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KARAKkkkkktikkkkkÁKAAL
THE
HISTORY
OF THE LATE
Revolutions of PERSIA.
VOL. II.
7
BOOKS printed for J. PEMBERTON,
"T
HE Hiftory of the Revolutions that happen'd in the
Government of the Roman Republick. Written in
French by the Abbot De Vertot, of the Royal Academy of In-
fcriptions, &c. The Third Edition. English'd by Mr. Ozell,
from the Original newly reprinted at Paris, with Additions and
Amendments by the Author himſelf in almoſt every Page. In
two Vols. To which is prefix'd, a Tranſlation of a Memo-
rial fent from London by the late Earl, Stanhope, to the Abbot
De Vertot at Paris. Containing divers Questions relating to
the Conſtitution of the Roman Senate. With the Abbot's An-
fwer, Price 10 s.
2. The Hiftory of the Pontificate from its fuppofed Begin-
ning, to the End of the Council of Trent, Anno Domini 1563.
In which the Corruptions of the Scriptures and facred Anti-
quity, Forgeries in the Councils, and Incroachments of the
Court of Rome on the Church and State to fupport their Infal-
libility, Supremacy, and other Modern Doctrines, are fet in a
true Light. By Laurence Howel, A. M. The Second Edition.
Price 6 s.
3. The Hiftory of the Revolution in Sweden, occafioned by
the Change of Religion, and Alteration of the Government,
in that Kingdom. Written originally in French by the Abbot
De Vertot. Printed at Paris, and done into English by J. Mitchels
M.D. The Fifth Edition. Price 4s.
THE
HISTORY
OF THE LATE
Revolutions of PERSIA:
Taken from the MEMOIRS of
Father KRUSINSKI,
PROCURATOR of the
JESUITS at ISPAHAN;
Who lived Twenty Years in that Country, was employ'd
by the Bishop of Ifpahan, in his Negotiations at the
Perfian Court, for the EMPEROR and KING of France;
and was familiarly converfant with the greateſt Men of
all Parties.
Done into ENGLISH, from the Original, just publish'd with
the Royal Licence at Paris.
By Father DU CERCE A U,
Who has prefix'd a Map of PERSIA, and a fhort Hiſtory of the
SOPHIES; with curious Remarks on the Accounts given by
TAVERNIER, Sir JOHN CHARDIN, and other Writers that
have treated particularly of that Government and Country, &c.
VOL. II.
The SECOND EDITION.
To which is added an APPENDIX,
Giving an Authentic Account of the Dethroning of Sophi
THAMAS, by his General TACHMAS KOULI KAN,
the prefent Regent of Perfia.
LONDON:
Printed for J. PEMBERTON, at the Golden-Buck in
Fleet-Street. MDCCXXXIN.
}
Near East
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THE
1
HISTORY
Of the LATE
Revolutions in Perfia,
PART II.
M
Trr-Maghmud and the Aghvans were
never fo near Ruin, as when they
underſtood that General Luft-Ali-
Kan was at the Head of his Troops
in the Neighbourhood of Chiras, and ready
for a March to lay Siege to Candahar. This
Army ftruck the greater Terror into the Re-
bels, for that Part of it only had forced them
în a City they had taken, and routed them
with the Lofs of all their Baggage. They
found they had to do with an able experienc'd
General, who did not make War like a
VOL. II.
Knight
B
Kinee co V
[2]
£
Knight Errant, and who before he began his
March for Candahar, had fo well manag'd his
Matters, both as to Time and the neceffary
Provifions, that 'twas almoft impoffible for
him not to fucceed. They were informed
that this General would be before Candahar
while the Harveft was yet ftanding, which
would be a great Prejudice to them; and that
he was fo well provided with all Sorts of Ne-
ceffaries, that he could fubfift his Army for
ſeveral Months together.
All theſe Confiderations, and the Proſpect
of approaching Miferies, which feemed inevi-
table, had ftruck fuch a Terror into Candabar,
that all Mens Minds were bent to Peace. To
forward this, the People were told what
Myrr-Weis faid at his Death, which was, That
in caſe the Perfians continued to harrafs
them, they fhould make Peace on any Con-
dition whatever. The wiſeft Part of the Na-
tion, who confented to the Revolt againſt
their Wills, being hurried into it by the
Multitude, and who lik'd it the leſs, for that
they faw it tended only to the Advancement of
a particular Family, were for taking hold of
this Opportunity, and ſaid aloud, That they
were now juft in that Situation which Myrr-
Weis himſelf, Author of the Rebellion, had
mark'd out for them to put an end to this Af-
fair by a good Agreement.
This was talk'd with the more Liber-
ty, for that Myrr-Maghmud having loft
Credit
[ 3 ]
Credit by his Defeat, and being embarrass'd
with a Siege he was about to fuftain, durft but
faintly oppoſe it. It made great Impreffion
on the People, who foon come to themselves
when they begin to be afraid. 'Tis indilpu-
table, that if Luft-Ali-Kan had arrived with
his Army before Candahar, the City would
not have ſtay'd till the laſt Extremity before
it talk'd of an Accommodation, and that
it would have fubmitted with the whole Pro-
vince before the End of the Campaign. But
Schah Huffein's evil Deſtiny put him upon
ruining himſelf in an Enterprize which would
have eſtabliſhed him on his Throne. By
hearkening to the Calumnies of two Trai-
tors, who deftroyed the firft Minifter, and
General Luft-Ali-Kan, he deprived himſelf
of the Counfels and Affiftance of the two moſt
able Men in his Kingdom, each in their
Way.
When Myrr-Maghmud heard the ftrange
Tragedy that had been acted in the Court of
Perfia, the Difgrace and Impriſonment of
the General, the only one of all the Perfian
Captains of whom he was afraid; the Dif
perfion of the Army, and the Waſte of
all the great Preparations that had been made
with ſo much Care and Expence for the Siege
of Candahar; and faw that by the Impru-
dence even of thoſe who were moſt intereſted
in his Deftruction, he found himſelf deliver'd
from the greateſt and moſt preffing Danger
B 2
he
[4]
he had ever been in: he paſs'd all at once
from the utmoft Difquiet and Defpair to the
moſt perfect Security, and the moſt flattering
Hopes. He then refum'd an Air of Com
mand in Candahar, and foon effac'd the Im-
preffions of Fear and Difcouragement, which
the approaching Arrival of a formidable Ar-
my, and the Threat of a Siege that could not
but be fatal to them, had imprinted on the
Minds of the People ſome Months paft. And
as the firſt Part of the Counſel of the late
Myrr-Weis his Tather had been made ufe of
to incline their Minds to Peace and Recon-
ciliation, ſo he uſed the ſecond to ftir them
up to undertake every thing againſt Perfia.
He therefore repreſented to them, by himſelf
and his Partiſans, that they were juſt then in
the Situation mark'd out by the late Myrr-
Weis, for them to attack the Perfians even
in Ifpahan. That they had nothing to fear
from the Court, who had done themſelves
more Miſchief than their greateſt Enemies
could do them. That they could not in a
long time get fuch an Army together, which
they had lately ruin'd by their own ill Con-
duct; and tho' they could mufter fuch an Army,
they would never find a General of the Ge-
nius and Capacity of him whom they had
lately diſcarded. That they had no Troops but
what were broken ones, and no Captains but
what wanted Experience; and they could
now only oppoſe them with fuch Armies,
}
4
as
[ 5 ]
as for theſe ten or twelve Years paft they
had always beaten and put to flight.
This and the like Difcourfes fpread among
the People with Dexterity, made the more
lively Impreffions upon them, becauſe the
pitiful Conduct of the Court of Perfia, where
fo great was the Trouble, that no good Or-
der was taken for any thing, gave them new
Strength. However, Time was neceffary for
them to recover themſelves after fo great a
Confternation of the People terrify'd with
their Danger. Whereupon Myrr. Maghmud
refolved to fhut himſelf in Candahar during the
Year 1721, and to make it his Buſineſs to put
himſelf in a Condition to defend the City
refolutely in cafe he was attack'd. In the
mean while he would obſerve what Turn Af-
fairs would take in the Court of Perfia, that
he might form Reſolutions according to E-
vents and Conjunctures.
He ſpent all the Winter in providing the
Place with all Sorts of Neceffaries. In the
Beginning of the Spring, a Rumour of the
Irruption of the Lefgians in Szyrwan, and
the neighbouring Provinces, drew his Atten-
tion that way; and thence he had his Eye on
the Court of Perfia, to ſee what Efforts they
would make to defend the Frontiers. But
when he ſaw them let the Spring, and the
greateſt Part of the Summer paſs without
fhewing any Vigor againſt the Barbarians;
B 3
That
$
[6]
That they feem'd no more concern'd at
the Ravage of their faireft Provinces, than if
they did not belong to the Crown; when
he understood by his Spies and Correfpon-
dents in the Court itfelf, that they were in a
moft ftupid Dejection, and lamented their
Misfortune without knowing how to remedy
it; that they were in want of every thing;
that they had no other Troops to act, nor
Money to raiſe them, and no skilful Gene-
rals to command them; that every one wou'd
excuſe themſelves, and avoid ferving at a
Conjuncture, where nothing but Difhonour
could be acquir'd; and when eyen, if there
was any Hope left of doing fome good, the
Example of Luft-Ali-Kan fhewed that it
was more dangerous to fucceed than to mif
carry; that the King fhut up, and, as it were,
fwallowed up in the Luxury of his Haram,
where he endeavoured to fhake off all Thoughts
of his Affairs, and would not hear talk of
them, thinking to keep from him the Evils
which threatned him, by concealing them to
himſelf, or making as if he did not know
them; that every thing was at the Difcretion
of fome Confidents and Eunuchs, Men
without Genius, Knowledge, Experience, and
as much oppos'd by the Publick for their In-
capacity, as they were hated for their Pride
and their Avarice; and that in fine, there was
no Underſtanding in the King, no Zeal in the
Grandees, no Truft in the People, no Help in
}
the
[7]
the Miniſtry; he imagin'd, that in fo gene-
ral a Diſorder, wherein all the Parts of the
Monarchy began to be fhaken, and the Pro-
vinces were abandon'd to the firft Invader,
it wou'd be his own Fault, if he did not come
in for a Share of the Wreck of this Empire,
and feize on the Provinces that were near his
own, and commodious for his Govern-
ment; and afterwards pufh his Fortune as
far as it would go. He flattered himſelf, he
fhould meet with the leſs Obftruction, for that
the Prince of Georgia had taken an Oath ne-
ver to draw Sword in the Service of Perfia ;
and he need not fear meeting Georgian Troops
in his Way, which he thought the only ones
that could thwart his Defigns.
Upon this he drew his Plan, which was to
begin with the City of Kirman, to ſeize it,
and make it a Place of Arms: From whence
he might advance into the Heart of Perfia,
But this Enterprize being more than an Ex-
curfion, required great Forces, and Prepara-
tions to fucceed in it: He employed the reft
of the Summer, all the Autumn, and even
the Beginning of the Spring, in affembling
a powerful Army, and providing Neceffaries
for it. He fo well concerted his Meaſures, that
in December 1721, he found he had a nu-
merous Army on foot, well fupply'd with
every thing, and ready to undertake whatever
he would have them. He left his elder Bro-
ther in Candahar to command there in his
Abfence,
B 4
[ 8 ]
&
'Abfence, and fend him the Succours and Re-
cruits he wanted; and marched himſelf at the
Head of his Army towards Kirman, before
which City he arrived in January 1722.
We muſt not proceed further in this Ex-
pedition of Maghmud's, till we have conſidered
the Number of his Forces at his Departure
from Candahar. This is a Point upon which
'tis incredible how many different Conjectures
there are, and what appears moſt aſtoniſhing in
it is, that even thoſe who were in Ifpahan du-
ring the Siege, are almoſt as far from the Truth,
as thoſe who living out of Perfia cou'd not
judge but by common Reports, and the Re-
putation of Maghmud's Exploits.
As the City of Ifpahan is the moft famous
in the East, and exceeds Conftantinople in
Bignefs, Populoufnels, Magnificence of Build-
ings, and Riches: When it was ſaid that the
Aghvans had made themſelves Maſters of it,
after having defeated the Perfians in twelve
fet Battels, a Circumftance very remote from
the Truth, and had compelled the King to
furrender himſelf a Prifoner at Difcretion;
one had a Conception of Maghmud as ano-
ther Tamerlane, who drew after him an Ar-
my of feveral Hundred thouſand Men, and
ravaged the Nations like a Torrent, which
nothing cou'd refift; infomuch that the Turks
were alarm'd in the Extremity of Egypt. As
to the twelve ſet Battels, they are reduced to
one inconfiderable Battel, and two or three
Combats
[ 9 ]
Combats of four or five thoufand Men. The
reft were nothing but Skirmishes of two or
three Troops of Horfe at the moft. But as
Renown magnifies Objects, and one judges
of the Reſiſtance Perfia made, more by the
Grandeur fhe was formerly in, than by the
Weakneſs and Annihilation into which ſhe
fell during the Reign of Schah Huffein, one
could not but prefume fhe muſt needs have
been overwhelmed by a terrible Inundation
of Barbarians.
On the other hand, the Europeans who
were in Ipahan in the Time of the Siege,
and had Opportunities to obferve the Camp
of the Aghvans with their Spying-Glaffes,
could not diſcover above 14000 Men: Nay,
fome have funk fo low as 8000 in their Cal-
culations; which is not likely to be true, as
to either of the two Numbers ; for how
could one of the greateſt Cities in the World,
as Iſpahan is, be fhut up by fo fmall´ an Ar-
my, that nothing could go in or come out?
No body deferves more Credit in this Mat-
ter, than the Author of my Memoirs. He
was at Zulfa, a great Town inhabited by Ar-
menians, half a League from Ispahan; and
he was the last European who left it to re-
tire into the Capital, when the Rebels came
to Farabat, which is almoft contiguous to
Zulfa.
He took Advantage of the Conveniency
which that Situation gave him, to obferye
t
the
[ 10 ]
the Enemies Army very narrowly, while they
were defiling off to enter Farabat, where it
encamped. Beſides that he cou'd of himſelf
get fufficient Knowledge of them, he had ftill
more Opportunity to do it by his Acceſs to,
and Favour with Efik-Aghari, one of the Ge-
neral Officers of the Rebel Army, on account
of Medicines which he gave him that did him
fome good.
He fays then, that conferring one day
with that General, and asking him, With
what Number of Troops they began their
Expedition? Efik- Aghari anſwer'd, That when
they departed from Candabar they were a-
bout ninety thouſand Men. Upon which the
Author of the Memoirs, infinuating that ſome
pretended to ſay they were not above four-
teen thousand, or eighteen thouſand Men at
moft, reckoning four thousand Men of the
Nation of Bolves which had joined them:
And how, reply'd Efik-Aghari, can one ima-
gine we ſhould be fuch Fools, as to come up
to Ispahan with fo few Troops? There were
above 14000, added he, who fatigued at
the Siege of Kirman, and deſpairing of Suc-
cefs, turned back and went home, and many
dy'd at that Siege.
It is therefore certain, according to the
Teftimony of this General Officer, who had
no Reaſon to overdo it in this Matter, that
about twenty thousand Men march'd from
Candahar with Maghmud at his fetting out
but
[ 11 ]
but as the Author of the Memoirs obſerves,
there must be compriz'd in that Number, not
only all the Soldiers, but thoſe that took
care of the Baggage, or were Servants to the
chief Officers, and look'd after their Horfes;
tho' the moſt confiderable of the Army did not
think it any Difgrace to them to fodder and
rub down their own Horfes. 'Tis very fure,
and unanimouſly agreed on, that there were
60000 Camels to carry their Baggage, and
that fo great a Quantity of Beafts of Burthen
required a great Number of Servants to ma-
nage them. 'Tis true, that in time they were
made Soldiers, and the Slaves they took per-
formed their Offices. 'Tis alſo certain, that
tho' the Army confifted chiefly of Aghvans
of the Province of Candahar, yet there was
a good Number not only of Aghvans of Ha-
zary, but also of Guebres or Gaurs, antient
Perfians who worship the Sun, of Soldiers
out of the Mogul's Country, and Adventu
rers of all Nations, who liv'd by pillaging,
and engaged in Wars only for the Plunder.
But in fine, every thing being well examin'd
and weigh'd, the Author, who is a Polander,
and had ſeen ſeveral Encampments of Armies
of different Nations in Poland, fuch as Muf-
covites, Swedes, Saxons, Coffacks, and o-
thers, fays, that if a Judgment was made of
Maghmud's Army by comparing it with thoſe
he had ſeen in Europe, and with the Com-
pals of Ground the like Encampments took
in,
[ 12 ]
in, the Number of Maghmud's may be about
40000 Men regular Troops. The News Pa-
pers make them 100000, which is more than
double of what they were. Then we may
fafely reckon the Army, at its Arrival before
Ispahan, to be 40000 Men. To which if
we add the 14000 that dy'd at the Siege of
Kirman, or left the Service, being weary of
the Fatigue, it may be computed that when
Maghmud march'd from Candahar he had s4
or $5000 Men. But as he might have in-
creafed his Army by the Junction of freſh
Forces, one can determine nothing with Cer-
tainty, as to their Number. At the moſt,
when he laid fiege to Ifpahan, it ſeems plain
that he had not more than 40000 Men; which
Siege was the moſt confiderable and glorious
Exploit in this great Expedition of the Agh-
vans.
Maghmud began it with the Siege of Kir-
man, which he furprized two Years before,
and was driven from it a little while after
by General Luft-Ali-Kan. I fhall not enlarge
on the Situation of that City, of which ſome-
thing has been ſaid already, when Mention
was made of the Check Maghmud met with
there. But I muſt not omit giving fome Ac-
count of the Condition it was in, when he
befieg'd it a ſecond time. This City muft
have been changed very much from what it
was when Tavernier was there. For he ſpeaks
of it as a great ruinated Village, and confe-
quently
[ 13 ]
quently in no Condition to fuftain a Siege.
When Maghmud attack'd it in 1722, it was
divided into two Parts, the Upper Town and
Lower Town. The latter made no Refiſtance,
being delivered to Maghmud by the Town
Guebres or Gaurs that delivered it to him in
his first Expedition. But the Upper Town
was not ſo eaſily conquered: General Luft-
Ali-Kan had fo well provided it with all Ñe-
ceffaries for a Siege, after he had driven away
Maghmud, as has been related, that it was
now in a good Condition to make a vigorous
Defence against the Rebels. It has been ob-
ſerved already in our Deſcription of the Agh-
vans, that as terrible as they are in the Day
of Battel, and in the open Country, they are
nothing fo in Sieges, which they don't under-
ſtand. They are not capable of ſubjecting
themſelves to the Method of the Europeans,
who gain their Ground Inch by Inch, as ſoon
as they fee no Way of carrying a Place by
Affault; for after having made an Attempt on
it, if they are repuls'd with Lofs, they pre-
fently give over the Enterprize as impractica-
ble.
This is what happened at Kirman, where
the Upper Town made ſo brave a Reſiſtance,
that Maghmud loft abundance of Men there,
and was forfaken by 14000 of his Forces,
who difcourag'd at their firft ill Succeſs re-
turn'd back to Candahar.
Their
[ 14 ]
Their Retreat made him fear that he fhould
be left by his whole Army, if he was obſti-
nately bent on the Siege; which determin'd
him to march to Ifpahan, not fo much in
hopes at first to force fo great a City, as to
engage his Army to advance further into
Perfia, that they might think no more of re-
turning home. Perhaps he had alfo the Plunder
of that City in View, which muft needs be
very great, the Riches of the Provinces that
furrounded it being fhut up in Ifpahan. But
he had no Thoughts of laying a formal Siege.
to it upon his firft Approach, nor flatter'd
himſelf with being able to mafter it, after
having miſcarried before a little City in the
Province. However, he quite abandon'd
his Defign upon Kirman; and not having
Troops enough to fpare for a Blockade, he
refolved to deprive it of the Means of fub-
fifting, by ruining the Country all about it,
which he believ'd would oblige the Place to
furrender. As if a City, which had free E-
grefs more Ways than one, could be reduced
by Famine, whatever Ravages were commit-
ted in its Neighbourhood; which indeed made
great Deſolation round the City of Kirman.
From hence Maghmud fet forward directly
for Ispahan. 'Tis about twenty-five Days
Journey a Horſeback from the former City to
the latter, according to Tavernier; and as the
Difference is great between a Day's Journey
for a Traveller, and that of an Army's March;
it
[15]
it muſt be fifty Days from Kirman to Iſpa-
han, or rather more, if we judge of the
March of Maghmud's Army by that of Eu-
ropean Armies. But as all the Troops in Perfia
are Cavalry, and Maghmud's Army was
compoſed of Nations accuſtomed to long
Day's Journeys in their ordinary Excurfions,
and had no Train of Artillery with them,
there is great Likelihood that they made but
14 or 15 Days of it. 'Tis certain at leaſt
by my Memoirs, that Maghmund came before
Kirman in January; the Day of the Month
is not ſpecified; and that on the eighth of
March following he was within four Leagues
of Ifpahan. Now fuppofing he arrived at
Kirman the eighth of January, and was fif-
teen Days before the Place, he left it not till
the 23d of that Month, which to the eighth
of March make five and forty Days only.
This March may be faid to be one of the
boldeft that ever was made, not fo much for
its Length, as for the difficult Ways, which
for the greateſt part were vaſt Defarts, on mo-
ving Sands flying about every where, as dif
pers'd by the Winds. There was no Water
all along, but what was kept in Ciſterns for
the Ufe of the Caravans, plac'd fo as to re-
freſh them when they put up at Night. But
theſe Ciſterns ferving only for Caravans of 4
or 500 Men, and 7 or 800 Camels, were
nothing for an Army of 40000 Horſe, and
60000 Camels with Baggage.
2
We
1
[ 16 ]
We fhall have a better Idea of the Risk
fuch an Army muft run in fuch a Route, by
knowing what happen'd to the Army of Sul-
tan Amurat in a March fhorter than Magh-
mud's was, as from Tauris to Ispahan. A-
murat, as we are told by Tavernier, having
taken and burnt Tauris, marched towards If-
pahan in 1638, in the Reign of Schah Sephi,
then King of Perfia, who being informed
that Sultan Amurat was advancing at the
Head of an Army of 100000 Men, took no
notice of it, and only faid coldly, Let him
come, we know how to make him repent it,
without being at much Pains about it. Ac-
cordingly he let him come within fifteen Days
Journey of Ifpahan, and then on a ſudden
turning off the Springs every where before
and behind his Army, which being convey.
ed through the Country in Canals
was
eaſy to do, above half of the Turks perifhed
of Thirſt in the middle of thoſe vaft Defarts,
where the Army of Amurat had imprudent-
ly engaged itſelf. The reft retired fhame-
fully, and with much Difficulty.
The Defarts which Maghmud's Army was
to croſs in his March from Kirman to Ifpa-
han were more impracticable; but that Army
had many Advantages which Amurat's had
not. The firft, in that it was compoſed of
Troops, who knew what Difficulties they
were to encounter, and what Time the March
would take up. So that they took the ne-
ceffary
[ 17 ]
ceffary Precautions againſt any notable Da
mage which might happen. The fecond Ad-
vantage was, in that the Aghvans and the o-
ther Nations in Maghmud's Army were wont
to live upon a very little; infomuch that du-
ring all that long March, they contented
themſelves with fome Corn baked over the
Fire: The chief Officers and Maghmud him-
ſelf feeding no better than the Soldiers.
The Refolution this Leader of the Rebels
took to abandon the Siege of Kirman, and
march to the Capital, was fo fudden, and ſo
out of the common Rules, that it was not fo
much as dreamt of at Ispahan. 'Twas re-
ported, that after having had the Lower Town
of Kirman betray'd to him, he had attack'd
the Higher Town, where the Governor, who
had Store of Ammunition of all Kinds, pro-
miſed to defend himſelf all that Campaign,
and longer. On this the People at Ifpahan
depended; the more, becauſe they were not
ignorant of the Unexpertneſs of the Aghvans
in Sieges, and how foon they were tir'd with
them. Thus it was not doubted, but that
their Army would come to nothing; and
they knew nothing of the contrary, till it
was advanc'd within a few Days Journey of
Ispahan.
'Tis eaſy to conceive, what Aſtoniſhment
and Confternation this News, ſo little expect-
ed, muſt cauſe in a City, where no Precau-
tions had been taken againſt an Enemy, who
VOL. II.
they
C
[18]
they thought was Nine hundred Miles off.
Indeed how could they imagine, that Magh-
mud would hazard an Army of Forty thou-
fand Men in thoſe vaft Defarts, where the
ſmalleſt Caravans cou'd hardly fubfift.
Nevertheless, the Danger being ſo pref-
fing, Troops were rais'd in hafte in Ifpa-
han, out of thoſe People that were beſt able
to ferve. Thefe new Levies were joined
with the King's Guards, and fome old Troops
then in the City, making together an Army
of Fifty thouſand Men; which was fufficient
at leaſt to bear the firſt Shock of the Enemy,
and keep them at a Bay.
When they were told that the Rebels were
within a Day or two's Journey of Ifpahan, it
was debated in the King's Council, whether
to ſtay for the Enemy where they were, or go
forth and meet them. The wifeft Men were
of Opinion, that the City fhould be cover'd
by a Camp well fortify'd, from whence fre-
quent Sallies might be made to inure the Sol-
diers to Action, without coming to a general
Battel: That in the mean time all Faffages
fhould be feiz'd to cut off the Enemies Pro-
vifions; and it was proper to temporize, to
draw the War out into Length, and give the
Veteran Troops in the Provinces Time to
come to the Affiftance of the Capital. O-
thers, on the contrary, whofe Temper was
more impetuous and violent, and who, ac-
cording to the Manner of the Perfians, con-
fider'd
[ 19 ]
fider'd a Point of Honour more than the Safe
ty or Ruin of the Kingdom, thought it a
Disgrace to them to temporize with Barbari-
ans, who by the Raſhneſs of their Enterprize
fhew'd plainly enough, that they thought the
carrying on a War like the Inroads and Rob-
berics which they were wont to make on
their Neighbours. They repreſented, that
twou'd be an eaſy Matter to deſtroy an Army
of Scoundrels, more us'd to plundering than
fighting; and befides, harrafs'd with Fatigue,
and that they fhould not be permitted to
take Breath. They added, that Advantage
ought to be taken of the Ardor and good
Difpofitions of the new Levies and Voluntiers,
who demanded nothing but Battel; and that
that good Diſpoſition and Ardor wou'd foon
be pall'd by the Tedioufnefs of a Camp, if
they were inclos'd in it as in a Prifon.
This Opinion was fupported by the Gene
rals, who, making fure of the Victory, wou'd
not let others have the Glory of faving the
Capital, and purſuing the War; and was car-
ry'd as the moſt noble and gallant Advice.
Whereas the King's Intereft, and the Security
of the Kingdom, requir'd Counſels that were
more uſeful and more fafe. The Royal Army,
purſuant to the Sentiments of their chief
Commanders, advanced towards Giulnabar,
a large Town, four Leagues from Ispahan,
on the Side the Enemy was approaching it;
and without knowing the State of the Rebel
Army,
G 2
[ 20 ]
'Army, their Strength and Defigns, it was re-
folved to attack them. The Choice of the
Day was all the Difficulty. For this, Or-
ders were expected from Court, after confult-
ing with the Aftrologers for a lucky Day,
which was fix'd on the 8th of May.
One of the greateſt Blunders committed on
this Occafion, was the dividing the Command
of the Army between two Generals, who did
not agree; one of them was called Mach-
met-Wali, the other was the new Athemat
Doulet. Wali, in the Relation that has been
before-mention'd, is put for the particular
Name of their General, which is an Error;
for Wali is an Office, like Lieutenant-Gene-
ral with us, who, tho' abfolute in his Com-
mand, depends on a Superior. Befides theſe
two Generals, there were two other Lords,
who commanded each a particular Body;
the firſt was Mirza Rofthum-Kan, Brother to
the Prince of Georgia, who headed a Troop
of 400 Georgians of the King's Guards. The
fecond was Alimerdan-Kan, one of thoſe
Lords that poffefs'd hereditary Principalities in
Perfia, whom the publick Voice preferr'd to
the general Command of the Army, as being
an Officer who was thought moft worthy of
it. He had under him a Battalion of old Sol-
diers out of his own Principality.
Before the Attack was made, the Manner
of it was concerted by the two chief Gene-
rals, and theſe two Lords. It was agreed,
that
[ 21 ]
*
that while Rofthum-Kan and Alimerdan-Kan
attack'd the Enemy by Wings, each on his
Side, Machmet-Wali, at the Head of 3000
Arabs, fhould take the Rebels in Rear, and
endeavour to furprize their Camp; and that
then the other General, taking Advantage of the
Confufion which the breaking into their Camp
would put them into, fhould fall upon them
in Front, and engage them with the reſt of
the Army. Nothing could be better ordered;
and the Rebels, as will be feen, had been to-
tally routed, if each had done his Duty ac-
cording as had been concerted. The two
Lords, who were to give the Onfet, did it
with Succeſs, and put the Enemies Wings in-
to Diſorder. By this firft Shock the Rebels
were a little fhaken; but they took themſelves
to be utterly loft, when they heard by the
Clutter and Cries in their Camp that it had
been forced, and that Machmet-Wali was
Maſter of it. Thus they were now between
two Enemies, and now was the critical Mi-
nute for deciding the Fortune of Perfia.
Myrr-Maghmud, Chief of the Rebels, who
rode an Elephant, faw better than any body
the great Peril they were in, and ordered the
ſwifteft Dromedary to be got ready for his
Eſcape, if a Change did not happen. 'Tis
certain, as the Aghvans confefs'd, that if the
other General of the Royal Army had only
had Patience to ſtand in Sight of the Enemy
a quarter of an Hour longer, without being
C 3.
any
[ 22 ]
any thing more than a Spectator of the Battel,
the Rebels had been utterly diſcomfited and
deſtroy'd; and as they were in the middle of
Perfia, and 400 Leagues from home, they could
never have eſcaped, and not a Man of them
would have returned to Candahar. But what
will not Jealouſy do, even at a Time when
common Safety requires the beft Agreement?
This General, who did not love Machmet-
Wali, and concluded that the latter having
forced the Rebels Camp, and by that means put
their Army into Confufion, would have the Ho-
nour of this great Victory, had rather all was
loft, than that Machmet-Wali fhould acquire
fo much Glory. And having extended the
Front of his Army in the very Inftant when
'twas thought he was going to fall on, he
turned his Back and fled before the Enemy
had ftruck a Stroke. The King's Guards find-
ing themſelves abandon'd by the main Body,
follow'd their Example; though their Com-
mander, at the Head of fome brave Georgians
his Countrymen, fought his way through the
firſt Ranks of the Aghvans, who at laft fur-
rounded him, and being overpower'd with Num-
bers, after he had two Horfes kill'd under
him, he was flain in the midſt of the Ene-
my. Ali-Merdan-Kan loft one of his Bro-
thers, and got off with a Wound. Machmet-
Wali feeing the Diſorder the Royal Army
was in, ftay'd no longer to pillage the Rebels.
Camp which he had forced, but carry'd off
Maghmud's
[ 23 ]
Maghmud's Treaſure, and joined the Royal
Army in its Retreat. In the Mercury for No-
vember 1726, this General is accus'd of be-
ing the Occafion of the Lofs of the Battel;
which is very falfe. He did not then betray
his Maſter; and if the Perfian General had
done his Duty as well as he did, the Aghvans
had not now been Maſters of Perfia.
..
Such was the Succefs of the Battel of Gi-
ulnabat, the moft confiderable that was fought
till the taking of Ifpahan. The King's Ar-
my loft but 2000 Men. The Aghvans had
as many killed, and they did not purſue thoſe
that fled, being apprehenfive of fome Strata-
gem in fo unaccountable a Flight; befides,
their Horſes were tir'd with their long March,
and not fit to engage the freſh Cavalry of
the Perfians, who in the above-mention'd
Mercury are faid to have loft 15000 Men,
tho' the Author of my Remarks, who was
on the Spot, reduces their Loſs to 2000.
The Rebels remain'd entire Mafters of the
Field of Battel, and the Royal Army's Camp,
where were 25 Pieces of Canon, that had
not yet been once fir'd, and where without
reckoning the other Riches, Maghmud found
the Military Cheft, which made more than
Amends for his Treaſure taken by Machmet-
Wali.
'Tis the general Opinion of all thoſe that
were capable of judging, that if Myrr-Magh-
mud had improv'd his Victory by purſuing
C 4
the
[24]
the Royal Army to Ifpahan, he might have
enter'd and maſter'd it the fame Day without
a Blow. For tho' the Loss of 2000 Men was
no great matter, yet the Rout of the King's
Army had ftruck fuch Terror into the Citi-
zens, that their Heads were almoft turn'd
with it. They ran away from their Houſes
and Shops, which they left open. They a-
brndon'd to the Rebels whatever they had in
the World, and ftraggled up and down with
Looks wild enough to frighten all they
met, feeking out Holes to hide themſelves,
and not thinking of fhutting the City Gates,
and placing Guards there. Afterwards when
they did think of it, and forc'd Men to take
Poft there, they quitted it as faft as they came,
and ran away from the City.
But Myrr-Maghmud, who knew not the
Importance and Extent of the Advantage he
had got, had it not in his Head to attack
Ispahan. He remained quiet in his Camp
feveral Days; and what ſeems incomprehenfi-
ble, the very Man who form'd fo rafh and
perilous an Enterprize thro' Defarts horrible
and dry, on purpoſe to infult the Capital of
one of the moft powerful Kingdoms of Afia,
and who faw his Temerity crown'd with Suc-
ceſs by the Victory he had gain'd, did not im-
prove it, becauſe he was wary and circumfpect,
and even timorous; but when he had nothing to
fear, and there was but one Step for him to
mount the Throne, he feem'd to be afraid of his
{
good
[ 25 ]
good Fortune; and while his Name made all
Ifpahan tremble, and every Body thought he
was just upon entring the City, he was the
only Perſon who was diffident of his Succefs,
and durft not truft it any farther.
In the mean time, the Perfians, of whom
feveral were preparing for Flight, detach'd
fome Arabs to reconnoitre his Camp, and fee
what was doing there. Theſe Spies found all
Things in Tranquility, and fo little Difpofition
to go upon any new Attempts, that when
they had made Report of it, fome Soldiers
were ſent to bring off the twenty five Pieces.
of Canon that were taken, which they ac-
compliſh'd without Oppoſition from the Re-
bels. For, as they hop'd to return foon
into their own Country, they did not mind
them; and while the Perfians were thinking
of flying on one fide, the Aghvans thought
of retreating on the other.
This Refolution was the Reſult of a Coun-
cil of War held after their Victory; where it
was confider'd, whether they ſhould advance
to Ispahan, and befiege it; or return to Kir-
man, and make another Attempt on that
City, which laft was the Opinion that pre-
vail'd in the Council.
They thought their Honour was concern'd
in the Conqueft of Kirman, which they had
been forced to abandon. They flatter'd them-
felves they ſhould eafily effect it at their Re-
turn for that they imagin'd the Perfians, dif-
2
courag'd
[26]
courag'd by their late Defeat, durft not take
the Field to relieve that City; and alſo for
that having ravag'd and ruin'd all the Coun-
try about it, 'twas impoffible to fupply
the Place with Provifions. They therefore
promis'd themſelves to reduce it infallibly by
Famine; and their Intention was to canton
their Army about it, and to make it a Place
of Safety during the War. On the contrary,
it appear'd not practicable to them to lay Siege
to fuch a City as Ifpahan. They doubted
not but the whole Kingdom wou'd be in
Motion to fuccour the Capital; and they
were not ftrong enough to make head againſt
ſo many Troops as would fall upon it from
all the Provinces around it; nor well enough
furniſh'd with Neceffaries to run the risk of
having their Provifions and Ammunition cut
off on all Sides.
Upon theſe Confiderations it was refolved
to retreat, and march back towards Kirman ;
and the next eight Days were taken up in
preparing for their Departure: all which time
the Aghvans kept cloſe in their Camp. But
to leave no Temptation for the Perfians to di-
Aurb them in their Retreat, 'twas thought
proper to give them an Alarm, to intimidate
and keep them in Awe. Then with this
View, the very Day on which they were
to begin their March back, they ſent a De-
tachment of 9000 Men towards Ifpahan, as
if it had been the Van of their Army advan-
cing
[ 27 ]
eing to befiege it. This Detachment was or-
der'd to infult the City, and terrify it by a
falfe Attack; after which they were to cover
the Retreat of the Army, and ferve as the
Rear-Guard.
The Refolution was accordingly executed.
The 17th of May the 9000 Men advanced
towards Ifpahan, and the Army was in a Dif
pofition to begin their March in the firſt Watch
of the Night. The Camels were loaden, and
the Army on the Point of marching to deli-
ver Perfia from the greateft Danger it had
been in a long time, when Schah Huffein,
who to be freed from all Inquietude need
only to have kept in his Palace a few Hours
in his wonted Tranquility, bethought himſelf
of a Step which coft him his Crown; and
that was, to ſend an Offer of a vaft Sum of
Money, if he would retire.
In the Evening of the 17th of May, a Day
more fatal to Perfia than the 8th, on which
fhe loft the Battel of Giulnabar, at the Inftant
when the Rebels were about beginning their
March back, there came to their Camp an
Express from Machmet-Wali, the Generalif
fimo of the Forces of all the Kingdom. This
Meffenger had Orders to reprefent to Magh-
mud, in his Lord's Name, that he fhould not
give way to thoſe flattering Hopes, which his
firft Success might have infpir'd him with;
fince Fortune chang'd daily, and frequently did
not open fair Paths, but to lead to Precipices;
that
[ 28 ]
that there was Danger, and confequently Te-
merity in puſhing too far; and on the con-
trary, 'twas Wiſdom to know how to be mo-
derate in Proſperity, and to ſecure the pre-
fent, rather than be carry'd away with Views
more diftant: That if he was capable of
giving into fuch Sentiments of Moderation,
and hearkening to friendly Counfels, he had
it in his Power to return to Candahar with
more confiderable Advantages than he cou'd
ever have propos'd to himſelf from the Fruit
of the most happy Expedition: That he had
brought the King to yield to fuch a Condition
of Peace in his Favour, as he would have
thought himſelf happy to have obtained after
feveral Years continual Succefs. Which Con-
ditions were as the King had order'd him to
propoſe: That his Majefty fhould for himſelf,
and all the Kings of Perfia his Succeffors,
renounce all Right to the Sovereignty of
Candahar, and the Country its Dependences:
That he ſhould acknowledge himſelf to be
Prince and abſolute Maſter without depending
on Perfia; and as he had Occafion for Money
to pay his Troops, a confiderable Sum, to be
agreed upon, ſhould be paid down at his De-
parture.
Theſe Propofitions, which the Aghvans
did in no wife expect, agreeably furpriſed
them, by fhewing them all the Advantages of
a Victory, of which till then they knew not the
Importance. Theſe Men who were just getting
a Horfes
[ 29 ]
a Horſeback to return, and ſo far from thinking
to oblige the Perfians, that they thought on-
ly of fecuring their own Retreat, and wou'd
have been very well fatisfy'd to have ftipulated
that they might not be diſturbed in it, chang-
ed their Minds, as foon as they found that
their Removal, which had been refolved on
by themſelves, would be fo dearly bought.
They imagin'd the Affair deferv'd further
Confideration, and put off their Departure.
A Council of War was held to examine the
Matter, and to come to a Refolution on the
Propofitions which had been made them.
The Council was much divided in Opinion
about it, and the Difference of Judgments
occafion'd the putting it off; when one a-
mong them ſtarted a Medium, between thoſe
who were for accepting the Offers of the
Court, and thoſe who were for rejecting them.
His Name was Myangi, and they all came in-
to his Opinion, on which they had long fet a
Value. He was an Indian, had had the Care
of Maghmud's Education, was very much
efteem'd, and not a little govern'd by him.
The Credit he was in with this Chief of the
Rebels, acquir'd him as much with the Na-
tion, and gave him great Authority in Coun-
cil, tho' he was a Foreigner. He repreſented,
that if the Word and Faith of the Perfians
could be depended on, they need not heſitate
about accepting fuch advantageous Offers:
That they made War only to obtain, after
abun
[ 30 ]
abundance of Fatigues, what was offer'd them,
to be freed not only from the Servitude of
the Perfians, but from all manner of Depen-
dance upon them, and to be restored to the
full Enjoyment of all thofe Rights and Pri-
vileges which their Anceſtors enjoyed before
them. But confidering what little Truft there
was to be put in a Nation fo treacherous as
that of Perfia, the Extent, the Strength, the
Riches of that vaft Monarchy; if they fhou'd
treat with them, he demanded, Who would be
Guarantee of the Treaty? To whom ſhould
they apply, to force the Court of Perfia re-
ligiouſly to obferve fuch Treaty, which fhe
made only to rid herſelf of a prefent Embarraf-
ment, and gain Time? Who wou'd protect
them againſt her Power, when being rais'd
out of the Dejection into which fhe was
now fallen, fhe came down thundering upon
them with all her Forces? However, he did
not thence conclude that thefe Propofitions
fhould be rejected abfolutely, but that as they
could not depend on the Sincerity of the
Perfians, the Guaranty fhould be contained
in the Treaty itſelf, by inſerting a new Con-
dition, which would fecure the reft; which
was, That the King of Perfia ſhould give his
Daughter in Marriage to Myrr-Maghmud, to-
gether with the Province of the Aghvans of
Hafaray; that all the Nations of the Agh-
vans, as well thofe of the Sect of Omar,
as thoſe of the Sect of Hali, that were
Hafa-
[ 31 ]
Hafarayans, may be reunited under the Do-
minion of one Sovereign; which wou'd enable
them the better to make head againſt the Per-
fians, if the latter fhould attempt to moleft
them. That befides this, the King of Perfia
would not eafily be brought to make War
against his Son-in-law; and this Marriage
would be a fpecious Pretext to give a Colour
to the Alienation of a Province, the Sove-
reignty of which he could not entirely af
fign over to another, if he had no fuch fuffi-
cient Pretext to difmember it from the Mo-
narchy, as the Settlement of his Daughter
gave him.
Myangi's Counſel was receiv'd with Ap-
plaufe; and upon this an Anfwer was drawn
up to Machmet-Wali's Propofitions, and the
Expreſs that came from him carry'd it to his
Mafter.
This Anſwer contained Pretenfions which
the Court of Perfia did not expect; and
caus'd Sufpicions that the General had pur
the Aghvans upon making thoſe Demands,
from theſe Confiderations.
Machmet-Wali was Prince of Hacvuza, a
Part of Arabia, dependent upon Perfia.
His Territories, which are confiderable, bor-
der on the Aghvans of Hafaray, and himſelf
was of the fame Sect with the Aghvans of
Candabar; that is, of the Sect of Omar, the
fame with the Turks. His Father, thirty Years
before, endeavoured to throw off the Yoke,
4
and
[ 32 ]
and make himſelf independent of Perfia;
and he was with fome grounds fufpected to
be defirous of accompliſhing what his Father
cou'd not; which rais'd a Jealouſy that he
was fecretly in the Interefts of the Aghvans,
to engage them to affift him in the Rebellion
he was projecting; and as they were very
powerful, their Affiftance wou'd be a great
Support to him, which might put him upon ad-
vifing Maghmud, under hand, to demand the
King's Dauchter in Marriage, with the Ceffi-
on of a Province bordering upon his own.
