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RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA:
BEING
MEMOIRS OF A DEKABRIST.
CHAPTER I.
THE REVOLT OF THE 14TH DECEMBER, 1825.
EARLY on the morning of the 27th November I
entered the drawing-room of my dwelling, in which I
had heard a noise. A joiner, who was employed at the
Court, and to whom I had given the parquet to keep in
order, was at work there. He asked me, with a myste-
rious look, “Have you heard of the great misfortune 2
The Emperor has just died at Taganrog.” All those to
whom I spoke of it that day, assured me of the truth of
the fact. The sensation it created everywhere, I can-
not attempt to describe. Our regiment assembled
towards evening in the street opposite to our hospital.
The colonel of the regiment, General C. J. Bistram,
informed me, with a trembling voice, of the death of
1.
2 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
the Emperor Alexander, and congratulated us upon the
new Emperor Constantine's accession, waved his hat,
and cried “hurrah.” Tears were running down his
cheeks, as well as those of many of the soldiers, espe-
cially those who had fought under Alexander in the
Franco-German campaign, and whom he had always
called his dear comrades. At his command the cheer
resounded through the regiment; and we then returned
to our barracks quietly but sadly. All the remaining
regiments of Guards took the oath with the same feeling;
grief overpowered every other sentiment. If the will of
Alexander had been communicated to them in an official
manner, the officers and privates would have taken the
oath to the Grand Duke Nicholas quietly and willingly.
The fatal news had arrived at the Winter Palace at
the moment that they were singing a Te Deum for the
restoration of Alexander's health. The Grand Duke
Nicholas made up his mind at once to take the oath of
allegiance to the Grand Duke Constantine, who was
residing at Warsaw, and himself received the oath for
his elder brother from the inner guards of the palace.
Count Miloradowitch and Prince A. N. Galitzin, who
knew the tenor of Alexander's will, exerted themselves
in vain to prevent his so doing, but Nicholas would not
hear of any objection, and only replied shortly, “Who-
ever refuses to follow me and to swear allegiance to my
elder brother, is mine and his country's enemy.” The
oath was taken throughout the kingdom without the
THE REVOLT OF THE 14TH DECEMBER, 1825. 3
slightest opposition ; it was, nevertheless, everywhere
known that Constantine had abdicated, and that a will
of Alexander's was in existence transferring the govern-
ment to Nicholas. The knowledge of this fact lay like
a heavyweight on the mind of the nation. False reports,
conjectures, and expectations were daily arising, pro-
ducing great fear and excitement throughout society.
The members of the Senate knew that, since the year
1823, a will of Alexander's lay among their archives with
this inscription in his own hand, “To be preserved till
I demand it, but, in case of my death, to be opened
before anything else is done.” Of this will copies were
kept for security in the archives of the Senate, the Synod,
and the Cathedral of Uspenski in Moscow. It will be
asked to whom the blame of this mischievous measure is
to be attributed: Alexander, who had omitted to recog-
mize Constantine's resignation of the throne ; the Senate,
who had not acted up to their duty; or the Grand
Duke Nicholas 2 Knowing, as Nicholas had all along,
of the existence of the secret societies, and the names
of many of their members, he may have wished to avoid
in this way any occasion of disturbance or discontent.
From a private point of view the members of the
Senate might perhaps be justified in their motives, but
certainly not in a political, for their duty was to act
according to Alexander's will, and to lay aside any
personal feeling.
Had Alexander's will been opened on the 27th
4 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
November, it is my firm belief that all, without hesita-
tion, would have sworn allegiance to the Grand Duke
Nicholas; at all events, the rising would not have had
the excuse of the second oath of allegiance—that oath
which annulled the one of sixteen days before, and
at the same time showed that the will of Alexander had
not been respected, as it should have been according to
the existing law.
The interregnum lasted from the 27th November
to the 14th December. Subsequently this period of
time was obliterated by a manifesto ordering the day of
the Emperor Nicholas's accession to be kept on the 19th
November, the day of Alexander's death.
The Grand Duke Constantine, to whom the whole
kingdom swore allegiance, remained quietly at Warsaw,
firm in his determination to resign; he received no con-
gratulation, he opened no ministerial packets if the
imperial title was added to the superscription of his
name. The Grand Duke Michael had been sent to
meet the new Emperor; he waited at the Tivonian town
of Neumal, for his arrival, or for reliable intelligence as
to his abdication. In the meantime, everything at
St. Petersburg was paralyzed by this painful state of
expectation and uncertainty. No music was heard on
parade, the women of the higher and middle classes wore
mourning, requiems were sung in all the churches; no
one could escape the universal depression.
I have already said that the Emperor Nicholas had
THE REVOLT OF THE 1.4TH DECEMBER, 1825. 5
knowledge of the existence of the secret societies,” of
their object and members, and that they were known
also to persons of his immediate surrounding. It will
at once be asked what measures were taken by him to
anticipate the impending revolt 2 None whatever;
everything was left to chance In society, among the
officers, all kinds of reports were circulated, which often
contradicted each other; they grumbled about Alex-
ander's will, they discussed the right of Constantime to
resign, and the magnanimity of Nicholas, who, for fear
of infringing the claims of his brother, was unwilling to
take advantage of the decided right to the throne con-
ferred upon him by Alexander's will. Nicholas, accord-
ing to his own showing, believed that he possessed
neither the love of his people nor of his troops.
On the 6th December I visited the inner guard in
the Winter Palace. As usual on fete days, long rows of
members of the household and officers stood in the
saloons to salute the Imperial family on their way to
church. No conversation was heard; isolated groups
drew together and whispered anxiously.
On the evening of the 10th December I received a
note from a comrade, Captain N. P. Repin, begging me
to come to him at once. It was late ; I found him
alone, walking up and down with his watch in his hand.
In few words he imparted to me that the long-foreseen
rising was at hand ; a fitting opportunity was come for
* See Appendix. Sketch of the Secret Societies.
6 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
action, in order to avoid the risk of internal discord or a
civil war. Speeches and argument would now be of little
avail; material force was needed,—a few battalions and
cannon they must have. He wished for my co-operation
in raising our first battalion : this, as I only commanded
one section,” I roundly refused; the readiness of the
subalterns to join might be depended upon, not so the
captains of companies. An attempt was still possible,
which was all the more likely to be successful, as it was
asserted that Colonel A. F. Moller with his battalion
would assist. The same evening I repaired with Repin
to Conrad Rylejew's; he lived in the American Company's
house, near the Blue Bridge. We found him alone,
reading: he had wrapped a large handkerchief round
him on account of a sore throat. In his look and
countenance could be read his enthusiasm for the great
cause ; his speech was clear and convincing; he pointed
out that the new oath to Nicholas now impending would
cause great confusion among the Soldiers, which, with
little trouble, could be advantageously used to further
their plan of a change of system. Soon after, Bestuchew
and Tchepin Rostowsky entered. After a conference
upon various propositions we separated, to have another
consultation at the first opportunity.
On the 11th December, I found, to my great
* Translator's note.—Zug, section—The zug varies in different
countries : perhaps subdivision would express it better, though section is
the literal translation of the word.
