a Baptist
heart, but did ever think him to be a godly and discreet man. The last time I went
to see him, he professed his good opinion of those people and churches, from whom
he differed in his apprehensions about the subjects and mcde of baptism, and blamed
some of his brethren for being too uncharitable and censorious towards them; and
he on other subjects, discoursed like a good Christian. . . . . He seemed not to be at
all terrified at the approaches of death towards him, of which he was very sensible,
but appeared to enjoy that peace in his soul, which passeth understanding." Pp.
42-44. These are the words of Mr. Experience Mayhew, in his "Indian Con-
verts," published in 1727. His worthy son, who succeeds him in the ministry among
the Indians on the Island, treated one of my brethren in the ministry very friendly,
when he was over and preached among those Baptists, near three years ago. I had
requested my friend to collect some account of those Baptists, and he applied to
Mr. Mayhew for that purpose; who promised he would get the best intelligence he
could concerning them, from an aged aunt of his, "ho retained her mental powers
remarkably, and from others. He sent the same in the following letter:—
"Reverend SIR :-In compliance with your request I have got the best informa-
tion I could, with respect to the origin of Anti-pædobaptists at Martha's Vineyard.
My aged aunt informs me, that the first Baptist minister among the Indians on the
island, that she knew or heard of, was one Isaac Decamy, who came from the main-
land with his family, and preached and administered the ordinances of baptism and
the Lord's Supper, a number of years. She is uncertain what year he came, but
according to the best of her memory the said Decamy died near sixty years agone.
She saith further, that he was a man of a sober life and conversation. The next
Indian minister of this denomination, by the best intelligence I can get, was Jonas
Horswet, who preached and administered the ordinances to a small society of Bap-
tists at Gay Head. The next was Ephriam Abraham, originally of Chappaquidick,
at the east end of the island, who had the charge of the society at Gay Head, as also
of one, which about this time was formed at said Chappaquidick. The next ordain-
ed minister was Samuel Kakenehew, whom I had a personal acquaintance with; he
lived at Chappaquidick, was esteemed by such as knew him, to be a man of sense,
and of a regular and Christian life and conversation. There were several other
preachers among them, but not ordained; except Silas Paul, who is now living, and
is an ordained pastor of the Baptist church at Gay Head, and who also takes upon
him the care of the small society of that denomination at Chappaquidick; preaching
occasionally, and administering the ordinances to them. He is the only Indian min-
ister of this denomination now upon this island.
This is the best information that can be obtained by your friend and fellow-laborer
in the work of the ministry,
Chilmark, 27 August, 1774.
ZECHARIAH Mathew."
This was directed to Elder Hunt, who says, the said Paul informed him that he was
then thirty-four years old, was baptized in 1758, ordained in 1763; that the church
at Gay Head had thirteen members, and the other, sixteen.
348
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
church was formed there some years after, over whom James
Simons was ordained; and since that, Samuel Niles, both of
their own nation; and a considerable number of them have
given lasting evidence of their being pious Christians.
It may be proper to take some particular notice here of
Mr. Clarke, who left as spotless a character as any man I
know of, that ever acted in any public station in this coun-
try.¹ The Massachusetts writers have been so watchful and
'He was born October 8, 1609; married Elizabeth, daughter of John Harges, Esq.,
of Bedfordshire. In a power of attorney signed by them, May 12, 1656, he styles
himself, John Clarke, physician, of London. It was for the recovery of a legacy of
twenty pounds per annum during her life, that was given her by her father out of
the manor of Wreslingworth, Bedfordshire. Where he had his education I know
not; but the following clause in his will may give some idea of his learning, viz. :
'Item, unto my loving friend Richard Bailey, I give and bequeath, my Concordance
and Lexicon to it belonging, written by myself, being the fruit of several years'
study; my Hebrew Bibles, Buxtorff's and Passor's Lexicon, Cotton's Concordance,
and all the rest of my books." His first wife died at Newport without any issue,
and February 1, 1671, he married Mrs. Jane Fletcher, by whom, February 14, 1672,
he had a daughter born; but the mother died the 19th of April following, and the
daughter May 18, 1673. His third wife was the widow Sarah Davis, who survived
him. He gave some legacies, both to her and to the children she had by her
former husband, Mr. Bailey, who came from London with him in 1664.—B..
"It is not certainly known,” says Elton, “where Mr. Clarke was born, but tra-
dition makes him a native of Bedfordshire." Appendix to Callender's Century Ser-
mon, Rhode Island Historical Collections, Vol. IV, p. 210. A different tradition, to-
gether with other valuable notes in connection with his history, is presented in the fol-
lowing extract from a letter from a descendant of the family :-" In the old family
Bible, which was Thomas Clarke's, the father of John Clarke, is this notice, viz. :
'The 2 of the 10 month, 1674, Thomas Clarke, son of Thomas Clarke, of Wastrup,
[Westthorpe, in Suffolk,] departed this life in Newport on Rod Island, in the house
of his brother [John].' I have inserted in brackets the name of the place which I
think is meant. I have many reasons for believing that the family were from Suf-
folk. The wife of Thomas Clarke, senior, was Rose Herrige, of an ancicut Suffolk
family. There is in the Bible a family record in the hand-writing of Thomas Clarke,
commencing, 'John Clarke, my grandfather, was buried the 3d of March, A. D.
1559,' and ending with the birth and baptism of his own children, which were, 'Mar-
gret, born the 1st of February, 1600; [the dates of course are old style] Carewe,
born the 3d of February, 1602; Thomas, baptized the 31st of March, 1605; Meric,
baptized the 17th of July, 1607; John, born October 8th, 1609; William, baptized
the 11th of February, 1610; Joseph, baptized the 16th of December, born 9th,
1618.""
The services of John Clarke can scarcely be over-estimated. In the principles
which he caused to be incorporated in the plantation of Rhode Island at its begin-
ning, and which he diligently watched over and preserved, in the constant public
employments in which he was engaged for the united plantations of the island and
[1676.]
CHARACTER AND SERVICES OF JOHN CLARKE.
349
careful, to publish whatever they could find, which might
seem to countenance the severities, they used towards dis-
senters from their way, that I expected to find something of
that nature against Mr. Clarke; but have happily been dis-
appointed. Though he was disarmed by them in 1637,¹ and
imprisoned and fined at Boston, in 1651, and he exposed
their injustice and cruelty, to him and his brethren, in print
the next year, and continued in England, to oppose and de-
feat all their attempts at the Court there against his colony,
till he obtained their present charter; yet among all their
authors or records, that I have searched, I have not met with
a single reflection cast upon him by any one; which I think
is very extraordinary. There was doubtless enough said
against him, for his principles of believer's baptism and lib-
erty of conscience, to secure him from the wo of being
spoken well of by all men; yet, like Daniel, it seems as if
the main, and especially in his work as agent for the colony in England. in securing
the liberal charter under which Rhode Island as a colony and afterwards as a State
was governed and prospered for nearly two centuries, he took his rank second to
none, certainly, but Roger Williams, among Rhode Island's benefactors. His work
has probably never been appreciated as it deserves, his fame having been unduly
overshadowed by that of his contemporary, the founder of Providence.
Whether he accepted the peculiar sentiments of the Baptists among those of that
faith in England, or alone in the wilds of America, we do not know; but his views
on these and other points of Christian doctrine, are so clear and scriptural that they
might stand as the confession of faith of Baptists today, after more than two centu-
ries of experience and investigation.
The testimony which Backus proceeds to give to the purity of his character and
to his good name, even among his enemies, has been fully corroborated by later
writers. Says Allen, in his Biographical Dictionary. "His life was so pure that he
was never accused of any vice which has left a blot on his memory." Bancroft
says of him, "Never did a young commonwealth possess a more faithful friend,"
and calls him "the modest and virtuous Clarke, the persevering and disinterested
envoy, who, during a twelve years' mission had sustained himself by his own exer-
tions and a mortgage on his estate; whose whole life was a continued exercise of
benevolence, and who, at his death, bequeathed all his possessions for the relief of
the needy and the education of the young. Others," he adds, "have sought office
to advance their fortunes; he, like Roger Williams, parted with his little means for
the public good. He had powerful enemies in Massachusetts, and left a name with-
out a spot." History of the United States, Vol. II, pp. 61, 64, 65.-Ed.
Α
'A "Mr. Clarke" was among those disarmed, but whether the John Clarke of this
history, may be questioned. See p. 70, note.-ED.
350
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
his enemies could find no fault in him in matter of the king-
dom, but only concerning the law of his God.
Few men ever merited the title of a patriot more than he
did; for he was a principal procurer of Rhode Island, for
sufferers and exiles. And when their rights and liberties.
were grossly invaded, he crossed the boisterous ocean, and
exerted all his influence, in twelve years' watchful and dili-
gent labors for his colony, at the British Court, till he ob-
tained a new charter for them, of great and distinguishing
privileges; for the accomplishment of which, he mortgaged
his own estate in Newport, willing to venture his all, in so
good a cause, though he was not insensible of the covetous-
ness and ingratitude of some great pretenders to liberty in
that colony; whose influence had caused a great deal of
trouble and expense to Mr. Williams, without any suitable
recompence.¹ The inventions of men are scarce ever more
:
'Six years after Mr. Williams obtained their first charter, viz. On March 22,
1650, he presented a paper to the deputies and inhabitants of Providence, which con-
tained four requests for others, and a fifth for himself, wherein he says:-“ I can-
not be so unthankful to you, and so insensible of my own family's comfort, as not
to take notice of your continued and constant love and care, in your many public
and solemn orders for the payment of that money due unto me about the charter.
It is true, I have never demanded it; yea, I have been truly desirous, that it might
have been laid out for some further public benefit in each town; but observing your
loving resolution to the contrary, I have at last resolved to write unto you (as I have
also lately done to Portsmouth and Newport) about the better ordering of it to my
advantage. I have here, through God's providence, conveniency of improving some
goats; my request is therefore, that, if it may be without much trouble, you would
please to order the payment of it in cattle of that kind. I have been solicited, and
have promised my help about iron works, when the matter is ripe; earnestly desir-
ous every way to further the good of the town of Providence, to which I am so much
engaged, and to yourselves the loving inhabitants thereof, to whom I desire to be
your truly loving and ever faithful
ROGER WILLIAMS."
Yet he never received all his pay for that first charter. And though the first As-
sembly that met after they received the second, voted Mr. Clarke the reward that
has been mentioned, yet they were very backward about fulfilling their promise.
Their General Assemblies from year to year, wrote to stir up the towns thereto; but
at the Assembly of April 2, 1672, an account was exhibited, examined, approved and
attested by Governor Arnold and three Assistants, which is now extant under their
own hands, wherein it appears, that when Mr. Clarke obtained said charter, he had
received but two hundred and twenty-one pounds, three shillings, though the char-
[1676.]
DEATH OF JOHN CLARKE.
351
fruitful, than in finding out ways to get money, and excuses
to keep it; but how few have parted with it for public good,
so freely as Mr. Williams and Mr. Clarke did!
After Mr. Clarke's return, he was improved in various pub-
lic offices; was elected Deputy Governor three years suc-
cessively, in two of which he accepted the office; but all
the concern of the State did not prevail with him, as it has
done with many, to neglect the affairs of religion. His
church records and other writings prove, the continuance of
his pastoral relation to the first church in Newport, and his
care and labors to uphold gospel worship, and discipline
therein. And the instrument by which he settled his last
concerns in this world, shows what his faith and hopes were,
as to that which is to come; for therein he says:-
Whereas, I, John Clarke of Newport, in the colony of Rhode Island and
Providence Plantations in New England, physician, am at this present,
through the abundant goodness and mercy of my God, though weak in my
body, yet sound in my memory and understanding, and being sensible of
the inconveniencies that may ensue in case I should not set my house in
order before this spirit of mine be called by the Lord to remove out of this
tabernacle, do therefore make and declare this my last will and testament,
in manner following; willing and readily resigning up my soul unto my
merciful Redeemer, through faith in whose death I firmly hope and believe
to escape from that second hurting death, and through his resurrection and
life, to be glorified with him in life eternal. And my spirit being returned
out of this frail body, in which it hath conversed for about sixty-six¹ years
my will is, that it be decently interred, without any vain ostentation, between
my loving wives Elizabeth and Jane, already deceased, in hopeful expecta-
tion, that the same Redeemer who hath laid down a price both for my soul
ter with his time and pains cost six hundred and fifty-one pounds, seventeen shil-
lings, ten pence; one hundred pounds of which was then due to him, and was ordered
to be paid in provision pay, two pounds for one; but he never received any of it in
his life time. By his papers I find that he mortgaged his estate in Newport, to
Captain Richard Deane, of London, the same month that he procured the charter,
and that it was not taken up till September 5, 1699, when the last payment of one
hundred and fifteen pounds was made to Captain Deane's heirs.
'The article on John Clarke in Allen's Biographical Dictionary, places his death
at the age of fifty-six. It also states that Mr. Clarke paid the fine which was assessed
upon him in Boston in 1651. See pp. 225, 237, 248. These things are mentioned
because this article is often referred to, and, except these errors, is correct and val-
uable.-ED.
352
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
and body, will raise it up at the last day a spiritual one, that they may
together be singing hallelujah unto him to all eternity.¹
Oh! what miserable things are all earthly pleasures or
glories, when compared with such a life, and such a death!
"Mark the perfect man, and behold the upright; for the
end of that man is peace.
It has often been observed, that when one heavy affliction
comes upon a person or people, others soon follow; which
'Copied from the original will, dated April 20, 1676. He quitted our world the
same day. As he left no child, he gave inany legacies to his relations and friends,
both in that colony and in the Massachusetts. His brother Joseph Clarke was early
a member of the church in Newport with him, and was often magistrate of the col-
ony; whose son Joseph was also a member of that church, and then of the church.
n Westerly, where his posterity are numerous and respectable to this day. Eller
Clarke, gave a particular lot of land in Newport, to his brother's son John, whose
posterity have also been respectable among the Baptists ever since, one of whom is
Mr. Edward Clarke, now a gospel preacher near Providence. Then, after giving a
small lot in town to his church, and giving his wife the use of his house and farm,
containing more than a hundred and fifty acres, of upland and marshes, together
with ten acres in a part of Newport, called the Neck, during her life, he gave said
farm and Neck to his friends, William Weeden, Philip Smith and Richard Bailey
and to their assigns, "qualified and chosen in manner following forever; that is to
say, that when it shall happen that either of them three decease, the two surviving
shall make choice of an understanding person, fearing the Lord, to succeed in the
place of him so deceased; and in case the two surviving differ in their choice of the
person to succeed in the room of him so deceased, that then the choice shall be de-
cided by lot; which person so chosen shall be the assignees of the said persons
above-mentioned, and shall have equal power to act with them in all matters relat-
ing to the disposal of the profit or rent of the said land and farm, from time to time;
and so all persons chosen as above said to make good the said number of three,
shall be deemed and taken to be the assigns of the said William Weeden, Philip
Smith and Richard Bailey, and none other; which said persons and their assigns,
from time to time, chosen and succeeding as above said, shall be seized of the said
farm and land called The Neck, to the use and uses following forever; that is to say,
faithfully and truly to distribute and dispose of the rent and profit of my said farm
and land, for the relief of the poor, or bringing up children unto learning, from time
to time, forever, according to such instructions as I shall give unto them, bearing
even date with these presents. Which instructions are in these words viz., "That
in the disposal of that which the Lord hath bestowed on me, and I have now be-
trusted you with, you and your successors, shall have special regard and care, to
provide for those that fear the Lord; and in all things, and at all times, so to dis-
charge the trust which I have reposed in you, as may be most for the glory of the
Most High, and the good and benefit of those for whom it is by me expressly de-
JOHN CLARKE."
signed.
""
His estate was appraised at one thousand and eighty pounds, twelve shillings, by
James Barker, Thomas Ward, and Philip Edes, who inade oath to the inventory May
;
[1677.]
CODDINGTON'S LETTER AGAINST WILLIAMS.
353
For beside
observation was remarkably verified this year.
those already named, Mr. Mark Luker, an ancient member,
and a ruling Elder of Mr. Clarke's church, died the De-
cember after him, leaving the character of a very worthy
walker.
About the beginning of 1677, came out Mr. Williams's ac-
count of his dispute with the Quakers, upon which Mr. Cod-
dington wrote over to his friend Fox, and said :-
Here is a lying, scandalous book of Roger Williams, of Providence,
printed at Cambridge, in New England. I have known him about
fifty years; a mere weathercock; constant only in inconstancy; poor man!
that doth not know what should become of his soul, if this night it should
be taken from him. He was for the priests, and took up their principles to
fight against the truth, and to gratify them and bad magistrates, that licked
up hiз vomit, and wrote the said scurrilous book; and so hath transgressed
for a piece of bread. And so are all joined with the red dragon to pour
out their flood against the man-child.
Into their secrets let not my soul
come; my honor be not thou united. Dear G. F., I may yet more prove
what I have said. One while he is a Separatist at New Plymouth, joining
with them till they are weary of him (as from Morton's Memorial, in print,
doth appear;) another time you may have him placed a teacher or a mem-
ber of the church at Salem. O, then a great deal of devotion is pleaded
in women wearing of vails in their assemblies, as if the power of godli-
ness was in it; and to have the cross out of the colors; and then to be
against the king's patent and authority, and writeth a large book in quarto
against it. And another time he is hired for money, and gets a patent
from the Long Parliament, so that it is not long but he is off and on it
again. One time for men's wearing caps, and not hats for covering their
faces; and again, hats and no caps; one time for water baptism, men and
women must be plunged into the water; and then throw it all down again;
17, 1666. Said farm and Neck they appraised at five hundred and thirty pounds, and
its late annual income has been two hundred and twenty dollars; as the honorable
Josias Lyndon, Esq., one of the assigns, informs me; who says, the first assigns
being Mr. Clarke's intimate friends, were informed by him, that his intent was to
provide for religious as well as civil instruction, though he did not insert the word
ministry, lest the national clergy should lay claim to it. Therefore part of said profits
have been improved to maintain religious teaching in that church ever since. Com-
plaint was made in 1721, that one of these assigns was unfaithful in his trust, which
caused the Assembly to take the case in hand; who at length made a law to empower
the Town Council in each town to enquire how all charitable donations therein were
managed, and by a jury of twelve men, upon oath, to assess damages upon delin-
quents; to whom therefore the assigns above-said have annually been accountable
ever since.
the
23
354
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
so that Cotton (who in his day did know the power of God to salva-
tion) said of him, that he was a harberdasher of small questions against
the power.
So they ought to have feared God and the king, that is to pun-
ish evil doers; and therefore not to meddle to their hurt, with him that is
given to change.
He goes on to say he was credibly informed that Governor
Leverett said he would give twenty pounds, and Governor
Winslow five pounds, rather than that book should not be
printed. Scott's letter, which is mentioned in page 89, was
also written on this occasion, wherein, after accusing Mr.
Williams of acting contrary to his own principle of liberty
of conscience, he says:-
Witness his presenting of it to the Court at Newport; and when this
would not take effect, afterwards when the Commissioners were two of
them at Providence, being in the house of Thomas Olney, senior, Roger
Williams propounded this question to them :-We have a people here among
us, who will not act in our government with us; what course shall we take
with them? George Cartwright, one of the Commissioners, asked him
what manner of persons they were? Do they live quietly and peaceably
amongst you? This they could not deny. Then he made this answer, If
they can govern themselves, they have no need of your government; at
which they were silent. This was told again by a woman of the house
where the speech was spoken, to another woman, whom the complaint, with
the rest, was made against, who related it to me; but they are both dead,
and cannot bear witness with me, to what was spoken there.¹
These letters being sent over with the book to Fox, he,
with John Burnyeat, published them, with an answer to Wil-
liams, in 1678, which they entitled, A New England Fire-
brand Quenched. Fox's former book in folio, Williams says,
was written against about six score authors and papers, to
which Edward Burroughs wrote a preface; and some things
that they said in the dispute, turned his thoughts so, as from
those names he called his work, George Fox digged out of
his Burroughs. Such titles were more common in that day
than ours, but I have nothing to say to justify them, nor a great
deal of the language that was used on both sides. What I
am concerned with is fact and not language. As Mr. Wil-
'Fox, Part Second, pp. 245, 248.
7
[1677.]
CONTROVERSY BETWEEN WILLIAMS AND FOX. 355
liams had occasion to vindicate many things in the writings
of Mr. Richard Baxter, Dr. John Owen, and others that Fox
had written against, whom Williams calls pious and learned
men; he prefixed a particular address to them, in which he
says:-
As to matters in difference between yourselves and me, I have willingly
omitted them, as knowing that many able and honest seamen in their obser-
vations of the sun, (one picture of Christ Jesus) differ sometimes in their
reckonings, though uprightly aiming at, and bound for one port and har-
bor. I humbly beg of you, 1. That you will more and more earnestly,
candidly and Christianly study the things that differ without reflecting upon
credit, maintenance, liberty, and life itself, remembering who it was that
said, He that loves his life shall lose it. 2. More and more study the pro-
phesies and the signs of the times. You know when it was that five bish-
ops, twenty-two ministers, and almost three hundred other precious believ-
ers in the true Lord Jesus, were sacrificed in the flames, for his ever
blessed sake, against that monstrous man of sin and bloody whore of
Rome. These Foxians' fancy is but a feather to those high Pico's and Ten-
ariffs, the Pope and Mahomet, whom some of you may live to see flung
into the lake that burns with fire and brimstone.
To this they answer and say:
•
Here you may see, though there is, and hath been, great difference
betwixt R. W., R. B. and J. O.,¹ yet all these have written against God's
people, that are in the truth. But it is well if they come to repentance
for what they have done, for imprisoning and persecuting us, when they
had both the sword and the bag. And so R. W. and the rest of the New
England priests, have been one with them in the spirit of envy and malice
against the people of God, like the wily foxes, whose blood lieth at all your
All may see what a devilish and unchristian mind is in this
R. W. whose desires are to R. B. and J. O., that they may see Mahomet,
and the Turk, and the whore of Rome, aud⚫us, (that he joins with them)
flung into the lake of fire.2
doors.
And in answer to his attempt to prove that pride about
spiritual matters was the root and branch of their religion
they say :-
Roger, this is their condition, and the New England priests' and profes-
sors'. Oh! that your eyes were open that you might see it! and so what
thou measurest to others, it will be measured to thee again, pressed down
'Roger Williams, Richard Baxter and John Owen.-Ed.
'Fox, pp. 11, 12.
356
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
and running over; and the god of the world will fail thee in thy proofs,
and hath failed thee; as he did thy mother Eve, and thy father Adam.
For this is the mouth of the pit, that thou speakest of, and Lucifer's boast
in thee against the children of the Lord, that are daily in jeopardy of their
lives, and some of them have lost their lives amongst you in New Eng-
land, in obedience to the command of Christ their Saviour. And we know
they hated Christ our Lord and Master without a cause, and so you do us.
But R. W. may say, he doth not persecute with his hands; but let him read
page 200 of his book, wherein he declares himself, that a due and moder-
ate restraint he would have inflicted upon us, yea, through pretending con-
science; and he would not have this called persecution. But would R. W.
be so served himself? No, but now he lives in a peaceable government,
where he cannot exercise his cruelty, and he hath not the sword in his
hand, but is in a restless spirit, who grudgeth at the liberty of others, and
cannot be content with his own.
Again, they mention his plea for liberty against the bloody
tenet, in 1652, and say:-
But R. W. is fallen from that plea, who now desireth the magistrates to
persecute us, &c., and it must not be called persecution neither, as in page
200, and many things we could bring out of his former books, which would
render him very uncertain; but we shall forbear at the present, and leave
him to the Lord, for his books declare, themselves, what he said then, and
what he saith now. But the reader may see how R. W. hath invented and
forged many words against us, the people of God, in scorn called Quakers,
which we never spoke nor wrote.2
They refer to that page, from one end to the other of their
book, to prove him a persecutor; and when the Magnalia
came out in 1702, John Whiting wrote an answer the next
year, wherein he said of the author, "He compares Roger
Williams to a wind-mill, that by his rapid motion was like.
to set the whole country on fire, yet commends him,
though such a wind-mill, for his opposition against the Qua-
kers; .... but that haberdasher of small questions against
the power of godliness, as their great Cotton called him, was
answered by George Fox and John Burnyeat, in another
book entitled, A New England Firebrand Quenched."3 Joseph
'Why not my?
2Fox, pp. 10, 11, Part Second, p. 212. In pp. 241, and 242 they repeat their ref-
erence to that page, in like manner.
"Whiting against Mather, pp. 55, 56.
[1677.] CHARGES AGAINST MR. WILLIAMS, EXAMINED.
357
Grove published his Abridgment of Bishop, with notes, the
same year. And against where Bishop had mentioned Mr.
Norton, Grove says, "This is that priest Norton, whom Cot-
ton Mather, in his late History of New England, so much
commends, and with his brother in iniquity, John Wilson,
ranks with John Cotton, a man of a better spirit in his
day."
Thus both parties could extol Mr. Cotton, while they
vented their resentment against Mr. Williams at a high rate;
and by these means, and by some connection with the Cod-
dington family, Mr. Callender, in his Century Sermon, scru-
pled to own him for a Baptist,2 and in the dedication of it,
set Mr. Coddington up as the main founder and supporter of
that colony. Though by his papers, I find he was after-
wards convinced of his error herein. And let us now exam-
ine the evidences referred to, to prove those dreadful charges
against Mr. Williams.
1. Morton does not represent that the people were weary
of him at Plymouth, but that they were backward to grant
his request of a dismission to Salem, though their elder pre-
'Bishop, p. 124.—B.
The above sentence misplaces the names Norton and Wilson. It should read as
follows:-"And against where Bishop had mentioned Mr. Wilson, Grove says, This
is that priest Wilson, whom Cotton Mather, in his late History of New England, so
much commends, and, with his brother in iniquity, John Norton,
""' &c.-ED.
2Callender says,
"Mr. Roger Williams is said, in a few years after his settling at
Providence, to have embraced the opinions of the people called (by way of reproach)
Anabaptists, in respect to the subject and mode of baptism; and to have formed a
church there, in that way, with the help of one Mr. Ezekiel Holliman." To this he
adds a note, as follows:-" Since this was transcribed for the press, I find some rea-
sons to suspect that Mr. Williams did not form a church of the Anabaptists, and that
he never joined with the Baptist church there. Only, that he allowed them to be
nearest the Scripture rule, and true primitive practice, as to the mode and subject
of baptism; but that he himself waited for new apostles, &c. The most ancient in-
habitants now alive, some of them above eighty years old, who personally knew Mr.
Williams, and were well acquainted with many of the original settlers, never heard
that Mr. Williams formed a Baptist church there, but always understood that Mr.
Browne, Mr. Wickenden or Wiginton, Mr. Dexter, Mr. Olney, Mr. Tillinghast, &c.,
were the first founders of the church." Upon these words, Elton quotes from Mor-
gan Edwards, "I have one of the Century Sermons of Mr. Callender, with a dele
upon this note, in his own hand-writing." Century Sermon, Rhode Island Histori-
cal Collection, Vol. IV, pp. 109, 110; Materials for a History of the Baptists, Rhode
Island Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 303.-Ed.
358
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
vailed with them to do it; and Governor Bradford blessed
God for the good effects of his ministry many years after he
was banished.2 2. Like those he calls New England priests,
Coddington tries to draw women's veils, and men's hats and
caps over people's eyes, to prevent a just view of those af
fairs. Mr. Hubbard speaks of those veils, as the first arti-
cle in his account of the causes of Mr. Williams's banish-
ment, though he is so honest as to let us know, that it was
Mr. Skelton who introduced the custom at Salem, which Mr.
Williams only concurred with; and Governor Hutchinson
shows, that Mr. Cotton had spoken in favor of that mode of
dress in England; but now he went to Salem, and preached
the people out of conceit of it. And among all Mr. Wil-
liams's numerous writings, I have not met with any thing
about it; no, nor about his hat or cap, though in the Massa-
chusetts Records, I find that the year before they banished
him, when Coddington was both a magistrate and their
Treasurer, they made a law against superfluous and expen-
sive fashions, wherein they prohibited the making or wear-
ing of beaver hats upon penalty of forfeiting of them if
they did. 3. As to the cross in the military colors, which
Hutchinson also names as a sufficient ground for the author-
ity to take hold of Mr. Williams, it is certain from Win-
throp, Hubbard, and the Colony Records, that the Assembly
took hold of Endicott, and not Williams, for that act, and
put him out of all office for one year therefor; and the Mag-
nalia assures us, that the scruple about that popish sign pre-
vailed in their colony after Mr. Williams was gone out of
"He desired his dismission to the church of Salem; which, though some were
unwilling to, yet, through the prudent counsel of Mr. Brewster, the ruling elder
there, fearing that his continuance amongst them might cause divisions, and there
being many abler men in the Bay, they would better deal with him than themselves
could, and foreseeing what he prophesied he feared concerning Mr. Williams, which
afterwards came to pass, that he would run the same course of rigid separation and
anabaptistry which Mr. John Smith, the Se-Baptist at Amsterdam had done, the
church of Plymouth consented to his dismission." Morton's Memorial, p. 102.—Ed.
2See page 41.
[1677.]. CHARGES AGAINST MR. WILLIAMS, EXAMINED. 359
it.¹ 4. Upon the affairs of the patent. Coddington artfully
slips in the word "authority," willing, with his friend Cotton,
to have Williams appear as a rebel against the king. We
learn from Governor Winthrop, that Mr. Williams first wrote
upon that subject at Plymouth, and after he came to Salem,
the Court called for a copy of it, which he granted them,
and then, near the close of 1633, they had him before them;
but he gave them such satisfaction about it, that they dis-
missed him; yet they afterward brought in and rëexamined
that matter, as one cause of his banishment.2 5. By the
foregoing history, the reader may see with what grace the
Quakers could accuse Mr. Williams of being mercenary or
hired for money, in procuring their first charter. And I find
that when he was setting off upon his second agency, to get
Mr. Coddington's commission revoked, he, on September 3,
1651, sold his trading house and interest in Narragansett, for
fifty pounds, to Mr. Richard Smith.3 His great crime there-
fore, was his advancing such questions as he did, against the
power; which, in plain terms, was a power to frame to them-
selves a gospel and a Christ without the cross; a power to
suspend obedience to what they looked upon to be truth
in England, and to compel others to their judgments, when
they had got out of the prelates' reach; yea, a power to con-
firm and support such corruptions by oaths, both there and
here.4
Mr. Williams says:-
Cases have befallen myself in the chancery in England, &c., of the loss
of great sums, which I chose to bear, through the Lord's help, rather than
yield to the formality (then and still in use) in God's worship, though I
offered to swear in weighty cases, by the name of God, as in the presence
of God, and to attest or call God to witness; and the judges told me they
would rest in my testimony and way of swearing, but they could not dis-
pense with me without an act of parliament."
'Book 7, p. 11. [Vol. II, pp. 433--435.]-B.
The Magnalia also states that Mr. Williams was "but obliquely and remotely con-
cerned" with this matter. Ibid, p. 433.-ED.
Williams's reply to Cotton, p. 277. Newport Records.
'See page 56.
"Against the Quakers, Appendix, pp. 59, 60.
I
备
​}
360
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
And in the face of all their reproaches, I am bold in it,
that I know not of one Pædobaptist or Quaker, that came
to this country in that age, who acted so consistently and
steadily upon right principles about government and liberty,
as Mr. Williams did; neither do I think that they had, or
have, any cause to glory over him as to religion. Though
Mr. Cotton represented it as a mere pretence for him to tell
of church government, when he did not join fully with any
church that was then extant, yet he replies and says:-
The institution of any [state] government and order is one thing, and
the administration and execution, which may be interrupted and eclipsed,
is another. [Indeed] Jeremiah could not rightly have been judged a pre-
tender, when he mourned for and lamented the desolations of the temple,
priests, elders, altar and sacrifices; and neither he nor Daniel, nor any of
God's [prophets or] servants, could, during the desolation and captivity,
acknowledge either temple [or] altar, or sacrifice aright, extant upon the
face of the earth..... Although the discusser be not satisfied in the period
of the times, and the manner of Christ's [his] glorious appearing, yet his
soul uprightly desires to see ard adore, and to be thankful to Master Cot-
ton, yea to the least of the disciples of Christ, for any coal or spark of
true light, among so many false and pretended candles and candlesticks.¹
Now as no man was permitted by Ezra, to officiate as a
priest at God's altar, but those who could find their register
of a lawful descent from Aaron, and the church had been
through a more terrible captivity in mystical Babylon,
between the apostolic age and that we are upon, than the
Jews had in Chaldea; how could a man, so honest as Mr.
Williams was, receive any man to administer the ordinance
of the Supper to him, who could not produce a register of
his succession from the apostles ?2 I know of no other con-
sistent way, to get over this difficulty but this; that as the
lawful seed of Aaron were to govern in the Jewish church,
so are the spiritual seed of Christ to govern in his church,
into which none ought to be admitted, without gospel evi-
dence of their being such; and it seems that Mr. Williams
had not attained to a clear settlement in this point. But in
'Reply to Cotton, pp. 106, 107.
2See page 91.
[1677.] . CHARGES AGAINST MR. WILLIAMS, EXAMINED.
361
my opinion his greatest mistake, when he first came to this
country was, his blending the duties of natural and revealed
religion too much together. The light of nature teaches the
importance of seeking to God for what we need, and of
praising him for what we receive; which duties ought to
be inculcated upon all men, as much as love to God or our
neighbors; while the revealed institutions of baptism and
the supper, are tokens of fellowship with Christ, and there-
fore cannot be our duty to perform before we are united to
him. Psalms, 107; Acts 17. 27; Rom. 1. 20, 21, and 6.
3-5; I Cor. 10. 16. But for a while, Mr. Williams seemed
to limit these two kinds of duties alike to the regenerate.
It is also well known, that the divine rule is perfect, but
that the best of men in this state are imperfect, and how
far we are to exercise forbearance, and how far not, has not
been an easy question to the most enlightened saints; yet
Mr. Williams's grand crime in the view of both of these
parties, was because he would not yield to their power in
this matter. The passage the Quakers so often appealed
to, as an evidence of his being a bloody persecutor, is as
follows:-
An author had said, “The Quakers' spirit doth teach them
to honor no man." Upon which Fox said:-
"That is a lie; for it teacheth them to have all men in esteem and to
honor all men in the Lord; yet they are convinced by the law as trans-
gressors if they respect men's persons as you do.
In reply to which Mr. Williams says:-
All men may see how truly they honor all in the Lord, and what Lord they
mean, when his first word to his opposite is that most provoking term,
That is a lie. It is true that Christ Jesus and his servants, used sharp
reproofs, similitudes, &c., but thus suddenly, at the first dash, to give fire,
Thou liest, That is a lie, &c., shows neither religion nor civility, but a
barbarous spirit, for they that know the barbarians, know how common
that word is in all their mouths.....The most Holy and only Wise knows
how proudly and simply and barbarously they have run into uncivil and
inhuman behavior towards all their superiors, the eldest and highest, how
they have declared by principle and practice, that there are no men to be
362
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
respected in the world but themselves, as being Gods and Christs. It is
true our English Bibles and grammar (as Fox in his great learning often
objects) makes Thou to a single person; and Thou in Holy Scripture is
used in a grave and respective way unto superiors, unto kings and parents,
and God himself. But, 1. the Hebrew and Greek signify no more Thou
than You, and so may be truly turned. 2, Every nation, every shire,
every calling, have their particular properties or idioms of speech, which
are improper and ridiculous with others. Hence these simple reformers are
extremely ridiculous in giving Thou and Thee to every body, which our
nation commonly gives to familiars only; and they are insufferably proud
and contemptuous unto all their superiors in using Thou to every body,
which our English idiom or propriety of speech, useth in a way of famil-
iarity, or anger, scorn and contempt. I have therefore publicly declared
myself, that a due and moderate restraint, and punishing of these incivili-
ties, (though pretending conscience) is so far from persecution, (properly
so called) that it is a duty and command of God unto all mankind, first
in families, and thence into all human societies.¹
This is all the passage in his whole book that speaks in
favor of punishing Quakers; and compared with the in-
stance of Norton's incivilities to Governor Prince² and others,
and observing that the emphasis lies upon their manner of
using those words, the reader will judge, whether a moder-
ate punishing of the same, is any ways inconsistent with Mr.
Williams's plea for liberty, against Mr. Cotton. As to his
practice, we learn expressly that the instance Scott refers to
at Newport, was that of Harris, at the election, in 1655.3
And though he and Mr. Coddington submitted to Mr. Wil-
liams's government the next year, (a few months before the
Quakers arrived) yet, after that, they and others became so
'Williams, pp. 199, 200.-B.
In some parts of England, the pronoun of the second person, singular, is em-
ployed, as is the case in the German language, only in addressing those with
whom the speaker is most intimate and familiar; and to use it in addressing others,
and especially superiors, would be, not merely eccentric but highly disrespectful.
There seems to have been something of this idiom in the New England colonies.
The explanation which Backus proceeds to give of the above-cited words of Wil-
liams, is undoubtedly correct, that it was not the mere use of Thee and Thou, by
Quakers, which he thought proper to restrain, but such language to Magistrates as
they had been often known to employ, plainly intended to express irreverence and
disrespect.-ED.
"See page 256.-Ed.
'See page 241.-ED.
[1677.]
RELATION OF QUAKERS TO THE GOVERNMENT.
363
spiritual as to refuse to act therein. This, it seems, caused
Mr. Williams to ask Mr. Cartwright what they should do
with them, which, in their view, was another proof of his
persecuting disposition. In 1665 their Assembly framed an
engagement to the government, which they hoped those
men would have taken, and so have come in to act with
them again; but in March, 1666, they pleaded that they
could not in conscience do it, and prevailed with the Assem-
bly to make a law, to allow those who pleaded that they
could not in conscience take either that engagement or the
oath of allegiance in England, to make their submission to
the government, either before the Court or before two mag-
istrates, in their own words, instead of any that others could
frame for them. And no sooner was this point gained, than,
at the election in May ensuing, they got in a Quaker Deputy
Governor, and three magistrates; two of the latter being
Coddington and Harris Harris was in the same office in
1667, when, on July 2, he procured an extraordinary meet-
ing of the Assembly, to try Mr. Fenner, (another magis-
trate,) for a rout which Harris had charged him with making
in Providence, on June 3. But the Assembly acquitted
Fenner, and fined Harris fifty pounds, and put him out of
office, choosing Stephen Arnold in his stead. The next fall
he was fined ten shillings for breach of peace, and bound to
his good behavior. Yet he had influence enough in May,
1668, to get again into the magistracy, and in the fall to
have his fifty pounds remitted. He was likewise in the same
office in 1669; and as Connecticut then revived their claim
to the Narragansett country, he eagerly turned to assist them,
hoping, doubtless, to share largely therein, if they pre-
vailed.
.1
It seems that the agents who procured their charters,
agreed that some persons living near Mr. Smith's trading
house in Narragansett, should have liberty to choose which
'Mr. Backus afterwards became convinced that Harris was not a Quaker. See
Appendix A., at the close of this volume.-ED.
}
364
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
government they would be under; therefore from thence,
and from the words of Connecticut charter, they set out
afresh to grasp all that country to themselves. And for that
end they would come over from Stonington and knock Wes-
terly people down, and carry them off to jail, and persisted
long in those encroachments, against the remonstrances of
the authority of Rhode Island colony; one of which they
sent by Mr. John Crandal to Hartford, in May, 1671. The
Assembly at the same time made choice of Mr. Clarke as
their agent, to go again to England upon the affair; though,
after repeated applications to Connecticut Court, such a pros-
pect appeared of having the matter settled by treaty, that
they revoked that appointment the next year. But Harris,
finding that the king's words in their charter had most ex-
plicitly fixed Paucatuck River as the bounds betwixt the two
colonies, openly attacked the validity of the charter, because
therein the king had granted full religious liberty, notwith-
standing the penal laws in England. Upon which Harris de-
clared, "that the king cannot dispense with the penal laws
on the consciences of his subjects, papists or protestants, at
home or abroad." Their rulers then were Benedict Arnold,
Governor; John Clarke, Deputy Governor; John Cranston,
John Coggshall, James Barker, William Carpenter, Thomas
Harris, Roger Williams, William Baulston, John Albro,
John Green, Benjamin Smith, Assistants; John Sanford,
Recorder; James Rogers, General Sergeant; and Joseph
Tory, Attorney General. They committed Harris to prison
for denying the king's authority and prerogative. When the
Assembly met at Newport, April 2, 1672, he presented a pe-
tition to them by the hand of a Quaker, but, because "not
directed in those words which his Majesty, in his gracious.
charter, hath pleased to give the title unto the corporation,
[viz.. His Majesty's Colony of Rhode Island and Providence
Plantations, &c.,"] the Assembly voted not to take cognizance
of it.¹ At their election the next month, they chose the first
'Colony Records,
[1677.]
WILLIAMS AT THE QUAKER ASSEMBLY.
365
Quaker Governor¹ they ever had in that colony; and Mr. Wil-
liams says,
"The Quakers prevailing, Harris, by their
means gets loose."2 These facts I have carefully collected
from their colony records, compared with Mr. Williams's ac-
count; to which they return no better answer than to say,
"It is like he doth belie W. H. as he hath done us; and, for
thy story and anger against William Harris, he is of age and
able enough to speak for himself."3
Fox and other noted teachers of theirs were now come
over, and gained many proselytes; upon which Mr. Williams
went to a general meeting they had at Newport, and began
to present to them some considerations concerning the true
Christ and the false, the true spirit and the false, but says,
"I was cut off in the midst, by the sudden prayer of one,
and singing of another," &c., which is afterward explained
thus, viz.:-
I was stopped by the sudden praying of the Governor's wife, who also
told me of her asking her husband at home, (meaning Christ, which I
touched upon). I rose and said, if a man had so alleged, I would have
answered him; but I would not countenance the violation of God's order
so much in making a reply to a woman in public. Hereupon J. Nichols
stood up and said, In Christ Jesus neither male nor female. I was reply-
ing to him and to J. Burnyeat's speech concerning their spirit, but was
stopped by Burnyeat's sudden falling into prayer, and dismissing the assem-
bly. I resolved, with God's help, to be patient and civil, and so ceased,
not seeing a willingness in them for me to proceed; which experience made
me not trouble G. Fox and the assembly at Providence, but rather to make
a fair and solemn offer of a dispute about these matters."*
To this they answer and say:-
o here thou mayest see, it was thy spirit that was cut by the spirit of
God, that led them to pray and sing in order, and this thou callest Confu-
sion; and thus thou judgest of things thou knowest not, with thy doting
spirit. For the true Christ we know, who is our Shepherd; and the false
spirit of Christ is easily savored in thee, which was cut off by the spirit
of prayer, and the spirit of singing, from the true spirit of Christ."
'John Cranston.-ED.
Fox, pp. 21, 229.
Williams, pp. 2, 12.
2Williams, pp. 14, 206, 207.
"Fox, p. 17.
?
366
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Thus each party call their own way Order; but the order
and decency which the inspired apostle enjoined upon the
church of Cornith, concerned the behavior of their women.
as distinguished from men; their women who had hus-
bands, in the plural number, who had each a distinct
part to act in divine worship, which they ought to know
and attend unto. As all saints are one in Christ, there
is but one Husband and one bride; and viewing things in
this distinct light, tends both to purity and peace; but the
confounding of literal women with mystical husbands, has
often produced the grapes of Sodom and clusters of Gomor-
rah. And among the many instances of the Quakers assum-
ing a power to govern the Scriptures, instead of being gov-
erned by them, take the following.
The Baptist churches in Wales, gathered by our Mr.
Miles and others, published a confession of their faith,
wherein they adopted the words of David in Psalm, 51: 5;
to which Fox in page 214 of his former book said, David
doth not say, You were conceived in sin, but I. John was
sanctified from the womb; and the Scriptures speak of chil-
dren that are clean. And so you do not speak as elders and
messengers of true churches, or men dividing the word
aright, but you are one against another, though you are all
against them you call Quakers that be in the truth." "In
which passage," says Mr. Williams, " he discovers a strong
presumption that he never felt what the woful estate of all
mankind by nature is.' To which they reply and say,
"Paul saith, I am crucified with Christ (mark I am) and
Christ liveth in me; and the life that I live in the flesh, is
by the faith of the son of God, &c. ; is not the faith victory?
and thou fallest a railing, and speaking of our conditions,
which thou art ignorant of, and thy own, aud hast abused
both the Scriptures and us.
""1
112
In July, 1672, Mr. Williams drew up fourteen proposi-
tions, and inclosed them in a letter to Deputy Governor
'Williams, Appendix, pp. 66. 67.
2Fox, Second part, p. 136.
:
[1677.]
PUBLIC DISPUTE WITH THE QUAKERS.
367
Cranston, whom he styles, "My kind friend," for him to
deliver them to Fox or his friends; in which Mr. Williams
proposed a fair dispute upon those points with any of them,
seven propositions to be handled at Newport, and the others
at Providence, on the days they should appoint. By some
means the matter was delayed till Fox had sailed for Eng-
land; after which John Stubs, John Burnyeat and William
Edmundson, engaged in the affair, and with them, Williams
held the dispute at Newport, on the 9th, 10th and 12th of
August, and at Providence the 17th. When they began at
Newport, he publicly declared his motives to be these:
1. The vindicating his most Holy Name, which my soul saw trodden in
the dirt by Satan clothed in Samuel's mantle, and the bright garment of an
angel of light, which once he was, but pride deceived him. 2. I had in
my eye the vindicating this colony for receiving such persons whom others
would not. We suffer for their sakes, and are accounted their abettors,
that therefore, together with the improvement of our liberties which the
God of Heaven, and our king's majesty have graciously given us, I might
give a public testimony against their opinions in such a way and exercise,
I judged it incumbent upon my spirit and conscience to do (in some re-
gards) more than most in the colony. I may also truly say, 3. That I
had it in my eye, that this exercise might occasion some soul-consideration
in many.¹
As they dwelt so much upon the word Light, and upon
its coming into the world with all mankind, he asked them
in public:-
Whether it comes into them at the conception, or at the birth, or when
else? whether it was in all mankind before the coming and death of Christ,
or to those since his coming, or both? whether it be in the understanding,
will, memory, affections, in any of them severally, or lodged in all of them
jointly ?2
In answer to this they say :-
As to his unlearned questions, whether the light cometh into mankind at
the conception, or at the birth, or when else? we leave him to what is
written John 1: 9. Christ is the true light, that lighteth every man that
cometh into the world. So it is evident, all are lighted that come into the
world; and the believers witnessed it to shine in their hearts, and Abra-
ham saw his light, or day; and in it David saw more light, which was
"Williams, p. 35.
'Williams, pp. 25, 26.
368
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
before Christ came in the flesh; John saith, in the Word which was in the
beginning, was life, and the life was the light of men.¹
Mr. Williams says:-
The hinge and pinch of the difference lies in the opposition which the
Quakers make against the manhood of Christ Jesus to be yet extant..
Who questions but Christ Jesus, as the sun in the heavens, influenceth all
parts of the world in several respects, and nothing is hid from his heat?
He is felt in the bruised reed and smoking flax; in the poor in spirit; in
the hungry and thirsty after righteousness; sometimes in the hope of glory
to come, yea, in present joy unutterable and glorious; sometimes the
Lamb's wife is visibly asleep though her heart wakes; sometimes she is
alarmed by his knocking and is sluggishly unwilling to open to him; some-
times she rises and opens but he is gone, and she feels for him by day and
night, and cannot find him.
Again he says:—
The Papists, Arminians and Quakers are one; 1. As to the power of
nature and free will in heavenly and spiritual matters; 2. As to the losing
of true saving grace; 3. As to election and predestination in time, upon
obedience, and rejection, and reprobation upon rebellion and disobedience.
.... 4. The Quakers are brethren with the Socinians, in making Christ a
type and figure, a pattern and example how Christians ought to walk; not
that the blood which he shed upon the cross at Jerusalem, was a sufficient
price and satisfaction unto God for the sins of the whole world.2
To which they say:-
This is like the rest of thy false charges and comparisons; and what
dost thou talk of election and predestination, &c., when thou callest the
light of Christ an idol? for these are mysteries to thee, who art not come
to take heed unto the light that shineth in a dark place.³ [See II Cor. 10.
12.]