There was further this Appearance of Trea-
chery, that it was he who taking Advantage
of the Fright the Citizens of Ifpahan were
in on the Approach of the 9000 Rebels, had
prevail'd with the King to make Propoſals to
Maghmnd; who upon that had made a Stop,
and ſent him ſeveral Propofitions, which the
King might not have heard of, if Machmet-Wali
had not infinuated what Demands he fhould
ask ; not but that he behav'd like a gallant
Man in the Battel of Giulnabar, as has been
ſeen. However, his Chagrin to have the Vi-
&tory fnatch'd out of his Hands by the Jea-
loufy of the Perfian General, who ſo bafely
and fo unſeaſonably left him; and his ima
gining that the Affairs of the Perfian Court
were not eaſy to be retriev'd, might diſpoſe
him to think of making his Advantage of
the Conjuncture and Succeffes of the Agh-
vaus, to deliver himſelf from a Yoke which
all Princes bear with Regret.
Whether
[ 33 ]
Whether the new Propofitions came origi-
nally from the Aghvans, or not, 'tis certain
the Court of Perfia did not like them; and
that which ſeems very odd in it is that of the
two Propofitions, the one of Maghmud's
Marriage with the King's Daughter, the other
of the Ceffion of the Province of Hazaray,
the King eaſily confented to that which he
ought to have made moft Difficulty about with
regard to Intereft of State; and would not
hear of conſenting to that which he ſhould
moſt readily have comply'd with. As Myrr-
Maghmud was already Mafter of a Part of
the Province of Hazaray, which he had con-
quer'd; fo Schah Huffein thought he gave
him nothing in giving him the other Part;
but he would by no means agree that his
Daughter fhould be marry'd to a Rebel, who
was not of the Blood Royal. His Delicacy
here was very mal à propos; as if Myrr-
Maghmud, who was no more to be look'd
upon as a Rebel, but about to be acknow-
ledg'd a Sovereign and independent Prince,
was not otherwife as well defcended as
the Moulabs or Priests, to whom Schab
Abbas II. Grandfather to Schah Huffein,
and Schab Soleiman his own Father, had with
full Approbation marry'd the one his Sifter,
and the other his Aunt, as we read in Sir
John Chardin's Travels, which I have often
cited. 'Tis true, Schah Abbas II. marry'd
his Sifter to a Prieft, in Funiſhment for an
VOL. IL
Intrigue
D
[ 34 ]
Intrigue ſhe had engaged in ; but when his Son
Schah Soleiman marry'd another Sifter of Schah
Abbas to a Brother of the fame Moulah or
Prieſt, he did not do it for a Puniſhment; and
the Princeſs accepted of the Marriage without
any Reſiſtance, as may be ſeen in Solei-
man's Coronation, p. 245. and tho' Soleiman
afterwards advanced thoſe two Moulahs or
Prieſts to the Dignity of Sedre, that is, Arch-
biſhop or Primates, to make the Husbands of
thoſe two Princeffes more illuftrious; 'tis moſt
certain they were no more than plain Priefts
when they marry'd them. Schah Huffein there-
fore rejected the Marriage Article which rela-
ted to his Daughter; but to foften it a little,
he offer'd the Rebels a Sum of Money in
lieu of it.
The Facility with which the King confent-
ed to the moſt important of their Propofiti-
ons increas'd their Pride and Infolence, and
they inſiſted on the other Article the more for
it. They alſo ſtood, in their turn, on the
Punctilio of Honour every whit as mal à pro-
pos as the King had done. For tho' Fortune
had given a good Turn to the Meaſures they
took on this Occafion, yet one can't help ob-
ſerving, taking things according to the Situa-
tion they were in, and the Uncertainty of
Events, that nothing could be more impoli-
tick. All the Country they demanded was
yielded to them in Sovereignty, with immenſe
Sums of Money; and they might have gone
home full of Glory and Riches: whereas in
boggling
[ 35 ]
boggling about the Marriage Article, wherein
Maghmud was particularly concern'd, they ex-
pos'd themſelves not only to the Lofs of all the
Advantages they had obtained, but even to De-
ftruction. It is true, that the Refufal of a Mar-
riage which they propos'd as a Cement of the
future Peace, render'd the Treaty the more
precarious; but that was not their Confidera-
tion, they confidered it only as their Honour
was engaged in it. They thought themſelves
defpis'd by Men, who did not think them worthy
of their Alliance; and the whole Nation took
fire upon that : Infomuch that an Accommo-
dation, wherein the moſt effential Intereſts
were provided for, was broken off by a falſe
Notion of Honour, on which both Sides moft
imprudently piqu'd themſelves. The Agh-
vans would hearken to no Propofitions, and
renouncing all the Advantages which had been
offer'd them, they refolved to continue the
War till they had forced the Perfians to grant
them fuch a Security for their Liberty and
Independence as they fhould require; or that
a fuperior Force obliged them to retire.
!
The Court of Perfia finding the Rebels
were refolved to continue the War, fet about
Preparations for the Defenſe of Ifpahan; and
the first Step they took towards it was one of
the greateſt Faults they could have made, and
that which contributed moſt to the Loſs of
the Capital of the Kingdom.
D. 2
In
[36]
In the Beginning of this Hiftory, Mention
is made of a magnificent Country Palace,
named Farabat, which Schab Huffein had
Huſſein
built at incredible Expence. This is the
fame Houſe which Gemelli calls Saratabat in
his Travels to Perfia, Lib. I. Chap. x. but as
to that and other things, one has more Rea-
fon to confide in a Man who liv'd 20 Years at
Ifpahan, than in a Traveller who view'd
things as it were en paffant. This Palace
ftood a little League from the City, was
encompass'd with very high and ftrong Walls,
and well mounted with Cannon. "Tis certain,
if a good Garifon had been thrown into it
furniſh'd with Provifions, it might have been
a Bulwark to Ispahan, and have given the E-
nemy much Trouble. But not contented
with giving them a Pretext to continue the
War by boggling at an Article of their Pro-
pofitions, they feemed to give them the Means
of carrying it on at their Eafe, and with all
Commodiouſneſs. The firft Refolution they
took when they understood the Agbvans
were drawing near Ifpahan, was to abandon
that Houſe; and they did it fo precipitately,
that they did not give themſelves time to draw
off the Cannon to Ifpahan. So they bury'd it.
The Aghvans loft no time in making their
Advantage of this Fault. Some Squadrons
which they ſent out for Intelligence, no
fooner learnt that Farabat was aban-
don'd than they haften'd thither, and feiz'd
the
[ 37 ]
the Place the 19th of March without the leaſt
Reſiſtance from the Perfians. They were
immediately followed by the reſt of the Ar-
my, who finding it to be a commodious Place
for fettling a Camp with Security, did there
make a Settlement.
The Fault the Perfians committed in lea
ving Farabat to the Rebels, was not only a
great Damage to the Perfians of itſelf, but in
its immediate Confequence the Lofs of Zul-
fa, a Town in its Neighbourhood. Before I
enter into the Detail of thefe Tranfactions, I
think myſelf obliged to give ſome Account of
a Place, the taking of which was of ſo great
Importance for the Siege of Ifpahan, and
contributed ſo much to the Conqueft of that
Capital.
Zulfa is a large Town, big enough to be
call'd a City, inhabited by a Colony of Ar-
menians. 'Tis pretty near Ifpahan; and the
Armenians came fo far off to fettle there on
this Occafion;
About 150 Years ago, Armenia Major was
ſubject to the Turks; but not being able to
bear the Ottoman Tyranny, it threw off
the Yoke. Schah Abas the Great, who then
reigned in Perfia, and was a Prince of an en-
terprizing Genius, watched all Opportunities
to aggrandize himſelf, and did not lofe this.
He gain'd the Love of that Nation by fending
them great Succours of Men, Arms, and Mo-
ney to maintain their Revolt. When he had
D 3
thus
[ 38 ]
འ
thus difpofed them in his Favour, he infinua
ted that a Juncture might happen when Per-
fia would not be able to aid them, as much
as fhe was willing to do, and that his Suc-
ceffors might not be fo well inclin'd towards
them; that they were not ftrong enough to ſtand
by themſelves, and if abandon'd would be in
Danger of falling back to Turkish Servitude;
that being fituated as they were between two
potent Empires, they could not ſupport them-
felves, but by having a Prop in the one or the
other: So that they had only to think which
would be moſt eligible, whether to make their
Peace with the Ottomans as well as they cou'd,
if they believed they were to be trufted, or
to yield themſelves up to Perfia, whofe Go-
vernment they knew to be infinitely more
mild than the Turks, and with whom they
might ftipulate what they thought would be
moſt advantageous for them.
While theſe things were talk'd of by the
Emiffaries of Schah Abbas, that Monarch
fhew'd a great Efteem for the Armenian Na-
tion, and even for their Religion, He was a
very politick Prince, and would fometimes
let the Armenians, who came to Court, fee
a little Croſs he wore under his Robes, giving
them privately to underſtand he was a Chrifti-
an in his Heart, but durft not yet declare
himſelf publickly for fear of a Defection in
the Army; but if they once united to his Do-
minions, he fhould think himself ftrong
enough to open his Mind freely,
Thefe
[ 39 ]
Theſe Diſcourſes touch'd cloſely. The Ar
menians, an eaſy, fimple People, believ'd eve-
ry Word he ſaid, and yielded themſelves up
to him; but when he was once Maſter of the
Country, he thought of nothing but how he
might make ſure of it; and to prevent any Mo-
leftations from the Turks on that Side, he re-
folv'd to difpeople that Province, and make a
Defart of it, to ſerve as a Barrier between him
and the Grand Signior.
To execute this Project, he drew the Arme
nians out of their Country, and difpers'd
them up and down in Perfia. Thoſe of them
that came from Zulfa, a City of Armenia,
were canton'd near the City of Ifpahan on
the other Side of the River Senderou, where
they fix'd their Habitations, and in Remem-
brance of their native City gave the Place the
Name of Zulfa. 'Twas a fmall Town at
firft; but other Armenians removing thither
afterwards from ſeveral Parts of Perfia, it be-
came confiderable, not only for Number of
Inhabitants, but for its Commerce. Schab
Abbas was one of thofe Princes that are born
to make a Kingdom flouriſh, and one of thoſe
Genius's that extends their Cares to every thing.
Wherefore finding the Armenians were a la-
borious People, capable of Application and
Fatigue, and very thrifty, he thought they
would be very proper for Commerce: But
they being fo impoverish'd by War that they
could not ſet up any Trade, he lent them
D 4
great
[ 40 ]
great Sums of Money out of his Treaſury
without Intereft. His Minifters, narrow-foul'd
Men, repreſented to him, that if he had a
mind to advance fo much Money, it was bet-
ter his Subjects had the Benefit of it than
Strangers, or at leaft he fhould have Intereſt
for it. But Schah Abas, a Prince fuperior
to his Miniſters as much in Judgment as in
Dignity, fhew'd them that it was more ad-
viſable to reſerve the Perfians for the Wars,
and not let them degencrate by trading, for
which they were in no wife proper; that they
lov'd Expence, and after they had ſquander'd
what he ſhould give them, they would go
and ſettle ſomewhere elſe, and leave his Ca-
pital without Defence, as had happen'd to
him before, according toTavernier, Lib. I. c. 4.
On the contrary, the Armenians were thrifty
Men, good Managers, and being in the mid-
dle of his Kingdom, he had rather they ſhould
be Traders than Soldiers. With respect to
Intereft, he convinced them that he fhould
receive more than they imagin'd; that if he
put the Money, which lay dead in his Coffers,
to Brokers at Intereft, 'twou'd at moſt but
bring him in Is per Cent. whereas the Trade,
which he was about to enable the Armenians
to fet up, wou'd produce Cent. per Cent.
'Twas with this View that he excepted them
from Service in the Wars, but permitted to
take Arms for their own Defence, when the
Perfians fail'd in giving them neceffary Af
fiftance.
[ 41 ]
fiftance. There are other People in Perfia
on the fame Foot; that is, they pay certain
Tributes, and are exempted from Military
Services. Theſe are term'd Raja. As for
the rest, who pay no Tribute, fuch as the
Georgians, they are obliged to mount a Horſe-
back, and ſerve as often as the King requires
them.
Schah Abas not only exempted them
from ſerving in the Wars; but, that nothing
might interrupt them in their Traffick, he to-
lerated their Religion, which was freely exer-
cifed at Zulfa, where are Abundance of
Churches, as publickly as in any of the Chri-
ftian Princes Dominions in Europe. Further,
to protect them against the Tyranny of his own
Officers, and that they might have a Perſon
at Court to ſupport their Interefts, he ap-
pointed one among them, who under the
Name of Kielenter, was Chief of the Nation.
Tavernier calls him Kelonter, and Gamelli
Kalenter. This Officer was as the King's
Lieutenant at Zulfa, and had all the Authori-
ty. To gain him the greater Refpect, the
King allow'd him to have Szatyrs, a fort of
Sergeants on Horfeback; whereas others rode
only Affes and Mules. He alſo affign'd him
the laft Place among the Grandees of the Court
when the King feafted them. In fine, he
granted them all the Privileges which might
contribute to their Security, and keep the
Perfians from molefting them. True it is,
he
[ 42 ]
he tax'd them more heavily than when they
were ſubject to the Ottomans; but then they
were better able to pay by the Means which
Schah Abbas had given them to enrich them-
felves. There were among them, even un-
der the later Kings, who were worth from
100000 to two Millions of Crowns; and there
was one of them, who after he had laid out
immenfe Sums on building Churches, &c. left
at his Death above two Millions in Specie,
without reckoning Jewels and other confi-
derable Effects.
Thus was Zulfa an Armenian City ; and fo
properly Armenian, that a Muffulman was not
fuffered to live in it. Tho' generally 'twas called
a Town only, it may very well have the Name
of a City, on Account of its Bignefs: And Ta-
vernier himſelf, who makes it half a League
broad, fays, it might paſs for a pretty large City.
Gemelli, who does not ſpeak of its Largenefs,
fays, 'tis three Miles long, which according to
his uſual Computation, make a League; and
nine Miles about, becauſe of the great Gardens
it encloſes. It is two Miles and a Half from
Ispahan, according to him; Tavernier reduces
the Diſtance to half an Hour's journey for a
Man on Foot. Both agree, that the Houſes
are generally better built at Zulfa than at If-
paban; of which Zulfa is to the South, fepa-
rated from it by the River Senderou; from
whence there is a long row of Trees that
reaches to Ispahan, and at the End of it a
fine
1
[ 43 ]
fine Bridge over that River which leads to
Zulfa. Beſides this Bridge there are three o-
thers; one above that of Zulfa, and the two
others below it. 'Tis difficult to fay exactly
how far the River Senderou is diftant from
each of thoſe two Cities. Gemelli does not
ſpeak of it, and Tavernier contradicts him-
felf; for having ſaid at firſt, that the Sende-
rou runs between Ifpahan and Zulfa, at an
equal Diſtance'; he obferves fome Pages af-
ter, that Zulfa is not above three Musket
fhot from the Bridge which leads to it. This
gives one Reaſon to think that the latter is
much nearer the River than Iſpahan; and for
the Diſtance of the two Cities, it may be
fixed by what the Author of my Memoirs ſays
of Farabat, which is farther from Ifpahan
than Zulfa, which by his way of reckoning
is fifteen hundred Paces, or half a League di-
ftant. Theſe Particularities feem'd to me not
improper, they relating to a City which was
the Camp of the Aghvans all the while they
laid fiege to Ifpahan, and in my Opinion one
cannot give the Reader too much in the De-
fcription of Places which are diſtinguiſhed by
great Events.
Zulfa being more commodious than Fara-
bat for attacking Ifpahan, the Aghvans made
themſelves Maſters of it the next Day after
they feized Farabat: The Perfians accufe
the Armenians of Treachery, in delivering
their City to the Rebels; and the Author of
my
[ 44 ]
my Memoirs apologizes for them. I fhall on-
ly relate the Fact as to the taking of it; let
the Reader judge of the Manner of its being ta-
ken, and to whom to impute it.
As foon as the Aghvans became formidable
to the Perfians, the latter began to fufpect the
Armenians, for no other reafon than that they
prefumed thoſe whom they had ill uſed, wou'd
not be forry to change Mafters. It must be
confeft, that fince the Reign of the great
Schah Abas great Infringements had been
made on their Privileges by his Succeffors,
yet none of them did it fo enormously as
Schab Huffein had done. I fhall not here enter
into the Detail of their Grievances; 'tis certain
neither their Lives nor their Eftates were in
Safety. Under the former Kings Juftice was
done them according to Lex Talionis; but
fince Scah Huffein came to the Crown, the
Moulahs pretended it was a fhameful Thing
that a Muffulman's Head fhou'd pay for an Infi-
del's, that is, in their Phraſe, a Chriſtian's. And
on this Principle they got it to be eſtabliſhed,
not by Law but Cuſtom, in all the Provinces,
that every Muffulman who kill'd an Armenian
fhould only be condemned to pay the Defuncts
Family, for their nouriſhment as much Corn as
an Afs can carry. A new and fine Law this!
Some Years before the taking of Ifpahan, a Ma-
hometan Thief broke open a Houſe at Zulfa,
and having pillag'd it, kill'd the Miftrefs of the
Houſe, with her fix Children. The Neigh-
bours
[ 45 ]
bours running at the Cries of the Mother and
her Children, who were murdered, and
feizing the Thief, hurry'd him away with a
great Noife before the King's own Tribunal,
loudly demanding Juftice, and inſiſting upon
delivering the Murderer, that Vengeance might
be taken on him according to the Cuſtom in
Perfia. The Peoples Minds being much
heated, Judgment was put off till next Day;
when Schab Huffein, by Advice of the Mou-
labs, who dictated the Sentence to him, con-
demned the Criminal to have only his Little
Finger cut off in the Market-place of Zulfa, for
a Murder committed upon ſeven Perfons; on
the contrary, it would have coft an Armenian
his Life, if he had but wounded a Muffulman,
who was breaking open his Houſe.
I fhall only add one Inftance more, which,
tho' not fo odious, will however give one an
Idea of the Infolence of the Perfans with
reſpect to the Armenians; of whom a very
confiderable Merchant, named Stephen Kar-
delans, having built a very high Wall, for
the Security of his Houſe and Gardens, fome
Perfian Lords took it ſo ill, that they agreed
together to break down the Wall, and enter
his Houſe: Accordingly they came to Zulfa,
attended with a good number of Men a Horſe-
back, having Flambeaus and Mufick; they
demoliſhed part of the Wall, and got into
the Armenians Houfe. 'Tis true, they ftole
nothing; but they drank there all Night long;
and
[ 46 ]
and tho' they took fome Prefents he gave
them, they broke his Arm when they went
away, to let him know, as they ſaid, he muft
not think to defend himſelf by Walls from
being beaten by them when they had a Mind
to infult him.
The Armenians might ſo highly reſent the
Vexations and Tyranny of the Perfians, as
to render themſelves fufpected by the latter,
who had reaſon to apprehend that they would
join the Aghvans as foon as they made.
their Appearance; and to deprive them of all
Means of doing hurt, the Perfians difarm'd
the Armenians, making ufe of this Pretext
for it.
It being dangerous to do it with a high Hand
fo near the Rebels Army, it was therefore
proclaim'd at Zulfa, that the Armenians
ſhould appear at Ifpahan with their Arms in as
great a Body as they could; for that the King's
Guards being order'd to march againſt the Re-
bels, his Majefty would do them the Honour
to place them near his Perfon. Purſuant to
this Proclamation a numerous Body of them
came to Ispahan, where they were drawn up
in Ranks, as if to be muſter'd, and immediate-
ly the Command was given, that they ſhould
lay down their Arms, and return to Zulfa,
with Menaces, that ſevere Fines ſhould be laid
on all thoſe that were found to have Arms in
their Keeping.
}
The Armenians of Zulfa are Traders, and
have
[ 47 ]
have nothing in their Heads but Trade. They
are far from being brave, as may be ſeen by
one Example, which would have been hardly
credible, if the Author of my Memoirs had
not been an Eye-witnefs of it; He tells us,
that travelling in the Year 1718, in Com-
pany with 200 Armenians arm'd, they were
ſtopp'd by Robbers, not above eight in all, who
demanded their Money; fome Armenians of
Kanpalu were of Opinion, that they ought
to bind them Hand and Foot, and deliver them
to the Governor of the next City; but the
Armenians of Zulfa, who were the Ma-
jority, wou'd hazard nothing, and chofe ra-
ther to come to a Compofition with the
Robbers at three Piaftres a Horſe, which two
hundred Men paid to thoſe eight Thieves.
But had the Armenians been ever ſo brave,
what Reſiſtance could they make againſt the
Aghvans, when their Arms were taken from
them? All they could do, when they ſaw them
coming to Zulfa, was to give the Court notice
of it, and defire Succour. They even offer'd
to maintain the Troops themſelves; but their
Offers and Defires were to no purpoſe. In
the mean time the Army of the Rebels ap-
proaching nearer and nearer, they fent
Advice of it to the Perfian General, who
promiſed them Affiftance; but failing them
in it, they were obliged to make the beft
Defence they could; and for two Hours
together they fuftain'd a very vigorous At-
2
tack
[ 48 ]
tack in the Night-time. They thought of a
Stratagem on this Occafion, and made the
Enemy believe they had a ſtrong Garriſon of
Perfian Troops, calling one another, during
the time of the Combat, by Perfian Names.
They waited only for the promis'd Succours
to fally on the Rebels; but no Affiftance
coming, they were forc'd to ftand on the De-
fenfive, and even to abandon a little Intrench-
ment thrown up in hafte, which the Enemy
feized. -
Tho' the Affault was over in two Hours,
the Rebels attempted to furprize the City in
the Night; and a Gaur, who was with them,
having found Means to make a Hole in the
Wall, big enough for his Purpoſe, an Ele-
phant was brought up to it, and by Means of
that Hole he threw down a good Part of the
Wall.
Nazir-Ulla, one of the principal Officers
of the Aghvans, commanded that Attack,
and made himſelf Mafter of the Breach.
However, he would run no farther risk in the
Night-time; and, contenting himſelf with
placing a good Guard there, he ordered his
Troops to be ready againſt the next Day.
The Inhabitants of Zulfa faw then there
was no hefitating about the Matter, nor any
Courſe to take fafer than to ſubmit to the E-
nemy; to which End they diſpatched the
principal Citizens to the Camp of the Rebels,
to make the beft Terms they cou'd. Indeed
they
4
;
!
[ 49 ]
they had ſtaid too long to procure very good
ones; they were at the laſt Extremity ; and the
Aghvans Mafters of a Breach, which gave them
Entrance into the City; fo that they would
grant them no better Terms than to ſurrender
at Difcretion, and to buy off their Lives and
Goods for Threefcore and ten thouſand To-
mans, about 400000 Pounds of our Money.
To which was added, that they ſhould deliver
up fifty young Girls of the beft Families of the
Armenians.
Theſe Conditions, the laft efpecially,
were very hard; but they must fubmit to
them, or be plunder'd; and the Delive-
ry of the Girls being what could be foon-
eft done, that Article was firft comply'd
with. 'Twas a moft moving Sight, to fee
thoſe poor Creatures fnatch'd out of their Mo-
thers Arms, and to hear the Shrieks both of
Mothers and Daughters. All the Women of
Zulfa fill'd the City with Groans and Lamen-
tations. Amidſt their Cries and Screeches the
fifty young Girls were taken away, as the
Lot fell, and carried to Farabat, the Enemies
Camp. Their Cloaths, Gowns, Head-dreſſes,
Diamonds and Pearls, were all deliver'd up
with them, as had been particularly ftipu-
lated. Some of them were fo affected, to
to ſee themſelves in the Hands of Barbari-
ans, that they died for Grief upon their coming
to Farabat. Even the Aghvans cou'd not
help being mov'd at this Accident; and
VOL. II.
E
Pity
[ 50 ]
Pity finding Place in their Hearts, they treat-
ed them with more Humanity than one cou'd
naturally expect from Men of their Character;
for fearing others might alfo die in the Extre-
mity of Grief, they fent thofe back that feem-
ed in fuch Danger; and after they were
Maſters of Ispahan they restored the Reft to
their Parents, there being much more beauti-
ful Women for them in the Capital.
As to the Article concerning the Money,
the Armenians very unfeaſonably rais'd Dif-
ficulties, and paid dearly for their Avarice;
the Aghvans, as ruftick as they were, be-
ing too cunning for them. The former pre-
tending that their chief Effects were in Ifpa-
han, to avoid raiſing the Sum demanded;
the Aghvans took them at their Words, and
oblig'd the chief Citizens to give Bond for
Payment of the feventy thousand Tomans, ei-
ther when the Capital was taken, or Peace
was concluded, if the War fhould end in a
Treaty.
The Armenians thought they had made a
rare Bargain, as thinking there would never
be a Treaty, nor Ifpahan ever be taken; and
if the Aghvans fhould be defeated by the
Succours that were coming from all Parts of
the Kingdom, they would have other things
to think of befides forcing them to clear thoſe
Bonds, which then would not do them much
Service. The Argument was plaufible; but the
Aghvans argu'd otherwife; and from the Un-
cer.
[51]
certainty of their Succefs, did not fo entirely
depend on the Bonds the Armenians had
given them, as not to take Meaſures to pre-
vent their being totally fruftrated of the
Effect.
They therefore let the Armenians under-
ſtand they did not believe there was Caſh e-
nough in Zulfa to pay the Sum ſtipulated;
but having Occafion of Money, they would
content themſelves with what was then in
the City, and wait for the Reft till the Time
of Payment fhould elapfe. To this End, the
Houſes muſt be all ſearch'd; which ſhould be
done very orderly, and a juft Account fhou'd
be given of whatever was found, and Reftis
tution made, after the Sum they were bound
for was deducted. Such a Speech from thoſe
in whoſe Power they were, convinc'd the
Armenians they were out in their Reckon-
ing, and had done better if they had paid the
Money down, and not have expos'd their
Houſes to be pillag'd inftead of being ſearch'd;
the pretended Searching being indeed a Pil-
lage; which, excepting that there was no
Murder committed, was accompanied with
all forts of Violences and Cruelties, ufual in
the Sack of Cities. The Rebels at firft car-
ried away all the Gold, Silver, Jewels and
rich Moveables, they could lay their Hands on,
after having narrowly look'd into every Cor-
ner of the Houles. When nothing more
was to be found, they put the Owners to the
E 2
Tor-
1
[ 52 ]
Torture, to compel them to diſcover
their hidden Treaſure. They haul'd them
out of their Houſes, and baftinado'd them
on the Soals of their Feet till they cou'd
hold out no longer, and in the Excess
of Pains diſcovered what they had conceal'd
themſelves, and what they knew was con-
ceal'd by their Neighbours. There was one
Citizen only, Dominique Jaques Kardelans,
an ancient Man, of one of the beſt Families of
Zulfa, who, tho' tormented more than any
Armenian, having received above 4000
Strokes, and loft the uſe of his Tongue for
ſome time, could not be compell'd to diſco-
ver any Perſon. He cry'd out,' while he
was under the Torture, They might take all
that was in his Houſe, but he knew not what
belong'd to others.
'Twas very difficult to fave any Thing from
fuch rapacious Barbarians, who had made
the moſt ſtrict Search every where. And it is
generally thought, that what the Aghvans got
by Plunder, far exceeded the Sum they de-
manded by Stipulation. They found in the
Houſes of the Kardelans, Brothers, 60000
Pounds in Specie; and about 40000 Pounds
in the Houfe of Arat Cheriman, one of
the richeft Merchants in Zulfa. The hap-
pieſt now was he who had leaft. The Agh-
vans ufing Violence only to draw Money
out of them, the Poor came off well
enough. The Rebels fold what they had
plunder'd from the Rich to them at the
meanest
[53]
meanest Prices; almoſt for nothing. Thus
the preſent Revolution in Zulfa, made Beg-
gars of the Rich, and rich Men of the Beg-
gars. The Behaviour of the Aghvans fhew'd,
that they rather thought of making their Mar-
ket, to be gone, than to lay Siege to Ifpa-
han; which they would never have attempt-
ed, had they not had Encouragement by Per-
fons even in the Court of Schah Huffein,
who was bafely betray'd.
Though the Court's abandoning the City
of Zulfa, notwithſtanding the repeated In-
ftances that were made for Affiftance; and
the cruel Treatment the
Treatment the Citizens had
met with from the Rebels, was enough to
vindicate their Fidelity; yet they were look'd
upon as Traytors, who held Intelligence with
the Rebels, and had deliver'd their City to
them; and 'tis incredible how the Perfians
were enrag'd againſt them for this pretended
Infidelity.
Nothing however was more unjuſt than
this Reproach, which the Court dwelt much
upon, to lay on the Armenians the blame of
an Event, which indeed cou'd not reaſonably
be laid to any one's Charge but their own.
Their Conduct, with refpect to Zulfa, was
fuch, as every one muft think was with a De-
fign to let the Rebels poffefs themſelves of
that City. The Court had not only taken
the Citizens Arms away, and ſent them no
Afſiſtance; but alſo had hinder'd Mirza Sefi,
E 3
the
[54]
the King's eldeſt Son, from affifting them, as
he was preparing to do; for when, difarm'd
as they were, they defended themſelves againſt
the Aghvans, that Prince, who at the Head
of a great Body of Cavalry, was marching
towards Zulfa, to fupport them, the Per-
fian-General laid hold on the Bridle of his
Horſe, faying, the King would not fuffer him
to expoſe himſelf, for fear any ill Accident
fhou'd happen to him, which would difcourage
the Army. It has always been thought, that the
falſe Politicks of the Court facrific'd Zulfa and
the Armenians to the Safety of the Capital;
in an Opinion, that when the Aghvans had
loaded themſelves with Riches, they wou'd
march off with the Booty they had got.
Thefe Political Refinements are like Chymical
Remedies; one runs great Risk in making
uſe of them. The Miſchief of fuch Faults
in Policy is, that a real and certain Good
happens to the Enemy, while the Fruit ex-
pected from it is always uncertain and often
chimerical. If the Court had been ſure that
the Aghvans would have returned home af-
ter they had plunder'd Zulfa, their giving up
that City would have been excufable; but
nothing having been ftipulated as to that,
they might well have been afraid without Im-
putation of treachery, that the taking of
Zulfa would make it fo eafy for the Rebels
to ftreighten Ifpahan, and form the Siege,
as muſt needs be a Motive for them to un-
dertake it. It is true, 'twas the Advice
and
[ 55 ]
and Exhortation of thofe that afterwards
betray'd the King, which determin'd the
Aghvans to puſh their Point, and be-
fiege the Capital: But it's no leſs true,
that inftead of hearkning to fuch Advice,
they would have taken it to have been a
Snare laid in their Way, had they not been
in Poffeffion of Zulfa and Farabat. The
Court of Perfia were thus guilty of two great
Faults; The firft, in abandoning Farabat, by
which the Rebels got one Foot into Zulfa.
The fecond, in not defending Zulfa to
the laſt Extremity; becauſe they might by
fortifying themſelves there, have kept a Com-
munication open by the Bridge of Zulfa, and
have had plentiful Supplies brought to Ifpa-
han. Thus had the Capital of Perfia been
kept out of the Hands of the Barbarians, who
could not have reduced it but by Famine.
'Twas the 19th of March, as has been ob-
ferv'd, when the Aghvans enter'd Farabat;
and they poffefs'd themſelves of Zulfa the
next Day. As they at that Juncture thought
much more of returning, than of befieging
Ifpahan, they were for lofing no Time;
and becauſe the Day following the 21ft of
March was the firft Day of the Year in Perfia,
where it begins at the vernal Equinox, they
refolv❜d on that Day to give a New-Year's Gift
to Ispahan, by a kind of general Affauit;
which was rather a Bravado than a real At-
tack. The River Senderou cutting off all
Communication betwixt the City of Ifpahan
E 4
Mile
[ 56 ]
Mile off, and the Aghvan Army on the of
ther fide of it; and befides, the Bridge being
well guarded, and the Senderou overflowing
the fame Day, the Affailants could not come
near the City. Thus the pretended Affault
ended in the Exchange of fome Piftol-fhot,
and the firing fome Cannon acroſs the River.
The Artillery was all out of Order, and could
do no great Damage; and the Shoutings on
both fides decided nothing. There were fome
Blows given, and Blood ſpilt on this Occa-
fion, near the Bridge of Abufabat, guarded
by the Perfians ; for the Aghvans making
as if they gave ground, to draw the Perfians
away from the Bridge, in purſuit of them;
the latter, tho' veteran Troops, quitted their
Poft to charge them; and the Aghvans fa-
cing about, there was an Engagement, in
which there were about 200 Perfians flain,
who fold their Lives dearly, having kill'd at
leaſt as many of the Rebels. As to the ge-
neral Affault, if it deſerves to be fo call'd, it
lafted fix Hours, and ferv'd as a Shew to the
Inhabitants of the City that was to be af
faulted; who got upon their Houſes, which
are flat a-top in Perfia, and look'd very quiet-
ly and fafely on the Combatants fighting
with a River between them. The Manner
with which the Rebels began the Attack,
made the Citizens of Ifpahan recover them-
felves a little out from Terror with which they
were ftruck at the Lofs of the Battel of Giule
nabat
[ 57 ]
nabat. They were afhamed of being allarm'd
at the Approach of Men, who appear'd fo little
terrible in Action: By this means, what the
Aghvans defign'd to terrify the People of
Ispahan, only ferv'd on the contrary to ani-
mate them.
Myrr-Maghmud had too good Intelligence
in that Capital, not to be informed of the
Miſcarriage of his Attempt, which had been
fomewhat too hafty. He knew, they made
a Jeſt of his general Affault; and that he
had loft more Reputation by that Action than
he had acquired by his Victory at Giulnabat,
He was heartily vex'd; and being refolved to
have his Revenge as foon as poffible, he ſcarce
gave his Troops a Day's Reft, tho' in truth
he ſcarce they were more tired with hollowing
than fighting. The 23d of March, which was
Monday in Paffion-Week that Year, was pitch'd
upon for a new general Affault, in which
Maghmud pretended to retrieve his Repu-
tation. But to enable the Reader to judge
better of this fecond Action, the moſt confi-
derable during the Siege of Ifpahan, I muſt
here briefly defcribe the Situation of the
Place where it happen'd.
The River Senderou runs South of Ifpahan,
about a Mile from that City. It paffes from
the Weft to the Eaſt; and in the Space of a
League has four Bridges over it, at an equal
Diſtance of a Mile, leading to the City.
That
[ 58 ]
:
That Bridge which is moſt to the Weſt, and
above the reſt by the Courſe of the River, is
a very plain one, but very commodious for
the Armenians of Zulfa, who Trade to or
from the Weft; becaufe, if it was not for
that Bridge, they must take a great Compaſs
about, and croſs the whole City of Ifpahan,
to gain the great and long Alley of Tcharbag,
which reaches from that Capital to the Bridge
of Zulfa.
This Bridge is the ſecond in Order, towards
the Eaft; and leads to Zulfa, whence it takes
its Name. 'Tis one of the fineſt Pieces of
Workmanſhip that is of its Kind, acccord-
ing to Tavernier's Deſcription of it, to which
I'refer; taking notice here only of as much
as relates to my Subject. 'Tis 350 Feet long,
and from 20 to 60 Feet broad. There's on
each fide of it a Gallery of 25 or 30 Feet
high, and 8 or 9 Feet wide; fo that one may
paſs in the middle of the Bridge without be-
ing perceived by any one on each fide of the
River. Nothing can be a better Reprefen-
tation of it than the Bridges of Paris, which
have Houſes on them; fuch as the Bridge of
Notre-Dame, and the Change Bridge.
The third Bridge, paffing down the River
Eastward, is juft fuch another Bridge as that
of Zulfa; at leaſt with respect to the Galle-
ries on each fide of it. It is called the
Bridge of Gaures, becauſe it leads to their
Dwellings; and 'twas on this Account that
น
Schab
[ 59 ]
Schah Abas the II. Grandfather to Schah
Huffein, built it, on purpoſe to prevent their
paffing by the great Alley Tcharbag, which
before this Bridge was built, they muft pafs
in their way home from Ifpahan.
The fourth Bridge is an Old one, a Mile
below the Gaures, and fomething like the
firft. 'Tis called the Bridge of Chiras; it
being the Road-way from Ifpahan to the Ci-
ty of Chiras.
Of these four Bridges the fecond and third
were fo eafy to defend, by Means of their Gal-
leries; that the Aghvans did not attempt to
The other two
tho' Tavernier
force their Paffage that way.
were quite open. The firft,
does not tell us its Name, fhou'd be the Bridge
of Abufabat, at which the Rebels made their
firſt Attack the 21st of March; and it was at
the Bridge of Chiras, as my Memoirs obferve,
that they made their fecond in the Manner
we are about to relate.
They came up with all poffible Refolution
and Bravery; and while one Part of them of-
fer'd to Ford the River, the other attack'd the
Bridge itſelf, and at laft poffefſed it, after a
vigorous Reſiſtance. The Officer, who com-
manded at that Poft, was an Eunuch; a Man
of a good Head and Heart, as he fhewed on
this Occafion. His Name was Achmet Aga.
When he faw the Perfians giving way,
and the Rebels in Poffeffion or the other
End of the Bridge, he ran thither with fome
1
old
[60]
oldSoldiers to fupport them, and foon recover'd
part of the Ground that had been loft. While
both Sides were fighting on the middle of
the Bridge, without any great Advantage on
either, a Carpenter of Curlande, named Ja-
coub, who was pretty knowing in Artillery,
charged fome Cannon that were upon the Ri-
ver Bank on Ifpahan fide, and having pointed
them againſt the Aghvans, and taken right
Aim, he diſcharged his Cannon fo well that
he clear'd the Bridge of one Part of the Re-
bels, and obliged the other to gallop off as
faft as they could. The Eunuch, not con-
tented with having recovered the Bridge,
for the Defence of which he had fought,
follow'd the Aghvans with his beſt Troops,
and did great Execution.
The Rebels had been ruin'd, if the Gene-
ral of the Perfian Army, Machmet-Wali,
had fallen upon them on his fide with his
Arabs; and the Perfians would have had full
Revenge for their Difgrace at Giulnabat.
But this General, whoſe Pay was 1000
Crowns a Day, found his Account too well
in lengthning out the War, to put an End to
it fo foon.
One cannot have a better Conception of the
Advantage, and the Greatneſs of the Service
done to Perfia by the Eunuch Achmet Agha,
than by the Dejection and Confternation
this Shock threw the Aghvans into. They
kept clofe in their Camp feveral Days, none
¿
1
daring
[61]
daring to appear out of it; and judging of
them by the Caution they took to pre-
vent all Irruption upon them, one would
have taken them for Men who rather expect-
ed to be befieged, than Troops who in-
tended to lay fiege to the Capital of a great
Kingdom. It was now that they thought in
good Earneft of retiring, and repented of
their not hearkening to the advantagious
Propoſals which had been made them after
the Battel of Giulnabat. They were willing
to reaffume the Treaty; and were the firſt
to follicite the Armenians to interpoſe in the
Matter.
Had the latter been difpos'd to take this
Mediation upon them, Perfia had infallibly
been fav'd; the Aghvans wanting only an ho-
nourable Gate for them to go out of this Af-
fair. But fuch was the Situation of the mi-
ferable Inhabitants of Zulfa, that they were
not proper to negotiate a Treaty, which cou'd
not fucceed without their total ruin. They
knew how much the Court and City of Ifpa-
han were fet againſt them; that nothing lefs
was talk'd of there than the Deftruction of
their City by Fire and Sword, as ſoon as the
Rebels were gone. That the very Women
talk'd fo in the Markets, loading them with
Curfes, and threatning to tear the Armenian
Children out of their Mothers Bellies. Be-
fides this, they judged very rightly, that the
Aghvans would not march homewards till
they
[ 62 ]
they had again fack'd their City; and that
even the Perfians would abandon them in a
Treaty to the Diſcretion of the Barbarians;
that the greateſt Part of them had no better
courſe to take than to follow the Rebels to Can-
dahar; and the latter were fo well perfuaded
of it, that they promiſed them as a Favour,
to take them with them, if the Peace
was concluded by their Means. Theſe Con-
fiderations made them deaf to the Sollicita-
tions of the Rebels for their mediating an
'Accomodation, which they would by no
Means hearken to. And this is the ſtrongeſt
and jufteft Reproach that the Perfians have
againſt them; and if ever the latter fhould
again be Maſters, the Armenians have nothing
to think of but quitting the Kingdom, unleſs
they would expoſe themſelves to the Fury of
an enrag'd and powerful Enemy.
While Myrr-Maghmud was in vain pref
fing the Armenians to engage in a Negotia-
tion of Peace with the Perfian Court, he
learn'd by his Spies in Ifpahan, and other
Advices, that the Perfians thought of nothing
lefs than of attacking him; and though they
had been fo difpofed, they were in no Condi-
tion to undertake it. He found he had taken
a falſe Alarm; but what encourag'd him
moſt was, the new Engagement he enter'd
into with Machmet-Wali. The latter, up-
on the Exclufion of the Athemat-Doulet
was left fole General of the Royal Army.
The
і
[63]
The Athemat-Doulet, after having betray'd
the publick Caufe, came off with fo flight
a Mortification, and continu'd in the Office
of Prime Miniſter. Thus Myrr-Maghmud
having nothing to fear on the Part of the Ge-
neral of the Perfian Army, refolv'd to let the
Time flide, and to watch for an Opportunity
to reſume his Project more fuccefsfully;
which Reſolution was the more fuitable to
him; for that, if he had really an Intention
to retire, he would have been obliged to ſtay
till his Horſes were in Cafe for it, which
were now only Skin and Bones, and not at
all in a Condition for fo long a March.
It is not certainly known, whether Mach-
met-Wali, General of the Arabs, had then
formed any Defign to dethrone the King;
'tis ftill prefum'd that he thought only of
weakening him, and ſtrengthning Myrr-Magh-
mud, that he might one Day, by favour of
his Afliſtance, render himſelf Independent in
his Principality of Hacvufa. Certain it is,
he was then in ftrict Intelligence with Myrr-
Maghmud, who, perhaps, did not diſcover
to him the full Extent of his Views; and it
was not till after he had made ſure of Mach-
met-Wali, that he determin'd to push the
Siege of Ifpahan to the utmoſt.
As foon as this Refolution was fix'd, he
apply'd himſelf to furniſh his Camp with all
forts of Neceffaries for fo important an En-
terprize, which he forefaw wou'd run out
into
[64]
into Length; the Aghvans, as has been ob-
ſerv'd, knowing nothing of a Siege; and he
could have no Hopes of taking the Capital
but by Famine, which would confume Time,
and conſequently a great Quantity of Provi-
fions.
The rest of this Month of March, and all
April, he employ'd in getting theſe Provi-
fions to his Camp; which was facilitated by
a tacit fufpenfion of Arms on one fide and
the other; for from the 23d of March, when
the Aghvans were repuls'd at Chiras Bridge,
to the Beginning of May, neither Side at-
tempted to paſs the River by which they
were both ſeparated.
But if the Aghvans did nothing on the
City Side, they made up for it on that of the
Country, where they plunder'd the neighbour-
ing Towns and Villages, and brought away
all the Proviſions and Forage. Some of the
Towns ftood out againſt them, and could not
be forced by them; but moſt of them were
reduced, by cutting off their Water, and a
great many were forfaken by the Inhabitants,
who fled where they cou'd with their Effects.
All the Detachments fent out by the Rebels,
returned loaden with great Booty; fo that the
Camp was foon full of all forts of Proviſions,
fufficient to ſupply them ſeveral Months.
1
In the mean while Myrr-Maghmud amus'd
the Court of Perfia with divers Negotia-
tions; Couriers were always going and com-
ing from Ispahan to the Camp, and from the
Camp
[ 65 ]
Camp to Ispahan; and by the help of theſe
publick Negotiations, fecret ones were carried
on; and ſome by Emiffaries, who went by
Night more than by Day; fo that Maghmud
having bound his Party well together, by
means of his Correfpondents in the Capital,
who informed him of the Condition every
thing was in, and being well provided with
all Neceffaries for hazarding a Siege, refolv'd
in the Beginning of May to open himſelf a
Paffage on the River, coft what it would.