THE REVOLT OF THE 14TH DECEMBER, 1825. 7
annoyance, sixteen young officers of my regiment at
Repin’s, discussing the events of the day—they were
partly initiated into the secret of the undertaking. I
succeeded in calling our host into a side-room, where
I represented to him how ill-advised was this hasty
initiation of novices. He replied that in the moment of
action they would be able to rely upon every one of those
present.
Youth allows itself to be so easily carried away. It
acknowledges no hindrance, no impossibility; the greater
the difficulty and danger the greater the thirst for
action. Among all those present, not one was a
member of a secret Society, Save the host and me, and
yet they all lent a willing hand to the projected enter-
prise. A.
On the 12th December I assisted at a conference
at Prince E. P. Obolensky's, at which the chiefs of the
conspiracy residing at St. Petersburg took part ; they
deliberated upon the means at hand and the impending
crisis. The chief command of the armed force was
entrusted to Prince Trubetzkoy, in the event of an
experienced leader not arriving from Moscow in time.
It was decided to assemble the revolting troops on the
Senate Square, to collect as many men as possible there,
and, under pretext of defending Constantine's rights, to
refuse the oath of obedience and allegiance to the
Emperor Nicholas; and, finally, if victory remained on
our side, to declare the throne vacant, and appoint a
8 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
Provisional Government consisting of five members, to
which should belong, among others, N. S. Mordwinow
and Speransky.” This government, aided by the Diet
and Senate, was to be at the head of affairs till men.
selected from the whole kingdom should have laid the
foundation for a new Constitution. It was not yet known
for certain from how many battalions or companies, or
from which regiments, we could obtain support. In the
meantime, the tumult which the new oath of allegiance
would excite among the privates must, at all risks, be
turned to account. The Winter Palace, the chief seats of
Government, the Banks, and Post-Office were to be occu-
pied by a sufficient body of troops to prevent disorder or
individual action. In case the number of troops was
too small, and the enterprise should be a failure, a
retreat to the military colony of Novgorod, in which they
would have a reserve, was intended. These measures
were not found strict or decided enough. To all
objections and suggestions the same reply was made :
“You cannot have a trial of such an enterprise, as if it
was a parade l’’ All those who took part in this meeting
were fully prepared to act. When I heard them confi-
dently reckoning upon some of the battalions of my
* The Privy Councillor Speransky had been one of the most
influential advisers of Alexander the First in his early years; shortly
before the outbreak of the French Revolution he had been overthrown.
by an intrigue, and banished from the palace. He passed for a Liberal.
Completely reinstated under the Emperor Nicholas, Speransky played
a conspicuous part, as author of the great Russian code of laws.
THE REVOLT OF THE 1.4TH DECEMBER, 1825. 9
regiment, whose disposition I knew too well for me to
place any dependence on them, I held it to be my duty
to represent to them the difficulty—may, impossibility—
of attempting an insurrection thus unprepared. “There
may be little prospect of success, it is true ; but a step
must be taken — a beginning must be made ; strike
at once, and the first blow will bear fruit,” was the
answer. The words, “A beginning must be made,”
still ring in my ear. The speaker was the enthu-
siastic Conrad Rylejew, one of the leaders of the con-
spiracy.
On the 13th December some officers of my regiment
came to see me. To their question how they should
conduct themselves if they had to take the guard any-
where on the day of the outbreak, I replied, shortly and
concisely, that, for the public safety, they must stoutly
defend their posts. However firm might be my resolve
*o adhere to my friends, I thought it unadvisable to
entangle others in my uncertain fortunes. On the
evening of the same day I received intelligence that the
following day was appointed for taking the oath. In
he night a messenger from the regiment brought the
Order that the officers in a body were to present them-
selves at the residence of the Colonel of the regiment at
seven o'clock in the morning.
With the dawn, all the officers of the regiment
ssembled at the Colonel's house, who welcomed them
with the announcement of a new Emperor; he there-
10 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
upon read aloud Alexander's will, Constantine's resig-
nation of the throne, and the new manifesto of Nicholas.
In the presence of all the officers I stepped forward and
said to the General: “If all the papers read by your
Excellency are authentic, which I have no right to
doubt, how is it to be explained that we did not take
the oath of allegiance to the Emperor Nicholas on the
27th November 2 '' --
The General replied with visible embarrassment,
“You are making a needless difficulty; this has been
duly considered by older and more experienced men
than you. Gentlemen, return to your battalions and
administer the oath.” Our second battalion under
Colonel Moller had the guard in the Winter Palace, and
the posts of the first quarter of the town. The first
battalion took the oath at the barracks, with the ex-
ception of my section of sharpshooters, who had the
day before taken the sentry duty at the Galley Port, and
were not yet off guard. From the barracks I repaired
to the Winter Palace for the parade, which took place
without any ceremony. Everything was as yet quiet,
no disturbance was to be observed. On returning to
my house, I found a note from Rylejew, according to
which they were expecting me in the quarters of the
Moscow Regiment. It was then between ten and eleven
As I approached the Isaac Bridge in my sledge, I saw
a dense mass of people at the other end of it, and o
the Place a division of the Moscow Regiment drawn u
THE REVOLT OF THE 14TH DECEMBER, 1825. 11
in square. I pushed through the crowd on foot, went
straight to the square, which was standing on the further
side of the Monument of Peter the First, and was
greeted with loud cheers. In the square stood Prince
Tchepin Rostowsky, leaning on his sabre, tired and
exhausted with the conflict in the barracks, where he
ad, after encountering the greatest difficulty, refused
the oath, wounded the Brigadier commanding the regi-
ment and battalion severely, and finally brought off his
company with the colours; Michael Bestuchew's com-
any, and a handful or two of men from the remaining
companies, followed him. The two captains stood next
each other waiting for assistance. J. J. Puschtschin
stood dauntless and immovable in the square ; he had
left the army two years before, and though he was in
civilian's dress, the soldiers willingly obeyed his com-
mands. In answer to my question, “Where I could
find the Dictator Trubetzkoy 2” he replied, “He has
vanished ; if you are able, bring us more men; if not,
there are victims enough already without you.”
I hastily returned to the barracks of my regiment
(the Finland guard of Chasseurs), where there only
remained the first battalion, and my section of sharp-
shooters, who had been in the meantime released from
guard. I went through all four companies, ordered the
men to dress at once, to screw in their flints, take
cartridges with them, and start at once in rank and file,
with the understanding that we must hasten to help our
12 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
comrades. In half-an-hour the battalion was ready :
only a few officers, however, fell in. No one knew by
whose orders the soldiers were turned out. Adjutants
on horseback galloped about incessantly : one of them.
was sent to our Brigadier with the order to lead our
battalion on to the Isaac Place. We marched in
columns of companies. At the Naval Cadet Colleg
we found the Adjutant-General, Count Komorowsky, º
had been sent to meet us on horseback. On the middld
of the Isaac Bridge we were halted, and ordered to
load sharp : almost all the soldiers crossed themselves.
Confident of the spirit of my soldiers, my first effort,
was to cut my way with them through the Regiment of
Carbineers before us, and through a company of the
Preobrashenski" Regiment, which had possession of
the end of the bridge by the Senate Place. As I had
now convinced myself that the revolt had no leader,
and was totally without unity, and as I was determined
not to sacrifice my soldiers needlessly (while it was of
course out of the question that I should join the ranks
of the opposition), at the moment that Count Komo-
rowsky and the Brigadier gave the order to march
forward, I decided to halt my men where they were.