His last proposition was, that their spirit tended to arbi-
trary government and fiery persecution; upon which he
says:
By an arbitrary government, I do not intend a ruling by force, for there
could be no government in the world without the sword, but arbitrary, I
said, came from arbitrium, which signifies will or pleasure; and so my ar-
gument is, that, persons immediately speaking from God, it is impertinent
and profane to clog and cumber them with laws, for the voice of God, the
law of laws, proceeds out of their mouth, than which there could be none
'Fox, p. 32.
2Williams, p. 137; Appendix, p. 56.
'Fox, p. 154.
!
[1677.]
CONTROVERSY OF WILLIAMS WITH THE QUAKERS.
369
more just, wise or holy. I told them I must crave their patience while
I must profess my fears, lest the spirit by which they were guided, might
run them upon their own and others' temporal destruction. I told them I
thought they had no such thing in their eye at present; but if power of
the sword came into their hands, it was easy to imagine, that whom the
spirit (infallible) decreed to death, peasant or prince, if it were possible, he
must be executed.¹
To this they say:-
·
Where there is no force there is no fear of slavery, and such an arbitrary
government no body was ever afraid of. ... But Roger, dost thou not ac-
cuse the people called Quakers of holding, that they are acted by the Spirit
of God, and not by their own spirits? If so, it is the arbitrium or will
and pleasure of their God, and not their own wills and spirits that they are
acted by; and what harm is this to just government? or how doth this set
up men's will and power? O, thy blindness! thy darkness! and thy con-
fusion !2
He then referred them to the passage before recited about
the magistrate's subjecting all into his light; and closed that
head with observing, that Christ says, Out of the abundance
of the heart the mouth speaketh; and asks if any professors
of the Christian name except Papists, were ever so sharp and
cutting with their tongue, as they, even to knowing and con-
scientious persons? From whence he questions, what might
be expected if whips, swords and halters were permitted to
fall into their hands? To which they say:
The tongues of God's people have in all ages been as a fire and a sword
to the wicked. .... It may be as rationally questioned of the people of
God in this age, as in former ages; and God will reckon with thee, thou
ungodly, unjust man, that insinuatest these wicked things against a suffer-
ing, as well as harmless people! This spirit thou art led by, in writing
against us, would burn us, as it led thy forefathers to burn the martyrs in
Smithfield; for ye are all of Cain's race, and are found in his steps, and
shall have Cain's reward if you repent not.³
This was their way of quenching a firebrand.
The Quakers prevailed so far, that in 1675, Mr. Cod-
dington was Governor, and Mr. John Easton Deputy Gov-
'Williams, p. 204.
2Fox, p. 226.
4
Fox, p. 231.
4John Easton was the son of Nicholas Easton, mentioned on pp. 78, 97.-Ed.
24
}
}
י
370 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
ernor; when, finding that their spiritual power would not
secure them against the Indians, they gave out military com-
missions under their hands and seals to arm both vessels and
garrisons against them.¹ Harris was again chosen an Assist-
ant in the years '73, '74 and '76, in the last of which Mr. S.
Hubbard said in a letter to Boston, "The Quakers are still
uppermost in government among us; I mean in outward
rule, though we have put out the chief, Mr. John Easton,
from being Deputy, and now Major John Cranston is Deputy
Governor." Mr. Williams's book came out soon after, and
at their next election, May 2, 1676, the Quakers were left
out of office; and on June 28. Mr. Coddington wrote the
fore-cited letter to his friend Fox; which facts may enable
us to account for the spirit of it. Mr. Williams was again
chosen a magistrate, but excused himself from that service;
yet he wrote thus to Providence, viz. :-
I pray the town that the place of meeting be certain, and some course
settled for payments, that the Clerk and Sergeant be satisfied according to
moderation; that the town business may go on cheerfully; that the busi-
'Callender, p. 80, [135.] Colony Records.-B.
"It is true the Governor and the Deputy Governor, that year, were both of the
people called Quakers, but there are military commissions still in being under their
hands and seals, to Mr. B. Arnold, Jun., and others, to go in an armed sloop to visit
the garrisons in Providence." Callender, R. I. Hist. Coll., Vol. IV, p. 134.
"To John Cranston, by this present Assembly appointed and chosen Major of
this his Majesty's Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, for the well
ordering and managing the military officers in this Colony, and for the defence
of the king's subjects herein.
"You are therefore, in his Majesty's name, hereby fully and absolutely required,
as Major of all, and singular, the land forces to this Colony belonging, to under-
take the conduct, leading and training up of the said forces, and for the preserva-
tion of the king's subjects in this Colony, to take care that the said military be put
in a suitable and absolute way of defence. You are also, by virtue hereof, to have
the absolute command of all the captains and inferior officers with their respective
companies within this Colony, to martial, array at your command, and to repair to
such place or places as may be most for the king's interest and the safety of the
inhabitants here;....and, upon assault of any enemy, with them, or either of
them, to use your utmost endeavor to kill, expulse, expel, take and destroy all and
every the enemies of this his Majesty's Colony, that shall in hostile manner be
found acting against the public peace of this Colony and the inhabitants herein.....
WILLIAM CODDINGTON, Governor.
April 11th, 1676."
R. I. Colonial Records -ED.
[1677.]
WARWICK APPEALS TO THE KING.
371
ness of the rate (paid by so many already) be finished; that the old cus-
tom of order be kept in our meetings, and those unruly be reproved, or
upon obstinacy, cast out from sober and freemen's company; that our
ancient use of arbitration be brought into esteem again; that (it being con-
stantly reported that Connecticut is upon the gaining his Majesty's consent
to enslave us to their parish worship) we consider what we ought to do.
A special Court of Commissioners met at Providence,
October 3, 1676, procured by Harris; who by a jury gave
his party five verdicts for land, the first of which was against.
Gregory Dexter, Arthur Fenner, and the town of Provi-
dence, wherein they gave, "two pounds in money, damage
and cost of Court; and also that the said defendants run the
line equally between Pawtuxet River and Wenasquatucket
River, till they met with a thwart line from the head of
Wenasquatucket River, directly running to Pawtuxet River."
The next two verdicts gave that party thirty pounds dam-
ages in each, with lands further southward; of which the
town of Warwick, by the hands of Mr. Holden and Mr.
Greene, gave an account two years after to the king, wherein
they mention the former ill treatment they had met with at
Boston, and represent that the late war was wholly caused
by the arbitrary conduct of the neighboring colonies. After
the Narragansett fight in December, 1675, they say :-
The neighboring colonies withdrew their forces from us, leaving our un
guarded towns to the destroyer, whereby the town of Warwick was wholly
burut, great part of our goods and cattle lost and consumed, but the lives
of most of us reserved as a prey, supported with hope that yet in time of
peace, we might be enabled to rebuild and provide for our distressed famil-
ies and succeeding generations..... But William Harris of Pautuxet, came
over in 1674, and claimed land in Narragansett by Indian purchase, and
the king appointed the case to be heard by Commissioners, chosen out of
the several colonies of New England. We attended time and place accord-
ing to summons, but the major part of the Commissioners, elected out of
our professed and mortal enemies, out-voted those of Rhode Island, grant-
ing and awarding to him the lands bought and improved by your petition-
ers, also giving him great damages, notwithstanding the testimony of one
Mr. Williams, the first Indian purchaser of those lands, and other material
witnesses in our behalf, whereby above five thousand acres of land and
meadows belonging to the poor town of Warwick, and parts adjacent are
372
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
taken away, and we prohibited to rebuild, or attempt anything for the
support of our dependences.
They then went on to pray for relief.¹
The people of Connecticut in the mean time had continu-
ed their encroachments upon the west part of that colony,
till a letter was obtained from the king, dated July 9, 1679,
confirming Rhode Island charter; upon which the Assembly
wrote to warn them off their lands, and to charge their own
people not to obey them. But at the same time Harris had
procured an order from the king to the authority of the
colony, to levy the aforesaid executions. In consequence
whereof, I have seen warrants issued to John Smith of New-
port, appointing him Marshal to levy three of them, signed
November 24, 1679, by John Cranston, Governor, Caleb
Carr, Joseph Clarke, Arthur Fenner and John Sanford,
Assistants. But this not satisfying Harris, he soon set off
again for England with new complaints. Mr. Samuel Hub-
bard wrote to his children at Westerly, the 7th of February,
following, informing them of a rumor he heard of turning
their Governor out of his place, and of putting a Quaker into
it, and of setting Narragansett, which they called the king's
province, off by itself; and said he, "William Harris is gone
for Old England, displeased at our Court's act, and will not
accept, though offered, it is said, to be Connecticut agent's
attorney. God can have Ahithophel's counsel to fall and to
hang himself." Poor man! he was taken and carried into
Turkish slavery, from whence he never returned. Thus
ended the controversy with him, whose first title to any of
those lands was a free gift from Mr. Williams.
Two considerations have moved me to be much larger
and more particular upon these unhappy affairs, than I had
any thoughts of at first. One is, that harangues have often
been made from pulpits, and in courts of justice, from that
time to ours, upon the great disorders of Rhode Island col-
ony, to prove that an established religion by human laws is
'See page 239.
[1677.]
LESSONS OF THIS CONTROVERSY.
373
exceeding necessary in every government. I thought it duty,
therefore, to give the public a fair and full state of those
facts, to enable them to judge righteously concerning such
addresses. The other is, that I might plainly detect and
expose the pernicious nature of imagining that dominion is
founded in grace, or that religion endows the subjects of it
with a right to act as lawgivers and judges over others. In
the Assembly that banished Mrs. Hutchinson, in 1637, Mr.
Coddington said, "I do not see any clear witness against her;
and you know it is a rule of the Court, that no man may be
a judge and accuser too." But where was that rule when
he, in his letter to Fox, acted the part of an accuser, wit-
ness and judge against Mr. Williams, even as to the inward
state of his soul! With all their talk about light, Mr. Cot-
ton formerly² and the Quakers now, accused Mr. Williams of
counteracting his own principles about liberty of conscience,
only for examining and bringing to light the nature of their
principles and behavior; and the word of truth tells us what
light that is. Matthew 6. 23; John 3. 19, 21. The Quakers
have had a fame among many for honesty and liberty, and
far be it from me to detract in the least from what has truly
been among them of that nature; and I readily grant that
not only in those respects, but also in their moderation in
dress, and solemnity in worship, (though not singularity)
and hospitality to strangers, they have merited high com-
mendation, and more so for their zeal against the slave
trade. Yet what a bondage is it to be under such a power
as their first leaders assumed! What pope ever spake more
haughtily than to say, "He lives in a peaceable government
but is in a restless spirit, grudgeth at the liberty of others,
and cannot be content with his own," only because he
sought in a peaceably way to discharge his conscience, by
bearing a plain testimony against what appeared to him
to be very corrupt and dangerous? And what sentence was
'Massachusetts History, Vol. II, p. 516, [444, 445.]
2See page 134,
f
2
374
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
ever more unjust than that which is delivered in their mar-
tyr-book? Grove tells us the first part of it was published
in 1661, the other in 1667, by that zealous servant of the
Lord, George Bishop. He lived in the city of Bristol, and
he entitled his work, "New England judged, not by man's,
but the Spirit of the Lord." After his account of the whip-
ping of Humphrey Norton and Deborah Wilson, among the
rest, he reads off his sentence thus:-
Whether they will hear or forbear, they shall know that his prophets
have been amongst them..... So, see where you are, and in what case, ye
blood thirsty enemies of God; ye men of Boston, of Plymouth patent, and
New Haven; ye rulers of Sodorn, and inhabitants of Gomorrah, who are
hardened against the hour of your visitation; whose day is over; who de-
light in blood, in the blood of the saints of the Most High God, to whom
blood will be given, for ye are worthy; the Lord will come upon ye, you
that put his day afar off, and say, He delays his coming; I say, He will
come upon you, in a day that ye think not of, and in an hour of which ye
are not aware; and will cut you asunder, and appoint you your portion
with hypocrites and sinners; and ye shall be cast into the lake that burn-
eth with fire and brimstone, there to be tormented with the devil and his
angels, which is the second death.
In 1703, in the margin against this sentence, Grove said,
"This was fulfilled in the Indian wars, wherein many of
them were cut to pieces."
Now, if in Fox's view Mr. Williams discovered a devilish
spirit, in telling the ministers he wrote to, that perhaps some
of them might live to see the Pope and Mahomet cast into
that lake,2 what a spirit did this great writer of theirs dis-
cover? What God did he worship, if this sentence came
immediately from him? The evident reason of their favor-
able opinion of Mr. Cotton above his colleague, was his
countenancing the power by which Mrs. Hutchinson declared
that she should be delivered, and the Court ruined with
their posterity.' A gentleman of that Assembly said she
told him in London, that she had never any great thing done
"3
'Bishop Grove's Abridgment, pp. 206, 207.
2See page 355.-Ed.
'See page 84.
[1677.]
QUAKER PROPHECIES TESTED BY FACTS.
375
about her, but it was revealed to her beforehand; to which
she, before the Court, replied, "I say the same thing
again." And how was that revelation fulfilled? Why
Bishop says, "Some of your patents endeavored to get Rhode
Island under some of your governments, which occasioned
some to remove under the Dutch, where Anne Hutchinson,
and her son Francis, and W. Collins her son-in-law, with
others, were murdered by the Indians; the guilt and weight
of whose blood lies upon you, as done by you; who were
people of an honest life, and good behavior, only differing
from you.
The first legislator and captain that was slain
in Philip's war was her son Edward, who, as Bishop tells
us, entered his protest at Boston, in 1658, against their
making a law to banish Quakers on pain of death. I can-
not learn that any man who had ever been an Assistant in
either colony was then slain by the Indians, except Mr.
John Wickes, of Warwick, who had been a sufferer with
Gorton. He was killed at a very advanced age.³ Put all
these things together and shall we not say with Solomon,
That which is crooked cannot be made straight?
12
In
Mr. Williams's zeal appeared to be directed, not against
the person of any man, but only against men's errors.
the Preface to his Reply to Mr. Cotton, he says:-
Since it pleased God to lay a command upon [on] my conscience, to
come in as his poor witness in this great cause, I rejoiced that it pleased
him to appoint so able and excellent [and conscionable] an instrument to
bolt out the truth to the bran; though [so] I can humbly say in God's
holy presence, it is my constant heaviness and soul's grief [as] to differ
from any fearing God; [so] much more, [ten thousand times] from Mr.
Cotton, whom I have desired, and still desire, highly to esteem and dearly
to respect, for so great a portion of mercy and grace vouchsafed unto him,
and so many truths of Christ [Jesus] maintained by him. [And] there-
fore (notwithstanding some of no common judgment and respect to him,
have said, he wrote his washings of the bloody tenet in blood against
Christ [Jesus] and gall against me, yet) if upon so slippery and narrow a
'Massachusetts History, Vol. II, p. 510. [441.]
2Bishop, pp. 225, 226. See page 97.
Callender, p. 93. [148.]
376
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
passage, I have slipped into any term or expression unbeseeming his per-
son, or the [matter, the] cause of the Most High in hand [considered,]
I humbly crave pardon of God, and Mr. Cotton also.
Although he could not say the like of the chief teachers
among the Quakers, yet he said, " Many truly humble souls
may be captivated among them. . . . . And many of the
Quakers I love and honor." And he said,
And he said, "He that shall
ponder the fathers' polygamy, the best kings of Judah suf
fering the high places, David's slaying Uriah, Asa's imprison-
ing the prophet, Peter's rash using the sword, the disci-
ples' calling for fire from heaven, shall see cause to reprove
the Quakers for their rash damning of others from whom
they have suffered." But when they came to answer him,
they were so far from regarding this admonition, that where
he spake of the matter of the Christian churches, viz.:
true converts,2 and said in the margin, "This was, and I hope
is, the principle of the New English churches ;" they spent
three pages full of capitals about their sufferings, to prove
that it could not be so, and at last said: "So it is clear, you
that have destroyed men's lives, are not of God, but the
devil." This was the temper of their teachers; but of
others, the two Easton's, father and son, Walter Clarke, and
Henry Bull, were all worthy Governors of that denomination,
and I find Mr. Samuel Hubbard expressing a considerable
esteem also for Mr. Coddington, after his death, in a letter to
a friend. Neither have I found one reflection upon his per-
son in all Mr. Williams's writings, unless a plain recital of
facts may be so called.
A new sect came out from among the Baptists about this
time, who have caused not a little trouble to themselves and
others, of whom I have collected the following brief account,
chiefly from the letters preserved by Mr. Samuel Hubbard.
In the close of the year 1674, the family of Mr. James
Rogers, of New London, called Mr. Crandal over from Wes-
'Williams, pp. 3, 25, 71, 178.
2See page 119.
³Fox, p. 63, 66.
[1677.]
THE ROGERS FAMILY, OF NEW LONDON.
377
terly, who preached among them, and baptized his sons John
and James, and an Indian named Japheth. This alarmed
the other denomination; and Mr. Bradstreet, minister at New
London, said he hoped the next Court would take a course
with them. They sent to Newport, and Elder Hiscox, Mr.
Hubbard and his son Clarke, were sent to visit them in
March, 1675, when Jonathan Rogers was also baptized, and
all four of them were received as members of their church,
by prayer and laying on of hands. Hereupon John Rogers's
father-in-law took his wife and children from him; and,
upon her complaints against him, he was carried before their
Deputy Governor, and committed to Hartford jail, from
whence he wrote to Mr. Hubbard April 6, 1675. How long
he continued there I do not find, only, he visited the church
at Newport the next September. In September 18, 1676,
those four members went with a boat, and brought Elder
Hiscox and Mr. Hubbard to New London again, when old
Mr. Rogers, his wife and daughter, were all baptized and re-
ceived into that church; whereupon they were called before
the magistrate, but were soon released; though, from that
time, they began to imprison the Rogerses for working on
the first day of the week. And when Mr. Hiscox and Mr.
Hubbard visited them again, and held worship with them
two miles out of town on their Sabbath, November 23, 1677,
and Joseph Rogers's wife had next morning given them a
satisfying account of her experiences, John must needs have
them go up to town to baptize her there. Mr. Hubbard op-
posed it, but John carried the day; and while Mr. Hiscox
was preaching at town, the constable came and took him, and
they all went before the magistrate; where also was the min-
ister, Mr. Bradstreet, who had much to say, about the good
way that their fathers had set up. Upon which Mr. Hub-
bard, obtaining leave to speak, said, "You are a young man,
but I am an old planter of about forty years, a beginner of
Connecticut, and have been persecuted for my conscience
from this colony, and I can assure you, that the old begin-
+
;
}
}
378
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
ners were not for persecution, but we had liberty at first."
After further discourse, the magistrate said, Could you not
do it elsewhere? "A good answer," says Mr. Hubbard; and
so they were released and went to Samuel Rogers's house,
where his brother John put himself forward, prayed, and
then went out to the water and baptized his sister; upon
which Mr. Hiscox was seized again, as supposing he had
done it, but John came before the magistrate, and was for-
ward to make known his act therein; so the others were re-
leased and returned home.
Jonathan Rogers had married Naomi Burdick, grand-
daughter to Mr. Hubbard; and on March 2, 1678, Elder His-
cox baptized her at Westerly, together with James Babcock,
George Lamphere, and two others; and on the 5th of May
following, Joseph Clarke wrote from thence to his father
Hubbard, that John and James Rogers with their father were
in prison; having previously excommunicated Jonathan,
chiefly because he did not retain their judgment of the un-
lawfulness of using medicines, nor accuse himself before au-
thority, for working on the first day of the week. Here-
upon the church at Newport sent messengers to New Lon-
don about this matter, who reported on their return, that "a
practice was started up, (out of conscience) that because the
world, yea, most professors, pray in their families mornings
and nights, and before meats and after, in a customary way,
therefore to forbear prayer in their families or at meats
publicly, except some are led forth upon some special
occasion; saying they find no command in the word of God
for it." About this time, Elder Hiscox's church received
letters from Dr. Chamberlain, whereof one was directed to
their church, he being of the same faith and order with
them, the other was directed as follows:
Peter Chamberlain, senior, Doctor of both universities, and first and
eldest physician in ordinary to his Majesty's person, according to the world,
but according to grace, a servant of the word of God; to the excellent and
noble Governor of New England; grace, mercy, peace and truth, from
•
[1678.]
LETTERS OF CHAMBERLAIN AND LEETE.
379
God our Father, and from our Lord Jesus Christ; praying for you, that
you may abound in heavenly graces and temporal comforts. I have always
had a love to the intended purity, and unspotted doctrine of New England;
for Mr. Cotton was of the same college and university, of Emanuel in
Cambridge, as I was, and so was Mr. Hooker and others with whom we
were all contemporary; and I never knew them but of a holy life and con-
versation. I also knew Colonel Humfrey, Sir Richard Saltonstall and Mr.
Peters, who were of note among you, and Sir Henry Vane, who all had
some share in the foundation of your government. But certainly the first
intentions were never to debar the truths of Scripture and liberty of con-
science guided thereby; but to suppress sin and idolatry, and prevent all
the adulteries of Rome, to whom all things are lawful, especially lies in hy-
pocrisy, to promote their most damnable doctrines, covetous superstitions,
and blasphemous supremacy. It is great wisdom to suppress sin, but not
oppress the liberty of a good conscience; and whilst men grant liberty of
conscience, not to admit liberty of sin. All magistrates have not attained
to this wisdom, else England had been long since freed from popery and
perjury. Whatsoever is against the ten commandments is sin. Rom. 3.
10; I John, 3. 4. And he that sinneth in one point is guilty of all, be-
cause he that spake one word of them spake all, and he added no more.
Jam. 2. 10, 11; Exo. 20. 1. While Moses and Solomon caution men, so
much against adding to, or taking from; Deut. 4. 2; Prov. 30. 5, 6; and
so doth the beloved apostle; Rev. 22. 18, 19; what shall we say of those
that take away of those ten words, or those that make them void, and
teach men so? Nay, they dare give the lie to Jehovah, and make Jesus
Christ not only a breaker of the law, but the very author of sin in others,
also causing them to break them. Hath not the little horn played his part
lustily in this, and worn out the saints of the Most High, so that they be-
come little-horn men also? If you are pleased to inquire about these
things, and to require any instances or informations, be pleased by your
letters to command it from your humble servant in the Lord Jesus Christ,
PETER CHAMBERLAIN.
Most worthy Governor. September 1, 1677.
Copies hereof were sent to those whom it was directed
to; and the church sent a letter therewith to Connecticut,
from whence this answer was returned:
HARTFORD, 8, 8, 78.
Friends of NEWPORT ON RHODE ISLAND; WILLIAM HISCOx, &c.:—
Yours of 9, 4, 78, was received the 7th instant, with one enclosed from
another, Peter Chamberlain, senior. The advice in both is readily com-
plied withal and thankfully accepted. To be minded of any parts of the
380
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
A
Scriptures of truth is gratefully received, and were it not for a seducing
devil, and a deceitful heart, they would be a rule of life unto all that have
senses exercised therein, and make due application thereof. What yourselves
or that worthy gentleman intend, or who or what he refers to, is not so
easy to guess at. We have of late had to deal with Rogers and his of New
London, towards whom the authority have shown all condescension imagi-
nable to us; that if they would forbear to offend our consciences, we should
indulge them in their persuasion, and give them no offence in the seventh
day, in worshipping God by themselves. We may doubt (if they were
governors in our stead) they would tell us, that their consciences would not
suffer them to give us so much liberty; but that they must bear witness to
the truth, and beat down idolatry, as the old kings did in Scripture; they
judging so of our Lord's day worshipping. It may be that your counsel
may be more taking with them, to make them forbear, than ours; which
is all at present, with respects,
From your friend and servant in Christ,
WILLIAM LEETE.
The church repeatedly sent and labored with them, but to
little effect. Mr. Gibson went and lived and preached a
while among them at New London; but Mr. Hubbard wrote
to their aged brother Thorton, (who had removed from New-
port to Providence,) on November 8, 1679, informing him
of his late visit to that people, when he found that "old Mr.
Rogers, had the wheel of a loaded cart go over his leg a
little below his knee, bruising it much, and had been so six
weeks, but now could move it; their judgment is not to use
any means." And, said he,
And, said he, "pray remember my respects
to Mr. Roger Williams; I should be glad to hear of him
and his wife;" a great respect to whom was shown in all
their letters as long as he lived. On June 7, 1685, Mr. Hub-
bard wrote to Mr. Henry Reeve of Jamaica, and informed
him that messengers were then gone from their church to
New London, "to declare against two or more of them that
were of us, who are declined to Quakerism, I might say
more; of whom be thou aware, for by their principles, they
will travel by land and sea to make disciples, yea, sorry
Their names are John and James Rogers, and
ones too.
one Donham."
[1678.]
THE ROGERENES.
381
From this beginning proceeded a sect which has contin-
ued to this day, who from their chief leader have been called
Rogerenes. In their dialect and many other things, they
have been like the first Quakers in this country; though
they have retained the external use of baptism and the sup-
per, and have been singular in refusing the use of means
and medicines for their bodies. Their greatest zeal has been
discovered in going from meeting to meeting, and from town
to town, as far as Norwich and Lebanon, (the one fourteen,
the other twenty-four miles,) to testify against hireling teach-
ers, and against keeping the first day of the week as a sab-
bath, which they call the idol-sabbath. And when the
authorities have taken them up and fined them therefor, and
have sometimes whipped them for refusing to pay it, they
have soon published accounts of all such persecutions, which
has been the very means of keeping their sect alive. When
the small-pox was very terrible in Boston, in 1721, and great
fear of it was discovered in the country, John Rogers, their
founder, was confident he could go in where it was and not
catch it; and to prove his faith, went a hundred miles to
Boston, but caught the distemper, came home and died
with it, and scattered it in his family; yet his successors.
still kept on in their way. So late as 1763, some of them
repeatedly came and clapped shingles and pieces of boards
together around the meeting-house in Norwich town, as well
as delivered messages to the worshippers, against their keep-
ing of the Lord's day. But as the rulers had learned so
much wisdom as only to remove them away from disturbing
others, without inflicting either fine or corporal punishment
upon them, they have ceased from such things since in a
great measure, and as they never were a large society, there
is hope of a true reformation among them.¹ Besides these,
'Morgan Edwards gives the following account of this singular sect:—
"The most forward of the brothers was John; for he took upon him to form the
family, and others that he baptized, into a church, and to make a creed, and to set-
tle rules of discipline. The first act of discipline was the excommunication of his
J
}
382
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
there have been some Sabbatarian Baptists in that place
from the beginning to the present time, though not a dis-
tinct church.
We must now return to our Baptist fathers at Boston.
The liberty they had enjoyed, with a blessing upon the min-
istry of Mr. Miles and others, had caused such an increase
of members, that, in February, 1677, they agreed to divide
brother Jonathan, for using medicine and refusing to do things which would bring
on him the lash of the civil magistrate. And this John Rogers was not only the
founder of the sect, and the person from whom they were called Rogerenes, but the
hero of the cause, in suffering and writing and defying; I say defying, for he had
not been long at the head of the cause, before he printed and published the follow-
ing proclamation: 'I, John Rogers, a servant of Jesus Christ, doth here make an
open declaration of war against the great red dragon, and against the beast to
which he gives power; and against the false church which rides upon the beast;
and against the false prophets who are established by the dragon and the beast;
and against the image of the beast: and also a proclamation of derision against
the sword of the devil's spirit, which is prisons, stocks, whips, fines and revilings,
all of which is to defend the doctrines of devils.'
"His theory relative to baptism and the Lord's supper, is scriptural, for the
Rogerenes baptize by immersing professed penitents and believers; the Lord's
supper they administer in the evening, with its ancient appendages. Some other
articles of Rogers's creed are orthodox. The particulars of it are, 1st, All days
are alike since the death of Christ. 2d. No medicines are to be used, nor doctors.
nor surgeons employed. 3d. No grace at meals. 4th. All prayers to be mental,
and not vocal, except when the spirit of prayer compels to the use of the voice. 5th.
All unscriptural parts of religious worship are idols. 6th. All good Christians should
exert themselves against idols, &c. Among these idols they placed the first day of
the week, infant baptism, &c. The First-day sabbath they called the New Eng-
land idol. The methods they took to demolish this idol were, they would be at
work near meeting-houses and in the ways to meeting-houses, and take work into
meeting-houses, the women knitting and the men whittling and making splits for
baskets, and every now and then contradicting the preachers. This was seeking
persecution, and they had plenty of it, insomuch that the New Englanders left some
of them neither liberty, nor property, nor a whole skin.
"John Rogers was an author. He published a commentary on the Revelation.
He that hath patience to read it, let him read it. He also published A Midnight
Cry;' a Narrative of Sufferings,' &c." Materials for a History of the Baptists in
New Jersey, pp. 147, 148.
Benedict says that after the death of John Rogers, Joseph Bolles published a
second edition of his book, entitled, "A Midnight Cry from the temple of God to
the ten virgins slumbering and sleeping. Awake! awake! arise! and gird your
loins and trim your lamps, for behold the Bridegroom cometh, go ye therefore out
to meet him!"
Even as late as 1813, according to Benedict, there was a "small company of the
Rogerenes in Groton, Ct., near New London." History of the Baptists, Vol. II,
pp. 425, 426.-ED.
!
[1679.]
BAPTIST MEETING-HOUSE BUILT IN BOSTON.
383
into two churches; but in January, 1678, they revoked that
act, and concluded to build them a meeting-house, in Bos-
ton, and to defer the affair of dividing, till they could obtain
the settlement of an able, sufficient ministry there. They
first nominated Mr. Russell for that end, and then talked of
his going to Swanzey in Mr. Miles's room; but in conclu-
sion, Mr. Miles returned to his old flock, and Mr. Russell was
ordained their pastor in Boston, July 28, 1679, and removed
there. Before this time Governor Leverett had deceased,
and Mr. Bradstreet had been chosen in his stead; in conse-
quence of which this church wrote to their brethren at New-
port the 25th of January this year, that several of their
brethren and sisters had been called to Court, censured,
fined twenty shillings a piece and to pay Court charges,
and others only admonished and to pay Court charges, which
had not then been paid, and the constables were backward
to make distress upon them if they could shift it off. Feb-
ruary 9, the church met, and purchased their meeting house
with the land it was built upon, of Philip Squire and Ellis
Callender, for sixty pounds; and they met in it for worship
the 15th. They had built with so much caution as not
openly to call it by that name till it was done. They had
been often censured and reproached for meeting in private.
houses, but now say, "Since we have for our convenience
obtained a public house on purpose for that use, we are
become more offensive than before." The leaders of the
society were convented before the General Court of May 10,2
who, not finding any old law to suit their term then made a
new one, in these words :-
It is ordered by the Court and the authority thereof, that no persons
whatever, without the consent of the freemen of the town where they live,
first orderly had, and obtained, at a public meeting assembled for that end,
and license of the County Court, or in defect of such consent, a license by
'Russell, p. 10.—B.
"In the published Massachusetts Records, the date of this transaction is May 28.
-ED.
J
t
{
384
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
the special order of the General Court, shall erect or make use of any
house as above said; and in case any person or persons shall be convicted
of transgressing this law, every such house or houses wherein such persons
shall so meet more than three times, with the land whereon such house or
houses stand, and all private ways leading thereto, shall be forfeited to the
use of the county, and disposed of by the County Treasurer, by sale or de-
molishing, as the Court that gives judgment in the case shall order.¹
How different is this from the above language of Gov-
ernor Leete! But instead of seeking for persecution as
Rogers did, this peaceable people refrained from meeting in
their own house for the present, waiting to see what God
would do for them. And he who has the hearts of kings in
his hand, moved their king to write to the Massachusetts.
rulers on July 24, requiring that liberty of conscience
should be allowed to all Protestants, so as they might not be
discountenanced from sharing in the government, much less
that no such good subjects of his, for not agreeing in the
congregational way, should by law, "be subjected to fines.
or forfeitures, or other incapacities for the same; which is
a severity to be the more wondered at, whereas liberty of
conscience was made a [one] principal motive for your first
transportation into those parts." Deplorable indeed was
their case at this time. Their all was in great danger, for
doing so much of that which they thought Heaven frowned
upon them for not doing more of; and it was evidently the
two errors I have mentioned on page 35, which brought
them into this dilemna. Mr. William Hubbard, whom I
have so often quoted, who was a minister at Ipswich,
preached at their election in Boston, May 3, 1676; and as
the permission of Quaker meetings had been declared by
many ministers, to be one great cause of God's judgments
upon them, which had stirred up the Court to severity
against that people, he plainly gave his mind to the con-
trary; and that pride and worldly mindedness were the
greatest evils then among them; yet lest Governor Leverett
'Massachusetts Records.
2Massachusetts History, Vol. III, p. 520.
i
[1679.]
THE REFORMING SYNOD CALLED.
385
and his Court should be too favorable to the Baptists, he, in
his dedication of that sermon to them, page 6, said, “If he
were not much mistaken who said it is morally impossible
to rivet the Christian religion into the body of a nation with-
out infant baptism, by proportion it will as necessarily fol-
low, that the neglect or disuse thereof, will as directly tend
to root it out." And Dr. Increase Mather, who yielded to
Mr. Mitchel's reasonings about the Half-way Covenant, and
took the lead among the Massachusetts ministers after his
death, in that capacity now moved the Assembly to convene
what they called The Reforming Synod. First they kept a
general fast in their churches, and then the Synod met at
Boston, September 10, 1679, to answer these two questions:
1st. What are the evils that have provoked the Lord to
bring his judgments on New England? 2d. What is to be
done that so these evils may be reformed?
They had not gone far in their answer before they said:-
Men have set up their thresholds by God's thresholds, and their post by
his post. Quakers are false worshippers; and such Anabaptists as have
risen up among us, in opposition to the churches of the Lord Jesus, receiv-
ing into their society those that have been for scandal delivered unto Sa-
tan; yea, and improving those as administrators of holy things, who have
been (as doth appear) justly under [church] censure, do no better than set
up altar against the Lord's altar. Wherefore it must needs be provoking
to God, if these things be not duly and fully testified against, by every one
in their several capacities.
"en-
Their result was approved of by the General Court on
October 15, which commended it to all their churches,
joining and requiring all persons in their respective capaci-
ties to a careful and diligent reformation of all those pro-
voking evils mentioned therein, according to the true intent
thereof, that so the anger and displeasure of God, many ways
manifested, might be averted [from this poor people ;] and his
favor and blessing obtained."
'Magnalia, B, 5, pp. 87, 89, [Vol. II, pp. 274, 275]; I. Mather's Life, p. 84. Mr.
Stoddard informs us, that in this Synod "they had a dispute about persons giving, a
relation of the work of God's Spirit upon their hearts, in order to coming to com-
25
386
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
{
This dreadful charge, coming out from the whole power
of the colony against one small society, put them upon a
critical review of their past conduct; and they found that
among about eighty members that they had received, there
were but two that had been censured in those other churches
(since Mr. Gould and Mr. Osburne, of whom we have before
spoken) one of whom was Mr. Thomas Foster, of Billerica,
who, for turning and going away when infants were sprinkled,
and for going at last and joining with the Baptists, and re-
fusing, after they had presented him to Court, to return to
the other church, was censured and excommunicated by
munion. The result was, that they blotted out that clause, and put in the
room of it, the making a profession of their faith and repentance; and so I voted
with the rest, and am of the same judgment still." That is, a profession of a saving
change should not be required before they come to communion. Stoddard's Appeal,
p. 94.
Was this reformation, or was it apostacy?—B.
Evidently the moving spirit in this Reforming Synod, was Increase Mather. His
son, Cotton Mather, in his account of his father's life, entitled, "Parentator, Re-
markables of Dr. Increase Mather," pp. 84, 85, gives the following account of the
Synod:-
"Upon motion of Mr. Mather, in conjunction with others excited by him first, the
General Court called upon the churches to send their delegates for a Synod in Bos-
ton, to consider What are the evils? &c. The churches having first kept a general
fast, that a gracious direction might be obtained of God in what was now to be done,
the Synod met at Boston, September 10, 1679. The Synod also kept a day of prayer
with fasting, in which Mr. Mather was chose for one of the preachers and the ven-
erable old Mr. Cobbett was chose for the other. Several days were then spent in
free discourses on the two questions, and at last a result, with a preface, were agreed
unto, which were of Mr. Mather's drawing up. On the day when a Committee of
the ministers presented it unto the General Court, Mr. Mather preached a very po-
tent sermon on the danger of not being reformed by these things; and the General
Court thereupon commended it unto the serious consideration of all the churches
and people of the jurisdiction.”
The Mr. Stoddard, mentioned in the above note, is Solomon Stoddard, who had
succeeded Eleazer Mather as pastor of the church in Northampton, where he was
afterwards succeeded by his grandson, Jonathan Edwards. The full title of his
work above cited, is, "Appeal to the Learned; being a vindication of the right of
visible saints to the Lord's Supper, though they be destitute of a saving work of
God's Spirit in their hearts; against the exceptions of Mr. Increase Mather." Mr.
Stoddard states in this work, page 94, that the dispute in the Synod, on the question
whether persons, in order to be received to full communion, should be required to
give a relation of the work of God's Spirit in their hearts, was chiefly between Mr.
Mather on the affirmative, and himself on the negative. A further account of the
sentiments of Solomon Stoddard on these points, and of their results, will be given
in subsequent pages.-ED.
1
[1679.]
AFFAIRS OF THE BAPTISTS IN BOSTON.
387
them. The other was Mr. Farnum, who was the only one
the Baptists had received, after others had cast him out ;
which was from the North Church in Boston, where Mr.
Mayo and Dr. Mather were ministers. The Baptists now
sent and obtained copies of the proceedings of that church
against him, whereby it appeared, that they were in the
height of their dealings with him, the same month that the
Assembly disfranchised Gould and Osburne for constituting
that Baptist church, viz., in October, 1665; and that Far-
num got his temper up, and in sundry instances spake and
acted very unadvisedly; for which the Baptists now required
him to offer satisfaction to that church, before they would
commune with him again. This he soon after did. Mr.
Willard owns that he offered a confession therefor both orally
and in writing; but because he refused to return into their
communion they judged it not to be sincere. The Baptists
say that some who had been baptized among them had after-
ward been refused communion by the other churches, when
they had desired it. To which Mr. Willard says, "They
know that our churches have received some that were scru-
pulous about infant baptism, who were willing to carry in-
offensively; that we have refused such as were re-baptized
among those excommunicated Anabaptists, is true hypothet-
ically, viz., except they would acknowledge and repent of
that act; because we judge it scandalous." Upon which I
would only remark, that God says, He that doubteth is
damned if he eat; but the Massachusetts were willing to
admit persons to eat with scruples, but excommunicated such
as put their full persuasion about baptism into practice, and
judged those not to be sincere, who would not repent of that
act! A letter at this time to their Governor deserves no-
tice, which is as follows:
HONORED SIR-I have often heard of your name by Colonel Eyers,
whose first wife's name was Bradstreet; and the character I have of you,
if you were her son, relates you a wise and understanding man. But your
'Russell, p. 10; Willard, p. 22.
388
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
report gives you as though some Lauderdale's counsel had possessed you,
which set all Scotland in an uproar. God is wiser than man, more just
and righteous; his counsel must stand. Beware of smiting your brethren,
lest the ecclesiastical power of England invade you. A parliament is near
at hand, when just grievances will be previously [grievously?] resented; I
hope there shall be none during your government. Samson plucked a house
on his head, and fell in it. If I can serve you in any honorable way, com-
mand your humble servant,
PETER CHAMBERLAIN,
His Majesty's physician in ordinary to his Royal Person.
September 2, 1679.
Mr. Samuel Hubbard sometime after sent a letter, with a
copy of this, to Governor Leete, to check their imprisoning
the Rogerses at New London. Notice being received by the
Baptists in Boston, of the king's letter in their favor, they
met again in their house; but had not so done above four
times before the Court met, and issued a warrant to the con- .
stable of Boston, requiring him, "in his Majesty's name,
forthwith to summon Philip Squire, Thomas Skinner, and
Mr. Drinker, to make their appearance before the Court of
Assistants now sitting, having liberty to bring with them
three or four more of their friends, to give an account of
their breach of the law in erecting a meeting-house; and
that they appear at three of the clock this instant 5th
March, 1680." They appeared accordingly, and the Court ·
required a positive answer to the question, whether they
would engage, either for the whole society, or for them-
selves in particular, to desist from meeting in said house till
the next General Court? They said they were not prepared
to answer it, and desired time to consult their brethren.
This was then denied them, but upon renewing the request
next morning, they were allowed so much time as from
Saturday till Monday. The church met on Monday, and
presented the following address, viz. :—
To the honorable the Governor and magistrates now assembled at Bos-
ton, at the Court of Assistants, the 8th of March, 1680, the petition and
declaration of the society of the people commonly known or distinguished
by the name of Baptists, residing in and about Boston, humbly showeth,
1680.]
THE BOSTON BAPTIST MEETING-HOUSE.
389
In primum, that whereas the only wise God, having by his providence
led us into that order and way of the gospel of gathering into church fel-
lowship, we do hereby confess, that what we did was not out of opposition
to, or contempt of, the churches of Christ in New England, but in a holy
imitation, merely for the better enjoyment of the liberty of our consciences,
the great motive to this removal at first into this wilderness. 2. That the
building a convenient place for our public church assembly, was not thought
of affronting authority, there being no law in the country against any such
practise at the erecting of this house, and we did therefore think, as the
apostle saith, where there is no law, there is no transgression. The dic-
tates of nature, or common prudence belonging to mankind, and the exam-
ple or practice of the country throughout, lead to the seeking of this con-
venience. 3. There being a law made in May last against meeting in the
place built, we submitted to the same, until we fully understood by letters
from several in London, that it was his Majesty's pleasure and command
(the common supersedus to all corporation laws in the English nation, that
have not the royal assent¹) that we should enjoy liberty of our meet-
ings in the manner as other of his Protestant subjects; and the General
Court at their last meeting not having voted a non-occurrence.
4. As
therefore the two tribes and half did humbly and meekly vindicate them-
selves, upon the erecting of their altar, when challenged for it by Eleazer
and the messengers of the ten tribes, so do we hereby confess in like mar.
ner, that we have not designed by this act any contempt of authority, nor
any departing from the living God, or churches of his worship; the Lord
God of gods he knows it; Joshua xxii, 22; though it be our lot, with
the apostles, in the way that some call heresy so to worship the God of our
fathers. Your petitioners, therefore, having no design against the peace of
this place, but being still as ready as ever to hazard our lives for the de-
fence of the people of God here, do humbly request that this our profes-
siou and declaration may find acceptance with this honorable Court, as that
of the two tribes did with Eleazer; and that we may still, through your
allowance and protection, enjoy the liberty of God's worship, in such
places as God hath afforded us, which will greatly oblige your petitioners,
as in duty bound, humbly to pray.
Signed by us in the name and with the consent of the church.
ISAAC HULL,
JOHN RUSSELL,
EDWARD DRINKER,
THOMAS SKINNER."
'Their charter was originally designed for a corporation in England, to be execu-
ted only by a deputation in this country, as the King observes in the letter referred
to. Massachusetts History, Vol. III, p. 519.
390
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
But instead of having any ears to hear this loyal and
Christian address, their marshal was sent, and finding their
gate locked, forced his way through Mr. Squire's ground,
and nailed up their meeting-house doors, putting a paper
thereon which said:-
All persons are to take notice, that by order of the Court the doors of
this house are shut up, and that they are inhibited to hold any meeting
therein, or to open the doors thereof, without license from authority, till
the General Court take further order, as they will answer the contrary at
their peril.
Dated in Boston, 8th March, 1680.
By order of the Council,
EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary.
The Baptists required a copy of the marshal's warrant,
but he refused it; they then went to the Secretary for one,
who plainly told them, "he was not to let them have any."
They met the next Lord's day in their yard, and in the week
ensuing prepared a shed therein for the purpose; but when
they came together the second Lord's day, they found the
doors open; and considering, say they, "that the Court had
not done it legally, and that we were denied a copy of the con-
stable's order and marshal's warrant, we concluded to go into
our house, it being our own, having a civil right to it." And
they met therein till the Assembly sat, before whom they
were convented on May 11; when they gave in these
pleas:-
1. The house was our own. 2. It was built before the law was made,
therefore no transgression. 3. The express will and pleasure of the king,
that we should enjoy our liberty. After some debate of the matter (in
which we met with some hard and reviling speeches from some of them)
we were dismissed for that time. Next morning we put up a humble peti-
tion, (being blamed by some in the Court that we had not done it before)
that there might be a suspension of any proceedings against us.
These accounts I have taken from their church records
and papers. On the colony records, under May 19, I find
it thus written, viz.:-
After the Court had heard their answer and plea, perused their petition
and what else was produced, the parties were [the persons being] called
1
រំ
[1680.]
:
LETTER FROM WILLIAM KIFFEN AND OTHERS.
391
in, the Court's sentence in the name of the Court was published to them ;
that the Court, in answer to their petition, judged it meet and ordered, that
the petitioners be admonished by the present honored Governor for their
offence, and so granted them their petition, so far as to forgive them their
offence past, but still prohibited them as a society of themselves, or joined
with others, to meet in that public place they have built, or any [other]
public house except such as are allowed by lawful authority; and accord-
ingly the Governor in open Court gave them their admonition.
Dr. Mather had published a piece the preceding March,
entitled, The Divine Right of Infant Baptism, containing some
injurious reflections upon this people; which, with others,
were briefly answered in Mr. Russell's Narrative, dated from
Boston the 20th of this month, with the consent of the
whole church, and sent to London, where Messrs. William
Kiffen, Daniel Dyke, William Collins, Hansard Knollys,
John Harris and Nehemiah Cox, noted Baptist ministers,
wrote a preface to it, in which they say:-
As for our brethren of the Congregational way in old England, both '
their principles and practice do equally plead for our liberties as for their
own; and it seems strange that such of the same way in New England,
yea, even such (a generation not yet extinct, or the very next successors of
them) who with liberal estates chose rather to depart from their native
soil into a wilderness, than be under the imposition and lash of those, who
upon religious pretences took delight to smite their fellow servants, should
exercise towards others the like severity that themselves with so great haz-
ard and hardship sought to avoid; especially considering that it is against
their brethren, who avowedly profess and appeal to the same rule with
themselves for their guidance in, and decision of, all matters relating to the
worship of God, and the ordering of their whole conversation. . . . . For
one Protestant congregation to persecute another, where there is no pre-
tence to infallibility in the decision of all controversies, seems much more
unreasonable than the cruelties of the church of Rome towards them that
depart from their superstitions; and if prejudices were removed and op-
portunities of power not abused, but the golden rule of our Saviour were
duly attended unto and rightly applied in the present case, certainly more
moderation, yea, even compassion would be exercised towards these our
Christian friends by such as now give them trouble.
They close with observing That Dr. Stillingstreet had
already declared in his Mischief of Separation, that their
392
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
+
rigorous course against Congregationalists in England, was
justified by the process of the rulers here, against dissenters.
from themselves; and pray that the governors of New Eng-
land would regard their brethren there, so much as to remit
these proceedings. What was said in answer thereto, we
shall see presently, after I have observed, that Elder Russell
was taken from his beloved flock by death, December 21,
1680; upon which the church met the next day, and agreed
that their brother Callender, should be helpful in carrying
on their worship in Boston, on Lord's days in the forenoon,
and brother Drinker in the afternoon, in the absence of
Elder Hull. It is evident, that the gifts and graces of Elder
Russell were not small; and his memory is precious. His
grand-daughter Brooks, married in Swanzey, whose sons,
Job,¹ Russell and John Mason have been, and the two lat-
ter still are, useful gospel preachers in the Second Baptist
church in that town. Also Messrs. Joseph, William and
Jonathan Russell, now noted traders in Providence, are of
his posterity.
1
In 1681, a minister of the church of Boston, which was
formed in a schismatical way in 1669, published an answer
to the Baptist's Narrative; and though its author was de-
ceased, yet he entitled it, "Ne sutor ultra crepidam :2 or brief
animadversions upon the New England Anabaptists' late
fallacious Narrative; wherein the notorious mistakes and
falsehoods by them published, are detected; by Samuel
Willard, &c." To which he adds as a motto, Romans 16.
17, 18. Dr. Increase Mather wrote a preface to this work,
wherein he says:-
Many are of the mind, that it is not worth the while, to take notice of
what is emitted by men so obscure and inconsiderable.....It seems to me
that the reverend author of the following animadversions, hath shewed
humility, in condescending to take persons in hand, between whom and
himself there is such an impar congressus.....As for the brethren, that
'Elder Job Mason died since this history was in the press, aged 80.
"Cobbler, keep to your last.
1
سمجھ
*
[1681.]