He made his Attack at the Bridge of A-
bufabat, the Westermoft of the four Bridges
over the Senderon, which he had attempted
in vain the next Day after the taking of Zul-
fa. He found not fo much Reſiſtance in the
fecond Attack as he met with in the firſt.
The Georgians, who had the Charge of de-
fending it, were for the moft Part drunk or
afleep; fo that they were at no more Trouble
than paffing over their Bodies in maſtering
the Bridge. This Paffage being once open, part
of the Army follow'd, and ſpread themſelves
about Ifpahan, which they began to inveſt
on all Sides the fame Day. They then for-
tified the Paſſes ſo ſtrongly, that nothing could
go in or come out of the City.
It was not till then thought in the neigh-
bouring Countries, that the Rebels did fe-
riouſly intend to form the Siege of Iſpahan ;
People ftill flatter'd themſelves, that after they
had plunder'd Zulfa, and the Neighbourhood,
VOL. II.
F
they
[66]
they wou'd return with their Booty. In this
Imagination they neglected laying up Stores
in the Capital; but when they underſtood
the Rebels had paſs'd the River, and block'd
up the City on all fides, they began to
awake, and to confider how to fuccour it.
This general Movement might have produc'd
fomething, had there been an able Chief to
have kept them together, with fufficient Au-
thority to have united the feveral Cantons,
and have obliged them to act in Concert: But
there was no little City nor Town which
wou'd not act of itſelf. Further, two Fa-
ctions in the fame City cou'd not refolve to
ſuſpend their Animofities, to join together a-
gainſt the Common Enemy; and, as if the
Rout of the Rebels, and the raiſing the Siege
of Ifpahan, had been at their Diſpoſal, and
in their Power, each Faction would referve
the Glory to itſelf, and was afraid left
the contrary Party fhou'd have a fhare of it.
Thus the War was carried on by Parties.
All the different Bodies of Troops, which,
ifjoin'd together, wou'd infallibly have beaten
the Detachments Maghmud fent out into
the Country during the Siege, were defeated
in twelve Encounters, which were call'd
Combats, tho' not worthy of that Name,
and made a great Noiſe all over Afia, where
they were talk'd of as ſo many fet Battels, in
which the Aghvans had always the Advan-
tage.
2
The
[67]
The only one of all thefe Actions, that
deferves Attention, and may be call'd a Com-
bat, was that where a Body of 5000 Men,
raiſed by Ali-Merdan-Kan, Prince of Lo
riftan, was cut in Pieces by the Imprudence
of his Brother; for while that General was
making other Levies to joyn thoſe 5000
Men, and was preparing a great Convoy for
Ifpahan, his Brother, jealous of the Glory he
was about to acquire, found Means to de-
bauch his Men by giving them Money, and
engag'd them to follow him againſt the Ene-
my; but being a raw Soldier, he behaved
fo ill, and led them ſo unadviſedly, that the
5000 Men were totally routed, and he him-
felf escaped with Difficulty, the Fight having
been very bloody.
This was one of the Perfians moſt confi-
derable Loffes fince the Battel of Giulnabat
and cauſed fo much the more Affliction over
all.the Kingdom, by how much the Perfians
had placed all their Hopes in this ſmall Body
of the Army, which confifted indeed of pick'd.
Men, and, above all, in the Capacity of the
brave Ali-Merdan-Kan, who had form❜d it.
But no Body was fo much concern'd as this
Lord, who was doubly intereſted by the Lofs
itſelf, and by the Hand from whence it came.
He was at an infinite deal of Pains to aſſemble
theſe 5000 Men, chofen Troops, who wanted
only a good Commander. He pretended not to
give Battel to the Aghvans with a Number of
Men fo inferior to theirs; propofing nothingmore
F 2
to
L
[68]
to himſelf than to force one of their Poſts,
and to make way for his great Convoy, which
was quite ready to enter Ifpahan. It was
very practicable, and in all likelihood would
have fucceeded. 'Tis alfo certain, that the
Confidence People had in his Ability would
have animated the Befieged; and his Vigilance
and Authority, would have been too hard for
the Artifices of a General, who betray'd the
Party which he headed. On the Eve of the Day
when he was to execute his Project, he faw all his
Meaſures broken by the blind Jealouſy of a
Brother, who, tho' younger, and without Ca-
pacity, had all his Life long been labouring to
fupplant him. This unlucky Brother ob-
tained his End ſomeYears before; and manag'd
his Intrigues fo well with the Eunuchs and
Minifters, that he got himſelf put in his Bro-
ther's Place in the Principality of Loriftan,
and the latter to be confin'd at Kirman.
Whatever Cauſe of Refentment Ali-Mer-
dan-Kan had againſt the Court, he hearken'd
to nothing but his Zeal and his Duty, when
he heard the Aghvans were marching towards
Ifpahan. He made his Eſcape from the Place
of his Exile, to go and fupport the tottering
Throne of a King by whom he had himſelf
been ſtripp'd of his Principality. He was at
the Battel of Giulnabat, and had given evi-
dent Proofs of his Fidelity and Courage.
Since that fatal Day his fole Buſineſs had been
to find out Means to fuccour his King in the
moſt
[ 69 ]
moſt preffing Neceffity. All his Cares, his
Credit, and his Wealth, had been thus em-
ploy'd; and at laſt he ſaw himſelf in a Con-
dition to undertake it, when he found in his
own Brother an Enemy, who ruin'd all his
Hopes. He had pardon'd his former Trea-
fons, but could not ſtand out againſt this laſt ;
and having him in his Power, he rid him-
felf of him, tho' not without great Regret,
and very forry he was that there was no o-
ther way for him to put an End to his Trea-
fons. The Victory gain'd by the Aghvans
on this Occafion was compleat; but they
made that uſe of their Advantage which Bar-
barians are wont to do; for having given
Quarter to thoſe that ſurviv'd the Battel, and
laid down their Arms only, on their fwear-
ing to spare their Lives, they cut the Throats
of all of them, a few excepted, from whom
they hop'd to receive great Sums for their
Ranfom.
So black a Perfidy remain'd not without
Puniſhment; and on this Occafion it was
that the Town of Ben-Ifpahan, who had
given the Rebels more Trouble than any Ci-
ty in Perfia, began to fignalize herſelf a-
gainst them. This Town is not above three
Miles from the Capital whoſe Name it bears.
'Tis pretty ftrong, and fituated as to be able
to make a Defence. The Inhabitants of the
Towns and Villages about it, alarm'd by the
Defeat of the Perfian Army, had removed
F 3
thither
[70]
thither with their Effects, as to a Place of Safety.
The Men of Ben-Ifpahan,ready to take hold of
all Opportunities to fall on the Rebels, were in-
form'd, that the Body of Aghvans, who had
defeated Ali-Merdan-Kan's little Army, re-
treated very negligently, and brought with
them all the Baggage and Proviſions defign'd
for Ispahan, which they found in the Enemies
Camp. On this Advice they waited for their
Return; and falling briskly upon them, they,
without much Difficulty, defeated Troops, fa-
tigu'd with a long Fight, who not expecting
to be attack'd, march'd in Diſorder, and all
the Security which was a natural Effect of fo
late a Victory, The Men of Ben-Ifpahan re-
cover'd by this all the Booty the Rebels had
taken from the Army of Ali-Merdan-Kan.
They were carrying home the Proviſions and
Baggage when Myrr-Maghmud diſdaining
that a fimple Town fhou'd put fuch an AF-
front on him in fight of the Capital, which
he was befieging, refolved to revenge it in
Perfon; and mounting on Horſeback, put
himſelf at the Head of a great Body of Troops,
with which he march'd againſt the Men of
Ben-Ifpahan, who retir'd in good Order.
He was receiv'd with more Refolution and
Vigor than he expected, or had met with
from the Perfians. The Men of Ben-Ifpa-
ban beat him, and cut off moſt of the Troops
he had with him. He himſelf was hard put
to it to make his Eſcape, full of Confufion
and
[ 7 ]
and Rage at his being forced to leave, to the
Difcretion of the Conquerors, feveral Pri-
foners of Importance, fome of them his near-
eft Relations, whom he could not get out of
their Hands. He was no fooner returned to
his Camp, than out of fear that the Men of
Ben-Ifpahan would ufe Reprifals, and treat
their Prifoners as Ali-Merdan-Kan's Soldiers
had been treated by his own Troops contrary
to their Oath given, and the Law of Nati-
ons; he in haſte ſent an Expreſs to the King,
to pray him to interpofe his Authority to fave
their Lives; promifing that if thoſe Aghvan
Priſoners were well us'd, he might expect an
Accommodation. The King immediately dif
patch'd an Officer of his Court, nam'd Mirza
Raham, whom the Aghvans themſelves con-
ducted to Ben-Ispahan. But the Officer came
too late; He faw the dead Bodies of thoſe
Priſoners fixed upon Stakes, among whom
were an Uncle of Myrr-Maghmud's, one of
his Brothers, and two of his Coufins; and
that Officer complaining that the Men of
Ben-Ifpahan had been too quick, they re-
ply'd boldly, That Barbarians who broke
their Oaths, ought not to be ſurpriſed that
they had fo treated thoſe Men to whom they
had promis'd nothing.
This cruel, tho' juft Execution, deſtroy'd
all Hope of a Peace by a Treaty. The Re-
bels, who by the Ufage their Fellows meg
with from the Men of Ben-Ifpahan, faw
F 4
what
[72]
what they were to expect from the Perfians
if they got the Maftery, refolved to give no
Quarter; and the fame Day maffacred all
their Priſoners, as fo many Victims due to
the Manes of their Countrymen thus treated
at Ben-Ispahan.
However, they were ftrangely diſpirited by
the Check they had juft met with from thofe
Men. Inſtead of preffing the Siege of the
Capital, they contented themfelves with fur-
niſhing well the principal Pofts in the Neigh-
bourhood of that Place, and fecuring the Paf-
fage of the Bridge of Abufabat. The rest of
the Army returned to the Camp at Farabat,
leaving but few Troops even at Zulfa.
Here was a fair Opportunity to deliver If-
pahan, had it been taken hold of; and that
it was not, was no Fault of the Armenians of
Zulfa. Tho' the Perfians had accus'd them
of favouring the Aghvans, it is certain the
King had not more faithful and more intelli-
gent Spies than they had been, from whom
he received conftant Advice of whatever pafs'd
in the Rebels Camp. Myrr-Maghmud him-
felf diſcover'd fome of them, whom he put
to a cruel Death for their Treachery. When
they faw the Dejection the Aghvans were
fallen into fince their late Defeat, they not
only informed the King of it, but were the
firſt that ſolicited and prefs'd him to take Ad-
vantage of that Conjuncture, and to ftifle all
Reproaches, well or ill grounded; they ex-
horted
[ 73 ]
horted him to make himſelf Maſter of Zulfa,
fhewing how eafily it might be done, offer-
ing to be themſelves affifting in it, by putting
the few Aghvans that remained there to
Death, as foon as they faw the Royal Army
advance.
True it is, the Aghvans were in ſuch a
Condition that the Perfians would have met
with no great Refiftance; and if they had fe-
cur'd Zulfa, the City of Ifpahan had been
delivered. The Bridge of Abuſabat attack'd
on the Side of Zulfa and that of Ispahan at
the fame time, could not have held out; and
that Paffage being cut off, there would have
been no Communication left between the
Rebels in the Poſts about Ifpahan, and the
reſt of the Army encamp'd at Farabat; and
had no other Profit accru'd by this Enterprize,
than opening a Paffage for a great Convoy of
feveral thouſand Camels loaden with Provifi-
ons, which waited for the Moment in the
Neighbourhood, the Place had at leaft been
revictualled, and the Courage of the befieg'd
been rais'd; for they feared Famine much
more than the Aghvans.
The King highly approved of the Propofi
tion, and immediately order'd the General to
march with the Army, and put it in Execution.'
But the latter, who for fome time had be-
tray'd him, and was fo deeply engag'd with
Myrr-Maghmud, that he thought juftly enough
he fhould be undone, and all would come
out
[74]
out if the King continu'd Mafter, eluded that
Order by making fhew of executing it. He
at first march'd his Army out at the City
Gates, but foon after march'd them in again
under various Pretences. Sometimes he faid
he had Advice, that Ali-Merdan-Kan's Ar-
my, the Defeat of which was not yet known,
were juſt upon arriving, and the Junction of
their Troops would render the Execution of
the Project more certain; and fometimes he
feemed to doubt the Sincerity of the Arme-
nians, and did not think it fit to truft the
only Army the State then had on their bare
Word. And as the Perfians ftood in need
of him, and durft not ſeem to fufpect his Fi-
delity, they were forced to accept his Excu-
fes, and loſe the faireſt Opportunity which
ever offer'd for the Deliverance of the City.
'Twas about the fame time, that News
came of the Defeat of Ali-Merdan-Kan's
Troops, which they had not heard of before;
and what augmented the Deſolation which
this Misfortune caus'd, was further Advice
that there was no Hope of Succour from the
Prince of Georgia; which happen'd thus:
When the King was inform'd of the Loſs
of the Battel of Giulnabat, the Rupture of
the propoſed Accommodation, and the Ap-
proach of the Aghvan Army towards Ifpa-
han, and faw he was like to be befieg'd, he
thought the fureft way to free himſelf from
this Embarrassment, was to fend for the Prince
of
[75]
of Georgia, on whofe Capacity and Valour he
might rely. The Difficulty was how he
fhould regain that Prince, on whom the
greateſt Affront had been put, by fignifying
to him an Order for him to return home, juſt
as he was about breaking in upon the Lefgi-
ans with an Army of 60000 Men; and it
could not but be known that he had then
fworn at the Head of his Forces, never to
draw Sword for the King, or the State. The
King was forry after he had carry'd things
with ſo high a Hand, to fee himſelf oblig'd
to have recourſe to the Georgian Prince; but
fuch was the Extremity to which he was dri-
ven, that 'twas refolv'd to fet every thing a-
fide, and endeavour to regain and appeaſe
him; for which Schah Huffein took the beſt
Courſe that could be. He fent him the moſt
magnificent Preſents; to theſe he join'd a
Letter, the Contents of which did not run
ſo much upon Juftification and Apology, as
his Sorrow and Excufes for what had paſs'd,
conceived in fuch Terms as might more than
make him amends, coming from a King to
his Vaffal. He confefs'd he had been in the
wrong to ſnatch the Arms out of his Hands,
when he was on the point of chaftifing his
Enemies, and thofe of the State; and ac-
knowledg'd at laft, notwithſtanding the Sufpi-
cions which had been without grounds rais'd
againft him, that he never had a more true
and faithful Friend, He then fhewed him,
that
[76]
}
that the Time was now come for him to prove
himſelf ſo, by giving him effential Marks of
his Friendſhip in the preffing Neceffity to
which he was reduced; and after having ſet
before his Eyes what he had done upon Oc-
cafions for his Family, and his whole Nation,
he added, that if Gratitude obliged him to
nothing with regard to him, fomething was
at leaſt owing to the Blood of the Princes,
Reftom-Kan and Koftrow-Kan his Brothers,
and fo many Georgians, whom the Aghvans
had moſt barbarouſly murder'd. On Prince
Vachtanga's Anfwer to this Letter depended
the Safety or Lofs of the Kingdom; for it is
ftill the general Belief in Perfia, that if that
Prince had only made a Shew of marching to
the King's Affiftance, the Aghvans would
not have ſtaid for his coming, but have made
what hafte they could home: Spite pre-
vail'd on this Occafion; tho' when the Voice
of Duty was too weak, that of Compaffion
at leaſt ought to have been heard. Vachtan-
ga ſaw his King fuppliant, as one may ſay,
upon his Knees, imploring his Protection in
the moſt extreme Peril, without being mov'd.
A Word only would have fav'd him; and
fuch was his implacable Reſentment, that he
refus'd him even that. But to prove that
when a Perſon is wanting to his King, he is
wanting to himſelf, and that when a Throne
falls, thofe to whom it was a Support muft
fall with it, Heaven permitted that Prince
Vachtan
[77]
Vachtanga fhould be one of the firſt Victims
of his own Hard-heartedness; for after the
taking of Ispahan, the Turks made an Irrup-
tion into Georgia, when it was drain'd of Sol-
diers; and Vachtanga being in no Condition
to refift them, was forced to fly. He took
Refuge at Petersburgh in August, 1725. and
found there more Compaffion in his Misfor
tunes than he had had for his King's; the
Czarina giving him a very kind Reception,
and affigning him an honourable Penfion, on
which he has fubfifted ever fince; a Fugitive
outed of his Dominions, to which there is
no Appearance that he will ever return.
When all Hope of Succour from Georgia was
over, the Perfians began to conceive new
Fears. For the firft Alarms on the Arrival
of the Aghvans, and the taking of the
Bridge of Abufabat, had not for fome time
given them much Diſturbance; tho' the latter
being in the Enemies Hands, the City was
fhut up by it, and all Communication from
without cut off. They hop'd the News of
the March of Vachtanga would have rid
them of an Enemy who block'd up the City,
but that was all. They made no Attempt to
force it; or if they did, they appear'd to be
fuch Novices in Attacks of Places, that their
Affaults were only a Sight for the Citizens-
of Ifpahan, who from their Houſes Tops
look'd on them as fuch for their Amuſement.
The first Months of the Siege pafs'd in this
manner,
[ 78 ]
manner, the Inhabitants of the Capital living
in as great Security as if they had not been
besieged. But the Defeat of all the ſmall
Bodies that were coming to their Affiftance
at laſt awaken'd them, and renewed their
Difquiets both in Court and City, especially
when they deſpair'd of Vachtanga's coming.
'Twas believ'd that all thofe fmall Bodies of
Troops which the Rebels had beaten, miſcar-
ry'd in their Enterprizes more thro' want of
Conduct than want of Zeal, and by enga-
ging the Enemy apart; whereas if they had
been all joined under one Chief, whofe Au-
thority might be fufficient to unite them, and
keep them in fome Order, their Enterprizes
would have been more fucceſsful.
They caft their Eyes on Prince Thamas,
Schah Huffein's third Son, to be their Chief.
His two Eldeſt had already been in their Turn
declar'd Succeffors to the King their Father.
Mirza-Sefi, the eldest of all of them, took a
Diſguſt in a Month's Time, as is ſeen in its
place, or perhaps we are made to believe fo.
The ſecond Son, who was afterwards fubfti-
tuted in his room, was more unhappy; for
the Eunuchs, who were Mafters of every
thing, having taken Umbrage at his Conduct,
got him to be again confin'd in the Haram, from
whence he had been taken. Thoſe that have
fuffer'd Outrage to a certain Point being ne-
ver brought upon the Stage again, and the
Naine and Authority of a Son of the King
being
[79]
being wanted to unite all the Provinces, and
all Parties under one and the fame Command,
the third Son was preferr'd to his two elder
Brothers, tho' he had not yet appear'd in the
World.
He was for this purpoſe taken out of the
Haram, as the Kingdom's laſt Hope; and to
qualify him to compel Obedience, the King
declar'd him his Succeffor in the Throne with
great Solemnity. He alſo made him his
Lieutenant, with full Power throughout all
Perfia. After he had been publickly recog-
niz'd as fuch, the Queftion was, how he might
with Safety país through the Rebels, who in-
vefted the City on all Sides. A good Eſcorte
of 500 ftout Soldiers were pick'd out of the
Band called Kagiat's for that Service. They
were hardy and trufty Fellows, of approv'd
Fidelity. They conducted him fo well by
private Ways, that maugre all the Obftacles
they met with, the Prince was in twenty-four
Hours March upon a Stretch brought to a
Place of Safety.
Prince Thamas was now in a Condition
to act; but he did not find things in the good
Difpofition which the Court flatter'd them-
felves with. Moſt of the People in the Coun-
try round about Ifpahan were dishearten'd
with the ill Succefs of all their Attempts, and
had retired into remoter Provinces. It was
not eaſy to make them return, and reaffem-
ble to oppofe the Rebels. As to the Troops
on
[80]
on the Frontiers, thofe that were on the Bor-
ders of the Lefgians could not quit their
Poſts, which, fo weaken'd were they by fe-
veral Loffes, they could hardly maintain. The
fame Excuſe ſerv'd for thoſe that were poſted
on the Turkish Frontiers.
Others excus'd
Others,
themſelves on account of fome pretended
Privileges granted them by Schah Abbas, by
vertue of which they faid they were not to
ſerve any where but on the Frontier.
quite difpirited by ill Succeffes, were gone
home, where they in Peace look'd on the
Tempeft, by which they were themſelves to
be foon overwhelm'd. 'Twas to no purpoſe
for Prince Thamas to fend Order after Order,
telling them that the Neceflities of the King-
dom, and the Danger of the Capital, ready to
fall into the Hands of Barbarians, ought to
prevail over all other Confiderations. He
was not able to make himſelf fear'd, and his
Orders therefore were not obey'd; the leaft
Pretence was fufficient to diſobey him. Thus
tho' there were 50000 regular Troops on the
Frontiers, 20000 towards Karabegie on Tur-
key Side, 9000 Kagians on the Side of Tar-
tary, 12000 towards Hyrcania and Mount
Caucafus, and 7000 on the Borders of the
Great Mogul, Prince Thamas could get little
or no Succour.
There was another Militia in the Kingdom
eſtabliſh'd by Schah Abas, which would have
been very ſerviceable to Prince Thamas, if
they
i
[ 81 ]
they had not been neglected in the laft
Reigns; eſpecially that of Schab Huffein.
It confifted of the Nobility to whom Schah
Abas gave Lands, on Condition they ſhou'd
ferve with a certain Number of their Vaffals
when required; ſomething like the Timariots
in Turkey; excepting that thofe Timariots are
only for Life, and a fort of Commanderies
which defcend not to their Childern; whereas
in Perfia they are Hereditary, which was the
Occafion of ruining that Militia. For having
been a hundred Years in poffeffion of theſe
Lands from Father to Son, ever fince the Reign
of Schab Abas, they look'd upon them as
Eſtates of the Family: And the little Care that
was taken to keep them to their Duty, gave
them Reaſon to think fo. A Piece of Negli-
gence the more blameable, for that this Mili-
tia confifted of 300000 Men, and were a fure
Reffource on any fudden or preffing Occafion;
but now were come to nothing, for want of
being employ'd from time to time. Whence
it was, that hardly any of them appear'd at
Prince Thamas's Summons. Most of them
pretended they were not oblig'd to march,
but in a general Expedition, where the King
commanded in Perfon; and if ſome of them
furniſh'd their Contingency, by ſending a few
of their Peaſants, thefe Soldiers, ill paid, and
worſe diſciplin'd, had not march'd half Way,
before they were as much fatigued, as others
are at the End of a Campaign; and return'd
VOL. II.
Home
G
[82]
!
Home again. Prince Thamas finding ſo little.
Zeal and Affiftance in the natural Subjects of
the Kingdom, who as Perfians ought to have
intereſted themſelves more in the Preſervation
of the Monarchy, expected much leſs from the
Fidelity of the little Princes dependant on
Perfia, who did not think ſo much of
fuccouring it, as of taking advantage of the
preſent Diſorder of Affairs to ſhake off their
Dependancy; a Servitude they endure no
longer than they are compell'd to it, nor
than when they can fet themſelves free
with Impunity. Thus the Prince's going
out of Ifpahan produc'd nothing of what
was expected for the Relief of the City; and
all the Benefit it did the King his Father, was
the preferving him as a laft Refource for the
Royal Family, in the Fall with which they
were threaten'd.
1
'Tis evident by what has been ſaid of the
ill Difpofition in which Prince Thamas found
Things when he was at Liberty to act, that
he was by no means in a Condition to do any
thing confiderable for the Deliverance of Iſpa-
han. He cou'd not get out till about the
latter End of May at fooneft, and the City
being furrounded towards the End of Octo-
ber, the Space of five Months Time between
them was not enough for him to get a fuffi-
cient Strength to relieve it; eſpecially con-
fidering how difinclin'd the People were to
that Service.
However,
[ 83 ]
However, there are fome who pretend this
Prince might have done more than he did.
What Grounds they have for it I can't tell.
They ſay there was Deſign and Artifice in it,
and that it had been fuggefted to him, that
if the Siege of Ifpahan was rais'd, it might
well happen to him, as to his two elder
Brothers, who after they had been declared
Succeffors to Schah Huffein, were degraded
thro' the Jealouſy and Intrigues of the Eunuchs,
and confin'd in a Corner of the Haram,
without Hope of ever getting out again:
That upon this Suggeftion, he refolv'd to let
Ispahan be taken, propofing to himſelf to come
afterwards at the Head of all the Troops of
the Kingdom to drive away the Aghvans,
wihch would fecure to him his Right of Suc-
ceffion to the Crown, and render it incon-
teſtable. Theſe Sufpicions are perhaps ill-
grounded: but it muſt be allow'd, that Prince
Thamas's Conduct contributed a great deal
to ftrengthen them. For while his Father
was reduc'd to the laft Extremity in Ifpahan,
he paſt his Time in Diverſions and nuptial Re-
joicings; infomuch, that he receiv'd the fa-
tal News of the taking of the Capital, the
very Day he was married with the utmoſt Pomp,
and in the midſt of Fire-Works and Illumina-
tions made on that Occafion. This dreadful
News put an End to the Feſtival, which was
not at all fuitable to it.
G 2
In
[84]
In the mean time, the Citizens of Ispahan
finding no Advantage by the Prince's leaving
the City, that the Aghvans fhut them up
cloſer every Day, and that there was no Pro-
ſpect of any Succour, grew tumultuous, and
ran to the King's Palace, which he had not
ftirr'd out of from the beginning of the Siege
to that Hour. They cry'd out, that 'twas a
Shame to fuffer themſelves to be undermin'd by
little and little, without one bold Effort for
their Deliverance; and fince there was nothing
to be expected from Without, they demanded
to be led themſelves againſt the Enemy,
while they were yet able to fight. They were
referr❜d tothe General, who never wanted Rea-
fons to elude their Inftances. Sometimes he
amus'd them with the approaching Arrival of
Prince Thamas: fometimes he ſeem'd to com-
ply with their Zeal, and wou'd put himſelf at
the Head of a Number of them, as if he wou'd
attack the Enemy; but they were ſcarce out
of the Gates, before he had fome Excufe or
another to bring them in again as particu-
larly, that the Hour was not favourable, the
Perfians being very fuperftitious, and much
given to obferve Hours and Seafons.
But it not being poffible in their preſent
Situation, to amufe the People any longer,
who grew weary of Delays, and loft all
Patience, they mutiny'd, and crowded again
and again to the Haram, crying out, Let the
King put himſelf at our Head, and lead us
againſt
[85]
againſt the Enemy. Good Words were at
firſt given them, and they were put off with
a Promiſe of the King's Anfwer the next
Day.
But the People not trufting to this
Promife, cry'd out again, that they wou'd
fee the King; and the Sedition increas'd fo
much, that the Eunuchs fir'd Ball on the
Multitude out of the Palace Windows, which
difpers'd them, and fupprefs'd the Sedition
for that time, tho' it had a very ill Effect
afterwards. For the Citizens feeing there
was no Hopes of any Help from the King,
who flept over the Miferies which threatn'd
him, and cou'd not be drawn out of his
Palace, as much as his Life and Crown were
in danger, loft all Courage, and every one
thought of himſelf only, and how to deliver
himſelf from the Danger which ſeem'd inevi-
table. To this End they withdrew in fuch
Numbers by little and little, with the tacit
Connivance of the Aghvans, who were not
forry to ſee the City difpeopled, that when
the Famine came upon them, and they re-
folv'd to try one Effort, there was not
People enough left to make it.
Achmet-Agha, the brave Eunuch whọ ſo
well defended the Bridge of Chiras, and had
fignaliz'd himſelf on ſeveral other Occafions,
feeing how things were going, and that all
wou'd foon be loft, if the People did not
recover their Spirits by fome vigorous Action,
put himſelf at the Head of fome old Troops
which
G 3
[86]
which he commanded, and attempt'd to force
one of the chief Poſts of the Aghvans. The
Blow wou'd have been the more important,
for that if it had fucceeded, the City wou'd
have been revictual'd for a long time, there
being feveral Thouſand Camels loaden with
Proviſions three Leagues off, which Convoy
waited only for the opening a Paffage to
enter Ifpahan. Achmet attack'd the Poft
very valiantly, and had without doubt car-
ry'd it, if Machmet-Wali had contributed
ever fo little towards it; but the latter, inſtead
of fupporting him, bafely forfook him, and
himſelf and his Troops were repuls'd. Mach-
met-Wali fearing his Remonftrance, was before-
hand with him, and complain'd to the King,
that the Eunuch had encroach'd upon his Office,
and fought on his own Head; that his Sally
was unfeaſonable, and had loft a Part of the
King's beſt Soldiers. The King ſuffer'd him-
felf to be impos'd on by this Mifreprefenta-
tion, and being accuftom'd to fall out with
no body but thoſe that ferv'd him beft, was
very angry with the loyal Eunuch when he
return'd, and chid him for fighting without
Order. Achmet bore all his Anger with the
Bravery he fhewed in Battel. He told him
plainly he was dupe'd by a Traytor who be
tray'd him, and endeavour'd only to palliate
his Treafon, when by the Extremity of Fa-
mine he ſhould be reduced to deliver himſelf
to the Aghvans; that as for his own Part,
4
he
[ 87 ]
he would meddle no more, but would dye
at his Majeſty's Feet before the Traitor fhould
gain his Ends; that he might not have the Af-
fliction to ſee him pull'd from his Throne by
the Treachery of a Wretch in whom he con-
fided, and who was more his Enemy than the
Aghvans themſelves. He then withdrew,
and his great Soul not being able to bear
ſuch unjuſt Reproaches, he took Poiſon, and
the next Day was found dead in his Bed. He
was generally belov'd and eſteem'd, and ac-
cordingly univerfally lamented. Every body
mourn'd for the Lofs of the only Man that
had hitherto kept up their Hopes; and his
Loſs threw thoſe into Defpair, that had not
till then look'd on their State as defperate.
The Aghvans never thought themſelves fo
ſure of taking the City, as when they heard
of his Death; which their General took care
to acquaint them with, as foon as himſelf
knew it. Achmet was the only one of the
Perfian Generals, whom they dreaded for his
Conduct and Courage; and it is certain, if
he had been General in the room of Mach-
met Wali, they would not fo obftinately have
continu'd the Siege of Ifpahan. Though he
was an Eunuch, he had nothing of the Mean-
neſs of that Sort of People, and would fome
times ſpeak to the King with that Freedom
and Refolution, which none were capable of
but himſelf. As this one Inftance makes ap
pear; in that he once by his own Authority
GA
took
{
[88]
took the Meat defign'd for the King's Table,
and diſtributed it among the Soldiers, making
a Jeft of the Houfhold-Servants who carry'd
the Diſhes, and telling them, Neither the King
nor the Courtiers would ever think of a Re-
medy for the Famine, while their own Bel-
lies were full. Schah Huffein's Lofs in the
Death of this faithful Servant was the greateſt
he ever met with; and tho' he was concern'd
at it, 'twas not fo much as he ought to have
been. Thus fell a Man, whom the Perils of
War had fpar'd, by the Malignity of Envy.
Indeed it was Schah Huffein's Fate to do
himſelf more Miſchief than his Enemies cou'd
do him, and to part with his most faithful
Servants, as ſoon as they were in a Condition
to make others afraid of them.
By what Achmet faid to the Dome
fticks concerning the Famine, when he
took away the King's Dinner, one may be
fure it rag'd all over the City. This Scarci-
ty was alſo a Confequence of the King's and
his Miniſters ill Policy, who if they had been
directed by the Aghvans themſelves how to
behave moft for their Advantage, could not
have done otherwife than they did.
For, as if they thought there was not
People enough in Ifpahan to confume the
Proviſions there as faft as might be, the firſt
Ordinance that was publiſhed on the Arrival
of the Aghvans, even before the Paffages
were clos'd, and one Side of the City lay
2
opena
[89]
open, was a general Prohibition that none
fhould leave the Capital; not only Citizens
who had Houſes there, but Foreigners, and
all thoſe that were there upon Occafion. This
firft Fault was not the worſt; the next was ftill
greater; which was an Order to admit the
Inhabitants of the neighbouring Towns and
Villages, driven thither by the Fear of War,
and they were there very welcome: which fo
fill'd it with uſeleſs Mouths, and all Sorts of
Rabble, that tho' the City is very great, and
the Streets very wide, there was hardly any
paffing in it.
Though fuch a vaſt Multitude muſt make a
prodigious Confumption, the Hope of Suc-
cours to free the City in a little while, hin-
der'd the taking any Precautions for Supplies,
and Provifions continu'd at a reaſonable Price
till the End of May: They grew dearer in
time, yet the Price was ftill tolerable. In Ju-
ly and Auguft the Citizens began to eat Ca-
mels, Mules, Horfes and Affes, and there was
no other Meat in the Markets. A Horfe's Carcaſs
at the End of Auguft was worth 1000 Crowns.
In September and October they eat Dogs and
Cats, of which fo many were devour'd, that
one would have thought the very Species was
loft there. The Author of my Memoirs re-
ports, that he faw a Woman in the Hollan-
der's Quarter holding a Cat in her Hand, and
going to ftrangle it, and tho' the Cat in defend-
ing itſelf had made her Hand all bloody, fhe
did
[90]
did not let go her hold, but at every new
Claw or Bite fhe receiv'd, would cry out,
Thou ſtrivft in vain, I'll eat thee for all that.
Corn failing in
in September, a Pound of
Bread was fold for thirty Shillings, and in
October for above fifty. TheCity of Ifpahan be-
ing fo full of Trees, that according to Tavernier
it looks more like a Foreft than a City, Part
of them was fell'd in the Famine Time, and
the Leaves and Bark fold by the Pound. The
Roots of Herbs made into Meal were eaten.
Shoe-Leather being boil'd was for a time the
common Food ; at laſt they came to eat hu-
man Fleſh, and the Streets being full of Car-
caffes, fome had their Thighs cut off private-
ly. For this Inhumanity was not tolerated;
and ſome being taken eating human Fleſh,
they were baftinado'd for it. But the Fear of
Puniſhment did not hinder the increafing of
the Evil, which grew at laſt to an horrible
Excels. For feveral Children were ftolen and
eaten, half dead as they were of Famine;
and that the moſt monftrous Barbarities, which
we read with ſo much Horror in the Relations
of the moſt cruel Famines, might not be
wanting in that of Ispahan, there were Mo-
thers who kill'd and eat their own Children.
The Mortality, which is the inevitable Con-
fequence of the like Calamities, was anfwe-
rable to the Excefs of Mifery in Ifpahan. It
was fo great, that no Care was taken to bury
the dead Corps, which were flung out into
the
:
[91]
the Streets in fo great Numbers, that there
was no going without paffing over them, to
which People at laſt accuftom'd themſelves.
But notwithſtanding this Diſorder, which any
where elſe would have caus'd a Plague, lf-
pahan was preferv'd by the Serenity of the
Air of the Climate. However, there being
fuch Heaps of Carcaffes in every Street, the
Citizens threw them time after time into the
River Senderou, on that Side where it run
neareſt to the City. The Quantity fo thrown
in was fo great, that the Water of the River
was totally infected by it, and fo corrupted,
that it was a whole Year before it was drunk,
or any of the Fifh eaten that was taken in it.
People of Quality fuffer'd as much as the
Vulgar; and one may judge of their Suffer-
ings in general by the Streights to which a
Perfian Lord was reduced. This Lord having
fold all he had by Piece-meal to fubfift his
Family, finding there was no more Food to
be had, he refolv'd to deliver himſelf and
them from a cruel Famine, for which he faw
no Remedy; and having order'd a Dinner a
little more ſumptuous than ordinary, he pri-
vately poifon'd all the Meat, fo that himfelf
and all his Family, even to the meaneft Do-
meftick, found an End of their Miſeries;
none of them, himſelf excepted, knowing
how it came.
But what is more furpriſing than all I have
faid, is, there was a poor blind Man in Iſpahan,
who
[92]
who before the Siege, and during the whole
Courſe of it, liv'd only by begging, and was alive
when the Aghvans made themſelves Maſters
of the City, where he continu'd his old
Trade of begging, and ſtill liv'd by it under
their Dominion; which was not a little ex-
traordinary, that in a Place where the
Wealthieſt dy'd of Hunger by thouſands, Pro-
vidence ſhould take care of the Subfiſtence of
a Beggar, who depriv'd of Sight had nothing
but his Voice to help him. This Example is
at leaſt proper to fhew us, that Beggary has
Reſources which fometimes are not found in
the greateſt Riches.
I cannot better finiſh this Account of the
Mortality in Ifpahan, than by a Computati-
on of the Number of thoſe that dy'd, which
the Author of my Memoirs tells us he ſhould
have been better able to give in, if he had
not found Means to get out of Ifpahan before
the End of the Siege. He reports, that
when he arrived in Europe, he read Letters
from the Armenians of Zulfa to fome of their
Countrymen in the Place where he was, im-
porting that there dy'd in Ifpahan during the
Siege 10,40000 Perfon. Upon which he ſays,
that as he durft not affure one that the Number
of the Dead ran up fo high; fo that after
having been on the Spot himſelf, he durft
not deny it. Certain it is that the City of
Ispahan is a great deal bigger and more po-
pulous
[93]
pulous than Conftantinople; that by the Con-
courſe of the People from the Country Towns,
and Villages in the Neighbourhood who fled
thither on the approach of the Aghvans,
there was more thandouble theNumber of Peo-
ple in the City than before. And after it was ta-
ken, there were not 100000 Souls in the Place.
Upon all which, the Reader may compute
as he thinks fit; obferving (as does the Author
of the Memoirs,) that from the Arrival of
the Aghvans at Farabat, not 20000 had
pe-
rifh'd by the Sword. As for the Aghvans,
they loft very few Men after they began to
inveft the City. Not that they were not
within reach of the Cannon of Ifpahan, where
there were 400 mounted in feveral Places;
but tho' every one of thofe Pieces was dif
charg'd 400 times at leaft, which makes
160000 Shot, they were fo ill fir'd, that there
were not 400 Aghvans kill'd by it. One
may judge of the Skill of the Perfian Engi-
neers, by a Queftion of the Topli-Bafzy, or
Great Maſter of the Ordnance, who when
the Rebels arriv'd at Giulnabat, ask'd the
English at Ispahan, if there were Cannon in
Europe that would carry twelve Miles; and
if they thought there were any Guns among
his, that would carry as far as Giulnabat?
When Myrr-Maghmud was inform'd by
his Spies, that he had nothing to apprehend
on the King's Part, who was depriv'd of all
Means of doing him Hurt by the Divifions at
Court
[94]
1
Court and ill Councils; that the City was
every Day more and more weaken'd by the
Mortality and the Deſertion of the Inhabitants;
and that the Eunuch Achmet-Agha, the only
Man he fear'd was dead, he thought of no-
thing but ftrengthning his Pofts, and fecuring
the Avenues to Ifpahan, to hinder any Suc-
cors entring the Place. And as he doubted
not but he ſhould foon reduce it by Famine, fo
he made no Attack for two Months together.
He fent back thofe Perfians that had yielded
themſelves to him; and ſometimes he maffa-
cred them to ftrike Terror into the reſt. Ne-
vertheless, he ſtill carry'd on a Negotiation
with the King for the Surrender of the City:
and tho' this Prince conſented to every thing,
even to his Abdication, Maghmud fpun out
the Buſineſs into Length, purely to augment
the Mifery of the Citizens.
'Tis true, he might have forced the City
in the Beginning of October, if he had ſtorm'd
it, as his principal Officers wou'd have had
him do, repreſenting to him that the Con-
fternation which would feize all Perfia on
the News of the Sack of the Capital would
very much facilitate the Conqueſt of the reſt
of the Kingdom: and that befides, he could have
no better Title, according to the Laws of the
Alcoran, to mount the Throne, than by con-
quering Sword in Hand. But Myrr-Maghmud,
who knew well that he ran no Hazard by
delaying, and was not willing to abandon the
King's
[95]
King's and Grandee's Treaſures to Pillage,
which muſt have been done, had the City
been taken by Storm, put it off on various
Pretences, whatever Inftances were made to
him to give the Affault. Sometimes he pre-
tended a Regard for his Troops, which
were too dear to him to be needlessly ex-
pos'd; and at other times, that ſomebody at leaſt
fhou'd be left alive for them to command in
Ifpahan.
While he was thus eluding the Sollicitations
of his chief Captains, the Negotiations with
the Court were ftill carry'd on; and the Ex-
tremity of the Famine having at laft taken
hold of the King's Palace, as well as the reſt
of the City, Neceflity reduc'd that Prince to
follicit the Conclufion of a Treaty, the firſt
Article of which was his own Dethronement,
which he ſeem'd more eager about, than
Myrr-Maghmud himſelf.
In fine, on the 28th of October, Schah
Huffein, who had nothing left in his Palace for
his Subfiſtance, came to his final Reſolution;
and to prepare Mens Minds for it, after ha-
ving cloath'd himſelf in Black, he went
out of his Palace, and ran thro' the prin-
cipal Streets of the City of Ifpahan, deplo-
ring his and his Kingdoms Misfortunes with
Sighs and Groans. The Mifery and Defo-
lation to which he faw the People reduc'd,
touch'd him when it was too lare. He
did his utmoſt to comfort them, telling
them
[96]
them that the new King wou'd govern them
better; excufing his own ill Conduct by the
Advice of his Minifters, for which he ap-
pear'd mightily troubl'd. The melancholy
Words, and the Fall of a Prince who was
driven from his Throne after a Reign of
twenty-eight Years, had all the Effect one
can imagine on his Subjects, who never had
an Averfion to him; and by his extreme Hu-
manity, a Virtue little known to his Prede-
ceffors, he had always made them bear with
him, tho' they defpis'd his Indolence and his
flaviſh Subjection to his Eunuchs. But what-
ever Reaſon there was to condemn his Mif
government, and tho' by his Weakneſs and
Carelessness, he had dug the Pit into which
he was falling, yet his Faults were forgotten,
and their Hearts were wholly taken up with
his Mifery. The Greatness of his Difgrace,
ſwallowed up all other Reflections; and the
People being more troubl'd for their King than
for themſelves, abandon'd themſelves to La-
mentation, and made more piercing Cries,
than all the Horrors they had endur'd during
a long Siege cou'd force from them; which
were heard even as far as Zulfa.
In the midſt of this dreadful Defolation,
Schah-Huffein return'd to his Palace; and the
next Day, the 22d of October, he diſpatch'd
Plenipotentiaries to the Camp of the Agh-
vans, to conclude and fign the Articles
of
:
[97]
of Capitulation; which were agreed on and
fign'd the fame Day.
And on the Day following, the 23d of
October, remarkable for fo ftrange an Event,
the Aghvans fent Horſes for the King, and
his principal Officers; there being not one
left in Ifpahan, where all were eaten during
the Famine. Schah Huffein and his Train
mounted the Horfes the Aghvans had fent,
and went thro' the City towards their Camp.