By this, I meant not only to prevent my men being
turned against my friends, but at the same time to take
from the regiments in pursuit the possibility of their
passing the bridge now occupied by my section, and
* Translator's note.—Preobrashenski (Transfiguration).
THE REVOLT OF THE 14TH DECEMBER, 1825. 13
acting against the insurgents. The result was quite
successful. My soldiers unanimously cried “Halt,” so
that the Carbineer Regiment before us could not form.
Captain A. S. Wiatkin, only by dint of personal exertion
nd unsparing use of his fists, succeeded in leading his
l. further. Twice the Brigadier returned to make
my section move forward, but his persuasions and threats
were alike in vain. The Commandant of Battalions had
disappeared, and I commanded the position on the
bridge. Three whole companies who stood behind my
ection were at once brought to a standstill; the soldiers
f these companies not only did not obey their captains,
but openly expressed their opinion that the officer at
the head knew what he was about.
ſ The clock struck two. The police drove the popu-
lace from the Place; the people crowded on to the rails
f the bridge near Wassily Ostrow ; * many of the
tº, begged me to hold out for an hour and all
ould go well. Owing to the backward movement of
he crowd the captain of our third company, D. N.
fieljew.jew, succeeded in retreating with his company,
and crossing the Neva from the Academy to the English
uay, and then effecting a junction with the first section
of our battalion in front of the bridge. For this he
was rewarded with the Wladimir Cross. The remaining

* Wassily Ostrow is a large island in the Neva, lying opposite the
I#aac Place, connected with the “Grosse Seite” of the residence by
sºveral bridges.
14 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
columns stayed behind my section until the last moment.
This painful state of uncertainty lasted over two hours.
Every moment I expected that my friends would cut
their way through to the bridge, so that I might come
to their aid with my 800 soldiers, who were ready t
follow me anywhere. |
In the meantime 1,000 men of the revolted Moscow
Regiment had formed square in the Senate Place. The
company of M. A. Bestuchew stood opposite the
Admiralty Boulevard, and under his command formed
three sides of the square ; while the fourth, standing
opposite the Isaac Church, remained under the com
mand of the weary and worn-out Prince Tº
Rostowsky. This circumstance enabled M. A. Bestu
chew to save, from the fire of his men, two troops of
Cavalry of the Guard, who had advanced from the square
and placed themselves at short range from it. Th
front of the square opposite the Senate House prepare
to give a salvo, but was withheld by M. Bestuchew, wh
placed himself in face of the line, and gave the word
“Reverse arms.” A few bullets whistled past his ears,
and a few men of the cavalry fell from their horses;.
The horsemen then turned without bringing their attac
to a conclusion. A good hour later the whole battalion
of the Marines hastened through the Galley Street * to
the help of the revolted Moscow Regiment.
* The Galley Street debouches on to the Isaac Place, through a
large gateway, which divides the Senate House in two parts. Th
THE REVOLT OF THE 14TH DECEMBER, 1825. 15
When this battalion was assembled in the courtyard
of the barrack to take the oath, and a few officers who
opposed it were arrested by their Brigadier-General
Schipow, M. A. Destuchew I. appeared at the entrance
exactly at the moment that the few shots fired in the
attack of the cavalry were heard, and cried, “Boys, we
bre attacked ; follow me.” They all streamed after him
o the Isaac Bridge. In his haste he had neglected to
ake some cannon from the Arsenal, expecting to be
‘einforced by the Artillery of the Guards, who were to
bring their guns with them. On arriving at the Place the
battalion at once formed a column of attack, and placed
itself near the square of the Moscow Tegiment close to
the column, which was turned towards the Isaac Church.
A little later further help arrived : three companies
of the Grenadiers of the Guards, who were led out of
their barracks by Lieutenant A. M. Sutthof, the adjutant
of the battalion N. A. Panow, and Sub-Lieutenant
Koschewinkow, on to the Isaac Place, and joined the
insurgent regiments.
These troops advanced at the charge over the ice of
the Neva, and then entered the inner court of the Winter
Palace, where they hoped to find allies; they found
s
- Colonel Gerun, who had placed his battalion of
attalion of Marines of the Guard consequently came, without hindrance,
* the side opposite the Winter Palace, to the rescue of the rebels, as
lº troops which the Emperor had assembled about him were stationed
º a body before the Winter Palace and the buildings of the General
Staff.
16 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
Sappers of the Guards in position ; he made vain
attempts to bring the Grenadiers to their obedience to
the new Emperor. They, perceiving their mistake,
cried out, “This is not our party,” and at once turning
about, hastened up to the “Staats Platz,” in order to
support their brother insurgents. On the way by the
Admiralty Boulevard they met the Emperor, who asked
them, “Where are you bound 2 Are you on my side :
Then turn to the right; if not, turn to the left.” A
voice answered, “To the left,” and they all hastened ol
to the Isaac Place without keeping to their rank and file.
Here the Grenadiers were placed inside the hollow square
of the Moscow Regiment, so as to enable them to be
formed into companies, under cover of the square.
This arrangement was hardly completed when the final
catastrophe took place.
There were already above 2,000 men in the ranks
of the insurgents. With so large a force, and surrounded
as they were by thousands of the populace ready to
co-operate, it would have been easy to bring the rebellion
to a more favourable issue, had there been one efficient
leader, especially as the opposite party were wavering,
and certain regiments assembled round the Emperor
seemed inclined to join the rebels. Dut able general-
ship was not to be found among the insurgents: the
soldiers were kept for hours standing motionless, with
nothing but their uniforms on, in ten degrees of frost
(Reaumur), and a sharp east wind blowing. The chosen
THE REVOLT OF THE 14TH DECEMBER, 1825, 17
Dictator, Prince Trubetzkoy, was nowhere to be seen; his
appointed assistants were not at the posts assigned
..hem, although present on the Place. They offered
he command to Colonel Bulatow, who, however,
efused. They then offered it to Bestuchew I., who
eclined, as he was only a navy captain and did not
nderstand infantry service. At last they forced the
-chief command upon Prince E. P. Obolensky, who was
rtainly no tactician, but was well known and beloved
y the soldiers. Complete anarchy reigned ; no dictator
eing at the head, every one shouted orders which no
me obeyed, and the confusion was complete. Being
still in expectation of the support which did not arrive,
they were obliged to defend themselves only, without
aring to make an attack, which, at so early a stage,
ght have had the most important results. They
stinately refused to surrender, and proudly rejected
the proffered mercy. Gradually the troops of the
opposite party assembled; the Cavalry of the Guards was
first on the Place. The battalions of the Ismailow
and Jäger Regiments came along the Wosnessienskie
Street to the Blue Bridge, the Semenow Regiment along
the Erbsenstrasse.
| On the Admiralty Boulevard stood the square of the
Dreobrashenski Regiment. The Emperor was there
º on horseback, with a numerous suite.