MATHER'S REPLY TO RUSSELL.
•
393
have thought good to prefix an epistle to such a narrative, and therein de-
clare that molestation is given and severity is exercised towards Antipædo-
baptists in New England, merely for a supposed error about the subject of
baptism, controverted amongst learned and holy men, they are marvel-
ously deceived in that their supposition. Protestants ought not to perse-
cute any, yet, that protestants may punish protestants, and as the case may
be circumstanced, a congregation of such as call themselves protestants,
cannot rationally be denied. Those of the Congregational way, fully con-
cur with the old puritan nonconformists, such as Cartwright, Rainold,
Whitaker, Bains, Parker, &c., in whose writings Congregational principles
about church government, are to be seen.¹ Now the old nonconformists
(notwithstanding their sufferings from those that took delight to smite their
fellow servants) did believe that disorders in whole congregations were lia-
ble to the civil magistrate's censure.
• Our famous Cotton was another
Moses, in respect of meekness and Christian forbearance, as to dissenters
from his judgment in matters of a lesser concernment, yet would he some-
times make a zealous protestation, that if magistrates in New England
should tolerate transgressors against the rules of godliness (as well as
offences contrary to what the rules of honesty require) he believed that
God would not long tolerate them.....I would entreat the brethren that
have subscribed the epistles seriously to consider; 1. That the place may
sometimes make a great alteration as to the indulgence to be expected. It
is evident, that that toleration is in one place, not only lawful, but a neces-
sary duty, which in another place would be destructive; and the expecta-
tion of it irrational. That which is needful to ballast a great ship, will
sink a small boat.....2. Let them consider, that those of their persuasion
in this place have acted with so much irregularity and profaneness, that
should men of any persuasion whatsoever have done the like, the same
severity would have been used towards them.
This hard sentence his son has propagated to posterity.2
But, search through all they have said against those peo-
ple, and I am confident that the greatest real disorder they
'These are the men referred to in page 9, who opened a door for Mr. Robinson and
his brethren, by which themselves entered not. Their first Admonition to the Par-
liament, was presented thereto by Mr. John Field and Mr. Wilcox; for which they
were committed to Newgate Prison, on October 2, 1572. This caused Mr. Thomas
Cartwright to write the Second Admonition to Parliament, quoted by Mr. Robinson,
and also to answer what Dr. Whitgift had written against the first. And Mr. Neal
says, the reason why they could not settle the controversy, was because Cartwright
was for making his Bible the only standard of doctrine, discipline and government;
but Whitgift held the latter of these to be changeable, to accommodate the civil
governments we live under. History of the Puritans, Vol. I, pp. 190-197. [30)
-307.]
*Magnalia, B. 7, p. 28. [Vol. II, p. 461.]
394 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
have produced, was the church's receiving Farnum as they
did; which, when they had proper knowledge of, they rec-
tified. But is this comparable to the disorders at Hingham,
twenty years before, where Lieut. Eames was regularly cho-
sen their Captain, and presented to the Court for a commis-
ion; but soon upon it, a notion was started to choose another
man, related to the minister, into that office, who accord-
ingly was chosen and presented. And when the reason of
it was asked for, they said Eames had resigned; but he said
he had not. Hereupon the minister censured him for lying;
and this cost three or four days' tedious labors of a council,
without being able to settle it; and occasioned the petition
of Dr. Child and others, with much trouble to Governor
Winthrop and the Assembly. Yet the issue of all was,
that the minister of Hingham excommunicated Captain
Eames, contrary to the minds of other ministers, and by their
advice, "those that were without just cause cast out at
Hingham, were received into the church of Weymouth, the
next town, and the matter so continued through the stiff-
ness of their minds, and their self-willed resolutions.”2
1
In the piece upon infant baptism, which Dr. Mather had
See page 116.
2Winthrop, [Vol. II, pp. 261, 278, 285-295, 321.] Hubbard, [pp. 417-419.]
Neal, Vol. I, p. 233. How just also was it for both ministers and courts to accuse
that Baptist church, of having excommunicated officers, in the plural, when they
never had but one?-B.
This difficulty with Dr. Childs was followed by another on the question of “the
enlargement of privileges," which was a long and grievous trouble to Governor
Winthrop and the General Court. Finally Dr. Childs and his sympathizers carried
their complaint to England, where their cause was presented in a pamphlet entitled
"New England's Jonas cast up at London." It is reprinted in Massachusetts
Historical Collections, Second series, Vol. IV. This was answered by Mr. Winslow,
in a pamphlet, entitled, "The Salamander," intimating that the opposite party
were never at rest except they were in the fires of contention. It is to this latter
difficulty that the above-cited passages from Winthrop and Neal refer. Savage
(Winthrop, Vol. II, p. 292,) charges Hutchinson (Vol. I. p. 138,) with being mis-
led by Mather to confound the two controversies; and Backus, by the references he
gives, might seem obnoxious to the same charge. But similar questions were agi-
tated in both controversies, and the one was doubtless the outgrowth of the
other.-ED.
{
+
シ
​{
[1681.]
A
UNEDUCATED BAPTIST MINISTERS.
395
published, he accused those Baptists of the sin of Jeroboam,
who made priests of the lowest of the people;¹ in which,
says Mr. Russell, "we easily understand what he means;"
our evil in this respect, is our calling to office those who
have not been bred up in colleges, and taught in other lan-
guages, but have been bred to other callings. It is not
because we are against learning, for we esteem it, and honor
it in its place; and if we had such among us who were
together with that, otherways duly qualified for the work of
the ministry, we should readily choose them. But we do
not think the Spirit of God is locked up so in the narrow
limits of college learning, that none are to be called to office
in a church but such, nor that all such are fit for that work,
be they never so great scholars; neither do we think that
all those who have not that learning, are to be accounted
the lowest of the people. Indeed, the priesthood was
bounded to the tribe of Levi, by divine institution, but we
cannot find that the Lord hath, by divine institution, given
the work of the ministry to men of such learning only.
Whom he will he fits and qualifies for that work; neither
are we left without a plain rule in the New Testament to
direct us in this matter.2 In these plain gospel sentiments
have the Baptists, on both sides of the Atlantic, persevered
to this day. But his opponent said of the text referred to:-
The Belgic and others read it, "Of both ends of the people;" if a fit
man would accept it, so; if not, to the other end, and take one unfit.
The Anabaptists would have a learned man if they could get one of their
mind; if not, John Russell the shoemaker..... Truly, if Goodman Rus-
sell was a fit man for a minister, we have but fooled ourselves in building
colleges, and instructing children in learning.³
'The Divine Right of Infant Baptism asserted, and proved from Scripture and
Antiquity, page 26.-ED.
2Russell, p. 14.
3Willard, p. 26.-B.
Cotton Mather repeats the argument of his father and Mr. Willard as follows:-
"They did seem to do what Jeroboam was taxed for, in making priests of the
lowest of the people; or, as the Belgic and others do read it, Of both ends of the
people; and as the learned Zepperus lamented the wrong done to religion in it, that
f
}
396
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Here is a plain specimen of what many call learning,
though the truly learned apostle Paul, renounced it with
abhorrence; 2 Corinthians 4. 2. Either those who have a
college education, are thereby made the head of the people,
and the rest are to be ranked to the other end, or else this is
a handling the word of God deceitfully; and God says,
"The prophet that teacheth lies, he is the tail."
Again, the Baptists had said in their confession of faith,
that those who gladly receive the word and are baptized,
are saints by calling, and fit matter of a visible church.'
This Dr. Mather called a pernicious principle. But says
Mr. Russell :-
2
Who dare deny this to be a sound truth? as for the conclusion he draws
from thence, viz., that there are no visible believers but those that are bap-
tized, [it] is his own, not ours; the improvement he makes of it, not what
we make of it. Far be it from us to judge all that are not baptized, not to be
visible saints, for we judge that the Lord hath many precious people in the
world that are not baptized, according to, or in the manner we baptize; and
further we judge they should be visible saints, before baptized, or else they
have no right to baptism, for it is not baptism that can make saints. And as
for looking upon infant baptism as nothing, or a nullity," that is true; and we
can look on it no otherwise, till we see light to own it to be that which he
thinks of it, viz., of divine right, which we cannot see ground from the word
to do; and as for not owning their churches,..
....we never yet denied them
to be churches of Christ. It is enough for every one to prove his own
work; but we have owned them as such; for where there is true matter
they make ministros de extremitatibus populi, sartoribus, sutoribus, idiotis, taylors
and cobblers, and other mechanicks to be ministers, thus these people chose an
honest shooemaker to be their pastor, and used other mechanicks in the constant
preaching of the gospel; which caused some other people of a more liberal educa-
tion to reflect that if Goodman such an one, and Gaffer such an one, were fit for
ministers, we had befool'd ourselves in building of colleges." Magnalia, Book VII;
Vol. II, p. 460.—Ed.
"Christ's commission to his disciples is to teach and baptize; and those who gladly
receive the word and are baptized, are his by calling, and fit matter for a visible
church; and a competent number of such, joined together in covenant and fellow-
ship of the gospel, are a church of Christ." Articles of Faith of the First Baptist
church, Boston; 1665.-ED.
"Divine Right of Infant Baptism; p. 26.-Ed.
"Now
"In connection with what has already been quoted, Dr. Mather had said,
they look upon infant baptism as a mere nullity, or, as the apostle saith of an idol,
that it is nothing in the world." Divine Right, &c., p. 26.—Ed.
>
[1681.]
WILLARD AND HUBBARD AGAINST RUSSELL.
397
joined together in the bond of a holy covenant they may be looked at as a
true church, though not in due order.¹
This was not enough for the other party, but their cry
still was:
They say baptized persons are true matter of a visible church, and they
say those that were only sprinkled in their infancy, were never baptized;
and will not this undermine the foundation of all the churches in the world
but theirs? and what more pernicious! they had even as good cry with
Edom's sons, Raze it, raze it to the foundation! .... Experience tells us
that such a rough thing as a New England Anabaptist is not to be handled
over tenderly; the spirit which they have at all times discovered under the
greatest disadvantages (and God grant that they may never have more ad-
vantage over us) easily tells us what they would have been if circumstanced
as those whom they accuse.2
Mr. Hubbard got the most out of temper upon this occa-
sion that he ever did in a whole volume in folio, and said:-
•
One John Russell, a wedderdrop'd shoemaker, .... stitched up a small
pamphlet, .. wherein he endeavors to clear the innocency of those com-
monly (though falsely he says) called Anabaptists. Surely he was not well
aware of the old adage, Ne sutor ultra crepidam,3 or else he would not have
made such botching work.
He goes on to recite what you may see of the Simple Cob-
bler, in page 154, which he calls Honest stitches used to
much better purpose. But having taken the old round to
Germany, he recovers his senses again, and then says:
To return to what was in hand, and give this gospel-ordered church (as
John Russell terms them) what is their due, from an historian: as for the
persons of those seven [first males of the church] he apologizes for, it may
2Willard, pp. 10, 27.
'Russell, page 14.
"It was truly of some age; for after James I. had preached in the Star-Chamber,
"that the mystery of the king's power is not lawful to be disputed; for that is to
wade into the weakness of princes, and to take away the mystical reverence that
belongs to those who sit in the throne of God; . . . . it is atheism and blasphemy
to dispute what God can do; so is it presumption and high contempt in a sub-
ject to dispute what a king can do or say;" he, the year after our fathers first came
to Plymouth, reprimanded his parliament for petitioning against his taking a popish
wife for his son Charles, and said, "A small mistaking of matters of this nature,
may produce more effects than can be imagined; therefore, Ne sutor ultra crepi-
dam." Rapin, Vol. II, pp. 192, 211. [London, 1729, Vol. IX, pp. 393, 485.]
•
1
398
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
be more easily granted that they were good in the main, than that it was a
good work for God, they were engaged in. .... Good men may be found
to be ill employed; as Peter was, whom Christ rebukes and calls Satan,
and bids him get behind him. Whether any of them did absolutely de-
serve to be delivered to Satan, for their obstinacy in their opinions, or
rather miscarriages, which either through weakness of their judgments, or
strength of their passions, which in defence of their opinions or practices
they run into; or whether there were not more acrimony of the salt, than
sweetness of the gospel spirit of peace, in those that managed the disci-
pline of the church against some of them, must not be here discussed.
Yet that can give no color to .... a few giddy sectaries, that fondly
conceit themselves to be an orderly church, when their very constitution
[coalition] is explicitly, not only without, but against, the consent of all the
rest of the churches in the places, [place] as well as the order of the civil
authority.¹
I love to see honesty even if persons are erroneous; for
then we have an advantage to judge for ourselves, and to
know the better how to deal with them. And I must say
that Governor Winthrop, from whom Mr. Hubbard took
many things, exceeded him in that noble quality; and that
Mr. Hubbard exceeded all the historians I have seen who
have copied from him, except the pious Mr. Prince. Others
have often given us hard names without explaining what
they meant by them; but Mr. Hubbard plainly tells us that
soon after Mr. Cotton's arrival at Boston,--
The ministers [about Boston
•
] did use to meet once a fortnight at one
of their houses in course, where some question of moment was debated. Mr.
Skelton, pastor of Salem, and Mr. Williams (as yet not ordained an [any]
officer there], out of a rigid separation jealousy, took exception at it; prog-
nosticating that it might in time bring forth a presbytery, or superintendency,
to the prejudice of the churches' liberties. (A spirit of rigid separation had, it
seems, so early fly-blown their understandings) .... the venom of which
spirit had soon after infected so many of that church and people at Salem,
as will appear in the next chapter. But this fear was without cause; nor
did it spring from a godly jealousy, but from the bitter root of pride, that
venteth itself above order, and against love and peace. No such spirit was
ever observed to appear in Mr. Cotton's days, but a spirit of love and
meekness, nor since his time, to the present year.²
'1 Hubbard, pp. 624-627.-Ed.
"Hubbard, pp. 189, 190.-ED.
J
[1681.]
FABLE OF THE WOLF AND LAMB.
1
399
And though the author of the Massachusetts History,
approves of Mr. Williams's opinion about liberty of con-
science, and fixes upon his moving Mr. Endicott to cut the
cross out of the training colors, as the best plea he could
make for their banishing of him ;¹ yet Mr. Hubbard honestly
says, "This essay did but tick at some of the upper branches,
whereas Mr. Williams laid his axe at the very root of the
magisterial power in matters of the first table, which he
drove on at such a rate, that many agitations were occasioned
thereby, that pulled down ruin upon himself, friends and his
poor family." Now if the reader will look back to pages
131, 148, and compare that with their actings down to this
time, he will have a fair opportunity to know the meaning
of the terms, Rigid separation, Turbulent Anabaptists, Giddy
sectaries, &c., as they were often used by that party.
Mr. Williams closed his second plea for religious liberty,
with an address to the popish, prelatical, Presbyterian and
Independent clergy of the whole kingdom, wherein he makes
use of the fable or similitude of a "wolf and a poor lamb
coming down to drink at the same stream together."
The wolf, cruel and strong, drinks above and aloft; the lamb, innocent
and weak, drinks upon the stream below; the wolf questions and quarrels
the lamb for corrupting and defiling the waters; the lamb (not daring to
plead how easily the wolf, drinking higher, might transfer defilement
downward, but) pleads improbability and impossibility, that the waters
descending could convey defilement upwards; this is the controversy, this
the plea; but who shall judge? Be the lamb never so innocent, his plea
never so just, his adversary, the wolf, will be his judge, and being so cruel
and so strong, soon tears the lamb in pieces. Thus the cruel beast, armed
with the power of the kings, Rev. 17, sits judge in his own quarrels against
the lamb, about the drinking at the waters. And thus (saith Mr. Cotton)
the judgments ought to pass upon the heretic, not for matter of conscience
but for sinning against his conscience.
Objection. Methinks I hear, the great charge against the Independent
party to be great pleaders for liberty of conscience, &c. Answer. Oh,
the horrible deceit of the hearts of the sons of men! And what excellent
physic can we prescribe to others, till, as Job said, our soul comes to be in
'Hutchinson, Vol. I, p. 41. -Ed.
'Hubbard, pp. 189, 190.-ED.
400
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
their souls' cases? What need have we to be more vile, with Job, before
God, to walk in a holy sense of self-insufficiency, to cry for the blessed lead-
ings of the Holy Spirit of God, to guide and lead our heads and hearts up-
rightly!
He then goes on to shew, that each of these denomina-
tions had been sufferers in their turns, and when so, had al-
ways complained of it, and pleaded for liberty to their own
consciences; and then says:-
New England laws, lately published in Mr. Clarke's Narrative, tell how
free it shall be for people to gather themselves into church estate, how free
to choose their own ministers, how free to enjoy all the ordinances of Christ;
but yet, provided (so and so) upon the point, that the civil state must judge
of the spiritual, to wit, whether persons be fit for church estate, whether
the gathering be right, whether the people's choice be right, doctrines right;
and what is this in truth, but to swear that blasphemous oath of supremacy
again, to the kings and queens and magistrates of this and other nations,
instead of the pope! Into these prisons and cages, do those, otherwise ex-
cellent men, the Independents, put the children of God, and all the chil-
dren of men, and then bid them fly and walk at liberty (to wit, within the
conjured circle) so far as they please.¹
Toward the close of this year Mr. Miles came again and
ministered a while to his brethren in Boston. And Mr.
Sprague, who in those times joined the Baptist church in
Providence, in writing to the Massachusetts many years after,
says:-
Why do you strive to persuade the rising generation, that you never per-
secuted nor hurt the Baptists, which is so apparently false? .... Did you
not barbarously scourge Mr. Baker in Cambridge, the chief mate of a Lon-
don ship? where also you imprisoned Mr. Thomas Gould, John Russell
and Benjamin Sweetser, and many others, and fined them fifty pounds a
And did you not nail up the Baptist meeting-house doors, and
fine Mr. John Miles, Mr. James Brown and Mr. Nicholas Tanner? &c.
man.
I find also that a number of people from Kittery, on Pis-
cataqua River, in the province of Maine, were baptized this
year, and in the beginning of the next, sent their most gifted
brother to Boston with a letter of recommendation and re-
'Reply to Cotton, pp. 315-318.
[1682.]
WILLIAM SCREVEN LICENSED.
401
quest;¹ in consequence of which the church there wrote
thus on January 11, 1682:-
TO ALL WHOM IT MAY CONCERN :-These are to certify, that our beloved
brother William Screven is a member in communion with us, and having
had trial of his gifts among us, and finding him to be a man whom God
hath qualified and furnished with the gifts of his Holy Spirit and grace,
enabling him to open and apply the word of God, which through the bless-
ing of the Lord Jesus may be useful in his hand, for the begetting and
¹A copy of this letter is preserved in the papers of Rev. Silas Hall, of Raynham,
Massachusetts. Though not faultless in rhetoric, it is of sufficient interest to jus-
tify its publication, even aside from the consideration that it is probably the oldest
document in existence relating to the history of the Baptists in the State of Maine.
"Humphrey, a servant of Jesus Christ to the church which is at Boston; grace
be with you, and peace, from God, even the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the
Father of mercies and the God of all comforts, who comforteth us in all our tribu-
lations that we may be able to comfort them that are in any trouble, as we are com-
forted of God. Most dearly beloved brethren and friends, as I am, through free
grace, a member of the same body and joined to the same Head, Christ Jesus, I
thought it my special duty to inform you that the tender mercy of God in and
through Jesus Christ, hath shined upon us by giving light to them that sit in dark-
ness, and to guide our feet in the way of peace; for a great door, and effectual, is
opened in these parts, and there are many adversaries, according to the 1st of Corin-
thians, 16. 9. Therefore, dearly beloved, having a desire to the service of Christ,
which is perfect freedom, and the propagating his glorious gospel of peace and sal-
vation, and eyeing that precious promise in Daniel the 12th, 3d, 'They that turn
many to righteousness shall shine as the stars forever;' therefore I signify unto you,
that here [are] a competent number of well established people whose hearts the
Lord hath opened insomuch that they have gladly received the word and do seri-
ously profess their hearty desire to the following of Christ and to partake of all his
holy ordinances, according to his blessed institution and divine appointment; there-
fore I present my ardent desire to your serious consideration, which is, if the Lord
see it fit, to have a gospel church planted here in this place; and in order hereunto,
we think it meet that our beloved brother, William Screven, who is, through free
grace, gifted and endued, with the spirit of veterans to preach the gospel; who, be-
ing called by us, who are visibly joined to the church. When our beloved brother
is ordained according to the sacred rule of the Lord Jesus, our humble petition is
to God that he will be pleased to carry on this good work to the glory of his holy
name, and to the enlarging of the kingdom of his beloved Son, our dear Redeemer,
who will add daily to his church such as shall be saved; and we desire you in the
name of our Lord Jesus not to be slack in this good work, believing verily that you
will not, and that you are always abounding in the work of the Lord, and we hum-
bly crave your petitions for us to the throne of grace, and we commend you to God
and the good word of his grace, which is able to build you up and to give you an in-
heritance among them that are sanctified.
"Written by mine own hand, this 3d of January, 1681.
HUMPHREY CHURCHWOOD.”
The above date is in Old Style; in modern reckoning it should be 1682.—ED.
26
402
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
building up of souls in the knowledge of God, do therefore appoint, ap-
prove and encourage him, to exercise his gift in the place where he lives,
or elsewhere, as the providence of God may cast him; and so the Lord
help him to eye his glory in all things, and to walk humbly in the fear of
his name.
Signed by us in behalf of the rest.
ISAAC HULL,
JOHN FARNUM.
But no sooner was this design heard of in their town, than
Mr. Woodbridge the minister, and Hucke the magistrate,
began to bestir themselves, and not only spread the slanders
we have heard so much of against the Baptists at Boston,
but the magistrate repeatedly summoned those people before
him who had been to the Baptist meetings, and threatened
them with a fine of five shillings for every such offence for
the future. On January 23, he convented Humphrey Church-
wood, a baptized member of Boston church, before him,
where was the said minister, who, after casting those old
stories upon him, said, " Behold your great doctor, Mr. Miles
of Swanzey, for he now leaves his profession and is come
away, and will not teach his people any more, because he is
like to perish for want, and his gathered church and people
will not help him." Churchwood told them it was a great
untruth; and directly wrote to Boston upon it, which letter
is now before me.¹ Several others from that place were
1
"Humphrey, to the church of Christ at Boston: Grace be multiplied, and peace,
from God our Father, and from the Lord Jesus Christ. Most dearly beloved breth-
ren and Christian friends, I thought good to inform you that since our beloved
brother Screven went from us, who, I trust is by God's mercy, now with you, by his
long absence from us, has given great advantage to our adversaries to triumph and
to endeavor to beat down that good beginning which God, by his poor instrument
hath begun amongst us; and our magistrate, Mr. Hucke, is almost every day sum-
moning and threatening the people by fines and other penalties, if they ever come
to our meetings any more, five shillings for every such offence.
And yesterday,
being the twenty-third of this instant January, I was fetched before him by a sum-
mons, whither being come, he demanded of me how I spent my time; being inform-
ed, as I understood, that I made it my business to go from house to house as a sedu-
cer; but after I gave him to understand that I was joined to the baptized church of
Boston, in covenant and fellowship, he told me that he was very sorry that I was
deluded and misled; and our minister, Mr. Woodbridge, being present, he began to
rail upon you, and especially of being built upon excommunicate persons, naming
[1682.]
}
WILLIAM SCREVEN ARRESTED.
403
baptized soon after; but to hinder their proceedings, their
General Court took the matter in hand as follows, viz. :-
William Screven, appearing before this Court, and being convicted of
the contempt of his Majesty's authority, and refusing to submit himself to
the sentence of the Court, prohibiting his public preaching, and upon exam-
ination before the Court, declaring his resolution still to persist therein, the
Court tendered him liberty to return home to his family, in case he would
forbear such turbulent practices and amend for the future; but he refusing,
the Court sentenced him to give bond for his good behavior, and to forbear
such contentious behavior for the future, and the delinquent to stand com-
mitted until the judgment of this Court be fulfilled.
Vera copia, transcribed, and with the records compared, this 17th of
August, 1682.
per EDWARD RISHWORTH, Recorder.
one John Farnum, who, he said was a grievous, censorious man; and would not let
Mr. Mader, [Mather] alone till he had cast him out of his church. Then I gave
him the book set forth by Elder John Russell, and told him, if he would impartially
read that book, he would not speak so evilly of them. But Woodbridge told him
that he would affirm that there were many palpable untruths in that book; but I
said there were many grievous, false scandals and false insinuations in their book
entitled The Divine Right of Infant Baptism, falsely laid upon those who professed
believers' baptism, which had been fully answered by a letter from one Kiffin, of
London, and confuted by all sober men, and taken to arise from a spirit of inveter-
acy and animosity. And having a long dispute concerning infant baptism and ordi-
nation of ministers, and that none might preach except called by men, I affirmed
that it is written God's people shall all be taught of him, and therefore, as every man
has received the gift of God, so let him administer the same as good stewards of the
manifold grace of God. Then Mr. Hucke answered, saying, Behold your great
Doctor, Mr. Miles of Swanzey, for he now leaves his profession and is come away,
and will not teach his people any more, because he is like to perish for want, and
his gathered church and people will not help him. I answered, it was a great un-
truth, but he said he could bring two sufficient men to testify that they had it from
his own mouth at Boston. Dear brethren, I cannot harbor any such thing, but it is
in every one's mouth, and it is a great stumbling block to many tender consciences;
therefore I request you not to fail, as soon as you can possibly, if this letter come
to your hand before brother Screven cometh from thence, that you would send an
answer to this thing, for the satisfaction of our friends here, and I hope you will
take that into serious consideration which I sent by brother Screven. And the
good will of him that dwelt in the bush, be with you to guide you in all your under-
takings. And so, humbly craving your prayers for us, and that you will dispatch
brother Sereven as soon as he cometh back from Swanzey, for his long tarrying
maketh us conclude that he is gone thither. All our friends here are well, blessed
be God! and we hope the same by you, which is the tenor of our prayers.
"Written by mine own hand this 25th day of January, 1681[2].
Rev. S. Hall's Collection of papers.
The reader will observe, in this letter, a discrepancy of one day in dates. It may
have been commenced on the 24th and finished on the 25th.—ED.
404
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
{
To this is added a copy of the same date by the same
hand, of an act of their Executive Court, which says:--
This Court having considered the offensive speeches of William Screven,
viz., his rash and inconsiderate words tending to blasphemy, do adjudge the
delinquent, for his offence, to pay ten pounds into the treasury of the county
or province. And further, the Court doth forbid and discharge the said
Screven, under any pretence, to keep any private exercise at his own house
or elsewhere upon the Lord's days, either in Kittery or any other place
within the limits of this province, and is for the future enjoined to observe
the public worship of God in our public assemblies upon the Lord's days,
according to the laws here established in this province, upon such penalties
as the law requires upon such neglect of the premises.
But he was so far from yielding to such sentences, that on
September 13, he with the rest sent a request to Boston that
Elder Hull and others might visit and form them into a
church,' which was granted; so that a covenant was
"TO THOMAS SKINNER, BOSTON, FOR THE CHURCH: Dearly beloved brethren in
the Lord Jesus Christ, the King of saints. I and my wife salute you with our Christian
love in our Lord Jesus, hoping through grace these few lines will find you in health
of body and mind. Blessed be God for Jesus Christ, in whom he is pleased to ac-
count his saints meet to be partakers of the blessed rest provided for them in his
mansion-house eternally in the heavens. That will be a happy day when all the
saints shall join together in sounding of his praise. The good Lord enable us to
prepare for that blessed day. To that end, brethren, let us pray, every one him-
self, for himself, and for one another, that God would please to search our hearts
and reins, so as that we may walk with God here, and hereafter dwell with him in
glory.
"I had thought to have been with you last church-meeting, but my wife's condi-
dition was such I could not come, and this time by providence, I have taken some
hurt, so that I cannot ride so far as yet. I hope to be with you next month, if the
Lord will. And we have sent you our apprehensions about our present state. I
hope we are. conscientious in what we have said to you. I believe you will not
judge otherwise. I am persuaded it will do much for the honor of God to have it
done here. Besides, my mother-in-law hath desired to follow Christ in that ordi-
nance. We all conceive it will be more honorable and expedient that it be done by
the Elder Hull, that is so truly praised here. I pray you to consider these things.
Both may be done when the messengers come up to us. My humble request to you
is, that you will grant us what we have conscientiously treated you for. I conceive
we are all agreed to leave our burdens, and you to agree on the time. No more at
present; but rest, your unworthy brother in gospel relation.
"The 13th of the 7th month, [September, O. S.] 1682.
To Brother Tho. Skinner, Will. Squire, Elias Callender."
Rev. S. Hall's Collection of Papers.-ED.
WILLIAM SCREVEN.
[1682.] BAPTIST CHURCHES AT KITTERY AND NEWBURY.
405
solemnly signed on September 25, 1682, by William Screven,
Elder, Humphrey Churchwood, Deacon, Robert Williams,
John Morgandy, Richard Cutt, Timothy Davis, Leonard
Drown, William Adams, Humphrey Azell, and George Lit-
ten, and a number of sisters.¹ A Baptist church was also
formed this year from that of Boston, at Newbury, by Wil-
liam and John Sayer, Benjamin Morse, Edward Woodman
and others, to whom I find Elder Hull and Elder Emblen
writing as a sister church, on March 25, 1689; though how
much longer they continued a distinct church I do not find.
2
Mr. Philip Edes, a member of the first Baptist church in
Newport, died this year on March 16, of whom Mr. Samuel
Hubbard says in a letter to Governor Leete, "This friend of
yours and mine, one in office in Oliver's house, was for lib-
erty of conscience; a merchant, a precious man, of a holy
life and conversation, beloved of all sorts of men, his death
much bewailed by all." Mr. Thomas Olney, senior, also died
this year. He was next to Mr. Williams in the pastoral
office at Providence, and continued so to his death, over that
part of the church who were called Five Principle Baptists,
in distinction from those who parted from their brethren
about the year 1653, under the leading of Elder Wickenden,
holding to the laying on of hands upon every church member.
The greatest fault that I find Mr. Olney charged with is, that
he was for extending the first deed of Providence up to the
'This church had but a brief existence. "As the result of a long cherished and
well organized religious intolerance, venting itself in vehement and impassioned
persecution, these humble Christians became disheartened and overcome. In less
than one year from its recognition, the church was dissolved, and the members scat-
tered like sheep upon the mountains." Millet's Maine Baptists, p. 27; Benedict,
Vol. I, p. 309.-ED.
21682. Early this year, a small Baptist church was formed in Newbury, as ap-
pears from the following extract from the records of the First Baptist church in Bos-
ton:-' February 6th, 1681, [O. S.] Agreed, upon a church meeting, that we, the
church at Boston, have assented unto the settling of the church at Newbury.' The
persons who formed this church were probably George Little and Philip Squire, who
united with the Baptist church in Boston in 1676, Nathaniel Cheney, William Sayer
and wife, Mr. Edward Woodman and wife, John Sayer and Abel Merrill, all of whom
became members in 1681." History of Newbury, p. 135.—Ed.
406
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
!
head of the two great rivers it lay between, or at least as far
as their charter reached, from the words Without limits, in
page 72. In this he was opposed by our elders, Wicken-
den and Dexter, the latter of whom informs us that Mr. Wil-
liams said, the only intent of the expression was to prevent
the Indians hurting their cattle if they wandered far into
the woods. Their writings on both sides are yet extant in
their town clerk's office. They tell me at Swanzey that El-
der Miles permitted Mr. Brown's wife, who was not a Bap-
tist, to commune with their church, till by Elder Olney's in-
fluence she was dismissed to Mr. Angier's church in Reho-
both. It is very evident that Mr. Olney was a capable and
very useful man, both in church and state for forty-four
years after he left the Massachusetts; as his son also was
for many years; and his posterity are respectable in that
town and State to this day. Mr. Holmes, of whom much has
been said, who wrote the account of himself in 1675, that
is given in pages 173-176, 206-209, and succeeded Mr.
Clarke in the pastoral office at Newport, died there, October
15, 1682, aged seventy-six. He has a large posterity now
remaining in New England and New Jersey.
The learned and pious Mr. Miles having returned to his
flock in Swanzey, fell asleep in Jesus, on February 3, 1683;
and his memory is still precious among us. We are told
that being once brought before the magistrates he requested
a Bible, and upon obtaining it, he turned to those words,
"Ye should say, Why persecute we him, seeing the root of
the matter is found in me;" Job 19. 28; which having read,
he sat down; and the word had a good effect upon their
minds, and moved them to treat him with moderation if not
kindness. His son went back to England, and his grand-
son, Mr. Samuel Miles, was an Episcopal minister at Boston
in 1724. Though Mr. Willard, and the Magnalia from him,
accused the Baptists of Boston, of separating because they
wanted to be teachers, yet that was so far from truth, that
1
'Magnalia, Vol. II, p. 460.-Ed.
[1682.]
LETTER TO LONDON, AND REPLY.
407
on June 27, 1681, they wrote to London for a minister,
giving this as one reason for it, that, "our minister is very
aged and feeble, and often incapable of his ministerial
work;" and as another motive they say, "We conceive
there is a prospect of good encouragement for an able man
to come over, in that there seems to be an apparent and
general apostacy among the churches who have professed
themselves Congregational in this land; whereby many
have their eyes opened, by seeing the declension and con-
fusion that is among them." A kind answer hereto was re-
turned by eleven Baptist ministers, which is before me.2
2. London, the 13th of the 8th [?] month, 1681.
'BELOVED BRETHREN-For whom we pray that the Father of mercies may fill you
with the knowledge of his will, in all wisdom and spiritual understanding in the
knowledge of our Lord Jesus, that you may be to the praise, honor and glory of
him that hath called you out of darkness into his marvelous light. We have re-
ceived yours to us, wherein you acquaint us with the good hand of Providence to-
wards you in having your liberty again to meet in your public place, and the hopes
you have of a considerable increase; also the sense you have of the present want
of a faithful, able man to go in and out before you in the work of the ministry, the
Lord having deprived you of him that was formerly very useful to you therein, who
is now fallen asleep in the Lord. We do assure you that there is nothing wanting,
nor shall be, to help you herein, but at present cannot think of any, the Lord know-
ing the laborers are few amongst us, especially such as have the courage whereby
they may have the more acceptance with you, and be able to maintain the truth.
against gainsayers. But you may be assured of the utmost we can do herein, and
we trust and pray that the Lord will be pleased to spirit such amongst yourselves as
may be a means to build you up in the ways of holiness. We have had experience
that when such help hath been wanting amongst us as you desire, the Lord hath
made it up with his special presence, and the assistance he hath given to poor, de-
spised, unlearned men hath been so blessed that greater addition hath been to the
churches than now; and we hope what may be wanting in the gifts you wait for, the
Lord will help you to make up by that humble and gracious frame of spirit, shining
in your love to Christ and to each other, as may put to silence those that may take
an occasion to reproach you for want of having those abilities amongst you as they
have amongst them. He that hath the abundance of the Spirit, is able to make sup-
ply to all your wants, according to the riches of his glory by Jesus Christ.
"And since the Lord hath abated the heats of some men's spirits amongst you, and
you have now liberty to move more freer than formerly, you have need be very
watchful over your own hearts and the great enemy of our peace, Satan, lest any
occasion be given for any to stumble, that are now making inquiry after the farther
manifestations of the mind and will of God amongst you; and we are persuaded
that, as he hath opened a door amongst you, so he will furnish you with abilities and
strength from himself, for your farther edification and comfort. We kindly thank
you that you have the remembrance of us to God, in your prayers, and we desire
408
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
And now, as some singular and curious things are gener-
ally expected from a new country, I shall relate the closing
part of one of the greatest curiosities I have met with in
modern history; the sum whereof is this. A large number
of people fled out of the old world into this wilderness for
religious liberty; but had not been here long before some
put in high claims for power, under the name of orthodoxy ;
to whom others made fierce opposition professedly from the
light within; and their clashings were so great that several
lives were lost in the fray. This made a terrible noise on
the other side of the water. But as self-defence is a natural
principle, each party wrote volume after volume to clear
themselves from blame; and they both conspired to cast a
great part of it upon one singular man, whom they called a
weathercock and a windmill.¹ Now let the curious find out
the continuance thereof, not knowing what, nor how soon, troubles and sorrows may
befall us.
The cloud has been black a great while over us, and it is marvelous in
our eyes that our peace hath been and is lengthened out as it is; but surely a very
great storm is a-coming, and who shall be able to stand in that day, the Lord only
knoweth. That indeed is our comfort, that we are under the promise of a faithful
God, that as the day is, so our strength shall be. We are very glad to have some
lines from you, and desire it may be continued as often as you have any opportunity;
and we trust we shall not be wanting to return answers to them.
With our prayers
to the Lord to keep you faithful to the end, and our real love to you all, remain,
WM. KIFFEN,
HAN. KNOLLYS,
DANIEL DYKE,
WM. COLLINS,
N■н. COXE,
EDW. WILLIAMS,
WILLIAM DIX,
ROBERT SCELLing,
TOBIAS RUSsell,
MAURICE KING,
JNO. SKINER."
The original of this letter, with the autograph signatures, is preserved among the
Backus papers in the library of the Backus Historical Society.—ED.
•
"Here is a lying, scandalous book of Roger Williams of Providence..... I have
known him about fifty years, a mere weathercock, constant only in inconstancy.
They ought to have feared God and the king, that is to punish evil doers, and there-
fore not to meddle to their hurt with him that is given to change." Coddington's
Letter. See pp. 353, 354.
"In the year 1654, a certain windmill in the Low Countries, whirling round with
extraordinary violence, by reason of a violent storm then blowing; the stone, at
length, by its rapid motion, became so intensely hot as to fire the mill, from whence
the flames, being dispersed by the high winds, did set a whole town on fire. But I
can tell my reader, that about twenty years before this, there was a whole country
in America like to be set on fire by the rapid motion of a windmill in the head of
one particular man. Know then that about the year 1630, arrived here, one Mr.
Roger Williams," &c. Magnalia, Vol. II, p. 430.-ED.
3
[1683.] CHARACTER OF ROGER WILLIAMS VINDICATED.
409
if they can, first, how men of university learning, or of
divine inspiration, came to write great volumes against a
windmill and a weathercock? secondly, how such a strange
creature came to be an overmatch for them all, and to carry
his point against the arts of priestcraft, the intrigues of
court, the flights of enthusiasm and the power of factions,
so as after he had pulled down ruin upon himself and his
friends, yet to be able, in the midst of heathen savages, to
erect the best form of civil government that the world had
seen in sixteen hundred years? thirdly, how he and his
ruined friends came to lie under those reproaches for a hun-
dred years, and yet that their plan should then be adopted
by thirteen colonies, to whom these despised people could
afford senators of principal note, as well as commanders by
sea and land? The excellency of this scene above those
which many are bewitched with, consists in its being found-
ed upon facts and not fictions; being not the creature of
distempered brains, but of an unerring Providence.
According to Mr. Williams's own testimony, his soul was
renewed by divine grace when he was not more than ten or
twelve years old.¹
old.¹ And the mystery of his being rigidly set
in his way, and yet "given to change," is to be explained
thus. Neither frowns nor flatteries could move him to part
with what he judged to be truth, or to assent to anything
contrary thereto. As he scrupled the exactness of the cal-
endar then in use, so he discovered it in all his dates. Even
when dedicating his Quaker dispute to the king, he dated
it March 10, 1672, 3, (ut vulgo.) On the other hand he was
ever ready to change, when he could obtain light for it from
any quarter. While he ministered to his brethren at Ply-
mouth, he objected against their custom of giving their
neighbors the title of Goodman, if they were not judged to
be godly persons. When Governor Winthrop paid them a
visit in 1632,2 and his advice was asked upon it, he showed
them that they ought to distinguish betwixt theological and
'See p. 118.
*See p. 43.
*
1
410
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
moral goodness, and observed that when trials by jury were
first introduced in England, after the names of fit persons
for the purpose were called over, the crier called them to
attend, Good men and true, from whence proceeded the cus-
tom then in question; and he thought it a pity to make a
stir about a custom so innocently introduced.¹ Mr. Wil-
liams readily embraced this advice, and made a very good
use of it afterward, in exposing the mischiefs that arose
from a confounding of those two sorts of goodness together,
as Mr. Cotton and many others had done. And because he
was earnestly looking for a better church establishment than
he had then seen, they imposed the name of Seeker upon
him. The great Mr. Baxter calls him The father of the
Seekers in London.2 When he went there in 1643, and
published his testimony against the Bloody Tenet, Mr. Cot-
ton, among other reflections, said, "Thus men that have time
and leisure at will, will set up images of clouts, and then
shoot at them." In answer to which Mr. Williams appealed
to the people of Plymouth, Salem and Providence, that he
had not led such a life in this country; and as to the other,
he says:-
113
I can tell that when these discussions were prepared for the public in
London, his time was eaten up in attendance upon the service of the par-
liament and city for the supply of the poor of the city with wood, during
the stop of coal from Newcastle, and the mutinies of the poor for fireing.
....These meditations were fitted for public view in change of rooms and
corners, yea, .... in a variety of strange houses, sometimes in the fields
in the midst of travel.
For this service, through the hurry of the times, and the
necessity of his departure, he lost his recompence to this
day. He continues:-
Well, notwithstanding Master Cotton's bitter censure, some persons of
no contemptible note nor intelligence, have by letters from England, in-
formed the discusser, that by these images of clouts" it hath pleased
God to stop no small leaks of persecution, that lately began to flow in
'Magnalia, B. 2, p. 14. [Vol. I, p. 117.]
"Tenet washed, p. 31.
"
"Crosby, Vol. I, p. 118.
[1683.]
WILLIAMS'S LETTER TO HUBBARD.
411
upon dissenting consciences, and among others, to Master Cotton's own,
and to the peace and quietness of the Independents, which they have so
long, and so wonderfully enjoyed.¹
As to his later services, he was so far from being meanly
hired, as they said, for a piece of bread,2 to write against
the Quakers, that after he had done it, he wrote thus to
Newport-
MY DEAR FRIEND, Samuel HubBARD: To yourself and aged compan-
ion, my loving respects in the Lord Jesus, who ought to be our hope of
[and] glory, begun in this life and enjoyed to all eternity. I have herein
returned your little, yet great, remembrance of the hand of the Lord to
yourself and your sou late departed. I praise the Lord for your humble
kissing of the holy rod, and acknowledging his just and righteous, together
with his gracious and merciful, dispensation to you. I rejoice also to read
your heavenly desires and endeavors, that your trials may be gain to your
own souls, and the souls of the youth of the place, and all of us. You
are not unwilling, I judge, that I deal plainly and friendly with you.
.. After all that I have seen and read and compared about the seventh
day (and I have earnestly and carefully read and weighed all I could
come at in God's holy presence,) I cannot be removed from Calvin's
mind, and indeed Paul's mind, Col. 2, that all those sabbaths of seven
days were figures, types and shadows, and forerunners of the Son of God,
and that the change is made from the remembrance of the first creation,
and that (figurative) rest on the seventh day, to the remembrance of the
second creation on the first, on which our Lord arose conqueror from the
dead. Accordingly I have read many, but see no satisfying answer to
those three Scriptures chiefly, Acts 20, I Corinthians 16, Revelation 1, in
conscience to which I make some poor conscience to God as to the rest
day..... As for thoughts for England, I humbly hope the Lord hath hew-
ed [shewed] me to write a large narrative of all those four days agitation
between the Quakers and myself; if it please God I cannot get it printed
in New England, I [yet] have great thoughts and purposes for Old.....
Mine age, lameness, and many other weaknesses, and the dreadful hand of
God at sea, calls for deep consideration. What God may please to bring
forth in the spring his holy wisdom knows. If he please to bring to an
absolute purpose I will send you word, and my dear friend Obediah Holmes,
who sent me a message to the same purpose. At present I pray salute
respectively Mr. John Clarke and his brothers, Mr. Tory, Mr. Edes,
Edward Smith, William Hiscox, Stephen Mumford and other friends,
'Reply to Cotton. p. 38. See pp. 130, 146, 147, 157, &c.
See p. 353.-Ed.
412
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
whose preservation, [and] of the Island, and this country, I humbly beg
of the Father of mercies, in whom I am yours, unworthy.
R. W.
If the reader reviews Dr. Chamberlain's first letter,¹ and is
informed that he with the brethren he wrote to, took the
whole of the ten commandments to be moral and immutable,
and held that it was the little horn that changed the time
from the seventh to the first day; but that Mr. Olney and
his church observed to their brethren, that Paul speaks of a
glory which was done away, that was written and engraven
in stones; II Corinthians 3. 7; compared with this letter,
he will then have a plain idea of the nature of that contro-
versy on both sides, as it was managed in that day. And,
to go on, it is to be remembered, that some persons in dif-
ferent parts of the colony had such a conceit of liberty, as
that officers should manage the government without any
reward from them; by which means Mr. Clarke received
but part of his pay for procuring their charter as long as he
lived; and this occasioned a remonstrance from his execu-
tors to the Assembly upon it soon after his death. A clause
from Mr. Williams upon it, I have already recited ;² to which
I now add the following. In August, 1678, he was appoint-
ed to assist Mr. Daniel Abbot in setting their town records
in order, the latter being then chosen their clerk. Three years
after, Mr. Williams wrote to him thus:
2
MY GOOD FRIEND: Loving remembrance to you. It hath pleased the
Most High and Only Wise, to stir up your spirit to be one of the chiefest
stakes in our poor hedge. I therefore, not being well able to come to you,
present you with a few thoughts about the great stumbling block, to them
that are willing to stumble and trouble themselves,—our rates. James
Matison had one copy of me, and Thomas Arnold another. This I send
to yourself and the town (for it may be I shall not be able to be at meet-
ing.) I am grieved that you do so much service for so bad recompence;
but I am persuaded you shall find cause to say, The Most High God of
recompence, who was Abraham's great reward, hath paid me.
'See pages 378, 379.
2See page 371.
[1683.] WILLIAMS'S CONSIDERATIONS TOUCHING RATES.
CONSIDERATIONS PRESENTED, TOUCHING RATES.
413
1. Government and order in families, towns, &c., is the ordinance of the
Most High, Romans 13, for the peace and good of mankind. 2. Six things
are written in the hearts of all mankind, yea, even in Pagans. 1st. That
there is a Deity; 2d. That some actions are naught; 3d. That the Deity
will punish; 4th. That there is another life; 5th. That marriage is honor-
able; 6th. That mankind cannot keep together without some government.
3. There is no Englishman in his Majesty's dominions, or elsewhere, who
is not forced to submit to government. 4. There is not a man in the world
except robbers, pirates and rebels, but doth submit to government. 5.
Even robbers, pirates and rebels themselves, cannot hold together but by
some law among themselves, and government. 6. One of these two great
laws in the world, must prevail; either that of judges and justices of peaec
in courts of peace, or the law of arms, the sword and blood. 7. If it
comes from the courts of trials in peace, to the trial of the sword and
blood, the conquered is forced to seek law and government. 8. Till mat-
ters come to a settled government no man is ordinarily sure of his house,
goods, lands, cattle, wife, children, or life. 9. Hence is that ancient max-
im, It is better to live under a tyrant in peace, than under the sword, or
where every man is a tyrant. 10. His Majesty sends governors to Bar-
bados, Virginia, &c., but to us he shows greater favor in our charter, to
choose whom we please. 11. No charters are obtained without great suit,
favor or charges. Our first cost an hundred pounds, (though I never
received it all,) our second about a thousand, Connecticut about six thou-
sand, &c.
12. No government is maintained without tribute, customs,
rates, taxes, &c. 13. Our charter excels all in New England, or in the
world, as to the souls of men. 14. It pleaseth God, Romans 13, to com-
mand tribute, custom and consequently rates, [&c.,] not only for fear, but
for conscience sake. 15. Our rates are the least by far of any colony in
New England. 16. There is no man that hath a vote in town or colony,
but he hath a hand in making the rates by himself or his deputies. 17.
In our colony the General Assembly, Governors, magistrates, deputies,
towns, town clerks, raters, constables, &c., have done their duties; the fail-
ing lies upon particular persons. 18. It is but folly to resist, (one or
more, and if oue why not more?) God hath stirred up the spirit of the
Governor, magistrates and officers, driven to it by necessity, to be unani-
mously resolved to see the matter finished; and it is the duty of every man
to maintain, encourage and strengthen the hand of authority. 19. Black
clouds (some years) have hung over Old and New England heads. God
hath been wonderfully patient and long suffering to us; but who sees not
changes and calamities hanging over us? 20. All men fear that this
blazing herald from heaven denounceth from the Most High, wars, pesti-
T
1
414. HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
lence, famines; is it not then our wisdom to make and keep peace with
God and man?