Tho' the People had been prepared for this
Ceremony, they had much ado to fupport
themſelves at the Sight of it. They did not
burst out into Cries, as they had done two
Days before. A fullen, doleful Silence ex-
prefs'd more Sorrow, and was more moving
than their loud Laments. And in their won-
dring, ghaftly Looks one might fee that ſuch
Aftoniſhment, Pity, Confternation, and De-
ſpair had feiz'd their Hearts, as ſtifled all Com-
plaints. In the mean time, Schah Huffein ad
vanced ſorrowfully to his fine Houſe at Fara-
bat, in an Equipage very different from the
Royal Pomp with which he was wont to go
to that Palace of Pleaſure, adorn'd with all
that Coft and Art could produce to render it
delightful. It was the only Houſe whofe
Preſervation he had at heart, as has been al-
ready obferv'd, and the firft which his Rebel
Subjects took from him. His Minifters and
Officers griev'd more for their Maſter's Dif-
grace than he did himſelf; becauſe they
VOL. II.
H
fore-
[98]
forefaw better the difmal Confequences of it.
They follow'd him with down-caft Looks,
and an Air of Confufion and Deſpair; in
which might alſo be diſcovered the ſecret In-
dignation of mortify'd Pride reduc'd to creep
to Barbarians, whom the leaft Subalterns at
Court were wont to treat with the utmoſt
Contempt and Inſolence.
While Schah-Huffein was drawing near the
Camp of the Aghvans, the Chiefs of that
Nation endeavoured, tho' in vain, to prevail
with Myrr-Maghmud to go forth and meet
him; which was decent for him to do, inaf-
much as the King was to be his Father-in-law:
But Myrr-Maghmud, as is common with Per-
fons advanced on a fudden above their natu-
ral Sphere, who are always fearful of doing
too much, was not gain'd by their Reprefen-
tations, but proudly refolv'd to expect the
King in one of the Halls of the Palace; and
when he enter'd, would hardly move a ſtep or
two to receive him.
Schah-Huffein, on the contrary, no fooner
faw him, than he ran to him with open Arms,
and after having embrac'd him, and kiſs'd him
with great Tokens of Friendſhip, he took his
Crown out of his Bofom, and put it on his
Head, declaring him, in Prefence of the Gran-
dees of both Nations, his Succeffor to the
Throne, to the Exclufion of his own Chil-
dren and their Pofterity. He then pray'd him,
according to the Conditions of the Treaty,
to
า
[ 99 ]
to regard him for the future as his Father; not
to meddle with his Wives; to treat the Prin-
ces of the Blood Royal as his younger Bro-
thers, and to take care that they wanted no-
thing in the Haram, where they were to be
ſhut up according to the Cuſtom of Perfia.
He alſo recommended to him the good
Government of the Kingdom; an exact
Diſtribution of Juftice; not to overburthen
the People with extraordinary Taxes, and
to content himſelf with what they had been
accuftom'd to pay.
Whether it was that Myrr-Maghmud ob-
ferv'd that his Haughtinefs had difpleas'd
the Grandees of his own Nation, or that the
King's humbling himſelf and yielding up
the Royalty fo frankly, had mollify'd his
hard Heart, he began to fhew a little more
Humanity, and invited Schah-Huffein to fit
down with him on a Sopha; where he
took a lower Seat for himſelf, and gave him
the left Hand, which is the Place of Honour
in Perfia. Schah-Huffein, after this, deli-
ver'd to him a Writing fign'd by himſelf
and all his Miniſters, which transferr'd the
Sovereignity to him and his Family; with-
out ftipulating any thing more for the King
and his Children, than the Preſervation of
his own Honour and the Lives of his Chil-
dren. Upon which the Mufti, or Chief
Prieſt of the Aghvans, advanc'd; and having
ſaid ſome Prayers over the depos'd King
H 2
and
[ 100 ]
and the new one, both bending before him,
he pronoun'd a fet Form of Curfes and Ex-
ecrations which he threaten'd fhould fall on
the Head of either of the two who broke
the Articles both had agreed upon.
As foon as this Ceremony was over, the
Grandees of both Nations did Homage to
the new King according to the Manner of
Perfia: that is, by proftrating themſelves
thrice before him and afterwards kiffing his
Knees. The fame Day the Aghvan Troops
were ſent to take poffeffion of Ifpahan.
They poſted themſelves in the principal
Quarters of the City, and fecured the Royal
Palace, which was open to them. At the
fame time, a General Amneſty for what had
paſt, was proclaim'd: and the next Day, the
new King, attended by the Perfian Mini-
fters, and the Chief Officers of his Army,
march'd to Ifpahan; while Schah-Huffein
with an Eſcorte of Aghvans took another
Way to it.
Sultan Maghmud, (for fo we muſt now
name him,) made his Entry into the Capi-
tal with all the Splendour of a Conqueror.
He went directly to the Palace of the Per-
fian Kings; and being conducted to the
ftately Hall, where thofe Kings were inſtall'd
at their Acceffion to the Crown, and re-
ceiv'd the Homage of their Subjects, he
plac'd himſelf on the Throne, and took the
Oath of Fidelity of the Minifters of State,
Eunuchs
4
[ 101 ]
Eunuchs, the Grandees of the Kiugdom, the
principal Citizens of Ifpahan, and the Mili-
tary Officers: All whom he afterwards mag-
nificently treated. The fame Day Provifions
were brought into the City in fuch Quan-
tities, that as much Bread might have been
bought for one Crown, as the Day before wou'd
have coſt two hundred: which was a great
Relief to the famiſh'd Citizens. The Procla-
mation of the Peace, and the Security which
was in Ipahan, by the good Order and
Diſcipline of the Aghvan Soldiers, invited
all thoſe together again that had left it du-
ring the Siege; by which it was foon re-
peopled.
}
Myrr-Maghmud finding himself in the
peaceable poffeffion of the Throne, figna-
liz'd the Beginning of his Reign by an
Act of Juftice which one would not have
expected from an Ufurper; and he was
very politick in doing it. He cauſed all
thoſe who had correfponded with him to
be feiz'd and executed for Treaſon in be-
traying their Sovereign; their Memory was
branded with Infamy, their Eſtates confifcated,
and their Bodies left without Burial. There
was none but Machmet-Wali, General of
Schah Huffein's Army, whom he was con-
tent only to impriſon for Life; becauſe as
'twas believ'd, he had taken an Oath not
to put him to Death. But he ſeiz'd his
Eftate, and beſtow'd the Hereditary Princi-
pality
H 3
[ 102 ]
pality of Havufa upon a Coufin-German
of Machmet's, who had ferv'd in the Agh-
van Army; engaging to put him in pof-
ſeſſion of it, as foon as he could bend his
Arms that Way. He declar'd openly that
there was no Good to be expected from
Men who had betray'd their King; and that
they would betray him in his Turn, if Op-
portunity offer'd.
On the contrary, he fhew'd a great deal
of Efteem for the Athemat-Doulet, who
had been very faithful to his King, and
teftify'd publickly, that he took well his Re-
ftrictions to the Oath of Allegiance when
he was fworn; and humbly pray'd that it
might not be expected of him to draw his
Sword againſt Prince Thamas. Which was
a laudable Inftance of Fidelity but we
muſt allow that it came a little too late,
after the bad Service he had done his old
Maſter in turning his Back fo unfeaſonably
as he did at the Battel of Giulnabat.
true, what he then did was more out of
Jealoufy of his Colleague in the Generalſhip,
than with Deſign to betray his Maſter: but
the Damage done Schah-Huffein by it, was
not the leſs; and that Deſertion was the
firft Cauſe of his Ruin.
"Tis
Nothing can be more reaſonable and
wife, than Sultan Maghmud's Conduct in
his Diſpoſal of the Adminiſtration of his
Government. He confider'd that if he em-
ploy'd
[103]
ploy'd Minifters of his own Nation, it
would be long before they would under-
ſtand the Management of Affairs: and be-
fides, the Publick would not have the fame
Confidence in Foreigners, as in their own
Countrymen. On this Account it was, that
he kept the Prime Minifter in his Place,
and had a particular Esteem for him:
and all other Minifters in their ſeveral Ju-
rifdictions were continued. But not to truft
too blindly to their Fidelity, he joyn'd one
of his own Nation to each of them; from
whence he reap'd double Advantage: for
at the fame time that theſe Overfeers had
a ftrict Eye on the Conduct of the Perfian
Officers, They alfo inftructed themſelves in
the Buſineſs of the ſeveral Offices.
There was only one Poft, that of Di-
van-Beg, or Chief Juftice, which he be-
ftow'd on an Aghvan, a Man of known
Probity, as the Perfians themselves acknow-
ledg'd, in the Courſe of his Miniſtry; and
were furpris'd to fee Juftice difpers'd with more
Integrity, Uprightnefs and Diſintereſtedneſs
by a Foreigner and a Barbarian, than it
had ever been by their own Magiſtrares.
Indeed the new King fo well regulated Mat-
ters, and govern'd with ſo much Equity and
Moderation, that it may be faid of him,
that he only wanted a lawful Title, and a
Right to reign, better acquir'd, and lefs
odious, to be a Prince without Reproach.
H 4
Sultan
[ 104 ]
Sultan Maghmud employ'd a Month in
fettling Matters in the Capital; and having
well eſtabliſh'd his Power there, he thought
of fecuring it abroad. He had the old King
and the Princes of the Blood, except Prince
Thamas, at his Mercy in Ifpahan; and no-
thing could have given him any Disturbance
in the poffeflion of the Throne, if Prince
Thamas had been alfo in his Hands. He
judg'd rightly, that as long as there was a
Sprig of the Royal Family remaining at li
berty, it would not be eafy for him to fe-
cure the Sovereignty in his own; and that'
the Perfians would always be ready to take
hold of any Opportunity to return to the
Obedience of their old Mafters: which de-
termin'd Sultan Maghmud to reduce the
City of Cashin, where he understood Prince
Thamas then was.
He gave this important Commiſſion to
Aman-Ulla, a Commander in whom he put
moft Confidence, and who was next to
himſelf the chief Man in the Nation and
Army. He gave him 8000 Men of his best
Troops, and fent him about the End of
November to Cashin, with Orders to demand
the Place: and in cafe it was not furren-
der'd to him, to take it by Force; and
eſpecially to feize Prince Thames, and fend
him to Ispahan. He reckon'd that if he cou'd
once make himſelf Mafter of the City of
Cashin, which heretofore was the Capital of
the
[ 105 ]
the Kingdom, till Schah-Abas the Great
remov'd the Court to Ispahan, the other
Cities of Perfia would follow her Example
and ſubmit.
The City of Casbin was very much fal-
len to Decay in 150 Years time; for fo long
ago it was that the Kings of Perfia ceas'd
to make it the Place of their Refidence.
Tavernier speaks of it as a great Village, per-
haps becauſe 'tis encompaſs'd with Walls, and
half of it is Gardens: but ſo are moſt
of the Cities in Perfia. 'Tis fituated in the
Province of Hierak-Agemi.
Prince Thamas, who was then there, having
Information of the Aghvan General's March,
and of his Deſigns, left the Town which was
defenceleſs, bid the Inhabitants make the beſt
Terms they could with the Rebels, and re-
ferving himſelf for fome other Occafion, re-
tir'd to Tauris.
The Citizens of Cashin being taken un-
provided in a City open on all Sides, and
having no Troops to oppofe the Aghvans,
receiv'd them without any Reſiſtance. ~Aman-
Ulla finding himſelf Mafter of fo great a Ci-
ty, did not forget himfelf, but refolv'd to do
there as Maghmud had done at Ifpahan, and
got as much Riches as he could; which he
exacted in fo violent and tyrannical a manner,
that he provok'd the Inhabitants to enter into
a fecret Confpiracy against him and his Agh-
vans, who being difpers'd up and down the
City
[106]
City in Caravanferas, and publick Houſes
as well as private, were the more eaſily to be
mafter'd. The Confpirators, who were in-
deed the greateſt Part of the Citizens, agreed
to fall upon them in the Night-time; and
becauſe an extraordinary Signal might have
alarm'd the Aghvans, there was to be no o-
ther than blowing a Horn, the ufual Way
of calling People to the Bath. Meaſures be-
ing concerted for this Enterprize, the Inhabi-
tants obferved that the Aghvans got toge-
ther in the Afternoon preceding the Night
when it was to be executed, in greater
haſte than
than ordinary. They thought by
this that they were difcover'd; and to go
through with their Work before they were
prevented, they took Arms immediately, and
fell upon the Aghvans, who tho' furpriz'd,
defended themſelves at firft well enough, but
at laſt were overpower'd by Numbers, and
4000 of them put to the Sword. The reft
fled in the greateſt Diſorder imaginable, lea-
ving their Baggage and all their Pillage be-
hind them.
Had the People of Cashin, when they laid
this Plot, got Troops ready to intercept the
Runaways, or had Prince Thamas known of
it, and placed an Ambuſcade to cut them off,
which he might eafily have done, and then
have march'd to Ifpahan, where the Inhabi-
tants would infallibly have rifen at his Arri-
val, he without doubt would have recover'd
the
[ 107 ]
the Crown, and not an Aghvan would have
been left alive. Of the 8000 Men whom A-
man-Ulla brought to Cashin, the choiceft
Troops of his Nation, half were kill'd in
Cashin; 500 of thoſe that eſcap'd the Fury of
the People retir'd to Candahar; and as to the
others, of whom the greateſt Part were wound-
ed, ſeveral dy'd of their Wounds, of Cold,
Hunger, and Want, fcarce 1000 of them fit
for Service returned to Ifpahan. Their Gene-
ral Aman-Ulla, who was himſelf wounded dan-
gerously, was cur'd by the Skill and Care
of a French Surgeon named Hermet; but out
of too great Greediness of Wealth, he not
only loſt what he had pillag'd at Cashin, but
alſo what he had heap'd up before, which
with his Baggage he left to the Diſcretion of
the Men of Casbin.
The Remains of this broken Army returned
to Ispahan in January 1723. The Confterna-
tion which feiz'd the Aghvans on the News of
this Defeat, and of the fad Condition which
the few Soldiers who fav'd themſelves were
in, was fo great, that if the Perfians of If-
pahan had known how to make their Advan-
tage of it, they were able to have deſtroy'd
their Conquerors by a general Rifing: But
there being no body to head them, and each
Man jealous of his Neighbour, and all be-
traying one another, they gave the Aghvans
time to look about them, and recover out
of the Fright they were in; after which
Magh-
[108]
Maghmud acted the moſt cruel and bloody
Tragedy that ever was known.
This Ufurper, who faw with a Glance of
his Eye the Danger he was in, and that he
ow'd his Safety only to the Cowardice and
Baſeneſs of the Perfians, perceiv'd that with
the few Aghvans he had, who were not the
tenth Part of the People of Ifpahan, he was
every Day expos'd to Deftruction, if they
fhould ever come to the Knowledge of their
own Strength, or any Perfian Lord have
Zeal and Refolution enough to undertake any
thing: This Confideration ftruck him fo
home, that not thinking himſelf ſafe in Ifpa-
han, as long as there were Perfians enough
left there to make head againſt him, if they
had a mind to it, he refolved to maffacre
them, as we are about to relate.
He choſe the 25th of January for this
ftrange Execution. In the Morning he ſent
to invite 300 Perfian Lords and chief Citi-
zens to a royal Feſtival, and as faft as they
came they were murder'd, and their dead Bo-
dies, after they were ftripp'd, flung naked in-
to the Square of Meidan, juft before the
King's Palace. None of the maffacred Per-
fians was more pity'd than the Son of Mirza
Roftom, of the Houfe of the Princes of
Georgia. He was a Youth of about twelve
Years of Age, who had been adopted even by
one of the Aghvans. He threw himſelf in-
to the Arms of fome of the Chiefs of that
Nation,
[ 109 ]
Nation, conjuring them with Tears to fave
his Life. They kept him in the middle of
them, and would have ſav'd him, but he was
fnatch'd from them, and as he ſtuck to a Tree,
the cruel Butchers flew him without Mercy.
Maghmud was not contented with the Death
of the Perfian Lords; that there might re-
main none of their Race, he caus'd their
Children to be alfo maffacred with the fame
Barbarity, or greater if poflible. There were
about 200 young Gentlemen, as well Perfi-
ans as Georgians, who were bred up in a
College to acquire Learning, and the Know-
ledge of military Exerciſes. Theſe were ta-
ken thence, and led out of the City; and
when they were in the Country, the Agh-
vans let them go, and bad them run for
their Lives; which the poor Lads endeavour-
ing to do, thoſe Barbarians follow'd them,
as if they had been hunting of Game; kill'd
them in Sport, and ftrow'd the Field with
their Carcaſes. The Pretence for fuch hor-
rible Cruelty was a fham Plot faid
to be formed by theſe young Gentlemen
againſt the Life of Maghmud; but the Ufur-
per's Aim was to fecure his Ufurpation by
the Extinction of all the Nobility.
The unmerciful Fury of this Barbarian
ſtopp'd not there. There remain'd about 3000
Perfian Soldiers of Schah Huffein's Guards,
and others who had fworn Fidelity to the U-
furper, and had been incorporated in his
Troops.
}
[ 110 ]
Troops. He was afraid theſe Men would up-
on Occafion turn againſt him; and to free
himſelf from that Danger, he order'd them
to be drawn up in one of the Courts of the
Palace, under colour of receiving a Bounty,
which the Kings of Perfia were wont to give
their Guards, and confiſted of a Feaſt of Pi-
lau, Rice and Meat mixed together; and while
they were eating it, their Arms were taken
from them, and then the Aghvans fell upon
them and flew them all. 'Tis certain, the
Ufurper ran a great Risk here; and if thoſe
Wretches, knowing they were to be difarm'd,
had defended themſelves, 'twou'd have caus'd
an Infurrection in the City, and probably
have ended in the Death of every Aghvan
in it.
This is what happen'd on the 25th of Ja-
nuary; but on the following Days there was
a continual Search made after the Perfian
Soldiers, and all Perfians fit to bear Arms; of
whom fo great a Number were maſſacred, that
many Houſes were left empty; and as the
Carcaffes were always flung out into the Gar-
dens, there were none even in the moſt by-
places which were not full of them.
The Confpiracy at Casbin had infallibly
been the Ruin of the Aghvans, if it had
been carry❜d on in Concert with Ifpahan;
but what the Perfians ought to have done,
the Ufurper fuppos'd they defign'd to do, and
that they would rife in the Capital as they
rofe
[m]
rofe in Cashin, if he had not prevented it
by murdering the Ringleaders of it. To
give a Colour to this Accuſation, he ſpar'd
the Lives of about twenty-five Perfian Lords,
to have it thought that they had diſcover'd the
Plot. But the true and only Motive of this
Butchery, was the Neceflity he faw himfelf
under, having fo few Aghvans with him; to
difable the Perfians to undertake any thing
againſt him. However, this great Slaughter
was fo little a Security to him, that he pro-
pos'd to difpeople the City of Ifpahan, and
put Foreigners in the Places of the Perfians,
as he did not long after; and to do it with the
leaft Risk, he began with cauſing it to be
publifh'd, That he gave Liberty to all Perft-
ans to retire; which was not fo much a Per-
miffion, as a tacit Command to them to be
gone, at leaſt to all thoſe that were able to bear
Arms for though a great Number left the Ci-
ty, the fecret Search for the reft was continu'd ;
and the Barbarians having made choice of
a certain Number of young Perfians, to
train them up in Arms, the fame Pretext
was made uſe of to take off the others, whoſe
Throats were cut in private.
If all this Slaughter was tamely born by
the Perfians of Ifpahan, without daring to
defend themſelves, or even to murmur, it
was not the Fault of the Men of Ben-If-
pahan, their Neighbours, who after the Ca-
pital was taken, did not give over follici-
ting
[ 112 ]
ting them to rife, promiſing them all männer
of Affiftance on their Part. Nay they went
farther for tho' the Ifpahaners attempted
norhing againſt their Tyrants, the Men of
Ben-Ifpahan made Excurfions in the Night-
time to the very Gates of the Capital, where
they kill'd ſeveral Aghvans, and from whence
they brought off feveral Pieces of Cannon.
It is more than probable, that if Prince Tha-
mas, who amus'd himſelf elfewhere, had
come then with fome Troops, as the Per-
fians gave out to their great Damage, he
wou'd infallibly have caus'd a great Revo-
lution in the City by the Help of the Men
of Ispahan. But nothing could ftir them
up; ſo that the Aghvans exercis'd their Cruel-
ty, and glutted their Avarice without Con-
troul. I ſay their Avarice, for that was
uppermoft in all their Barbarities: and
'twas obferv'd that they fell upon the moſt
rich, without giving much Difturbance to
thoſe by whom they cou'd get nothing, and
whoſe Poverty was their Safeguard. And
tho' according to the Cuftom of the In-
dians, and the Nations bordering on them,
the Aghvans made it a Duty of Religion
to appease the Manes of their Countrymen
flain at Cashin, by the Effufion of the Blood
of the Perfians, they chofe no Sacrifices but
what were rich; and the more willingly they
made Victims of them, becauſe the more
Wealth was to be got by their Spoils.
Tho
[113]
Tho' a great Quantity of Provifions had
been brought into Ifpahan after the End of
the Siege, and the Retreat of a great Mul-
titude of Perfians who took hold of the Per-
miffion that was given them to go forth,
had diminiſh'd the Confumption; yet the
Aghvans had not been there three Months, be-
fore the Scarcity began again to be felt;
and it was not poffible for it to be other-
wife. The Neighbourhood of Ifpahan was
deftroy'd during the Siege; and the Towns
and little Cities that ftood out against the
Rebels while the War lafted, continued to
do fo after the Treaty was concluded, re-
pulfing them as oft as they came to attack
them. So that the Provifions which the
City was fupply'd with at firft being con-
fum'd daily, without any new Supplies, the
Aghvans were near ftarving in the midſt
of all their Conqueſts.
It was therefore requifite to fend fome-
body to fetch in Neceffaries, which none
were in hafte to furnish them with. Nazyr-
Ulla, one of the principal Captains of the
Aghvans, a Man us'd to robbing, at which
he was very dexterous, was pick'd out for
this Commiffion. He took 3000 Men with
him, and was order'd to compel the Towns
and Villages of the Province to carry their
Proviſions to Ifpahan, and to plunder the
Places that refus'd to do it. He accord-
ingly fubdued fome Towns which were de-
VOL. II.
fenceless;
I
[114]
fenceless; forc'd others, and fold the Inha-
bitants for Slaves. But finding more Refiſt-
ance than he expected, most of them repul-
fing him very couragioufly, he refolv'd to
break into the Middle of Perfia, and fall on
thofe Provinces that had not ſuffer'd in the
War. To this Purpoſe, he drew off to North-
weft of Ifpahan; and, crofling the Defarts,
he made an Irruption of two hundred Leagues
in length by Ways which were thought im-
practicable and coming on the Provinces on
a fudden, he ftruck Terror into all the Country,
cach Man providing for his own Safety.
The Towns, Villages and Houfes were for-
faken, and the Enemy became Maſter of
All, without ftriking a Stroke: and he ma-
nag'd his Matters fo well, that at three
Months End, he return'd to Ispahan with
50000 Camels loaden as well with Provi
fions as other Booty. 'Twas high time for
that Supply to arrive, or Ispahan muft have
endur'd a ſecond Famine. What is moſt aſto-
nifhing, is the Indolence of the Perfians
from whom Nazyr-Ulla met with no Re-
fiſtance in the Compafs of above 400 Leagues
going and coming, with leſs than 3000 Men;
every one contenting himſelf with getting
into a Place of Security, and looking quietly
on, while their Country was pillag'd, and
their Goods carry'd off by a Handful of Bar-
barians, against whom no body durft make
head; except a Stud-Keeper who had about
2000
[115]
2000 Men with him, as a Guard to the
King's Horfes feeding in the Fields of A-
rabia. He had the Courage to attack this
little Army of Aghvans; and fucceeded fo
well as to bring off a good Number of Ca-
mels loaden with fufficient Booty to make
amends for the lofs of the King's Horfes,
which he had been oblig'd to abandon in
purſuit of the Enemy.
One of the greateſt Advantages which the
Ufurper Maghmud got by Nazyr-Ulla's Ex-
curfion, and which he was very glad of,
was the repeopling of Ifpahan by it: Nazyr-
Ulla bringing back with him a Colony of
People, whofe Fidelity was not fufpected.
Between Babylon and Hamadan, there
was a Nation that occupy'd the Plain, and
liv'd the greateſt Part of the Year in Tents.
This Nation was call'd Dergefins. They liv'd
heretofore in Mefopotamia, when Schah-
Abas, the Reftorer of the Parfian Monar-
chy, made them pafs the Tigris, and gave
them thoſe Plains to inhabit; permitting
them to follow the Seat of the Sunnis
in their Religion, which was Mahometan,
and the fame as the Turks, and was profefs'd
alfo by the Aghvans.
Nazyr-Ulla having penetrated as far as
their Country, gain'd upon them fo much,
that he engag'd them to quit it to go and
ſettle at Ispahan. 'Tis pretended that the
principal Perfons of the Nation invited him
I 2
to
[ 116 ]
to come amongst them, on purpoſe to ne-
gotiate with him on this Tranſmigration;
which the other Dergefins were not very
well pleas'd with, preferring their Tents to
the fine Houſes at Ifpahan. There was a
bout 100000 Souls in all their Families, a
ftrong robuft People, of whom a good Num-
ber lifted in the Aghvan Troops, and form'd
a Body of 6000 Men.
But with this new Reinforcement the Agh-
van Army was not half fo numerous as
when they came before Ifpahan; and the
Tranfmigration of the Dergefins did not fill
a tenth Part of the vacant Places occafion'd
by the Siege. Wherefore the Ulurper Magh-
mud took other Meaſures to recruit his Army,
and repeople the Capital. He fent Efzik-
Aghafi, Maſter of the Houfhold, with great
Sums of Money to Candahar to raiſe Men.
He was alſo loaden with Preſents for the
principal Families in that City, and for his
particular Friends. And ſeveral of the Agh-
vans out of Love to their own Country
and their Families, having return'd by Troops
to Candabar, and even whole Companies ha-
ving march'd back with flying Colours,
without demanding a Difcharge: To pre-
vent the like for the future, Maghmud or-
der'd that the Families of thofe that were
left with him, and the others that were to
be lifted, fhou'd tranſport themſelves to If
pahan. For which Tranſportation he fent
4
8000
!
[ 117 ]
8000 Camels to Candahar, befides thoſe that
were taken up by the way for that Service.
The firſt Caravan that came from thence to
Ifpahan, arriv'd in June, after a March of
three Months; for 'tis no lefs from Canda-
har to the Capital.
Other fuch Tranſportations were made in
the two following Years, but none fo large
as the firſt we mention'd. Nay, the laft
Caravan confifted only of 3000 Camels,
which came in Maghmuds's Life-time, and
with which arriv'd his own Mother, in an
Equipage that ill fuited with the Greatnefs
of her Son's Fortune. Since the Death of
Myrr-Weis, fhe had married an Officer of
the Janifaries nam'd Ofman-Pasha. She
let the firft Caravans go without her, be-
cauſe ſhe cou'd not refolve to leave her
own Country, and perform a March of
three Months crofs Defarts and Places unin-
habited to ſee her Son. But fhe was told
ſo much of his Power and Riches, that at
laft her Curiofity and Ambition were mov'd
by it, much more than her motherly Affe-
ction ſhe ſet out with the laft Caravan, and
arriv'd at Ipahan, mounted on a Camel
which, except Scarlet Houfing, had nothing
to diftinguish it from the reſt. She had
no Women, no Officers, no Servants with
her when ſhe crofs'd the Meidan, and came
to the principal Gate of the new King's Pa-
lace half naked, and what Cloaths fhe had
:
I 3
all
[118]
all in Tatters, ravenously gnawing a great
Rhadifh fhe held in her Hand, more like a
Witch than the Mother of a great King.
The Aghvans muft needs have a great Con-
tempt for the Perfians, to undertake theſe
Tranfmigrations with fo few Precautions as
they did. 'Twas three Months Journey from
Candabar to Ifpahan: The Aghvans were
not Maſters of an Inch of Ground in all that
Way. Befides, the Perfians had a ſtrong Ga-
rifon eight Days Journey from Candahar,
called Syftan, by which the Aghvans muft
neceffarily paſs, after a very troubleſome and
fatiguing March over fundry Defarts, where
there is not a drop of Water. Further, they
muſt march thro' Defiles, where a fmall Body
of Troops might ſtop whole Armies. Never-
theleſs, tho' the Caravans had but very weak
Convoys, they always travell'd quietly, none
offering to give them the leaft Disturbance,
In which one can't tell what moſt to admire,
the Negligence of the Perfians, or the Secu-
rity of the Aghvans, who would foon have
been reduc'd to a very ſmall Number, if the
Communication between Candahar and If-
pahan had been cut off, and no Recruits
could have come from the former, without
which the Aghvans could not have main-
tain'd themſelves; but would have thought
themſelves happy, if they could have got
home again by abandoning their new Con-
queft. Their Army being reinforc'd, as well
by
[ 119 ]
by Recruits from Candahar, as by the 6000
Dengefins whom Nazyr-Ulla had lifted, as
alfo by a good Number of Turks taken into
Maghmud's Party, he began to think of em-
ploying them abroad, having nothing at home
to oppoſe him; and Prince Thamas giving
him Leiſure by very unſeaſonable Occupations,
as will be feen hereafter.
Though the Aghuvans were Mafters of If-
pahan, their Dominion did not extend be-
yond the Walls of the Capital, where they
were, as one may fay, invefted by the little
Towns round about it, which ftill held out
againſt them. Thofe that Nazyr-Ulla had
fubdued in his Excurfions, remained not
long in Subjection: They took Arms
with more Heat than before. So that Magh-
mud was forced to fend another Army to re-
duce the neighbouring Cantons, before he
ventur'd to let them penetrate farther into
the Kingdom. Zeberdeft-Kan was charg'd
with this Commiffion. He was not an Agh-
van by Birth, but having been taken by them
in an Excurfion twenty Years before, when he
was very young, he had diftinguiſh'd himſelf
very much amongſt them; and from a Slave
and a Mule-Driver, as he was at firſt, he like
another Ventidius was advanced to one of the
chief Commands in the Army. Ventidius,
as is well known, was taken in Afcoli, and
led in Triumph by Pompey's Father. He alſo
was a Mule-Driver at firft, but he roſe to be
Į 4
Gene-
[ 120 ]
General of Mark Anthony's Army againſt the
Parthians, whom he vanquifh'd in two fet
Battels, in the laft of which their King Pa
corus was flain. The Fortune of Zeberdeft-
Kan was not unlike that of the Roman Ge-
neral's; and in the Execution of his Commif
fion, he did not ftand trifling about Towns
and Villages as Nazyr-Ulla had done, but
attack'd a Caftle, called Giez, three Hours
Journey from Ifpahan, being convinced that
if he made himſelf Mafter of that Place,
which was ftrong for a Perfian Caftle, all the
Towns and Villages of that Canton would foon
fubmit to him. However, he would not eaſily
have maſter'd it, had it not been for a Gaure,
who being us'd to dig up the Earth for ma
king Pits, dug a fubterraneous Paffage, by
which he conducted him into the Middle of
the Caftle, where he furpris'd the Garifon,
when they leaft fufpected any fuch Deſign a-
gainst them.
The taking of this Caftle, which
he furniſh'd with good Troops, made all the
neighbouring Country yield to him; and
what was of much more Importance, difpos'd
the Inhabitants of Ben-Ifpahan to enter into
a Treaty of Accommodation, which till then
they would never hear of.
}
It has been fhewn already, that no City in
Perfia had given the Aghvans fo much Trou-
ble as that Town had done, whofe Reputati-
on only had kept the neighbouring Cantons
from fubmitting. Zeberdeft-Kan, who had
before
[121]
before been tampering with them, had no
fooner taken the Caſtle of Giez, than he
renew'd his Negotiation, offering the Men of
Ben-Ifpahan, in the Name of the Ufurper,
not only their own Conditions, but alſo to
have them fign'd by all the Officers of the
Army, who fhould be Guarantees for the Per-
formance of them. The taking of the Caſtle
of Giez, the Diſtance of Prince Thamas, who
fhew'd no Life in him, and the little Likeli-
hood there was that they fhould long hold
out by themſelves againſt all the Power of
the Aghvans, made them more inclinable to
hearken to his Propofals; to which they at
laft agreed, and came to an Agreement with
the Ufurper. But as much as they had been
his Enemies before the Accommodation, they
were as faithful to him after it; and 'twas
well for him they were fo. Maghmud not
forgetting the Mifchiefs they had done him,
eſpecially the Death of one of his Brothers,
and of feveral other of his Relations, whom
they cruelly murder'd after they had defeated
him in Battel, fet divers Machines at work to
make them take a falfe Step, that might jufti-
fy his breaking the Capitulation. He fent
Emiffaries to propofe a Rifing, and fuggeft to
them the taking up Arms again. Tho' theſe
Emiffaries were not fufpected at Ben-Ifpahan,
but were thought to act fincerely; yet the
Force of the Oath they had taken to Magh-
mud, and the ftrict Obligation they took them-
felves
[122]
felves to be under by it, prevail'd over all
other Confiderations; infomuch that very far
from hearkening to theſe treacherous Emiffa-
ries, they fent them bound to Maghmud,
who by this Act of Fidelity began to be re-
conciled to the People of Ben-Ifpahan. But
that which gain'd his good Will entirely, was
a fignal Piece of Service they did him by de-
livering up Luft-Ali Kan, the Man whom
he moſt dreaded of all the Perfian Nation.
The Ufurper was fo pleas'd with Zeberdeft-
Kan's good Conduct and Succefs in the Expe-
dition of Giez, that he preferr'd him to all the
Officers of his Nation in his Choice of a
General to fucceed Nazyr-Ulla, the moft
ftout and ſucceſsful of all his Generals, who
dy'd in the manner we are about to relate.
At the fame time that he fent Zeberdeft-
Kan to reduce the Cantons about the Capital,
he order'd Nazyr-Ulla to march against Chi-
ras near the Perfian Gulf with the Aghvans
under his Command, and the 6000 Derge-
fins who had lifted under him. 'Tis twelve
Days March from Ifpahan to Chiras. The
Terror of his Name only made him Maſter of
all the Towns in his Rout; for he was the
moft famous of all the Aghvan Generals,
Several Cities fent their Keys to him; and
tho' he expected to find more Refiftance at
Chiras, he doubted not to take the Place after
ſome Attacks, but a Musket-fhot took him
in the firft Affault, and by his Death put an
end
[123]
end to all his Hopes, to the inexpreffible Grief
of his Army, which he us'd to lead to Con-
queft; and who gave too fenfible Tokens of
their Grief, by the cruel funeral Rites with
which they honour'd him, according to the
barbarous Superftition of that Nation, who
learnt it of the Indians. For after the whole
Army had march'd round his Body with Co-
lours downwards trailing on the Ground, they
made their Slaves and Perfian Priſoners perform
the fame Ceremony, and then cut their Throats
at his Feet. They flew the fineſt of his Horſes,
cut their Carcaffes to bits, and divided the Fleſh
among the Soldiers for a funeral Feaft, as is
the Cuſtom among the Aghvans; and no
funeral Oration could fit him better, than the
Dejection his Army fell into on his Death.
They loft moft of that warlike Fierceneſs
which they acquir'd by fighting under him,
who never was beaten, and whom they thought
invincible. They confefs'd they did not ex-
pect to have fuch another General; and if
they themſelves had not then known the Im-
portance of their Loſs in him, the fudden Re-
volution caus'd in the Canton where they
were would have convinc'd them of it. In
effect, no ſooner was the Death of Nazyr-
Ulla known, than all the Places that had
fubmitted to him in his March revolted
and took up Arms again, as if they had
yielded more to
to the Reputation of the
General than the Strength of his Army;
and
[124]
and this one Man being dead, all the reft
of the Aghvans could not make them afraid.
He was very human to thoſe that fubmitted
to him, contrary to the Cuſtom of his Ma-
fters. In an Irruption he made on the Side
of Perie-Difaret, three Days Journey from
Ifpahan, he found feveral great Towns in-
habited by Georgians of the King's Guard,
who ſwore Obedience to him. Schah-Abas
after having drawn their Anceſtors from
Georgia, plac'd them in this Canton, which
they began to inhabit one hundred thirty
Years before. He oblig'd them at the fame
time to embrace the Mehometan Religion,
difpenfing with their drinking Wine, with-
out which they wou'd not have conform'd
to Mahomet's Doctrine. Nafyr-Ulla being
inform'd of thefe Particulars, was the firſt
to press them to return to their old Reli-
gion. In order to which he ſent for a
Georgian Prieft from Ipahan; which he
did leſs out of Affection to Chriflianity, than
out of Hatred to the Sect of Rafi, which
is that of the Perfians; A Se&t much more
odious to the Sunnis, or Followers of Omar,
fuch as the Turks and the Aghvans, than
Christianity itſelf. He was pretty tall, but
otherwife ill fhap'd enough. He was a
great Friend to the Armenians, and their
declar'd Protector. He was term'd Kior-Sul-
tan, or the Blind Lord, becaufe he us'd to
keep one of his Eyes fhut. He learn'd the
Trade
:
[125]
і
Trade of War by robbing: for before the
laft Wars of Candahar, he often plunder'd
the Caravans, and fometimes made Incur-
fions as far as Iſpahan. The Ufurper Magh-
mud, who knew what a Lofs his Death was
to him, caus'd a ftately Monument to be
erected for him near the Armenian Church-
Yard, and gave an Endowment to two Prieſts
to pray for him near his Tomb, and to keep
a Holy Fire there, he being of the Religion
of the Gaures, who worſhip Fire. As he
was always fuccefsful in his military Enter-
prizes, he was fufpected of Sorcery, which
'twas faid he learn'd of the Indians, always
made ufe of in War, and ow'd fome of
his Victories to it. But as much a Sorce-
rer as 'tis pretended he was, he could not
ward off the Musket-ball that kill'd him:
and whatever Sufpicion he lay under on
that Account, it does not hinder the Agh-
vans from vifiting his Tomb with great Ve-
neration, and honouring him not only as
a Hero but as a Santon, or Saint of the
Nation.
How diſcourag'd foever the Army before
Chiras was at the Lofs of this famous Ge-
neral, they did not give over the Siege. They
refum'd it with more Vigour than before, un-
der the Command of Zeberdeft-Kan, who
was ſent to be their General, and had the
Glory to be preferr'd to all the general Offi-
cers
[ 126 ]
cers of the Nation, in fucceeding the moſt
renown'd Captain in their Armies.
The Governor of Chiras, who till then had
diftinguiſh'd himſelf above all the other Go-
vernors of Places in the Defence of this; and
had been verycareful to get it well fortified,
forgot however one thing, without which,
all the Fortifications in the World fignify no-
thing and that was to furnifh it well with
Provifions. He grounded his Hope of keep-
ing the Place, much lefs in his Ability or
the Valour of his Garrifon, than on the Ca-
pacity and Experience of an old Arabian
War-Officer nam'd Hagi-Bakir, who was
grown old in the Trade of Arms. He gave
him a great Sum of Money to engage him
to defend the City during the Siege: and
promis'd him a much greater in cafe it was
rais'd. It was therefore this old Officer who,
properly ſpeaking, commanded in the Town,
where nothing was done without his Or
der.
The Governor of Chiras's good Opinion
of his Lieutenant, made him commit a Fault
which was prejudicial to the Preſervation of
the Place. For thinking himſelf fafe in a
Man whom he look'd upon as perfect in
the Trade, he took no Care about any
thing elſe. Inſtead of taking Advantage of
the good Difpofition of the Inhabitants, who
by frequent Sallies on the Befiegers, had fo
fatigu'd them, that they defpair'd of being
able
[ 127 ]
!
able to continue the Siege, he would not
permit any more Sallies, and ftifled, very mal
a propos, the Ardor of a People difpos'd to
do well, by keeping them fhut up in the City.
But Proviſions beginning to fail, the Gariſon
was foon diminiſhed by the Flight of thoſe
who found Means to make their Eſcape by
By-ways. They could do it the more cafily,
becauſe the Aghvans were glad to ſee the
Town growing empty, and lent them a help-
ing Hand, by opening or felling a Paffage to all
that would leave it. The City not being able to
hold out long for want of Victuals, Hagi-
Bakir made the laft Effort to ſupply it. He
fally'd at the Head of 6000 Men; but when
he would have re-enter'd the Town, his Re-
treat was cut off by a Body of 800 Aghvans,
who routed his little Army,and kill'd Hagi-Ba-
kir himſelf with 200 Men, who flood by him
and fought to the laft Gafp. As victorious as
the Aghvans were, they would have been
oblig'd to raiſe the Siege for want of Provi-
fions, if the Convoy that Hagi-Bakir ſally'd
out to meet had not fallen into their Hands,
by which they were enabled to continue it:
For if the Scarcity was great in the City,
'twas greater in the Aghvan Camp, by the
Precaution that was taken to fhut up all the
neighbouring Towns. But that Convoy brought
Plenty into the Camp, and then the Befiegers
waited with Tranquility for the Surrender of
the Befieged to their Mercy; which the Citi-
2
zens
[128]
zens of Chiras were foon compell'd to do;
after having loft about 20000 Men, who dy'd of
Famine. The Governor finding he could
hold out no longer, fent his Brother to the
Aghvan Camp to treat; but he found then
the Truth of that great and old Maxim of War,
That there is no Time more dangerous, nor ne-
ceffary to keep a Guard, than that of treating;
for the Aghvans detaining the Officer that
was ſent to them, gave the Affault when 'twas
leaft look'd for, and found fo little Refiftance
from the Befieged, who expecting a Capitula-
tion had neglected their Pofts, that they car-
ry'd the Place, and put all to the Sword whom
they could lay hands on. All the reft would
have had the fame Fate, if the Officers had not
put a stop to the Fury of the Soldiers, and
fav'd the reſt of the Inhabitants from Slaugh-
ter, that there might be ſome left whom they
might command.
But tho' the Men's Lives were fav'd, their
Goods were abandon'd to Pillage; and the Agh-
vans did on this Occafion a Piece of Juſtice
much to their Honour for while they were
pillaging the Houſes, finding in a private
Man's Houſe, more Corn than would have
ferv'd the Garriſon three Months, they were fo
fhock'd at the Hardheartedneſs of that rich co-
vetous Wretch who had facrific'd his Coun-
try, and the Lives of above 20000 Men to
his Avarice; that tying him up to a Stake
in fight and in the middle of his Granary,
they left him there to be ſtarv'd to Death.
·
Such
[ 129 ]
Such was the End of the Siege of Chiras,
which lafted ten Months. The Aghvans loft
2000 Men, without reckoning the Dergefins.
As many of the City Garifon perifh'd. The Lofs
on both Sides, was at the firft Irruption of the
Aghvans, and at the Sallies which were per-
mitted in the Beginning of the Siege: but
after the Governor forbad them, there was
hardly any body kill'd; the Aghvans having
given no Aſſault except that by which they
forc'd the City without much Refiftance.
After they had fupplied Chiras with a fuffi-
cient Garriſon, they fent a Detatchment of
400 Men towards the Perfian Gulph, who
penetrated as far as Bender-Abaffi. At the
News of this Irruption, the few Perfians who
were ſcatter'd up and down in the Farms and
Houſes about the Country; retir'd with
their Effects to the Ifle of Ormus. The En-
glish and Dutch Companies Factors kept cloſe
in their Houſes; where the Aghvans durft
not attack them. They got off for fome
Provifions, with which they furnish'd the
Soldiers, without admitting them into their
Houſes. Thus after an Excurfion of two
Months, and without reaping any Benefit ex-
cept terrifying the Perfians, the Aghvans
return'd lefs in Number than they came.
For the Air of Bender-Abaffi being very un-
healthy, and even mortal for Strangers the
greateſt Part of the Year, the Malignity of
the Climate carry'd off most of the 400
Vot. II,
K
Men,
[130]
Men, of whom not above 40 joyned the
Army.