The Cesarewitch, a boy of seven years old, with his
tutor, was in the middle of the square. In front of the








2
18 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
Square were placed cannon of Colonel Nesterowski's
Brigade, covered by a section of the “Chevalier Garde,”
under the command of Lieutenant J. A. Annenkow
Behind the Imperial square stood a battalion of th
Paulow Guard; the Sappers were, as before mentioned,
ranged in the court of the Winter Palace. The loyalt
of these troops was not to be relied on. At the critica
moment they wavered. When the 2nd battalion
Jäger Guards received the order to advance over
the Blue Bridge, and had put itself in motio
Jakubowitch gave the word of command, “Left about
face,” and the whole battalion turned about, althoug
the commander of the battalion was well known to bi
thoroughly loyal and trustworthy. On account of this,
Colonel Busse was not appointed Flügel Adjutant* to th
Emperor, a distinction which was given to all the officers
commanding battalions of the Guards, which had h
out for the Emperor on that day, with the exception, bf
course, of Talubjew, who commanded my battalion, an
who was compromised by the behaviour of my section.
The Ismailow Regiment was also at this time waverin
in its allegiance, but, on the other hand, the Cavalry of
the Guard, led by A.J. Orlow, charged the square of the
Moscow Regiment five times, and was five times repulsed
with bayonet and shot. |
|
* Translator's note.—Flügel adjutant—The aides-de-camp of his
Majesty, when generals, are called general adjutants, when of inferior
rank, flügel adjutants. We have no corresponding rank in England.






THE REVOLT OF THE 14TH DECEMBER, 1825. 19
When the troops thus arrayed had encompassed the
nSurgents on all sides with close columns, the crowd of
eople on the Place round them began to diminish. The
olice became bolder in dispersing the people, who at
rst had filled all the three sides of the square—the Isaac
Place, the Place of the Senate, the Palace and the
Admiralty. On the two last-named places the Emperor
-- tº: rode up and down continually at a quick trot ;
now sharply ordering, then good-humouredly begging
the people to disperse, and no longer hinder the move-
ment of the troops. In the meantime, various higher
officers were using every endeavour to win over the
irresolute troops to the Imperial cause. The Emperor
º was averse to any bloodshed, and ardently
ished to see the insurgents brought back to obedience
efore it came to the worst. General Bistram prevented
º companies of the Moscow Regiment which had
remained in barracks from uniting with their insurrec-
ionary comrades; he even succeeded in persuading them
o take the sentry duties that evening. The General
(J. O. Suchasonet) rode into the midst of the square
ind entreated the soldiers to disperse before the cannon
ere discharged. They replied, “He might run away
imself, and fire at them if he liked.”
The Grand Duke Michael Paulowitch, who had only
few hours before returned from Neumal (where, as
in. mentioned, he had been awaiting the Grand
Duke Constantine, while the latter was quietly tarrying

20 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
in Warsaw), galloped up to the square of the insurgent
and tried to induce the soldiers to submit. He was i
danger of becoming a sacrifice to his bravery, for W. R.
Ruchelbecker, fearing that the Grand Duke migh
succeed in persuading the men, fired his pistol at him. A
which fortunately missed fire. Count M. A. Milora-
dowitch, the best-beloved leader of the soldiers, also
endeavoured to induce the insurgents to follow him fro
the Isaac Place: Prince E. P. Obolensky seized th
bridle of the Count's horse to lead him out of the square,
and stuck a bayonet from one of the soldier's muskets
into the horse's quarters, hoping thus to save the rider.
But unfortunately at the same moment, three bullets
fired by Kachowsky and two other soldiers, hit the brav
Miloradowitch, who had fought with renown in numerou
battles without ever being wounded, so that he fell from
his horse a dying man. The Commandant of th
Grenadier Guard Regiment, Colonel Stürler, was als
struck down by a bullet of Kachowsky’s as he wa |
endeavouring to recall to their obedience the º
Company which had mutinied. At last the Metropolita
Seraphim appeared in full vestments, accompanied b
the Metropolitan of Kiew, Eugenius, and several priests.
Uplifting the consecrated cross, he prayed the soldiers fo
the love of Christ to return to their barracks: promise
in the Emperor's name, as the Grand Duke and Count
Miloradowitch had done before, an unconditional pardon
to all the conspirators, the authors of the rising alone
THE REVOLT OF THE 14TH DECEMBER, 1825, 21
excepted. The prayers of the Metropolitan were of no
avail, they only replied : “Return home, father, pray
for us there, pray for all. Here you are out of place.”
A December day in the far north does not last long;
towards three o'clock it began to get dark; without
oubt the people who had been dispersed by force would,
with the twilight, rejoin the insurgents, but no time was
iven them. It is supposed to have been Count Toll
who, as the darkness was gathering, approached the
|Emperor and said to him, “Sir, give orders that this
lace should be swept by cannon, or resign the throne !”
The first cannon-shot loaded with blank cartridge
thundered out ; the second and third cannon sent ball,
which hit the wall of the Senate House, or flew over the
eva in the direction of the Academy of Arts. The
hots were answered by the insurgents with ringing
urrahs' The guns were then loaded with grapeshot,
olonel Nesterowsky pointed them directly into the
quare, the gunner crossed himself, then the Emperor
ave the word of command, and Captain M. Bakunin
took the slow-match out of the soldier's hand. A
oment later, and grapeshot fell like hail in the
ensely-crowded square ; the insurgents fled through
he Galley Street and over the Neva to the Academy; the
uns were at once dragged to the Galley Street and
he bank of the Neva, from whence they fired canister,
hich trebled the number of slain, mowing down guilty
and innocent, soldiers and mere casual spectators.

22 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
Three sides of the square of the Moscow Regiment under
M. Bestuchew III. threw themselves on to the banks o
the Neva, pursued by the flying shot. Bestuche
wished to collect the fugitive soldiers. on the Neva, bu
from the Isaac Bridge cannon-balls came thunderin
on to them, Smashing the ice on the river and preparin
a watery grave for numbers of the soldiers. But fo
this, Bestuchew would have been able to take possessio
of the St. Peter and St. Paul fortress. The Marines o
the Guard, the Grenadiers of the Body Guard, and
portion of the Moscow Regiment made for the Galle
Street, where they were followed by cannon, which sho
down many soldiers in the defile. |
It is a marvellous fact that not one of my com
panions in misfortune, the compromised officers, º:
killed or wounded, though many of them had thei
cloaks and furs riddled with bullets; in the Battalion o
the Marines of the Guard whole rows of soldiers fell
but the officers were unhurt. They all took to flight i
the two before-mentioned directions, one alone remaine
on the Place, and went up to General Martynow, beggin
him to deliver up his sword to the Grand Duke Michael;
it was M. K. Kuchelbecker, Lieutenant of the Marine
of the Guards. At the same instant Colonel Sass, o
the squadron of Pioneer Guards, sprang upon him wit
drawn sabre. General Martynow held the colonel back,
saying, “Brave friend you see he has already given
me up his sword.” When the Place was clear, the

THE REVOLT OF THE 14TH DECEMBER, 1825. 23
Regiment of Cavalry of the Guards proceeded over the
Isaac Bridge to Wassily Ostrow. I conducted my
section to the riding-school of the first Cadet Corps.
| The commanding officer of my regiment had mean-
while arrived, and ordered me to place my section in
the inner court of the residence of the Governor of the
Cadet Corps, opposite the great “Perspective.” The
chaplain of the regiment also had orders to be there, I
now not why. I was ordered to withdraw from the
ection. I saw my soldiers forming a circle, and the
priest begin to address them. I thereupon broke
through the ring, and publicly declared that my soldiers
were in no way to blame for anything, that they were
only doing their duty in obeying their superior officer.