Your old, unworthy servant,
Providence, 15th January, 1680,¹ (so called.)
ROGER WILLIAMS.¹
The last act that I have found upon record, performed by
this eminent peacemaker, was on January 16, 1683, when
he, with Mr. Carpenter, and the heirs or assigns of the
other eleven original proprietors, signed a full settlement of
the long continued controversy about Pawtuxet lands. On
the 10th of May following, Mr. John Thornton wrote to
Mr. Hubbard and said:—
Dear brother, you gave me an account of the death of divers of our
ancient friends; since that time the Lord hath arrested by death our
ancient and approved friend Mr. ROGER WILLIAMS, with divers others
here. The good Lord grant that we may be stirred up, with the wise vir-
gius, to be trimming our lamps, and getting them full of the spiritual oil,
and standing with wise Habakkuk upon our watch towers till our appoint-
ed change.
Thus lived and thus died the first Baptist minister in New
England, and the first founder and supporter of any truly
free civil government upon earth, since the rise of anti-
christ; "and he was buried with all the solemnity the col-
ony was able to show."
This was in the eighty-fourth year
"These excellent observations are still extant in his own hand writing. The
last article refers to a remarkable blazing star that appeared in those times.-B.
Professor Howell, who copied the above document for Backus, appended to the
last sentence the following note: "Alluding to the very remarkable appearance of
the comet of 1680, the tail of which was said to be eighty-two millions of miles
long, its period five hundred and seventy-five years, and that it came so near the sun
as to be heated two thousand times hotter than red hot iron." Many testimonies
remain of the terror with which this comet was then regarded. Professor Howell
had doubtless seen it at its reäppearance in 1758, after a period of a little more than
seventy-five years, instead of five hundred and seventy-five; and its appearance in
1835, is still well remembered. It is the same comet which, in 1456, evoked the
famous order of Pope Calixtus III, that all church bells should be rung cach noon,
an extra Ave Maria be repeated and the prayer added, "Lord, save us from the
devil, the Turk, and the comet!"—the same which, according to the speculations of
Whiston, successor of Newton in the professorship of mathematics at Cambridge,
swept its tail over the earth in the days of Noah and produced the deluge!—Ed.
2Callender, p. 93, [147]. In 1686 Mr. S. Hubbard wrote that Mr. Thornton, and
Mr. Joseph Clarke, were all that were then living who were baptized in New Eng-
land before him.
[1683.]
DESCENDANTS OF ROGER WILLIAMS.
415
of his age, being fifty-two years after his arrival in this
country.
His wife, whose name was Mary, came with him from
England; their children were, 1. Mary, born at Plymouth
the first week in August, 1633. 2. Freeborn, at Salem in
October, 1635. 3. Providence, born at the place he so
called, in September, 1638, said to be the first English male
born there. 4. Marcy, born July 15, 1640. 5. Daniel,
born February 13, 1642. 6. Joseph, born in December,
1643. The last of these, and a grandson of the same name,
were magistrates in that colony, and some of great know-
ledge, compute his present posterity at near two thousand.
Thomas Ward, Esq., who was a Baptist before he came out
of Cromwell's army, and was a very useful man in this
colony, was ancestor to two late governors, and to the pre-
sent secretary of it, in the male line, as Mr. Williams was in
the female; one of them was the Honorable Samuel Ward,
Esq., who died a member of the Continental Congress at
Philadelphia, on March 26, 1776, aged 52. The family of
Hopkins in Providence, which has afforded an honorable
member of that Assembly, and two commanders for the con-
tinental fleet, descended in the male line from Mr. Thomas
Hopkins, who followed Mr. Williams from Plymouth, and
in the female from Mr. Wickenden, an early member, and
long a teacher of the Baptist church there. The noted fam-
ily of Brown, in Providence, sprung from Mr. Chad Brown
on the one side, and from Mr. Williams on the other. And
our Generals, Greene and Arnold, sprung from two of the
first twelve proprietors of those lands, which were given for
a place of refuge for such as were distressed for conscience.
sake elsewhere. May that great design never be forgotten
by us or ours? Some have been ready to make those relig-
ious contentions and oppressions an argument against all
revealed religion, but if they duly consider the following
things, compared with the foregoing, perhaps it may alter
their minds. To guard against evil biases in our dealings,
416
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
the great Author of our religion said, With what judgment
ye judge, ye shall be judged; and with what measure ye
mete, it shall be measured to you again. Was not his word
verified in the following instances?
1. The ruling party in the Massachusetts, had not only
raked up the real faults of the Baptists, and exposed them
in their worst colors, but also slandered them in many par-
ticulars. And now Edward Randolph went eight voyages
to England in nine years, and treated them in the same man-
ner at the British Court, on purpose to get away their char-
ter.¹ 2. By a plea from the king's grant in that charter,
they had cruelly oppressed their brethren and neighbors in
many instances; now in 1684 the charter was vacated by a
decree in chancery, without giving them opportunity to
answer for themselves; and "those who were in confeder-
acy with Sir Edmund Andros, for the enriching themselves
on the spoils [ruins] of New England, did invade the prop-
erty as well as liberty of the subject; .... and gave out,
that now their charter was gone all their lands were the
king's; that themselves did represent the king, and there-
fore men that would have any legal title to their lands must
take patents of them, on such terms as they should see meet
to impose. What people that had the spirits of English-
men could endure this?"2 3. Their charter never gave
them any right to establish their mode of worship by force;
but in order to do it they presumed to leave the word law-
ful out of their oaths; and Ipswich gave an early example
of seizing their neighbors' property in that illegal way,
against the weighty arguments of Judge Symonds. Now
the scale was turned, so that an arbitrary Governor and Coun-
cil made laws and imposed taxes upon all, without any
House of Representatives; and for refusing to carry an
order for such a tax into execution in Ipswich, Mr. John
3
4
'Massachusetts History, Vol.I, pp. 329, 335, [297, 301.] Vol. III, pp. 480, 490, &c.
2Revolution in New England Justified, printed 1691, and reprinted 1773, p. 17.
3See pp. 47, 49.
4See pp. 248, 249.-Ed.
ť
[1683.]
PROVIDENTIAL RETRIBUTIONS.
417
Wise, a minister, who spake upon it in their town meeting,
was imprisoned, and denied the benefit of the Habeas Cor-
pus Act; and when he upon his trial pleaded the Mag-
na Charta, and laws of England, he was told by one of
the judges, that he must not think the laws of England
followed them to the ends of the earth." 'Mr. Wise," said
he, "you have no more privilege left you, than not to be sold
for slaves." The honorable John Appleton, Esq., was treated
in the same manner; and both were put from office, fined
fifty pounds apiece, and ordered to give bonds of one thou-
sand pounds each, for their good behavior for one year.
Four other men of that town received like sentences, only
in less sums.¹ Was not this a teaching by cudgel instead
of argument? To justify or excuse their making the law
against the Baptists in 1644, Mr. Hubbard said :-
It were well if [all] those who cannot comply with the religion of the
state or place where they live, yet had so much manners as not to jostle
against nor openly practise that that is inconsistent therewith, as if they
would bid a kind of defiance thereunto. Moses would not do that in Egypt,
upon [the] account of religious worship, that might seem a matter of
abomination to them who were lords of the place.³
And Dr. Mather had lately said:
If a considerable number of Antipædobaptists should (as our fathers
here did) obtain liberty from the state, to transport themselves and fami-
lies, into a waste American wilderness, that so they might be a peculiar
people by themselves; practising all, and only the institutions of Christ;
if now Pædobaptists should come after them, and intrude themselves upon
them,.... surely they would desire such persons either to walk orderly
with them, or return to the place from whence they came. Let them then
do as they would be done by.¹
Now John Palmer, one of Andros's council, to vindicate
their conduct, said, "It is a fundamental point, consented to
by all Christian nations, that the first discoverer of a coun-
try inhabited by infidels, gives [a] right and dominion of
that country to the prince in whose service [and employ-
'Revolution in New England, Justified, p. 16.
3Hubbard, pp. 373, 374.-ED.
2See page 80.
'Preface to Ne Sutor, p. 5.
27
418
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
ment] the discoverers were sent.” But they of Massachu-
setts say, "We affirm that this fundamental point, as he calls
it, is not a Christian, but an unchristian principle." Yes,
and it was as much so when they banished Mr. Williams,
as it is now. 4. We have seen how Dr. Mather treated the
characters of the Baptists; now, a letter is forged in his
name, full of ridiculous and treasonable expressions, which
being pretendedly detected in its way to Holland, was laid
before the British ministry, and then was printed and spread
through the nation to expose him. When he came to know
it he said, "That which troubled me was, that I was like to
suffer as an evil doer, through the malice and falsehood of
wicked men. Might I have suffered for any truth which I
had borne witness to, I could have rejoiced in it."2 Yes;
but his persecutors were as little inclined to give him that
honor, as he was the Baptists. 5. Governor Bradstreet who
helped to banish Mr. Williams, for opposing an oath that
was contrary to his conscience, lived to feel and see what
such impositions meant upon themselves. For refusing to
swear on the book, many were not only put by from serving
on juries, but were fined and imprisoned; and, says the his-
torian,the faithful of New England chose rather to suf
fer affliction, than to use a rite in the worship of God,
which they suspected sinful." And Dr. Increase Mather
took pains to publish a discourse upon "The unlawfulness
of using common prayer; and of swearing on the book."
6. Andros carried his Episcopal worship into Mr. Willard's
meeting-house, after their exercise was over, and threatened
"to shut up their doors if he was refused, and to punish
any man who gave two pence towards the support of Non-
conformist ministers; and that public worship in the Con-
gregational way, should not be tolerated." This felt so to
them, that when King James sent over his proclamation, of
indulgence and liberty of conscience," the ministers of Bos-
'Revolution justified, p. 44.
2His Life, pp. 93, 94.
"Magnalia B. 7, pp. 3, 12, 13, [Vol. II, pp. 434, 438, 439.]
!
[1684.]
PROVIDETIAL RETRIBUTIONS.
419
ton proposed unto their congregations to keep a day of
thanksgiving, to bless God for what they enjoyed; [but the
Governor assured them]" that if they did, he would clap a
guard on their persons and their churches too," and so pre-
vented it. Hereupon they thought proper to send Dr.
Mather as their agent to England. He had accused Ran-
dolph or his brother, of forging the aforesaid letter to ex-
pose him; upon which Randolph prosecuted him for defama-
ation; and though he was acquitted upon trial, yet, to pre-
vent his going to England, Randolph designed by another
writ to seize, and clap him up in prison; to avoid which,
Dr. Mather escaped out of town in disguise, and was car-
ried on board a ship in the night, April 7, 1688; and upon
his arrival at London, he with others petitioned the king,
"that there might be liberty of conscience in matters of
religion, and that all their meeting-houses may be left
free to them, according to the intention of the builders
thereof; but this application met with no success.”¹
•
Do not these things verify the truth of the Christian rev-
elation? They brought Dr. Mather over to acknowledge,
that the parable of the tares was a declaration of our Sav-
iour's will for a toleration; and "that a good neighbor and
a good subject has a claim to all his temporal enjoyments
before he is a Christian; and he thought it very odd, that
the man should lose his claim, from his embracing of Chris-
tianity, because he does not happen to be a Christian of the
uppermost party among the subdivisions. For an upper-
most party of Christians to punish men, in their temporal
enjoyments, because in some religious opinions they dissent
from them, or with an exclusion from the temporal enjoy-
ments which would justly belong unto them, is a robbery."
And how were the Baptists treated after this?
112
Their church at Boston had received Elder John Emblen
from England, July 20, 1684. Mr. Richard Dingley was
'His Life, pp. 103-111. Massachusetts History, Vol. I, p. 368, [327.]
2His Life, pp. 58, 59. See Isaiah, 61. 8.
420
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
received a member there the same year, and soon after suc-
ceeded Mr. Holmes in the pastoral office at Newport, where
he continued about ten years, and then went to Carolina.
Mr. Samuel Luther succeeded Mr. Miles at Swanzey, where
he was ordained by our elders, Hull and Emblen, on July.
22, 1685, and he was continued a great blessing to them.
thirty-two years. But Elder Emblen dying about 1699,
that church remained in destitute circumstances for some
years, and then chose Mr. Callender in his room; to whom
the following letter was directed, the original of which is
now before me.
16d. 1m. 1714.
SIRSAs in the distresses of the winter, we did, with the solemnities.
of humiliation, call upon our gracious God, so, since he has graciously
recovered so many of our people, and sent in such seasonable provisions.
for our necessities, it has been proposed among the ministers of the [this]'
town, that our good people may acknowledge these favors of our prayer-
hearing Lord, with the solemnity [solemnities] of a thanksgiving, in our
several congregations; for which, also, we have had the encouragement of
the government. The time we would propose for such a service is Thurs-
day, the first of April, if the churches have no objection against it. And
it was desired that you might be seasonably apprised of this proposal,
because we are well assured of the welcome, which a motion of such a
nature will find with you, and the people of God unto whom you stand
nearly related. Having thus discharged the duty in this matter incumbent
on me, I take leave to [and] subscribe,
Sir, your brother and servant,
COTTON MATHER.
To my worthy friend, Mr. Ellis Callender, elder of a church of Christ in
Boston.
His son Elisha had joined that church the tenth of August
preceding, and he gave him an education at Cambridge; and
Dr. Increase Mather having signified his willingness for
such a thing, the church called him, his son, and Mr. John
Webb, to assist in ordaining the said Mr. Elisha Callender,
'The words in brackets, indicate the form of this letter according to the copy in
Rev. S. Hall's Collection of papers.-ED.
[1684.] MATHER'S SERMON AT CALLENDER'S ORDINATION.
421
their pastor¹ on May 21, 1718; and in the preface to that
Ordination Sermon, the old gentleman says:-
It was a grateful surprise to me, when several of the brethren of the
Antipædobaptist persuasion came to me, desiring that I would give them
the Right Hand of Fellowship in ordaining one whom they had chosen to be
their pastor. I did (as I believe it was my duty) readily consent to what
they proposed; considering the young man to be ordained is serious and
pious, and of a candid spirit, and has been educated in the college at
Cambridge; and that all of the brethren of that church with whom I have
any acquaintance, (I hope the like concerning others of them) are, in the
judgment of rational charity, godly persons.
Two of them were old Elder Callender and Deacon
Sweetser, who were principal members when their meeting-
house was formerly nailed up. Dr. Cotton Mather preached
the Sermon, which he entitled Good Men United. After
opening the nature and importance of such a union, he
says:-
It is very sadly true, that many ecclesiastical communities, wherein piety
has its votaries, yet are guilty of this evil, that they impose terms of com-
munion which many that have the fear of God, are by just exceptions
kept from complying withal. Now in this unhappy case what is to be
done? Do this; let good men go as far as they can without sin in holding
communion with one another. But where sinful terms are imposed, there
let them make their stops; there a separation becomes a duty; there the
injunction of heaven upon them is, Be ye separate, saith the Lord, and
touch not the unclean thing, and I will receive you. The imposers are
"The following is the copy of the letter sent to the church under the care of Dr.
Mather and Rev. Mr. Webb, on Mr. Callender's ordination :
"HIONORED AND BELOVED IN THE LORD: Considering that there ought to be a
holy fellowship maintained among godly Christians, and that it is a duty for us to
receive one another as Christ also received us, to the glory of God, notwithstanding
some differing persuasions in matters of doubtful disputation; and although we
have not so great latitude as to the subject of baptism as the churches of New Eng-
land generally have; notwithstanding, as to the fundamental principles in your doc-
trine of Christ, both as to faith and order of the gospel, we concur with them; being
also satisfied that particular churches have power from Christ to choose their own
pastors, and that elders ought to be ordained in every church; and having chosen
our well beloved brother, Elisha Callender, to be our pastor, we entreat you to send
your elders and messengers to give the Right Hand of Fellowship in his ordination."
Notes to Memoir of John Callender, R. I. Historical Collections, Vol. IV, p. 27.
-ED.
422
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
!
the schismatics.
The unity which beautifies the true people of God,
is called The unity of the Spirit. Eph. 4. 3. The right basis for a union
among us, is, the Holy Spirit inclining us to glorify God, with an obe-
dience to his will revealed in his word; and to glorify our Saviour with a
dependence on him for all the blessings of goodness; and to love our neigh-
bor as ourselves. There have been many attempts to unite people in forms
and terms, that are not the pure maxims of living unto God; and so to
build the tower of Zion, on a foundation which is not the tried stone and
the precious, and so not the sure foundation. There has hitherto been a
blast from heaven upon all those attempts; they have miscarried, as being
rather calculated for the tower of Babel. We are sometimes fearful
of paying the respects which we really owe to a people of true piety; (such
a people as we this day meet withal) forsooth, lest we confirm them in
what we take to be an error, or mislead others into it. I hope it is need-
less fear. O, you who cannot but own yourselves brethren to one
another, and bound up in one bundle of life; how is it possible for you to
require of one another, submission to terms which, you cannot but think
that men may be good men, and have the evident tokens of salvation upon
them, without submitting to? And the terms which you have so pitched
upon, how can you proceed so far, as not only to withdraw your fellowship
from the good men to whom they do not appear so necessary, but also
inflict uneasy circumstances upon them, under the wretched notion of
wholesome severities ! Cursed the anger, for it is fierce; and the wrath, for it
is cruel! good for nothing but only to make divisions in Jacob, and disper-
sions in Israel. Good men, alas! good men have done such ill things as
these; yea, few churches of the reformation have been wholly clear of
these iniquities. New England also has, in some former times, done some-
thing of this aspect, which would not now be so well approved of; in
which, if the brethren in whose house we are now convened, met with any
thing too unbrotherly, they now with satisfaction hear us expressing our
dislike of every thing t at has looked like persecution in the days that
have passed over us.¹
I thought it best thus to collect these passages into one
view, which may remind us of the apostle's words, "Happy
is he that condemneth not himself in that thing which he
alloweth." After the vacation of the Massachusetts charter,
Mr. Joseph Dudley was appointed President of the colony,
till Governor Andros arrived in December, 1686, who had
all New England and New York included in his commission.
'Mather's Sermon at Callender's Ordination, pp. 18, 25, 34, 38, 39.
!
[1686.]
GOVERNMENT OF SIR EDMUND ANDROS.
423
Randolph brought a quo warranto against Rhode Island char-
ter, June 22, 1686, upon which the freemen met, and gave
their opinion to the General Assembly, and then left the af-
fair with them, who, on June 29, concluded not to stand
suit with his Majesty, but sent a humble address to him,
"to continue their privileges according to charter." An-
dros's commission was published among them the 12th of
January following, and he, with a few mandamus counsel-
lors, tyrannized over all these colonies, till John Winslow
brought a copy of King William's proclamation to Boston,
and Andros imprisoned him therefor; upon which the peo-
ple arose, April 13, 1689, and seized him and his council,
and resumed their former order of government; which be-
ing heard of in Rhode Island colony, their freemen met at
Newport, May 1, and voted to resume their charter, and to
have their former rulers take their places again. They met
again February 20, 1690, and elected new rulers in the
place of some who declined serving, and they, with Con-
necticut, have enjoyed their privileges to the present times.
I shall close this chapter with a list of New England
rulers, and a few remarks thereon. Plymouth never had
any charter but only from the Council for New England that
was established at Plymouth in Devonshire. Their form of
government was settled by voluntary agreement among them-
selves. At first they only chose a Governor; the next year,
one Assistant with him; in 1624, they chose five, and in
1633, seven Assistants, and kept to that number to the end
of their colony. Mr. Bradford was always an Assistant
when he was not Governor, as long as he lived; his son was
Assistant and then Deputy Governor till the revolution; and
he and several of his posterity have been Counsellors in this
province; and one of his descendants' is now Deputy Gov-
ernor of the State of Rhode Island. In 1639, they began
to have a House of Deputies in their General Court; and
about 1662, they agreed that their eldest Assistant should
'William Bradford.-ED.
1
424
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
have the power of a Deputy Governor, to act in the Gov-
ernor's place when he was absent. This continued till 1680,
when, by reason of Mr. Alden's age, though they continued
him an Assistant, they began to choose other Deputy Gov-
ernors.
A LIST OF PLYMOUTH GOVERNORS, THE YEARS THEY RULED, AND THE
TIME OF THEIR DEATHS.
1. John Carver, 1620; died, April, 1621.
2. William Bradford, 1621-33,¹ 35, 37, 39-44, 45-57; died May
9, 1657, æt. 69.2
3. Edward Winslow, 1633, 36, 44; died May 8, 1655, æt. 61.
4. Thomas Prince, 1634, 38, 57-73; died March 29, 1673, æt. 73.
3
5. Josiah Winslow, 1673-80; died December 18, 1685, xt. 52.
6. Thomas Hinckley, 1681-86, 89–92; died 1705, æt. 74.*
DEPUTY GOVvernors.
1. William Colliar, 1662-66.
2. John Alden, 1666-80.
3. Thomas Hinckley, 1680.
4. James Cudworth, 1681. He went their agent to England, and died
there the same year.
5. William Bradford, 1682-86, 89-92.
WHEN FIRST CHOSEN, AS FAR AS I CAN FIND
ASSISTANTS; THE YEARS
FROM TIIEIR RECORDS.
Isaac Allerton,
1621
William Colliar,
1634
Edward Winslow,
Thomas Prince,
1635
Miles Standish,
John Howland,
John Alden,
Timothy Hatherly,
1636
John Brown,
1636
John Jenny,
1637
John Doane,
Stephen Hopkins,
William Gilson,5
Johu Atwood,
1638
Edmund Freeman,
1640
1633
William Thomas,
1642
'From the election in 1621 to the election of his success or in 1633. This explana-
tion applies to the other terms of office, similarly indicated, in these tables.-ED.
"He was in his sixty-ninth year. Generally, in these tables, Backus seems to'
have given the ages in this manner.-ED.
'He was reelected in 1680, and died in office.-ED.
4Allen's Biographical Dictionary gives his age, seventy-five.-ED.
"Here should be inserted the name of William Bradford. In 1633 he declined
rëelection as Governor, and was made an Assistant. See Morton's Memorial, p. 115.
-ED.
*
[1690.]
OFFICERS IN MASSACHUSETTS COLONY.
425
Thomas Willet,
1651
Nathaniel Bacon,
1667
Thomas Southworth,
1652
Const. Southworth,
1670
James Cudworth,
1656
Daniel Smith,
1679
Josiah Winslow,
1657
Barnabas Lothrop,
1681
William Bradford,
1658
John Thatcher,
1682
Thomas Hinckley,
1658
John Walley,
1684
James Brown,¹
1665 John Cushing.
1690
John Freeman,
1666
NOTE. The Appendix to Morton, mistakes in placing the first choice of
Cudworth and Brown after 1670; and the Magnalia sets Smith too early.
MASSACHUSETTS GOVERNORS.
1. Matthew Cradock, 1628.
2. John Winthrop, 1629-34, 37-40, 42-44, 46-49; died March
26, 1649, æt. 62.
3. Thomas Dudley, 1634, 40, 45, 50; died July 31, 1653,2 æt. 77.
4. John Haines, 1635.
5. Henry Vane, 1636; died 1662, æt. 50.
6. Richard Bellingham, 1641, 54, 65–72;³ died 1672, æt. 81.
7. John Endicott, 1644, 49, 51–53, 55—65; died March 23, 1665.
8. John Leverett, 1673-78; died March 16, 1678.
9. Simon Bradstreet, 1678-86, 89-92; died March 27, 1697, æt. 94.
1. Thomas Goff, 1628.
DEPUTY GOVERNORS.
2. John Humphrey, 1629.
3. John Endicott, 1629, 41-44, 50,54.
4. Thomas Dudley, 1630-34, 37-40, 46–50, 51, 52.
5. Roger Ludlow, 1634.
6. Richard Bellingham, 1635, 40, 53, 55-65.
7. John Winthrop, 1636, 44, 45.
8. Francis Willoughby, 1665–71.
9. John Leverett, 1671-73.
10. Samuel Symonds, 1673-77.
11. Simon Bradstreet, 1677, 78.
12. Thomas Danforth, 1678—86, 89–92.
'In the first edition, this name is given, James Bawn. It is a typographical error,
as the name is afterwards correctly given.-ED.
2
Allen's Biographical Dictionary, usually the best authority in early New Eng-
land biography, gives this date erroneously, 1652. The American Cyclopædia copies
the error. See p. 228; Morton's Memorial, p. 166.--ED.
"He was reëlected in 1672, and died in office.-ED.
426
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
ASSISTANTS.
Sir Richard Saltonstall,
H. Atherton,
1654
Isaac Johnson,
Richard Russell,
1659
John Endicott,
Thomas Danforth,
1659
Increase Nowel,
William Vassel,
William Pinchon,
Edward Rossiter,
Roger Ludlow,
Thomas Sharp,
William Hawthorn,
1662
Eleazer Lusher,
1662
John Leverett,
1665
John Pinchon,
1665
Edward Tyng,
1668
William Stoughton,
1671
John Revel,
Thomas Clarke,
1673
William Coddington,
Joseph Dudley,
1676
Simon Bradstreet,¹
Peter Bulkley,
1677
John Humphrey,
1632
N. Saltonstall,
1679
John Winthrop, jun.,
1632
Humphrey Davy,
1679
John Haines,
1634
James Russell,
1680
Atherton Hough,
1635 Samuel Nowel,
1680
Richard Dummer,
1635 Peter Tilton,
1680
Richard Bellingham,
1636 John Richards,
1680
Roger Harlakenden,
Israel Stoughton,
1636 John Hull,
1680
1637 B. Gidney,
1680
Richard Saltonstall,
1637 Thomas Savage,
1680
Thomas Flint,
1642 William Brown,
1680
Samuel Symonds,
1643 Samuel Appleton,
1681
Will. Hibbens,
1643 Robert Pike,
1682
Herbert Pelham,
Robert Bridges,
Francis Willoughby,
1645 Daniel Fisher,
1683
1647 John Woodbridge,
1683
1650 Elisha Cooke,
1684
Thomas Wiggan,
1650
William Johnson,
1684
Edward Gibbons,
1651
Johu Hawthorn,
1684
John Glover,
1652 Elisha Hutchinson,
1684
Daniel Gookin,
1652 Isaac Addington,
1686
Daniel Denison,
1653 John Smith.
1686
Simon Willard,
1654
Their charter appointed eighteen Assistants, but they had scarce ever
chosen above half so many, till by the King's order they chose the full
number in 1680.
'These twelve were here in 1630, but Johnson and Rossiter died before the year
was out. Saltonstall, Vassel, Sharp and Revel soon went back. —B.
Eighteen Assistants were chosen in 1628, only five of whom are here named.
Others, not mentioned here, were chosen between 1629 and 1632.—Ev.
Į
CONSTITUTION OF RHODE ISLAND GOVERNMENT.
[1690.]
427
RHODE ISLAND RULERS.
Roger Williams, was truly the founder of that Colony,
and a principal ruler among them, as we have seen from the
beginning. Those who began upon the Island had a differ-
ent notion about government from him at first, and as their
covenant on page 74, was printed from an imperfect copy,
I shall here insert it exactly from their records as follows:
Exod. 34, 3, 4.1
We whose names are under-written do here solemnly, in the presence of
Jehovah, incorporate ourselves into a body politic, and as he shall help,
will submit our persons, lives and estates, unto our Lord
Jesus Christ, the King of kings and Lord of lords, and to
all those perfect and most absolute laws of his, given us in
his Holy Word of truth, to be guided and judged thereby.
2 Chron. 11, 3.
2 Kings 11, 17.
They then appointed Mr. Coddington as Judge, and Mr.
Aspinwall Secretary, to rule them according to this cove-
nant, till on January 2, 1639, an assembly of the freemen
said:
By the consent of the body it is agreed that such who shall be chosen
to the place of Eldership, they are to assist the Judge in the execution of
justice and judgment, for the regulating and ordering of all offences and
offenders, and for the drawing up and determining of all such rules and
laws as shall be according to God, which may conduce to the good and
welfare of the commonweal; and to them is committed by the body the
whole care and charge of all the affairs thereof; and that the Judge together
with the Elders, shall rule and govern according to the general rules
[rule] of the word of God, when they have no particular rule from God's
word, by the body prescribed as a direction unto them in the case. And
further, it is agreed and consented unto, that the Judge and [with the]
Elders shall be accountable unto the body once every quarter of the year,
(when as the body shall be assembled) of all such cases, actions or [and]
rules which have passed through their hands, by them to be scanned and
'This reference is retained, as printed in the former edition, and as Backus gave
it twenty-seven years later in his Abridgment, page 43. We are informed of a
recent "letter from Hon. John R. Bartlett, Secretary of Rhode Island," which states
“that the original manuscript of the covenant of the early settlers of Rhode Island
has the marginal notes precisely as published by Mr. Backus." The published R. I.
Colonial Records give the reference, Exodus 24. 3, 4; and Professor Elton, in an
Appendix to Callender's Century Sermon, R. I. Historical Collections, Vol. IV, p.
213, gives it in the same form, This passage seems to have a plain significance and
the one given above scarce any significance in connection with the covenant.-ED.
}
428
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
weighed by the word of Christ; and if by the body or any of them, the
Lord shall be pleased to dispense light to the contrary of what by the
Judge or [and] Elders hath been determined formerly, that then and there
it shall be repealed as the act of the body; and if it be otherwise, that
then it shall stand, (till further light concerning it) for the present, to be
according to God, and the tender care of indulging [indulgent] fathers.
WILLIAM DYRE, Clerk."
They then chose the elders named in page 78, and went
on as is there mentioned, till March 16, 1641, when they dis-
franchised Carder, Holden, Shatton and Potter, and suspended
from voting George Parks,¹ John Briggs, and Mr. Lenthal,
who was gone for England; and then said, "It is ordered
by the authority of this present Court, that none be accounted
a delinquent for doctrine, provided it be not directly repug-
nant to the government and laws established." In Septem-
ber following they said, "The law concerning liberty of con-
science in point of doctrine is perpetuated." After they re-
ceived their charter, their rulers were as follows:
PRESIDENTS OR GOVERNOrs.
John Coggshall, 1647.
Roger Williams, 16482, 54-57; died 1683, æt. 84.
John Smith, 1649, 52.
Nicholas Easton, 1650, 51, 72, 73; died 1675.
Gregory Dexter, 1653.
Benedict Arnold, 1657,-60, 62-66, 69-72, 77, 78; died June 19,
1678.
William Brenton, 1660-62, 66-69, died 1674.
William Coddington, 1774, 75, 78; died November 1, 1678, æt. 78.
Walter Clarke, 1676, 86, 96, 97; died June, 1714.
John Cranston, 1678-80; died March 12, 1680.
Peleg Sanford, 1680-83.
William Coddington, 1683-85; died 1688.
'This name should probably be Parker. It is several times given thus in the
Rhode Island Colonial Records.-ED.
2William Coddington was elected President this year. As he did not appear at
the Assembly, and charges arose against him, Jeremy Clarke was appointed to fill
his place, with the title of President Regent. At a special Assembly in Warwick,
in March, 1649, before the close of this legislative year, Roger Williams was chosen
to act as President. See pp. 168-171; Rhode Island Colonial Records; Arnold's
History of Rhode Island, Vol. I, pp. 219-225.-Ed.
*
[1690.]
OFFICERS IN RHODE ISLAND COLONY.
429
Henry Bull, 1685, 89.
John Easton, 1690-95; died 1705, æt. 85.
Caleb Carr, 1695.
Samuel Cranston, 1698-1727; died April 26, 1727.
Joseph Jencks, 1727–32; died June 15, 1740, aged 84.
William Wanton, 1732-34.
John Wanton, 1734-41.
Richard Ward, 1741-43.
William Greene, 1743-45, 46, 48-55, 57.
Gideon Wanton, 1745, 47.
Stephen Hopkins, 1755-57, 58-62, 64, 67-69.
Samuel Ward, 1762-64, 65–67.
Josias Lyndon, 1769.
Joseph Wanton, 1770-75.
Nich. Cooke, 1775-77.
DEPUTY GOVERNORS.
William Brenton, 1663-66.
Nicholas Easton, 1666—69, 70.
John Clarke, 1669, 71.
John Cranston, 1672, 76–78.
John Easton, 1674, 75.¹
1
James Barker, 1678, 79.
Walter Clarke, 1679-85, 1701-14.
John Coggshall, 1690.
John Greene, 1690--1701.
Henry Tew, 1714.
Joseph Jencks, 1715—21, 23—27.
John Wanton, 1721-23, 29–34.
Jonathan Nichols, 1727.
Thomas Fry, 1727–29.
George Hazard, 1734-38.
Daniel Abbott, 1738-40.
Richard Ward, 1740.
William Greene, 1741-43.
Joseph Whipple, 1743-45, 46, 52
-54.
William Robinson, 1745, 47.
William Ellery, 1748–50.
Robert Hazard, 1750-52.
J. Gardner, 1754, 56—64.
Jonathan Nichols, 1755.
Joseph Wanton, jun., 1764, 67—69.
Elisha Brown, 1765-67.
Nicholas Cooke, 1769, 75.
Darius Session, 1770-75.
William Bradford, 1775-77.
ASSISTANTS.
Roger Williams,
1647
Samuel Gorton,
1649
John Sanford,
1647 William Field,
1650
W. Coddington,
1647 John Porter,
1650
Randal Holden,
1647 John Wickes,
1650
Jeremiah Clarke,
1648
John Sayles,
1653
John Smith,
1648
Stukely Westcoat,
1653
Thomas Olney,
1649
Thomas Harris,
1654
John Clarke,
1649 John Roome,
1654
in 1678.-ED.
'The name of William Coddington should here be inserted, as Deputy Governor
430
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Benedict Arnold,
1654
John Albro,
1671
William Baulston,
1656
Richard Smith,
1672
John Coggshall,
1656
Francis Brinley,
1672
Arthur Venner,
Richard Tew,
Joseph Clarke,
1657
Henry Brown,
1672
1657 Walter Clarke,
1673
1658
Daniel Gould,
1673
John Greene,
1660
Job Almy,
1673
James Barker,¹
1663
Henry Bull,
1674
Walter Todd,
1664 Benjamin Barton,
1674
John Gardner,
1665 Edward Thurston,
1675
Edward Smith,
1665
Thomas Barden,
1675
William Carpenter,
1665 William Codman,
1676
John Brown,
1665 Samuel Gorton, jun.,
1676
Samuel Wilbore,
1665 John Whipple,
1677
John Easton,
1666
Thomas Greene,
1678
William Harris,
1666
Caleb Carr,
1679
Richard Carder,
1666
Thomas Ward,
1679
Benjamin Smith,
1666
William Coddington,
1680
Peleg Sanford,
1667
Joseph Jenckes,
1680
William Reape,
1667 George Lawton,
1680
Stephen Arnold,
1667
Richard Arnold,
1681
John Cranston,
1668
John Potter,
1685.
Thomas Olney, jun.,
1669
Walter Newbury,
1686
Joshua Coggshall,
1669
Benedict Arnold,
1990
John Tripp,
1670 Christopher Almy,
1690
James Greeue,
1670
CONNECTICUT
GOVERNORS.
Edward Hopkins, 1636; died in
J. Winthrop,³ died 1707.
England, 1657.
John Haines,
George Wyllys.
Thomas Wells.
John Webster.
G. Saltonstall, 1707—24.
J. Talcot, 1724-11; died October,
1741.
Jona. Law, 1741-50; died 1750.
R. Woolcot, 1750—54.
J. Winthrop,2 1662–76; died April Thomas Fitch, 1754—66.
5, 1676, æt. 71.
Wm. Pitkin, 1766—69; died 1769.
Jona. Trumbull, 1769–77.
}
William Leete.
Robert Treat.
'The above-named Messrs. Baulston, Porter, Williams, Olney, Smith, Greene,
Coggshall, Barker, Field and Joseph Clarke, were the ten Assistants appointed in
their last charter.
John Winthrop son of John Winthrop of Massachusetts.-ED.
3John, otherwise called Fitz John, Winthrop, son of a previous Connecticut Gov-
ernor.-ED.
[1690.]
REMARKS ON THE COLONIAL GOVERNMENTS.
431
NEW HAVEN Governors.
Theo. Eaton, 1637-57; died 1657. Wm. Leete, 1660-62.
F. Newman, 1657-60; died 1660.
BRIEF REMARKS.
1. These facts may teach us what to think of the excla-
mations that have often been made against a free govern-
ment, where each freeman may have a voice in choosing
their chief rulers. Plymouth had this liberty in its full
extent; having full power to lay the plan of their govern-
ment as they pleased, and to elect whom they would into
office. Each freeman in that colony had his equal vote in
the annual choice of their Governor; and had not Governor
Bradford requested them sometimes to elect others into that
office, it is probable that in the whole seventy-three years
of their continuance as a distinct colony, they would never
have changed it into any more hands than death obliged
them to; and, in fact, they never did but five times in all
those years; and New Haven made no such change while
they remained a distinct government. And we have a good
evidence that even a sergeant in Plymouth militia was treat-
ed with more honorable regards than captains have now
been for these many years past. In Connecticut where
their Governors have always been elected annually, by votes
of the freemen sent in from every town in the colony, they
have chosen but sixteen men in a hundred and forty years,
and but ten in a hundred years, only two or three of whom
were left out of office till they died. And the Massachu-
setts chose but eight Governors in sixty-three years. But
since this fickle popularity (as some call such government)
was taken away, and the power was vested in a crowned
head, to fix Governors over us by a steady commission, in
which the people had no voice, the province in eighty-two
years has had a Phips, Stoughton, Bellamont, Dudley, Tai-
lor, Shute, Dummer, Burnet, Belcher, Shirley, Phips, Pow-
nal, Bernard, Hutchinson, and Gage, for commanders-in-
432/ HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
་
chief, who have each in their turns been invested with
power, to negative our councillors when elected, and to neg-
ative any and every act that our Assembly could pass, and
to dissolve them when they pleased. All these in a space
when Connecticut had but about half so many governors,
and in thirty-four years of the time Rhode Island had but
two. And the evil effects afterward of a depreciating cur-
rency, and of party influence in elections, all need to beware
of at this day. Hence, 2. Learn the importance of viewing
persons and actions in their distinct light, so as not to con-
found good and evil, truth and falsehood, together. God
says, Only by pride cometh contention; but with the well-
advised is wisdom. Pride caused a contention about who
should be greatest, even among the apostles, and made them.
think of calling for fire from heaven to consume such as
would not receive them. And Dr. Owen well says,
" Gos-
pel constitutions, in the case of heresy or error, seem not to
favor any course of violence, I mean of civil penalties.
Foretold it is, that heresies must be; I Cor. 11. 19; but
this for the manifesting of those who are approved, not the
destroying of those that are not. .... Perhaps those who
call for the sword on earth, are as unacquainted with their
own spirits, as those that called for fire from heaven. Luke
11. And perhaps the parable of the tares gives in a posi-
tive rule as to this whole business." These sentiments were
inculcated upon our Plymouth fathers before they came to
this country.2 Governor Bradford was the owner of the
book which contained them, that I am now favored with;
and while he continued Governor, Mr. Williams could be
comfortable at Plymouth; but when Mr. Winslow came
into that office in 1633, he requested a dismission to Salem.
And the second time Mr. Winslow was Governor, he wrote.
to Mr. Williams to remove out of that jurisdiction,³ and a
law was made that year to forbid the gathering of any
'See pp. 18, 22.
2Collection of his Tracts, 1721, p. 314.
See p. 57.
{
[1690.]
CONTENTION UPON MINISTERS' RATES.
433
church therein without the rulers' leave. He and Mr. Col-
liar were the Commissioners for Plymouth, who, on Septem-
ber 7, 1643, signed the articles of confederation that the
other three colonies had entered into the May before; and
who then concurred in the delivery of Miantinomo to Uncas
to be slain, (though without torture,) and in advising the
Massachusetts to send an armed force to Warwick. He was
again a Commissioner in their meeting at Hartford, Septem-
ber 1, 1644, when they wrote to each colony, to enter upon
a method of rating all persons by authority, that refused or
neglected to give what the rulers judged to be their meet
proportion toward ministers' maintenance; against which
Mr. John Brown, the other Plymouth Commissioner, entered
his dissent. In October, 1645, in a thin Assembly at Ply-
mouth, Mr. Winslow propounded, "and after a whole day's
agitation" got something of this nature allowed and entered
upon their waste book; but when a full Assembly met the
next week, Mr. Brown and other magistrates, "excepted
the entry of that order, as pernicious and destructive to the
weal of the government, and tendered a proposition, to allow
and maintain full and free tolerance of religion, to all men
that would preserve the civil peace, and submit to govern-
ment."
But Mr. Winslow had influence enough to prevent
the putting of that matter to vote. When the Commis-
sioners met at New Haven, September 9, 1646, they said :—
Upon information of what petitions have been lately put up in some of
the colonies against the good and straight ways of Christ, both in the
churches and in the Commonwealth, the Commissioners, remembering that
these colonies, for themselves and their posterity, did unite [enter] into
this form of [firm and] perpetual league, as for other respects, so for
mutual advice, that the truth and liberties of the gospel might be pre-
served and perpetuated, [propagated] thought it their duty seriously to com-
mend it to the care and jurisdiction [consideration] of each General Court
within these United Colonies, that, as they have laid their foundations and
measured the house [temple] of God, the worship and worshippers, by
the rod [that straight reed] God hath put into their hands, so they would
'Massachusetts History, Vol. III, pp. 153, 154.
28
434
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
?
walk on, and build up (all discouragements and difficulties notwithstand-
ing) with an undaunted heart and unwearied hand, according to the sure
rules and patterns;....that anabaptism, familism, antinomianism, and
generally all errors of like nature, which oppose, undermine and slight
either the Scriptures, the Sabbath or other ordinances of God, and bring in
and cry up unwarrantable revelations, inventions of men, or any carnal
liberty, under a deceitful color of liberty of conscience, may be season-
ably and duly suppressed; though they wish as much forbearance and
respect may be had of tender consciences, seeking light, as may stand with
the purity of religion and peace of the churches.
The commissioners for Plymouth, Brown and Hatherly,
did not concur with this.¹
Mr. Winslow was then gone to England, from whence he
never returned; and not having his influence, all the minis-
ters in Plymouth colony, and the Massachusetts Court to
help them, could not prevail in 1650, with Governor Brad-
ford and his Court, to inflict so much as a fine upon Mr.
Holmes; who was most cruelly whipped at Boston, the next
year.2 Said ministers were not of the original planters of
Plymouth colony, and because their Court would not be
governed by them, the most of them left it, and carried
their complaints to Boston, from whence fresh exertions
were made, which then in a measure introduced a State-
worship, and State-way of maintenance into Plymouth col-
ony. Though the bloody work that followed at Boston,
gave such a shock to it as turned them back again in a
great measure. Mr. John Brown had been a magistrate
seventeen years, and a Commissioner for his colony eleven
years, even down to 1656. And we are told that he was,
"well accomplished with abilities [in] both civil and religious
[concernments] and attained, through [God's] grace, unto a
comfortable persuasion of the love and favor of God to
him; he, falling sick of a fever, with much serenity and
spiritual comfort fell asleep in the Lord, at Wannamoiset
near Rehoboth, in the spring of the year 1662."3
His son
James joined the next year in forming a Baptist church
•
'Records of the United Colonies. 2See page 177, &c.
Morton, pp. 175, 176.
[1690.]
1
COERCION IN RELIGION AN EVIL.
435
there, and both in 1665 and 1666, the freemen through the
colony elected him for one of their magistrates, at the same
time that the Massachusetts Court disfranchised two of their
ancient freemen, for no worse crime than Mr. Brown then
lived in.¹ Though he did not see cause then to accept of
that office, yet being chosen again in 1673, he accepted it,
and served his colony therein eleven years; in the midst of
which time persecution was again revived at Boston, and
Mr. Brown and his minister were fined for visiting their
afflicted brethren there. With what face then can any man
reproach New England in general, with the persecutions.
which its first founders, and many of its best members after-
ward abhorred? And of all men how inexcusable are
Episcopalians in so doing, when it was the errors which
Massachusetts brought out of their church that produced
all those mischiefs, of which they were then, and have been
ever since, much more guilty than those they complain of
here! In England and Scotland they, in that day, destroyed
more hundreds of lives, in trying to establish their suprem-
acy over the consciences of men, than the Massachusetts
hanged persons. And they have not only always taxed dis-
senters to their ministers wherever they could get power to
do it, but also in Virginia, they have fined and imprisoned
our ministers only for preaching without their license; and
continued this cruel trade till the present rupture put a stop
to it. 3. Hence, see the pernicious evil of using carnal
weapons in religious affairs. Papists, Episcopalians, Pres-
byterians and Congregationalists, have all tried it in their
turns; but, instead of giving up the root of this mischief,
they have each of them tried to cast all the reproach of it,
upon the bad dispositions of their neighbors; and so it has
been a constant source of raillery and slander. But where
can a better set of men be found upon earth, since Constan-
tine first brought the carnal weapon into the church, who
concurred in using of it there, than the fathers of the Mas-
'See pages 298, 303.-Ed.
436
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
sachusetts? Look back to pages 114-116, and then tell
me where you can find a more excellent ruler than Gov-
ernor Winthrop, that ever traveled in that path? And Mr.
Shepard of Cambridge, who died five months after him,
said:-
Surely all the persons, whose hearts the Lord stirred up in this business,
were not rash, weak-spirited, inconsiderate of what they left behind, or
what it was to go into a wilderness. But if we were able to recount the
singular workings of Divine Providence, for the bringing on this work to
what it is come unto, it would stop the mouths of all. Whatever many
may say or think, we believe after times will admire and adore the Lord
herein, when all his holy ends, and the ways he has used to bring them
about shall appear.
What shall we say of the singular providence of
God, in bringing so many ship-loads of his people through so many dan-
gers, [as on eagles' wings] with so much safety from year to year?¹ the
fatherly care of our God, in feeding and clothing so many in a wilderness,
giving such healthiness and great increase of posterity? .... But above all,
we must acknowledge the singular pity and mercies of our God, that hath
done all this, and much more, for a people so unworthy, so sinful, that by
murmurings of many, unfaithfulness in promises, oppressions, and other
evils that are found among us, have so dishonored his Majesty, exposed his
work here to much scandal and obloquy, for which we have cause forever
to be ashamed; that the Lord should yet own us, and rather correct us in
measure, [mercy] than cast us off in displeasure, and scatter us in this
wilderness.2
We are informed that when Governor Winthrop lay on
his death bed, Mr. Dudley requested him to sign a warrant
to banish Mr. Mathews, a Welsh minister, but that he re-
fused, saying, "I have had my hand too much in such things.
already."
'It was computed that from 1628 to 1643, (when the times turned in England, and
some went back,) the number of ships which brought them over were two hundred
and ninety-eight; the men, women and children who came in them, twenty-one
thousand two hundred, or thereabout. That the passage of the persons cost ninety-
five thousand pounds, the live stock, twelve thousand pounds, beside the price of
them in England; procuring food till they could raise it here, forty-five thousand;
nails, glass and other material for building, eighteen thousand; arms and ammuni-
tion, twenty-two thousand; in all, one hundred and ninety-two thousand pounds, be-
Johnson,
side much more which the adventures laid out in England for their use.
pp. 28-31.
*Magnalia, B. 3, p. 89. [Vol. II, pp. 350, 351.]
Bishop, p. 226.
[1690.] HARDSHIPS AND BLESSINGS OF THE FIRST SETTLERS.
437
Captain Roger Clap, one of the first planters of Dorches-
ter, the commander of Castle William for twenty years, and
who bore several other offices in the State with honor, and
died in Boston in 1691, in such esteem that the whole Gen-
eral Assembly attended his funeral, wrote some memorials
of those early times, with his fatherly advice to his children.