The Reader no doubt is in Pain to know
what is become of Prince Thamas all this
while; and here it is proper to ſpeak of him,
fince 'twas during the Siege of Chiras, that
he began to put himſelf in motion againſt the
Aghvans. He left Casbin at the Approach
of Aman-Ulla who poffefs'd himſelf of that
Place, at the head of sooo Men; and from
Cashin retir'd to Tauris. He was fcarce ar-
riv'd there, but forgetting the Situation he was
in, which render'd the Way of Infinuation
and Intreaty more proper than that of Au-
thority and Command, he fent to fignify to
Vachtanga, Prince of Georgia, with as much
Haughtiness as the moft powerful and abfo-
lute King of Perfia could have done, that
he ſhould come to Tauris to do him Homage
and receive Orders.
There was no likelihood that Vachtanga,
who did not hearken to the Supplications of
the Father, would be in a Humour to fub-
mit to the imperious Command of the Son.
And indeed he received it with a Difdain and
Contempt, which Prince Thamas, weak and
impotent as he was, did not think fit to put
up.
So that inſtead of thinking to drive
the Rebels out of the Capital, and feveral
other Cities of the Kingdom which they had
feiz'd, he went very unfeaſonably to reduce a
Vaffal who remain'd at home in Quiet, and
whom
[131]
whom it had been eafy to have brought to
Reaſon, if he had rid himſelf of the Agh-
vans. Both Sides wafted themſelves in a Ci-
vil War, the Confequence of which was on-
ly the weakening of both. The Lefgians,
Neighbours and old Enemies of the Georgians,
preſently made their Advantage of the Weak-
neſs to which Georgia was reduced by this
War. The Turks broke into the Province af-
terwards, and made themſelves Mafters of it
without much Oppoſition, and are its Maſters
to this Day.
Prince Thamas did not behave better with
respect to the Armenians, than he had done
towards the Prince of Georgia. For inftead
of gaining by good Ulage a Nation from
whom he might have drawn great Succours,
he began with over burthening them with
Taxes and exceffive Contributions, which he
levy'd without any Mercy, and with all
manner of Rigor. Not content with ruining
them, he would alſo force them to take
Arms for him, and thought to reduce them
to it by Terrors, in pillaging and facking fome
of their principal Towns. The Armenians
ſeeing themſelves driven to the laſt Extremity,
and having no Hopes of being better treated
by a Prince who had no manner of Regard
to them, at laſt took Arms, and canton'd to
the Number of 40000 in the Mountains of
Kapan near Tauris. Prince Thamas would
needs force them with the few Troops he had,
K 2
(
but
[132]
but was fo well beaten every time he attack'd
them, that after feveral uſeleſs Attempts,
wherein his Men were cut to pieces, he grew
difcreet at his own Expence, and found it
neceffary to fend to them for an Accommo-
dation. Both Sides treated with Sincerity;
and the Prince was fenfible of the great Af
fiftance he might have had from them againſt
the Ufurper and the Rebels, by the important
Services they did againſt the Turks, if inſtead
of provoking them by the moſt crying Ex-
tortion and Indignities, as he did at firft, he
had carry'd himſelf moderately towards them,
and gain'd their Affection, which they were
well inclin'd of themſelves to give him Proofs
of. In the mean time the Siege of Chiras
continuing ftill, made him turn his Eyes
that way; and he at laft feem'd to call to
mind that the most dangerous Enemies he
had, and thoſe whofe Progreſs ought moſt to
alarm him, were the Aghvans. He had then
with him 8000 chofen Troops train'd up in
Wars. They were few in Number, but as
many as were neceffary to deal with the Agh-
vans, whofe feparate Body before Chiras was
not numerous; and had thoſe 8000 Men been
well led, they might have promis'd themſelves
Success upon Occafions. But Prince Thamas
himſelf ruin'd all his Hopes in that reſpect
by the ill Choice of a General, whom he pla-
ced at the Head of this little Army. He was
a Man of no Merit, efpecially as to War, and
ought
[133]
ought to have been fufpected by him with re-
gard to the Aghvans, he being of the fame
Sect in Religion with them. His Name was
Fredon-Kan; and as foon as he had got the
Command of the Army, inftead of marching
against the Aghvans, he fell on the Arme-
nians of Perie. He charged them with having
courted Protection of the Aghvans; and un-
der that Pretence he fack'd their Towns, and
according to the barbarous Cuſtom in Perfia,
he fent Prince Thamas fome hundreds of Heads
of the Prifoners he had taken, as if they had
been Heads of Aghvans kill'd in Fight. He
did this with fo little Precaution, that 'twas
ſeen by the Tonfure of the Pates, that fome
of the Perfons flaughter'd were Armenian
Priefts. He retir'd after this notable Exploit
to the City of Kiulpekient, where he fettled his
Camp; but as foon as he heard of the Ap-
proach of the Aghvans, he ran away, and
his Army follow'd his Example.
The City of Kiulpekient had till then ſtood
out againſt the Aghvans, and repuls'd them
as often as he had been attack'd; but the
loft Courage now, feeing herſelf abandon'd
by the very Army that was fent to her Affift-
ance and a barb'd Elephant approaching the
Walls to make a Breach, ſo terrify'd them,
that every one fled towards a Fort joining to
the City. But the Aghvans came too cloſe
on the Heels of them, cut off their Retreat,
and flew the greateſt Part of them. The few
who
K 3.
[
34 ]
who got into the Fort were fo frighted at the
enormous Size of the barb'd Elephant that
appear'd in Sight from the Walls, that they
preſently furrender'd, and fubmitted to the
Conqueror; fo that in less than an Hour, the
Ufurper Maghmud, who was in Perfon in this
Expedition, routed an Army, forc'd a rich
City, and reduc'd a Fort that was in a good
State of Defence.
The Lofs of Kiulpekient drew after it that
of Cachan, one of the moft famous Cities of
Perfia. The Inhabitants of this City had
already fuffer'd much by Famine; and the
Waſte the Aghvans had committed in all
the neighbouring Towns and Villages, depriv'd
them of all Means of Subfifience by Sup-
plies from thence: fo they judg'd rightly, that
if they were attack'd, their best way would
be to furrender.
But when they underftood what had paſs'd
at Kiulpekient, they thought it moſt adviſea-
ble to be beforehand with the Conqueror, and
fent to invite Maghmud to come and take
Poffeffion of their City, where he was re-
ceived with great Pomp. The Ufurper ftaid
there fome Days; and that the good Treat-
ment this City met with for ſubmitting to
him of herſelf might tempt other Cities to
do the like, he behav'd towards the Citizens
of Cachan with great Generofity and Huma-
nity. He then returned to Ifpahan full of
Glory, and highly pleas'd with his new Con-
queſts,
[ 135 ]
quefts, which were celebrated with Fire-
works, and all publick Demonftrations of Joy
ufual on the like Occafions.
The Ufurper Maghmud enjoy'd in Tran-
quility all the Satisfaction which he could
take in his late Profperity, when it was trou-
bled by a bold Stroke of Aman-Ulla, one of
the Chiefs of the Nation, who pretended to
be upon a Par with him; and complaining
that he had not kept the Agreement they had
made, offer'd to retire with his Troops.
To have a right Notion of this Matter, we
muſt ſuppoſe that when the Aghvans under-
took this Expedition in the Year 1722, they
thought of nothing less than of dethroning
the King of Perfia their old Mafter. Their
Views reach'd no farther than the making
themſelves Maſters of Kirman, to fecure their
Retreat when they made Incurfions into the
Provinces on the Borders, and ſometimes in
the Heart of the Kingdom.
As Aman-Ulla was independent of Myrr-
Maghmud, and had a Body of Troops of his
own, he engaged with Maghmud on an equal
Foot, and not as an Inferior or Subaltern;
and the Agreement was, that they ſhould di-
vide in halves what they fhould get by their
Enterprize, be it what it would.
Things having fince taken a more advan-
tageous Turn than they expected, as ſoon as
Myrr-Maghmud faw himfelf feated on the
Perfian Throne, that he might avoid a
K 4
Com-
[136]
Competition with Amar-Ulla, he gave him
8000 Men, good Troops, to feize Casbin,
and fettle himſelf there as he was fettled at
Ifpahan. Aman-Ulla enter'd it without Re-
fiftance: But as he was accountable to no
body for his Actions, and did not think the
Terms of their Treaty fufficiently made good,
till he had drawn as much out of Cashin,
as his Affociate had done out of Ifpahan, he
fo provok'd the Citizens of Cashin, by his
Extortions and Violences, that they rofe, as
has been faid in its Place, and drove him
out of their Town, very much wounded, and
ftripp'd of all he had, after having kill'd 4009
of his Men, and reduc'd the reft of his little
Army to a very forry Condition.
Aman Ulla, diſappointed in his Hopes of
enriching himſelf by the Plunder of Casbin,
was no fooner cur'd of his Wounds and re-
turn'd to Ispahan, than he trump'd up the Treaty
betwen him and Maghmud. He talk'd big
of his Rights, and pretended to the Half
of whatever had been taken, even the Trea-
fures of Schah-Huffein, and to be joynt King
with Maghmud, pursuant to their Agree-
ment.
His Pretenfions were just according to the
Letter of that Treaty; and Maghmud could
take no Advantage of his having marry'd one
of Schab-Huffein's Daughters, fince Amar-
Ulla had efpoufed another of them. So that
they were on the fame Terms with respect
to
[ 137 ]
to their Right by Marriage. He prefs'd him
daily more and more; and perceiving Magh-
mud evaded his Inftances, without doing him
Juftice in dividing the Kingdom and Schah-
Huffein's Treaſures, he fell out with him, and
fully convinc'd him, that every thing was
to be expected from his Refentment.
The Princeſs he had married, finding him
in this Difpofition, did not mifs that Oppor-
tunity to do her Brother Prince Thamas Ser-
vice; and fet him fo againſt Maghmud by
aggravating his Treachery, and repreſenting
him as a cruel Tyrant, capable of facrificing
every thing to his Ambition and Intereft, that
fhe determined him to joyn Prince Thamas
and act against the Ufurper, whoſe Spoils
were to be divided between them.
Thefe Remonftrances had all the Effect the
Princeſs promis'd to herſelf. Aman-Ulla
march'd from Ispahan at the Head of his
Troops about the End of December
1723 and taking the Crown with him, di-
rected his March to Candahar. But instead
of continuing that Rout, he turn'd off to-
wards the Provinces where Prince Thamas
was Maſter, without declaring his Intentions.
The News of this, foon reach'd Ifpaban;
and Maghmud was fo frighten'd at it, that
he mounted his Horfe immediately, and with
the few People that were ready to accompa
ny him, he rode after Aman-Ulla; leaving
Orders
[138]
:
Orders for his Troops to follow him with all
poffible Diligence.
He overtook Aman-Ulla at four Days end;
and the Remembrance of old Friendſhip ftifling
all Reproaches which they might have made
cach other, they embrac'd with great Affection:
and Aman-Ulla was won by Maghmud's Ca-
reffes and Promiſes. But the Ufurper con-
ceiving the great Danger he ſhould have been
in by his Friend's Deſertion, took Care to
provide againſt it for the future, by making
himſelf fure of him in a way which fhould
not offend him. He caus'd him to mount his
own Horſe to do him honour, equip'd with
all the Pomp which is fuitable to Royal Ma-
jefty And after having embrac'd again, and
renewed their former Oaths on the Points of
their naked Swords, he fent him back to If-
pahan with a Body of Cavalry, which un-
der the Name of an Eſcort was his Guard.
He alſo directed the Governor of the
Capital to have a watchful Eye over
him till his Return, but not to feem
to have any Intention to fet a Guard upon
him. In all other refpects he was to do him
all fort of Honours, and fee that he wanted
for nothing to his entire Satisfaction. But
notwithſtanding fo much Refpect and Cere-
mony, Aman-Ulla perceiv'd that indeed he
was no better than a Priſoner; and reſented
it ſo highly, that when Maghmud came back
from his laft Expedition, he could not be pre-
I
vail'd
[ 139 ]
vail'd upon to wait on him. He thought he
was more at Liberty than when the Ufurper
was prefent. But Maghmud foon convinced
him of the contrary. For Aman Ulla going
from Ifpahan with his uſual Train, to viſit his
Brother's Tomb, Maghmud ſent an Officer af-
ter him with Orders to thrust hisSpear into Aman-
Ulla's Horfe's Belly; which was done accord-
ingly. 'Tis true he had another given him
to carry him back to Ifpahan, but he was ſo
exasperated at this Affront, that when he
came back, he kill'd with his own Hand, the
the fineſt Horſes in his Stables; and perhaps
had done more Miſchief, if Maghmud had
not run to appeaſe him.
They were again reconcil'd at this Inter-
view; and the Ufurper gave him his full Li-
berty, tho' to his own Prejudice; for Aman-
Ulla made no Uſe of it, but to deftroy him;
being one of the Heads, and the moft zealous
one of the Confpiracy which was form'd a-
gainst Maghmud, who was their Victim not
long after.
When he ſent Aman Ulla to Ifpahan, at
the time he prevented his going to Prince
Thamas, as has been related, he made Aman-
Ulla's Troops take an Oath of Fidelity to him,
and joyn'd them to his own. He then march'd
towards that Part of Arabia call'd Kiok-Kilan,
which depends on Perfia, to bring it under
Subjection to him. But he fuffer'd ſo much
from
[149]
from the bad Air of the Climate, and the In-
curfions of the Arabians, that he loft all his
Baggage, and almost all his Troops; not a
fixth Part of them returning with him. Nay,
there would not have been a Man fav'd, had
it not been for the Afliftance given him by
Kafin-Kan, a Perfian Lord, who poffefs'd a
Principality in that Neighbourhood, and had
bcen always faithful to Maghmud fince his
Acceffion to the Crown of Perfia.
The Ufurper came to Ifpahan with the ſad
Remains of his fhatter'd Army, himſelf very
much vex'd and dejected. He would not be
receiv'd in a folemn Manner, as he had been
Jaft Year. He only diftributed soooo To-
mans,about 300000, Pounds among his Troops,
as fome Amends for the Lofs of their Bag-
gage, and to help them to buy more.
they were fo diminiſh'd, that they could do
him no great Service, fo he employ'd them
in reducing the Towns and Villages in the
Neighbourhood of Ispahan.
But
During theſe Tranſactions, Prince Thamas
who did not think himſelf ftrong enough
to drive out the Aghvans, bounded his Am-
bition with the Prefervation of Tauris, and
what was left of the Perfian Monarchy un-
conquer'd by the Barbarians. But on a fud-
den he found he had an Enemy on his Hands
more formidable than the Aghvans. The
Turks, not contented with feizing Georgia,
enter'd
[141]
enter'd Perfia, and advancing to Tauris laid
Siege to it.
Happily for Prince Thamas, he had juſt put
an End to the domeftick Diffentions among
his Party and by his mild Behaviour gain'd
over thoſe whom his unſeaſonable Pride had
difgufted; eſpecially the Armenians of the
Mountains of Capan, who by joyning him,
put him in a Condition, not only to make
head againſt the Turks, but alfo to attack
them in their Intrenchments: which he did,
and with fo much Vigour, that he obtain'd
one of the moſt glorious and compleat Victo-
ries, that had been known fince the Begin-
ing of the Perfian Troubles; for there were
20000 Turks flain in the Battel, and almoſt
as many taken Priſoners. The European Gà-
zettes attribute this Victory to Myrr-Magh-
mud, which is the more falfe, for that the
Aghvans never came to Blows with the
Turks, whom they look on as their Brethern,
being of the fame Mahometan Sect, and al-
ways living with them in a good Under-
ſtanding.
At the fame time that the Turks befieg'd
Tauris, another Army of theirs, under the
Command of Achmet Bafha of Babylon, laid
Siege to Amadan, a City famous for the
Tombs of Mordecai and Efther, as is pre-
tended in Perfia. As foon as Prince Tha-
mas had deliver'd Tauris by the Defeat of the
Turks, he fent Part of his Army under the
Conduct
[142]
Conduct of Flagella-Kan, againſt the Bafha
of Babylon, to oblige him to raiſe the Siege
of Amadan. But whether that General had
not ſo much Capacity as was neceffary for
ſuch an Enterprize, or that Fortune repented
of her favouring the Perfians, they were
routed by the Bafha, who found himſelf at
liberty to continue the Siege without Intes
ruption.
However, the Befieg'd, notwithſtanding the
Defeat of the Forces fent to their Relief, de-
fended themſelves ftill with great Reſolution ;
and the Turks had lain before the City two
Months, without making much Progrefs in
the Siege, when a German Renegado, a good
Engineer, gave them Entrance into the Town
by a Mine. There would have been nothing
but Fire and Sword, if the Baſha had not in
Compaffion to the Inhabitants, caus'd one of
the Gates to be open'd, for all that cou'd to
make their Eſcape that Way; which moſt on
that Side of the City did. All the reſt, with-
out Diftinction of Age or Sex were put to
the Sword.
Prince Thamas was greatly afflicted at this
Lofs, as well as at the Defeat of his Troops.
He was angry with Flagella-Kan, and had
Reaſon to be fo. But instead of a mode-
rate Reprimand, which that Officer deferv'd,
he infulted him in fuch a Manner, as only
ſerv'd to ſowre him yet more. He fent him
a Calaat or Veft of Gold Brocard, being of that
fort
[143]
fort worn by Women; to fhew him he was
fitter to handle a Diftaff than a Sword:
which Affront Flagella fo highly refented,
that he immediately went over to the Ufur-
per Maghmud, and carried 400 Men with
him.
About this time happened the Adventure
of the Georgian Woman, famous for her
Courage, and the Novelty of the Refolution
the took to revenge the Death of her Husband.
Being informed that he was flain by the Agh-
vans at the Battel of Giulnabat, fhe departed
from the furthermoft Part of Georgia dif
guiſed like a Man, and travelled above 400
Leagues to Ifpahan, where mingling among
the Aghvans, 'tis reckon'd fhe kill'd above so
of them at ſeveral times, as Sacrifices to the
Manes of her Husband. She was at laſt ta-
ken in one of thoſe Executions, and brought
before Maghmud full of the Wounds fhe had
received, and thoſe ſhe had given herſelf to
eſcape the Cruelty of the Aghvans. Her
Sex being known, the Barbarian could not
but admire the Greatneſs of her Soul. He
order'd Care to be taken of her, and that fhe
ſhould be treated with all the Reſpect due to
her Sex and Courage.
He was very impatient for the new Le
vies from Candahar, who arriv'd towards
the End of the Year 1724. He lifted a
good Number of Dergefins at Ifpahan out
of thoſe of that Nation who had lately ſettled
there,
[144]
there, and with fome Turkish Troops taken
into his Pay, he form'd as fine an Army as
that with which he at firft fate down before
the Capital.
Finding he ſhould frequently be neceffita-
ted to have Recruits from Candahar, and that
therefore nothing would be of more Impor-
tance, than to ſecure the Communication be-
tween that City and Iſpahan; he thought he
could not better employ his Troops than in
the Execution of this Project.
About ten Days Journey from Ifpahan, in
the Rout to Candahar, there is a pretty ftrong
City, called Fest, or Tefd, which was a great
Obſtacle to that Communication, and very
lately had given him a Proof of it by the
Lofs of 2000 Recruits coming from Canda-
bar. The Men of Jeft attack'd them in their
Paffage, and gain'd fuch a compleat Victory;
that hardly one of them was left alive to car-
ry the News to Ifpahan.
This was not the firſt Vexation this City
had given him; he ftill remember'd that two
Years before, when he was marching towards
Ispahan, he was repuls'd from this City,
which he thought to carry by Affault, with
the Loſs of abundance of Men. Tho' this
Check griev'd him much, yet he did not
think fit to defer his March to the Capital by
befieging it. But as if it had been order'd,
that thoſe very Events which feem'd moſt
favourable to Schah Huffein fhould turn to
his
[145]
his Ruin, it was found that the Advantage Fest
had obtain❜d over Myrr-Maghmud contributed
to the taking of Ispahan. For the Court of
Perfia had conceived fuch a Contempt of
this Rebel and his Troops, that they ſcorn'd
to take any of thofe diftant Precautions,
which are in no cafe to be neglected on the
Approach of an Enemy's Army. 'Twas
thought Weakneſs to provide before-hand in
the Capital of the Kingdom againſt an Enemy,
who had juſt miſcarried before a little City in
the Province; and it being a much fhorter
way, under an indolent King who ha-
ted Buſineſs, to defy Danger, than to
ufe any Endeavours to ward it off; the
Court was willing to believe they had nothing
to fear; and that this imaginary Security
could not be better grounded in the Minds
of the People, than by abſtaining from ta-
king neceffary Meaſures to render it real and
folid.
By this means Maghmud's Disgrace before
Jeft was fo far from being prejudicial to him
with regard to his Defign againſt Ifpahan,
that on the contrary it facilitated the Con-
queft of that Capital. But his Refentment
against it reviving by the Lofs of the 2000
Men that had been lately defeated in the ſame
Place, and the Neceflity of fecuring the Com-
munication between Ifpahan and Candabar,
determin'd him to túru all his Forces againſt
the City of Jeft, and to make himſelf Maſter
VOL. II.
L
of
[146]
of it. He went upon this Enterprize with
the more Confidence, for that he was at the
Head of an Army capable of undertaking
every thing with Succefs, and had a good
Train of Artillery; befides which, he held
Correſpondence with fome in the Town, the
Gaures, who inhabited a Quarter of it. In
the mean time, the Citizens of Jest having
Information that he was coming againſt
them, prepared to defend themſelves; and to
deprive him of all Means of fubfifting his
Army, they laid all their Neighbourhood
wafte, ruining all the little defenceless Towns
and Villages thereabouts. They furniſhed
themſelves with Provifions in abundance, and
had a ſtrong Garifon in the Place. Theſe
Preparations, which were more than fuffici-
ent againſt open Force, could not fecure
them against Surprize and Treafon; but very
luckily they diſcover'd the Intelligence be-
tween the Gaurs and Maghmud, a little while
before the Arrival of the Ufurper's Army,
and put all thoſe Traitors to the Sword with-
out fparing one of them, and then prepar'd
to defend themſelves with the more Security,
for that they had no Enemies to fear but thoſe
without, whofe Forces did not frighten them.
Maghmud came before the Place at the End
of December 1724. and the Impoffibility he
faw there was of maintaining his Troops in a
Country quite ruin'd, obliging him to haften
his Projects, he gave Order for a general Af-
fault.
[ 47 ]
fault. The Aghvans attack'd it on all Sidess
and not knowing that the Correspondence
they had with the Gaures within the City
was diſcover'd, they went on with all the Af
furance of Men who reckon'd their Succefs
was infallible; but they found every where a
Reſiſtance unexpected by them. They were
in all Places repuls'd, and forc'd to give over
the Affault. They now ſaw that the Town
would not be carry'd fo eafily as they had
imagin'd. The Men of Jeft did not ſtop
here; but taking Advantage of the Diſorder
they perceiv'd the Befiegers to be in, they
fally'd upon them, and cut à great Number
to pieces, put the reft to Flight, and took all
the Baggage of the Army, which they brought
into the Town in Triumph.
The Ufurper Maghmud, who thought to
recover in this Expedition the Reputation he
loft in the laft, was fo difmay'd at theſe two
fucceffive Diſgraces, and eſpecially the latter,
which he leaſt look'd for, that he deem'd it
to be an Effect of the Wrath of Heaven; and
perfuading himſelf that he could fucceed in
nothing till he had appeas'd it, he refolv'd,
in order to it, to make a Retreat according
to the fuperftitious Cuftom of the Indians,
brought into Candahar by its Neighbourhood
to India, and much prevailing there.
Manner of this kind of Retreat is thus:
The
The People ſhut themſelves up in a fubter-
ranean Grotto, where no Light enters. The
Young
L 2
[148]
Young and the Old ſuffer extremely; for all
the Nouriſhment they have is a very little Bread
and Water; not enough to keep them from
ftarving: They fcarcei ndulge themſelves in a
Moment's Sleep, which coming from Heavineſs
and Faintneſs is rather a Fatigue than a real
Repoſe. The reft of the Time is taken up
in Agitations of the Body, accompanied with
loud Cries and deep Groans. Theſe Agita-
tations weaken them by Degrees, cauſe Con-
vulfions and rambling Thoughts, which they
take for Extacies; and while they are in them,
they fancy they ſee Spectres, and Apparitions ;
which tho' the Ectect of a troubled Brain on-
ly, is a new Torment to them.
This fort of Retreat lafts forty Days; and
Maghmud ftaid fo long in his fubterranean
Vault. He then came forth, pale, meager,
and reduc'd almoft to a Spectre himſelf.
The Effect of this ridiculous Piece of Su-
perftition, was the turning his Head, and
putting him out of his Senfes, which he
never recover'd again: and this was what loft
him his Crown firft, and then his Life.
From that Moment he became reſtleſs,
wild and fufpicious; taking Umbrage of
his beſt Friends, and believing that whoever
came near him aim'd at his Life and his
Throne. He was in the firſt Fit of this Hy-
pocondriack Humour, when the Eſcape of
Mirza-Sefi, Schah-Huffein's eldeſt Son, who
was
[149]
was formerly declar'd his Succeffor, threw
him into a Trafport of Rage, which caus'd
the horrible Tragedy we are about to relate.
Mirza-Sefi having found Means to get out
of the Haram, fled to the Province of Bach-
tyaci, where 'tis thought he ftill is, and is
the fame whom the European Gazettes, upon
ill Information, pafs for a fuppofititious Prince.
The Ufurper was fo terrified at this News,
that he refolv'd to murder all the Princes of the
Blood, to prevent their making him uneafy for
the future. On the 7th of February, 1725,
in the Afternoon, he order'd all thofe Prin-
ces to be brought into a Court of the Palace,
among whom were three of the paternal
Uncles of Schah-Huffein, old and decrepid.
He commanded their Hands to be ty'd be-
hind them with their Girdles, and, affifted
by two of his Confederates who feconded
him in this cruel Butchery, he maſſacred them
with his Sabre. There were only two left,
and thoſe very young, who ran into the Arms
of Schah-Huffein. This Prince hearing a
Noife, and the Cries of dying Perfons, came
to the Place where the Slaughter was committed,
At the fight of fo many Princes weltering in
their Gore, he could not forbear making the
Tyrant bitter Reproaches. He flood between
Maghmud and the two young Princes, his
Children, whom the Ufurper would have
butcher'd even in his Arms; and in endea-
vouring to defend them, receiv'd a Wound
L 3
in
[ 150 ]
in his Hand.
as he was, could not help being touch'd
at the fight of the Blood of the King;
and fuffer'd him to fave the two little Princes,
to comfort him for the Lofs of the reft.
The Tyrant, as barbarous
'Tis not certainly known how many of
them were murder'd. Some fay one hun-
dred and five; others a hundred and eighty;
and others more than that. We fhould not be
furpris'd to hear of fo many Princes of the Blood
in the Eastern Courts. We might rather
wonder there were no more; fince in the
Reign of Schah-Huffein, thirty Cradles have
been carry'd into the Haram in a Months
time only. So that the Number would be in-
finite, if the greateſt Part of them did not
dye in their Infancy.
After this bloody Execution, Maghmud
acted always like a Fury,
Fury, and never
fhew'd the leaft Sign of fober Senfe. The
Aghvan Phyſicians who were with him, try'd
all the Secrets of their Art, to reſtore him to
his Senſes; but their Remedies did not ope-
rate. They had Recourfe to the Armenian
Clergy, to rehearfe that Part of the Goſpel
over the Head of the Ufurper, which they
term the Red Gofpel: A Cuftom in vogue
among the Perfians, who pretend that feve-
ral Cures have been done by it, on Perfons di-
fturb'd in their Minds, with the fame Symptoms
of Madneſs as Maghmud had. The Arme-
nian Clergy came to the Palace in folemn
Proceffion,
[ 151 ]
Proceffion, wearing their facerdotal Habits,
and bearing lighted Wax Candles in their
Hands. They were honourably receiv'd there
by the Courtiers rang'd on each Side, whofe
Looks modeft and religious, and their great
Silence and Refpect fhew'd their Veneration for
thefe Christian Priefts. After the Ceremony was
over, they were reconducted to Zulfa in the
fame Order, by a Crowd of Court-Lords.
The Ufurper hapning to have a lucid Inter-
val a little after the Ceremony, fent the Arme-
nians two thouſand Tomans, or 4000 Crowns
in Specie, and as much in Effects which he
had taken from them,p romifing with an O ath
to restore the reft, if God was fo gracious to
him, as to restore his Health. He alfo return'd
a thouſand Tomans in the fame Manner, and
with the fame Promife, to the Dutch Factors,
from whom he had taken 40000 Tomans, or
2400000 Livres; and 20000 Tomans, or
1200000 Livres to the English Merchants:
which to both Companies, amounts to
3600000 Livres. But thefe Reftitutions did
neither the one nor the other much Good.
Maghmud's Succeffor made them void, as
the Effects of a diforder'd Brain; and
order'd thoſe Sums to be brought back
to his Treaſury. In a Letter inferted in the
Mercurey, January 1727, it is faid he had
forc'd the Dutch to pay him 800000 Tomans,
which would make 48 Millions of Livrès ;
and
L 4
[ 152 ]
and the English 200000 Tomans, or 12
Millions; all which is falfe and exorbitant.
The Sum I have ſpecified, as in my Memoirs,
is large enough in confcience.
Maghmud's lucid Interval lafted not long:
and the Palfy, or as others pretend, the Le-
profy, joyning to the Delirium, one half
of his Body rotted; and his Bowels became
fo diforder'd, that he voided his Excrements
at his Mouth; and in the horrid Tor-
ments he endur'd, he turn'd his Fury againſt
himself, and tore his Hands with Teeth.
While he was in this fad Condition, Prince
Thamas had an Advantage over one of the
Aghvan Generals, which allarm'd that Na-
tion. This Prince with great Difficulty, got
15000 Men together; and finding he was
not firong enough to make head againſt the
Turks, who broke into Perfia three feveral
Ways, he refolv'd to carry on the War a-
gainst the Aghvans: and falling upon one
of their Generals call'd Seidal, as he was
marching to the City of Casbin with 7000
Men, he attack'd and defeated him.
The Aghvans were allarm'd at this News,
and finding there was no Hope of any thing
from Maghmud, who was not fit for Bufi-
nefs, they thought of chufing him a Suc-
ceffor. The Right of this Succeſſion, fell na-
turally to the Ufurper's elder Brother; but
he was actually at Candabar; and there being
45Q
[ 153 ]
450 Leagues Diſtance from that City toIfpahan,
along a Country not yet fubdu'd, he could not
venture thence without a little Army, whoſe
March would take up three or four Months time.
In the mean while, the Affair was preffing,
and their Condition was like to grow worfe
every Day, till fome Order was taken about
it. This Reaſon induc'd the Aghvans to
proceed immediately to a Choice of a Suc-
ceffor to Maghmud: which Choice fell up-
on Afzraff his Coufin German; who was then
in Confinement as Ifpahan on the following
Occafion.
Afzraff was the Son of that Brother of
Myrr-Weis who fucceeded that famous Rebel
in the Command of the Nation; and whoſe
Head his Nephew Maghmud had cut off, in
order to put himſelf in his Place, as is elfe-
where related. Tho' Maghmud's Power was
increas'd by that Murder, and he had fince
acquir'd fo much Credit with the Aghvans,
that Afraff was oblig'd to diffemble his Re-
fenment for his Father's Death; yet he kept
it ftill in his Mind: and whether for that
Reaſon,or out of his Moderation, which was his
particular Character, and which always preſerv'd
him in the Efteem of the Aghvans, hisCountry-
men, even while he was in Priſon, he always
oppos'd, as much as was poffible, his Coufin
Maghmud's ambitious Projects; and was al-
ways of Opinion, that Schah Huffein's Pro-
pofals of Peace ought to have been accepted.
Such
[154]
Such a Difpofition of Mind could not be
grateful to Maghmud, and began to make
him fufpicious of Afzraff. But he became
more fo, and with more Reaſon, during the
Siege of Ifpahan, on account of two Tacts
he was inform'd of; the one was, that out of
Compaffion to the Want Schah Huffein was
reduced to in his own Palace, where he had
not Food, he caus'd 7000 Batmens of Corn
to be convey'd to him, about 84000 Pound
Weight; each Batmen being 12 Pounds A-
verdupoix. The ſecond Fact was
was ftill
more confiderable, and more odious,
which was his treating with the Court of
Perfia to come over to them with his Troops,
on Payment of a certain Sum which he de-
manded, to be diftributed among them. Had
the Money been paid, Afzraff had certainly
join'd the Perfian Army. But the Court of
Perfia, out of a Piece of ill-tim'd Husbandry,
put off the Affair with fo many Delays, in
Expectation of Ali-Merdan-Kan's coming
with Provifions, that Afzraff grew weary,
and broke off the Treaty; which he would
never after renew, tho' the Court much de-
fir'd it. The Intrigues between them were
not fo well conceal'd, but that Maghmud had
fome Intimations of them; and to prevent
their being accompliſh'd, drew off Afzraff
from the Poft where he commanded, and
where he had a Conveniency to carry on his
Correſpondence with the Court of Perfia;
and
[ 155 ]
and being obliged to diffemble till he wag
Maſter of Ispahan, he did not diſcover any
Diſcontent against his Coufin; but when he
took him from his Poft near the Capital, he
pretended 'twas to give him a more honoura-
ble and more important Commiflion, by or-
dering him to cover the Siege; Which he did
as long as it lafted. But as foon as Maghmud
had poſſeſs'd himſelf of Ispahan, he caus'd
him to be arreſted and kept in Prifon all his
Reign; that is, two Years and fix Months.
He was a Priſoner, when by an unhop'd-
for Revolution he was taken thence and pla-
ced upon the Throne. Tho' the Neceffity the
Aghvans were in to remedy the prefent Dif
orders oblig'd them to ſo ſudden à Choice of
a Chief, and made them caft their Eyes upon
Afzraff, as the neareſt Relation of Magh-
mud; yet their high Efteem of his Merit
and Capacity determin'd them to chufe him,
as much as his Affinity to the Ufurper. They
reſpected him not only as a Man of Wiſdom,
Moderation and Equity, but as the greateft
Captain of their Nation, fince the Death of
Nafyr-Ulla. Nay, they gave him the Prefe-
rence of the latter in the Compariſon they
made of them, ſaying, Nafyr-Ulla had been the
more fucceſsful Robber, but Afzraff the more
able and experienc'd General. He gave fignal
Proofs of it in the Battel of Giulnabat; and
all the World allow'd, that the Victory the
Agh-
4
[156]
Aghvans obtain'd was owing to his good
Conduct and Valour.
The Majority of the Suffrages being in his
Favour, the principal Perſons of the Nation,
and the chief Officers of the Army, ran tu-
multuouſly to the Priſon, where they faluted
him King the 22d of April, 1725. From
thence he march'd to the Palace, where he
met with fome Refiftance from Maghmud's
Guards, who were Aghvans of the Province
of Hazaray, of the Perfian Sect, and ſtood
out for their Mafter. They fuftain'd the Affault
with all the Courage and Vigor that could
be expected from their Fidelity to Maghmud ;
but being only, as one may ſay, an handful
of Men within the Palace, while all without
declar'd for Afzraff, they were forc'd to ſub-
mit after an Hour's Difpute, and Afzraff be-
came Maſter of the Throne, upon which his
Countrymen were eager to place him. But as
he always had the Revenge of his Father's Death
at heart, whofe Head Maghmud had cut off,
fo he would not be placed on the Throne till
that of Maghmud was brought him. He alſo
order'd all Maghmud's Guard, confifting of
soo Men of the Aghvans of Hazaray, to
be put to the Sword, and all his Minifters
and particular Confidents, who were mur-
der'd the fame Day.
The Principal of all Maghmud's Miniſters,
and he whom he moſt trufted, was Almas-
Kullar Aghafi, General of the Artillery, who
fled,
[ 157 ]
fled. But Afzaff fent after him. The Mef
fenger overtook him, and brought him back
to Ispahan, where he was put to the Tor-
ture, to force him to declare where his
Treaſures were. He endur'd the firſt
Torture with great Refolution; and to
avoid another, he flew himſelf, after ha-
ving flain his Wife to prevent her being ex-
pos'd, as he fear'd ſhe might have been.
The Death of this Minifter, who was in
general Efteem, and whom every body thought
worthy of a better Fortune, was Caufe of
Grief even to Afzraff himſelf, who faw im-
mediately that all the Odium of it would fall
upon him. He was indeed a Man of an un-
blameable Conduct, and whom no body had
complained of ever fince the Aghvans were
Maſters of Iſpahan. The Perfians them-
felves commended him, and the Europeans
and Chriftians look'd on him as their Pro-
tector and Friend. No Perfon was fo much
truſted by Maghmud as he was: But he made
no other Ufe of the Favour he was in, than
to mollify him, and as much as he could to
hinder his violent Actions. 'Twas very wrong
to torture him to find out his conceal'd Riches.
He never was at any Trouble to heap up
Treaſure; and very far from extorting any
thing from any one, it was a Law with him to
take Preſents from no body. He faid often,
he would be a charge to none; and that
without drawing on himſelf the Curfes of
the
[ 158 ]
the People by pillaging them, there was Treas
fure enough in the King's Finances, which
was entirely at his Difpofal, to anſwer the
Expence which his Rank requir'd. For that
Expence was very moderate: A little fatisfy'd
him; and he liv'd after the Fortune of the
Aghvans, no otherwife than he had done
before it. He was as generous as compaffio-
nate, of which he gave a remarkable Proof
on this Occafion. A Widow of Iſpahan be-
ing almoſt dead with Grief at ſeeing an Agh-
van Officer about to carry away her only Son
a Slave to Candahar, pretending the Mother
had fold him for fifty Sequins, Almas-Kullar
was extremely concern'd at the poor Woman's
Trouble; and tho' he could not force the Of-
ficer to give back her Son, he bargain'd with
him for the Lad, giving him 150 Sequins,
and the Choice of any Horſe in his Stables ;
for which the Boy was deliver'd him, and he
reftor'd him to his Mother. An Example of
Generofity and Humanity that one could
hardly expect from a barbarous Nation, and
would have done Honour to the beſt Time of
antient Rome. Afzraff, who wanted only
this Man's Riches, which he thought was
great, becauſe he had it in his Power to ac-
quire Wealth, was the more troubled at his
Death, for that he was fenfible of his Merit,
and intended to make ufe of him.
This Miniſter's Merit and Probity, did ho、
nour to Maghmud's Choice and Confidence,
who
[ 159 ]
who was himſelf of a very different Chara-
Єter. And as this modern Conqueror has
made a very confiderable Figure in the East,
one cannot but have a little Curiofity about
what concerns his Perfon. I fhall therefore
His
give his Picture as I find it in my Memoirs.
He was middle-fiz'd, and pretty fquat: his
Face broad, his Nofe flattifh, his Eyes blue
and fquinting a little, his Look fierce.
Phyfiogmony had fomething rough and dif
agreable in it, difcovering a Cruelty in his
Nature. His Neck was fo monftrouſly ſhort,
that his Head feem'd to grow to his Shoulders.
He had ſcarce any Beard; and what he had
was carotty. His Eyes were generally
down-caft, and he look'd always as if he was
mufing! Every Morning he exercis'd him-
felf in wreſtling half an Hour with fome of
the moſt robuft of his Officers; and ſpent the
reft of the Day in other Exercifes proper to
harden and ſtrengthen his Body. Five Sheep
were brought him daily with their Feet ty'd,
for him to cut them in two with his Sabre. He
was very dexterous at flinging a little Javelin,
call'd Girid in Perfia, and never fail'd of ſtrik-
ing the Mark he aim'd at. He was ſo nimble
in mounting his Horfe, that without a Stir-
rop, he would lay hold of the Horfe's Mane
with his left Hand, and clapping his right on
his Back, would leap into the Saddle. He
ſlept very little, and never made uſe of Mat-
treffes in a Campaign. He went the Rounds.
himſelf,
[160]
himſelf, accompanied with fome of his moſt
trufty Friends, to vifit the Centinels in the
Night; not only in the Camp, but in Iſpa-
han it felf. He was very fober in his Diet
and Drink, contenting himſelf with what he
found: and as an Effect of his Sobriety, he
was fo exactly continent, that he never had
Commerce with any Woman but his Wife,
Schah-Huffein's Daughter, by whom he had
a Son, whoſe Eyes 'tis thought his Succeffor
has put out, if he has not taken his Life away.
He was extremely fevere in military Diſcipline:
more fear'd than belov'd by his Soldiers; they
valu'd him for his Intrepidity in braving the
greatest Dangers, and cry'd him up as a Man
capable of the boldeſt Enterprizes, and whoſe
Boldneſs was generally fucceſsful. But they
did not wifh him well, for theſe two Reaſons :
The first, becauſe he fometimes took away
the Booty from them: The fecond becauſe
he treated them with great Severity, even
fometimes to Decimation: They knew alfo
he had conceiv'd great Indignation againſt
them, after his laſt Defeat at Feft; and had
dropt a Word, that he wifh'd they were then
as great Beggars as when they came to Ifpa-
han. But what they prais'd him for above all
things, was his inviolable Fidelity in Friendſhip
when he had once ſworn it. We have an In-
ſtance of it in his Conduct towards Aman-
Ulla, even in the Moment when he faw he
was betray'd by him: and 'tis certain, that
another
[ 161 ]
another in his Place, would not have boggl'd
at ridding himſelf of a Man of that Make,
equally unfaithful and dangerous, who had
firſt broken the moſt effential Obligations of
Friendſhip. Such was the Character, and fuch
the Picture of this Conqueror of Perfia;
who at the Age of twenty-fix Years, (he be-
ing ſcarce more when he dy'd,) had made him-
ſelf terrible to all the Eaft. Tho' he had
reign'd but two Years and a half, and dy'd
very young, one may fay he had run his
whole Career in the taking of Ifpahan; he ha-
ving done nothing himſelf that was confi-
derable afterwards, but mifcarry'd fhamefully
in his two laſt Expeditions. Thus he was
more qualified to make Conquefts by the Bold-
neſs, or even the Temerity of his Projects,
than to ſecure them by wife and fuitable
Meaſures. Quite contrary to this, his Suc-
ceffor and Couſin Afzraff had all the Phlegm
and Capacity neceffary to eftabliſh Dominion
in a Kingdom conquer'd to his Hands: but
was too judicious, and too bounded in his
Views, to undertake a Conqueft, or risk
himſelf and his Army.
Nothing demonftrates to us the Defign
of Providence to deprive the Family of the
Sophi's of the Crown, better than the
Choice and Uſe it made of the two Ufurpers
whom it plac'd on the Throne one after the
other. Such a Man as Maghmud, determin'd
to run all Risks without confidering Confe-
quences, was the only proper Man to under-
VOL. II
M
take
[162]
take a Siege whereby he had certainly pe-
rifh'd, if of an infinite Number of Faults,
one ftill greater than the other, which the
Perfians committed,but one only had not been
made. Heaven permitted him to fucceed, con-
trary to all appearance; and when that Ufur-
per by his Fury, Rage, Tranſports, and Cru-
elty, was no more fit to carry on his Work,
Providence took him from the World, and
put in his Place, a Man who had all neceffary
Qualities and Talents to perfect what the
other had begun: he was fharp, fubtle, intel-
ligent in his Interefts, and knew perfectly well
what Value to fet upon them.
He was regular in his Proceedings, and
gain'd his Ends by the moſt effectual Means,
without leaving any thing to Hazard if he
could help it. He conceal'd all his Defigns
with an outfide of Moderation and Probity,
to which the People were often Dupes; and
by favour of which, the moft tyrannical Acts
of Violence, paft for Acts of Juſtice.