I then withdrew while they took the desired oath of
llegiance to Nicholas. The stars were shining bright
in the heavens, bivouac-fires were burning in all the
squares, patrols on horse and foot roamed through the

streets. I was commanded to occupy with my section
the Andrejew Market and the shops there. We imme-
diately sent into the barracks to fetch cloaks, as we had
been in light uniform since ten o’clock that day. The
next morning I saw my wife for one second only, it
was . . . . to bid her adieu for a long time. By
Imperial order I was arrested on the morning of
the 15th.
As I review the events of this memorable day, I am
yet of opinion that with very little trouble the revolt
\
24 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
might have been successful. More than two thousand
Soldiers, and a still larger number of people, were
prepared to obey the call of a leader. The leader was
nominated, but it was an unfortunate choice. I have
lived with Prince Trubetzkoy for six years, and many of
my comrades have known him much longer; we are all
agreed that he was an able and energetic man, upo
whom one could depend in an emergency. Why he was
not at his post at the time appointed no one has ever
found out; I believe that he himself does not ..".
had lost his head. This one unforeseen circumstance
decided the matter. Prince Obolensky, who was chosen
in Trubetzkoy's stead, felt himself to be unfit for the
position. While they were treating with him and trying
to overcome his scruples, the most valuable time was
wasted, and all unity of action lost. The officers and
soldiers who were flocking to the standard of the insur
gents knew not to whom to turn, or under whose
command to place themselves; the troops on the squar
stood there passive and inert, and yet they were th
same men who had so bravely resisted five attacks o
the Cavalry of the Guard, and had refused to return t
the metropolis, in spite of prayers, threats, or º

of pardon. d
As though bound by a spell, the soldiers, who ha
shown themselves before so zealous, now stood inactive;
when with comparatively little trouble they could have -
taken the cannon which were now being used against
THE REVOLT OF THE 14TH DECEMBER, 1825. 25
them. The guns were guarded by a section of the
“Chevalier Garde,” which was under Lieutenant J. A.
nnenkow, a member of the Secret Society, and yet no
othe thought of taking advantage of this favourable cir-
cumstance. Numerous members of the societies and many
Qf the conspirators also served in the Ismailow Regiment,
which could easily have tux.ned the scale of fortune.
The captain, Bogdanowitch, shot himself in the night
after the 14th of December, crushed by the reproach of
háving failed to act with his political friends. The
Imperial regiments opposed to us were not all to be
relied on—for instance, when a battalion of Chasseurs of
the Guard were to march against the Moscow Regiment,
A. J. Jakubowitch gave the order “ left about face,”
and this command had such an effect that only two
regiments could be induced to wheel. It was the
same with other regiments. It is also quite incom-
prehensible that the rebels did not drive the police
away, and thus induce the people, already armed with
axes and hatchets, to join their cause. In conclusion,
I also observed that on this day the guard at the
Winter Palace was taken by the second battalion of
the Finland Regiment, under the command of Colonel
A. F. Moller, for many years a member of the secret
society.
Another instance of want of determination at the
critical moment was that of Colonel Bulatow, who stood
with two loaded pistols on the Admiralty Boulevard at

26 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.

twenty paces from the Emperor, firmly resolved to tak
the monarch's life, but an invisible hand º
him. He was distinguished for courage and resolution?
It is well known that during the great campaign of 1812,
he, with his company, had repeatedly taken batteriès,
and, under a hailstorm of bullets, was always the fore-
most. When the Emperor, at a personal examination,
expressed his surprise at seeing him among the number
of the rebels, Bulatow replied ingenuously that he, for
his part, was astonished to see the Emperor thqre
before him. “How is that ?” asked the Emperºr.
“Yesterday I stood for two hours at twenty paces from -
your Majesty, with two loaded pistols, firmly resolved
to take your life; but each time I laid my hand on the
pistol my heart failed me.” The Emperor was pleased
with the frank confession, and gave orders that the
colonel should not be confined in the casemates of the
fortress, where the rest of us were placed, but should
be placed in the residence of the Commandant of the
fort. A few weeks later Bulatow killed himself by
starvation; he must have endured the most fearful
agony in refusing food, for his finger-nails were com-
pletely bitten off from hunger. Such a man might
have been expected to carry out his resolution.
The 14th December, 1825, decided the fate of the
conspirators of the South, for, on this day, Colonel
Paul Pestel, President of the Directory of Tultshin,
the soul of the whole conspiracy, was arrested. Having
THE REVOLT OF THE 14TH DECEMBER, 1825. 27
been denounced by Captain Maiborada, Pestel was
o; iered to the head-quarters of the staff of the Second
Army, nominally to give information about certain
affairs relating to the service.
He set out, although not without a foreboding of
threatened danger ; at the toll-gate of Tultshin he was
arrested by gendarmes and led away to prison. Two
weeks later, on the 29th December, 1825, the brothers
Sergius and Matthias Murawjew Apostol were also
taken prisoners, but were set at liberty the following
night by the junior officers of the Tchernigow Regiment,
most of whom belonged to the Society of United Sclaves.
Sergius Murawjew Apostol, at the head of a few com-
panies which had placed themselves under his command,
made an attempt to cut his way through, and to reach
the nearest place where his confederates were collected ;
a detachment with a few cannon under General Geisnow
overpowered Murawjew's men; after a desperate resist-
ance, Sergius was wounded, and both brothers were
taken prisoners, together with all their comrades, except-
ing the youngest brother Hypolite, who had fallen in
the fight, and the captain of the company, Cusmin, who
had shot himself.
28 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
CHAPTER II.
THE COURT OF INQUIRY AND EXAMINATION.
ON the morning of the 15th December, as before
mentioned, I was arrested. The Regimental Adjutant
was sent for me; after a short farewell to my wife (I had
only been married eight months) I went with him to
the Colonel of the regiment, when I found all the
officers of the regiment assembled. The General asked,
“Which of you gentlemen would like to accompany
Baron R., who is arrested, to the Commandant 2 ” No
one offered. The General thereupon turned to the
orderly officer, Captain D. A. Talubjew, and told him to
accompany me in the carriage to the Commandant's
residence. In the office-room of the Commandant my
sword was taken from me, and I was conducted to the
Main Guard in the Winter Palace, where a battalion of
our regiment was on duty. I begged Colonel Moller's
permission to write a few lines to my wife ; the Colonel
seemed embarrassed, and said it was impossible ; but
if I had any verbal message to send he would commu-
THE COURT OF INQUIRY AND EXAMINATION. 29
nicate it to her, which he accordingly did. I was taken
to the room of the officer on duty. In a corner, which
was divided from the rest of the room by a long table,
lay an arrested officer of the General's staff, K. B. Tschew-
kin, asleep; he was awakened and led away, and his
place assigned to me. The guard was relieved: the
Commandant Baschuzky entered and made inquiries
about the prisoners. --
I was then conducted into the ante-room of the
guard-room behind a partition with glass doors, where
I remained, and from whence I could see the soldiers of
the Preobrashenski Regiment crowding round Bestuchew,
who had given himself up of his own accord. He was
gaily dressed, as if for a ball, and when his escort was
about to start, he himself gave the word “Forward,”
and marched in time with his men. After half an hour
they brought up J. J. Puschtschin. As he stood sur-
rounded by some dozen soldiers, a young officer stepped
forward to disarm the prisoners: it was S. P. Galachan,
adjutant in the regiment of Grenadier Guards. Thus
passed the hours till eleven o'clock in the evening.