And, observing that their straits were sometimes so great
that the very crusts of his father's table in England would
have been as a dainty in this wilderness, he says:—
I took notice of it, as a great favor of God unto me, not only to preserve
my life, but to give me contentedness in all these straits; insomuch that I
do not remember that I ever wished in my heart that I had not come into
this country, nor wished myself back again [to my father's house.] Yea,
I was so far from that, that I wished and advised some of my dear breth-
ren to come hither also; which accordingly one of my brothers, and those
who married my two sisters, sold their means, and came hither. The Lord
Jesus Christ was so plainly held out in the preaching of the gospel unto
poor lost sinners, and the absolute necessity of the new birth, and God's
Holy Spirit, in those days, accompanied [was pleased to accompany] the
word with such efficacy upon the hearts of many, that our hearts were
taken off from old England, and set upon heaven. Many were con-
verted, and others established in believing. Many joined unto the several
churches where they lived, confessing their faith publicly, and showing be-
fore all the assembly, their experiences of the workings of God's spirit in
their hearts, to bring them to Christ; which many hearers found very much
good by, to help them to try their own hearts, and to consider how it was
with them. .... Oh, the many tears that have been shed in Dorchester
meeting-house at such times, both by those that have declared God's work
on their souls, and also by those who heard them! In those days God,
even our own God, did bless New England.¹
Another of their captains who came over in 1630, says:-
Those honored persons who were now in place of government, having
the propagation of the churches of Christ in their eye, labored by all means
to make room for inhabitants, knowing well that where the carcass is, thither
will the eagles resort. But herein they were opposed by certain persons,
whose greedy desire for land, much hindered the work for a time; as in-
deed such persons do to this day; and let such take notice how these were
cured of this distemper. Some were taken away by death, and then, be
'Prince's Christian History, Vol. I, pp. 70–72.
438
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
sure, they had land enough. Others, fearing poverty and banishment, sup-
posing the present scarcity would never be turned into plenty, removed them-
selves away, and so never beheld the great good the Lord hath done for his
people. But the valiant of the Lord waited with patience, and in the miss
of beer, supplied themselves with water; even the most honored as well as
others, contentedly rejoicing in a cup of cold water; blessing the Lord that
had given them to taste of that living water, and that they had not the water
that slakes the thirst of their natural bodies given them by measure, but
might drink to the full; as also in the absence of bread, they pleased
[feasted] themselves with fish. The women once a day, as the tide served,
resorted to the muscles and clam-banks, where they daily gathered their
families' food, with much heavenly discourse of the provisions Christ for-
merly made for many thousands of his followers in the wilderness. Quoth
one, My husband hath travelled as far as Plymouth, [about forty miles]
and hath with great toil brought a little corn home, and before that is spent
the Lord will assuredly provide; quoth the other, Our last peck of meal is
in the oven at home a-baking, and many of our godly neighbors have quite
spent all, and we owe one loaf of that little we have. Then spake a third,
My husband hath ventured himself among the Indians for corn, and can
get none, as also our honored Governor hath distributed his so far, that a
day or two more will put an end to his store and all the rest; and yet, me-
thinks our children are as cheerful, fat and lusty, with feeding upon these
muscles, clams [clam-banks] and other fish, as they were in England with.
their fill of bread, which makes me cheerful in the Lord's providing for us;
being further confirmed by the exhortation of our pastor to trust in the
Lord, whose is the earth, and the fullness thereof. As they were encour-
aging one another in Christ's careful providing for them, they lift up their
eyes and saw two ships coming in, and presently this news comes to their
ears, that they were come from Ireland full of victuals.'
Oh! how gloriously do they shine, and how manfully do
they talk, when exercising themselves in the gospel armor,
to what they do when they come down to the use of earthly
weapons in heavenly concernments! In 1645 they com-
pared the Baptists' opposition to such conduct, to what
Amalek did to Israel when they were weak. And the
erecting of a small Baptist church in 1665, was called a
'In one of those ships came Mr. Roger Williams. Johnson, pp. 48, 49; Prince's
Annals, pp. 18, 47. [344, 377.] We are told that one of the fathers of that day,
having dined with his friends on clams without bread, devoutly returned thanks, that
God had caused them to suck of the abundance of the sea, and of treasures hid in
the sand. Magnalia, B. 1, p. 22. [Vol. I, p. 72.]
.
A
[1681.]
MATHER'S REPLY TO RUSSELL.
439
strong attempt against them from the spirit of Anabaptism;
the permission of which among them they said, manifestly
tended to the destruction of their churches, though they had
above forty of them then in their colony, in joint communion
with about as many more in neighboring colonies.¹ And
in 1781 they compared their ecclesiastical establishment to
a small boat, and those few illiterate Baptists to the ballast
of a great ship, which was like to sink it. Hence it was
their weakness, and not their strength, that caused them to
treat the Baptists so cruelly. The extending of the gospel
ordinance of baptism to subjects who are in a state of nature ;
limiting the church of Christ to human schools for minis-
ters, and compelling all to support such and only such, are
points which had but a weak bottom to stand upon in that
day, when the power of godliness was so well known in
the country.2
'Christian History, Vol. I, p. 64.
"The seven foregoing chapters, with an Appendix which will be found at the close
of this volume, constitute Volume I of the original edition. This will explain the
character of the last few pages; and also, as Volume II was not published or writ-
ten till several years later, will explain certain differences of style and method which
the reader will notice in the chapters that follow, as compared with those that have
preceded.--ED.
น
T
CHAPTER VIII.
A FIRST PRINCIPLE OF THESE CHURCHES.-OF WITCHCRAFT.-UNJUST
ATTEMPTS TO TURN IT AGAINST THE BAPTISTS.-OPPRESSIVE LAWS.
-EFFECTS THEREOF.-PLYMOUTH PROCLAMATION.-THEIR CHURCH
EVILs of denying IT.-FIRST MINISTERS OF MIDDLEBOROUGH
AND DARTMOUTII-OF PLYMPTON.
ORDER.
The fathers of New England came much nearer to the
apostolic order of the church, than most other reformers
had done. Dr. Cotton Mather published a specimen thereof
in the year 1690. Says he, "A church (as the Greek name
for it allows us to think) is to consist of a people called out
from the ways of sin, by the powerful and effectual work of
God upon their souls. Regeneration is the thing without
which a title unto sacraments is not to be pretended. Real
regeneration is the thing which, before God, renders men
capable of claiming sacraments; and visible and expressed
regeneration is that which, before men, enables us to make
such a claim." From the first planting of the country to
1662, none were allowed to come to the ordinance of the
supper, nor to bring their infants to baptism, without such
a profession. The synod of that year opened a door for
the children of church members to bring their infants upon
a lower profession; though in the Massachusetts a profes-
sion of regeneration was still held to be necessary, in order
for coming to full communion, or having a vote in the gov-
ernment, either of church or State. This was essential to
2
'Companion for Communicants, pp. 29, 30, 37.
2See page 267.-ED.
442
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
2
་
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7
the nature of their plan of a holy government, in imitation
of the church of Israel. And for the church to govern the
world, for good men to govern bad ones, seemed much more
rational and scriptural, than for the world to govern the
church about soul-guides, as they have done since. Previous
to this, the country was involved in most deplorable circum-
stances; their charter lost; their sea coasts infested with
privateers and pirates, and their frontiers with savage ene-
mies. An attempt to take Quebec in 1690, was defeated,
which enraged the enemy the more against them, and also
involved the country in a heavy debt; to discharge which,
paper money was first made here, the effects whereof were
very pernicious. Officers and people were greatly divided
in their minds about the causes of these calamities, and
about what was the best way to remove them. And in this
juncture they were alarmed with an apprehension that the
powers of hell were let loose upon them, which amazed and
confounded them inexpressibly. The scene was introduced
in the following manner :-
A variety of books concerning witchcraft, had been
published in London and Boston, which were dispersed in
New England. And near the close of 1691, a young daugh-
ter and a neice of Mr. Samuel Parris, minister of Salem
Village, (now Danvers,) with two other girls in the neigh-
borhood, made such complaints of distress and injuries upon
their bodies, that a physician pronounced them bewitched.
Hereupon an Indian woman from New Spain, that lived at
the minister's house, tried some experiments to find out the
witch, which she pretended to have been used in her own
country. This coming to the knowledge of those children,
they accused her of being the witch; of appearing to them
and pinching, pricking and tormenting them. Teachers,
rulers and people, were so much affected with this calamity,
as to keep days of fasting and prayer for its removal; first
at said minister's house, next in the village, and then through
the colony. Such notice being taken of, and pity shown to,
[1691.]
WITCHCRAFT AND ITS PUNISHMENT.
443
those children, they increased their complaints; and others
advanced like accusations, not only against the Indian
woman, but also against two other old women in the place,
so that all the three were committed to prison on March 1,
1692. And this noise increased, and such accusations
spread, till about an hundred persons were imprisoned on
that account. In the midst of which distress, on May 14,
Sir William Phips, the Governor, arrived at Boston with
their new charter, in company with Dr. Increase Mather,
who procured it. The Governor and Council were so much
concerned to purge this growing evil from the land, that
they did not wait for the meeting of the Legislature, to whom
the constituting of Courts of Justice belonged, but consti-
tuted one themselves, whereof Lieutenant Governor Stough-
ton was President, and by their sentence one woman was
hanged on June 10; and by September 22, they executed
seven men and thirteen women; after which that Court was
dissolved. And by the time that a Court of Oyer and Ter-
miner was constituted according to charter, rulers and minis-
ters were so far convinced that they had acted upon wrong
principles, and had also admitted the testimony of accusers
without sufficient care and caution, that all the rest of the
accused were either acquitted upon trial, or pardoned by
authority. A first principle that they acted upon in those
condemnations was, that God, in his providence, would not
suffer the devil to appear to and afflict any in the shape of
an innocent person. And they admitted one accuser to one
instance, and another to another, of those spectral appear-
ances, to make up two witnesses. They also who would
confess themselves to be witches, were admitted as witnesses
against others. And, says a gentlemen who was a careful
observer of those transactions, "These confessors, by their
plausible confession and accusations of others, begetting
credit, have been a great, if not the greatest engine of
Satan to carry on the accusing and apprehending of others,
until this matter came to such a height, that, if it had not
*
444 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
been stopped, might have brought the best Christians in the
country under the imputation of that abomination, and have
involved all in confusion and blood."" Deplorable indeed
was the case of New England at that time; though we are
assured, by men who have searched fully into the matter,
that a greater number of persons were executed for witch-
craft in only one county in England, even in the loose reign
of Charles the Second, than all that were put to death here;
and also that these executions were under the influence of
laws and precedents from thence. But this being a new
country, it was more taken notice of, and was more severely
felt than there.
2
We cannot find that the Baptists had any hand in those
confused and bloody proceedings; yet much pains have been
taken to turn the same against them. A late minister of
Danvers, the place where those delusions began, says, "It
is reported of witches, and those that hold unlawful com-
merce with evil spirits, that in order to their entering into
confederacy with them, they are solicited to renounce their
baptism, even though received in infancy; which shews
that such a renunciation of baptism, which Dr. Gill pleads
for and commends, is a matter of great impiety." What
Dr. Gill pleaded for, was the renouncing of infant sprink-
ling, and the practicing of believer's baptism, according to
primitive institution. But how far was that from the witch-
craft at Danvers or Salem! The plainest instances of any
mention of baptism therein were as follows. In the exami-
nation of a woman before authority, July 21, 1692, were
these questions and answers, viz. :-
Question. Goody Lacey, how many years ago since they were baptized?
Answer. Three or four years ago, I suppose. Q. Who baptized them? A.
The old serpent. Q. How did he do it? A. He dipped their heads in
'A Modest Inquiry into the Nature of Witchcraft; by John IIale, Minister of Bev-
erly, 1697, p. 88.
2Hale, pp. 25, 26, 69. Hutchinson, Vol. II, pp. 22, 69. [22, 60.]
'Clark against Gill, 1752, p. 33.
[1692.]
RELATION OF THE BAPTISTS TO WITCHCRAFT.
445
the water, saying they were his, and that he had power over them. Q.
Where was this? A. At Falls River. Q. How many were baptized that
day? Some of the chief, I think there were six baptized. Q. Name
them. A. I think they were of the higher powers.
Also Captain Osgood's wife, of Andover, was made to
confess, that she with others, had been carried through the
air to a certain pond, where the devil dipped her face in the
water, and made her renounce her former baptism. But she
with five others, in prison, gave in a retraction of their con-
fessions to the Court, wherein they declared that they were
amazed and affrighted out of their reason, by some gentle-
men who told them they knew they were witches, and there-
fore they assented to what was suggested to them, as the
only way they had left to save their lives; but when they
came to be better composed, they professed that they were
innocent and ignorant of such things. And fifty-three of
their neighbors gave in a written testimony to the Court,
that they believed this to be an honest retraction; one of
whom was Dudley Bradstreet, Esq. Mr. Parris and other
ministers were very officious in those examinations of per-
sons accused of witchcraft;¹ and sixty years after, Mr.
Clark must bring up the same, to prove that "renouncing
of his early dedication must appear such an instance of
impiety, as to a considerate person were enough to put a stop
to his proceedings, how inclinable soever he might be to
those principles on other accounts." Such methods have
they taken to frighten people from seeing with their own
eyes, and from acting according to their own judgments, in
the great concerns of the soul and eternity.
The second Massachusetts charter, which was dated
October 7, 1691, allowed equal liberty of conscience to all
Christians, except Papists. The first General Court under
it met at Boston, June 9, 1692, to which Dr. Cotton Mather
delivered a sermon, wherein he said, "The civil Magistrate
'Hutchinson's History, Vol. II, pp. 31, 36, 40-44. [31, 35, 39, 43, 44.1
'Against Gill, p. 33.
446 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
t
$
is most properly the officer of human society, and a Chris-
tian, by non-conformity to this or that imposed way of wor-
ship, does not break the terms on which he is to enjoy the
benefits of human society." And ten years after, he pub-
lished this and other passages, in his history of New Eng-
land, and said he would thereby stop the noise about perse-
cution therein. ¹But how could that be done? for he said,
"The General Assembly may, by their acts, give a distin-
guishing encouragement unto the religion which is the gene-
ral profession of the inhabitants;" that is, may empower
some to judge for others about worship, and to enforce their
judgments with the sword; which is the root of the worst
persecutions in the world. He knew that such acts as he
spoke of could not take place here without the royal assent;
yet said he, "I am verily persuaded, that the nearness of our
dependence on the crown will be found one of our most
glorious advantages." His reason therefor is, its giving
them a greater security in future shaking times.
rience has now demonstrated, that it is better to trust in the
Lord than to put confidence in princes. He, in that ser-
mon, called Cambridge College "A river, the streams whereof
made glad the city of God; which method of applying
those words of divine revelation to human schools, is doubt-
less a perverting of them; and is a way which has done
much hurt to mankind. Christians are required to withdraw
from such as suppose that gain is godliness; yet now a free-
hold worth forty shillings a year, or other estate worth fifty
pounds (which was soon after reduced to forty) gave every
inhabitant a right to vote for legislators; and an Assembly
so elected, in their session at Boston, October 12, 1692,
enacted:
113
But expe-
That the inhabitants of each town within this Province shall take due
care, from time to time, to be constantly provided of an able, learned and
orthodox minister or ministers, of good conversation, to dispense the word
'Magnalia, B. 7, p. 28, 29. [Vol. II, p. 462.]
"Account of his father's life, p. 141.
Sermon, pp. 57, 66, 87.
4
ૐ
[1692.]
AN ACT FOR THE SUPPORT OF MINISTERS.
447
of God to them; which minister or ministers shall be suitably encouraged,
and sufficiently supported and maintained by the inhabitants of such town.
And all contracts, agreements and orders, heretofore made, or that shall
hereafter be made, by the inhabitants of any town within this Province,
respecting their ministers or school-masters as to their settlement or main-
tenance, shall remain good and valid, according to the true intent thereof,
the whole time for which they were or shall be made, in all the particulars
thereof, and shall accordingly be pursued, put in execution, and fulfilled.
And where there is no contract and agreement made in any town, respect-
ing the support and maintenance of the ministry, or when the same hap-
pens to be expired, and the inhabitants of such town shall neglect to make
suitable provision therein, upon complaint thereof made unto the Quarter
Sessions of the Peace for the county where such town lies, the said Court
shall, and hereby are empowered to, order a competent allowance unto such
minister, according to the estate and ability of the town, the same to be
assessed upon the inhabitants, by warrant from the Court, directed to the
Select Men, who are thereupon to proceed to make and apportion said
assessment, in manner as is directed for other public charges, and to cause
the same to be levied by the constables of such town, by warrant under
the hands of the Select Men or of the town clerk by their order.
Be it further enacted, that where any town shall be destitute of a minis-
ter qualified as aforesaid, and shall so continue by the space of six months,
not having taken due care for the procuring, settling and encouragement of
such a minister, the same being made to appear upon complaint unto their
Majesty's Justices of the General Sessions of the Peace of the county, the
said Court shall, and hereby are empowered to, make an order upon every
such defective town, speedily to provide themselves of such a minister as
aforesaid, by the next sessions at the furthest; and in case such order be
not complied with, then the said Court shall take effectual care to procure
and settle a minister qualified as aforesaid, and order the charge thereof,
and of such minister's maintenance, to be levied on the inhabitants of such
town.
And it is further enacted, that the respective churches, in the several
towns within this Province, shall at all times hereafter use, exercise and
enjoy, all their privileges and freedoms respecting divine worship, church
order and discipline; and shall be encouraged in the peaceable and regular
profession and practice thereof.
And further it is enacted, that every minister, being a person of good
conversation, able, learned and orthodox, that shall be chosen by the major
part of the inhabitants of any town, at a town-meeting duly warned for that
purpose, (notice being given to the inhabitants fifteen days before the time
of such meeting) shall be the minister of such town; and the whole town
shall be obliged to pay towards his settlement and maintenance, each man
his several proportion thereof.
448
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Î
They had here entered upon a new and untried scene;
and the glaring contradiction betwixt the last two paragraphs
of this law, with their finding that some towns had more
than one church therein, as also that Boston would not sub-
mit to it, caused the Assembly, in their next session of Feb-
ruary 3, 1693, to repeal those two paragraphs, and in addi-
tion to the rest of that law to enact, "that each respective
gathered church, in any town or place within this Province,.
that at any time shall be in want of a minister, such church
shall have power, according to the directions given in the
word of God, to choose their own minister;" yet not to set-
tle him without the concurrence of the majority of voters in
town affairs, who usually meet therewith for worship; but
that being obtained, then "all the inhabitants and ratable
estates lying within such town, or part of a town, or place
limited by law for upholding the public worship of God,
shall be obliged to pay in proportion towards the minister's
settlement and support; provided, that nothing herein con-
tained is intended, or shall be construed to extend, to abridge
the inhabitants of Boston of their accustomed way and prac-
tice, as to the choice and maintenance of their ministers."
Here it is to be noted, that like causes may ever be ex-
pected to produce like effects. One of our most essential
rights is that we shall not be taxed where we are not repre-
sented. And it is most certain, that a civil legislature are
not our religious representatives; and in order then to tax
the country to religious teachers, they were abridged of the
rights which Boston would not part with. So when Gov-
ernor Hutchinson was pursuing the scheme, in 1769, of hav-
ing America taxed by Britain, he said, "there must be an
abridgment of what are called English liberties." But the
bloody effects of that attempt, are a loud warning to all after
ages. The Assembly went on, in said law, to empower the
ratable inhabitants of any town where no church was gath-
ered, to call and settle a minister, by the advice and direc-
tion of three neighboring ordained ministers, who should be
supported as others were; and also to enact, that if any
[1693.]
ATTEMPTED COMPULSION IN SWANZEY.
449
town or place neglected to obey these laws, their Select-men,
or other officers, should be convented before their county
Court, and, upon conviction of such neglect, be fined forty
shillings for the first offence, and four pounds for every after
conviction. As a fruit of which, a warrant was sent from
Bristol Court, "requiring the town of Swanzey to choose a
minister according to law." The town met upon it August
28, and adjourned to October 17, 1693, when they concluded
to report to the Court, that Elder Samuel Luther was their
minister.¹ He was ordained pastor of the first church there,
July 22, 1685, by the assistance of the Elders Hull and
Emblen, of Boston. And the rulers of Plymouth Colony
had publicly owned him in that office; one instance where-
of take as follows:-
At a Court of Assistants held at Plymouth, the first Tuesday of August,
1690, it being manifest that the Lord our God calls his poor people in
this wilderness to great humiliation and mourning, for those awful tokens
of his displeasure that are upon us, and our manifold sins, the procuring
cause thereof, the Governor and Council do therefore commend it to all
the churches of God and people in this Colony, to set apart and observe
the last day of this instant as a day of solemn fasting and prayer, wherein
to deprecate those heavy judgments impending, and to entreat the Lord to
take away all our iniquities, and receive us graciously: particularly that
God would prosper the Agents of the country in their weighty negotiation
in the other England; that our address may be accepted with our lord the
king, and we may have a settled establishment of our ancient liberties
and privileges, sacred and civil; that God would call back the commission
he hath given to the sword of the enemy to be drawn among us, and direct
and manage all the counsels of his servants in this dark and difficult day
of war, and give success in the destruction of our adversaries, and restore
peace to us; that contagious and afflictive distresses may be removed; that
the uecessities of the poor may be supplied, and the judgment of scarcity
and famine prevented; and that God would bless the labors of our hands,
and give both seed-time and harvest; and that, in a way of humiliation
and reformation, we may be prepared to meet God, and wait for him in
the way of his judgments, and that mercy may be the latter end of all his
dispensations to us.
Per order of the above-said Court,
SAMUEL SPRAGUE, Recorder.
To Samuel Luther, Elder of the church of Swanzey, for him to communi-
cate to the church and congregation there.
'Swanzey Town Records.
29
450
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
This I carefully copied from the original preserved in
Elder Luther's family; and Bristol Court could not be igno-
rant of his being thus owned as the settled minister of
Swanzey; yet this attempt must be made for the other
denomination, though they have never been able to set up
their worship in that town to this day. A second Baptist
church was formed therein, and Mr. Thomas Barnes was
ordained pastor of it in 1693. It may be serviceable to
enquire into the reason of their being so much better treated
when under Plymouth government, than they were after they
were incorporated with the Massachusetts.
Plymouth people were taught in Holland, that the church
was the school wherein Christ trained up his ministers ;
though they were far from despising human learning in its
place. One of their proofs was the 14th chapter of the
First Epistle to the Corinthians; upon which their learned
pastor, Mr. Robinson, made the following remarks. Says
he:-
That the apostle in this chapter directs the church in the use of extraor-
dinary gifts, is most evident. Neither will I deny but that the officers are
to guide and order this action of prophesying, as all other public business,
[businesses] yea, even these wherein the brethren have greatest liberty:
But that he intends the establishing of, and so takes order, and gives direc-
tion for an ordinary, constant exercise in the church, even by men out of
office, I do manifest by these reasons. (1.) Because the apostle speaks of
the ministration of a gift or grace, common to all persons, as well brethren
as ministers, ordinary as extraordinary, and that at all times, which is
love; as also of such fruits and effects of that grace, as are no less com-
mon to all than the grace itself, nor of less continuance in the churches of
Christ, to wit, of edification, exhortation and comfort; verse 3, compared
with I Thes. v. 11, 14. (2.) In verse 24 he permits all to prophesy, and
speaks as largely of prophesying as of learning, and receiving comfort.
But lest any should object, May women also prophesy? the apostle pre-
vents that objection, and it may be reproves that disorder amongst the Cor-
inthians, ver. 34, by a flat inhibition, enjoining them expressly to keep
silence in the church, in the presence of men, to whom they ought to be
subject, and to learn at home of their husbands, [ver. 35,] and not, by
teaching [the] men, to usurp authority over them; I Tim. ii. 11, 12;
which men in prophesying, do lawfully use. (3.) Now .... in that Paul
[1693.]
ROBINSON'S TEACHING AND ITS RESULTS.
451
forbids women, he gives liberty to all men, gifted accordingly, opposing
women to men, sex to sex, and not women to officers, which were frivolous.
And again, in restraining women, he shews his meaning to be of ordinary,
not extraordinary prophesying; for women immediately and extraordina-
rily [and miraculously] inspired might speak without restraint; Exod. xv.
20; Judg. iv. 4; Luke ii. 36; [Acts xxi. 9]. (4.) The prophets here
spoken of were not extraordinary, because their doctrines were to be
judged by other prophets, and their spirits to be subject unto the spirits of
others; ver. 29, 32; whereas the doctrines of the extraordinary prophets
were neither subject to nor to be judged by any; but they, as the apostles,
being immediately [and infallibly] inspired, were the foundation upon which
the church was built, Jesus Christ himself, being the chief corner stone;
Eph. ii. 20, and iii. 5. (5.) The apostle [ver. 37] makes a prophet and a
man spiritual all one, whom he further describes, not by any extraordinary
gift, but by that common Christian grace of submission unto the things he
writes, as the commandments of the Lord: unto whom he opposeth a mau
wilfully ignorant, ver. 37, 38, teaching us, that he doth not measure a pro-
phet, in this place, either by the office of ministry, or by any extraordinary
prophetical gift, but by the common Christian gift of spiritual discerning.
(6.) It is the commandment of the Lord by the apostle, that a bishop must
be apt to teach, and that such elders or bishops be called as are able to
exhort with sound doctrine, and to convince the gainsayers. Now, except
men, before they be in office, may be permitted to manifest their gifts, in
doctrine and prayer, [Tit. i. 9; Acts vi. 4,] which are the two main
works requiring special qualification in the teaching elders, how shall the
church (which is to choose them) take knowledge of their sufficiency, that
with faith and good conscience they may call them, and submit unto them
for their guides ?¹
Now, as the church of Plymouth had always acted upon
these principles, it was easy for them to look upon Elder
Luther as a minister of Christ, whose church was of the
same mind about that point of gospel order. But a minis-
ter of chief note among the Massachusetts says:
in
That custom, of the prophesying of private brethren, was not observed
any of the churches of New England besides themselves; the ministers
of the respective churches there not being so well satisfied in the way there-
of as Mr. Robinson was. The most judicious and leading elders among
said churches, as Mr. Cotton, &c., that were not absolutely against the
thing, were yet afraid that the wantonness of the present age would not
'Robinson against Bernard, pp. 236, 237. [Works of John Robinson, Congrega-
tional Board, London, 1851; Vol. II, pp. 247—249.]
452
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
well bear such a liberty as that great light of these churches expressed, to
a person of great quality, to whom he bore no small respect, a few hours
before he departed this life.¹
Mr. Robinson says:-
It is apparent, both in the Scriptures and ecclesiastical writers, that not
only pride and contention, but heresy, and almost all other evils, have
sprung from the officers and governors of the church. And surely nothing
hath more in former days advanced, nor doth it this day more uphold the
throne of antichrist, than the people's discharging themselves of the care
of public affairs in the church, on the one side, and the priests and prelates
arrogating all to themselves on the other.2
Two brethren of Plymouth church were ordained pastors
of other churches in 1694. One of them was Mr. Jona-
than Donham, who was ordained at Edgarton, on Martha's
Vineyard. The other was at Middleborough, fourteen miles
west of Plymouth. About sixteen families began to plant
here a little before Philip's war; who moved away when the
war broke out, and returned again after it was over; and Mr.
Samuel Fuller preached to them till a church was constituted
among them this year, and he was ordained their pastor.
The settlement of Dartmouth began about the same time
with Middleborough, and their first teacher was also from
Plymouth, but not in the same way. His name was John
Cooke. He was a deacon in Plymouth church for some
years; but was cast out of it in the latter part of Mr. Rey-
ner's ministry there, who left them in November, 1654. It
is said that Cooke was excommunicated for having been the
author of much dissension and division, and for afterwards
running into sectarian and anabaptistical principles; and
also that Reyner's removal was partly occasioned by the un-
settledness of the church, too many of the members being
leavened with prejudices against a learned ministry, by means
of sectaries then spreading through the land. Some light
'Hubbard, [pp. 65, 66.]
3
2Robinson, p. 204. [Works of John Robinson, Vol. II, p. 213.]
Plymouth Register, pp. 4, 12. [Massachusetts Historical Collections, Vol. IV, pp.
111, 118.]
[1695.]
AFFAIRS IN THE CHURCH AT PLYMOUTH.
453
concerning them may be gathered from the following facts.
Plymouth church took much pains to obtain learned pastors,
if they were otherwise well qualified; but they refused to
be confined to human schools for ministers, or to compel the
world to support them. They labored hard to get the learned
Mr. Charles Chauncy to settle as a colleague with Mr. Rey-
ner; but Mr. Chauncy could not consent to it, because gos-
pel baptism appeared to him to be dipping, and that sprink-
ling for baptism was unlawful, as their church records wit-
ness. In 1650 a separation commenced at Rehoboth, because
Mr. Newman, their minister, with six others, assumed all the
power of church government to themselves, under the name
of "The church representative." For this usurpation a
number of the church withdrew, and set up worship by
themselves; and the ministers tried hard to move Plymouth
Court to suppress them by force, but could not prevail there-
in. These people soon after became Baptists; and one of
them was most shamefully and cruelly persecuted the next
year at Boston.2 By searching into these matters, Mr. Dun-
star, President of Harvard College, was brought openly to
renounce infant baptism; and seeing the temper which was
discovered in the Massachusetts, he removed into Plymouth
Colony, the very year that Reyner moved out of it; as sev-
eral other ministers also did about that time, because they
could not bring Plymouth rulers into the use of tax and com-
pulsion for their support. And though Reyner excommu-
nicated Cooke, yet, not being able to bring the church into
all his measures, he left them, and robbed them of their
church records, which they never recovered; so that what
records Plymouth church now has, were afterwards collected
from memory and private writings. These facts may help
the reader in forming a judgment of what Cooke's sectarian
3
'Clarke's Narrative, p. 24. [Massachusetts Historical Collection, Fourth Series,
Vol. II, p. 54.]—B.
See also pages 176, 177, 204.—Ed.
'See pages 227–229, 256.
'See page 192.-ED.
454
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
principles were, and also how he came by them. His pos-
terity inform me, that he was a Baptist, and that he preached
the doctrine of election, with the other doctrines of sover-
eign grace, in Dartmouth for a number of years. And it
appears by Mr. Samuel Hubbard's letters, that a Baptist
church was formed upon the west borders of Dartmouth, in
the year 1685, wherein Hugh Mosier and Aaron Davis were
principal leaders; which church is continued by succession.
to this day; though the Quakers are the most numerous of
any one sect in that town.¹
On August 24, 1695, the church of Middleborough was
bereaved of their beloved pastor, aged 66; "a great loss to
the place," said Mr. Cotton," he being a sincere, godly man,
and useful preacher." Mr. Isaac Cushman, another mem-
ber of Plymouth church, was invited to succeed him; but
having a call at Plympton (betwixt here and Plymouth) at
the same time, he accepted it; and was ordained there in
1698;" and was continued a great blessing to them for about
166
Next to the Friends in numbers and infiuence, stood the Baptists. John Cooke,
whose name we meet with on the first and on nearly every page of the early records
of the town, as a deputy and a select-man, filling various offices of trust and honor,
was a Baptist minister for many years. But this same town official, October 29,
1670, was fined ten shillings for breaking the Sabbath by unnecessary travel there-
on.' If the record of the case had been preserved, it would have appeared, we
think, that Elder John Cooke was not a Sabbath-breaker, but travelling upon his
circuit as a Baptist preacher." Old Dartmouth Centenrial, p. 86. Backus says in
his Abridgment, page 135, "Cooke was a Baptist minister in Dartmouth many years,
fron whence sprung the Baptist church in the cast borders of Tiverton." Benedict
says of this church in Tiverton, that it "was formed in the adjoining town of Dart-
mouth about 1685; the members at first lived in Dartmouth, Tiverton and Little
Compton. Their first minister was Hugh Mosier, and next to him Aaron Davis.
This was the seventh Baptist church formed on the American continent. In process
of time, its seat was removed from Dartmouth to Tiverton, where it continues to
the present day." History of the Baptists, Vol. I, p. 503. The church will be sub-
sequently noticed in this work, as the First Baptist church in Tiverton, R. I.-ED.
2Mr. John Cotton, above referred to, was son to the famous minister of that name
in Boston. He was minister at Plymouth about thirty years, till contentions about
the above points of church order occasioned his dismission, by advice of a council
in 1697; and the next year he went and gathered a Congregational church in
Charleston, South Carolina, where he died, much lamented, September 18, 1699.
Plymouth Register, pp. 21. 22. [Massachusetts Historical Collections, Vol. IV, pp.
127, 128.]
[1695.]
LAW ON THE SETTLEMENT OF MINISTERS.
455
forty years. But thirteen ministers, in and near Boston,
published a letter of advice to the churches, dated Decem-
ber 28, 1699, in the eighth page of which they represent it to
be a jesuitical principle for any to hold, "that illiterate men
may be serviceable and admirable preachers." This with
other things moved their churches to look only to colleges
for ministers for a long time after. In the meanwhile, as
the empowering the world to control the church in the
choice of pastors was an untried path to them, it took them
three years to find out what to do, when a parish did not
concur with the church therein. But when the Assembly
met at Boston, May 29, 1695, they enacted, that in such a
case the church should call a council of three or five neigh-
boring churches, who should decide the controversy thus:
If the council approved of the person elected, the parish
must submit and support him, if not, then the church must
give up their choice, and call another minister; and in this
method they have proceeded ever since. And it may be ser-
viceable to hear the judgment of a number of their most
eminent men, about the state of religion in New England in
those times.
:
1
j
CHAPTER IX.
DECLENSIONS DESCRIBED AND LAMENTED, BY MR. PRINCE.-WILLARD AND
TORREY.-MITCHEL.-MATHER. WILLARD.— STODDARD'S ERRORS.-
EPISCOPAL SOCIETY INCORPORATED.-ARBITRARY LAWS AND PROPO-
SALS.—QUAKERS' ATTEMPTS AGAINST THEM.-SOME REVIVAL, AND SOME
BAPTIST LETTERS.—OTHER CHURCHES CORRUPTED.—AND ENSLAVED.—
OPPOSITION THERETO AT NORWICH.-A FEW THINGS CONCERNING THE
BAPTISTS.
The learned and pious Mr. Thomas Prince, says :—
The second generation rising and growing thick on the stage, a little
after 1660 there began to appear a decay, and this increased to 1670, when
it grew [very] visible and threatening, and was generally complained of and
bewailed bitterly by the pious among them; and yet much more to 1680,
when but few of the first generation remained.
One of his proofs hereof is what Mr. William Stoughton
delivered in an Election Sermon at Boston, April 29, 1668;
when he said:—
The death and removal of the Lord's eminent servants in one rank and
in another, hath manifested the lie in many of us. Whilst they lived, their
piety and zeal, their light and life, their counsels and authority, their exam-
ples and awe, kept us right, and drew us on in the ways of God, to profess
and practice the best things. But now [that] they are [dead and] gone,
ah! how doth the unsoundness, the rottenness and hypocrisy of too many
among us make itself known, as it was with Joash after the death of
Jehoiada. !¹
Other of his proofs are in pages 320, 321..
'Christian History, Vol. I, pp. 94, 95. In 1671, Mr. Stoughton was elected into
the Council, and he died there, Lieutenant Governor in 1702.
458
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
¿
C
In 1680, Mr. Willard said:-
Be sure, when the glory of God and the spiritual good of your brother
requires it, that you carry on your reproofs to conviction. There are some
things that arise only from sudden passion, and there a transient rebuke
may be enough; other things. may be [more] deliberate, and men are led
into them more gradually; they may also be eminently reproachful to relig-
ion, and a dangerous snare to the souls of them that are [so] tempted;
our connivance in such cases may not only blemish our profession, but be a
great hazard to it also. At such times, and in such [a] case, you break your
covenant if you suffer sin in your brother, without using all the means
which Christ hath prescribed, and in the order he hath prescribed them, till
the end be obtained. If private admonition, followed with gentleness and
patience will not gain, but they still persist in evil courses, or are not hum-
bled for such faults, you must proceed by steps as far as Christ hath bid
you. And I believe there is no one thing wherein the covenant is more
universally broken, than in the neglect of this duty; and if the use of these
ordinances shall once come to cease among the churches, and the sins of
church members be not regularly suppressed, by reason of the unfaithful-
ness of brethren, religion will languish, and the power of godliness fail.
It is not the extending of the covenant to Christians, (as some dream) but
[it is] the neglect of covenant duties towards them, that is like to be the
bane of our profession, if any thing. Eli indulged his sous, and one pro-
fessor indulgeth another; and it is to be feared, that if this were searched
to the [root and] bottom [of it,] it would be found that the original of it
is self-indulgence, and that when men wink at scandals in their brethren,
it is because they expect the like in way of retaliation. And if things
once come to this pass, let any sober and prudent man conjecture whether
this be not the way to cherish apostasy.¹
Dr. Increase Mather, in the Preface, gave a special rec-
ommendation of this passage. Three years after, another
of their fathers, who was minister at Weymouth, delivered
a sermon before their Legislature, which he called “A plea
for the life of dying religion;" wherein he said :—
There is already a great death upon religion, little more left than a name
to live..... Consider we then how much it is dying respecting the [very]
being of it, by the general failure of the work of conversion, whereby
only it is that religion is propagated, continued and upheld in being, among
any people. As converting work doth cease, so doth religion die away;
though more insensibly, yet most irrecoverably..... How much is it dying,
'Willard on Covenant-keeping, pp. 110, 111.
[1700.]
GENERAL RELIGIOUS DECLENSION.
459
respecting the visible profession and practice of it, partly by the formality
of churches, but more by the hypocrisy and apostacy of formal hypocriti-
cal professors.¹
The life of Mr. Jonathan Mitchel was published in 1697;
and Dr. Increase Mather dedicated this work, which his son.
had compiled, to the church and college at Cambridge; to
whom he said:
A learned and renowned author, [Dr. Owen,] has evinced, that the let-
ting go this principle, that particular churches ought to consist of regener-
ate persons, brought in the great apostasy of the Christian church. The
way to prevent the like apostasy in these churches, is to require an account
of those that offer themselves to communion therein, concerning the work
of God on their souls, as well as concerning their knowledge and belief.
Mr. Mitchell says, [in a manuscript of his which I have seen, has
these weighty words:] The over-enlarging of full communion, or admis-
sion of persons thereto, upon slight qualifications, without insisting upon
the practical and spiritual part of religion, will not only lose the power of
godliness, but in a little time bring in profaneness, and ruin the churches,
these two ways.
1. Election of ministers will soon be carried by a for-
mal, looser sort. 2. The exercise of discipline will by this means be ren-
dered impossible. Discipline failing, profaneness riseth like a flood; for
the major part wanting zeal against sin, will foster licentiousness.
not setting down good rules and directions, that will save it; for the speci-
fication of government is from men, not from laws. Let never so good a
form of government be agreed upon, it will soon degenerate, if the instru-
ments that manage it be not good."
It is
When Mr. Mitchel wrote this, about 1664, he had no
idea of pastors being elected in New England by any others
but communicants; and he gives these weighty reasons
against admitting such upon slight qualifications, which
Dr. Mather, then President of the College, endeavored to
enforce.
In the year 1700, Mather published another book, which
he dedicated to the churches of Christ in New England, to
whom he said:-
The Congregational church discipline is not suited for a worldly interest,
or a formal generation of professors. It will stand or fall as godliness, in
'Torrey's Election Sermon at Boston, May 16, 1683, p. 11.
*Dedication of the Life of Jonathan Mitchel, pp. 16, 17. [Magnalia, Vol. II, p.
59.]
460 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
the
power of it, does prevail, or otherwise. That there is a great decay of
the power of religion throughout all New England, is lamentably true; if
that revive, there will be no fear of departing from the holy discipline of
the churches of Christ. If the begun apostasy should proceed as fast,
the next thirty years, as it has done these last, surely it will come to that
in New England, (except the gospel itself depart with the order of it) that
the most conscientious people therein will think themselves concerned to
gather churches out of churches.
He goes on to caution and warn them against many evils;
one of which is a dull formality in relations of experiences,
in order for admission to communion. And he then says
There are reports, as if in some churches persons have brought written
relations, first to the minister and then to the church, which were not of
their own dictating, but devised by others for them. I hope these reports
have nothing of truth in them; but if they have, I am sure that such liars
to the Holy Ghost have exceedingly provoked the Lord.
Another evil which he warns the churches against, is
admitting any but communicants to vote for pastors; and he
cites Acts i. 26; vi. 2—5; xiv. 23, to prove that God has
plainly given this privilege "to the brethren of particular
churches;" and declares it to be "simonical to affirm, that
this sacred privilege may be purchased with money.¹ This
testimony was then given by one of the most eminent minis-
ters in the land, who had been President of Harvard College
about twenty years; but by unfair means he was removed
from that office the next year.
2
'Vindication of the Order of the Gospel in New England, pp. 11, 12, 38, 67, 68.
'His life, p. 173.—B.
"There were some disaffected men who, for some reasons, (God knows what they
were,) were willing to have the College taken out of Dr. Mather's hands. To
accomplish it, they obtained a vote of the General Assembly which appeared of a
plausible aspect, that no man should act as President of the College who did not
reside at Cambridge. The leaders in this vote knew very well that the Doctor
would not remove his habitation from a loving people at Boston to reside at Cam-
bridge, while the College was as it then was. But yet his abdication was after all
brought about, I will but softly say, not so fairly as it should have been. I think
there are thanks due to me for my forbearing to tell the story. This was in 1701,
twenty years after his beginning to serve that society in quality of a President. And
I think it will do no hurt for me to mention a passage which he wrote on this occa-
sion. 'I have received more discouragement in the work of God, from those whom I
have laid under the greatest obligations, than by all the world besides. Let not my
[1700.]
GENERAL RELIGIOUS DECLENSION.
461
Mr. Willard also published a discourse in the year 1700,
entitled, "The Perils of the Times Displayed;" in which he
said:
That there is a form of godliness among us is manifest; but the great
inquiry is, whether there be not too much of a general denying of the
power of it. Whence else is it, that there be such things as these that fol-
low, to be observed? that there is such a prevalency of so many immor-
alities among professors? that there is so little success of the gospel?
How few thorough conversions [are] to be observed, how scarce and seldom....
It hath been a frequent observation, that if one generation begins to de-
cline, the next that follows usually grows worse, and so on, until God pours
out his Spirit again upon them. The decays which we do already languish
under are sad; and what tokens are on our children, that it is like to be
better hereafter? God be thanked that there are some among them that
promise well; but alas, how doth vanity [and a fondness after new things]
abound among them! How do young professors grow weary of the strict
profession of their fathers, and become strong disputants for the [those]
things which their progenitors forsook a pleasant land for the avoidance
of.¹
And forty years after, Mr. Prince said, "We have been
generally growing worse and worse ever since."2
The greatest evils that our fathers came here to avoid,
were the mixture of worthy and unworthy communicants in
the churches, and the tyranny of secular and ministerial
Courts over them; but these evils were now coming in like
a flood upon New England. A church was formed in Brat-
tle Street, Boston, in 1699, with a professed design of not
requiring such a strict profession of communicants as their
fathers did. And Dr. Colman, their minister, was judged
3
children put too much confidence in men. It may be, such as they have laid under
the greatest obligations of gratitude, will prove the most unkind unto them. I have
often had experience of it.'" Parentator; Remarkables in the Life of Dr. Increase
Mather, pp. 473, 174.—Ed.
'Christian History, Vol. I, pp. 100, 101.
Ibid, p. 108.
"We only propose that the Holy Scriptures may be publicly read every Sabbath
in the worship of God, which is not practised in other churches of New England at
this time; and that we may lay aside the relation of experiences which are imposed
in other churches, in order to the admission of persons to the Lord's table." Extract
from the Letter of Invitation to Mr. Colman; Drake's History of Boston, p. 519.
It is not surprising that this church in later years drifted still farther from orthodoxy.
It is now the well known Brattle Street Unitarian Church.-ED.
t
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
462
to have the chief hand in publishing an anonymous answer
to President Mather's vindication of their former order. And
a discourse was printed in London, in 1700, written by Mr.
Solomon Stoddard, of Northampton, wherein he blends the
Jewish and Christian dispensations together, in such a man-
ner as to hold, that as all who were circumcised were
obliged to keep the passover, so all who have been bap-
tized ought to come to the Lord's Supper, yea, "though they
know themselves to be in a natural condition." And by con-
founding the work of Jewish and Christian officers together,
he asserted that the power of admitting, censuring, and
restoring members, is wholly invested in the elders, so that,
"the brethren of the church are not to intermeddle with it."
When any of them were unjustly dealt with, they might
appeal to a classical, provincial and national judicature.
And says he, "A national synod is the highest ecclesiastical
authority upon earth. Every man must stand to the
judgment of the national synod; Deut. xvii. 12."
These are the words of a minister of great note in New
England, whose doctrine has had an extensive spread therein
ever since. Yet these are some of the main principles that
formerly brought on the antichristian apostasy; and no
text in the bible could be more aptly turned to favor their
bloody persecutions than the one here brought to prove his
last point. For it says, The man that will do presump-
tuously, and will not hearken unto the priest, or unto the
judge, even that man shall die." The priest was to explain
God's law, and the judge was to carry the same into execu-
tion. This is the very passage that the ministers brought in
1668, to prove that the Baptists in Boston ought to be ban-
ished. But Dr. Owen, in his piece upon toleration in 1648,
truly observed, that, as God was the head and lawgiver of
that nation, idolatry, blasphemy, or seducing of others from
his worship, were capital crimes; and that applying of those
2
'Stoddard on Instituted Churches, pp. 12, 21, 29, 33.
2See p. 307.
[1701.]
GENERAL RELIGIOUS DECLENSION.
463
laws to cases of worship or discipline in other nations, with
the infliction of any other punishment than death, was
nothing but arbitrary proceedings. To which I may add,
that Jesus Christ, and souls who are born again, are all the
priests that are named in the New Testament; 1 Pet. i. 23 ;
ii. 5; and the name is never applied therein to officers, in
distinction from other saints. Men who have tried to take
the power of church government out of the hands of the
saints, in particular churches, have never been able to fix
any rational bounds to it elsewhere. A synod of each na-
tion is the bounds that Mr. Stoddard proposed in this piece,
but would exclude the English bishops therefrom, because
they are not chosen by the church, but the State ;¹ but they
were for other measures.
When his book was published in London, a small Episco-
pal society in Boston was the only one of that denomination
in all New England. But on June 16, 1701, a charter was
procured, to incorporate a society to propagate (what they
called) the gospel in foreign parts. And they sent over mis-
sionaries, and got their matters in such forwardness, in about
twelve years, as to obtain an order from the Crown to bring
a bill into Parliament, to establish Episcopacy in America;
and its speedy accomplishment was expected, when Divine
Providence prevented it by the sudden death of Queen Anne,
August 1, 1714. And the two succeeding princes did not
see cause to revive that scheme.2 In 1701, the two eldest
ministers in this province published their testimony for the
ancient order of these churches, and against growing declen-
sions and corruptions; namely, Mr. John Higginson, of Sa-
lem, aged 85; and Mr. William Hubbard,³ of Ipswich, aged
80; wherein they give their particular approbation of Presi-
dent Mather's vindication of that order. In 1702, Mather
'Stoddard on Instituted Churches, p. 30.
Chandler's Appeal, 1767, pp. 50-54.
"The historian so often quoted.
'See Wise's works, A vindication of the Government of New England Churches.
By John Wise, A. M., Pastor of a church in Ipswich.] pp. 68–74.
464 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
published another book, entitled, "The Glory Departing
from New England;" wherein he says:-
•
Alas! what a change is there in that which hath been our glory!
What a glorious presence of Christ was there in all his ordinances! Many
were converted, and willingly declared what God had done for their souls;
and there were added to the churches daily such as should be saved. ...
There is sad cause to fear, that greater departures of the glory are hasten-
ing upon us. Neither our civil or ecclesiastical state is ever like to be what
it once was.¹
The Massachusetts Legislature, which met October 15,
1702, made a long preamble about some irreligious towns,
that refused or neglected to receive and support orthodox
ministers; upon which they added another law to empower
the County Courts, after fining such assessors as did not ful-
fill their orders, to appoint others to do it, and then to pro-
cure a warrant from two Justices of the Quorum, requiring
the constables of delinquent towns or districts to collect such.
taxes, upon the same penalty as for other taxes; and the
fines imposed upon delinquent officers were to go to pay
these new assessors for their service; and the ministers, who
were thus supported, were then contriving to get a classical
judicature established over the churches. They drew up
proposals for associations to be formed in each county, who
should have the power of licensing candidates for the min-
istry, and of directing particular societies, in the call and
settlement of ministers; to which was to be added a Stand-
ing Council, whose sentence should be final and decisive,
but not without the concurrence of the majority of the pas-
tors present. A number of ministers signed these proposals
November 5, 1705, a hundred years to a day after the gun-
powder plot was to have blown up the Parliament in West-
minster. They were sent round for others to sign, in order
to their being presented to the Legislature. But Mr. John
Wise had been so well taught, by the briers and thorns of
tyranny, that, instead of signing them, he wrote a sharp
2
'Christian History, Vol. I, pp. 102, 103,
2See page 417.