His Politicks, which reſembl'd thofe of Ti-
berius, except that they were not ſo dark and
fo cruel, rais'd him to the Throne in a like
Manner, and with the fame Diffimulation
that Roman Emperor affected on the fame
Occafion. He excus'd himſelf; he blamed
his Predeceffor Maghmud's Ambition; he
laid the Crown at Schah-Huffein's Feet, and
preſs'd him to refume it, as he only had a Right
to it. But the more he prefs'd Schah-Huf-
"
Jein,
[163]
!
fein, the more that Prince look'd on his In-
ftances as ſo many Snares, and would not
therefore hearken to them; declaring openly,
that He preferr❜d the Quiet he enjoy'd, to all
the Glitterings of a Diadem: that he look'd
on the Event which oblig'd him to abdicate
his Throne, as a Decree of Providence: that
from the very Moment of his Abdication,
he never had the leaft Temptation to re-
cover it, and fhould think he acted contrary
to the Orders of Heaven, if he did but fo
much as liſten to the Propofal. However,
he complain'd very movingly of Maghmud's
Cruelty towards the Princes his Children, and
all his Family, and the little Regard he had
had to his Perſon and Wants; adding that he
promis'd himſelf from the Humanity of Af
Zraff, that he fhould be better us'd, and that
he would make fuch Provifion for him, as
might enable him to paſs the reſt of his Days
in Peace. He clos'd what he had to fay, with
offering him one of his Daughters, and in-
viting him to marry her.
Afzraff feem'd affected withSchah-Huffein's
Difcourfe and Complaints, and fuffer'd him-
felf to be perfuaded to take the Sceptre: and
his Behaviour to the abdicated King was fuch,
as made the People curfe the Memory of his
Predeceffor, and gave them a fair Idea of his
future Government. For after he had ex-
prefs'd his Senſe of Schah-Huffein's Affliction
for the Murder of fo many Princes, and his
Abhor-
M 2
[164]
Abhorrence of that barbarous and bloody
Maffacre,he order'd the Bones of thoſe flaugh-
ter'd Princes to be gather'd together, (for
Maghmud had left them unbury'd in the
Place where they were murder'd,) and put
into Coffins, which were carry'd on Camels
taken out of the King's Stables, to the City
of Kom, ſeven Days Journey from Ispahan,
where the Perfians had a Garifon, and were
ftill Maſters. He fent with this Convoy, rich
Tapiftrys, Golden Brocards, Tiffues and other
Decorations, for the Mofque where theſe
Corps were to be depofited; with a thouſand
Tomans to be diftributed among the Santons
and Poor of the Place, to pray for the Souls of
thofe Princes. When this mournful Convoy
came out of the Palace Gates to proceed to
Kom, the whole City ran to meet it, and
receiv'd it with Funeral Lamentations and
Criès; nor did they leave following it till it
was paſt the Suburbs; having at leaft this
Comfort, that they had the Liberty to deplore
their Misfortunes and thoſe of the Royal Fa-
mily. This Convoy arriv'd at Kom without
any Accident, and was receiv'd there with new
Lamentations,and greatHonour. There was none
but the Conductor of this mournful Caravan,
who was a Georgian, that ſuffer'd; and he was
the Victim of a barbarous Cuſtom in Perfia:
for it being the Ufage in that Country to beat
thoſe that bring bad News, they pull'd out
this Georgian's Eyes, but receiv'd the reft of
4
the
[165]
the Officers very honourably. However, the
Corps of the murder'd Princes were not bu-
ried till Orders came from Prince Thamas,
on whom that City ftill depended.
Thus did the new Sultan begin to reconcile
himſelf with the Perfians, and by an Act of
Humanity which coft him little. He did it
at the Expence of his Predeceffor's Memory;
to whom tho' he was oblig'd for that Barbarity,
of which himſelf reap'd all the Benefit.
He did another thing in favour of Schah-
Huffein, that gain'd him the Hearts of the
Perfians as much as the former: for he af
fign'd him fifty Tomans, or a thouſand
Crowns a Week for his Privy Purfe; whereas
Maghmud allow'd him no more monthly;
and to find fome agreeable Amuſement, he
ordered that his Advice ſhould be follow'd in
the royal Buildings Maghmud had begun to
erect within the Walls of the Palace. Af
zraff continued the Work, and commanded
his Builders to take Directions from Schah
Huffein, whofe Time had almoſt always been
employ'd in Building, which was his chiefeft
Delight; and befides that, it was the beſt A-
muſement he could have thought of for the
depos'd King. The Buildings were like to be
the more perfect for it, fince no body under-
ſtood that Art, or had a better Tafte in it,
than Schah Huffein, who indeed hardly un-
derstood any thing elfe.
M 1
1
[166]
In fine; to answer his Defires in every
thing, he marry'd one of his Daughters, as
he had prefs'd him to do. For this Marriage
he repudiated his Wife, and by it he not on-
ly gave the old King the Satisfaction to fee
him his Son-in-law, but acquir'd a new Right
to the Crown.
He fhew'd himſelf as good a Politician in
his Conduct towards the Confpirators who
plac'd him in the Throne. After having made
his Advantage of their Crime, he thought it
for his Safety to puniſh an Infurrection which
had been fo beneficial to him, and which
to leave unpunifh'd might be pernicious. He
had not been King eight Days, when he ar-
refted all thoſe that had been concern'd in the
Confpiracy. Some of them he put to Death;
fome he fhut up in Priſon, and confifcated the
Eftates of all of them. By which Stroke of
Policy he got a double Advantage, in deliver-
ing himſelf from the most turbulent and fe-
ditious Officers, and filling his Coffers with
their Treaſures, which they had pillag'd from
the Citizens of Ifpahan at the taking of that Ci-
ty. Theſe Treaſures were immenfe; for the
Confpirators were the principal Officers of the
Army, and thoſe that got moft of the Pillage:
And it had been agreed between Maghmud
and them before they enter'd Ifpahan, that the
King's Treaſures fhould be his, but that they
fhould have all the reft they could find in the
City. Befides, when Maghmud flew 3000 of
the
[167]
1
the chief Perfian Lords after the Rebellion at
Cashin, and Aman-Ulla's Defeat, he gave
their Goods and their Wealth to thofe very
Aghvan Officers, whom Afzraff now ftripp'd
of all; much to his Profit, as from all this
will be eaſily conceiv'd.
-
Farther, the prodigious Riches he got by
it may be calculated by what he made of the
Confifcation of Aman-Ulla's Eftate only. This
Man, who was at firſt but a Santon, or Dervis,
tho' fome pretend he was Prince of Kabul, a
Province between Candahar and the Territo-
ries of the Great Mogul, grew immenſely
rich in the Reign of Maghmud, with whom
he claim'd an equal Share of the Crown, as
has been ſeen in the preceding Pages. And
tho' the Ufurper did not relifh the ſharing the
Crown with him, he gave him full Liberty
in every thing elſe, fuffering him to pillage
and plunder at pleaſure. He made him A-
themat-Doulet, or Prime Miniſter of the
Kingdom, after their laft Reconciliation; and
the very Preſents he took upon his entring on
that Office amounted to 9000 Tomans, or
540000 Livres. From whence we may in-
fer, that his Treaſures equalled thoſe of the
greateſt Kings. I fhall give but one Inftance
of his Greedinefs, by which gueſs may be
made of his Avarice and Extortion in all his
Management. This Robber, amidſt the moſt
unbridled Licenſe to take whatever he would,
did not disdain to practiſe the groffeft
Cheat to enrich himſelf. The Directors of
M 4
the
[168]
the Engliſh Factory fent him confiderable Pre-
fents at his Entrance into Ifpahan to obtain
his Protection. Among the reft was a Jewel
worth 700 Tomans, or 42000 Livres. A-
man-Ulla got a counterfeit Diamond, and
fent it back to the Factory in the place of the
other, faying, he had rather have the Value of
it in ready Money; which they were obliged
to pay him. Tho' Maghmud comply'd with
him in all things, the dividing the Crown
excepted, and made him otherwiſe as great
and as powerful as he could; yet he was one
of the moft vehement Confpirators againſt
him in favour of Afzraff: In whom he found
a more cunning and fubtil Mafter than Magh-
mud was.
Tho' Afzraff made Advantage of
his Treaſon, he was glad to have a Colour
for puniſhing him, and poffeffing himſelf of
the Treaſures he had fcrap'd together; as alſo
for getting rid of a Man, who having difpu-
ted the Crown with his Predeceffor, might
think perhaps he had more Right to it than
himſelf.
Sultan Afzraff got not much leſs by Mian-
gi's Confifcation. He had been Maghmud's
Governor in his Youth; and all the Operati-
ons of the War had been directed by his
Counfels. He was an Indian of Kabul, and
paſs'd for a Magician. The Aghvans them-
felves attributed to his Sorcery all the
Success they had met with in their Enter-
prize. Maghmud had fuch a Reſpect for
him, that he never appear'd before him, but
with
[169]
with his Hands on his Breaſt croſswife, as
Children of Quality always appear before
their Fathers in Perfia. He kifs'd his Hand
very fubmiffively, and would never fit till
Miangi bad him take a Seat near him. His
Authority was fo great, that what he order'd
was done without Contradiction, even tho'
it was to the Prejudice of Maghmud's own
Orders, who never once oppos'd his Opinion
or his Pleaſure. He was look'd upon as a
Man of extraordinary Senfe and confummate
Prudence, and was at the Head of the Ufurper's
Council, where his Advice was always predo-
minant. 'Tis not faid he was one of the Con-
ſpirators, nor is it likely he was of the Num-
ber. His Riches were the fole Cauſe of his
Ruin. The new King took all he had from
him, but promis'd to fend him to his own
Country with a Reward fuitable to his Ser-
vices.
Zeberdeft-Kan, who had fo fucceſsfully
ferv'd Maghmud in the War, was the only
Man of all thoſe that had been arreſted for
the Confpiracy, who was fet at Liberty; and
he ow'd it only to his good Conduct at Chi-
ras, where he commanded. For Sultan Aſz-
raff, who had befides a good Opinion of his
Capacity in War, and intended to take him into
his Service, gave him his Pardon on the many
Teftimonies that were produced of his good
Behaviour in his Government; to which he
fent him back with Remittances for 20000
Tomans rais'd out of the Confifcations.
There
[ 170 ]
There were but two confiderable Officers
of the Aghvan Army, General Sendal, and
Machmet of the Nation of the Bolvoza, who
were not meddled with. All the reft were
involv'd in the common Misfortune, which
the new King's own Brother was not exempt-
ed from. He was younger than Afzraff; a
lively young Man, who feeing his Brother on
the Throne, was afraid he fhould be ferv'd as
the Kings of Perfia were wont to ferve their
Brothers, and be fhut up in the Haram. He
did not come off fo well; for having made
his Eſcape, and being taken and brought
back to Afzraff, who had fent Meffengers af-
ter him, he caus'd his Eyes to be put out,
by placing a Plate of Gold burning hot up-
on them, and then he was confin'd in the
Place he was ſo much afraid of. Maghmud's
Mother had alfo a Share of the Difgrace in-
to which his Friends fell. Afzraff reſenting
that fhe had refus'd to interceed for him with
her Son when he was a Prifoner, order'd her
to be ſhut up a whole Night in the Court,
where lay the rotting Carcaffes of the Princes
of the Blood, whofe Throats her Son had
cut; but the next Day he alter'd his mind,
and treated her with Diftinction and Favour,
promiſing to fend her home to Candahar with
confiderable Riches, and in the mean time
making Provifion for her Entertainment ac-
cording to her Rank.
The Impriſonment of the Confpirators, the
moft powerful Men among the Aghvans, the
Cone
[171]
Confifcation of their Eftates, and above all,
the Death of moſt of them, had delivered him
from thofe of that Nation who could have
given him any Umbrage; and his Humanity
with respect to the Corps of the Princes of
the Blood, whom he caus'd to be buried in
the Sepulchre of the Perfian Kings, from
whom they defcended, had made very advan-
tagious Impreflions of him on the Minds of
the People; who befides, were not capable of
undertaking any thing against him; neither
was there any Fear of them in cafe of a Re-
wolt, unless they had a Chief to head them,
which must have been one of the Nobility;
his Predeceffor's murdering 300 Perfian Lords
at a time, made him pretty fafe on that Score ;
but there were ftill twenty-five left, whom
Maghmud had ſpar'd; whom happily for him,
Afraff found a Pretence to rid himſelf of;
which will be explain'd in giving a Relation
of his artful Conduct with reſpect to Prince
Thamas, who was very near falling into the
Snare he had laid for him.
We must first fuppofe that during Magh-
mud's Sicknefs, which lafted two Months,
Afzraff, imprifon'd as he was, held Intelli-
gence with Prince Thamas, by Means of thoſe
twenty-five Perfian Lords whom Maghmud
had not put to Death with the reft. He and
they wrote the Prince a Letter, inviting him
to Ifpahan, and promifing him to declare for
him. He affured him, that he ſhould no fooner
appear
[ 172 ]
appear with his Troops, than his Friends would
take him out of Priſon, and he and they
would joyn him with a great Part of the Agh-
van Army. All he demanded for himſelf
and them, in recompence of fo important a
Service, was the Prefervation of their Lives
and their Eſtates, which he muſt article for
in the beſt Form, and with the fureft Guaran-
ty that could be. A Treaty was concluded
on this Foot, before Maghmud's Death, while
Afzraff was ſtill a Priſoner. He had receiv'd
a Writing from Prince Thamas, wherein he
engag'd himſelf in the ftrongeſt Terms,
calling down upon himſelf the moſt horrible
Curſes, if he did not punctually and inviola-
bly perform all and every of the Conditions
ftipulated in that Treaty.
Things ftood thus, when by a moft fudden
and unhop'd for Revolution, Afzraff was
taken from the Priſon, and plac'd on the
Throne. This unforeſeen Change of Fortune,
made him foon change Sentiments with re-
fpect to Prince Thamas, but not his Manner
of Conduct. Tho' the Engagements he had en-
ter'd into with that Prince to drive Magh-
mud from Iſpahan, could not ſubſiſt after the
Ufurper's Death, yet he ftill affected great
Friendſhip for Prince Thamas, and to be al-
ways ready to treat of Peace with him. He
began with fending Expreffes to all the Cities
which own'd Prince Thamas as their Sove-
reign, to let them know, that his Troops
fhould
[173]
fhould not give them any Diſturbance, till it
was determin'd who fhould be Maſter. He at
the fame time, fent Ambaffadors to the Prince
with a Preſent of ten fine Horſes in Royal
Harneſſes, and a Propofal of an Interview and
a Conference with him, at a Place between
the City of Kom and that of Tehran, to re-
gulate their Interefts, and by proper Meaſures
taken in concert, to hinder the Deftruction of
ſo great a Monarchy.
Before this Embaffy reach'd Prince Thamas,
or he knew of Maghmud's Death, and the
Choice of his Succeffor, he had a new Ad-
vantage over General Seidal, who coming
upon him with an Army ftronger than before,
was beaten, and more fhamefully routed than
in the former Overthrow; but he had an
Opportunity by his Defeat to do the new Sul-
tan a greater Piece of Service, than a Victory
would have done him.
As ſoon as Afzraff was feated on the
Throne, the twenty-five Perfian Lords,
by whofe Canal, during his Impriſon-
ment, he carry'd on his Treaty with Prince
Thamas, fent that Prince Information of the
Revolution which had happen'd at Ispa-
han. They told him in general, that the
Face of Things was alter'd, and he muſt not
depend on the Stipulations he had made with
Afzraff, but muſt think of other Meaſures.
Thoſe that carried theſe Letters were upon
the Road, when the Battel was fought be-
tween
?
[174]
tween Prince Thamas and Seidal, and very
unhappily for themſelves and the Lords who
fent them, they fell into the Hands of that
General, who intercepted them as he was re-
treating to the Capital after his Defeat. He
feiz'd the Bearers and the Packets, and fent
them to the new Sultan.
Tho' there was nothing very criminal in theIn-
formation thoſe Perfian Lords had given Prince
Thamas; nor any Treachery in their inform-
ing that Prince of the Change that happen'd
at Ifpahan, fince Afzraff had himſelf em-
ploy'd them to mediate between him and
Prince Thamas: yet the new Sultan made
that a Colour to cut off thoſe five and twenty
Lords, after which there would be none of
the Perfian Nobility left to adviſe the Prince
what Meaſures to take againſt him. So that
he took hold of this Occafion, the Infor-
mation they gave Prince Thamas, which he
made High Treaſon, to ſerve them as Magh-
mud had ferv'd the 300: and inviting them
to his Pleaſure-Houfe at Farabat, as if to
hunt with him, he caus'd them every one to
be murder'd. And as this Murder could not
bur raiſe Diffidence in the Mind of the Prince
whom he defign'd only to amuſe with an Em-
baffy to ſurpriſe him, he immediately took the
Field with an Army of 20000 Men, the moſt he
could get ready in hafte,and march'd to thePlace
where the Interview was appointed to be.
The Prince decoy'd by that Embaffy, and the
kind
[ 175 ]
kind Offers of the new Sultan, miftruſted no-
thing, but advanced fecurely towards the Place
of Conference,and having much lefs Number of
Troops with him than the Sultan, he had
doubtless been ſurpriſed by him, if the Near-
neſs of Danger had not made him bethink
himſelf of Precautions. He thought it was
not prudent to trust to an Enemy's Word
without examining Places and Difpofition of
things beforehand. To that Purpoſe he de-
tach'd one of his Lieutenants, Aſlan-Kan, to
get Intelligence; and the latter finding Afzraff
was approaching with an Army, inſtead of a
fmall Body of Troops as an Efcort,and that with--
out ſtopping at the Place of Rendezvous, he
continu'd his March towards the Prince; he
fent his Mafter notice of it, that he might
ſtand upon his Guard.
Prince Thamas, who had lately got two
Victories over the Aghvans commanded by
General Seidal, had fuch Confidence in his
Troops, and in his good Fortune, that tho'
he was much weaker than Afzraff in Num-
bers, he was refolv'd to attack him; and
would have done it, if Jealouſy, which had
fown Divifion in his little Army, had not
fpoil'd his Defign. They confifted of Forces
of two Nations, Kagiats and Kitzibafz, or
as Tavernier calls them, Kefelbachs or Red-
Heads, fo term'd from the Red Caps they
wore formerly. The Kagiats were more in
Number; and taking Advantage of the Prince's
2
Want
[ 176 ]
Want of them, they told him they were
ready to spend their laft Drop of Blood in his
Service, and would anſwer for the Victory;
but in Recompence, they demanded that to
honour their Militia he would promiſe to
chuſe for the future the Athamat-Doulet, or
Prime Miniſter, out of it. This the Kizit-
bafz oppos'd, and the two Bodies divided up-
on it. The Prince's Authority, which they
obey'd but just as much as they pleas'd, was
too weak to reconcile them, and Thamas was
oblig'd to give back, inſtead of attacking the
Enemy. He retir'd into the Province of Ma-
fandran, near the Cafpian Sea, and the Agh-
vans affaulted the Cities of Kom, Sava and
Tehran. They took the two former, but were
repuls'd by the latter with very great Lofs. One
can't tell where the Author of the Relation in-
ferted in the Second Volume, for December,
1726, learn'd that Prince Thamas retir'd at firſt
to this City, whence, according to him, he made
his Eſcape in the Night; and that Afzraff
afterwards forc'd and fack'd the Town, out
of Spite at his miffing Prince Thamas there.
It is falfe that Prince Thamas retir'd thither;
and Afzraff was ſo far from taking the Town,
that he was beaten off, and compell'd to raiſe
the Siege, with the Lofs of a great many Men.
After the Prince had ſecur'd himſelf in Ma-
fandran, he was no more talk'd of. The
Difcord and Diffentions that grew among the
few Troops he had, depriv'd him of all Means
of
[ 177 ]
of making head againſt the Turks and Muf-
covites, who each broke in on a Part of the
Kingdom; much leſs againſt the Aghvans,
who were Mafters of the Capital, and moft
of the inland Provinces.
The Muscovites did not push their Con-
queſts much beyond the Borders of the Caf
pian Sea; but the Turks carry'd theirs farther
within Land. If they were defeated by Prince
Thamas before Tauris in 1724, they had their
Revenge at Amadan, the moft confiderable
City in Perfia, equal in Bignefs and Strength
to Bagdat, or Babylon; for the Bafha of the
latter City poffefs'd himſelf of Amadan, after
having cut to pieces the Relief Prince Tha-
mas ſent it, as has been ſaid in its place. But
all theſe Exploits were only a Prelude to
what they were to do in the following Year
1725. They then enter'd Perfia three feve-
ral ways with three Armies. One fell upon
Georgia, where they found no Refiftance;
this Province having been ruin'd, firft by the
Civil Wars between Prince Thamas and Vach-
tanga Prince of Georgia; then by the Lef
gians, who feiz'd Teflis the Capital, and de-
ftroy'd it, and all that was in it, with Fire
and Sword. The City of Gengea, Capital
of a Principality of the fame Name, famous for
the Silk Trade, and one of the faireft and
richeft Cities in Perfia, held out but two
Days, and furrender'd to the Turks by Capi-
tulation.
VOL. II.
N
The
[178]
The Army that enter'd Perfia on the Side
of Erivan took that Place by Storm at the
firſt Attack; and there were 30000 Armeni-
ans, who could not get into the City, put
to the Sword, whatever the Turkiſh Officers
could do to prevent it. But the Janifaries
remembring their Lofs before Tauris laft
Year, where the Armenians ſpar'd none, were
fo enrag'd againſt them, that there was no fa-
ving them out of their Hands. The Citadel
fuftain'd a Siege of two Months, at the End
of which it was furrender'd by the Interpofi-
tion of the Armenian Patriarch. Befides the
30000 Armenians who were kill'd at the ta-
king of the City, there was a great Number
carry'd into Captivity, driven along like fo
many Herds of Cattle. Their Number di-
miniſh'd ſo during theſe Wars, that at the End
of 1725, there were not half fo many in
Perfia, as before the coming of the Aghvans.
The only Armenians that continued to make
Refiftance, were thofe that retired to the
Mountains of Kapan. None had contribu-
ted more than they to the Defeat of the
Turks before Tauris. They drove them away
a fecond time; but being abandon'd by Prince
Thamas, they made peace with the Turks,
who granted them what Conditions they
would have. 'Twas agreed, that upon Pay-
ment of a certain Tribute they fhould have
no Gariſon, but only a ſmall Number of
Turkish Officers to command there in the
Grand
[179]
Grand Signior's room. The Turks being ve-
ry well pleas'd that they ſhould render them-
felves irreconcileable to the Perfians their
old Maſters, permitted them to make Inroads
into Perfia, and plunder their Towns and
Villages. They made ufe of this Permiflion,
like Men who had not forgot the Infults and
Injuries they had fuffer'd from the Perfians
for more than a hundred Years paft. They
now pillag'd them in their turn, and in dif-
ferent Places took from them confiderable
Booty.
Tauris, heretofore the Capital of Perfia,
and the greateft City of the Kingdom next
to Ifpahan, fell into the Hands of the Turks
in the Year 1725, and was almoſt as ſoon ta-
ken as befieged. Ofman Basha, who com-
manded at this Siege, had caus'd the Chri-
ſtians to be told, that they ſhould retire with
their Effects into the Churches, affuring them
they ſhould come to no Damage. He even
publiſh'd an Order in his Camp, that no
Churches fhould be pillag'd, tho' the Town
was taken by Storm. But this Bafha being
one of the firſt who was kill'd in the Affault,
his Order did not take place ; and the Turks,
as much to revenge the Death of their Gene-
ral, as out of Refentment for their Lofs be-
fore the City the Year preceding, put all to
the Sword without Diftinction. The Slaugh-
ter lafted five Days, and above 200000 Men
were flain.
N 2
In
[180]
In the mean time, Achmet Bafha, who
made himſelf Mafter of Amadan in 1724,
made an Irruption on the Side of Ispahan in
the Year 1725. He left a ſtrong Gariſon in
Amadan, and advanced with his Army as far
as Hurmavat, within three Days Journey of
Ispahan. This Country is occupy'd by the
Bachtylarians, who live there under Tents.
They pretend to have authentick Titles, by
which they prove that their Anceſtors were
converted to the Chriftian Faith under Con-
fantine the Great. If the Lorians their
Neighbours would have acted in concert with
them at the Arrival of the Aghvans, theſe
two Nations would have been ftrong enough
to have repuls'd them, and delivered the Ca-
pital. But an antient Antipathy between
them hinder'd them from joining; and they
were not potent enough each by itſelf to
make head againſt the Rebels.
At the Approach of Achmet Bafha's Ar-
my, the Bachty larians retir'd to the Moun-
tains with their Families and their Flocks,
which are all their Wealth; and as they knew
all the Defiles in the Country, they watched
their time to fall upon the Turks. They in-
commoded them fo much, and kept them in
fuch continual Exercife by their unexpected
Attacks, that Achmet Basha was obliged to
march back in October 1725; the rather, for
that he was recalled by the Irruption of the
Arabians, who wafted the Country about
Baby-
4
[181]
Babylon with more Fury than ever. Achmet
loft abundance of Men in this Expedition,
and with no other Fruit of it, than having
ftruck Terror into the Cantons where he pafs'd.
This was one of the Sieges of Ifpahan,
which the European Gazettes ſay the Turks
made, without the leaft Foundation; for they
came not within two Days Journey of the
City. The fame Gazettes are as much out
in what they fay of the Advantages which
the fame Achmet Bafha obtain'd over Ali-
merdan Kan the Perfian General, who beat
him feveral times, and once made himſelf
Maſter of his Baggage. This General had
with him two of his Daughters who follow'd
him in Mens Cloaths, and 'tis faid fought by
his Side at the Battel of Giulnabat. He
took them with him in his Incurfions towards
Balfora. He ruin'd all that Coaſt which be-
longs to the Turks, and returned in Triumph
with a great Booty. There was no Perfian
Captain fo formidable to the Turks. They
look'd upon him as the Thunderbolt of War,
and never durft ftand before him. The
Perfians, whofe Achilles he was, grounded all
their Hopes upon him, and no body was more
proper than he to fupport and perhaps re-efta-
bliſh Prince Thamas's Affairs. But that Va-
lour which ſhould have the more endear'd him
to the Prince, render'd him the more fufpected
by him; infomuch, that he tamper'd with
one of his Brothers to betray and deſtroy him.
N 3
Thus
[182]
Thus was Alimerdan-Kan oblig'd to leave
him, fpite of his own Inclinations, and pro-
vide for his own Safety.
While theſe things paft in the Western Pro-
vinces of Perfia, Prince Thamas, who had
retir'd to the Province of Mafandran, un-
derstood that the City of Mefzat, on the
Confines of Great Tartary was befieg'd: 'tis
ſpoken of already in this Hiftory: it fuffices
to fay here, that Mefzat is to the Perfians,
what Mecca is to the Turks. Prince Thamas
who was in no Condition to go by himſelf
to the Relief of this City, applied to a neigh-
bouring Prince, Vaffal to the Kingdom of
Perfia, to whom he ſent rich Preſents, to en-
gage him in the Enterprize. Melik-Mag-
moud, fo was that Prince nam'd, receiv'd the
Prefents, march'd to the Relief of Meſzat,
and rais'd the Siege: but instead of reftoring
it to Prince Thamas after he had deliver'd it,
he feiz'd it to his own Ufe, and joyn'd it to his
Territories. There are feveral other little
Princes on the Coaft of the Perfian Gulph,
Vaffals to the Crown of Perfia, but more in
Name than Effect, each of them being tooweak
to render himſelf abfolutely independant. They
had not thrown off the Yoke, but they were
not at all helpful to Prince Thamas, whom
they aflifted neither with Men nor Money.
'Tis impoffible but they muft follow the Fate
of the reft of the Kingdom, and become an
Acceffion of Victory to the Aghvans. Hap-
PX
[ 183 ]
py if the latter do not reduce them to a De-
pendance more troublefome than was that
with which the Kings of the Race of Sophy
were contented.
The Lefgians, a barbarous Nation whom
we have often ſpoken of, and who dwell un-
der Mount Caucafus, between Georgia and
the Caspian Sea, were too much accuſtom'd
to pillage Perfia in the moſt peaceable Times,
to be idle Spectators, now every thing
was in Diſorder; fo that they broke in up-
on the neighbouring Provinces, which they
plunder'd and wafted. After they had ravag'd
Georgia with the utmoft Inhumanity, they
left it on the Approach of the Turks, to do
the fame by the Province of Szyrwan, in
their Neighbourhood, between the Cafpian
Sea and Erivan. They made themſelves Ma-
fters of Szamaki, the richeft City in Perfia,
and the ſtrongeſt of the Province. They al-
fo feiz'd ſeveral leffer Cities; but the Mufco-
vites coming upon them foon after, they
abandon'd all of them, and extended their
Conquefts along the Coaſt of the Caspian Sea,
as far as the Province of Ghilan, which bounds
that Coaſt, turning from Weft to South, and
which they entirely fubdu'd. Thus there re-
main'd only to Prince Thamas, the Province
of Mafandran, South of the Caspian Sea,
and fome Cantons in the other Provinces;
and even there, they obey him no more than
they pleafe, and rather out of Compaſſion to
N 4
his
[ 184 ]
his Misfortunes, than from any other Mo-
tive.
The Affairs of Perfia being in this Situa-
tion, Afzraff, who had mifs'd his Blow, as
to furprizing Prince Thamas, was no fooner
return'd to Ifpahan from that Expedition, than
he thought of taking effectual Meaſures to
eſtabliſh himſelf in the Kingdom. He was
not afraid of Prince Thamas's hurting him,
but he faw a more dangerous Enemy to make
head againſt, and that was the Grand-Signior.
He was fenfible that if the War lafted two or
three Years longer, even tho' he ſhould have
the better of the Turks, he would find him-
felf drain'd of Men, and forc'd to fuccumb in
the midſt of Victories. He had no Hopes of
Recruits from Candahar Side, where Magh-
mud's Elder Brother was Mafter, and more
difpos'd to diſpute the Crown with him, as
Heir to his Brother, than to help to maintain him
in his Ufurpation. Befides, tho' his Domini-
on extended over a great Part of Perfia, he
was not abfolute Mafter of all the Ground
he had gotten. There were many fortified
Towns, not only in the Provinces, but even
about Ifpahan, which he had not yet reduc❜d.
He thought it was of more Importance to
him entirely to fubdue the Provinces of
which he was Mafter, than to diſpute the reft
with the Turks. He could not regulate Mat-
ters at home, as long as he had the Ottomans
upon his Hands: wherefore he refolved to
treat
[185]
treat with them on the beſt Conditions he
could; and to that Effect, he fent an Ambaf-
fador to the Porte about the End of the
Year 1725.
But
The Perfon he made choice of for this
Embaffy, was an Aghvan, who from a Mule-
driver, was advanc'd to be a Colonel.
becauſe a Man of that Stamp was not
very proper to manage a Negotiation, he
gave him only the Title of Ambaffador, and
joyn'd with him Manuel-Cheriman, Head of
the Family of that Name, the moſt noble and
confiderable of all the Armenian Families at
Zulfa, to act and negotiate according to his
Intentions, with the Grand-Signior's Mini-
fters.
In the mean time, the War ftill continu'd
between the Turks and Aghvans, but without
gaining an Inch of Ground one of the other;
which at laft determin'd the Turks to make
Peace with Afzraff. I fhall touch very lightly.
upon the Operations of the War in the two
laft Years: my Memoirs, which go no farther
than the Year 1725, taking no Notice of them.
As to Gazettes and News-Papers, there's no
depending on them: they are either dry and
barren, or fictitious and falfe. I fhall make
no further Mention of Military Events, than
as they have Relation to the Treaty which
put an End to it, and as thofe Events did
facilitate or retard it.
At
[ 186 ]
At the End of the Year 1725, Perfia was
divided between four Powers. Afzraff pof
fefs'd the greateſt Part of the Inward Provin-
ces. The Turks were Mafters of near ISO
Leagues in Length, from the City of Aman-
dan, which is towards the 27th Degree North
Latitude, to the North of Georgia in the 43d
Degree of the fame Latitude.
The Mufco-
vites were Maſters of all the Weſtern Coaſt
of the Caspian Sea, and of the Province of
Ghilan, which bounds it, turning to the South;
that is, from 37 Degrees of North Latitude,
to 45; being 160 Leagues of Country in
Length: but their Conquefts are very narrow
towards the Coaſt of the Caspian Sea, and
do no where extend much in Breadth, being
fcarce a Quarter as confiderable as thofe of
the Turks. The Prince who has moft Right
to all theſe conquer'd Provinces, that is, Prince
Thamas, has the leaft Share of them: for
he has nothing but the Province of Mafan-
dran, to the South of the Cafpian Sea, where
his Authority is not much reverenc'd. The
other Three pillage it, and are all willing to
treat with him to preferve their Conquefts.
'Tis true, as to Afzraff's Accommodation it
is out of the Queftion: for fince the Con-
ference that was propos'd, and his Intention
to furprize Prince Thamas at it, there is not
Likelihood that the Prince will give Ear to
any fuch Propofition on his Part; and the
Ufurper himſelf does not think of it. But
as
[187]
as to the Turks and Mufcovites, it is not their
Fault that the Prince does not put his Fortune
into their Hands.
The Muscovites, who made their Conquefts
rather like cunning Men than greedy Men,
thought of nothing but of keeping theirs. They
fear'd no body but Afzraff or the Grand-Seig-
nior. If they had been Mafters of the Fortunes
of Prince Thamas, this would have made them
entirely eafy on the fideof Afzraff, who out of
Apprehenfion of their affifting him with Forces.
to fupport his Title, would have given them no
Difturbance in their Conquefts. But without
that Advantage, it was not difficult for them to
keep what they had got, fince a middling
Army in the Province of Ghilan, wou'd cover
them on the Side of Perfia. They were more
expos'd on the Side of Georgia, from whence
the Turks might attack them and 'tis on this
Account, that they have been labouring theſe
two laſt Years to obtain Commiffioners to fix
the Bounds of both Empires, with relation to
their new Conquefts, purfuant to a Treaty
concluded between the Czar and the Grand-
Signior.
As to the Turks, who after the taking of
Ifpahan, and the Dethronement of Schah-Huf
fein, had in their Hearts devoured all Perfia,
they were not very forward to perform that Part
of the Treaty. Not content with being Ma-
fters of the vaft Country they had already con-
quer'd, they aim'd ftill to poffefs themſelves
of
[ 188 ]
of what the Aghvans and Mufcovites had
got.
They were doubtlefs the moſt powerful of all
the Competitors, and therefore fuppofed that
whatever Turn Affairs took, theReckoning muſt
be made up with them, and their Conquefts
wou'd be confirm'd to them whenever they
thought fit to make a Peace. This is the Reaſon
why they were fo difficult in appointing Com-
miffioners to fix the Bounds of thoſe Conquefts,
and to conclude a Treaty with the Aghvans
which was two Years in negotiating before
they came to aConclufion. All that time they
were treating with Prince Thamas, whom
they often promis'd to reſtore to the Throne
of Perfia; and probably they might intend it,
becauſe 'twas for their Intereft: For that Prince
would not only have given up to them that Part
of the Kingdom, which they had poffefs'd them-
felves of, for his Reſtoration, but they would
have kept him in fo great a Dependance upon
them, that under the Title of King, he ſhould
have had no more Power in Perfia, than a
Bafha of Babylon.
Sultan Afzraff faw what both the Turks
and Mufcovites aim'd at; and being convinc'd
that while he was at War with fuch powerful
Enemies, he ſhould never be able to ſettle his
new Dominion on a folid Foundation, he
bent all his Views to a Peace with the Turks, as
the Enemy he was moſt afraid of, and to whom
he offer'd to facrifice all the Country they had
conquer'd in Perfia; Prince Thamas himfelf
having
[189]
having made the fame Offers, if he was re-efta-
bliſh'd by their Means.
Notwithſtanding that the proud Muſfulmans
gave themſelves very haughty Airs, during the
whole Courfe of the Negotiations between
Afzraff and them, yet he bore them all, and
continu'd the Treaty. He perceiv'd they
rais'd fo many Difficulties, in Hopes of fome
great Event, which would make them entire
Maſters of Peace or War on their own Terms;
wherefore he ſtood on the defenfive, and
would not run the Risk of a general and de-
cifive Action, except he could take them at
a certain Advantage. By this wife Manage-
ment, he gain'd his Ends of them at laſt, and
oblig'd them to fign the Peace he had demand-
ed of them two Years before.
His Ambaffador arriv'd at Conftantinople
the 18th of January, 1726. He had been
expected fome Time; and on a Rumour of
his coming, the Muscovite Envoy made In-
ſtances with the Grand-Vizier, that he fhould
not be admitted to Audience. The Pretence
for his oppofing it, was, that the Minifters of
the Chief of the Perfian Rebels could make
no Propofitions to the Porte, but what muft
be prejudicial to Muscovy; and therefore
could not have Audience without ftriking at
the Treaties concluded between the late Czar
and the Grand-Signior. But the Grand-Vi-
zier anfwer'd, That according to the Laws of
the Ottoman Empire, he could not avoid
hearing
[190]
f
hearing all Muffulmen who had Affairs with
the Grand-Signior his Mafter; and all the
Muscovite Minifter could obtain, was the Com-
munication of what was treated of with Af
zraff's Envoy, who was favourably receiv'd;
and as ſoon as he arriv'd, Commiffioners were
appointed to enter upon a Negotiation on the
Propofitions he had to make.
But all theſe favourable Difpofitions vaniſh'd
at the firft Audience the Grand Vizier gave
Afzraff's Minifter; who having given his
Mafter the Title of the Grand-Sophi, the
Vizier would not treat on that Foot, and up-
on an Equality with a Head of Rebels: and in-
deed it ſo ſhock'd him, that he would hear him
no more, but difmifs'd him without Confe-
rence, afferbl'd the Divan, declar'd Sultan
Afzraff an Enemy to the Grand Signior,
and order'd his Ambaſſador to depart Con-
ftantinople. There had not till then, been
open War between the Turks and Aghvans;
but now the former began to think of carry-
ing it on againſt the latter with Vigour, and
propos'd nothing less than to befiege Afzraff
in Ispahan.
The Ottoman Army confifting of 70000
Men, they took the Field early, and ha-
ving furpriſed Casbin, which the Aghvans
then poffefs'd, they marched to Ipahan.
Afzraff being informed of their coming, fo
wafted all the Country between the Capital
and Casbin, that the Ottomans found not
where-
[ 191 ]
wherewithal to fubfift, and were forced to
take By-Roads, where the Country was not
waſted ſo much. While they were on this
March, the Inhabitants of Cashin, excited by
Afzraff's Emiffaries, rofe upon the Turkish
Garifon, and drove them out of the City,
which was again garifon'd by Aghvans. The
Turks, who were pofted in the Neighbour-
hood of Ispahan, were attack'd by Afzraff's
Troops, and worfted. That Ufurper had fo
well provided for the Defence of his Capital,
that the Ottomans thought it would be in
vain to beſiege it. There were 25000 Agh-
vans, regular Troops, within the City, and a
great Body without, who continually har-
rafs'd the Turks, and had the better of them
in all Engagements. Thefe Difgraces, and
the Improbability of their being able to fub-
fift long before the Place, after the Country
about it was left fo defolate, made them re-
tire into Georgia much diminifh'd in Number.
And thus ended the Campaign of 1726, in
which Sultan Afzraff by his good Conduct
acquir'd both Advantage and Honour.
The Turks finding by this, that things
would not take fuch a happy Turn for
them as they expected, renew'd their Negoti
ations with Prince Thamas. 'Twas reported
then that he inclin'd to accede to the Treaty
concluded between the late Czar and the
Grand Signior for preferving their Conquefts
Perfia; which he confented to abandon to
them,
[192]
them, on condition that they joined together
to re-establish him on the Throne, accord-
ing to a Reſolution taken in the Turkish Di-
van the 7th of July the fame Year, 1726.
Which Reſolution was however more eafily
taken in the Divan, than executed in Perfia,
where the Turks were much more baffled
by Afzraff in the Campaign of 1727. They
were beaten firft by a Body of Aghvans, who
attack'd them in their Quarters of Refreſhment.
This Defeat was fo entire, that the Janifaries
and Tartars intimidated by certain Prophecies
which Afzraff ſpread among them by his E-
miffaries, furrender'd themſelves Prifoners of
War. The ſecond time they were beaten,
was near the City of Amadan, where Afzraff
in Perfon defeated a Body of 16000 Men,
who were coming to the Relief of Marfaim,
which he was about to befiege. Nay, 'tis
faid that purſuing the Turks to the Gates of
Amadan, he enter'd it with them, and took
the City.
Befides that Afzraff was a great Captain,
one thing gave him a particular Advantage
over the Turks, which was his pretending
that he only defended himſelf againſt Men
whom he always regarded as his Brethren, be-
ing not only of the fame Religion, but alfo
of the fame Sect of the Sunnis. He proteſted
when he was in the Heat of Battel, that it
was Death to him to be forced to draw his
Sword against them, and almoft ask'd them
pardon
[ 193 ]
pardon for killing them; which he was necef
fitated to do for the Prefervation of his own
and his Friends Lives.
All theſe Misfortunes, and the Lofs of a
great Convoy the Turks were fending to Per-
fia by the Black Sea which was caft away,
together with the Mutiny of Part of the Ar-
my for want of Pay and Proviſions, obliged
the Porte at laft to think ſeriously of Peace.
They had loft near 150000 Men of their beft
Troops. The Grand Signior's Treaſure was
exhauſted, and the Jews, who were not re-
imburs'd their Loans, refus'd to lend any
more. Nothing is fo burthenfome even to
the greatest Princes as new Conquefts, where
the Officers and Soldiers are the Gainers, while
the Princes are at all the Expence, without
having the leaſt clear Profit. All theſe Con-
fiderations determin'd the Ottoman Court to
put an end to a War, in which for two Years
they had been the Lofers. Accordingly they
diſpatch'd Berthullah Effendi, a Man of great
Capacity, to conclude a Treaty of Peace with
Afzraff; which was not difficult to accom-
pliſh as foon as theTurks were in carneſt ; Sul-
tan Afzraff having always offer'd to yield
up to them all they had conquer'd in Per-
fia before they declar'd War with him.
It was only requir'd of him, that as a Sal-
vo to the Grand Signior's Honour, he would
write him a Letter, wherein he ſhould proteft
he never took Arms againſt the Turks but in
VOL. II.
O
his
[194]
his own Defence, and that he demanded Peace.
Afzraff made no Scruple of this; and the
Divan of Conftantinople, contented with the
Compliment, gave Orders for concluding the
Peace; which was agreed upon and fign'd by
Sultan Afzraff and the Serafquier who com-
manded the Turkish Army in Perfia, about
the End of September, 1727: and the News
of it arriving at Conftantinople the 18th of
November following, was the fame Day pro-
claim'd at the Gate of the Hall of the Divan,
and in the principal Places of the City. The
moft confiderable Articles of the Treaty,
were,
I. That Sultan Afzraff fhould remain in
poffeffion of the Throne of Perfia, un-
der what Title he thought fit.
II. That the Grand-Signior fhould not affiſt
the Enemies of the new Sovereign.
III. That he ſhould recognize as legitimate,
and lawfully contracted, Afzraff's Mar-
riage with the King of Perfia's Daugh-
ter; and that the eldeſt Son by that Mar-
riage fhould enjoy all the Prerogatives
of the eldeſt Son of a Sovereign.
IV. That the Conquefts which the Grand-
Signior had made in Perfia, comprehend-
ing
[195]
ing Tauris and Amadan, ſhould remain
to him.
V. That Sultan Afzraff ſhould reſtore to
the Commanders of the Ottoman Troops,
all the Artillery and military Stores he
had taken from them at feveral Times.