An escort of ten soldiers now entered, but with no more
prisoners. The field officer of the day, Colonel Mikulin,
then came up to search me and Captain Repin, who
had shortly before been brought in, in order to see
if we had any concealed weapons, and then signified
to us that he had orders to take us to the Emperor.
We were escorted by soldiers. In ascending the flight
30 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
of stairs, I felt some one pulling at the skirts or hind
pocket of my uniform : it was Colonel Mikulin, who had
extracted a letter from it. When we had arrived in the
Emperor's anteroom, through which Flügel Adjutants
and General Adjutants were incessantly passing and re-
passing, the Colonel asked me from whom was the letter
he had found upon me. I desired to see it, and replied it
was from my wife. After the cannonade of yesterday
was over I had begged Repin to set my wife's mind at
ease ; two hours later I sent a soldier to her, who
brought me back a note with the words, “Sois tran-
d quille, mon ami, Dieu me soutient, ménage toi.”
Mikulin replied that it was impossible, or else that my
wife did not understand French ; it was evident that it
could not be written by a lady to a man, but must be
from a man to a lady. “How can any one writing in
the masculine spell ‘tranquille' with two l’s and an e?”
persisted the Colonel, without in the least seeing that
to me, who was about to be brought before the Emperor
for examination, it must be intolerable to be troubled
about grammatical minutiae. To my delight, the Adju-
tant of the Emperor, P. A. Browsky, came up and put
an end to the disagreeable strife about words, remarking
to the learned Colonel, “Cessez done, mon cher, vous
dites des bétises.” Prince J. W. Wassiltschikow came
out of the Emperor's room in tears; A. J. Neithardt,
chief of the staff, followed him—the tears in his eyes
also ; they both returned my salute courteously. A
THE COURT OF INQUIRY AND EXAMINATION. 31
º Adjutant then appeared with the intelligence that
the Emperor could not receive any more, and had given
orders that I should be taken by a detachment of
Feldjägers * to the guard-house of the Chevalier Garde
Regiment, and my comrade, Repin, to the guard-house
of the Preobrashenski Regiment.
The next eight days I spent in the guard-house
without being ordered up for examination. My wife's
uncle lived in the neighbourhood : he sent me a bed and
a screen, so as to make my condition more endurable.
On the third day of my detention J. A. Annenkow went
on guard, the same who on the 14th had covered the
guns that were used against the insurgents, and later
was condemned to forced labour for life as a member of
the secret society. Most of the members of these
societies had served in the Chevalier Garde, the regi-
ment attached to the household of the Imperial family.
In the afternoon of the 21st of December a Feld-
jäger" at last came to fetch me for examination. The
officer on duty accompanied me to my sledge and wished
me a speedy liberation.
On my arrival at the Winter Palace I was again taken
behind the partition with glass doors, which had before
been my resting-place, there to wait till my turn came
for examination. At ten o'clock in the evening an escort
* Translator's Note.—Feldjägers are employed, in times of war or
peace, as couriers : the corps consists of four officers and seventy-seven
men. They are selected from the young men who are studying to be,
or are already foresters.
32 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
of ten soldiers conducted me into the inner apartments
of the palace. After half an hour I was taken before the
general adjutant of the day—W. W. Lewaschow. He sat
at a writing-table, and began to examine me by putting
previously-prepared questions to me, writing down all
my answers. Just as my examination began, a side-
door of the room opened, and the Emperor entered. I
went a few steps forward to salute him ; he said, with a
loud voice, “Halt l” came up to me, laid his hand on
my epaulet, and repeated the words, “Stand back; back,
back,” following me till I had reached my former stand-
point, in the full glare of the candles burning on the
table. He then looked me searchingly in the face for a
minute, expressed his satisfaction with my former
services, and said that he had repeatedly observed me.
He added that heavy charges were laid against me, and
that he expected me to make a full confession, and ended
by promising to do all that was possible to save me. He
then withdrew. The examination was resumed as soon
as the Emperor had left the room. I found myself in a
most painful position. There was no ground or possi-
bility for me to deny the facts on my own account,
neither could I tell the whole truth, lest I should
implicate any of those who had taken part in, or
originated the rebellion. After half an hour the
Emperor again entered, took the paper with the recorded
answers out of General Lewaschow's hand, and read it.
In my deposition no names were given. He looked at
THE COURT OF INQUIRY AND EXAMINATION. 33
me kindly and encouraged me to be candid. The Emperor
wore, as he had previously done when Grand Duke, an
old uniform of the Ismailow Regiment with epaulets.
His pallor and his bloodshot eyes showed clearly that he
worked much ; he would hear, read, and investigate
everything for himself. When he returned to his
cabinet, he once more opened the door, and the last
words I heard him say were, “I would willingly save
you,”—“Dich rette ich gern.” After Lewaschow had
ended his report, he handed me the paper to read
through, so that I could attest the truth of my evidence
with my signature. I begged him to spare me such a
signature, and gave him to understand that I could not
disclose the whole truth. Nothing remained for me but
to sign the report: but the Emperor was informed of
my first hesitation, and must have looked upon it as
contempt of his gracious promise. The sentence passed
upon me was not only not mitigated—as will be shown
in the sequel—but made still more severe. All those
who were involved in the conspiracy, or were accused of
taking any part in it, had to undergo these “first
examinations ° in the palace. The Emperor saw and
spoke to each of them.
The General Adjutants Lewaschow, Benkendorff,
and Toll* successively wrote down the depositions;
Lewaschow, the most in detail: he frequently employed
* Later chief of the Political Police, and as such one of the
Emperor Nicholas's most influential advisers.
3
34 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
a very peculiar method of conducting the examination.
For example, he said to Bestuchew Rjumin, who did not
reply immediately to all his questions, “Vous savez.
l'Empereur n'a qu’à dire un mot, et vous avez vécu.”
To the colonel, M. F. Mitkow, he said, “Mais ily a des
moyens pour vous faire avouer,” so that the latter was
obliged to remind him that we lived in the 19th century,
and that torture had been abolished by a law of the
Emperor Alexander. It was impossible that in these
examinations in the Emperor's cabinet all the details of
the conspiracy could be entered into ; they were intended
only to afford the opportunity to the Emperor of seeing
and speaking to each of the conspirators alone, and
learning the names of the yet unknown participators.