[1705.]
OPPRESSION OF QUAKERS.
465
answer to them;¹ and though he was forced to send into an-
other colony to get it printed, yet their design was defeated
thereby. The ancient church of Plymouth changed their
way of receiving members, from verbal to written relations,
in this month of November, 1705.2
Dartmouth and Tiverton, where the Quakers were the ma-
jority, were put to trouble, from time to time, because they
did not receive and support such ministers as others called
orthodox; and they also met with ill treatment elsewhere.
An old law was in force in Connecticut, entitled, Heretics,
which forbade any town or person to entertain any Quaker,
upon penalty of five pounds a week, and required that they
should be imprisoned and sent out of the Colony; that none
should hold unnecessary discourse with them, upon penalty
of twenty shillings; that none, except rulers and ministers,
should keep any Quaker books, upon penalty of ten shil-
lings, and that all such books should be suppressed; and
that no master of any vessel should land any Quakers, with-
out carrying them away again, under the penalty of twenty
pounds. And though this law was not rigorously executed,
yet it was not repealed; therefore their friends in London
made application, in 1704, to the Presbyterian, Congrega-
tional, and Baptist ministers there, desiring that, as they
would shew themselves friends to equal liberty, they would
use their influence in their favor, and apply to the queen for
a repeal of said law. This was thought not to be so agree-
able, as to try for a reformation in New England; and there-
fore said ministers in London wrote, to some ministers of
'This treatise bore the following title :-"The Churches' Quarrel Espoused, or a
Reply, in Satyr, to certain Proposals made in answer to this Question: What further
steps are to be taken that the Councils may have due constitution and efficacy in sup-
porting, preserving and well-ordering the interest of the Churches in the country?
By John Wise, A. M., Pastor of a Church in Ipswich,
'Wherefore rebuke them sharply, that they may be sound in the faith.'
Abjiciendus pudor quoties urget necessitas?"—Ed.
"Plymouth Register, p. 31. [Massachusetts Historical Collections, Vol. IV. p. 138.]
30
466 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
influence here, a letter to be communicated to others, where-
in they said :-
We cannot but judge it disagreeable with the spirit and principles of the
gospel, and an encroachment upon the divine prerogative and the undoubted
rights of mankind, to punish any for their conscientious and peaceable dis-
sent from the established way of religion, while they are not justly charge-
able with any immorality, or what is plainly destructive of civil society.¹
But as that law was not repealed here, the queen and
Council repealed it, October 11, 1705; a copy of which act
was published by John Rogers, of New London, soon after;
and the same is in a late history.2
4
In the beginning of the year 1705, such a revival of relig-
ion was granted in Taunton, in the county of Bristol, as
turned the minds of the people there in general from vain
companies, and many immoralities, to an earnest attention to
religious worship and conversation. Some things of like
nature appeared in Boston, and in several other places.
About the same time, Elder Valentine Wightman, from
North Kingstown, went and settled at Groton, seven miles
north of New London, where he became pastor of the first
Baptist church in Connecticut. For some years they were
oppressed by the ruling party; but in his latter days they
enjoyed liberty, and also much of a divine blessing. He min-
istered there to good purpose for more than forty years, and
died June 9, 1747, as his son who succeeds him informs me.
Their brethren at Boston, being destitute of a pastor, wrote
again to England for help, from whence a number of minis-
ters sent them the following answer:
To the church of Christ, baptized on profession of their faith, in Boston,
New England:
London, March 17, 1706–7.
Dear BRETHREN :-We are heartily concerned for you, since we have
heard of your being destitute of a pastor; and are so much the more
troubled, because we cannot think of a minister, who is at liberty, proper
We are glad to hear that you find so much kindness among the
for you.
'Calamy's Abridgment, p. 671,
Christian History, Vol. II, pp. 108-112.
2Douglas, Vol. II, pp. 389, 340.
'See page 322, note.-ED.
[1708.]
ELDER SCREVEN INVITED TO BOSTON.
467
ministers of another denomination, that they are willing to assist you, and
should more rejoice to hear you had a minister well qualified of your own
persuasion; but at present we can serve you no otherwise than to pray for
you that you may have an agreeable settlement; that you may increase
both in knowledge and grace, and may adorn the doctrine of our God and
Saviour, by a holy conversation. So pray, dear brethren, your brethren
and servants in the gospel of Jesus Christ,
NATHANIEL WYLES,
RICHARD PARKES,
JOSEPH STENNETT,
NATHANIEL HODGES,
JOSEPH MASTERS,
RICHARD ADAMS,
JOHN PIGGOT,
BENJAMIN STINTON,
RICHARD Allen.
The Baptist church which was formed at Kittery, in 1682,1
returned again to their connection with the church at Bos-
ton, and Mr. Drown moved there, whose son Shem was long
serviceable in the office of deacon among them. Elder
Screven went to South Carolina, to whom the church at Bos-
ton now wrote; and on June 2, 1707, he returned an an-
swer, wherein he said:-
Dearly beloved, this may inform you, that I have many thoughts of
heart about you, and am much concerned for you; and hope I may say, my
prayers are to God for you, though I am not with you; nor can I come as
I was inclined to do, our help being taken from us; for our minister who
came from England is dead, and I can by no means be spared. I must say
it is a great loss, and to me a great disappointment, but the will of the
Lord is done. I have longed to hear that you was supplied with an able
minister, who might break the bread of life among you; but if the Lord
do not please to supply you in the way you
improve the gifts you have in the church.
Russell, I know, have gifts that may tend
think you should call one or both of them to it.
expected, your way will be to
Brother Callender and Joseph
to edification, if improved. I
They did so to Mr. Callender, as appears by a letter from
Charleston, South Carolina, to him, of August 6, 1708,
which mentions it; and the letter closes thus:-
I have been brought very low by sickness; but I bless God I was helped
to preach and administer the communion last Lord's day, but am still weak.
'See page 405.
"I rejoice that you are inclined to, and employed in, the blessed work of the Lord
for the support of his cause, and the comfort of his saints left of a poor, languish
468
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Our society are for the most part in health, and I hope thriving in grace.
We are about ninety in all. I rest your affectionate brother and fellow-
laborer, in the best of services, for the best reward,
WILLIAM SCREVEN.
We must now consider how error had a further spread in
this country. Mr. Stoddard published a sermon from Exod.
xii. 47, 48, wherein he says, "A minister who knows him-
self unregenerate, may nevertheless lawfully administer bap-
tism and the Lord's Supper. Men who are destitute of
saving grace may preach the gospel, and therefore adminis-
ter and so partake of the Lord's Supper." President Mather
answered him in 1708, when he said of this passage, "I am
mistaken if in this logic there is not sophistry." But the
misery of both of them was, an entanglement in an incon-
sistent scheme. The advocates for the Half-way Covenant
in 1662, said, we know of no stronger argument for infant
baptism than this, that church members are to be baptized;"
and now Stoddard says, "This sacrament is a converting ordi-
nance to church members only, and not for other men. The
children of God's people should be baptized, which are gen-
erally at that time in a natural condition." Upon which his
opponent says, "We are to judge as charitably of the child
as we do of the parent. We baptize them as being disci-
ples and believers, and visibly belonging to the kingdom of
heaven; Dr. Goodwin says, the infants of believers are the
purest part of the church."2
.1
Stoddard pub-
How imperfect is human knowledge!
lished a reply in 1709, wherein all his arguments turn upon
these points, viz., that "if unsanctified persons might law-
fully come to the passover, then such [they] may lawfully
ing church with you; as it must and will, with the blessing of God, be, if you have
the blessed ordinances of the holy Jesus among you again.
I pray God to be
with your spirit and strengthen you to the great work to which you are called; and
that the little vine may be flourishing under your hand." Extract from Screven's
letter to Callender; Rev. S. Hall's Collection of Papers.-Ed.
'See page 268.
2Stoddard's Sermon, pp. 13, 27; Mather's answer, pp. 67, 68.
[1708.]
GOVERNOR SALTONSTALL OF CONNECTICUT.
469
come to the Lord's Supper; and they who [do] convey to
their children a right to [the sacrament of] baptism, have
a right themselves to the Lord's Supper, provided they
carry inoffensively." He could plainly see that there was
no half-way in the Jewish church; and his opponent could
see as plainly, that fruits meet for repentance were required
in order for baptism, even of such as were in the covenant
of circumcision. But as tradition had taught them both to
build the Christian church upon that covenant, neither of
them could act consistently thereon; though they were two
of the most eminent ministers then in New England. Most
of their successors have held fast their errors, but not their
virtues. And as these things shew how the churches were
corrupted, so what follows discovers how they were en-
slaved.
The third Governor Winthrop² died November 27, 1707,
upon which a special meeting of the Assembly of Connecti-
cut was called on December 17, to choose them another
Governor. By a law then in force, he was to be elected out
of a certain number of men in previous nomination; but
they broke over those limits, and elected an ordained minis-
ter of New London for their Governor; who, when they
sent an account of it to him, readily quitted the solemn
charge of souls, for worldly promotion, and was sworn into
his new office, January 1, 1708; after which they repealed
the law that they had before broken, and enacted that for
the future, the Governor might be chosen out of any of the
freemen.³ Mr. Gurdon Saltonstall, son to a Massachusetts
magistrate, and a graduate of Harvard College, was the Gov-
ernor thus chosen, and by annual elections he was continued
in that office for sixteen years. He was a great politician,
and he exerted all his influence to raise ministerial power as
high as possible. He took the proposals of 1705, and pre-
'Appeal to the Learned, pp. 50, 89.
"Fitz John Winthrop. See p. 430.-ED.
'Trumbull's History of Connecticut, Vol. I, Chapter XVIII, pp. 431, 432.—Ed.
470 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
sented them to their Legislature, where their unscriptural form
was soon taken notice of; for there was not a text of Scrip-
ture in the whole scheme. Perceiving that it could not be
received so, it was withdrawn without much noise, and the
following method was taken to carry his point. An act was
passed by the Assembly that met at Hartford, May 13, 1708,
which says:-
1
This Assembly, from their own observation, and from the complaint of
[many] others, being made sensible of the defects of the discipline of the
churches of this government, arising from the want of a more explicit as-
serting the rules given for that end in the holy Scriptures, from which
would arise a firm [permanent] establishment amongst ourselves, a good
and regular issue in cases subject to ecclesiastical discipline, glory to Christ
our Head, and edification to his members; hath seen fit to ordain and re-
quire, and it is by authority of the same ordained and required, that the
ministers of the churches, in the several counties of this government, shall
meet together at their respective county towns, with such messengers as
the churches to which they belong shall see cause to send with them, on
the last Monday in June next, there to consider and agree upon those
methods and rules for the management of ecclesiastical discipline, which
by them shall be judged agreeable and conformable to the word of God;
and shall at the same meeting appoint two or more of their number to be
their delegates, who shall all meet together at Saybrook at the next Com-
mencement to be held there,2 where they shall compare the results of the
ministers of the several counties, and out of and from them to draw a form
of ecclesiastical discipline.
This was to be presented to the Assembly for their accept-
ance, and the expense of those meetings was to be borne
out of the Colony treasury. This order was obeyed; and
the ministers who met at Saybrook, September 9, 1708,
adopted the Confession of Faith that was composed at the
Savoy in London, 1658,³ and the heads of agreement en-
'Church and State are here confounded together; as if a being members of the
civil community, made men members of Christ, and him their Head.
"This was the Commencement of the "Collegiate School of the Colony of Con-
necticut," afterwards Yale College, which was founded at Saybrook and continued
there till 1716.-ED.
"The Savoy Confession of Faith was drawn up and adopted by an assembly of the
ministers and messengers of Independent churches. It is a modification of the
Westminster Confession, omitting from that the articles relating to church discipline,
and adding instead a few articles affirming and explaining Independency. Neal's
History of the Puritans, Toulmin's edition, Vol. IV, pp. 213–218.-Ed.
[1708.]
THE SAYBROOK PLATFORM.
471
tered into between Presbyterians and Independents in Lon-
don, 1690, and then added fifteen articles concerning church
discipline, which were the proposals of 1705 new modeled,
with Scripture references annexed to each article; though
a gentleman of that day observed, that the text which
speaks of Balaam's saddling his ass would have been as
much to the purpose as many they brought. Their second
article, which contains a summary of the whole scheme, is
in these words, viz. :-
That the churches, which are neighboring each to other, shall consociate
for mutual affording to each other such assistance as may be requisite, upon
all occasions ecclesiastical; and that the particular pastors and churches,
within the respective counties in this government, shall be one Consociation
(or more if they shall judge meet) for the end aforesaid. Psalm exxii.
3-5; cxxxiii. 1; Eccl. iv. 9-12; Acts xv. 2, 6, 22, 23; I Tim. iv. 14;
I Cor. xvi. 1.¹
The first of these texts speaks of princes on their thrones,
and not of church officers. And when we come to the ante-
type of Aaron's and David's line, we find none therein but
Jesus Christ, and regenerate souls. Officers, as distinguished
from other saints in the Christian church, are never called
priests nor kings in the New Testament. And, said an emi-
nent father of New England, "The order of officers in the
church is an order of servants, and the order of saints an
order of kings (which is the highest order in the church) sit-
ting upon the thrones of David for judgment, whom the min-
isters are to serve, in guiding and going before them in, and
ministering of, their judgments." Their second proof re-
fers to the unity of brethren under our great High Priest,
who most explicitly excludes all striving about who shall be
the greatest from his kingdom. Neither is the third text
any more to their purpose. The fourth gives an account of
the meeting of one church, at the request of another two
hundred miles off, upon a special occasion, and not of the
'Trumbull's History of Connecticut, Vol. I, Chapter XIX, pp. 481-483.—Ed.
Robinson against Bernard, p. 227. [Works of John Robinson, Vol. II, p. 238.]
472
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
meeting of neighboring churches upon all occasions ecclesi-
astical. The last two treat of gifts received by prophecy,
and of orders given to the churches by apostolic authority;
and until ordinary ministers can prove that they, as such,
are princes on their thrones, and are endowed with apostolic
authority over the churches, we may safely conclude that
the above application of Scriptures was a perverting of them
from their genuine meaning and design. Yet thereby two
kinds of judicatures were set up over the churches. The
one called Consociations, consisting of ministers meeting in
their own persons, and churches by their messengers, where-
of each church may send one or two, though the want of
them is not to invalidate the acts of any council; but none
of their acts are esteemed valid without the concurrence of
the majority of the pastors present. They are the Standing
Council within each circuit upon all occasions ecclesiastical,
though in cases of special difficulty they may call the next
Consociation to sit and act with them. They are to have a
new choice of messengers and moderators once a year, if
not oftener, and the last moderator is to call a new meeting
when it is judged proper. Their sentence is to be final and
decisive. Their other judicatures are called Associations,
which are meetings of ministers by themselves in each cir-
cuit, as often as they think proper, to hear and answer ques-
tions of importance, to examine and license candidates for
the ministry, to receive complaints from individuals or socie-
ties, and to direct to the calling of the Council to try the
same, when they judge proper; to direct destitute churches
in calling and settling of pastors, and to make complaint
to their Legislature against such as they judge to be negli-
gent of their duty in that respect. And each Association
sends a delegate or two to a General Association once a year,
from all parts of that government.
This scheme was not introduced without glaring deceit;
for their Fourth Article says, "that according to the common
practice of our churches, nothing shall be deemed an act or
THE POWER OF COUNCILS AND SYNODS.
473
[1708.]
judgment of any council, which hath not the major part of
the elders present, concurring. and such a number of the
messengers present, as makes the majority of the council,"
whereas this practice was so far from being common, that it
was an innovation then made, directly subversive of the
fundamental principles of the New England churches;2 as
we are assured by Mr. Wise, Dr. Mather, and others. No
man knew better what those principles were than Mr.
Thomas Hooker, the first minister of Hartford; and he is
full in it, that, though it is expedient on special occasions to
call councils or synods, yet elders act therein as commission-
ers sent, and not as pastors; and that other messengers sent
have equal power with them.3 Says he, "God hath set offi-
cers in the church; I Cor. xii. 28; therefore the church is
before officers." And from Matt. xviii. 15-18, and I Cor.
v. 12, he concludes, "that each man and member of the so-
ciety, in a just way, may be directed, censured, reformed or
removed, by the power of the whole, and each may and
should judge with the consent of the whole. This belongs
to all the members, and therefore to any that shall be in
office, if they be members. They are superior as officers,
when they keep the rule; but inferior as members, and in
subjection to any when they break the rule. . ... Christ gave
some to be pastors, some to be teachers. He alone, out of
his supreme and regal power, doth furnish them with graces
and abilities, appoints the work, lays out the compass there-
of, the manner of dispensing, and the order and bounds of
their dispensation." And he observes, that to remove the
power of censure from a particular church, leads into end-
less disputes; because no General Council was called in the
'Trumbull's History of Connecticut, Vol. I, Chapter XIX, p. 483.-ED.
2Mr. Backus seems to have misapprehended the force of the above Article. It
does not state that it had been the common practice of the churches, to hold eccles-
iastical councils, or to allow them the authority which they afterwards exercised,
but only that it had been the common practice of the churches to require a majority
vote of both the elders and messengers in order to the validity of any act.-ED.
3Survey of Church Discipline, Part I, p. 119.
474
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
first three centuries, and no man can tell as there will ever
be another.¹ Says he, "The truth is, a particular congrega- .
tion is the highest tribunal, unto which the grieved party
may appeal in the third place, if private council, or the wit-
nesses of two, have seemed to proceed too [much] sharply. If
difficulties arise in proceeding, the council of other churches
should be sought to clearthe truth; but the power of censure
rests in the congregation, where Christ placed it. . . . . The
churches sent them, and therefore are above them."2 Yet
now the churches were not allowed the power to say whether
their ministers should meet at Saybrook, or not; and the re-
sult of their meeting being laid before the Legislature of
October 14, 1708, they said:-
This Assembly do [doth] declare their great approbation of such a
happy agreement, and do ordain that all the churches within this govern-
ment, that are or shall be thus united, in doctrine, worship and discipline,
be, and for the future shall be owned and acknowledged, established by
law, provided always, that nothing herein shall be intended and construed
to hinder or prevent any society or church, that is or shall be allowed by
the laws of this government, who soberly differ or dissent from the united
churches hereby established, from exercising worship and discipline in
their own way, according to their consciences.3
Thus artfully was this new scheme established, and all
others declared to be no more than allowed or tolerated.
Mr. John Woodward, another Cambridge scholar, was
then minister of Norwich; and he soon got and read off to
his congregation the first part of this act, but without the
proviso. Richard Bushnel and Joseph Backus,* Esquires,
who had opposed that scheme in the Assembly, informed
their church of the liberty that they had to dissent from it;
but the minister carried a major vote against them; there-
fore those representatives, and other fathers of the town,
withdrew from that tyranny, and held worship by themselves
'Survey of Church Discipline, Part I, pp. 119, 188, 190, 232, 238.
2Ibid, Part IV, pp. 19, 47.
"Trumbull's History of Connecticut, Vol. I, Chapter XIX, p. 487.-ED.
4Joseph Backus was the author's grandfather. —Ed.
[1709.]
OPPRESSIVE MEASURES IN CONNECTICUT.
475
for three months. For this, the minister and his party cen-
sured them; an account of which being sent to the next
meeting of the Assembly, they were expelled therefrom.
Hereby we may see how far corruption had prevailed in our
land. For in 1641, three years after the first taxing law for
ministers was made in New England, a law was made at
Boston, which said, "No church censure shall degrade or
depose any man from any civil dignity, office or authority,
he shall have in the Commonwealth." How much more
equitable was this, than another law in Connecticut, which
said:-
Whatsoever persons shall on the Lord's day, under any pretence whatso-
ever, assemble themselves together in any of the public meeting-houses,
provided in any town, parish or society, for the public worship of God,
without leave or allowance of the minister and congregation for whose use
it was provided, and be thereof convict, every such person shall incur the
penalty of ten shillings for every such offence. Nor shall any persons
neglect the public worship of God in some lawful congregation, and form
themselves into separate companies in private houses, on penalty of ten shil-
lings for every such offence.
This part concerning separate meetings caused sore exer-
cises to many serious minds, and great difficulties in procur-
ing civil officers; yet it was never repealed until October,
1770. But not long after the Norwich minister had cen-
sured their representatives, he consented to refer the matter
to a council; and they followed it, with council after coun-
cil, for about six years. Governor Saltonstall came there
himself upon one of those occasions; and Mr. Stoddard of
Northampton was Moderator of the last but one of those
councils. My grandfather went a journey as far as Boston
and Ipswich, a hundred and thirty miles, to consult with Mr.
Wise and the two Mathers upon these affairs. At last, by
advice of a council that met August 31, 1716, said minister
was dismissed, and the church in Norwich determined to
abide upon their ancient foundation. And it was known
that when the church was constituted at Saybrook, in 1660,
'Massachusetts Law-book, printed 1672, p. 44.
476
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
with the approbation of other ministers, Mr. James Fitch
was ordained their pastor, by the laying on of the hands
only of their two deacons, as a token that the power of
ordination is in the church as a body. They came and
planted Norwich the same year; and Mr. Fitch was con-
tinued one of the most useful ministers in Connecticut for
near fifty years. The church in East Windsor, under the
care of Mr. Timothy Edwards, father of Mr. Jonathan, also
refused to receive the Saybrook Platform. And the temper
of those who introduced it farther appears by the incorpo-
rating act of the town of Killingly, passed in May, 1708;
which says,
"No person now inhabiting on said lands, or
any other persons dwelling without this colony, who have
purchased any lands within the said township, that shall not
give due obedience to all the laws of this colony for the up-
holding the worship of God, and paying all public charges,
shall have any benefit by this act." At the same time they
gave their Governor two hundred acres of land therein.
This account is carefully taken from the public records and
laws, and other authentic vouchers.
A few things concerning baptism shall close this chapter.
An aged and honorable gentleman near Piscataqua River
informed me, that about the year 1710, a number of people
in Dover¹ were so fully persuaded that they ought, in a lit-
eral sense, to be buried in baptism, that on a Lord's day
and the day after, Mr. Pike, their minister, baptized nine
persons in that way, in a branch of that river. But such a
noise was made, and opposition raised against it, as pre-
vented any further proceedings therein. About the same time
a Baptist meeting was set up at Scituate, in the county of
Plymouth, where President Dunstar spent his latter days to
good purpose.2 Mr. John Peirce preached to them for some
time, until he and others removed to Swanzey, in or about
1711, and on October 19, 1715, he was ordained a pastor of
'Mr. Hansard Knollys was minister there, from the spring of 1638 to the fall of
1641. See pp. 81, 82.
2 See pp. 255, 256.
[1709.]
ELDERS MASON, PIERCE AND CALLENDER.
477
the second church there, colleague with Elder Joseph Ma-
son, who was ordained in July, 1709. And they continued
in good esteem in their offices, until Elder Mason died, May
19, 1748, and Elder Peirce, September 8, 1750, being each of
them near ninety years old. On March 16, 1714, Dr. Cotton
Mather wrote the letter to the Baptist church in Boston,
which is in page 420; subscribed thus, viz., "To my worthy
friend, Mr. Ellis Callender, elder of a church of Christ in
Boston." He joined it in 1669; was a leading member of
it when' the Court nailed up their meeting-house in 1680;
and he was continued a great blessing to them until he died
in a good old age, after the year 1726.
..
"
CHAPTER X.
ARBITRARY CLAIMS AND PROCEEDINGS.-MOODY AND WHITE AGAINST
THEM.-A CRUEL LAW.-LIBERTY IN RHODE ISLAND.-MATHER FOR IT.
IS FRIENDLY TO THE BAPTISTS.-JENNINGS JOINS THEM.— WALLIN'S
LETTERS.-ARIAN HERESY.-HOLLIS'S DONATIONS.-SOME REVIVAL OF
RELIGION.-COMER CONVERTED.
Governor Lyndon informed me, that when the Quakers
were hanged at Boston, a view of the cruelty then exercised
towards them, and of their behavior under their sufferings,
moved Peter Wanton to join with that people.
And his
son Joseph was a teacher among them in Tiverton for many
years; whose daughter Richardson told me, that, during
Governor Dudley's administration, her father was frequently
sent to Boston, to defend his town against the arbitrary
claims of other ministers; and that the Governor privately
favored him therein. Some extracts from the records of the
Quaker society show, that in 1707, a cow worth three
pounds, was taken from John Packom, of Little Compton,
for a ministerial tax of six shillings and twopence; and
that their monthly meeting on Rhode Island, in the seventh
month, 1708, sent Joseph Wanton with an address to Gov-
ernor Dudley, "desiring relief from sufferings for priests'
rates, by a repeal of those laws;" informing him that if it
was not done here, they thought it their duty to address the
British Court upon it. A like application was afterwards
made by the hand of Ebenezer Slocum, who reported to a
480
1
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
meeting in 1709, that the Governor appeared kind and
friendly; but as no relief was granted, they then sent to
England upon those matters. By the same records we are
informed, that in 1716, five cows and calves, worth twenty-
five pounds, were taken from Peleg Slocum, and twenty-four
sheep worth eight pounds, eight shillings, from John and
Abraham Tucker, all upon Slocum's Island, and near all for
a demand of Priest Holmes, of Chilmark," to which town
said island belonged, although the great channel betwixt the
main and Martha's Vineyard must be crossed to get to it.
However, ministers were far from being content with all the
power they had yet obtained, and therefore presented a peti-
tion to their Legislature, that they would call a General
Synod; doubtless to revise and carry into effect the pro-
posals of 1705. The Council voted to grant their petition,
but it was not concurred with by the other branches of the
Legislature.¹ And two excellent ministers had such a sight
of their danger, as to write the following letter to Mr.
Wise.
Gloucester, March 25, 1715.
REVEREND SIR:-We have had the favor and satisfaction of reading,
and, according to our measure, considering, the transcendent logic, as well
as grammar and rhetoric, of your Reply to the Proposals, by which our
eyes are open to see much more than ever before we saw of the value and
glory of our invaded privileges; and are of opinion, that if your consent
may be obtained to a new edition, it may be of wonderful service to our
churches, if God shall please to go forth with it. However, it will be a
testimony that all our watchmen were not asleep, nor the camp of Christ
surprised and taken before they had warning. We are, Reverend Sir, full
of dutiful respect and gratitude, your sons and servants,
SAMUEL MOODY,
JOHN WHITE.
It was reprinted accordingly; and, with Mr. Wise's other
works, it had two editions more in 1773, upon an occasion
which will then be mentioned. These two ministers lived
to see and rejoice in the glorious work of divine grace,
'Douglas, Vol. II, p. 378.
[1715.] LAW FOR MAINTAINING AND PROPAGATING RELIGION. 481
which was granted in New England, in and after the year
1710. Mr. Moody was minister at York, beyond Piscataqua
River. He preached without notes, and refused to be sup-
ported by tax and compulsion; and was the most powerful
and successful preacher of almost any in the land in those
days.
Such opposition was raised against Governor Dudley, that
he was removed, and never acted with our Legislature after
August, 1715; and when they met again November 23, with
the pliant Lieutenant Governor Taylor in the chair, the fol-
lowing act was added to their other taxing laws, viz.:-
AN ACT FOR MAINTAINING AND PROPAGATING OF RELIGION.
Whereas the laws of this province have made good and wholesome pro-
vision, that every town within the same be continually supplied with an able,
learned, orthodox minister or ministers, of good conversation, to dispense
the word of God unto them; and that such minister or ministers be suita-
bly encouraged, and sufficiently supported and maintained, by the inhabit-
ants of such towns; for the rendering the said laws more effectual, and to
prevent the growth of atheism, irreligion and profaneness: Be it enacted
and ordained by the Lieutenant Governor, Council, and Representatives,
in General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same, that the
Justices of the Court of General Sessions of the Peace, within the several
counties, at the opening of their Courts from time to time, do give in special
charge to the Grand Jury, to make diligent inquiry and presentment of all
towns and districts within such county, that are destitute of a minister, as
by law is directed; and of such towns and districts that neglect to fulfill
their contracts and agreements, and do not make suitable provision for the
support and maintenance of their minister or ministers accordingly. And
upon such presentment, complaint, or information in any other manner,
the Court are directed and required vigorously to put the laws in execution,
for the redressing of all defects and neglects of that kind,' and forthwith
to make the necessary orders to that end, as by law they are empowered.
And in case their orders, so made, be not duly observed, or by the contriv-
ance and practice of ill men be eluded and rendered ineffectual; for the
speedy remedying and reforming of so great an evil, the Justices of such
Court are to represent and make report of their proceedings unto the next
session of the General Court or Assembly.
'From Scripture and all experience it plainly appears, that ministers have been
as often guilty of defects and neglects as the people; but they made no law to pun-
ish ministers therefor; which partiality promoted atheism and irreligion, instead of
preventing it.
31
482
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Upon this the Assembly were to send a minister, recom-
mended by three others, to every such town or district, and
to provide for his "honorable maintenance," by adding a
sufficient sum for the purpose to the province tax upon such
places; and were to do the like to each place that neglected
to fulfill former contracts with ministers; as also to " sup-
ply and support a minister in places that are destitute, where
the Justices neglect their duty." All which sums their min-
isters were to draw out of the province treasury. This act
was made for seven years, and then was revived and con-
tinued till 1730; and that method of charging the Grand
Jury has been continued ever since.
Rhode Island Colony was now ruled by Governor Crans-
ton, and Deputy Governor Jencks, in conjunction with
other worthy men, under whose administration they enjoyed
the greatest peace, for above thirty years, that they ever did
since they were a distinct government. And for the con-
tinuance of the same, and to prevent any society or sect
from trying for any preeminence in the government, their
Assembly of May 2, 1716, enacted, "that what maintenance
or salary may be thought necessary by any of the churches,
congregations, or societies of people, now inhabiting, or that
hereafter shall or may inhabit, within the same, for the sup-
port of their respective minister or ministers, shall be raised
by free contribution, and no otherways." This law is still
in force; and we shall presently hear a number of minis-
ters commending the good fruits of these measures, which
yet they were very unwilling to come into.
President Mather published another piece in 1716, where-
in he says:-
For ministers to pretend to a negative voice in synods, or for councils to
take upon them to determine what elders or messengers a church shall
submit unto, without the choice of the church concerned, or for ministers
to pretend to be members of a council without any mission from their
churches, nay, although the church declares that they will not send them,
is prelatical, and essentially differing not only from Congregational, but
[1716.]
THE MATHERS AT CALLENDER'S ORDINATION.
483
from Presbyterian principles. And now that I am going out of the world,
I could not die in peace, if I did not discharge my conscience, in bearing
witness against such innovations and invasions on the rights and privileges
belonging to particular congregations of Christ.¹
Yet all these innovations and invasions were made in the
Saybrook scheme. And to shew that brethren, when chosen
by the church, have a right to equal votes in Councils with
elders, he says:-
There are mechanics, who although they do not excel in that which is
called human learning, are well versed and learned in the Scriptures,
spending much time in consulting those oracles of God, and being men of
great piety, and excellent natural accomplishments, they may be very use-
ful in synods. Ecclesiastical historians give a remarkable account of what
happened in the Nicene Synod. A pious old man, who was no clergyman,
nor exercised philosophical notions, by his plain discourse did more
towards the conviction of an heretical philosopher, than all the learned
bishops in the Council could do.²
2
These things naturally led him and his brethren into
another sort of behavior towards the Baptists, than when
he was Scribe of the Synod of 1769, who declared that they
were setting up their posts by God's posts; which moved
the Court to nail up the doors of the Baptist meeting-house.
For Elder Callender's son Elisha was added to the church
under his father's care, August 10, 1713; after which³ he
was educated at Harvard College, and called into the gospel
ministry; and, as President Mather had expressed his will-
ingness for such a thing to Elder Callender, his church called
the President, his son, and Mr. John Webb, to assist in
ordaining Mr. Elisha Callender, as pastor of the Baptist
'Disquisition concerning Ecclesiastical Councils, Preface, p. 13.
2 Ibid.,
· P. 19
His son, Elisha Callender, became his successor in the pastoral office. He had
received a liberal education at Harvard College, and was one of the fourteen stu-
dents who were graduated in the year 1710. He was baptized and received into the
church August 10, 1713..... Mr. Backus observes, that Mr. Callender received
his education at Harvard College after he had joined the church; but in this he
must be mistaken. Historical Sketch of the First Baptist church in Boston; James
M. Winchell; p. 21.-Ed.
...
484
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
-
church in Boston, May 21, 1718. And Dr. Cotton Mather,
in the Ordination Sermon, said :—
It is very sadly true, that many ecclesiastical communities, wherein piety
has its votaries, yet are guilty of this evil, that they impose terms of com-
munion which many that have the fear of God, are, by just exceptions,
kept from complying withal. Now in this unhappy case what is to be
done? Do this; let good men go as far as they can without sin, in holding
communion with one another. But where sinful terms are imposed, there
let them make their stops; there a separation becomes a duty; there the
injunction of heaven upon them is, "Be ye separate saith the Lord, and
touch not the unclean thing, and I will receive you." The imposers are
the schismatics. There have been many attempts to unite people in forms
and terms, that are not the pure maxims of living unto God; and so to
build the tower of Zion on a foundation which is not the tried stone and
the precious, and so not the sure foundation. There has hitherto been a
blast from heaven upon all these attempts; they have miscarried, as being
rather calculated for the tower of Babel. New England also has, in some
former times, done something of this aspect, which would not now be so
well approved of; in which, if the brethren, in whose house we are now
convened, met with any thing too unbrotherly, they now with satisfaction
hear us expressing our dislike of every thing that looked like persecution
in the days that have passed over us.¹
The case of a member who soon after joined that church,
I think proper here to mention. Samuel Jennings, Esq.,
was born in Sandwich, in the county of Barnstable, Febru-
ary 19, 1685, where he lived till he was above eighteen years
old, and then went a voyage to sea, where he was pressed
on board a man-of-war. But meeting with very ill treatment.
there for five months, he, in the evening of March 26, 1704,
the ship being in a bay at Barbados, attempted to make his
escape therefrom by swimming; but by the way he was
seized and hauled under water by a shark. A terrible case
indeed! Yet, as he cried to God for help, the venomous
creature let him go, and his life was preserved, with the loss
only of a part of a foot and an arm. He returned, married,
'See pp. 420, 422.
2
2. I had not swum far before I saw a shark, just as he took hold of my left hand.
He pulled me under water in a moment. I thought of a knife I used to carry in
my pocket, but remembered I left it on board. Then I kicked him several times
• •
[1718.]
ACCOUNT OF SAMUEL JENNINGS.
485
and lived in good repute in his native town, which he rep-
resented several times in our Legislature. After he had
served them two years in that office, he wrote as follows con-
cerning his soul affairs. Says he :-
Though I had heard much preaching, and read many books, to support
the baptizing of infants, and had never read any books, or discoursed on
that head with any that were against it, yet I found so much in the Scrip-
ture to the contrary, that I could not believe it to be right. Notwithstand-
ing I went to several ministers, and discoursed [with] them on that point.
to get light, and also prayed to God to direct me in the right way; yet still
it appeared to me unscriptural and erroneous. Then I went to Mr. Cal-
lender, the Baptist minister at Boston, who not only discoursed with me,
but lent me books set out by those of his persuasion, to support the truth
thereof; which when I had read, I found so agreeable with the Scriptures,
and with the apprehensions I before had from them, that I quickly sought
to be admitted into the communion of that church at Boston. And having
made a verbal profession, before the church and congregation, I was bap-
tized (that is, dipped in the water) by Mr. Elisha Callender, minister of
the gospel, on the 9th day of June, 1718, in the thirty-fourth year of my
age. And truly I may say, as is said of the Ethiopian eunuch, that I came
away rejoicing. In a short time after, I arrived to a considerable degree of
bodily health, which I had lacked for eight years before.
He served his town afterwards as their Representative, and
in other offices; and, without his seeking, a commission of
Justice of the Peace was sent him, which, for some reasons,
he chose not to accept. He continued a member of said
church in Boston till his death in 1764.
Soon after Mr. Callender was ordained, he opened a cor-
respondence with friends in London, which, with other
means, had very great and extensive effects. Thomas Hollis,
with my right foot, but that proving ineffectual, I set my foot against his mouth, in-
tending to haul my hand away or to haul it off. Then he opened his mouth a little
and took part of my foot into his mouth with my hand and held them both. Then I
cried to God mentally that he would have mercy on my soul, which I thought would
soon be separated from my body, but still did not cease striving, but punched him
with my right hand, though to little purpose. At last, being almost drowned, for I
was all this while under water, I had almost left off striving, and, expecting nothing
but present death, all at once my hand and foot came loose, and I got up to the top
of the water, and, having cleared my stomach of water, I called out for help, and
swam towards the nearest ship." Extract from "A Narrative of the Wonderful Es-
cape of Samuel Jennings;" Rev. S. Hall's Collection of Papers.-ED.
486
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
1
Esq., one of the most liberal men upon earth, had some ac-
quaintance with President Mather, when he was agent for
this province in England; and now, receiving accounts of
the transactions and catholic sentiments that were delivered
at the ordination of a Baptist minister in Boston, who was
educated at Harvard College, he became the greatest bene-
factor thereto that they have ever had to this day.
"Nor yet to Harvard all his views confin'd;
His active soul still nobler work designed.
A kingdom's welfare dwelt on ev'ry thought;
For gen'ral good his heav'nly candor wrought;
To public peace his prudent schemes invite,
Faction to quell, and clashing sects unite."2
With or near his first donation to the College, came the
following letter from a minister of his acquaintance to his
friend in Boston:
London, March 9, 1720.
MUCH ESTEEMED BROTHER CALLENDER :-I thank you kindly for the par-
ticular account you gave me in your last; and I cannot but lament the sad
consequences of sin, and the great degrees of it which remain, even in
God's own people; for surely the greatest part, if not all those who suf-
fered so much for their religion at home, and at last left their native coun-
try, and run such great hazards as they did for the sake of their con-
sciences, must, in the judgment of charity, be esteemed the faithful servants
of Christ. But when I consider the methods which these took, or encour-
aged others to take, with those who differed from them in matters not
fundamental, I cannot but wonder at the depth of folly which remains with
us, that any body of men should so soon and so zealously pursue those very
methods which they had so justly condemned, and so greatly suffered by!
It is a consideration enough to check the towering thoughts of vain man,
and to shew the reasonableness of the apostolical advice, "Let him that
'Increase Mather's Life, p. 170.-B.
The words here referred to in the Life of Mather, (Parentator, &c.,) are as fol-
lows:-"When he went over to England he carried his care of his beloved College
with him. Among other expressions of it, he procured some valuable donations to
it. Yea, it was his acquaintance with, and his proposal to, that good-spirited man
and lover of all good men, Mr. Thomas Hollis, that introduced his benefactions
unto that College, to which his incomparable bounty has anon flowed unto such a
degree as to render him the greatest benefactor it ever had in the world."--ED.
2Rudd's Poem on Hollis's Death, p. 29.
[1720.]
WALLIN'S LETTER TO CALLENDER.
487
thinketh he standeth take heed lest he fall;" for I think we are but too sub-
ject to the lesser degrees of this temper and carriage, in almost every sta-
tion of life. For though there is so good an understanding among the
three denominations of dissenters, viz., Presbyterians, Independents and
Baptists; yet we have too many who are whisperers and backbiters, who,
by magnifying the weaknesses, or diminishing the real worth and useful-
ness of those who differ from them, shew that this spirit, as much as it is
destroyed, is yet too much alive, and, were it clothed with power, would
soon be formidable. But our wise and gracious Governor makes the weak-
nesses and wrath of men to praise him, and the remainder thereof he doth
restrain.
As I heartily rejoice that the Lord hath preserved the baptized church, at
Boston, through so many difficulties, so I am glad he hath raised up to them
one so able and willing to promote the public good among them. May the
Lord succeed you, my dear brother, that so peace and truth may spread
and flourish in your days! I am indeed troubled at the paucity of those
of our denomination, in New England; though I cannot wonder at it, con-
sidering the treatment they have generally met with. I am grieved that
any who profess the plain Scripture baptism should bring it into contempt,
by holding with it such wild and unscriptural opinions; but so it hath been
with us, and yet remains; though I think the number of such is dimin-
ished, within a few years last past. But although we have but few Soul-
sleepers or Sabbatarians, &c., yet the number of those that plead for gen-
eral redemption, and some other of the distinctive notions of Arminius,
seem to increase among us. However, they seem not quite so rigid and
uncharitable as formerly, and there is, I hope, the greatest number of our
denomination free from these things. As to the method of educating youth
among you, it must be allowed, that the design seemed to be well laid for pro-
moting useful knowledge and I hope your college will be improved to a
very great advantage; but I find you have to lament, what we are not
strangers to, viz., that those things which in themselves are good, and tend
to fit persons for more extensive usefulness, are made necessary for a per-
son in order to the ministry, or should be thought, at any time, to be a suf-
ficient qualification for so great a work. Surely a man blessed with a good
natural genius, who has been brought to a true sense of sin, and the saving
knowledge of Jesus Christ, though he should want the advantage of hu-
man literature, must be better capable than one that has it, and is destitute
of the other, to guide souls into the ways of salvation; because, as he
knows something of the deceitfulness of sin, and the wiles of Satan, so he
is more capable to comfort poor souls in distress, with the comforts where-
with he himself has been comforted of God. Therefore, though I have a
high esteem for human learning, and wish every minister had the advan-
'Fewness in number.
488
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
tage of a good degree of it, yet I conceive it is far from being necessary to
a man's being employed in the public ministry, and much less do I think
it, in itself, a qualification sufficient for so weighty an undertaking. You
will excuse me for so freely declaring my mind upon this head.
Before this comes to hand, I hope you will have received a letter, sub-
scribed, Thomas Hollis. This worthy gentleman is my very good friend,
and one who, with his plentiful estate, has done much good among poor
ministers and churches here; and I hope New England will find yet more
happy effects of his liberality, and that, with your kind assistance in find-
ing and procuring proper objects, something may be done by him for the
particular encouragement of our denomination. For, in conversing with
him upon this head, he desired me to intimate to you, that he shall be well
pleased, if you can find a proper person of the Baptist persuasion, for him
to recommend to the governors of the college; and I doubt not but he will
give some further encouragement to such an one, who is desirous to be
qualified for public usefulness. I entreat you therefore to turn your
thoughts to this subject; and give me a line, so soon as you have found a
fit person, that so good a work as this may be begun. I am ready to be-
lieve, that, besides Mr. Hollis's interest with the governors, in behalf of a
hopeful young man, who is of our persuasion, he may be prevailed upon to
allow ten pounds per annum, of your money,' towards defraying the charges
of the college; which will be some encouragement for one, who, with
promising natural parts, is desirous to devote himself to study, in order to
fit himself for public usefulness, but is not well able to go through the
charge. I leave this with you, and pray God to direct you. You will find
a copy of Mr. Hollis's to you; to which I have added a catalogue of the
chest of books therein mentioned; and if any are not disposed of to the
college library, yourself, &c., that then you would use your interest to ob-
tain some of them for Mr. Daniel White. When you have read Mr.
Neal's History of New England, I desire you to give me your thoughts of
it in general; and if you find anything in it which deserves to be taken no-
tice of, in order to be altered in a second edition, pray freely communicate
it to me, and I will do the same to the author, who is a very honest gen-
tleman, and will be glad to be set right, in any thing wherein he may have
been mistaken. Just now a gentleman has been with me, whose name is
Spurier, who hath brought some hundred tons of silver ore from New Eng-
land, and desires me to assist him in presenting a petition to the govern-
ment, for encouragement." If you have heard any thing of any late dis-
2
'Mexican silver was then about thirteen shillings per ounce, in our money. Doug-
las, Vol. I, p. 494.
2Mr. White came over from Mr. Wallin's church two years before, and was then
preaching at Newport. Mr. Neal's history first came over this year.
³Great fraud and iniquity was practised in the nation, about such things, in the
year 1720.
[1720.]
LETTER FROM BOSTON CHURCH TO LONDON.
489
coveries made of silver mines with you, or any thing of the character of
the man, or what notion the people have of it, and will please to give me a
line, it may be of use to me; for, as I would willingly serve any honest
man, according to my ability, so I would gladly know the persons I move
for. I am now obliged to conclude at present, and with all my heart com-
mend you to God and the word of his grace, which is able and I hope will
build you up in all things. May the Lord be with you, and the church of
Christ under your care, causing all blessings to abound towards you in all
things. So rests your cordial friend, and unworthy brother in the Lord's
vineyard,
EDWARD WALLIN.
Before this came to hand, our friends here had sent a let-
ter directed thus: "The church of Christ at Boston, in New
England, of the faith and order of the gospel, baptizing
visible believers upon the profession of their faith, and
believing the principles of a particular election of a certain
number, who shall continue in the perseverance in grace;
unto the several churches of Christ that are in the same
faith and order of the gospel, in London, do heartily desire
your increase and growth in the knowledge of our Lord
Jesus, and in all the graces of his Holy Spirit." They go
on to give an account of the first rise of their church, which
say they, "Several wise and learned men endeavored, but
could not accomplish it; however, God was pleased to suc-
ceed the endeavors of our brethren, who were not so accom-
plished with acquired parts and abilities, by enduring, and
to appear for them under all their troubles, so that we con-
tinue, through rich grace, a church unto this day.'
By
""1
'This letter is preserved, and, we judge, is of sufficient interest to warrant its
publication.
"The church of Christ at Boston in New England, of the faith and order of the
gospel, baptizing visible believers upon the profession of their faith, and believing
the principles of a particular election of a certain number, who shall likewise con-
tinue in their perseverance in grace; unto the several churches of Christ that are in
the same faith and order of the gospel in London, do heartily desire your increase
and growth in the knowledge of our Lord Jesus, and in all the graces of his Holy
Spirit.
"Honored and dearly beloved friends and brethren; we take this freedom of writ-
ing these few lines to acquaint you with the circumstances of our condition, whereby
there may be a sympathy which the Holy Spirit of God promotes in Christians at a
490
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
those wise and learned men, I suppose they intended Presi-
dent Dunstar and some with him, who did not accomplish
what Elder Gould and his brethren did. One design of this
letter was to request some assistance in enlarging and repair-
ing their meeting-house; and it occasioned the following
answer:
London, August 3, 1720.
DEAR AND HONORED BROTHER CALLENDER: I received the honor of
the church's and your letter together, by Captain Lawrence. After I had
a little considered the contents of both, I waited upon our honored friend,
Mr. Thomas Hollis, with the case, with whom I left it; and some little
time after, he told me, that himself and brother, Mr. John Hollis, would
advance some money to repair your meeting-house, upon condition I would
prevail with my brethren, concerned in our little fund, to make a present
distance. It pleased the Lord, by his divine and wise disposing providence, to spirit
a small number of men who were very gracious and enlightened in the knowledge
of his truth as it is in Jesus, and to appear for the vindication thereof, and to en-
courage them for their gathering into a church in the way and order of the gospel as
above mentioned, which several wise and learned men endeavored but could not
accomplish it. However, God was pleased to succeed the endeavors of our breth-
ren who were not so accomplished with acquired parts and abilities by learning, and
to appear for them under all the troubles and difficulties they were exposed unto;
And when we were favored with our liberty by virtue of the King's letter to the gov-
ernment, it pleased the Lord to put it into our hearts and to encourage us to build a
meeting-house for the worship of our God; which is now about forty years since.
And when we lost our elders, such as were accomplished for the work of the minis-
try in so public a place, we made our application to the churches in London, and
unto Mr. Gifford, in that, if it were possible, we might have had a man suitable for
the work of the ministry sent over to us, but could never obtain any; so that we
were forced or necessitated to make use of our brethren for the upholding of our
church and meeting. And now, God hath been graciously pleased to raise up one
amongst ourselves, viz., a son of one of our brethren whom he hath brought up to
learning, and whom God hath been pleased so to succeed with his blessing, as to
spirit him with grace and principles and also to accomplish him with not only
acquired parts and abilities but, we hope we may truly say, also with gracious quali-
fications for the work and service of the Lord among us. And this is our present
concernment, that, having, by the blessing of our God upon us, obtained this bless-
ing of a minister to break the bread of life to us, our meeting-house which, by rea-
son of so long standing, has gone much to decay, requires repairing, and, being but
a small company here in this town, and some of our small number, by reason of
age, requiring relief, and those few of our brethren that live in this town being such
as God is pleased to make his choice amongst, as mentioned in the 2d of James, 5th
verse, we take this boldness of acquainting you therewith, that if the Lord may be
pleased to incline the hearts of our dear and well beloved brethren with you, in the
several churches, to afford us a small matter of your assistance towards the repair-
[1720.]