VI. That he fhall confent that the Turks
recover Poffeffion of the Territory of
Houvets, which an Arabian Prince had
feiz'd; and ſhall joyn, if Need be, his
Troops with thoſe of his Highneſs, to
drive out the Ufurper.
VII. That the Grand-Signior fhall grant
a full Pardon to Sultan-Dely, who with
the Tartars his Vaffals or Subjects, joyn'd
the Troops of Afzraff in the laſt Years
of the War.
VIII. That the Grand-Signior ſhall name
Commiffioners as foon as poffible, to
fettle with Afzraff the Limits of the
two States, which fhall hereafter be
their Boundaries.
Befides thefe Articles, there were fome
fecret ones, which were not thought proper
to be made publick: but 'tis rumour'd that
the Grand-Signior and Sultan Afzraff, have
0 2
agreed
[ 196 ]
agreed punctually to aſſiſt one another to re-
cover thoſe Provinces that have lately been
conquer'd, and that belong to their States.
Thus was the Revolution confirm'd accord-
ing to all Appearance, by this Treaty, which
gives Afzraff a folid Settlement on the Throne
he has in poffeffion. The natural Perfians,
who are moſt intereſted to dethrone him, do
not ſeem to be in a Situation to attempt it.
Almoſt all the old Nobility in Perfia are de-
ftroy'd. The People are of themſelves capable
of nothing: befides, they are fo kept under,
and in fo humble a Condition, that nothing
can be apprehended from them. Of ſeven
different Nations that now inhabit Perfia,
the Perfian is the loweft in Rank, and is
oblig'd to yield to the others in every thing :
for in Perfia, as in all Countries where Ma-
hometifm prevails, Rank is equally regulated;
and a private Man of a conquer'd Nation, gives
Precedence to a private Man of a fuperior
State whenever he meets him. This Cere-
mony confifts in that the Inferior holds his
Arms acroſs his Breaft, and ftands before the
Superior, as if he waited for his Commands;
and the latter by faying Selam-Eleik, feems
to give him Liberty to go on in his Way.
All private Men that fail in this or any thing
elfe which marks the Difference between Su-
perior and Inferior, are puniſhable by the
Laws: by which the Nations are rank'd in
the following Manner, purſuant to an Edict
publifh'd
[197]
publiſh'd in Iſpahan, and all over the King-
dom, fince the Aghvans conquer'd it.
The First Rank is affign'd to the Aghvans,
as Conquerors of Perfia.
The Second to the Armenians, who are
fcatter'd up and down the Kingdom in great
Numbers.
The Third to the Dergefins, the People
whom Maghmud brought from the Extremi-
ties of Perfia to dwell at Ifpahan, above
100000 in Number. They are of the fame
Muſulman Sect as the Aghvans, i.e. the Sec
of the Sunnis, as the Turks are.
The Fourth Rank is affign'd to the Mul-
tany, who are Indian Banians, fo call'd from
the City of Multan, one of the principal
Cities of India, and the neareſt to Perfia on
Candahar Side. The firft Indians that dwelt
in Perfia, came from the City of Multan :
they drive the principal Trade at Ifpahan,
are great Ufurers, and have almoſt all the
Money of the Capital in their Hands.
The Fifth Rank is affign'd to the Gaures,
ancient Perfians, who worship Fire, and the
greateſt Enemies to the modern Perfians.
Schah-Soleiman began to make them turn
Muffulmans; and Schah-Huffein his Son,
continu'd to force them to do it, which is
one of their greateſt Cauſes of Hatred to the
Mahometan Perfians: but the Aghvans have
given them the free Exercife of their Reli-
gion.
0 3
The
[198]
The Sixth Rank is to the Jews.
The Seventh and Laft Ranks to the Na-
tural Perfians, who are treated Fike Slaves
by the fix other Nations.
Tho' the Armenians are Chriftians, their
great Number and Riches engag'd the Agh-
vans to prefer them to the other Nations;
and being perfuaded that there is none more
intereſted in ſupporting their Power, fince
they would be the firft Victims to the Ven-
geance of the Perfians if the latter ſhould
recover their Dominion, they have granted
them great Priviléges; and have alſo given
them a Superiority over the Natural Perfians,
which cannot fail to keep up the Divifion
and Animofity for ever between theſe two
Nations.
T'is order'd in their favour, by an Edict
publifh'd at Zulfa, that all Proceffes rifing
among them fhall be determin'd by Judges
of their own Nation; and all Armenians
who appeal to any other Judge ſhall be fin'd.
In the Reign of the Sophis, the Armenians at
Zulfa were plunder'd in the Night-time, and
'twas Death for an Armenian to wound a Per-
fian ever fo flightly, tho' in his own Defence.
But fince the taking of Ispahan, they were
permitted to do Juftice themſelves on thoſe
nightly Robbers; and they have done it bold-
ly, by hanging up fome, cutting off the Ears
and flitting the Nofes of others, according to
their Crimes. They diſpatch'd feven in
one
[199]
•
one Day, who had not only robb'd a Houſe
in the Night, but had murder'd the Mafter of
the Family.
In fine, there is not one of the fix Nations
we have mention'd, who have not a particular
Intereft to keep the Natural Perfians low,
and ſupport the Authority of the Aghvans.
There's all the Reafon in the World to be-
lieve that their Power will be more and more
eſtabliſh'd; eſpecially under the Government
of a Prince fo wife and experienc'd, as het
who now reigns in Perfia, and who has per-
fected this great Revolution.
Revolution. One has Caufe
to look upon this Event as an extraordinary
Leffon of Providence to all Princes, eſpecially
thofe of Afia, where moft of them ftagnate
in Sloth and Effeminacy, and to whom may
justly be apply'd the Words which a great
King, and a great Prophet ſeems to apply to
them, Be wife now therefore, O ye Kings ;
be inftructed, ye Judges of the Earth.
VOL. II.
AP.
[200]
APPENDIX
SIN
INCE the firft Publication of this Hif
tory, which, according to Advices from
Turky, is now printing at Conftantinople from
the Tranflation of Ibrahim Effendi, Director
of the new Printing-Houfe there, fuch
ftrange Revolutions, and fo many different
Scenes have happen'd in the Kingdom and
Affairs of Perfia, as would afford Matter
enough for almoft another Volume, and 'tis
not unlikely that in a Year or two more, a
third may be added to thefe two. Mean
time the Bookfeller has been induc'd to print
this Addition of Particulars which are judg'd
too material to be poitpon'd.
As the Second Volume concludes with the
Treaty between Sultan Afzraff and the Turks;
the first thing that offers worthy of Remark.
is the Ratification of that Treaty by Afzraff,
as it was fent to the Grand Signior, of which
the following is an exact Tranflation:
6C
BJ
"In the Name of God, Creator of Hea-
ven and Earth, We Afzraf, Emir Kan,
"and Chan of Perfia, moft humbly befeech
"him who is in the Seat of the Holy Pro-
(6
phet:
[201]
દ
phet, the mioft exalted of Emperors, more
"powerful and intrepid than Alexander, So-
"vereign of two Seas, Mafter of two Parts
"of the World, Protector of Jerufalem,
"Maſter of the two Temples of Mecca and
"Medina, furpaffing Darius in Pomp and
"Grandeur, and, like him, Sovereign of the
"Kingdom of Perfia, wearing Crowns fhin-
"ing with Glory, the moft formidable and
"dread Lord, the Refuge of the Orthodox,
“
(may God prolong his Days for ever) to
"be pleafed to approve and ratify the Arti-
"cles of Peace which have been fettled in
"the following manner, viz. That we fend
"every-Year an Emir Hadagi to Mecca: That
"for the future the Perfians fhall have full
Liberty to vifit the Tomb of Ali; That
"they be likewife allow'd to traffick in all the
"Places of the Ottoman Empire, and enjoy
"the fame Privileges as heretofore; That
"there fhall be conftantly an Ambaffador
"from us at the Ottoman Porte; That the
"Porte be obliged by this Treaty to uſe
"their good Offices with the Czar of Muf-
k covy to obtain the Liberty of Ufein Beg, a
"Muffulman of the Nation of Leskis; That
(C
we fhall fend every Year into the Treaſury
"of the Commander of the Faithful, 1500
"Purfes as a free Gift: Laft of all, We
* Theſe probably were the Secret Articles hinted at in Page
195. Vol. II.
O 2
66 fwear
[202]
"fwear by the Holy Alcoran, the Book fent
" from Heaven, and by the Miracles of our
"Holy Prophet, to keep and maintain this
"Treaty, and curfed be thofe of our Pofte-
"rity who infringe it.
"The Grand Signior is intreated by us,
"who humble our felves at the Foot of his
"Throne, to be pleafed forthwith to ratify
"thefe Articles, of which folemn and authen-
"tick Inftruments have been delivered, viz.
"one on the Part of Ahmed Pacha into our
"Hands, and one reciprocally on our Part
"to Ahmed Pacha.
Sign'd in the Original,
Mehemet Emir Afzraff Kan.
"Tis to be noted there was a further Stipu-
lation, That Prince Thamas, Son to the old
Sophi, ſhould make no Pretenfions to the
Throne of Perfia, except in cafe Sultan Aſz-
raff died without Iffue; That Prince Thamas
ſhould refide in Conftantinople, or fome other
Place of the Ottoman Empire, to prevent his
raifing any Infurrection in Perfia againſt
Afzraff; That the Grand Signior fhould em-
ploy his good Offices with the Czar of Muf-
covy, to induce him to reſtore to Afzraff fuch
of his Conquefts in Perfia as are inhabited by
Muffulmen; and that, in cafe of Need, his
fublime
[203]
fublime Highneſs fhould employ his Forces
for that End.
'Tis moreover to be obferv'd, that Afz
raff propos'd much the fame Terms to the
Porte in 1725. but they were then haughtily
rejected.
Thus ended that War betwixt the Turks
and Perfians, which, whether it was properly
a religious War, as fome think, or whether
purely Political, and for the fake of Terri-
tory, which is left to the judicious Reader,
coft the Turks near half a Million of Lives,
including thoſe that fell in the Field by Sick-
nefs, as well as by the Sword, befides above
40 Millions of Sultarinas of Gold advanc'd
for most part by the Jews and Greeks; and
'tis affur'd on the other Hand, that the Per-
fians loft above half a Million of Men, maf-
facred by the Ottomans, when they took fuch
Places Sword in Hand as made any Refift-
ance.
The next Year, viz. 1728. a new Candi-
date ftarted up for the Throne of Perfia, who
claimed the Succeffion as Brother and Heir
to that famous Ufurper and Tyrant Myr-
Weis. This Pretender, like his Brother, was
Haughty, Cruel, Avaritious, Diffolute, and
had all the ill Qualities that make up the
Character of a confummate Tyrant. He had
already flain by the Sword, or otherwiſe, a
great many Perfons who were fo couragious
0 3
as
[204]
as to refift him; and at the fame Time plun-
der'd their Houfes and carry'd off their Wives
and Daughters: Upon advice alfo that Prince
Thamas, the old Sophi's Son, was arriv'd at
Mefchet with 20000 Men, he was ſo enrag'd
that he put to Death fome Children whom
he kept as Hoftages. Afzraff's Life-Guards
at Ipahan were fo infolent and licentious at
the fame Time, that there was no Kind of
Diſorders but what they daily committed,
not only with Impunity, but with their
Mafter's Countenance, infomuch that they
hang'd their Commander for refufing their
Pay before he had received it. The Mer-
chants, eſpecially the Europeans, were oblig'd
from Time to Time to ranfom themfelves, and
if they were not able to make prompt Pay-
ment, either their Goods and Effects were
confifcated, or their Houfes plunder'd; fo
that when the English had gone a great way
in reſtoring their Factors, and got a Guard to
fecure their Warehouſe of Goods, yet the
fame was plunder'd, and the Factor oblig'd
to fly with what he could fave to Gam-
broon.
The Reader will naturally imagine the
diftracted State of Perfia at this Juncture,
when the Kingdom was thus harrafs'd by
three contending Parties, viz. that of Afx-
raff, that of Myr-Weis's Brother, and that of
Prince Thamas,
!
It
Saty
[205]
It happen'd that at the beginning of this
Year, Afzraff received News of the Defeat of
4000 of his Men by the Ruffians about Ro-
dofel and Temfchin, which to alarm'd him,
that, fearing the Confequences, he declar'd,
by Expreſs to M. Leweskow, Governor of
Ghilan, that Wekil, Cham of Casbin, who
commanded the faid 4000 Men, had no Or-
ders to attack the Ruffians, but only to ob-
ferve them, and that he would puniſh the
Guilty. Accordingly he fent for the faid
Wekil and Ofchan Mahomet, to anſwer for
their Conduct; but whilft they were upon
the Road, with a Guard of 100 Men, Afz-
raff order'd them to be attack'd between Caf
bin and Cafchan by the Kotcheves of Chabef-
quet, who are valiant Soldiers, and entirely
devoted to him, in which Affault Mahomet
was kill'd upon the Spot, and Wekil made
Priſoner, whom the Kotfcheves afterwards
bound and fent to Ipahan; but the latter
having found Means to gain fome of the
Soldiers, made his Eſcape, upon which Afz-
raff, tho' it was perhaps only to blind the
Ruffians, feem'd to be very much incens'd,
and fwore that he would revenge it. Afz-
raff's Party was fo leffen'd by this Time,
that rather than go to War with the Ruffians,
he was willing to yield them Daghestan, and
to fettle the Limits with them, on Condition
that they would not enter into a Treaty
with
0 4
[206]
with Prince Thamas, nor give him
ance,
any Affift
In July the Year following, viz. 1729. an
Ambaffador arriv'd at Conftantinople from the
Sultan Afzraff, with a Retinue of 700 Per-
fons, and as he crofs'd the Canal of the Black
Sea he was faluted with the Diſcharge of 100
Pieces from the Seraglio, the Arfenal, and
the Men of War and Galleys. It appear'd
that all the Bufinefs he came about was to
deliver a Letter to the Grand Signior, becauſe
after he received an Anſwer to it, he fet out
for Ipahan, much pleas'd with the Honour
he had receiv'd at the Porte; but he ſtay'd
long enough to be a Spectator of a terrible
Fire which happen'd at Conftantinople on the
27th of July, when, in lefs than ten Hours,
12000 Houſes were reduc'd to Afhes, be-
fides ſeveral Moſques and other publick Edi-
fices, and a great Number of People pe-
rish'd in the Conflagration, tho' all poffible
Means were us'd to ftop the Violence of the
Flames.
This Year a Treaty of perpetual Peace and
Friendſhip was concluded betwixt Afzraff
and Peter II. the Czar of Mufcovy, which
was confirm'd by the Sultan's Brother-in-law,
who came to Mofcow, for that Purpoſe, at
the Head of an Embaffy, with 100 Men and
140 Horſes in his Retinue, and Preſents of
fine Horfes, Sattins, Brocades, c.
By
[ 207 ]
By this Treaty, which was fign'd at Riaf-
coſche, in the Province of Ghilan, the 13th
of February; the Czar confented that Perfia
fhould remain in Poffeffion of the Provinces
of Aftrabat and Mazandran; but that if thoſe
Provinces fhould happen to be given to any
other Power, and to be recover'd by the
Ruffians, the fame fhould for ever remain
under their Dominion, and the Treaty was
to be declared void. The Czar was to keep
all his Conquefts upon the Cafpian-Sea, and
the Territories of the Ruffian Crown in Perfia
were to extend from Derbent to the River
Araxes. The Ambaffadors and Envoys of
both Powers were to be treated with due
Honours, and a free Trade was to be pro-
moted between both Nations upon paying
the customary Duties for their Merchandize;
with full Liberty for erecting the neceffary
Houſes and Warehouſes, and for the Paffage
of the Caravans on both Sides.
Not long after this, Prince Thamas ad-
vanc'd with a gallant Army towards Ifpahan,
while another, fent by the Great Mogul,
march'd into Perfia, which oblig'd Afzraff,
who was univerfally hated by the People
on account of his Cruelties, to divide his
Forces.
This very Year, the following Letter ap-
pear'd from Prince Thamas to the Grand Sig-
nior, fent to Conftantinople by Signior Effendi,
an
[208]
an able and trufty Minifter, who had been
diſpatch'd for fome Months paft to Van, a
City of Georgia, one of the Perfian Provinces,
to inquire into the State of Affairs there.
Some People, I remember, look'd upon the
Letter as a Forgery, becauſe it does not begin
in the Oriental Stile, with the Praiſe and In-
vocation of God; but others fuppos'd that
the Perfian Prince had employ'd a Jefuit, or
fome other European, for his Secretary. Whe-
ther it be genuine or not, we think it worth
inferting.
"It is very furpriſing that your High-
"nefs, in Violation of the uninterrupted
"Friendſhip between the Anceſtors of my
"Family and Yours, (upon account of which
Friendſhip you ought to fuccour the Friends
"of your Friends) ſhould enter into a League
"againſt us in Favour of a Perfon unknown,
"and a Traitor to his Sovereign. This Con-
❝duct is contrary not only to the Laws of Na-
"ture, but alſo to thofe of God; for it is at-
"tacking God himſelf to lift up one's Hand
"againſt Perſons that are Sacred. I am at
"this Day true and lawful Heir to the Fa-
"mily of the Kings of Perfia. I am the
"Son of King Huffein, and by the particu-
"lar Providence of God I efcap'd being
"murder'd with the King my Father, and
"almoft the whole Royal Family. I am
"making all poffible Efforts to recover the
66 DO
[209]
Dominion of my Anceſtors, and to pluck
"the Throne from under the Feet of the
Ufurper that has invaded it: And as my
"Caufe is Juft and Praiſe-worthy, I do not
"in the leaft doubt but God will affift me,
"for they are his Battles that I fight, and
"he being the Defender of the Oppreffed,
"will give new Strength to thofe that take
my Part, fo that the Wicked ſhall be
"puniſh'd according to his Demerit. After
66 me, there are other Princes of my Family
"to whom the Crown of Perfia ought to
"defeend fucceffively. Your Highness can-
(C
not be ignorant that I have yet Subjects
"enough left, of Fidelity and Courage fuffi-
"cient to reftore me to my Patrimony: And
you may be perfuaded that the Princes of
my Blood are held in fuch Veneration
<< among them, that they think it their Duty
"to facrifice their Lives and Fortunes in
66
their Service. Wherefore I leave it to
your Highness to confider, whether 'tis a
"truer Argument of Greatnefs of Soul, to
"fuccour an oppreffed Prince, who is lawful
"Heir to the Throne that has been poffefs'd
"by Kings that were Friends and Allies to
"the Ottoman Race, than to enter into a
"League againſt him with a Tiger, a Mon-
❝fter not known in the World, but for his
"Perfidioufnefs and Outrages, which will
$ render him the Deteftation of future Ages.
"If
[210]
"If your Highneſs will not ſecond the Juf-
❝tice of my Claim, be Neuter, at leaſt, in
"this Difpute; for notwithſtanding all that
"I have heard, I can never be perfuaded
"that your Highneſs can act againſt my In-
"tereft, in Favour of Afzraff, who is known
to you only for Actions which ought to
"make you abhor and deteft him.
ડા
The next Year, viz. 1730. Prince Thamas
obtain❜d a great Victory over Sultan Aſaraff,
and oblig'd him to quit Iſpahan, of which he
took Poffeffion, as well as of feveral other
Towns, and Afzraff finding himſelf aban-
don'd, was fo much dejected, that he fell
fick.
Mean time Prince Thamas, after the
Reduction of the Capital City, was pro-
claim'd King and Emperor of Perfia, and
in November made his publick Entry in-
to Ipahan, amidft the Acclamations of an
infinite Concourfe of People, who had got
together from all Parts to fee their new Sove-
reign; he enter'd at the Head of Part of his
Army, commanded by his Couli Kan, or
Colonel General, after being receiv'd with-
out the Town by all the Grandees of the
Kingdom, and conducted to the Palace of his
Predeceffors, where he receiv'd the Homage
of his new Subjects. Some Days after his
Entry, that Prince fent Couli Kan with
40000 Men, to hinder Sultan Afzraff, who
was
[211]
was fled towards Schiras, from retreating in-
to the Province of Candahar, his own Coun-
try. Prince Thamas's Army was confiderably
augmented, not only by the Perfians, who
had all abandon'd Sultan Afzraff, but alfo
by the Foreign Troops of feveral Nations
which were in his Pay: And being furniſh'd
by the Armenians of Julpha, and particularly
the Jews, with Sums of Money fufficient to
enable him to recover the Places difmember'd
from his Monarchy, he went and laid Siege
to the Town of Schiras with an Army of
50000 Men.
One of his Lieutenant Generals having in
the mean Time apprehended Afzraff on the
Frontiers of Georgia, Prince Thamas, in or-
der to intimidate the Garrifon, which he found
obftinately reſolv'd to make a vigorous Re-
fiftance, erected a Scaffold near enough to be
feen by the Inhabitants, on which he caufed
Afzraff's Skin, while he was alive, to be
torn with Curry-Combs, and then had his
Head lopp'd off and ftuck upon a Pike.
But the Garrifon ftill refufing to furrender,
notwithſtanding the Death of their Protector,
Prince Thamas gave the Town a general
Storm, in a manner fo furious and well exe-
cuted, that his Troops made themſelves
Maſters of it, and put the whole Garriſon to
the Sword,
After
[212]
After the Conqueft of Schiras, the other
Towns that were in Poffeffion of the Rebels
ſubmitted to Prince Thamas, fo that the An
gufians, the moît warlike People of all Perfia,
who took Part with Myrr-Weis, and after-
wards with Afzraff, were totally deſtroy'd
or diſperſed.
After this, the Sophi Thamas befieg'd Tau-
ris, and receiving Intelligence that a great
Body of Turks were on their March to re-
lieve it, he posted himſelf in an advantagious
Place, and attack'd them with fo much Con-
duct and Bravery, that he obtain'd a com-
pleat Victory.
In 1731 the Sophi, whofe Army was aug-
mented to 140,ooo Men, laid Siege to Eri-
van, and receiving Intelligence that 50000
Turks, moft of them Horfe, were advanc'd
within twenty Leagues of that Place in order
to raiſe the Siege, he left a fufficient Number-
of Troops to carry it on, and march'd with
the reft to meet the Ottoman Army, which
he attack'd with fuch Vigour, that after a
bloody Fight, the Turks, already fatigu'd
with their long March, were oblig'd to retire
in Diſorder, with the Lofs of above 16000
Men kill'd on the Spot, befides twenty Pieces
of Cannon taken, and all their Baggage. The
Battle lafted till Night, which was faid to be
the Reaſon that the Perfians took but 2000
Priſoners. After this Action the Sophi Tha-
ዓ2. ዩ
[ 213 ]
mas having rejoin'd his Army before Erivan,
fummon'd the Governor to furrender in three
Days, threatning in cafe of Refuſal to put
him and his Garrifon to the Sword.
But about this Time a bloody Battle was
fought between the Turks and Perfians near
Hamadan, in which a great Number of Men
fell on both Sides, and the Turks remain'd
Mafters of the Field. This determin'd Sophi
Thamas to fue for Peace, and in the mean
while he propos'd a Ceffation of Arms; which
being readily granted, publick Rejoycings
were made upon it for three Days fucceffively
at Conftantinople; and the Perfian Ambaffa-
dor, who had been kept in Priſon there for
feveral Months, was fet at Liberty.
·
The Treaty which enfued upon it was at-
tended with no less than the Depofition and
Baniſhment of the King of Perfia, by the
General of the Perfian Forces; a Revolution
fo furpriſing in all its Circumftances, that it
would hardly gain Credit were it not for the
following authentick Account of it, tranf
mitted from the Court of Ruffia to their Mi-
nifter in London.
"In the Year 1731. a Treaty of Peace
"was concluded between Sophi Thamas of
"Perfia, and the Ottoman Porte, being
"brought about by the Contrivance of their
"refpective Plenipotentiaries. By this Treaty
"the Turks did actually furrender up to the
66
Sophi,
[214]
}
((
"Sophi, Part of their Conquefts in Perfid,
as far as the River Arax, referving to
"themſelves the beft Provinces and Towns
" of Perfia, even beyond the ſaid River, and
"tho' this Treaty proved altogether difad-
"vantageous to the Sophi, yet, according
"to their Stipulations, he found himfelf
❝oblig❜d to ratify it.
"Some Time before this Treaty was in
"Agitation, Tachmas Kouly Kan, Generalif
"fimo of all the Forces in Perfia, a Man of
great Authority and Power over the Sophi
"and People, had been oblig'd to march,
"with Part of the Perfian Troops, to the
( very Borders of India, to quell a Rebel-
<lion that the Subjects of Kandahar and
"Giratt, call'd Agrans, had form'd againſt
"their Sovereign, who met at firft with
great Reſiſtance from the Rebels, tho' af-
terwards he oblig'd them to fubmit; and
"having totally defeated them, and banifh'd
all their Leaders into another Country, got
"at laft a peaceable Poffeffion of the famous
"City of Giratt, and of all the Dependen-
"cies thereof; and having eſtabliſhed new
"Governors both in that and other Cities,
"and pacify'd the whole Province, he left it
"laft Spring, in order to return to Ispahan,
"to wait upon the Sophi.
"It was in his Way home that he re-
ceived the News that a Peace was con-
"cluded
[215]
*cluded between the Ottoman Porte and his
"Mafter, and being farther informed upon
"what Conditions the Treaty was agreed to,
"he very much refented it, and without
(6
giving Notice to the Sophi, having an ir-
"reconcilable Enmity againſt the Turks, he
"immediately published a Manifeſto, in
"which he affumed the Title of Lieutenant
"of the Kingdom, and declared to all his
"Countrymen, that the Treaty lately con-
"cluded with the Turks was very detrimen-
"tal to the Perfian Kingdom, by giving up
"to the Enemy the beft of their Provinces,
"and not infifting upon the Liberty of the
Perfian Priſoners in the Hands of the
"Turks, fo contrary to the Laws of God
"and all Nations, and fo derogatory to the
"Intereft and Honour of the Perfian Mo-
"narchy.
"And for that Reafon, I Tachmas Kouly
"Kan (adds he in his Manifefto) am going in
((
Perfon with a numerous Army against our
"Enemies the Turks, in order to regain our
"Provinces fo fhamefully given up to them,
"and to procure to the Perfian Prifoners their
"Liberty. And therefore he orders in the
"faid Manifefto, that all the Subjects of the
"Kingdom do take up Arms against their
"Enemies the Turks, in order to avenge the
"Cauſe of their Country; and in cafe any
"Man fhould either oppofe or contradict his
VOL. II.
P
" faid
i
[216]
faid Orders, he licenfes all Perfons to kill
"fuch Oppofer, of what Condition foever
"he be, and to feize all his Effects.
"Not long after, the Ruffian Court re-
"ceived an Exprefs from General Levafhol,
"who commands in chief the Ruffian Troops
"in Perfia, with the News, that the faid
"Tachmas Kouly Kan, attended with 30000
"chofen Men, arrived on the 15th of Au-
te
"guft laft, O. S. at Ipahan, (where the So-
"phi was with his whole Court) and in-
"camp'd himſelf before the faid City in one
"of the Sophi's Gardens; and three Days
"after his Arrival waited on the Sophi (who
"received him but coolly) and on his Re-
"turn from Court, he put many of the So-
phi's Domeſticks under Arreft.
"On the 21ft of the fanie Month the So-
phi went, in Perfon, out of the City to
"wifit Tachmas Kouly Kan, who receiv'd his
*
Majefty, at the Head of his commanding
"Officers, with all the Refpect due to his
"Royal Perfon; and having conducted him
"to his Tent, defired his Majefty to fit
"down, and waited on him there as a Slave
"does upon his Mafter. The Sophi asked
"the General what Reafon he had to put his
"Domefticks under Arreft? To which Tach-
mas Kouly Kan replied, with a haughty
"Air, Because your Majefty has no need of
fuch Perfons, who are only kept in Laziness.
". At
[217]
"At which the Sophi being very much of-
"fended, got up to go home; but the Ge-
"neral ftopt him, defiring his Majefty to
give him Leave to ſpeak a Word to him
« in private; and with that conducted him
"to the adjoining Houſe, where he kept
«him all that Night.
"The next Day, being the 22d of August,
the General went into his Tent, and af
"fembled all the Officers of his Army, and
"being feated, made the following Decla-
"ration to them.
"That the Sophi was altogether unfit to
govern the Kingdom, and had by his evil
"Conduct brought an Infamy upon their Coun-
"try, and by his imprudent Directions, loft
a great Number of Perfians: That hitherto
66
they had been obliged to bear all this, for want
"of a Succeffor to the Crown; but now, fays
"he, fince the faid Sophi has a Son three
"Months old, named Abas, I think it proper
"to fettle the Crown upon him, the Father
"having rendered himself totally unworthy of
" it; and I promise to be as faithful to the
"Son as I have been hitherto to his Father,
"whom I think it expedient to keep from this
"Time under a strong Guard, allowing him,
" during Life, a fufficient Maintenance.
"Upon this there was, for a while, great
"Silence amongst the Officers; but at laft,
fome of them having approved his Decla-
P 2
❝ration,
[218]
:
"ration, the General immediately gave Or-
ders to bring him the Feather (a Royal
"Mark of Authority) from the Sophi's Head,
which being done, he kiss'd it, and laid
"it down by his Side. The General then
"fent for the Sophi's Wife, and the Prince
"her Son, who were both publickly con-
"ducted before the Army (the Mother be-
ing covered) to the aforefaid Tent; foon
"after which ſhe was re-conducted again
to the Palace, and a little Time after,
"the Prince her Son was fent back to
"her, with the Turbant and the Royal Fea-
❝ther on his Head. Then the General or-
dered a new Coin to be ftruck, and new
"Seals to be made, bearing the young King's
"Name, Sophi ABAS. In the mean Time
"all the old Minifters and other Perfons of
"Diftinction, who were of the depofed
King's Party, were put under Arreft, and
banish'd to the Province of Chorazan, to
"which Place alfo the dethroned Sophi was
fent on the 25th of Auguft laft, under a
Guard of 1,500 Men.
"The 26th Tachmas Kouly Kan was mar-
"ried to a Sifter of Shach Kufeins, the
Widow of Mirza Dawdan, who has a
Son twelve Years old.
"On the 28th Tachmas Kouly Kan entred
with all his Army into the City of Ipa-
ban, and took up his Lodgings in the
"Royal
[219]
20
"Royal Palace; and the fame Day he or-
"dered a magnificent Cradle to be fet up
in the Chamber nam'd Kell-Sultan, in
❝ which the new Infant King was laid, and
"at the Side of the Cradle was put the
"Turbant, the Royal Feather, and a Sabre.
"Then Tachmas Kouly Kan affembled the
"Mullas and Seides, and went to Prayers in
"the Preſence of all the Officers of the
"Army, after which they congratulated the
"Sophi upon his Acceffion to the Throne,
"and the Ceremony was clofed with a cold
"Collation.
"Upon this Occafion Tachmas Kouly Kan
"honour'd many of the Quality, in the Name
"of Sophi Abas, with an Halaat (or Robe
"of Honour) and cauſed a Proclamation to
"be iffued out, that for the future they
"fhall give no other Title to Sophi Thamas,
"than that of Tachmas Mirza,
"When the General went into the Sophi's
"Palace, he found a Treaſure of many Mil-
"lions, which was hoarded up by Sophi
"Abas the Firft.
"This whole Account has been confirmed
"from Conftantinople by the Report of M.
"Nepluef, Refident from Ruffia, who gave
"farther Notice to the Court, that Achmed
"Baffaw, Governor of Babylon, had given
the fame Account of this Revolution to
$ the Ottoman Porte: And M. Nepluef adds,
"That
[220]
"That Tachmas Kouly Kan, fince the Depo-
«fition of Sophi Thamas, and the Eleva-
❝tion of his Son, Sophi Abas, to the Throne,
(C
governs the whole Kingdom of Perfia,
"defpotically and makes vaft Preparations of
"War againſt the Turks; as alfo that the
"Ottoman Porte are as vigorous in their Pre-
"parations to oppofe his Deſigns.
"General Levafhol, who was at that Time
"with Part of the Ruffian Army in Perfia,
"in the Province of Ghilan, had, in the
"fame Month of August, (purfuant to the
"Articles of Peace concluded between the
"Imperial Crown of Ruffia and Sophi Tha-
"mas) furrendred the faid Province, and
"the reft of the Places fituated beyond the
"River Kura, to the Kingdom of Perfia,
"after which he croffed the River with his
"Army, and incamped in the Province of
"Shirvan, which formerly belonged to the
Perfians, but is now given up to the Ruf
،،
fian Empire, by the late Treaty conclud-
"ed between the two Powers, and appointed
"the head Quarters in the City of Derbent,
"where he received an Exprefs from Tach-
"mas Kouly Kan, with a written Account
"of the Depofition of Sophi Thamas, and
"the Elevation of his Son Sophi Abas to
"the Throne, in which that General affures
«him, that he will keep inviolably all the
"Conditions ftipulated in the Treaties lately
66 con-
[ 221 ]
"concluded between the Empire of Ruffia
"and the Kingdom of Perfia, and that the
"King his Mafter is upon the Point of fend-
"ing a folemn Embaffy to the Court of her
Imperial Majefty, to notify his Acceffion
"to the Crown of Perfia.
<<
Since this Account, there are Letters of
the 15th of January laft, O. S. which bring
Advice of another Revolution. Thefe Letters
indeed don't mention the Particulars, but
they relate in general, that Kouli Kan had
made away with the depofed Sophi Thamas,
and all his Children, and caus'd himſelf to
be proclaim'd Emperor of Perfia; and that
the Perfians have defeated the Turks in an-
other Battle.
THE
THE
INDEX.
I. denotes the First Volume, II. denotes
the Second. Thefe Marks are omit-
ted, when what follows belongs to
the fame Volume. The Preface is mark'd
with Capital Numerals.
A
A.
BAS (Mirza) Son of Solyman, and
Brother to Schah-Huffein, bis Character,
I. Pag. 62. Excluded from the Crown, 64
Abas I. (Schah) firnamed the Great, whofe Son
he was, and whom he fucceeded, fufpected by
bis Father, juftifies himself, I. 35. Kills bis
Governor, 36. Propofes to himself to recover
all that had been taken during the Reigns of
his Predeceffors, and performs it, 37. Is
look'd upon as the Reftorer of Perfia, 38.
Makes fome Conquefts in the Turkish Terri-
tories, 39. An able Politician, and the first
who fet the Kings of Perfia free, 39. The
Means
jj
INDEX.
Means be made use of to gain them an abfolute
Power, 40. Orders the Eyes of his two
youngest Sons to be put out, 41. Afterwards
be put his eldeft, Mirza-Sefi, to Death; quick-
ly repents of it, and is fenfibly afflicted at it
the Remainder of his Life, 42. Dies, and
nominates his Grandſon, and Mirza-Sefi's Son,
to be bis Succeffor, 42.
His Maxims about
the Punishment of Perfons of all Ranks, 107.
His Policy in keeping up two Factions in eve-
ry Town of his Kingdom, 91. His commen-
dable Care for the Safety of the Roads, 113
Abas II. (Schah) afcends the Throne, I. 48.
An Order given to deprive him of his Sight,
but avoided by the Eunuch who was to do it,
48. An Act of Authority and Vigor in his
Touth, 51. Retakes Candahar from the Mo-
gul, si. He openly protects the Chriftians in
bis Kingdom, 52. An Act of Justice in their be-
balf,52. Dies young without appointing his Suc-
ceffor, 53. A Report that he died a Chriftian,
129
Abdulla, Prince of the Usbeks, overcome by
Schah-Abas I. who caus'd him , together
with his Brother and three of his Sons, to be
bebeaded,
I. 37
Achmet-Aga, an Eunuch, repulfes the Rebels,
and drives them from the Bridge of Abufabat,
II. 60. Attempts to force a Poft of the Re-
bels, and is deferted by the General of the
Perfian Army, 86. Is unjustly reprimanded
by the King, 86; poiſons himſelf, and is found
dead. His Character. An Inftance of the
Liberty he took with the King in the Time of
the Famine,
87, &c.
Achmet,
INDEX.
ii)
Achmet, Bashaw of Babylon, lays fiege to A-
madan, defeats Prince Thamas's Troops, and
takes the Town, II. 112. Advances within
three Days March of Ifpahan: Is obliged to
return to Babylon,
180
Aghvans, the Nation who have lately conquer'd
Perfia; their Origin, and from whence their
Name is deriv'd, I. 137,138. Their Manner of
Living and Drefs, 145. Their Manner of
fighting and military Difcipline, 149 Are
humane to their Priſoners, and regular in their
Morals, 82. Their Cruelty and Perfidioufnefs
on a certain Occafion, how puniſhed, II. 69.
Confult about declaring a Succeffor to Magh-
mud before his Death, and make choice of
Afzraff his Coufin-german,
Agmat, King of Perfia before the Sophis, is
killed after a Reign of fix Months,
Akuli, a Town belonging to the Armenians zit
Perfia,
I. 110.
Aladul, King of Cappadocia, Shelters Morat-
Cham, I. 17. Is defeated by Ifmael I. King
of Perfia,
153
1. II
17
1. 4
Ali, Head of a Sect in Mahometaniſm to which
the Perfians adhere,
Ali-Merdan-Kan, in the Reign of Schah-Sefi,
delivers up Candahar to the Mogul, and why,
1. 140
Ali-Merdan-Kan, another Lord in the Reign of
Schah-Huffein, the greatest General in Per-
fia, II. 20. Affembles Troops to fuccour If
IF
pahan, which are worſted in his Abfence by his
Brother's Fault, 67. His Fidelity to his
King, 68. His Advantages over the Turks.
He carries with him to the Wars two of his
Daughters, who fight by him in Mens Drefs,
181
iv
INDEX.
182
181. He is obliged to forfake Prince Tha-
mas, and why,
Almas Kullar-Aghafy, firft Minifter to Myrr-
Maghmud, in what manner ufed by his Suc-
ceffor; bis Death; a fine Character of this
Aghvan Minifter,
II. 157
Alvante, the laft King of Perfia before the Reign
of the Sophis, defeated and killed by Ifmael
1. 15
II. 142
Amadan, a confiderable City in Perfia, taken
by the Turks,
Aman-Ulla, one of the principal Chiefs of the
Aghvans, is fent to Casbin, II. 104. Is dri-
ven from it with great Lofs, 107. His Preten-
fions against Maghmud; be marries a Daugh-
ter of Schah-Huffein, 136, 137. Leaves Ifpahan
with bis Troops, and takes the Crown with
bim, 137. He is purſued by Maghmud, who
overtakes him, and after their Reconciliation
fends him back to Ifpahan, 138. He is nar-
rowly watched; an Affront offered to him by
Maghmud, and his Refentment of it, 139.
He is fet at Liberty; and becomes a fecret E-
nemy of Maghmud, and one of the Heads of
a Confpiracy formed against him in favour of
Afzraff, 139. He is made Athemat-Doulet
by Maghmud, 167. His immenfe Riches,
which are confifcated by Afzraff now King. A
Piece of Knavery of his towards the Engliſh
of the Factory of Iſpahan,
167, 168
Amurat IV. Emperor of the Turks, lofes the
greatest Part of his Army in Perfia, and how,
II. 16
Armenians, how transported into Perfia by Schah-
Abas, II. 39. Settled at Zulfa near Ifpahan,
Privileges granted them by the fame Schah-
Abas,
INDEX.
V
Abas, 41, 42. Suffer many Grievances in the
Reign of Schah-Huffein, 44. Are difarmed
by the Court at the Approach of the Rebels,
46. Are abandoned by the Court, and obliged
to treat with the Rebels, 47. Are plunder'd
by the Rebels, who had made themfelves Ma-
fters of Zulfa, 51. They refufe to be Media-
tors between the Rebels and the Court, and
why, 61. They urge the Court to lay hold of
au Opportunity to overthrow the Aghvans,
which mifcarried through the Treachery of the
General, 72. Are in greater Efteem at prefent
in Perfia than any other Nation,
Army, State of that of Maghmud,
Artillery, the Ignorance of the Perfians in it;
bow many Cannons there were at Ifpahan; and
bow many Shot fired during the Siege, II. 93.
Aflam-Kan, Lieutenant-General to Prince Tha-
mas, binders his being furprized by Afzraff,
198
II. II
II. 175
Afzraff, Coufin German to Maghmud; he is
fufpected by him during the Siege of Ifpahan,
and wherefore, II. 154. Caft into Prifon by
Maghmud after the Siege of Ifpahan, 155.
Negotiates during his Imprisonment with
Prince Thamas to dethrone Maghmud, 171.
Is taken out of Prison to be plac'd upon the
Throne, 155. Forces the Palace of Maghmud,
caufes his Head to be cut off, and all his
Guards to be maſſacred, 156. His Diffimu-
lation on his aſcending the Throne, 162. His
Policy in the Care he took of the Burial of the
Princes of the Blood, whom Maghmud had
murder'd, 164. His Humanity towards Schah-
Huffein, 165. He divorces his Wife to mar-
ry one of the Daughters of that Prince, 166.
He
vj
INDEX:
He caufes this Marriage, and the Rights of his
Son born of that Princefs, to be confirm'd in
a Treaty with the Porte, 194.
He arrefts
all those who had confpir'd to place him on the
Throne; puts fome of them to Death, and con-
fifcates the Eftates of all of them, 166. He
puts his youngest Brother's Eyes out, and con-
fines him to the Haram, 170. He puts to
death the Twenty-five Perfian Lords whom
Maghmud bad fpar'd, and under what Pretence,
174. He fends an Embaſſy and Preſents to Prince
Thamas, and appoints an Interview with him,
with Defign to furprize him, 175. He fends
an Embally to the Porte, 185. His Ambaf-
fador is at firft well receiv'd, afterwards re-
jected, and why, 190.
His Behaviour to the
He
Turks to induce them to a Peace, 189. The
Turks declare War against him, 190.
concludes a Peace with them, 194. His Go-
vernment eſtabliſh'd in Perfia, 199.
Athemet-Doulet, Title of the Prime Minifter
of Perfia, I. 84. Offers to go on the Expedi-
tion to Candahar, after ſeveral had refus'd it,
218. He procures that Commiffion for his Brother-
in-Law, 218. The two oppofite Factions of
the Court combine to ruin him, 225. Palpable
Slander rais'd against him, 226. He is ar-
refted, his Eyes are put out, and he is tortur'd,
228. His Relations and Friends are arrested,
229. His immenfe Wealth, aud what it a-
mounted to, ibid. A Council, in which he is
beard in his Defence; the Complaints of his
Accufers; be juſtifies himſelf againſt every Ar-
ticle, 232, to 235. Tho' innocent, yet for Reaſons
oj State, he is baniſh'd to the Caſtle of Chiras,
with a large Penfion, 250. He dies, and
bow
INDE X.
vij
bow; bis Character, 252.
His illuftrious
Birth, 241. His Relations and Friends are
reftor'd to their Liberty and Eſtates, 254.
His Sons-in-Law are in no ways molefted,
255.
Athemat-Doulet, Succeffor to the former, cau-
fes the Lofs of the Battel of Giulnabat, II.
22. In taking the Oath of Allegiance to
Maghmud, when acknowledg'd King, be fti-
pulates that he shall not be oblig'd to bear
Arms against Prince Thamas.
Avarice, A juft and fingular Puniſhment of it at
the taking of the City of Chiras, II. 128.
Aureng-Zeb, Emperor of the Mogul, offers to
lay Siege to Candahar, but is diverted from
it,
I. 143.
B.