As soon as any such names were mentioned, feldjäger,
gendarmes, and officers of all arms were despatched
to arrest the accused. The examination of M. A. Bestu-
chew was one of the most remarkable. On the night of
the 14th December he had tried to save himself by
flight, and taking the road to Sweden, he reached the
lighthouse of Tolbuchin, where the sailors of the watch
knew him as a colleague of General Spassow.jew,
surveyor of all the lighthouses. His wish was to rest
there some hours, but he was unluckily recognized and
pointed out as a fugitive by the wife of a sailor, was
seized, and the next day brought to the Winter Palace.
|FXhausted by hunger, fatigue, and cold, he turned to the
Grand Duke Michael with the request that he would
THE COURT OF INQUIRY AND EXAMINATION. 35
give him some nourishment or he would hardly be
capable of going through the examination. The supper
of the Flügel Adjutant on duty that day was served in the
same room ; the Grand Duke told Bestuchew to sit down
to table, and conversed with him during the meal.
When Bestuchew was led away, the Grand Duke said to
his Adjutant Bibikow, “Thank God that I was not
acquainted with this man the day before yesterday; I
really believe he would have drawn me into it.” The
Emperor received Bestuchew kindly, and said to him,
“You know I can pardon you ; and if I could be sure
of finding you a faithful servant in future, I should be
quite ready to do so.” Bestuchew answered, “Your
Majesty, that is just the misfortune—that you can do
everything; that you are over the law. All that we
wished to effect is, that the fate of your subjects in future
should be entirely dependent on the law, and not on
your caprice.” Many of the accused expressed themselves
in the same spirit when brought before the Emperor.
When my first examination was over, I was led back
again to the ante-room of the guard-room of the palace,
behind the well-known partition. I received light through
the glass doors, warmth through the open top of the
partition. Of course neither light nor heat was great.
This place where I was kept would have been bearable
at the most for a few hours. Every moment I expected
to be taken to another guard-room or into the fortress,
and therefore submitted with patience to my fate. I
36 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
slept the night through on a chair, leaning my arm on a
table.
From early morning on the following day fresh
prisoners were brought in and out, military and civil,
known and unknown. If too many arrived at once,
some were placed for a few hours behind the partition
with me, but a sentry was then added, to watch that we
did not speak to one another. Colonel Poliwanow and
Count Bulgary thus passed a few hours. Colonel P. O.
Grabbe spent a whole night with me : the complete
peace of mind which his countenance bespoke particularly
impressed him on my memory. Christmas came : the
same narrow dark corner of the ante-room was still my
abode. I was left to sit there in the same uncomfortable
uniform coat and high tight jack-boots which belonged
to the dress; fortunately I had taken my cloak with me,
which kept out a little cold. All the passers-by stared
through the glass door : I therefore turned my chair so
as to sit with my back to them. Every day, when the
guard was relieved, I was visited by the colonel and
captain. On the fifth day, when the turn of the Garde
Jäger regiment, with its Colonel W. J. Busse, my former
comrade, came, I begged him to send a soldier to my
house, to bring me a great-coat, short boots, and linen;
after several hours these things were delivered to me:
my wife had also sent a morocco-leather pillow. We
were thus indebted to chance alone for whatever com-
forts fell to our lot, having nothing but what was in our
THE COURT OF INQUIRY AND EXAMINATION. 37
possession at the preliminary examinations. In Decem-
ber daylight soon comes to an end; no candle was given
me, but it mattered little, as I had no book; a little
light from the ante-room made its way through the glass
door, and a feeble glimmer fell on the wall behind me.
The voices of the speakers in the guard-room were dis-
tinctly audible.
In this situation day after day passed, and each
seemed endless. In the afternoon of the third Christ-
mas holiday the Grand Duke Michael came in to me
suddenly, stood in the doorway, and asked, “What?
Is he still here ?” I made up my mind not to com-
plain of either cold or hunger, although my daily food
was restricted to a plate of soup and a little bit of
white bread. This was caused by my exceptional
situation : while most of those under suspicion were
brought to the Winter Palace as soon as they arrived at
St. Petersburg, and waited here for the examination
for a few hours only, or at the most a day, this same
corner of the guard-room of the palace was assigned to
me as a temporary residence, which, however, lasted
fourteen days. For those indeed who were only to
remain for a few hours in the palace, the plate of soup
from the court kitchen was enough ; but I, and those
who, like me, were detained for many days, and were
yet allowed no other food, were barely kept from
starvation. One of my companions, M. N. Nasimow,
was bold enough to tell the Emperor during the exami-
38 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
nation, that in his palace he was allowed to starve.
“That does not matter,” replied Nicholas : “all are
treated in the same way here—it is only for a short
time.” The most trying part for me was that I could
not sleep : the chair, the only furniture in the room
save the table, was so uncomfortable, the floor so fear-
fully cold, spite of the warm cloak. I had no choice
but to spend fourteen nights sitting on the chair. It
often happened that the soldiers on guard took pity on
my hunger, woke me at night, and Secretly gave me
some of their bread. To listen to the conversation of
these people, who always treated me with the greatest
respect and civility, was my only diversion. These
conversations were often curious enough : “It’s a pity,
brother, about those poor young people, they will now
be shut up in the fortress,” said one. “We are no
better off,” replied the other ; “our barracks are worse
than the fortress, and when we leave them it is only to
be tormented with guards and drill. These dear young
fellows will at all events be left in peace in their
dungeons.” *
I remained in my miserable corner till the 3rd
of January, 1826; on the afternoon of that day the
Grand Duke Michael arrived : he again entered the
guard-room, and again expressed his astonishment at
finding me still in confinement. By his order I was
taken into another room, where a bed and some clean
linen were given me ; two soldiers with drawn swords
THE COURT OF INQUIRY AND EXAMINATION. 39
were posted before my door. I fully enjoyed the
pleasure of once more stretching my limbs on a bed.
I remained for two days in this room, which was shared
for some hours by another compromised man, Colonel
Rajewsky. As the sentries prevented any talking, we
conversed by singing in French : each one hummed to
himself, as if he was paying no attention to the other.
On the afternoon of the 5th of January, I was at last
taken by a Feldjäger to the fortress. I went with a
beating heart through the door of St. Peter and St. Paul
fortress; the carillon of the fortress clock saluted me
—a piece of artistic mechanism, which slowly and
tediously rang out the tune “God save the King.”
In the Commandant’s house I found three officers of the
Ismailow Regiment, who had been arrested—Andrejew,
Müller, Malintin—who like me were going to receive
sentence of imprisonment. After half-an-hour the
Commandant, Lukin, came, opened the packet which
the Feldjäger had handed him, and then informed me
that by high decree we were to be placed in the case-
mates. In the same room with us stood a man in
civilian's dress, wearing the Order of St. Anne in
diamonds round his neck. The Commandant turned
to him, and exclaimed in a sad and irritated voice,
“What, are you also mixed up in this affair, and
leagued with these gentlemen 2° “No, your Excel-
lency; I find myself here under court-martial for pecu-
lation of timber in ships' materials.” “Oh, I am
40 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
relieved, that is all, dear nephew,” said the Com-
mandant, and cordially pressed the hand of the more
fortunate man. The Town-major, Lieut.-Col. O. M.