WALLIN'S LETTER TO CALLENDER.
491
to Mr. Callender, as a token of our Christian respects to him. The motion
pleased me well; I willingly undertook my part, and happily accomplished
it, though it were out of the common way of our exhibitions; and by the
time this comes to hand, I hope you will find remitted by Mr. Hollis what I
hope will fully answer the church's request, together with a small present,
which I hope will not be unacceptable, to my brother Callender himself,
and show at least our concern for the good of the baptized interest in Bos-
ton, though we may not be capable to promote it in that measure we heart-
ily desire.
Concerning the state of the Arian controversy with us, and our minis-
ters' concern therein, I shall briefly relate the whole, as follows. Some few
years ago one Dr. Clarke,¹ of the established church, a gentleman of
deserved reputation, wrote a book, entitled, The Scripture doctrine of the
Trinity; in which he endeavors (after very high expressions of the dignity
of the Redeemer's person and nature) to deny him to be a necessary, self-
existent being; which is construed by his adversaries as a consequential
denying his proper divinity, and a degrading our Saviour into a subordi-
ate God, notwithstanding all he hath offered in honor to this hope of a
true Christian. This made a great stir, and set many pens to work; some
for and some against the Doctor's notions, among several of note in the
church of England, and others; some of whom I think carried the point
much further than the Doctor appears to have designed. I wish the con-
test had always continued in the established church; but a little time
carried it among the dissenters, and one Mr. Pierce, a Presbyterian minis-
ter, of ingenuity, and considerable note, among others, espoused Dr.
Clarke's notious openly (if he went no further.) The debates, pro and con,
began to be managed with warmth, not only in the city, but in divers parts
of the country. But Mr. Pierce being a man of so much note, and a min-
ister in the city of Exeter, where the Presbyterian interest is in much
credit, he was the first person who was very publicly noted among the dis-
senters. His people (after some considerable time, and several methods
used to accommodate matters) proposed parting with him, as a man not
sound in the faith. This occasioned each party to advise with their friends
in the ministry, and others, what to do in the case.
Some of the persons
ing of our meeting-house, we conclude it would be a good work of charity and
redound to your honor here and to your good account in the day of retribution. If
amongst the several churches, it might be but to the value of twenty pounds and
laid out there with what may be suitable for this place, it would be treble that money
here, and would find a welcome and a thankful acceptance with us. This, with our
prayers that God would direct and bless you in all your concerns, and multiply your
numbers, and increase in you all the graces of his Holy Spirit; and desiring like-
wise your prayers, for the like mercies for us, we remain your brethren in gospel
bonds." Rev. S. Hall's Collection of papers.-ED.
'Samuel Clarke, D. D.
492
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
wrote to upon this account, (which were not a few) thought that Mr.
Pierce had given too much cause for his people to believe that he had de-
parted from the orthodox faith, in relation to the doctrine of the Trinity.
Others, though they did not deny this, yet apprehended his people had not
dealt so kindly by him in this matter as they ought to have done, by a man
of his character and usefulness.
The case was some time before a committee of ministers and gentlemen
of the three denominations in London, to see if they could find a way to
accommodate matters at Exeter, and prevent divisions upon the same
account in other places; but they were not all of one mind. Then the
whole body of ministers in and about London was called together, and a
paper of advices, proposed to be considered of in order to sign, for accom-
modating matters at Exeter. Some of the ministers, who were zealously
concerned for the doctrine of the Trinity, at the same time proposed, that a
declaration of our faith, with respect to that important doctrine of the
Christian religion, should be signed, and sent down with the advices; but,
upon a division of the ministers, it was rejected by a majority of about
five persons. It was then agreed at the next meeting to consider the paper
of advices, paragraph by paragraph; at which meeting were about one.
hundred and thirty ministers of three denominations, who placed your poor
friend in the chair. That part who were against signing a declaration of
faith, as above, earnestly insisted upon proceeding directly to read the
paper of advices, as supposing it to be the immediate work of the meeting;
the other side proposed that article in the church of England which relates
to the doctrine of the Trinity, and those auswers in the Assembly's Cate-
chism to the same purpose, to be subscribed by the London ministers,
before they proceeded to consider the paper of advices. Warm debates
there were indeed for two or three hours, when on a sudden those brethren
who resolved to subscribe those articles withdrew into the gallery; which,
however just their zeal might be for the truth contended for, was not
looked upon as a sufficient reason for the breaking up the meeting at that
time. So, after some messages sent from the one part to the other, those
above proceeded to subscribe those articles, as containing their sentiments
of the doctrine of the ever-blessed Trinity; and the other proceeded to
consider the paper of advices, and drew up a general article of their faith
as to that doctrine, which was signed by their moderator by appointment.
This they sent to Exeter; while the others drew up another set of advices,
and sent down with the articles they had subscribed, and henceforward we
came under the distinguishing characters of subscribers and nou-subscribers,
which distinction I fear will be too long remembered by us, for the com-
mon benefit of true religion.
Some of the too warm among the non-subscribers would fain fix the
odious charge of persecution on the other, while they again, with full as
[1720.]
WALLIN'S LETTER TO CALLENDER.
493
much warmth, would fix the charge of Arianism upon them. But this
severity is not allowed by the greatest part of either side of the question;
and I hope time will produce a better temper in both parties; but at pre-
sent the matter is not accommodated, nor so good a harmony among the
ministers as could be heartily wished. As I am satisfied that some among
the non-subscribers are gone too far into some of the distinctive notions of
Arius, so I think some of the subscribers have given too much ground of
jealousy, that they intended to set up those forms as a test of ortho-
doxy, and the signing of them as necessary to persons being acceptable and
useful in the ministry. But I dare say for the much greater part of both
sides, that they intended no evil to their differing brethren; and that it
was a zeal for the doctrine of the Trinity, and the real divinity of our Sav-
iour, which made some subscribe the articles, and not any desire to impose
upon others; and that those who refused the subscription, did it with a
design to maintain Christian liberty, rather than any design to encourage
or promote Arianism. There is no great difference in the number of either
side; but I think there are not so many of our denomination among the
non-subscribers as are on the other side; and though I cannot say that
there are none of our ministers who too much favor the new scheme, yet I
may venture to say in general, that our ministers, especially those of the
Particular denomination,¹ are sound in the faith, as to the real divinity of
Christ, and the true doctrine of the blessed Trinity. Therefore those who
upbraid you with their being contrary, act either from prejudice or misin-
formation. But such have been the visible consequences of this differ-
ence, that brotherly love and charity, that indispensible ornament of the
Christian religiou, have been greatly lost in the debates. May the Lord
increase light and love, as well as zeal and faithfulness, among all the dis-
ciples of our blessed Redeemer. So I must have done. The Lord be with
you and yours.
EDWARD WALLIN.
Mr. James Peirce, above referred to, was ejected from his
church, in March, 1719; but a party followed him, and
built another meeting-house for him, in the city of Exeter;
to encourage whom, he declared his expectation, that by
what they suffered, "the spirit of imposition and persecu-
tion would be rendered more odious." And he accused that
church of attempting to set up an Inquisition, only because
they brought on such a trial as constrained him to own his
new opinions, which caused his removal from a profitable
'Those who hold to particular election.
494
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
1
living.¹ Mr. Benjamin Wallin, son and successor in office
to Mr. Edward, published an excellent little volume upon
the Sonship of Christ, in 1771, wherein he informs us, that
ever since the above-mentioned time, creeds and catechisms
have been cried down, and a regular Christian education
much neglected, under a pretence of reason and liberty.
And America has been much infected with the same distem-
per. But it is not all traditions and human creeds that such
men reject, as the following extract from Peirce plainly
shews. Under an appearance of a great regard to the
Scriptures, he published a catechism, wherein the answers
were in Scripture words; part of which say:
Question. How many Gods are there? Answer. There is one God.
Q. Who is this God? A. Though there be that are called Gods, whether
in heaven or in earth, (as there be gods many and lords many,) yet to us
there is but one God, the Father, of whom are all things, and we for him.
One God and Father of all, who is above all, and through all, and in you
all. I Cor. viii. 5, 6; Eph. iv. 6.
This creed is so far from delivering any from the tyranny
of human inventions, that where the Scripture puts no more
than a semicolon between the mention of the Father and the
Son, Peirce puts a period and three pages in his book. And
when he comes to speak of the Son, he picks out words that
speak of his subjection and obedience to the Father, exclud-
ing those which assert his equality with him, which are
many.2 Whereas, if we leave out the succession of time,
and the mode or manner wherein earthly relations commence,
which have no place in the Deity, it is easy to conceive of a
Father and Son of equal capacity and excellency; with such
a oneness in nature, and peculiarity of relation, as no others
have; and also that one may, by voluntary contract, subject
himself to another for wise purposes, and take upon him the
form of a servant, and yet remain perfectly equal in nature.
How unreasonable then are those great pretenders to reason,
who profess to take the Scriptures as their rule, and yet re-
2Ibid, pp. 352, 418-422.
'Pierce's Works, printed 1728, pp. 115, 136.
[1721.]
HOLLIS'S GIFTS TO HARVARD COLLEGE.
495
ject all those truths therein, which cross their darling no-
tions! Those who are convinced of the infinite evil of sin,
see the necessity of infinite merit to remove their guilt, and
infinite power to change their hearts and lives, and to guide
them to glory. We are told, that by openly owning these
doctrines, Mr. Hollis gave a check to some who had no great
opinion of them.¹
The Baptists in Boston received from him and his brother,
one hundred and thirty-five pounds two shillings, for repair-
ing their meeting-house, for which a letter of thanks was
returned. And in Harvard College Mr. Thomas Hollis
founded a professorship of theology, with a salary of eighty
pounds per annum to the professor, and an exhibition of ten
pounds apiece per annum to ten scholars of good character,
four of whom should be Baptists, if any such were there;
as also ten pounds a year to the college treasurer, for his
trouble, and ten pounds more to supply accidental losses, or
to increase the number of students. And as by charter the
ministers of Boston, for the time being, were constituted a
part of the overseers of the college, Mr. Hollis moved that
Mr. Callender might have a seat among them. And in a
letter to Mr. Callender, of February 8, 1721-2, Mr. Wallin
said, "I congratulate my friend upon his admitment to the
honor of an overseer of the college. I pray God that truth
and Christian love may more and more abound."
But we
are informed by the late Mr. Condy, that Dr. Sewall, at the
head of other ministers, positively denied him a seat there.
Yet how often have such men accused the Baptists of being
much more rigid than themselves? and there was not a word
in their charter to exclude him.
Declension and stupidity had long prevailed in the land,
till a revival in several places was granted in 1721. Wind-
ham had so large a share of it, under the ministry of Mr.
Samuel Whiting, as to add eighty communicants to their
'Rudd's Poem, p. 23.
'Neal's History of New England, Vol. II, pp. 220, 221.
496
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
church this year; for which they kept a special day of
thanksgiving to God. One curious event then happened
there which I shall mention. The word preached was such
a looking-glass to one man, that he seriously went to Mr.
Whiting, and told him he was very sorry that so good a min-
ister as he was should so grossly transgress the divine rule,
as to tell him his faults before all the congregation, instead
of coming to labor with him in private. The minister
smiled, and said he was glad that truth had found him out,
for he had no particular thought of him in his sermon.
Norwich, ten miles from thence, enjoyed a considerable
measure of this blessing the same year, from whence my
pious mother dated her conversion. Many young people in
Boston were turned to a serious regard for religion in 1721.
The small-pox coming there in April, and prevailing most
terribly through the year, had a deep effect upon many souls.
It was thought that not more than a quarter of the inhabit-
ants had passed through that distemper before, and none of
them who were under eighteen years. One of them de-
serves particular notice here.
1
2
John Comer was born in Boston, August 1, 1704, and sat
under the ministry of the two Mathers. Having a great in-
clination for learning, he, by President Mather's influence,
was taken from an apprenticeship to a trade, and put to
'Mrs. Elizabeth Backus, the mother of the author of this history, has already been
incidentally noticed in connection with John Tracy, her father. See p. 331. In his
sermon on her death, Mr. Backus says, "She has often mentioned to her children a
work of conviction and conversion which she experienced about the year 1721."
Gospel Comfort for Mourners, p. 19. Before her conversion she had united with
the regular church in Norwich, and she remained a member there until 1745, when,
together with her son, she joined the Separatists. Denison's Historical Notes, p. 44;
Life and Times of Backus, pp. 27, 42. Her fidelity and her sufferings in the cause
of religion will be noticed hereafter. Says the biographer of Mr. Backus, "The
mother of Isaac Backus was, in the truest and highest sense of the expression, an ex-
cellent woman. Often does he speak of her in terms of deep respect and love.
With special satisfaction does he dwell upon the fruits of genuine piety which ap-
peared in her life. In a sermon occasioned by her death, he calls her 'My dear,
godly mother,' and there is ample reason for the belief that she was worthy of such
a designation." Life and Times of Backus, pp. 26, 27.-Ed.
2Christian History, Vol. I, p. 130. Vol. II. p. 375.
1
[1721.]
CONVERSION OF JOHN COMER.
497.
school, in December. 1720. Serious turns of concern about
his soul had been frequent with him for several years; which
greatly increased for seventeen days after he had taken that
infection. "Nothing," says he, "but the ghostly counte-
nance of death unprepared for, was before me, and no sight
of a reconciled God, nor any sense of the application of the
soul-cleansing blood of Christ to my distressed soul. I re-
mained in extreme terror until November 22. All the in-
terval of time I spent in looking over the affairs of my soul;
and on that day I was taken sick. As soon as it was told
me that the distemper appeared, all my fears entirely van-
ished, and a beam of comfort darted into my soul, and with
it satisfaction from those words, 'Thou shalt not die but
live, and declare the works of the Lord.' Yea, so great was
my satisfaction, that immediately I replied to my aunt who
informed me, 'Then I know I shall not die now;' but gave no
reason why I said so." He recovered, and afterwards be-
came a Baptist minister; and his ingenious diary and papers
have furnished many valuable materials for our history.
Ephraim Crafts, one of his young brethren, was baptized
and added to that church in Boston, January 27, 1723.
John Dabney, from London, had been received by them De-
cember 4, 1720, and Richard Bevens, from Wales, the next
August, who were members of Baptist churches before they
came here. Other members from Europe were added to
them, both before and since.
32
1
CHAPTER XI.
ILL TREATMENT ABOUT WORSHIP AT SWANZEY.-AT FREETOWN.-TIV-
ERTON AND DARTMOUTH.-SOME RELIEF FROM ENGLAND.-MINISTERS'
ATTEMPTS FOR MORE POWER DEFEATED.-HOLLIS'S AND WALLIN'S
LETTERS. FURTHER DONATIONS, AND SPRINGFIELD AFFAIRS.-FIRST
EXEMPTING LAWS FROM MINISTERIAL TAXES.-SUFFERINGS AT REнO-
BOTH. THE LYME DISPUTE.-CONNECTICUT LAWS, AND YALE COL-
LEGE.
Great
Equal religious liberty, by virtue of a special act, was
enjoyed in Boston; but was so much denied in the country,
that most of the Baptists had no heart to send their sons to
Harvard College; though a few of them did so, whereby
they made some use of Mr. Hollis's donations there.
pains were taken to compel every town to receive and sup-
port such ministers as the Court called orthodox. A law
was also made at Boston, in the May session of 1718, to tax
all to the building and repairing of parish meeting-houses.
In 1717 the pious and judicious Elder Luther fell asleep,
leaving the care of the first church in Swanzey to Elder
Ephraim Wheaton, who had been a colleague with him
about thirteen years. The second church in Swanzey had
then two ordained pastors; yet in April, 1719, their Select-
men were convented before Bristol Court, "for not having
a minister according to the law of the province." But upon
proving that Elder Wheaton was their lawful minister, they
were dismissed, "paying costs."¹ His meeting-house stood
'Bristol Court Records.-B.
A similar experience of this church is recorded on page449.-Ed.
1
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
500
i
near the borders of Rehoboth; and he and many of his
people who lived therein were taxed to Pædobaptist minis-
ters of that town, of which we shall hear more presently.
Freetown, which lies on the east side of Great River
against Swanzey, met with worse treatment than they did.
For on September 9, 1717, they made choice of Thomas
Craghead, a minister from Ireland, for their pastor; and he
accepted of their call. But instead of an amicable agree-
ment with them about his support, he went in January,
1718, and procured an act of Bristol Court, to compel Free-
town to pay him a salary of sixty-five pounds a year, to
begin from the day he was chosen their minister. And for
refusing to pay it, about fourteen of the inhabitants were
seized and imprisoned at Bristol; one of whom was Benja-
min Chase, a member of a Baptist church in Newport. In
April, 1719, each party carried witnesses about these mat-
ters to Bristol Court; but the Court dismissed them all, and
required the town to obey their former order. In 1720,
Thomas Gage and George Winslow, their Select-men, were
fined forty shillings apiece for not assessing Craghead's
salary. At last he was defeated in a trial at law, and was
forced to quit the town; but these broils produced great
and lasting evils therein. Little Compton had settled a
legal minister; and as Elder Tabor owned some land in that
town, he was taxed to him; for which a riding-saddle was
taken from Tabor, as a person informed me who saw it.
Tiverton and Dartmouth were the only remaining towns
in the province¹ which had not yielded to the ruling party
about worship. When orders for that purpose had come
from their Courts, they had reported, that Joseph Wanton
was the minister of Tiverton, and Elder Tabor the minister
of the west part of Dartmouth, and another man for the
east part. But as the Court did not esteem them to be
orthodox, a complaint against those towns was presented to
'Tiverton was at that time included in the colony of Massachusetts Bay, but was
afterwards set off to Rhode Island. See page 282.- ED.
}
[1723.]
AFFAIRS IN TIVERTON AND DARTMOUTH.
501
their Legislature in 1722; which annexed such sums as
they thought proper for the purpose to their province tax.
This being heard of, their Selectmen refused to assess it;
for which two of them out of each town were seized on May
25, 1723, and were imprisoned at Bristol. Hereupon
Thomas Richardson, who married friend Wanton's daughter,
was sent over to London; and with Richard Partridge, agent
for Rhode Island Colony, presented a memorial to the king
in Council; wherein they observed, that our charter allows
equal liberty of conscience to all Christians except Papists;
and that neither the charter nor any law had established any
test of orthodoxy in this province, only as Presbyterians
and Independents had set up their major votes as such;
whereby dissenters from them were frequently brought
under great sufferings; from which no redress could be
obtained here, "the Assembly always opposing whatever
the Governor and Council were at any time disposed to do
on that behalf." And as the king, at his accession to the
throne, promised protection and liberty of conscience to all
his dissenting subjects without exception, they prayed that
he would denounce his negative upon those laws or parts
of laws among us, that interfered therewith, and also order
those prisoners to be released.¹ A committee was appointed
upon the case; whose report, with the act of Council thereon,
is as follows:-
TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY May it please your
Majesty, in obedience to au order in Council, from the late Lord's Jus-
tices, during your Majesty's absence abroad, bearing date the 24th day of
October last, we did make a representation upon an act passed in the
'This Memorial shows the affairs of Baptists and other dissenters from the Stand-
ing Order at that time, in so clear and just a light, that, notwithstanding its length,
we insert it in full.
"TO GEORGE, King of GREAT BRITAIN, &c.: The humble petition of Thomas
Richardson and Richard Partridge, in behalf of Joseph Anthony, John Sisson, John
Akin and Philip Tabor, prisoners in the common jail at New Bristol, in the king's
province of the Massachusetts Bay, in New England, as also their friends (called
Quakers) in general, who are frequently under great sufferings for conscience sake
in that government; Showeth :
“That William and Mary, late King and Queen of England, &c., by their royal
502
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
province of the Massachusetts Bay, in New England, in 1722, intituled, An
act for apportioning and assessing a tax of £6,232, 13, 11; since which
time another act, mentioned in the said order of reference, passed the 29th
day of May, 1723, intituled, "An act for apportioning and assessing a tax of
charter, bearing date the seventh day of October, in the third year of their reign,
did (for the greater ease and encouragement of their loving subjects inhabiting the
said province, and of such as should come to inhabit there) grant, establish and
ordain, that forever thereafter, there should be a liberty of conscience allowed, in
the worship of God, to all Christians except papists, inhabiting or which should
inhabit or be resident within the said province, 'with power also to make laws for
the government of the said province, and support of the same; and to impose taxes
for the king's service, in the necessary defence and support of the said government,
and protection and preservation of the inhabitants; and to dispose of matters and
things whereby the king's subjects might be there, religiously, peaceably and civilly
governed, protected and defended;' and, for the better securing and maintaining
liberty of conscience, thereby granted,-commanded that all such laws, made and
published by virtue of said charter, should be made and published under the seal of
the said province, and should be carefully and duly observed, kept and performed;
and put in execution, according to the true intent and meaning of the said charter:
"That those sorts of Protestants called Presbyterians and Independents, being
more numerous in the said country than others, (to whom the said charter gives
equal rights) they become makers of the laws by their superior numbers and votes,
and ministers of the privileges of the said charter, so as, in great measure, to elude
the same, and disappoint all others of the king's protestant subjects, of the good
and just ends of transporting themselves and families at so great hazard and charges,
our great encouragement and inducement thereto being liberty of conscience and
ease from priestly impositions and burdens: That in the year 1692, they made a
law in the said province, entitled, 'An Act for the settlement and support of Minis-
ters and Schoolmasters,' wherein it is ordained 'that the inhabitants of each town
within the said province, shall take due care, from time to time, to be constantly
provided of an able, and learned orthodox minister or ministers, of a good conversa-
tion to dispense the word of God to them; which minister or ministers shall be
suitably encouraged and sufficiently supported and maintained by the inhabitants of
such towns;' That the said law was further enforced by another made in the year
1695, reciting its title aforesaid; as also by another made in the year 1715, entitled
'An Act for maintaining and propagating religion,' in which said last Act, the pre-
vention of the growth of atheism, irreligion and profaneness, is suggested as one
great reason of its being; and the power of determining who shall be ministers
under the qualifications, is, by the said laws, assumed by the General Court or
Assembly, with the recommendation of any three of the ministers of the said same
sects, already in their orders, and settled and supported by virtue of the said laws;
though it is not determined, (as the petitioners humbly presume) either by the said
charter or by any act of parliament in Great Britain, or by any express law of the
said province, who are orthodox and who are not, or who shall judge of such quali-
fications in such ministers: And in all which said several laws, no other care is
had or taken of religion (even in their own sense) than only to appoint ministers of
their own way, and impose their maintenance upon all the king's subjects consci-
entiously dissenting from them. By force of which said laws, or some of them,
[1724.]
MEMORIAL TO THE KING.
503
£6,205, 15, 71," is come to our hands; by which act a tax is laid in express
terms upon the inhabitants of Dartmouth and Tiverton for the support of
a Presbyterian, whom they call an orthodox minister, which falls almost
entirely upon the Quakers, there being very few inhabitants of any other
several townships within the said province, have had Presbyterian or Independent
preachers obtruded and imposed upon them for maintenance without their consent,
and which they have not deemed able, learned or orthodox, and which, as such, they
could not hear or receive: That by another law, made in the years 1722 and 1723,
it is ordained that the town of Dartinouth and the town of Tiverton, in the said
province, be assessed for the said years, the respective sums of one hundred pounds,
and seventy-two pounds and eleven shillings over and beside the common taxes for
support of government, which sums are for the maintenance of such ministers:
That the said Joseph Anthony and John Sisson were appointed assessors of the
taxes for the said town of Tiverton, and the said John Aikin and Philip Tabor for
the town of Dartmouth; but some of the said assessors being of the people called
Quakers, and others of them also dissenting from the Presbyterians and Independ-
ents and greatest part of the inhabitants of said towns being also Quakers or Ana-
baptists or of differing sentiments in religion from Independents, though the said
assessors duly assessed the other taxes upon the people there, relating to the sup-
port of government, to the best of their knowledge, yet they could not in conscience
assess any of the inhabitants of these towns anything for or towards the mainte-
nance of any ministers; That they, the said Joseph Anthony, John Sisson, John
Aikin and Philip Tabor, on pretence of their non-compliance with the said law,
were, on the 25th of the month called May, 1723, committed to the jail aforesaid,
where they still continue prisoners, under great sufferings and hardships, both to
themselves and families, and where they must remain and die, if not relieved by the
king's royal clemency and favor: That the people called Quakers in the said
province, are, and generally have been, great sufferers by the said laws, in their
cattle, horses, sheep, corn and household goods, which from time to time have been
taken from them by violence of the said laws for the maintenance of ministers who
call themselves able, learned and orthodox; which said laws, and the execution and
consequences thereof, are not only, (as the petitioners humbly conceive) contrary
to the liberty of conscience and the security of religion, civil liberty, and the rights
and privileges granted in the said charter, to all the king's protestant subjects, there
eluded and made null and precarious, but opposite also to the king's royal and gra-
cious declaration at thy happy accession to the throne, promising protection and
liberty of conscience to all thy dissenting subjects without exception to those of the
said plantations: That after repeated application made to the said government
there for redress in the premises, and no relief hitherto obtained, (the Assembly
always opposing whatever the Governor and Council were at any time disposed to
do on that behalf,) the king's loyal, suffering and distressed subjects, do now pros-
trate themselves at the steps of the throne, humbly imploring thy royal considera-
tion, that it may please the king to denounce his negative upon the said laws or such
part or parts of them or any of them as directly or consequently effect the lives,
liberty, property, religion or conscience of thy protestant subjects in the said prov-
ince, and their families and privileges granted and intended in the said royal char-
ter, or such other relief as thy royal wisdom and goodness may please to provide."
Rev. S. Hall's Collection of papers.-ED.
1
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
504
persuasion in those two towns. But as by the charter granted to this
Province, a free and absolute liberty of conscience to all Christians (except
papists) was intended to have been their foundation and support, and as
by several laws passed there, it seems to have been laid down as a just and
equitable rule, that the majority of each town congregation should have
the choice of their own teachers, we cannot see why the Quakers should be
refused this liberty, in the towns where they are so great a majority, and
be obliged to maintain a teacher of a different persuasion. Wherefore we
humbly propose to your Majesty, that this act may be repealed; which is
most humbly submitted.
WESTMORELAND,
T. PELHAM,
M. BLADEN,
EDW. ASHE.
Whitehall, May 6, 1724.
At the Court at St. James's, 2d day of June, 1724.
Present, the King's most excellent Majesty, his Royal Highness the
Prince of Wales, A. B. of Canterbury, Lord Chancellor, Lord President,
Lord Privy-Seal, Lord Chamberlain, Duke of Roxburg, Duke of New
Castle, Earl of Westmoreland, Lord Viscount Townsend, Lord Viscount
Torrington, Mr. Speaker of the House of Commons, Mr. Vice-Chamber-
lain, William Pultney, Esq.
Upon reading this day at the Board a report from the Right Honorable
the Lords of the Committee of Council, upon the petition of Thomas
Richardson and Richard Partridge, on behalf of Joseph Anthony, John
Sisson, John Akin and Philip Tabor, prisoners at the common goal at
New Bristol, in his Majesty's Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in New
England, for not assessing the inhabitants of the towns of Dartmouth and
Tiverton the additional taxes of £172, 11, imposed upon them by an act
passed there in the year 1722, which appears to be for the maintenance of
Presbyterian ministers, who are not of their persuasion; and also in behalf
of their friends called Quakers in general, who are frequcutly under great
sufferings for conscience sake in that government: by which report it
appears that their Lordships are of opinion, that it may be advisable for his
Majesty to remit the said additional taxes, so imposed on the said two
towns, and to discharge the said persons from goal: His Majesty in Coun-
cil taking the said report into consideration, is graciously pleased to
approve thereof, and hereby to remit the said additional taxes of one hun-
dred pounds, and seventy-two pounds, eleven shillings, which were by the
said act to be assessed on the said towns of Dartmouth and Tiverton. And
'The Memorial says, "The greatest part of the inhabitants of the said towns being
Quakers, or Anabaptists, or of differing sentiments in religion from Independents
and Presbyterians. Quaker Records.
the
[1724.]
A GENERAL SYNOD PROPOSED.
505
his Majesty is hereby further pleased to order, that the said Joseph An
thony, John Sisson, John Akin and Philip Tabor, be immediately released
from their imprisonment on account thereof. And the Governor, Lieuten-
ant Governor, and Commander in Chief, for the time being, of his Majes-
ty's said Province of Massachusetts Bay, and all others whom it may
concern, are to take notice, and yield due obedience hereunto.
TEMPLE STANYAN.
Before this, I find Mr. Wallin, in one of his letters, say-
ing of king George the First, "Without any partiality to
him as our reigning prince, I believe he is the greatest man,
and the most fit for government, of any prince in the Chris-
tian world." And his son and successor, then Prince of
Wales, was not inferior to him. By the above act our
friends were released from a thirteen months' imprisonment.
And as Jacob Tabor and Beriah Goddard, of Dartmouth,
were imprisoned for not assessing said tax of 1723, Henry
Howland, their other assessor, laid their case before the As-
sembly at Boston, who, on November 26, 1724, passed an
act to release them, "to signify their ready and dutiful com-
pliance with his Majesty's declared will and pleasure."
Anthony and Sisson were of Tiverton, the rest were of Dart-
mouth, and Philip Tabor was a Baptist minister therein.
These things were far from affording any satisfaction to the
ministerial party here, as the following facts will shew.
at the annual convention of their ministers at Boston, May
26, 1725, they drew up an address to their Legislature,
which says:-
For
Considering the great and visible decay of piety in the country, and the
growth of many miscarriages, which we fear may have provoked the glo-
rious Lord, in a series of various judgments, wonderfully to distress us;
considering also the laudable example of our predecessors to recover and
establish the faith and order of the gospel in the churches, and provide
against what immoralities may threaten to impair them, in the way of Gen-
eral Synods convened for that purpose; and considering that about forty-
five years have now rolled away since these churches have seen any such
conventions; it is humbly desired, that the honorable General Court would
express their concern for the interests of religion in the country, by calling
the several churches in the province to meet by their pastors and messen-
506
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
gers in a Synod, and from thence offer their advice upon that weighty case
which the circumstances of the day do loudly call to be considered:¹ What
are the miscarriages whereof we have reason to think the judgments of
heaven upon us call us to be more generally sensible, and what may be the
most evangelical and effectual expedients to put a stop unto those or the
like miscarriages? This proposal we humbly make, in hopes that, if it be
prosecuted, it may be followed with many desirable consequences, worthy
the study of those whom God has made, and we are so happy to enjoy, as
the nursing fathers of our churches.
COTTON MATHIER.
In the name of the ministers assembled in their General Convention.2
On June 3, the Council voted to grant their petition; but
the Representatives voted to defer the matter till their next
session, which the Council concurred with, and Lieutenant
Governor Dummer consented thereto. June 11th, a com-
mittee of the General Court, whereof Samuel Sewall, Esq.,
was chairman, appointed upon the affair of ministers' sala-
ries, brought in a report, to have a law made to compel every
parish to make up to their ministers their several salaries,
equal to what they were when their contracts were made;
and for the Judges of their County Courts to determine how
much their currency had depreciated. This report was not
accepted; but instead of it a resolve was passed, recommend-
ing it to every town, precinct and parish in the province, to
make up to their respective ministers their salaries equal to
what money was when their contracts were made; which re-
solve they ordered to be read to each congregation the next
Lord's day after it was received, and also in their parish
meetings the March after.3 Episcopalians sent an account
to the Bishop of London of the said petition for a synod,
who laid the same before the Lords Justices of the Regency;
from whom a sharp reprimand was written to Mr. Dummer,
October 7, 1725, for giving any countenance to said petition,
'What they wanted was to recover and establish the power which ministers claimed;
and, like the Synod of 1679, which they refer to, to represent to rulers and and peo-
ple that the judgments of heaven would follow them, if that was not granted. See
page 385.
'Hutchinson, Vol. II, p. 322. [292.]
'Massachusetts Records.
[1724.]
THE SYNOD PROHIBITED.
507
and for not sending over an account thereof immediately
after it was presented and acted upon. They declared that
inquiry had been made by proper authority, and they could
not find that there was any regular establishment of a na-
tional or provincial church here, so as to warrant the hold-
ing synods of the clergy; but that if there were, it was the
king's prerogative to call them, which therefore was invaded
by the General Court when they intermeddled therewith.
And if such a synod was called, and should be sitting when
their letter arrived, they wrote to Dummer:
Cause such their meeting to cease, acquainting them that their assembly
is against law, and a contempt of his Majesty's prerogative, and that they
are forbid to meet any more. But if, notwithstanding such signification,
they shall continue to hold such an assembly, you are then to take care
that the principal actors therein be prosecuted for a misdemeanor; but you
are to avoid doing any formal act to dissolve them, lest it be construed to
imply that they had a right to assemble.
CHARLES DELAFAYE.
Mr. Dummer, in a letter to the Board of Trade, en-
deavored to excuse himself, by observing, that a like vote of
the Council upon a like petition was passed in 1715, which
was never censured from home as he knew of.¹ But then it
was not countenanced by the other branches of the Legisla-
ture, as this was. The minister who, in behalf of the rest,
signed the above petition for a synod, published a book in
1726, wherein he promises a faithful account of the disci-
pline of the New England churches. Much of it was writ-
ten many years before, and an attestation was prefixed to it
by Dr. Increase Mather, dated December 10, 1719. After
sixty-six years' labor in the great work of the ministry, he
fell asleep, August 23, 1723, aged eighty-five. Though he
was a friend to councils and synods, yet he testified against
giving them such power as his son and many more wanted.
But he and others being removed, their children renewed
their attempts for that power. His son had a strong affec-
'Douglas, Vol. II, pp. 337, 378.
508
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
tion for the proposals of 1705, and for Governor Saltonstall,
who procured the establishment of that scheme in Connecti-
cut; even so that when Saltonstall died in 1724, Mather
preached a funeral sermon for him at Boston, a hundred
miles off, and got it printed at New London. He also now
discovered his resentment against Mr. Wise, for writing
against said proposals.¹ And having declared that four
synods had been called by authority in the Massachusetts,
he says,
"The synods of New England know no weapons,
but what are purely spiritual. They have no secular
arm to enforce any canons; they ask none; they want none.
And they cannot believe, that any Protestant secular arm
would, upon [a] due information, any more forbid their meet-
ings, than they would any of the religious assemblies upheld
in the country."
"12 Had this been true, we have no reason to
think that their meetings would have been forbidden. But
plain facts shew, that the immediate effect of the first of
those synods was the dissolving of a House of Representa-
tives (who would not punish such as the synod had con-
demned) and the calling of another; who disfranchised, dis-
armed and banished a considerable number of persons.
And their second synod declared it to be the duty of the
magistrate to put forth his coercive power against schismatics,
the effects whereof were the fining, imprisoning, scourging,
banishing and hanging of those whom they so called. And
the result of the fourth synod caused the nailing up of the
Baptist meeting-house in Boston.3 Are all these weapons
purely spiritual? His meaning no doubt was, that their
synods only informed rulers of what was their duty, which
they were to do out of regard to God, and not to them.
But the most horrid persecutions that ever were practiced
were done under such pretences. And this author was in
earnest to have their order of ministers supported by taxes,
'Ratio Disciplinæ Fratrum Nov. Anglorum, p. 184.
2Ibid, pp. 172, 173.
See pages 66-69, 159, 180, 192, 262, 393, 328, 385.
I
[1723.]
LETTER FROM THOMAS HOLLIS,
509
imposed and collected "in the king's name." To justify
which, he says, "If the most of the inhabitants in a planta-
tion are Episcopalians, they will have a minister of their
own persuasion; and the dissenters, if there be any in the
place, must pay their proportion of the tax, for the support
of this legal minister." He knew that such an instance
had not then taken place in New England; and we know
that every thing of that nature has been earnestly opposed
therein ever since. And he then commended some of his
party, for involving a salary for their ministers in a general
rate for all town charges, "where Quakerism was trouble-
some," which he might have said was likewise done to the
Baptists in Rehoboth, if he had been willing the whole
truth should be known.
Mr. Hollis's ideas of the nature of religion, and of the
state of this country, appear in the following letter to Elder
Wheaton:
London, March 13, 1723.
DEAR SIR :—I have newly received, under covert of Mr. Elisha Callen-
der, your long looked-for letter, dated the 25th of December, and give you
thanks for the account you give me of the affairs of your church, your
circumstances, and your neighbors'. I am glad the books sent you are of
use unto you; by the same hand you will have another forwarded, which
I value, and suppose you will. I rejoice in the success of your ministry,
and increase of your church, which will naturally increase your cares with
your joy. I mourn because of the ignorance of your sleeping Sabbata-
rians; let us be thankful for our light, pity them and pray for them, and
endeavor in love to lead them into the light also. God, that hath shined
into our hearts by his gospel, can lead them from the Sinai covenant and
the law of ceremonies, into the light of the new covenant and the grace
thereof. I pity to see professors drawing back to the law, and desire to
remember that our standing is by grace; and therefore not to be high-
minded over them, but fear, remembering our Lord's words, Watch and
pray, lest ye enter into temptation. Every word of God is precious; the
saints love it; and they that honor him he will honor; and in keeping of
'Ratio Disciplinæ, &c., p. 21.
Ibid, p. 22.-B.
“Where Quakerism is troublesome, some towns are so wise to involve the salary
of the ministry in the general rate for all town charges, and so the cavils of those
who would else refuse to pay the rate for the ministry, are obviated."-Ed.
510
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
it there is present peace, and a promise of future reward. We now live
by faith and not by sight. He that endureth to the end shall be saved.
Go on, sir, sowing the seed, looking up to him whose work alone it is to
give the increase, whoever be the planter or waterer; and as you do abound
in your labors, and do find him multiplying seed unto you, may you yet
abound more and more to the end, which is my sincere wish. Let no man
rob us of our comfortable hope, that when we cease to be here we shall be
present with the Lord, in whose presence the saints believe is fullness of
joy in a separate state, and expectation of greater in the resurrection, when
it shall be fully manifested how he loved them. Let none jeer us out of
our duty now to lisp forth his praises with our tongues, since we expect
hereafter to sing in a better manner the song of the Lamb, with a much
more noble chorus.
In reference to your poll-tax and other taxes, which are necessary for
support of the government and society, [they] are not to be esteemed a
burthen; it is giving tribute or tithes to whom tribute is due, unless the
taxes do oppress you unequally, because you are Baptists and Separatists;
if so, then let me know, (who profess myself a Baptist) and I will en-
deavor to have a word spoken for you to the Governor, that you may be
eased. You know that our profession is not mody in your country nor ours;
few if any of the great men submitting to plain institution; and as we pro-
fess ourselves disciples of Christ, it is our duty to take up our cross with
patience, and pay parochial duties where we live, and voluntarily maintain
our own charge, and be thankful for our liberty, as men and Christians, to
our good God, who in his providence has inspired many magistrates and
ministers in your province with a truer spirit of catholic charity than for-
merly. You have heard, or may be informed by Mr. Callender, of my
foundation in Harvard College, and the provision I have made for Baptist
youth to be educated for the ministry, and equally regarded with Pædo-
baptists. If you know any as may be duly qualified, inform me, and I
shall be glad to recommend them for the first vacancy. And to close;
while we profess to worship God nearer to the rule of primitive institution
and practice of our great Prophet and Teacher, the Lord Jesus Christ, and
his apostles, let our light so shine before men in all holy conversation, that
such whose inclinations may be ready to speak evil of our way, may be
ashamed. May serious religion and godliness in the power of it flourish
among us; every thing that goes in to make up the true Christian. Where
the image of Christ is formed in any, I call them the excellent of the
earth; with such I delight to associate and worship, whatever particular
denomination they may go by among men; and this I would do till we all
come into the unity of the faith, &c. Acts xx. 32.
Your loving friend,
THOMAS HOLLIS.
[1725.]
WALLIN'S LETTER TO CALLENDER.
511
This I copied from the original letter; and would just
observe upon it, that the generality of parish rates here
were only for the support of one way of worship, and not
for the government, as he supposed.
And further light
about the conduct of that day may be gained from the fol-
lowing letter:-
London, February, 18, 1724-5.
DEAR BROTHER CALLENDER: I had the pleasure of yours by Captain
Lawrence, and am glad to hear of your welfare. May the Lord preserve
your health and usefulness. I rejoice at the increase of your members,
and the good prospect you have of more being added to your church, even
of such who shall be saved. It is sweet encouragement to a poor laborer
in Christ's vineyard, to find the Lord works with him; and some visible
instances of sovereign grace and love among his people make his drooping
spirit revive and sing. May you have more of these, especially among the
rising generation; for it is a particular pleasure to see young ones look
Zionward, and truly remember their Creator in the days of their youth;
though in this case we have always reason to rejoice with trembling,
because so many who seemed to run well for a time, have been turned
aside by youthful lusts, (which war against the soul) to the wounding the
hearts of their ministers, and the dishonor of Christ. I am sorry you have
so much cause to complain, with us, of the great decay of the power and
purity of religion. I am afraid this inquisitive age of professors spend too
much time, and almost all their zeal, about matters of speculation,
and neglect the closet and inward experimental religion too much. I
observe by some letters and papers, by Captain Lawrence, that there is a
number of young men formed into a society at Boston, who have taken
upon them the name of the Berean Society. It is a noble design to be
wholly governed by Scripture, and [I] wish every professor had such a
resolution. They seem to be in earnest about what they propose, and if
any of their zeal, for any particular point in dispute among Christians,
should flame too high, I am glad they are under your conduct, by which I
hope they will be well directed for their mutual edification, and the honor
of truth. They will have some books, contained in the catalogue, sent soon,
when I hope to write more particularly on this head. I met Captain Law-
rence at our honored friend Mr. Thomas Hollis's, where we had some
particular discourse about your place and people, and how his bounty to
your church was laid out. From the whole, I apprehend Mr. Hollis was
not displeased, but approved of what you had done, and hath been so good
as to order the remaining part of the money for your own use; besides
which, he hath been pleased to send you a present of books. I have often,
my dear friend, adored the divine goodness, in disposing this gentleman's
512
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
}
mind to so much service for the interest of Christ in general, in New Eng-
land as well as Old; but especially for the providence by which such a
gentleman came to the knowledge of our small interest in those Colonies,
who had such a love to despised truth, as to own and encourage it in the
face of so many and powerful opposers. It is this good providence, I
apprehend, hath occasioned some persons to look favorably towards the
baptized interest in Boston, and gives an encouraging view of greater ad-
vantage in years to come. His favors to you and yours hath doubtless
been ungrateful to some of your neighbors, and perhaps some have been
unkind and weak enough to design you a prejudice by some accounts
given; but be in no pain for that, for Mr. Hollis is no stranger to the
weakness which good men are liable to; nor will he be easily persuaded
into hard thoughts of any, notwithstanding their many weaknesses, who in
their general conduct have acquitted themselves like Christians and honest
men; nor do any who attempt to draw his displeasure upon another person
without good reason, do himself the least service thereby with Mr. Hollis.
That the good will of him that dwelt in the bush may be with you and
yours, is the hearty desire of your sincere friend and unworthy brother,
EDWARD Wallin.
1
In addition to his other donations, Mr. Hollis founded a
professorship of the mathematics and experimental philos-
phy in Harvard College in 1726, with a salary of eighty
pounds a year to the professor; and he sent over an appar-
atus for the purpose, which cost about one hundred and fifty
pounds sterling, besides large additions to the college libra-
ry.¹ And by a letter to Mr. Callender, from Gay Head, on
Martha's Vineyard, of September 11, 1727, I find Jonas
Horswet, an Indian minister, sending for some of the books
he had received, and also mentioning Thomas Sekins,
another Indian preacher at Nantucket.2. About this time
four Baptists were seized for ministerial taxes in the coun-
try,
and were cast into prison at Boston; but were soon
released again by the special order of Lieutenant Governor
Dummer. Near the same time there came a letter from
Springfield, signed by thirty men, directed to the Baptist
church in Boston, requesting that their pastor might be sent
up to labor among them. He went accordingly, and on
3
'Neal, Vol. II, pp. 220, 221.
"Proctor's Remonstrance, in 1754.
2See page 347.
[1728.]
BAPTIST SENTIMENTS AT SPRINGFIELD.
513
A
July 23, 1727, baptized John Leonard, Ebenezer Leonard,
William Scott, Abel Leonard, and Thomas Lamb, of Spring-
field, and Victory Skyes and Marcy Lawton,' of Suffield.
letter to him dated July 19, signed Daniel Brewer, Ebenezer
Devotion, Stephen Williams, Samuel Hopkins, Nehemiah
Bull, blames him for not first coming to them, and says,
"We cannot think that preaching to or treating with partic-
ular persons in a private
in a private manner, to instil into them doc-
trines that we think are not according to truth and godliness,
to be so Christian-like; and we assure you is not what we
expected from Mr. Callender, whatever we might have
feared from some others." Mr. Devotion was minister in
Suffield, and Bull in Westfield; the other three were of
Springfield. When Mr. Callender went there again the
next year, the three Springfield ministers wrote to inquire
whether he came prepared for and expecting a public dis-
pute about baptism.2 His answer was in these words:-
Springfield, September 17, 1728.
REVEREND SIR: It is not my custom and manner to go about the coun-
try to dispute and debate and wrangle with those that differ from me in
opinion. It is well known that I am for peace with all men, and for
'In addition to these names, a manuscript of JohnComer gives the names of Jona-
than Worthington, John Pullin, Richard Gardner, and Mary Worthington. Also
in his Diary, Comer wrote under date of October, 1727, that on the 23d of the pre-
vious July, Elisha Callender had baptized eleven persons in Springfield; and a let-
ter from Springfield, given in the succeeding note, states that eleven persons had
been baptized there.-ED.
2The correspondence in connection with this important movement in Springfield,
this spontaneous springing up of Baptist principles in a new field, seems to be of
sufficient interest and value to justify giving it in full.
To the Church of Christ in Boston under the care of Elder Elisha Callender, the
subscribers hereunto send greeting:
BELOVED: Although we are no church nor members of any church, yet we have
formerly looked upon ourselves, at least some of us, to have been members of such
church or churches whose faith and practice is to baptize, or rather sprinkle, infants ;
but through God's goodness, by searching the Scriptures, and such other helps as
we have received from some of your church, have been made sensible that our for-
mer practise with relation to baptism, has been grounded too much upon the tradi-
tions of men. And as, through grace, we hope we have in some measure been
made sensible of the error that the churches in this land in general are in, with
respect to baptism, both as to manner and subject, the which, in times past, we have
33
•
+
514
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Christians to live in love and charity, and for every man to act as he is
fully persuaded in his own mind. But if you will not be quiet and easy,
and will insist upon it that your people must hear what is to be said in
opposition to what I think contrary to truth and godliness, you may inform,
Sir, your humble servant,
ELISHA CALlender.
To the Reverend Mr. Daniel Brewer.
too fondly imbibed and embraced, so we desire to renounce and forsake the saine, as
not in the least corresponding with the word of God. And understanding that the
church at Boston practises and allows of no other but believers' baptism; we, the
subscribers, do therefore spread our case before the church, humbly entreating
your advice under our present circumstances; and if it agree with the pleasure and
advice of the church, (in order for the attaining further knowledge in the ways of
God) to grant that Elder Elisha Callender may give us a visit and preach some ser-
mons among us, who as yet, the most of us, never heard a sermon preached by a
Baptist. And if it may stand with the pleasure of the church to grant this the re-
quest of our souls, we entreat the favor of a line to inform us when it may be.
And now, leaving our concern with God, desiring the prayers of the church to the
throne of grace that God would carry on the work which we hope through
grace he has begun, and that he would perfect it to the end, we desire to sub-
scribe, though unworthy, your brethren in the bonds of the gospel,
JONATHAN WORTHINGTON,"
[and fifteen others.]
"We, the subscribers, are hesitating in the doctrine of infant sprinkling, and
desire further instruction to understand the true institution of baptism according to
the word of God, and to be in the use of all proper means to attain the same.
Jos. BEDURTHA, jr.,”
[and twelve others.]