102
Achtylarians, People that live in Tents in
Perfia, I. 97. An Account of this Na-
tion; they drive the Turkish Army out of
their Canton,
II. 180
Balfora, a Town upon the Tigris, near the Perfian
Gulph,
Bajazet, Son to Soliman II. a Refugee in Per-
fia, is put to death at the Inftance of his Fa-
ther,
I. 39
I. 28.
1. 9
Bayfingir, King of Perfia after Julaver,
Beggar, a blind one, finds Means to fubfift du-
ring the whole Time of the Famine at Ifpa-
han,
II. 91
Begum, (Mary) Grandmotber to Schah-Huf-
fein. Begum is the Title of the Princeffes
in Perfia, as well as at the Court of Mogul,
I. 128
Bender-
viij
INDEX.
•
Bender-Abaffi, the Mortality of that Climate
an Excurfion made by the Rebels that way,
II. 129
after the taking of Chiras,
Ben-Ifpahan, a large Town, its Inhabitants de-
feat the Rebels, and make Reprisals upon their
Prifoners, II. 70. Incite thofe of Ifpahan
to revolt, and fally out against the Rebels to
the Gates of that City, III. They make
their Peace with the Ufurper Maghmud, 121.
They prove faithful to him after the Accommo-
dation, deliver up to him General Luft-Ali-
can, and gain his Confidence by this important
Service
Berthullah-Effendi fent to Perfia, by the Grand-
Signior, to conclude a Peace with Afzraff,
122
II. 193
1. 5.
II. 37
Bizarus, Author of the General Hiſtory of Per-
fia, as well ancient as modern,
Bridges, four Bridges over the Senderou, a
quarter of a League from Ifpahan,
Bridge of Abufabat, the Aghvans attack it un-
fuccessfully, II. 60. They make themfelves
Mafters of it,
Bridge of Chiras near Ifpahan, the Aghvans
foon take it, and afterwards are beaten from
it with great Lofs,
Buildings, Extravagancies of Schah-Huffein
on this Head
65
II. 59
I. 125
C.
Achan, (Town of) fends Deputies to Magh-
mud, and receives him within its Walls,
CA
II. 134
Caidar-Mirifes, Third Son to Thamas King of
Perfia, who declares him his Succeffor, I. 24.
He
INDEX.
**
He is put to death by Order of Ishmael II.
his Brother, who is preferr'd before bim, 27
Calaate, what it is, I. 86. How abus'd during
87
the Reign of Schah-Huffein,
Calumny, the Prime Minister of Perfia finks un-
der a flagrant one,
I. 225
Candahar, the Capital of the Country of the
Aghvans, is taken by Schah-Abas I. I. 139
Loft under Schah-Sefi, his Succeffor, and hów,
Retaken by Schah-Abas II. Succeffor to Schah-
Sefi, 143. Fortified by European Engineers
whilft it belonged to the Mogul, 144.
Situation, and Distance from Ifpahan,
Carabes, a Perfian Lord, revenges the Death
of Ruftan King of Perfia,
Its
145
I. II
Casbin, (the City of) formerly the Capital of
Perfia, II. 104. Receives the Aghvans,
who afterwards are driven out of it with great
Loss,
105
Pref. xviii.
II. 52
Chardin, his Travels in Perfia,
Cheriman, Arut, one of the richest Armenians
in Zulfa, plunder'd by the Rebels,
Cheriman, Manuel, an Armenian to whom
Afzraff committed the Management of his Ne-
gotiations with the Porte,
II. 185
Chielentar, a Poft that Myrr-Weis held at Can-
dahar. See Kielentar,
I. 153
Children of the Perfian Nobility educated in
Colleges, are maffacred by the
Chiras (Town of) besieged by the
Aghvans,
II. 108
Aghvans,
128
II. 122. Capitulates, and is broke into du-
ring the Parley and facked,
Chogia-Drak, an Eunuch skilful in the Art of
Government, fole Director of all Affairs in
the Reign of Schah Solyman,
P
VOL. II.
I. 82
Goda-
INDEX.
Codabende (Mahomet) eldeſt Brother to If-
mael II. refufes the Crown, I. 24. Accepts
of it with Reluctancy after the Death of his
Brother, 28. A praife-worthy Prince; the
Cauſe of the various Opinions concerning bim,
29. Puts to death three of his Brothers, 30.
Overcomes the Turks in feveral Battels, 31.
His Death; he leaves three Sons, who all
fucceeded bim in their turns the fame Tear, 32
Confifcation of Eftates, antient Cuftoms in Per-
fia relating to it, I. 106. The Method
the Eunuchs made ufe of in the Reign of Schah
Huffein, of converting them to their own Pro-
fit,
Corfchi-Bachi, General of the Corfchis, fent to
arreft the prime Minifter in bis Houſe, I. 227
Corfchis, or Courtchis, an antient Body of Mi-
litia, powerful in Perfia, till weaken'd by
Schah Abas I. and his Succeffors,
I. 40
Chronology of the Revolution,
108
Pref. xv.
Cure, a ftrange one perform'd on Efik Aghari by
a Fefuit,
Curdes, fee Kurdes.
Ꭰ
D.
Pref. iv.
ELY, a Tartar Sultan, who had fided
with Afzraff against the Turks, is inclu-
ded in the Treaty of Peace concluded with the
Porte,
II. 195
Dergefins, a Nation fettled in Perfia, invited to
Ifpahan to repeople that City, II. 115: The
Rank this Nation at prefent bears in Perfia,
II. 197
Deroga, a fort of Intendant in Perfia, one of
them in every Town their Exactions in
the Reign of Schah Huffein,
I
I. 110
Deroga,
INDEX.
xj
Deroga, of Ifpahan in the fame Reign, made
Money by Setting Priſoners at Liberty to rob,
A notorious Act of Injuftice of his,
I. III.
I12
Dervis, a ſtately Monaftery of Dervizes built by
Schah Huffein,
I. 127
Divan-Beg, or the chief Justice in Perfia, I. 150.
the Probity and Sincerity of an Aghvan, on
whom this Employment was conferred in the
Reign of Maghmud,
II. 103
E
E.
IDAR (Schah) or Aidar, Father to
King Ifmael, the first who rais'd his Fa-
mily, I. 7. His Doctrine gains great Credit;
called Ardevil, and why, 7. Marries the
Daughter of Uffum Caffam King of Perfia, 8.
Is flain by Order of Ruftan King of Perfia,
IO. His Sett perfecuted after his Death,
ibid.
English Fleet affifts Schah Abas the Great in
taking the Iſle of Ormus from the Portugueſe,
I. 245
Engliſh, knaviſhly dealt with by Aman-Ulla,
II. 167
I. 150
Eriftaw, a Title of Diftinction of the prime No-
bility of Georgia,
Efik-Aghafi, one of the chief Officers in Magh-
mud's Army,
II. 116
II. 141
Efther, (Queen) ber Tomb,
Eunuchs, their State and Condition under the
antient Kings of Perfia, I. 17. Their Educa-
tion in the Haram.-The Rife of their Repu-
tation in the Reign of Schah-Solyman, and
upon what Occafion, 81. A Council of Eu-
nuchs
P 2
xij
INDEX.
nuchs eftablish'd in his Reign, 82. Their
Power increaſes exorbitantly in the Reign of
Schah-Huffein, 83. Inconveniencies of their
great Intereft, 85. Their infatiable Avarice,
85. A ridiculous Edict which they iffue out
to their own Honour, 80. Divided into two
Factions, of Black and White, and the Mif-
chiefs arifing from it to the Government, 99.
They bring the great Men of the Court under
Subjection, 101. Their Numbers, their vast
Riches,
124
Excommunication of the Turkish Mufti against
the Perfians, and of the Szicheliglam or Per-
fian Mufti against the Turks,
I. 171
F.
ACTION, all the Cities of Perfia divi-
ded into two Factions, I. 91. The like
Divifion in the Perfian Court, 98. The Bit-
terneſs of theſe two Factions, 91. The Poli
cy of the Kings of Perfia in keeping up theſe
Factions, 91. The Uſefulneſs of this Practice,
93. Inconveniencies of this Practice in the
Reign of Schah-Huffein, 96. The two oppo-
fite Factions at Court join to deftroy the prime
Minifter,
225
II. 129
Factories, Engliſh and Dutch,
Famine, an effectual Remedy made ufe of against
the Famine in the Beginning of the Reign of
Schah-Solyman, I. 132. Schah-Huffein's
Care and Liberality in a Time of Famine,
134. A Famine at Ifpahan during the Siege,
and the first Cauſe of it, II. 88. Its monthly
in-
INDEX.
xiij
92
increase; by which they are reduced to eat
buman Flesh, 90. The Number of those who
perifh'd by that Famine,
Farabat, a fumptuous Pleafure-House built by
Schah-Huffein,, a League from Iſpahan. A
Saying of that Prince concerning this Houfe,
which gives an Idea of it, I. 125. Taken
by the Aghvans, who make it their Camp,
for the better carrying on the Siege of Iſpa-
ban,
II. 37
Felenk and Pelenk, the diftinguishing Names of
the two oppofite Factions in Perfia, 1. 91
Fetfa, the written Anfwer of the Turkish Mufti,
to the Questions he is confulted about, I. 172
Flagella-Kan, General of the Forces of Prince
Thamas, is beaten by the Turks, before A-
madan, II. 142. Prince Thamas affronts
him, which causes him to go over to the Agh-
vans,
143
Fleuriau, (Father) his Memoirs of the Levant-
Miffion,
Forgers, very common in Perfia,
Pref. ix.
I. 236
II. 133
Fredon-Kan, General of Prince Thamas's Troops,
flies from before the Aghvans,
G
G.
Aures, or Giaur, defcended from the ancient
Perfians, favour the Rebels, II. 1I. The
Rank this People at prefent bear in Perfia,
197
Gemelli-Careri, Author of a Voyage round the
World. His Account of Perfia not much to
be relied on, Pref. xviii, xx. Copies a
Miftake of Tavernier's,
P 3
I. $
Gengia,
xiv
INDEX.
Gengea, (Prince of) betray'd by his own Bro-
ther, through the Inftigation of the Eunuchs,
102
I. 103
Georgia, (Princes of) the Order of their Suc-
cellion fubverted by the Eunuchs, I. 102. The
Kings of Perfia beftow Lands upon them in
their Kingdom, to keep them in a stricter De-
pendancy,
Georgia, (a Woman of) what she attempts to
revenge the Death of her Husband, II. 143
Georgians, offer to fupprefs the Rebels, pro-
vided no Perſian Troops be with them; which
is rejected, I. 100. Myrr-Weis rewards
their Valour,
198
Georgi-Kan, Prince of Georgia, revolts from
Perfia; reduc'd by a Stratagem, I. 154. Ob-
tains his Pardon, and Re-eſtabliſhment. Is
fent Governor to Candahar, 151. He there
conceives a Miftruft of Myrr-Weis, fends him
to Court as a fufpected Perfon, and his wife Ad-
vice to the King concerning him, 154.
is affaffinated at Candahar by Myrr-Weis,
He
183
Ghilan, a Province of Perfia, lying at the lower
End of the Western Coaft of the Cafpian Sea.
The Mufcovites have poffeffed themselves of it,
II. 186
II. 120
Giez, a very strong Caftle three Leagues from
Ifpahan, bow taken,
Gioz-Tutzak, a Name given in Perfia, to thoſe
who are narrowly watch'd, tho' they are not
Prifoners,
I. 155
Giulnabat, a large Town four Leagues from If-
pahan, II. 19. Particulars of the Battel
fought there,
2I
Goa. Schah-Huffein fends an Embaſſy to the
Vice-Roy of Goa, I. 146.
An Enterprize
mif-
INDEX.
XV
miſcarries by Schah-Huffein's Miniſters break-
ing their Promife with the Portugueſe, I. 246
Gofpel, (Red) among the Armenians, what it
is. Maghmud has recourfe to it in his laft
Sickness,
II. 150
Governors of Provinces and Cities changed too
often in the Reign of Schah-Huffein, I. 134
Guines, Father of Schich-Eidar, aud Grand-
father of Ifmael, first King of Perfia of the
Houfe of the Sophys,
I. 6
H.
120
Agi-Bakir, an Arabian War-Officer, de-
fends the City of Chiras when befieg'd by
the Aghvans, II. 136. Imprudently probi-
bits Sallies, and is kill'd in admitting a
Convoy into the Place,
127
Haram, is the fame thing in Perfia, as the Se-
raglio in Turkey, I. 61. The exceſſive Ex-
pences of Schah-Huffein for the Maintanance
of his Haram,
Hafarai, (Aghvans of.) join to the Aghvans of
Candahar, but of a different Sect, I. 210
Maghmud forces them to march along with
bim to invade Perfia, 211. Five bundred of
this Nation ftand true to Maghmud to the
laft, and are cut in Pieces by Order of Af-
zraff,
II. 159
Hekimbafzi, or the King's first Physician, to-
gether with his chief Moullah, forges a Ca-
lumny to destroy the chief Minifter, and com-
paffes his End, I. 224. Schah-Huffein dif
covers the Falfhood of the Accufation, but
dares not punish the Informers, 253. The
two fame Informers make the King commit
P 4
an
xvj
INDEX.
an egregious Fault by their Suggeſtions againſt
the Prince of Georgia,
266
Hiemfe, (Emir) Eldeft Son to Codabende,
fucceeds him, and is kill'd foon after by his
Brother Ifmael's Contrivance
I. 33
1. 92
Hocen, a Festival celebrated by the Perfian Re-
ligion in honour of him,
Hofpital, one built and maintain'd by Schah-
Huffein,
1. 131
Huffein (Schah) Son of Solyman, his Chara-
Eter, I. 62. He is preferr'd to his Brother
to fucceed Solyman, and why, 63. Forbids
the putting out of his Brother's Eyes, ibid.
He at first prohibits the drinking of Wine,
72. How he himself at first was induced to
drink fome, and becomes very fond of it, 75.
He is wholly govern'd by the Eunuchs, 76.
His Humanity. A wrong Notion of Clemency
inftill'd into him,104,105. Keeps himſelf ſhut up
in his Haram, 119. In what be placed his
Glory, 120. A great Devotee to his Sect,
but very indulgent to the Chriftians, 128.
His reafoning in behalf of the Chriftan Re-
ligion, 131. Is impos'd upon by two Infor-
mers, who prevail upon him to deftroy his
prime Minifter, 224. Is fenfible of the Ca-
lumny, and pardons the two Informers, not da-
ring to fearch into the Matter, 255. Makes
Proposals unadviſedly to Maghmud, II. 27.
And with equal Indifcretion, rejects thofe Jent
to him by Maghmud, 33. He affronts Vach-
tanga, Prince of Georgia, I. 266.
courts and follicits this Prince, in vain, to
come to his help during the Siege of Ifpahan,
II. 76. He declares to the People his Refo-
lution of furrendring himself to the Enemy, 95-
He goes to Farabat, and delivers himself into
He
the
INDEX.
xvij
the Hands of the Conqueror, 97. An Account
of his Reception at Farabat, and of his Abdi-
cation, 98. He is wounded in the Hand, in
Striving to fave two of his Children from the
Cruelty of Maghmud, 149. Refuſes the
Crown which Afzraff makes a Show of offering
to him, and complains bitterly of the late Magh-
mud, 163. Is well used by Afzraff, ibid.
JA
t
I.
9
I. 22
Acoub, a Courland Carpenter, diflodges the
Rebels from the Bridge of Chiras before If-
pahán, by Cannon-Shot, II. 60. A Miftakę
in fome Accounts concerning him, Pref. xxi.
Jacup, Son of Uffum-Caffan, fucceeds him in
the Kingdom of Perfia, I. 8. Dies by Poifon
given him by his own Wife; who, together with
their only Son, dies by the fame Poifon,
Jani-Kan, a violent Action of that Lord, and his
tragical End,
1. 50
Ibrahim-Pacha, Favourite of Solyman II. Empe-
ror of the Turks, who puts him to death, and
wherefore,
Ieft, a Town ten days March from Ifpahan,
on the Road to Candahar. Its Garifon de-
feats two thoufand Aghvan Recruits, II. 144.
Attack'd by Maghmud as he was advancing
towards Ifpahan, and fuccesfully beats him
back, ibid. He befieges it a fecond time, and
is again repuls'd with a great Loſs, 145
Iman-Kouli-Kan, One of the most powerful
Lords of Perfia in the Reign of Schah-Sefi,
in what Manner ufed by that Prince, I. 142
Ifmael, Son of Schih-Eidar; the first King of
Perfia of the Race of the Sophys, Predicti-
ons of bis Father relating to him, I. 13
а
xviij
INDEX.
a Character of Ifmael, and his Behaviour in
bis private Life, ibid. His firft Exploits in
Armenia, 14. He comes to Tauris,then Capital of
Perfia, which receives him without Refiftance,
115. He purfues King Alvante, overcomes
and kills him, 16. He defeats Aladu, King
of Cappadocia, 17. He takes Babylon, ibid.
He fubdues the Georgians and Tartars, ibid.
He gains a Victory over the King of Samarcand,
ibid. He wages War fuccesfully with Bajazet
and Seylim, Turkish Emperors, and the Suc-
cefs of thefe Wars, which he maintains with-
ont any Lofs, 18. His Death, and how long
be reign'd,
Ifmael II. brought out
the Throne, I. 24.
the Kingdom.
ibid.
of Prison to be plac'd on
Hated by the Nobility of
Died, being poison'd, by his
28
own Sifter,
Ifmael III. fucceeds his Brother, whom he had
cauſed to be killed, is himself killed after ha-
ving reigned only a few Months, I. 34
Ifpahan, the Capital City of Perfia, frightned
at the Approach of the Rebels, II. 18. Sei-
zed with a Confternation after the Lofs of the
Battel of Giulnabat, 24. Is invested on all
Sides, 65.´´ A very great Famine, 88. Sur-
renders to the Aghvans, 96. Is in danger of
fuffering a fecond Famine, and why,
Jews, the Daughters of that Nation are not ad-
mitted into the Haram, I. 121. They take
Precedence at preſent in Perfia above the native
Perfians,
II. 198
Julaver, King of Perfia, fucceeds Jacup, I. 9
113
KAGI
INDEX.
xix
KAC
K.
AGIARS, good Troops, commonly em-
ployed to guard the Frontiers of Perfia on
the Turkish Side, II. 79. A Body of five
bundred Kagiars convey Prince Thamas out of
Ifpahan during the Siege, 79, 80. An indiſcreet
Demand of theirs fows a Divifion in Prince
Thamas's Army,
175
Karachirfis, The Appellation of the most fubtil
Cheats in Perfia,
I. 118
Kardelans, (James Dominic) born of one of
the best Families of Zulfa near Ifpahan, put
to the Rack by the Aghvans, and wherefore;
how much Money in Specie the Aghvans found
in his and his Brother's Poffeffion,
II. 52
Kafin-Kan, a Perfian Lord poffefed of an here-
ditary Principality in Arabia, faves Magh-
mud when in great Danger,
II. 140
Kielenter, or Kelonter, or Kalenter, chief of
the Armenian Nation of Zulfa; Privilege of
this Poft,
Kirman, a Town furprized by Maghmud, and
retaken by Luft-Ali-Kan, I. 220.
fecond time by Maghmud, who is
raife the Siege,
II. 41
Befieged a
obliged to
II. 14
Kifitbafz, a Perfian Militia, they oppose the
Pretenfions of the Kagiars,
II. 176
I. 120
Kiſveran, the Year 1701, fo called in Perfia, and
why,
Kiulpekient, a City of Perfia, the Inhabitants
whereof are Armenians, taken with its Cita-
del in one Day by the Aghvans,
II. 133
Kom, a City where the Burial-place of the Kings
of Perfia is. Afzraff fends thither the Bo-
dies
XX
INDEX.
dies of the Princes of the Blood, whom Magh-
mud bad maſſacred: In what manner the Con-
ductor of the Convoy is received there, II.164.
is befieged and taken by the Aghvans, 176
Koftrow-Kan, Prince of Georgia, fent with an
Army against Myrr-Weis, is worsted and
flain, I. 190. The Caufes of the Mifcarriages
of this Expedition, 191. A Defcription of
this Prince,
198
I. 23
Kourouk, in Perfia what it is,
Krufinski (Father Jude) Procurator of the Fe-
fuits in Perfia, accompanies the Bishop of If-
pahan to his Audience, who abandons the Care
of his Negotiation to him, Pref. ii. A Man
of great Abilities, and esteemed by Schah-Huf-
fein's Minifters, iii. The only Jefuit left in
Ifpahan, where he was near perishing for Hun-
ger, v. Upon what Account he is fent for to
the Aghvan Army, and his Generofity to his
Deliverer, iv. Carefs'd by Efin Aghari, vi.
Lived twenty Years at Ifpahan: His Memoirs
the Plan of this Hiftory, ii. Relates nothing
but what he faw, or bad from the Minifters of
both Parties,
Kullar, (Aghafi) Brother to the Prince of Geor-
gia, and Son-in-law to the Athemat-Doulet,
not included in his Disgrace,
I. 255
Kurdes, a People inhabiting the Kurdiſtan, and
governed by a chief Dependant on Perfia, in-
volved in the pretended Plot of the prime Mi-
nifter,
L
L.
vii
I. 227
ESGIANS, a People living near Mount
Caucafus on the Weftern Shore of the Caf
pian Sea, a Tribute Perfia paid them under
the
INDEX.
xxj
272
the Name of Subfidies, I. 143. Commit De-
vaftations in Perfia upon account of their not
being paid, 242. Are near being fubdu'd by
Prince Vachtanga, 265. A falfe Step of the
Perfian Court whereby the Stroke is averted,
268. Their Pretence for rifing in Arms again
at the End of three Months, 270. Make a
fudden Incurfion into the Province of Szirvan,
and take Szamachi,
Lorians, a People living in Tents fome Leagues
from Ifpahan. Why their Enterprizes against
the Rebels mifcarry,
I. 97
Luft-Ali-Kan, Brother-in-Law to the prime Mi-
nifter, appointed General of the Army which
is ordered against the Rebels; his Character,
I. 218. Fails in his Attempt upon the Island
of Mafcata through the Fault of the Minifters,
219. Retakes the City of Kirman from
Myrr-Maghmud, who had taken it by Sur-
prize, 221. Lays wafte the Lands belonging
to the Court Lords along the Perfian Gulf, and
why, 222. Returns with his Army to Chi-
ras, and makes Preparations to go and lay
Siege to Candahar, 223. Is arrested at Chi-
ras by an Order from Court, and fent Priſoner
to Ifpahan, 230. Is acknowledged to be in-
nocent, yet for Reaſons of State is detained in
Prifon, but his Eſtate is not confiscated, 256.
Riches and Favours heap'd on him by Magh-
mud, who had made himself Maſter of Iſpa-
han; be continues faithful to the Royal Fami-
ly, and efcapes out of Ifpahan, 257. Is re-
taken and delivered up to Maghmud, who cuts
him to pieces with a Sabre,
259
Machmet,
xxij INDEX.
MAC
M.
II. 170
ΙΟΙ
ACHMET, of the Nation of the Bol-
voz, one of the Head Officers of the Ar-
my, fpared by Afzraff,
Machmet-Kuli-Kan, Prince of Caket in Geor-
gia, and Son-in-law to the Athemat-Doulet,
not included in his Disgrace,
I. 255
Machmet-Wali, Prince of Hacvufa near Can-
dahar, a Vaſſal of Perfia, II. 31. Commands
the Army of Perfia jointly with the Athemat-
Doulet at the Battel of Giulnabat, II. 29.
His daily Allowance, 60. Is ſuſpected by the
Court, and upon what Account, 32. Agrees
with Maghmud, and evades all Opportunities
of beating the Rebels, 73. His Treachery
punished by Maghmud himſelf, when he became
Maſter of Ifpahan,
Maeffum-Beck, Minister of Thamas King of
Perfia, procures Ifmael, this King's Son to be
impriſon❜d,
I. 25
Maghmud, (Myrr) fecond Son to Myrr-Weis,
brought up in his Father's Camp, I. 207.
Bebeads his Uncle, and gets himself chofen
Chief and General of the Aghvans, 208.
Makes War upon the Aghvans of Hafarai,
and forces them to join with him againſt the
Perfians, 211. Defeats the Perfian Army
which is fent against him, and kills the Ge-
nerals, 217. Surprises the City of Kirman,
is driven out of it, and put to Flight, 220.
He was utterly ruin'd, had not the Athemat-
Doulet, and Luft-Ali-Kan been disgraced,
II. 3. His Preparations for a great Expe-
dition, 7. Marches in order to lay Siege to
Kirman
1
INDEX.
xxiij
Kirman, 8. The State of his Army, 8, &c.
His ill Succefs at this Siege, and is forfaken
by 14000 Men, who return to Candahar, 13
He raiſes the Siege, and marches towards
Ifpahan, 14. Wins the Battel of Giulnabat,
23. Thinks of returning, tho' Conqueror, 25.
Keeps his Ground through the Court of Perfia's
Fault, 23. The Negotiations between Magh-
mud and the Perfian Court come to nothing
by Faults on both Sides, 35. Lofes bis Re-
putation at his first Attack of Iſpahan, 57.
Attacks the Bridge of Abufabat, but is re-
pulfed with great Lofs, 60. Is for renewing
the Treaty, 61. His Spies at Court encourage
bim, 62. He refolves to befiege Iſpahan, 63.
Forces the Bridge of Abufabat, and invefts
the City on all Sides, 65. Can take it by Fa-
mine only, and why, 94. Receives Schah-
Huffein, who refigns the Crown in his favour,
98. Makes Examples of those who betrayed
tee Intereft of the King to him, 101. In
what Manner be regulates the Government of
the Kingdom, 103. Orders the greateſt Part
of the Nobility, and all the Military Men
that were at Ifpahan to be maffacred, 108.
Lofes the greatest Part of his Army in an
Expedition, 14. Undertakes the Siege of Jeft,
and after fuftaining great Lofs, Shamefully
miſcarries, 147. Superftitiously retreats
to a fubteraneous Grotto, ibid. Maffacres
the Princes of the Blood in the Ha-
ram, 149. Turns delirious in Sickness,
150. The Violence of bis Distemper, 152.
His Head cut off by Order of Afzraff his
Coufiin German, 156. Character of him,
159
Magi-
xxiv
INDE X.
I.. 110
Magiftrates, their Exactions in the Reign of
Schah-Huffein,
Mahomet-Pacha, a Turkish General, fent to
fucceed Sinan-Pacha, is defeated in Georgia,
I. 32
I. 219
Mary, a Name often affum'd by the Perfian
Ladies, and the Origin of this Cuſtom, I. 128
Mafcata, an Iſland in the Perfian Gulph. An
Expedition against this Iſland unsuccessful by
a Fault of the Perſian Miniſters, who impute
it to the Athemat-Doulet,
Melik-Maghmud, a Prince and Vaffal of Perfia,
raifes the Siege of Mefzat, and afterwards
makes himself Mafter of it.
II. 182
Mefzat, or Meched, a City to which the Per-
fians make a famous Pilgrimage,I.75. Upon what
Account Schah-Abas the Great inftituted this
Pilgrimage, I. 160. Schah-Huffein goes
this Pilgrimage, with a Retinue of Sixty
thousand Men, 127. Taken by Melik-Magh-
mud,
II. 182
Meter, The Nature of this Poft, which is al-
ways executed by an Eunuch,
I. 78
Miangi, an Indian, Governor to Maghmud du-
ring his Minority. His Sway in the Council
of the Rebels, II. 29. He motions an Ad-
vice concerning the Propoſals from the Court,
which is follow'd, 31. The great Respect
paid him by Maghmud, Afzraff confifcates
his Eftate, yet proves more favourable to him,
169
Militia. State of the Troops kept on foot by the
Kings of Perfia,
II. 80
Mogul, (Great) the City of Candahar deli-
ver'd up to him, I. 140. He lofes it, endea-
vours to retake it, but in vain, 143. Sends
4
an
INDEX.
XXV
an Ambaffador to demand the Reftitution of it,
181
Money, (Copper) Which the Governors of Pro-
vinces in Perfia coin in their Governments.
Mifchiefs arifing from this Practice, I. 89
Moratcham, Brother to Alvante King of Perfia,
is defeated by Ifmael, I. 16. Lofes another
Battel, and flies to the Sultan of Egypt, 17
Mordecai, His Tomb,
II. 141
Mother of Myrr-Maghmud, the Figure fhe made
at her Entry into Ipahan, II. 117. In what
Manner treated by Afzraff,
Mothers who kill and eat their Children during
the Famine at Ifpahan,
II: 90
170
Moullah, or Almoner to the King, be ruins the
prime Minifter by a Slander,
I. 225
I. 55
Mubatek-Aga, an Eunuch, how Schah-Solyman
was obliged to him for the Crown,
Multani, or Multoni, what it is, and the Rank
they bear in Perfia at prefent,
II 195
Murfchid-Kuli-Kan, Governor to Schah-Abas
the Great during his Minority, procures him
the Crown, by murdering Ifmael III.
I. 34
Is himself kill'd by Schah-Abas, after he was
King, for affuming too great Command over
bim,
Muſcovites, their Conquests in Perfia, II. 177
Mufellim-Sade, a famous Perfian Poet.
genious Fable of his compofing,
Muftapha, a Turkish Grand-Vizir, is
at his Return from Perfia, and kills himſelf,
36
An in-
I. 119
depos'd
I. 31
Muza-Caim, or Mouffa-Kaifem, a Defcendant
of Ali, from whom the Family of the Sophys
pretend to be defcended,
VOL. II.
I. 4
Nafacke
xxvj
INDEX.
NA
N.
Afackci, or Pechluvan, Names of the
beft Troops among the Aghvans, their
Manner of fighting,
I. 149
Nafir-Ulla, a great General in the Aghvans Ar-
my, takes Zulfa, II. 48. His Expedition
into divers Parts of Perfia, 113. Sent to
beſiege Chiras, and is kill'd in the Attempt,
122. His Character, 124. A Parallel be-
twixt him and Afzraff, as to their military
Qualities,
155
Nations, the Subordination there is among them
in Perfia, and their Rank as fettled by Af-
zraff,
II. 197
Nobility, (Perfian) maſſacred at Ifpahan, by
Order of Maghmud, II. 108. The remain-
ing Few put to death by Afzraff,
O
O.
174
Learius miſtaken as to the Reigns of Emir,
Hemfe and Ifinael,
I. 33
Orii, (Ifrael) an Armenian, Ambaſſador from the
Czar in Perfia, His Adventures, I. 174
How be obtains this Embaffy, ibid. The
Court of Perfia alarm'd at this Embaffy, 175
The Service it was of to Myrr-Weis,
178. Returns, and afterwards dies at Af-
tracan,
Ofman-Pacha, Commander of the Ottoman
Troops, is kill'd at the Siege of Tauris,
ibid.
II. 179
Peace
INDEX.
xxvij
P
P.
E A CE, (Treaty of) concluded betwixt
the Grand-Signior, and Afzraff, II. 194
Perfians. The phlegmatick Temper of the Per-
fian Nobility, I. 117. Indolence of the
Perfians, II. 114. Are at this time degraded
below all the Nations in Perfia,
198
Perfian Gulph, The Aghvans almost deftroy'd by
a Mortality in an Excurfion they made thither,
II. 129
Phœmomenon, an uncommon one which was feen
at Ifpahan in 1721, and was look'd upon as
a Prefage of fome approaching Calamity,
I. 272
Pilgrimage to Mecca enjoined by the Mahome-
tan Religion. The Method Schah-Abas the
Great took to draw bis Subjects off from it,
1. 159.
Portugeze (the) affift Thamas King of Perfia,
who by their Means overcomes the Turks in
a great Battel, I. 23. Schah-Abas the
Great, by the help of an Engliſh Fleet, takes
the Iſle of Ormus from them,
245
Princes of the Blood, when the Custom began
of keeping them shut up in the Haram, I. 44
Pultowa, (Battel of)
Pyrchalim, faves Ifmael after the Death of his
Father Schich-Eidar, and educates him in bis
Family,
I. 179
I, 12
R.
R
Aders, Patrouls for the Safety of the High-
ways in Perfia, establish'd by Schah-Abas
the Great,
02
I. 114
Radery
xxviij
INDEX.
Radery, the Name of the Toll paid to them, ibid.
Rafi, the Name of a Sect diſtinguiſhing the Fol-
lowers of Ali from thoſe of Omar, I. 161
Revolution, a Chonological Series of the chief
Events of it,
Pref. xv
Reza (Iman) a pretended Saint of the Sect of
Ali, worship'd at Mefzat,
I. 160
Robberies, the Governors of Towns were anſwer-
able for them before the Reign of Schah-Huf-
fein,
I. 114
Robbers, rare in Perfia before the faid Reign,
and increafed in bis Reign by the Tolera-
tion and Connivance of the Governors,
116
Rofthom-Kan (Mirza) Brother to the Prince of
Georgia, is flain at the Battel of Giulnabat,
II. 22
Ruftan, King of Perfia, fucceeds Bayfinger,
I. 9.
Gets Schich-Eidar affaffinated, 10.
Is kill'd by Agmat, who fucceeds him, II
S.
A IN-Mirza Son of Sefi-Mirza, and Son
of Abas the Great, fucceeds him under the
Name of Sefi,
I. 42
Salmas-Mirza, chief Minister to Codabende,
renders his Son fufpected to him, who is con-
victed of the Slander, and his Head is cut off,
I. 35
Santons, the Priests among the Aghvans, diftin-
guiſh'd from the Laity by not
Hair,
cutting their
I. 148
a Refugee
Sanazarli-Kan, Prince of Georgia,
in Mofcovy,
Sava, a City of Perfia,
I. 180
II. 176
Schah-
C
INDEX.
xxix
Schah-Zade, or Sons of Kings, Families that
affume this Title. The too great Number of
them renders them contemptible,
I. 122
Sedre, the Perfian Pontiff, punish'd by Schah-
Abas II. and why,
I. 52
Sefi, (Schah) King of Perfia, fucceeds Abas
the Great, was called Sain-Mirza before be
came to the Crown, I. 43. His Reign ex-
tremely cruel, 45. Is poisoned by fome We
men of the Haram. Orders near forty of them
to be buried alive, and does not fpare even his
own Mother, 46. Lofes Bagdat and Canda-
har, and both by his own Fault, ibid. Ruins
Amurat's Army, and how, II. 16. Dies young,
and to what his Death was attributed, I. 48
Sefi-Kuli-Kan, being appointed to command the
Army against the Rebels, refufes it, I. 214.
His only Son, tho' very young, is named in his
Place, 215. He accompanies him in this Ex-
pedition, wherein they both lose their Lives,217
Sefi-Mirza, Eldest Son to Schah-Abas the Great,
put to death by his Father's Order, I, 42
Sefi-Mirza, Eldeſt Son to Schah-Huffein, prefers
a private Life to the Crown. Efcapes out of
the Haram, in 1725. The cruel Confequences
of bis Eſcape,
II. 149
Seidal, one of the Aghvan Generals, is twice
deferted by Prince Thamas,
II. 152, 173
Selim, Emperor of the Turks, makes War with
Ifmael. Events of this War,
I. 17
Sinan-Pacha, Prime Vizier of Conftantinople,
being fent into Perfia, defires to be recalled, I.31
Senderou, a River that runs near Ifpahan, its
Water not drinkable for a Year after the Siege,
II. 91
Sobieski. (John III.) King of Poland, to what
Degree dreaded in Perfia after raifing the
Q 3
Siege
XXX
INDEX.
Siege of Vienna. A Saying of Schah-Soly-
man King of Perfia about it,
1. 130
Solyman (Schah) King of Perfia, fucceeds
Schah Abas II. his Father, and is obliged to
an Eunuch for it, I. 55. At first he was cal-
led Sefi; upon what Account be changed bis
Name for that of Solyman, 57. He puts one
of his Sons to death, I. 6o. Leaves the Eu-
nuchs to name which of his two Sons Shall
fucceed him, 163. Was a worthless Prince,
and very cruel, eſpecially when drunk, which
he was very fubject to be, 57. His Death, 58
Solyman II. Emperor of the Turks, takes Tau-
ris and Babylon, I. 21. Is defeated by Des
liment, General of the Perfian Army, 22.
At his Return to Conftantinople, he puts to
death his Favourite Ibrahim Pacha for having
engaged him in this War, 22. He renews
the War twelve Years after his first Expedi-
tion, 22. Is defeated in a Battel, with the
Lofs of one hundred and thirty thousand Men,
and is himself wounded,
Sons of the Kings of Perfia, in what manner
educated, I. 66. When the Cuftom began of
keeping them shut up in the Haram, 44
Daughters of the Kings of Perfia, their Edu-
cation in the Haram,
I. 70
23
I. 4
Sophy, a Name given in Europe to the Kings of
Perfia of the last Line that has reign'd, I 1
Sophy, Great-Grandfather to Ifmael King of
Perfia, and the first of that Family of whom
there is any Knowledge,
Stud-keeper, fuccessfully attacks the Aghvan
Army,
Sunny. The Name of a Sect diftinguishing tie
Followers of Omar from thofe of Ali, I. 161
II. 114
I
Syft.n
INDEX.
xxxj
Syftan, a well fortified Caftle upon the Road from
Candahar to Ifpahan. A Place of great Im-
portance, and neglected by the Perfians, II. 118
Szamachi, the Capital City of the Province of
Szirvan taken by the Lefgians,
I. 183
Szicheliglam, the High-Priest of Perfia, ex-
communicates the Turks, as the Mufti had ex-
communicated the Perfians,
T
T.
I. 171
AURIS, at that time the Capital City
of Perfia, opens its Gates to Ifmael, I. 15.
Taken twice by Solyman II. Emperor of the
Turks, 21, 22. Afflicted with an Earthquake,
whereby fourscore thousand Souls perished,
I. 272. Taken by Storm by the Turks in
1725, aud the great Slaughter there, | II. 179
Tavernier, His Voyage to Perfia, Pref. xvii
Tehran, a City in Perfia inclosed with good
Walls, which is uncommon in that Kingdom,
I. 239. The prime Miniſter's Disgrace fell
out here, I. 230. The Troops of Afzraff un-
fuccessful in their Attempt upon this Place,II.176
Thamas, Son of Ifmael King of Perfia, how one
muſt form a Judgment of him, I. 19. At
what Age be came to the Crown, 20. Main
tains a War against Solyman Emperor of the
Turks, 21. Maintains another War againft
the fame Emperor, and overcomes him in a
great Battel, 23. Settles his Refidence at
Casbin instead of Tauris, and wherefore, 23.
Dies, and appoints his third Son his Succeffor,
who, however, did not fucceed him,
Thamas, the third Son of Schah-Huffein,
is taken out of the Haram, and paffes thro
the Enemy, whilst they befieg'd Ifpahan,
24+
$12
xxxij
INDEX:
:
in order to gather together fome Auxiliaries.
against the Rebels, II. 79. Is fufpected
neglecting to fuccour Ifpahan, and wherefore, 83.
Unadviſedly makes War upon Vachtanga,
Prince of Georgia, 130. At first oppreſſes
the Armenians; is beaten by them; he regains
them, and they prove very ferviceable to him,
131. Gains a great Victory over the Turks,
and relieves Tauris, which they had befieged.
This Victory fally artributed to the Aghvans
in the News-Papers, 141. Beats one of
Maghmud's Generals, 152. Beats him again,
173. Treats with Aſzraff whilft he lay im-
prifon'd, 171. Is very near being furpriz'd
by Afzraff, 145. Oblig'd to retire into Ma-
fandran, upon a Diffention that arifes in his
Army, 176. Grows quite ſpiritless fince the
Treaty concluded between Afzraff and the Porte,
1
I. 126
194
Thchehel-Setoon, a stately Hall, burnt in the
Time of Schah-Huffein, and rebuilt by bim
with more Magnificence,
Timariots in Turkey,
Toman, what it is, and the Value thereof, xvii
Tombs of Mordecai and Efther at Amadan,
II. 141
II. 81
Tranfmigrations of the Aghvans to Ifpahan,
II. 117
Tributes in Perfia, pretty moderate, I. 109.
The Amount of the Tribute commonly paid by
the City of Candahar to the Kings of Perfia,
145
Turks, their Conquefts in Perfia, in the late Re-
volution,II. 186. Declare War against Afzraff,
and upon what Account, 190. Their Expedi-
tions against Afzraff miscarry, being twice de-
feated
'
INDEX.
xxxiij
feated by Afzraff, 191. Lofe a great Convey
which they were fending to Perfia, thro' the
Black Sea. The Number of Men they lost
in this War. Conclude a Peace with Afzraff,
Ú.
194
Achtanga, Prince of Georgia, a fine Saying
77
of this Prince, I. 104. Refuses to turn
Mahometan to enjoy his Principality, and is
baniſh'd, 263. Turns Mahometan at last,
and is reinstated in his Principality, 264.
He is on the Point of destroying the Lefgians,
but is reftrained from it, by an Order from
Court, 267. The haughty Manner of fignifying
this Order to him, and the Oath he made on
this Occafion, 268. Schah-Huffein,befieg'd at
Ifpahan, follicits him in vain to come to his
help, II. 76. Is chaftis'd for refuſing, being
driven out of his Dominions by the Turks, and
flies to Petersburgh for Refuge,
Weis, (Myrr) Father of Myrr-Maghmud, was
the first Fomenter of the Rebellion, was rich,
and of a good Family, I. 149. His Poft at
Candahar, 153. The Governor at Candahar
fufpecting bim fends him to Court. An Advice
the Governor gives the King concerning him,
154.. His Behaviour and Management at
the Court of Perfia gains him the Love of all
the Courtiers, 158. Obtains Leave to go a
Pilgrimage to Mecca, 162. His political
Views in this Pilgrimage, 165. He propofes
Cafes of Confcience to the Doctors of Mecca,
167. The Decifion thereof favourable to him,
Returns from Mecca to Ifpahan, and
increases his Intereft there, 173. Myrr-
Weis's Stay at Ifpahan, in what manner pre-
172.
judicial
xxxiv
INDEX.
!
judicial to Perfia, 172. Gets himself fent
back to Candahar as the Court's Confident, 182.
Affaffinates the Governor there, maffacres the
Georgian Troops, and is chofen Prince of
Candahar, 183. Diffembles his Rebellion,
and deceives the Court, 187. Overthrows an
Army which is fent against him, 197. Dies
at Candahar, 202. The Advice he gives his
Countrymen at the Point of Death, 206. His
Brother, Father to Afzraff, fucceeds him at Can-
dahar, 202. Seeks to come to an Accommo-
dation with Perfia, 203. Is kill'd in his Bed
by Maghmud, Son to Myrr-Weis,
207
Ulama, a Perfian Lord, Brother-in-law to Tha- .
mas King of Perfia, flies for Refuge to Soly-
man, and induces him to undertake a War
against Perfia,
1. 21
Z
Z.
Is
Eberdeft-Kan, One of the Generals of the
Aghvans, his Origin, II. 119. Success
of his Expedition in the Neighbourhood of
Ifpahan, 119. Sent to carry on the Siege of
the City of Chiras, 125. Takes it by Storm,
128. Is arreſted together with the chief Offi-
cers of the Army by Order of Afzraff
freed and fent to his Government of Chiras,
and why,
169
Zulfa, a large Town inbabited by Armenians
near Ifpahan, its Extent, II. 42. Is obliged
to treat with the Rebels, 48. Is forc❜d to de-
liver up fifty young Virgins of the best Fa-
milies in the Place, and what became of them,
49. Is fack'd by the Rebels, 51. Its Con-
dition very much mended fince the Revolution,
FINI S.
II. 198
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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
3 9015 01314 1851
THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
NOV 30
DATE DUE
NOV 2-8 1988
A 543025
DUPL
ARTES
18174
SCIENTIA
LIBRARY
VERITAS
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
TUEBOR
LQUÆRI
PENINSULAM-AMŒENAM.
CIRCUMSPICE
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