REVEREND SIR: We had a desire to have seen you and discoursed with you in a
Christian, moderate, and calm manner, respecting your visiting the people of our
parts and charge, and to have known from you whether it can be that the kingdom
and interest of our glorious Lord Jesus is likely to be advanced and the welfare of
precious souls furthered, by the measures you are now pursuing; or whether the
interest of pure and undefiled religion is not like to suffer. We are not fond of
men's being called the followers of Paul or Apollos, but if the good of men's souls
be furthered, we shall rejoice. But, Sir, if heats, debates and divisions do follow,
(as we fear they will) to the wounding of religion and the danger of vital piety, we
ask whether blame must not be at your door? If you esteem of us as ministers of
Jesus Christ, and would have been pleased to have conferred with us, we would, any
of us, have endeavored to have given you as true account as we were capable, of
the circumstances of these people; and should be glad to join with you, or an
But we cannot
good man, in doing anything for the revival of decayed piety, &c.
think that preaching to or treating with particular persons, in a private manner, to
instil into them, doctrines which, we think, are not according to truth and godliness,
to be so Christian-like, and we assure you, is not what we expected from Mr. Cal-
lender, whatever we might have feared from others; and we should have thought it
more fair if you had desired to have preached in one of our pulpits where we might
have heard you and have had an opportunity to have made our remarks and replies [if
we thought it not according to truth.) See Matthew 10. 26, 27. As to the book you
were pleased to send to Mr. Brewer and Mr. Williams, just now we shall make no
EBENEZER DEVOTION, &C.
remarks upon it.
Springfield, July 19, 1727."
R
[1728.]
BAPTIST SENTIMENTS AT SPRINGFIELD.
I find no answer to this.
515
Upon the receipt of their second charter, Dr. Cotton
Mather said, "Religion is forever secured; a righteous and
generous liberty of conscience established. And the Gene-
ral Assembly may, by their acts, give a distinguishing en-
couragement unto that religion which is the general profes-
A few weeks later, those who had been baptized in Springfield, still seeking for
light and guidance, wrote as follows:-
Springfield, September 6, 1727.
"To the church of Christ in Newport, under the care of Elder Peckom and Elder
Comer; we, the subscribers hereunto, in the name and in behalf of eleven persons
lately baptized hereabouts, we being of the number also, all baptized upon the pro-
fession of faith; send greeting."
DEARLY BELOVED IN OUR LORD JESUS, THOUGH UNKNOWN TO US: Whereas
it pleased God, in infinite mercy to discover to us his will in his holy word, and our
indispensable duty to submit to him in his ordinances; the which (we hope in obe-
dience) we have so far done as to submit to his holy ordinance of baptism; and now
are like sheep without a shepherd: do therefore write to entreat and beseech your
prayers at the throne of grace that God would please send a laborer into his har-
vest here, and add daily unto us, such as shall be saved. We are not only as sheep
without a shepherd, and few in number, but we are environed round about with ene-
mies, and such as sometimes prove potent. Indeed, we are not without fear that
the clergy which we are surrounded with, are enemies to our cause. Do therefore
crave your advice and assistance at this difficult juncture especially. The same we
have requested of the church at Boston, and have had Elder Callender with us, and
being now wholly destitute of such help, desire also that your Elder Comer might
give us a visit, preach amongst us and administer the ordinance of baptism, if any
should present to the same: and that God would enable and assist us to persevere
to the end, and build us up into a church, that so we may live in the enjoyment of
all his holy ordinances, the which our souls long for and thirst after. Thus hoping
and entreating that both the church and Elder Comer will grant these our desires,
which are not the desires of the persons above mentioned only, but of divers others
also; we subscribe, though unworthy, with our Christian love presented, your lov-
ing brethren in the bonds of the gospel,
WILLIAM SCOTT, &c.
Mr. Comer relates in his Diary that he set out for Springfield with two brethren,
“arrived safe at the house of Mr. Jno. Devotion at Southfield," Thursday, Septem-
ber 19, and the next day "went over to Springfield and found all things agreeable."
The following Lord's day he preached to about "seventy auditors." Two ministers
of the Standing Order came to see him, one of whom, he says, "seemed much
troubled about the affair I came upon."
In his visit to Springfield the next year, Mr. Callender baptized Thomas Durkee
of Windham, and Daniel Blodget of Stafford. The letter above mentioned, which
he received at this time from ministers of the Standing Order, is as follows:
REVEREND SIR: Our laboring to wait upon you together on last year, not being
well received by some, we shall not now take pains after any such thing; but
take this method to ask you whether you came prepared for and expecting of a
516
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
sion of the inhabitants."
And for thirty-six years they made
no act to exempt either Baptists or Quakers from taxes to
his party of ministers. The great earthquake was in the
evening of October 29, 1727; and the Assembly that met
the 22d of the next month passed the first act of exemption
therefrom, that they ever did for any denomination. It was
to empower every settled Episcopal minister to draw all the
money which was assessed upon any of his society, who
lived within five miles of his meeting, if they usually attended
worship there; who were also to be exempted from taxes
for building or repairing of meeting-houses for the estab-
lished way.
But it required each parish to make up to
their ministers, within two months, all the money that might
by their means be taken from them. The five-mile limita-
tion was dropped afterwards; and by an act in 1742, the
minister and church wardens were required to give certifi-
cates to each parish treasurer, where any of their society
lived, in order for their drawing said money.
Nothing is more amazing among men, than the influence
which the love of power and gain has to blind their minds.
The admission of the houses both of Orange and Hanover
to the British throne, was upon the principle that govern-
ment is founded in compact. And the most essential article
of the national compact was, that none should be taxed but
by their own representatives. Yet because the representa-
tives in this government refused to put it out of their power
public dispute concerning the subjects and modes of baptism. We ask your answer
by the bearer. From, Sir, your humble servants,
Springfield, September 16, 1728.
DANIEL BREWER,
STEPHEN WILLIAMS,
SAM'L HOPKINS.
"Please, Sir, by a line or two, to favor us with a reply to this as soon as possible,
directing it immediately to me, D. B., or, (if an opportunity offers convenient,)
immediately to Mr. Williams at the Meadows."
The answer to this, Backus gives in full.
Ten years later the Baptists in Springfield secured stated preaching, and after
two years more a Baptist church was formed there.-ED.
¹Account of his father's life, p. 141. He himself died February 13, 1728, aged
sixty-five.
[1728.]
THE FIVE-MILE ACT.
517
to give or withhold the salary demanded by the Crown for
governors that they could have no choice in appointing or
removing, an attempt was made in England to bring the case
before the Parliament, and to take away our second charter.
But Mr. Jeremiah Dummer, brother to the Lieutenant Gov-
ernor, published in London such a defence of our charter
rights in 1721, as, with other things, prevented it. Though
in 1725-an explanatory charter was added, which deprived
the representatives of power to put their own Speaker into
office, without the consent of the Governor. These things
were justly complained of, by those who daily practised a
like iniquity themselves. For it is not more certain that
America is not represented in the British Parliament, than
it is that a quantity of money does not give any men a right
to judge for their neighbors about soul-guides, and to enforce
their judgments with the sword. Yet this was daily prac-
tised, to support teachers, that many who were taxed to
them had no more voice in choosing, than said representa-
tives had in their governors. But as hot contentions still
continued about the Governor's salary, and other dangers
hung over them, when their Assembly met at Boston, in
May, 1728, they made a law, as follows:-
That from and after the publication of this act, none of the persons com-
monly called Anabaptists, nor any of those called Quakers, that are or
shall be enrolled or entered in their several societies as members thereof,
and who allege a scruple of conscience as the reason of their refusal to pay
any part or proportion of such taxes, as are from time to time assessed for
the support of the minister or ministers of the churches established by the
laws of this province, in the town or place where they dwell, shall have
their polls taxed towards the support of such minister or ministers, nor
shall their bodies be at any time taken in execution, to satisfy any such
ministerial rate or tax, assessed upon their estates or faculty; provided,
that such persons do usually attend the meetings of their respective socie-
ties, assembling upon the Lord's day for the worship of God, and that they
live within five miles of the place of such meeting.
The way prescribed for their being known, was for each
County Court, at their next session after the first of June
518
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
annually, to appoint meet persons of those societies, "to
bring in a list, upon oath or solemn affirmation, of all per-
sons within their respective towns or precincts, that profess
themselves to be Anabaptists or Quakers, and usually attend
their meetings as aforesaid, after which the clerk of the
peace of the county shall give in to the assessors of each
town or precinct a list of their names.'
""
Here we may see that arbitrary power is always the same
in nature, in every age, and every country. "Go ye, serve
the Lord; only let your flocks and your herds be stayed,"
said Pharaoh. Let their polls be exempted, but their es-
tates and faculties be taxed, said the Massachusetts. Here-
in they imitated him; but in two other points they went
beyond him. "Go not very far away," said Pharaoh; "Go
but five miles," said the Massachusetts; though many of
their own parishioners, from that day to this, must go much
further than that to meeting. Neither did Pharaoh require
a list of the people upon oath, as these did. Little did Mr.
Hollis know how his brethren here were treated. His friend
Wheaton, who, as was before observed, with many of his
society, lived within the bounds of Rehoboth, now hoped
for some relief; and for that end applied to their next
County Court; but they were told by the judges that said
law did not take place that year.
And for refusing to pay
that year's tax to John Greenwood and David Turner, min-
isters of that town, twenty-eight Baptists, two Quakers, and
two Episcopalians,¹ were seized and imprisoned at Bristol,
by Jonathan Bosworth and Jacob Ormsbee, constables of
Rehoboth; the main of them on March 3, 1729. Hereupon
'Obadiah Bowen, Azriakim Peirce, Jonathan. Thurber, Jeremiah Ormsbec, Squire
Wheeler, Daniel Bullock, Samuel Goff, Joseph Bowen, James Hicks, Seth Guern-
sey, Edmund Ingalls, Benjamin Ingalls, Ephraim Martin, Miel Peirce, Samuel Thur-
ber, William Wheeler, Philip Wheeler, Gideon Hammond, Jeremiah Ormsbee, jun.,
Ephraim Martin, jun., John Jones, James Lewis, Thomas Horton, Richard Round,
Jotham Carpenter, Samuel Bullock, Richard Bullock, Ephraim Wheaton, jun., Bap-
tists; Henry Finch and John Hicks, Quakers; Samuel Carpenter and John Bowen,
Episcopalians. Philip Wheeler was Colonel of the militia in that county afterwards.
Wheaton was son to their minister.
[1729.]
DISPUTE OF WIGHTMAN AND BULKLY.
519
they sent a petition to Governor Burnet in Council; where-
in they claimed charter rights, and mentioned the late declara-
tion from England, that there was no national or provincial
church established here, and the release of prisoners upon
that footing; and that if relief was not granted to them,
they soon expected the imprisonment of several Baptists and
Quakers of Taunton and Norton, on the same score. The
Governor and Council, on March 8, gave their opinion, that
said law did take place the preceding year; and ordered
Seth Williams, Esq., Chief Judge of that county, to convene
a number of Justices at Bristol, and to do all they lawfully
could for the release of those prisoners. He convened some
of them, but gave no relief to those men. Mr. Comer came
and preached to them March 11. And as no other way ap-
peared of deliverance from a nauseous place which had in-
jured their health, but paying said taxes and costs, this was
soon after done by their friends. However, lest further
complaints should be carried to England, the Assembly at
Boston. November 19, 1729, added an act to exempt their
estates and faculties also; but "under the same conditions.
and limitations that their polls were before." And it was
not to exempt from any tax that was made, and then in col-
lectors' hands, nor to continue in force any longer than their
May session, 1733.
After the death of Governor Saltonstall, the Connecticut
Assembly of October 8, 1724, elected Joseph Talcott, Esq.,
in his stead; under whose administration they enjoyed more
liberty for seventeen years, than they had under his prede-
cessor. Stephen Gorton was ordained, at New London, pas-
tor of the second Baptist church in Connecticut, November
28, 1726, by the assistance of their elders, Wightman, of
Groton, and Comer, of Newport. And as Wightman was
called to preach in Lyme, Mr. John Bulkly, a learned min-
ister of Colchester, came and held a public dispute with
him at Lyme, June 7, 1727, upon baptism and ministers'
support. The question concerning the latter point Wight-
520
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
man stated thus:-" Whether ministers of the gospel ought
to be maintained, in the least, by goods taken away by force.
from men of contrary persuasions?" And he gave these
reasons against that practice :-"1. Because there is no pre-
cept nor precedent for so doing in the New Testament.
2. Because so to do is what we would not be done unto our-
selves. 3. Because the Lord requires only volunteers, and
not forced men in his service." But Bulkly refused to dis-
pute upon this footing, and shifted the question, to whether
their way was lawful or not? And, after going far about,
he said, “Lawful authority have a right to determine the
undetermined modes of moral duties." To which Wight-
man said, “1. But they must always determine the mode in
the order of morality, and so they may do to others, as they
would they should do to them in like case.
Now would you
have the superior powers of England so to determine for
you, that you may have liberty and only bear your own
charges in this affair? 2. This point, I think, is not unde-
termined in Scripture, which shows us no other way for the
support of the gospel ministry, but what is from the free-
will offerings of the people." And as Bulkly raked together
many scandalous things that had been published against the
Baptists, and then said, "They are but of yesterday, and so
consequently the truth cannot be with them, as being not
known in the world till about two hundred years past;"
Wightman replied and said, "I never read of a Presbyterian
longer than the said term; how then can the way of truth
be with them? If you say there were men of your princi-
ples many years before, I answer, that there were men pro-
fessing the doctrines maintained by us long before that time."
The May session of Connecticut Legislature, in 1729,
passed an act in favor of Quakers, to exempt all from min-
isterial taxes, "who do attend the worship of God in such
way as is allowed, and shall produce a certificate from such
society, of their having joined themselves to them, and that
'Bulkly, pp. 132, 176; Wightman, pp. 25, 28, 41.
[1729.]
GREATER FREEDOM IN CONNECTICUT.
521
they do belong unto their society." At an association of
Baptist churches at North Kingstown, September 6, 1729,
they drew a petition to the General Assembly of Connecti-
cut, that their brethren who were scattered up and down in
that Colony, might be exempted from taxes to ministers and
meeting-houses that they dissented from; which was signed
by Richard Sweet, Valentine Wightman, Samuel Fisk, John
Comer, elders; Timothy Peckom, Joseph Holmes, Ebenezer
Cook, Benjamin Herenden, and other brethren, to the num-
ber of eighteen, one of whom was Thomas Durkee of Wind-
ham; to which was afterward added these lines, viz.:-
We, the subscribers, do heartily concur with the memorial of our breth-
ren on the other side, and do humbly request the same may be granted,
which we think will much tend to Christian unity, and be serviceable to
true religion, and will very much rejoice your honors' friends, and very
humble servants,
Newport, September 10, 1729.
JOSEPH JENCKS, Governor,
JAMES CLARK,
DANIEL WIGHTMAN, Elders.
Hereupon the Assembly, who met at New Haven, Octo-
ber 9, 1729, passed an act to allow the Baptists the same
privileges as were granted to the Quakers the May before;
both of them being perpetual laws, and not such temporary
acts as the Massachusetts have perplexed themselves and
others with. President Stiles informs me, that the Baptists
in Saybrook were the first who took the benefit of this act.
A concise account of the affairs of the college over which
he presides shall close this chapter. Connecticut Legislature
first granted a charter for it in 1701. It was then intended
to be at Saybrook; but after hot contentions, wherein a
large and valuable part of their library was lost; it was set-
tled at New Haven in 1718. Elihu Yale, Esq., Governor
of the East India Company in London, made large donations
to it, upon which it was called Yale College. In 1719, Mr.
Timothy Cutler, minister at Stratford, was chosen Rector of
522
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
it. But in September, 1722, he resigned that office, and
went to England for Episcopal ordination, from whence he
also received the title of D. D., and was a missionary many
years in Boston.
After his departure, Mr. Samuel Andrew,
minister at Milford, presided at their Commencements, until
Mr. Elisha Williams, of Wethersfield, was chosen their
Rector in 1725; which office he sustained with honor to
himself, and advantage to others, till he resigned it on Octo-
ber 31, 1739, and removed back to Wethersfield. He often
represented this town in their Assembly, and was service-
able in other offices, one of which was to go over as a spe-
cial agent for his colony to England. Mr. Thomas Clap,
of Windham, succeeded him in the college; the govern-
ment of which, by their first charter, was in the Trustees,
who chose the Rector and tutors. But by a more ample
charter from their Legislature, dated May 9, 1745, their
order was changed to that of, "The President and Fellows
of Yale College, in New Haven," whose number is twelve.
The eleven Fellows are all settled ministers, who elect the
President, and also their own members, when any of them
resign, die, or are displaced; seven of the Corporation being
a quorum.¹
'Douglas, Vol. II, pp. 183-188.
APPENDIX A.'
Having had several interviews with divers of the people called Quakers,
on the subject of the first volume of my History, and finding I have not
clearly expressed their sentiments and practices, and some facts appear-
ing to me different from what they did when I wrote, I am desirous,
with them, to have the History corrected, and matters put in such a
light, that posterity may not misapprehend them. Let the reader
therefore receive the following correction, as what appears to me most
consistent with the truth, and in justice to that people ought to be
transmitted to posterity.
In page 117, the following extract from John Tyso's letter, "There was
nothing in him (i. e. Dr. Increase Mather, as he said) that he hoped to be
saved by," having been made by me to manifest an error in Friends respect-
ing Christ within; I would observe, that I do not look upon it as an error,
provided Christ without be also acknowledged, and it be held agreeably to
the true sense of John vi. 56, xvii. 26; I John iii. 24; in which sense I am
informed it is held by Friends.
In pages 118, 119, I have quoted some of Roger Williams's arguments
against Friends' sentiments of the grace of God having appeared, or being
manifested to all mankind universally; for their answer to which arguments,
I would refer to Fox, &c., Answer, pages 17--20, Second part.
In page 245, I mentioned that Quakers were so called from Fox and his
companions trembling and quaking before Gervase Bennet, a Justice in
Derby. I meant not to insinuate, that their trembling on that occasion,
or others, was occasioned by the fear of man; neither do I on a review of
proofs find sufficient grounds to reject Fox's account of their receiving said
name, which follows in the same page; though it is allowed by Barclay, as
well as Mosheim, that their quaking and trembling in other places occasioned
their being commonly called by that name.
'In the former edition, this Appendix is at the close of Volume II. As the arrange-
ment of volumes is changed in the present edition, and the Appendix refers entirely
to Volume I, it is inserted here. -ED.
524
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
г
In page 256, I undertake to inform posterity how those Quakers behaved
under their sufferings; upon a review of which it appears just to add, that
I find, and that by other parts of Cudworth's uncontroverted letter, not
quoted by me, that he was turned out of office, as he expressly says, "Be-
cause I had entertained some of the Quakers at my house, that thereby I
might be the better acquainted with their principles; the Court professing
they had nothing at all against me, only in that thing, of giving entertain-
ment to the Quakers." And he informs us, "that when the Quakers were
committed to prison, they must be kept on coarse bread and water; no
Friend may bring them any thing, none permitted to speak with them, nay,
if they have money of their own, they may not make use of that to relieve
themselves; they have many adherents; and, a little to acquaint you with
their sufferings, which is grievous unto and saddens the hearts of most of
the precious saints of God, it lies down and rises up with them, and they
cannot put it out of their minds, to see and hear of poor families deprived
of their comforts, and brought into penury and want. As far as I am able
to judge of the end, it is to force them from their homes and lawful habita-
tions, and to drive them out of their coasts. As for the means by which
they are impoverished, these in the first place were scrupulous of an oath."
This does not appear to be confined to allegiance or fidelity to government,
but oaths at large, which principle, I understand, they maintain from our
Saviour's command; Matt. v. 34; I say unto you swear not all, &c. "Why
then we must put in force an old law, that all may take the oath of fidelity;
-they cannot-then a fine of five pounds. On this account thirty-five
head of cattle, as I am credibly informed, hath been by the authority of
the Court taken from them the latter part of this summer. A poor weaver
that has seven or eight small children, himself lame in his body, had but
two cows, and both taken from him. The marshal asked him what he
would do? The man said, that God, who gave him them, he doubted not,
would still provide for him. To fill up the measure yet more full, though
to the further emptying of Sandwich men, the Court of Assistants, the first
Tuesday of this instant, was pleased to determine fines upon them for meet-
ings, one hundred and fifty pounds, and among others the poor weaver
spoken of, twenty pounds, &c." And after his mentioning their not suffer-
ing their friends of Rhode Island to come and trade with them, proceeds,
"So that unless the Lord steps in to their help and assistance, in some way
beyond men's conceiving, their case is sad and to be pitied, and truly it
moves bowels of compassion in all sorts except those in place, who carry
it with a high hand towards them. Our bench now is Thomas Prince,
Governor, &c." See the letter in Bishop's IIistory, pages 168—177, or
more at large in the second volume, folio, of the book of sufferings of the
Quakers, pages 191-195, which last I did not see till since the publication
of the first volume of my History.
1
APPENDIX A.
525
From the foregoing account, and what Bishop charges upon Governor
Prince, viz., "That in thy conscience they were such a people as deserved
to be destroyed, they, their wives, their children, their houses and lands,
without pity or mercy;" which sentiment of his against the Quakers, I am
told, is remembered in the family, being handed down to those of his pos-
terity now living, it must therefore be acknowledged, he must have had
too great a share in the persecutions mentioned; and as the persecuted Nor-
ton said, the strength of darkness must then have been too unhappily over
him. And in justice to Humphry Norton's character (which is under-
stood to be lessened by my manner of inserting his letter, and treating this
subject, in pages 247, 257, of my History) I think further to mauifest his
and J. Rouse's behavior under their sufferings, by inserting a paragraph in
Bishop's History, page 179, which would render my account more intelligi-
ble and full. Speaking of the number of lashes, which I mentioned, he
adds, "Which as it drew store of blood, so it took much with the specta-
tors, who beheld them in the stocks first praying, then saluting each other,
and bidding the executioner have patience a little (when he came to take
off their clothes) and he should see they could give their backs to the
smiters." And Bishop adds, that "They gave in a paper assigning the
grounds and reasons of their returning, when they were demanded where-
fore they came in, which the magistrates would not suffer to be read; and
so envious were they, that for taking John Rouse by the hand they put
three of the inhabitants of Sandwich in the stocks." And it appears by
the said Bishop's History, and the book of Friends' sufferings, that other
whippings and persecutions followed in Plymouth Colony, and the said
Humphry Norton, under whippings and other persecutions at New Haven,
appears to have behaved in a Christian temper, when being loosed from the
stocks after being whipped, having a great iron key tied athwart his mouth,
and burnt deep in his hand with a red hot iron, He kneeled down and
prayed to the Lord, uttering his voice towards heaven, to the astonishment
of them all." The reader is referred thereto for a more particular account.
In page 257, I intrepreted the figurative expressions of "Rending the
rocks of wisdom and knowledge, and exalting that which is low," as
directed against civil and ecclesiastical government, which I supposed they
meant to subject to a supposed spiritual power in Christians without out-
ward laws and rules: but on further inquiry and conversation with
Friends, I am convinced that they thereby referred to the coming of the
Lord, by his spiritual work, to level the wise and great, compared to moun-
tains; and the literal knowledge and mere scholastic divinity, compared to
rocks, as being hard to penetrate and break; for that which is meek and
low to be exalted, even Christ within, the hope of glory. In which sense I
perceive that passage is now understood by Friends.
In the same page I observed, on some preceding extracts from Fox's and
526 HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
Williams's writings, "This opens the plain cause, why they (the Quakers)
militated so hard against other magistrates and government." And in the
form of an allegory, in page 408, it is said, "To whom others made fierce
opposition professedly from the light within; and their clashings were so
great that several lives were lost in the fray." The terms "militate,"
"fierce opposition," and "clashing" to the loss of lives, used to represent
the conduct of Friends in those days, in respect to civil government, are too
harsh to be justified by any authenticated facts. I conceive it to be essential
to civil government, that the magistrate have a power to inflict corporal
punishments, and also to arm his subjects to war against invaders of their
rights, and therefore that the teaching of a contrary doctrine in either of
these points, so far as it has influence, tends to obstruct or pull down gov-
erument; and in no other sense did I ever mean to charge the Quakers
with militating against or obstructing government.
I find they allow magistrates to inflict corporal punishments upon their
subjects, who transgress the rules of equity; but do not approve of arm-
ing their subjects to war against others. And in all States where they
have been, I know nothing but that, as a society, they have been either
actively obedient thereto, or have passively suffered what they were pleased
to inflict upon them, without plotting against the government thereof, or
using any forcible resistance against it. And I desire the reader to remem-
ber that I mean to correct every thing in my History that seemingly or
really contradicts these ideas, and this character of the society.
In page 258, I speak of our Lord's direction to his disciples, Mat. x. 23,
and of his own conduct towards the Gergesenes, Mat. viii. 34, as forming
a general rule for us, thence charging some blame upon those Quakers
who returned into the Massachusetts; whereas they now both appear to
me to refer to special and peculiar cases.
As to the writings I referred to on page 260, I rather think my memory
failed me in that respect; and as to not having light from Scripture, for
actions, in the same page, I find that they suppose that Isaiah xx. 2, and
Micah, i. 8, prove, that the women there mentioned might be moved by the
divine Spirit to do those actions; of which the reader is left to judge for
himself.
Upon a review of pages 259 and 367, compared with their own writings,
I find that I had some mistaken ideas of what they held concerning the
light within, and therefore freely refer the reader to their own authors for
information in that respect.
I did not mean, in page 367, to charge them with calling darkness light,
any further than wherein they appeared to be against allowing others the
'See Fox's Epistle to Friends at Nevis, in 1675. Also, Isaac Pennington's Works,
folio, First part, p. 323.
APPENDIX A.
527
free liberty of examining, and by arguments opposing sentiments which
they judged to be erroneous; which, whether they were against or not, I
freely submit to the reader's judgment.
William Harris is referred to in page 128, note 1, and in page 363, is
named as a Quaker; I am now convinced that he was not one then, if he
ever was; and the word only, as I twice used it in page 373, and once in
page 375, in a way that seems to acquit Mr. Williams from any blame in
his dispute with the Quakers, was more than I intended; for I really think
there was a great deal of imperfection discovered by him, as well as his
opponents, in the management of that dispute; and if he meant to punish
any merely for their plain use of Thee and Thou (which I think he did not)
I do not concur with any such thing.
In page 368, I have not so fully quoted Friends' answer to Roger Wil-
liams's objections as might be necessary to give an adequate view of both
sides of the dispute; therefore I refer my reader to their writings on that
subject, particularly George Fox's Answer to said objections, page 155,
and Appendix, pages 117, 118.
Page 374, line 22, after the word "sentence" insert, "viz., blood will be
given," which words are particularly marked, as referred to by Grove.
As by the "grapes of Sodom and clusters of Gommorah," in page 366,
some might suppose I meant to charge the vices, that are couched under
those expressions, upon the Quakers; I here declare that I meant no such
thing.
Perhaps the partiality, in favor of Mr. Cotton, which I mention in page.
374, was owing to Mr. Coddington's particular affection for him, rather
than to the cause there assigned.
}
វ
#
APPENDIX B.
CONTAINING A BRIEF SUMMARY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS OF
THIS COUNTRY DOWN TO THE PRESENT TIME. [1777.]¹
Four principles have, in different ages and countries, been proposed to
found government upon, viz., nature, grace, power and compact. James
the First took much pains to persuade his people, that he was born to rule
them; even so that the privileges he was pleased to allow them, were
rather favors from him, than original rights in them. And his flattering
courtiers, perceiving his humor, gave him the title of "Sacred Majesty,"
which the kingdom was very little acquainted with before. His high claims
occasioned perpetual troubles to himself, and cost his son his crown and
the head that wore it. And when facts are examined it appears, that
Henry VII, from whom came their hereditary title, had as little right by
birth to the crown of England, as any man that had worn it in five hun-
dred years; and he made his way to it through blood and slaughter. The
pope has been the most notable advocate for founding dominion in grace;
and by deceitful reasonings from the Jewish hand-writing, he has usurped
the seat of him who is head of all principality and power. Henry VIII
took offence at the pope's conduct, and rejecting his power assumed it to
himself; and many others, not holding the Head have subjected souls to
slavish ordinances, after the doctrines and commandments of men. Col. 2.
Cromwell was a notable actor upon the third principle, who, having gotten
the power into his hands, pleaded that he ought to use it for the good of
the nation; and his enemies acknowledge the excellency of his talents for
government, if he had but obtained his power in a righteous way. But
2
'This Appendix closed Volume I of the former edition. Being the summary of
the history of a period that is treated in full in the succeeding volumes, it is largely
repeated in them. Parts of it will be recognized in the last four chapters, which
were in Volume II of the former edition, and parts in Volume II of the present
edition.-Ed.
Rapin, Vol. II, pp. 160, 161.
34
530
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
he, dying, left the nation in great confusion; to get relief from which they
restored the second Charles, with good words and fair speeches, without
settling any fixed and certain conditions with him. Soon after this, priest-
craft was used to stir up tumults in different parts of the country, and then
to cry, The church is in danger! which moved the parliament to make
laws to exclude all persons from teaching either in churches or schools,
who refused an assent and consent to their ordinances of men, and also
to declare it to be unlawful to take up arms against the king, upon any
pretence whatsoever. And, as Dr. Calamy observes, passive obedience
and non-resistance, was the doctrine that for twenty-five years made their
pulpits ring and presses groan. Yet, no sooner was this doctrine turued
against the Episcopalians than, behold! they called in the prince of Orange
with an armed force, to drive their king from his throne! And now the
fourth principle is preferred, and a compact, containing a large Bill of
Rights, is made with William before his coronation; and he and his queen
were brought, "solemnly to promise and swear to govern the people of the
kingdom of England, and the dominions thereto belonging, according to
the statutes in parliament agreed on, and the laws and customs of the
same; and, to their power, to cause law and justice to be executed in
mercy, in all their judgments." They enacted that this oath should be
taken by all their successors in that office.
Now the word of God plainly shows, that this way of mutual compact
or covenant, is the only righteous foundation for civil government. For
when Israel must needs have a king like the rest of the nations, and he
indulged them in that request, yet neither Saul nor David, who were
anointed by his immediate direction, ever assumed the regal power over
the people, but by their free consent. And though the family of David
had the clearest claim to hereditary succession that any family on earth
ever had, yet, when ten of the twelve tribes revolted from his grandson,
because he refused to comply with what they esteemed a reasonable pro-
posal, and he had collected an army to bring them back by force, God
warned him not to do it, and he obeyed him therein. Had these plain
precedents been regarded in later times, what woes and miseries would
they have prevented! But the history of all ages and nations shows, that
when men have got the power into their hands, they often use it to gratify
their own lusts, and recur to nature, religion or the constitution (as they
think it will best serve) to carry, and yet cover, their wretched designs.
A lamentable proof of this is now before us.
Dr. Mather, as a capable and faithful friend to his country, labored un-
weariedly to have the rights and privileges of it restored and enlarged; in
order to which he prevailed with Archbishop Tillotson to tell the king that,
"it would by no means do well for him to take any of those privileges
from the people of New England, which king Charles the First had granted
APPENDIX B.
531
them." He likewise obtained a promise from Bishop Burnet that, “on the
first opportunity he would declare openly in the House of Lords, that there
was a greater sacredness in the charter of New England, than in those of
the corporations in England; because those were only acts of grace,
whereas the charter of New England was a contract between the king and
the first patentees. They promised the king to enlarge his dominions on
their own charges, provided they and their posterity might enjoy such and
such privileges; they had performed their part; now for the king to deprive
their posterity of the privileges therein granted unto them, would carry a
face of injustice in it." This had some effect upon the king's mind, and
caused a scruple whether he might lawfully take from us the privilege of
choosing cur chief rulers or not. To this some of his arbitrary council-
lors said, "Whatever might be the merit of the cause, inasmuch as the
charter of the Massachusetts stood vacated by a judgment against it, it was
in his power to put them under what form of government he should think
his
best for them." This was so flattering and plausible that it took with Wil-
liam, who had often heard of their persecutions here, and thought that by
reserving to himself a power to negative all their acts, he should prevent
the like for the future.
Accordingly a new charter was drawn, dated October 7, 1691, which
included Plymouth colony, consisting of the counties of Plymouth, Barn-
stable and Bristol; the Massachusetts colony, which contained the counties
of Suffolk, Middlesex, Essex, Worcester, Hampshire and Berkshire; the
Province of Maine, viz., the counties of York and Cumberland; and Sag-
adahoc, which, with lands annexed in the county of Lincoln, extends to
Nova Scotia. The islands south of Cape Cod were included in this char-
ter of The Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, which
reserved an arbitrary power in the crown, to appoint our Governor, Lieu-
tenant Governor and Secretary; but that the people might choose a House
of Representatives annually, to meet upon the last Wednesday in May;
when they were to elect twenty-eight Councillors, which was to be their
Legislature; the Council and House to have a negative on each other's
acts, and after both were agreed therein, yet the Governor, or in his
absence the Lieutenant Governor, might negative any act they could pass,
and also negative the election of as many Councillors as he pleased. Upon
all times, except election day, he could call, adjourn, prorogue or dissolve
the Assembly at pleasure. He had the sole power of appointing military
officers; and was to appoint all officers of the courts of justice with the
consent of the Council; other civil officers were elected by the two houses,
where he had his negative; and no money could issue out of the treasury
but by his warrant, by the advice and consent of the Council. And after
'Mather's Life, pp. 126, 127, 132.
532
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
all, the king in council could, at any time within three years, disannul any
act or law that all three branches here could make. Now from whence
came this arbitrary power in the crown of England over this country?
Their plea founded upon the vacation of the former contract, would dis-
annul any contract that could possibly be made with any distant people in
the world; for a complaint against us was entered and judgment was passed,
before we could possibly have opportunity to answer for ourselves. The
charter of the city of London was vacated by the same court, where they
had opportunity to answer; but they would not crown William and Mary
till that judgment was reversed, and all the charters in England restored,
and their privileges enlarged much beyond what they were when the con-
tract was made with New England. And in that, the king engaged for
himself, his heirs and successors, that we should hold cur lands, "in free
and common socage, and not in capite, nor by knights' service, we yield-
ing and paying to him, his heirs and successors the fifth part only of all ore
of gold and silver, which from time to time and at all times hereafter
shall be gotten, had or obtained, for all services, exactions and demands
whatsoever." And let our oppressors show if they can that we ever vio-
lated this contract.
As to affairs here, the charter declared "liberty of conscience in the
worship of God to all Christians, except Papists, inhabiting or which shall
inhabit or be resident within our said province or territory." But this most
important article was construed by the ministers, as meaning, "that the
General Court might, by laws, encourage and protect that religion which
is the general profession of the inhabitants."2
Accordingly they in October of this year began the practice, which a
noted author described thirty-four years after, in the following manner.
After reciting an old saying, that ministers of the gospel would have a poor
time of it, if they must rely on a free contribution of the people for their
maintenance, he says, "The laws of the province having had the royal
approbation to ratify them, they are the king's laws. By these laws it is
enacted, that there shall be a public worship of God in every plantation;
that the person elected by the majority of the inhabitauts to be so, shall be
looked upon as the minister of the place; that the salary for him which
they shall agree upon, shall be levied by a rate upon all the inhabitants.
In consequence of this, the minister thus chosen by the people, is (not only
Christ's, but also) in reality the king's minister; and the salary for him is
raised in the king's name, and is the king's allowance unto him. If the
most of the inhabitants in a plantation are Episcopalians, they will have a
minister of their own persuasion; and the dissenters, if there be any in
the place, must pay their proportion of the tax for the support of this legal
'Massachusetts History, Vol. III, pp. 8, 9.
"Massachusetts History, Vol. II, p. 10. [17.]
APPENDIX B.
533
minister. In a few of the towns, a few of the people, in hope of being
released from the tax for the legal minister, sometimes profess themselves
Episcopalians; but when they plead this for their exemption, their neigh-
bors tell them, they know in their consciences, they do not as they would
be done unto. And if a Governor go by his arbitrary power to supersede
the execution of the law, and require the justices and constables to leave
the Episcopalians out of the tax, the people wonder he is not aware that
he is all this while forbidding that the king should have his dues paid unto
him; and forbidding the king's minister to receive what the king has
given him. .... Sometimes the Quakers also have given some occasion for
uneasiness; but where Quakerism is troublesome, some towns are so wise
as to involve the salary for the ministry in a general rate for all town
charges, and so the cavils of those, who would else refuse to pay the rate
for the ministry, are obviated."¹
A few facts may help to explain this, and to show how much greater lib-
erty of conscience we have enjoyed since the Revolution2 than before.
Before that memorable event, no man in the Massachusetts colony was
allowed a vote, in choosing either minister or ruler, but members in full
communion in their churches. And the skill of knowing that those who
dissented from their judgments, sinned against their own consciences, was
then limited to such good men; but now, having forty pounds worth of
personal estate, or a freehold worth forty shillings a year, entitles every
inhabitant to a vote in all such affairs, and to a power of judging that their
neighbors sin against the golden rule, if they will not put into the mouths
of him whom the majority has declared to be the legal minister. From
that day to this, it is made a doubt among our lawyers and judges, whether
a church of Christ be a society known in law, so as to be capable of hold-
ing a meeting-house or other estates, without having other persons to be.
trustees or guardians for them. The honorable Edward Goddard, Esq., of
Framingham, who had been a member both of the Lower and Upper
House, in our Legislature, described this matter to the life, in a piece
he published in 1753, wherein he says:
"Good conscience men allow, (they say)
But must be understood,
To say as they say themselves do say,
Or else it can't be good."
For thirty-six years after the Massachusetts received their last charter,
they exerted all their power, both in their legislative and executive courts,
with every art that ministers could help them to, in attempts to compel
every town to receive and support such ministers as they called orthodox.
'Mather's Ratio Disciplinæ, pp. 20--22.
"The abdication of James II, and the accession of William and Mary.-Ed.
534
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
They made two attempts of this nature upon Swanzey; and in 1722, they
added the sum of one hundred and seventy-two pounds eleven shillings,
to the province taxes upon Dartmouth and Tiverton, for such ministers,
intending that they should draw it out of the province treasury. For re-
fusing to assess the same, Joseph Anthony, John Sisson, John Akin,
Quakers, and Philip Tabor, a Baptist minister, Select-men of those towns,
were seized and confined in Bristol jail, till the case was carried to Eng-
land, and those taxes were disannulled by the king in council, and an
express order was sent over to release them.
The first act that was inade in our province, to exempt either Baptists or
Quakers from taxes to Pædobaptist ministers was in 1728; which says,
"that from and after the publication of this act, none of the persons com-
monly called Anabaptists, nor any of those called Quakers, that are or shall
be enrolled or entered in their several societies as members thereof, and
who allege a scruple of conscience as the reason of their refusal to pay
any part or proportion of such taxes as are from time to time assessed for
the support of the minister or ministers of the churches established by the
laws of this province, in the town or place where they dwell, shall have
their polls taxed toward the support of such minister or ministers, nor
shall their bodies be at any time taken in execution, to satisfy any such
ministerial rate or tax, assessed upon their estates or faculties; provided,
that such persons do usually attend the meetings of their respective socie-
ties, assembling upon the Lord's day for the worship of God, and that they
live within five miles of the place of such meeting." IIere we may see
that tyranny is always the same. "Go ye serve the Lord; only let your
flocks and your herds he stayed," said Pharaoh. Let their bodies be ex-
empted, but their estates and faculties be taxed, said the Massachusetts. "I
will let you go, that ye may sacrifice to the Lord your God in the wilder-
ness; only you shall not go very far away," said Pharaoh. Go but five
miles, said the Massachusetts. Mr. Thomas Hollis, of Loudon, had received
such accounts of their catholic temper at Harvard College, confirmed by
the ordination of a pious youth in Boston who was educated there,' that
he became the greatest benefactor to that college that they ever had. I
have a letter which he wrote to Mr. Ephriam Wheaton, pastor of the first
church in Swanzey, dated March 23, 1723, wherein he says, "You have
heard, or may be informed by Mr. Callender, of my foundation in Harvard
College, and the provision I have made for Baptist youth to be educated
for the ministry, and equally regarded with Padobaptists. If you know
any as may be duly qualified, iuform me, and I shall be glad to recom-
mend them for first vacancy." But what heart could he have to send any
youths there, while a large number of his brethren, who, with himself,
lived within the bounds of Rehoboth, were taxed from year to year to
See pp. 420, 421.
APPENDIX B.
535
Presbyterian ministers!
After the above exempting act was made, they
were told by their County Court, that it did not take place that year. For
refusing to pay such taxes any longer, Elder Wheaton's son, and twenty-
seven more of his people were seized on March 3, 1729, and confined in
Bristol jail. More or less of such things, which by their eminent fathers
are called tyranny and robbery,' have been practised to this day, under the
mask of religion.
:
My dear countrymen, I must here solemnly call you to review the text
which has often been cast upon us, viz., "Mark them who cause divisions
and offences, contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned, and avoid
them for they that are such, serve not our Lord Jesus Christ, but their
own belly; and by good words and fair speeches deceive the hearts of the
simple." The uppermost party in every state has always been ready to
apply this word to those who refuse a submission and conformity to them
in religious matters. But the mark is set upon them who cause divisions,
not merely upon such as are divided. Joseph was separated from his
brethren, without his being the faulty cause of it. Again the mark is put
upon such as cause divisions, contrary to Christ's doctrine; otherwise
he declares himself, that he came to send divisions upon earth, and even
betwixt near relations. This matter is justly stated in pages 421, 422.
The inspired apostle commands us in the name of Christ to withdraw from
every brother that walketh disorderly :-for we behaved not ourselves dis-
orderly among you, neither did we eat any man's bread for naught; yet
this great disorder has long been practised under good words and fair
speeches. A pagan minister who loved the wages of unrighteousness once
cudgelled his beast most cruelly for not carrying him forward against a drawn.
sword, whereby he would have been slain: and though the dumb ass,
speaking with man's voice, forbade the madness of the prophet, yet the
above practice which never had any better support than the cudgel,2 is
madly pursued by many who call themselves Christians to this day.
A convention of ministers published a discourse among us five years
ago, entitled Catholicism, or Christian Charity; wherein, after saying
many excellent things about charity, they, in page 38, accuse those who
separated from their constitution in 1744, of zeal, yea rather fury against
66
giving and receiving ministerial support ;" and with a want of "consist-
ency and honesty," for now coming into that practice themselves. It is
well known that this censure is leveled against many of my brethren and
myself with them. I readily confess that I separated from their constitu-
tion about the close of that year; but positively deny that ever I appeared
against giving and receiving ministerial support, and know not that any of
my brethren in the ministry who separated from them ever did so. Had
they said that we were zealous against assessing and forcing in such cases,
2See pp. 80, 81.
'Sce pp. 248, 419.
536
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
they would not have wronged the truth and their neighbors, as they have
now done. The constitution that we separated from, was formed in Say-
brook in 1708, which says, "that the churches which are neighboring to
each other, shall consociate for mutual affording to each other such assist-
ance as may be requisite, upon all occasions ecclesiastical.” Their first
proof to support this article is Psalm 122.3-5, which speaks of the thrones
of judgment that were set in Jerusalem for the house of David. A crafty
ministerial Governor,¹ son to a Massachusetts magistrate, prevailed with the
Connecticut legislature to approbate this platform the next year. Another
Cambridge scholar2 was then minister of Norwich, and was resolute to
introduce the scheme there. The law whereby it was approbated said,
"Provided, that nothing herein shall be intended or construed to hinder
any society or church that is, or shall be, allowed by the laws of this gov-
ernment, from exercising worship and discipline in their own way, accord-
ing to their consciences." Yet, because Richard Bushnel and Joseph
Backus, Esquires, representatives for Norwich, (with other fathers of the
town,) withdrew from the minister's party, rather than come under that
yoke, they laid them under church censure, and by that means procured
their expulsion out of the next Assembly when they met. About the same
time, Mr. Stoddard publicly advanced his scheme of the Lord's Supper
being a converting ordinance. And though with much labor Norwich got
rid of said minister, and settled another upon their former principles, yet,
before I left this latter minister, he not only plainly discovered his fond-
ness for Saybrook Platform, but actually procured a vote of the church to
receive members without so much as a written account of any inward
change; and they practise so to this day. A few months before I sepa-
rated, Mr. Elisha Williams, a former President of Yale College, published
A Seasonable Plea for the Rights of Conscience, wherein he says,
"The
fountain and original of all civil power is from the people, and is certainly
instituted for their sakes; the great end of civil government, is the preser-
vation of their persons, their liberties, and their property. A Christian is
to receive his Christianity from Christ alone; for what is it which is nec-
essarily implied and supposed in the very notion of a Christian but this,
that he is a follower and disciple of Christ! As Christ's officers have
authority to teach men his mind in things pertaining to his kingdom; so
they have no authority to teach men anything but the mind and will of
Christ. It is a truth that shines with a meridian brightness, that whatever
is not contained in a commission, is out of it, and excluded by it; and the
teaching his laws only being contained in the commission, what is not his
3
'Gurdon Saltonstall, minister in New London, before his election as Governor.
See p. 469.-Ed.
2John Woodward. See p. 474.—Ed.
See p. 385, note.-B.
See also pp. 462, 468.-Ed.
#
APPENDIX B.
537
law is out of it, and by that commission they are excluded from teaching
' it, or forbid by it.”
But what can be more contrary hereto than for a civil legislature to form
every town and parish into religious societies and to force every inhabit-
ant therein either to support the minister which the majority have chosen,
or else to pay a yearly acknowledgment to that usurped power over their
consciences? And this is as real a breach of public faith in our charter,
as ever it was for the British Court to take from us the right of choosing
our own Governors, and then to burn our towns and cut our throats for not
paying them as much money as they demanded. I have the express testi-
mony of the elders and brethren of seventeen of our Baptist churches, who
met last year at Grafton, that they entirely agree with the sentiments and
principles recited in our history, pages 10-22,¹ excepting that of infant
baptism; yet great numbers of them have been taxed to Pædobaptist min-
isters since that time, only because we refuse to pay any further acknowl-
edgment to the above-said usurped power over our consciences. And, since
it is abundantly evident that our former sufferings would have been greater
from the ruling party here than they were, if it had not been for restraints
from the British Court; and as it is also certain that attempts have been
made from thence to prevent our uniting now with our country against
their invasions, how can those who still incline to oppress us ever expect to
prosper, if they view the matter either in a natural, or a judicial light?
Considered in a natural light; when we know and can prove that several
thousand dollars' worth of estates have been wrested from us on religious
accounts, since the present contest for civil liberty commenced, with what
heart can we obey or support the power which still denies us equal liberty
of conscience with themselves? And considering things judicially, let such
read the warnings their fathers had, with their effects, on pages 209–212,
311-313, 416-418, and then venture on further in that way if they dare.
It is to be noted, that a very large number of our countrymen of various
denominations are for the equal liberty we speak of; and I desire all to act
in the case by the rule Mr. Robinson prescribes, pages 8, 9. I shall close
with the words of the aforesaid Mr. Goddard, viz. :—
"In ancient ages, when the English realm
And popish zealots, placed at the helm
To 'stablish that religion; tithes were fix'd
"Our Agent having given an account of his and the Committee's proceedings in
the year past, in presenting our memorial to the Assembly, &c., and having read a
state of the difference betwixt our churches and those who oppress us, to be inserted
in our history, it was voted, unanimously, That the account Elder Backus has drawn
up, of the sentiments and practices of the Baptist societies, is entirely agreeable to
the minds of this Association.
JAMES MANNING, Moderator."
Minutes of the Warren Association, Grafton, September 10, 11, 1776, p. 6.-ED.
35
538
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
By canon laws; with civil intermix'd,
Which form'd the English constitution so,
That after ages can't the tithes forego;
And hence dissenters are obliged there,
To pay incumbents, whom they never hear,
Which some condemn, as a prelatic game,
Who yet, by MAJOR VOTE would play the same;
And LORD MAJORITY would claim the purse
For his incumbents; than which nothing worse,
LORDLY diocesan, himself, can claim;
So these two LORDS do differ, but in name,
One pleading English laws, for his support;
The other feigning acts of our own Court;
Alleging law, in a perverted sense,
To render CHARTER grant, a mere pretence;
And as if law and charter both intend
To crush one church, another to befriend;
They'd make them mean, the same that Pharaoh said,
'Go serve the Lord, but let your flocks be stay'd.'
But if one church be tax'd, to serve another,
No matter whether, done by this or t'other."
END OF VOLUME I.
OCT 2 4 1916


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