Poduschkin, led us one by one to the casemates: he
asked me if I had a pocket-handkerchief, with me, as
according to rule he must blindfold me. This was at
once done, and seizing me by the arm, he conducted
me down the stairs, and there placed me in a sledge.
After a short trajet we arrived at our destination. The
Town-major helped me out of the sledge, saying, “Here
is the threshold, and after that six steps; ” he then
called out, “Artilleryman, open No. 13.” Keys jingled,
locks rattled, we entered, the doors slammed behind us.
The Town-major then took the bandage from my eyes,
and wished me a speedy deliverance. I begged him to
order me something to eat; I had not tasted food the
whole day, and for an entire fortnight I had been starved
in the palace. He made some difficulty, as the dinner-
hour was already passed, gave as an excuse the bad
arrangements of the fortress kitchen, but finally pro-
mised to send me some dinner, though I had asked only
for a bit of bread.
My cell was almost pitch-dark; the window was
closed with a thick iron grating, through which I could
only see a narrow strip of horizon and a part of the
glacis. Against the further wall of the three-cornered
cell stood a bed with a blue-grey coverlet ; against the
other, a table and bench. My triangle was six feet in
THE COURT OF INQUIRY AND EXAMINATION. 41
the hypothenuse. In the door was a little window with
a linen curtain outside, which the Sentries could raise at
any moment to watch the prisoners. A little while after
I had entered this cage and sat down, I heard the sentry's
footsteps approaching ; the keys and locks rattled again;
the prison warder entered and brought me a lamp (a wick
burning in an ordinary glass filled with oil and water), a
basin of soup, and a good large bit of bread. I asked
a question of the man, but received no answer. I then,
with the greatest haste, devoured the potato soup,
flavoured with bay-leaves, and two pounds of bread. The
warder looked at me with amazement ; I explained to
him why I was so hungry; he went out of the room like
a dumb man, taking the emptied basin, and closed
the door.
The fortress clock struck eight consecutive hours;
then I heard again the “God save the King.” Though
I was conscious of the sounds, yet they did not rouse me
from sleep. I should certainly have slept on for twenty-
four hours, if the gaoler with his keys had not awoke
me. This terrific clatter was no sooner over than the
Platz Adjutant Nicolajew entered : a tall man in a black
coat following him, and the artilleryman acting as prison
warder. I sat down on my bed, expecting that another
prisoner was coming in with them. The Adjutant
inquired how I found myself; the man in the black coat,
who proved to be the doctor, asked me how my health
was ? To both I replied, “Thank God, I have rested
42 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN T SIBERIA.
comfortably.” “Excuse our having disturbed you, but
we must do our duty.” And, silently as they had
entered, the three men disappeared ; and I immediately
went to sleep again. When I woke it was midday, but
the room was still dark, for the window was cut in a
deep embrasure, and did not admit the full light. I
never saw either sun or moon, and scarcely a solitary
star passed the narrow window-pane. Towards evening
a lamp was brought in. I had nothing to read, for in the
first months of our imprisonment no one brought us
any books. Alone, confined in a narrow room, there was
no exercise for the body, no distraction for the mind;
thought alone was free. The future lay before me,
uncertain and sad ; the present offered nothing; the
past alone remained to me.
On the 8th January the Town-major came in at
nine in the evening to take me before the commission
of inquiry, which met daily in the Commandant's house.
He bound my eyes this time so completely that my
whole face was covered. On the steps of the Com-
mandant's house I could hear speaking : through..the
handkerchief I could see the shining lamps of the
carriage: the ante-room appeared to be filled with
servants. In the next room the Town-major made me
sit down, and told me to await his return. I at once
raised the bandage, and saw great folding doors in front
of me, a large screen at the other end, behind which
were two lights, but no one in the whole room. I know
THE COURT OF INQUIRY AND EXAMINATION. 43
not whence the thought came to me that the door would
open suddenly, and I should be shot. This idea was
probably caused by the Town-major's mysterious manner
and the bandaging of my eyes. I sat thus for an hour.
The Town-major at last reappeared and conducted me
with eyes still blindfolded through the next room, which
seemed full of light. I heard a quantity of pens
Scratching without being able to distinguish the writers.
In the next room I heard more pens scratching, but no
word spoken. Having at last reached the third room,
the Town-major said to me, Sotto voce, “Stay here.”
For half a minute there was no sound or movement;
then the words, “Take off the handkerchief,” were
heard. It was the voice of the Grand Duke Michael !
I saw before me a long table ; at the upper end of it sat
the president of the commission, the War-Minister .
Tatischtschew; on his right the Grand Duke. Then
came the renowned J. J. Dibitsch, S. U. Kutusow, and
the Adjutant-General Count Benkendorff. To the left
sat Prince A. R. Galitzin (the only civilian), General
Tchernitschew,” U. B. Lewaschow, and the Colonel
W. Adlerberg,t who had undertaken the office of a
secretary. They were all, in some respects, distinguished
men, but none of them could lay claim to the qualifi-
cations necessary for an experienced, competent, and
impartial judge. The examinations before this com-
* He was later made Minister and Prince.
f Now Count and Minister of the Household.
44 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
mission of inquiry differed in no way from those which
the Adjutant-General had held in the Emperor's private
room. Was this commission of inquiry intended to be
a court-martial? Then the whole affair might have
been decided in twenty-four hours, without the aid of
any one learned in law. The articles of war would at
once have condemned all the accused to death ! and
this kind of court, in which officers only gave sentence
and the plaintiffs acted as judges, was the ordinary
method in Russia when an important case was to be
decided !
The first question was addressed to me by the Grand
Duke Michael : “How could you, as commander of a
whole squad of riflemen, keep back three entire com-
panies who stood partly in front of your section ?”
“When the battalion marched out of barracks, it was
arranged in columns of companies, so that my section
found itself before the three companies of Jägers.”
“Pardon me, I did not know that circumstance,”
said the Grand Duke in a friendly voice. Dibitsch
thereupon asked why I had kept my soldiers in the
middle of the long Isaac Bridge. I answered that after
I had personally ascertained that there was neither
leader, unity, nor order in the arrangements on the
Senate Place, it had appeared to me to be right to keep
quiet and take no step whatever. “I understand,”
replied Dibitsch, being a tactician, “you had it in view
to form a definite reserve.” He then asked further,
THE COURT OF INQUIRY AND EXAMINATION. 45
“Since when have you belonged to the secret Society,
and by whom were you received 2"
“I have never been a member of any secret
society.”
“Perhaps you mean us to infer that you consider that
being a member necessitates peculiar usages and cere-
monies, signs and conditions, as in the brotherhood of
the Freemasons; but it is enough to know what are the
objects of the Society, to make you at once a member
of it.”
“I have already had the honour to tell your Excel-
lency that I have never been received into a secret
society, and that I can appeal to all those who were really
members, without shunning the examination before
witnesses, or fear of being confronted with them.”
I was here interrupted by S. A. Kutusow : “Yet you
knew Rylejew 2 ”
“I know him, for we were brought up together in
the first Cadet Corps.”
“Did you not know Obolensky, too 7”
“I know him very well; I served with him : he was
the oldest adjutant of the infantry corps of Guards.
How could I help knowing him 2 ”
“What further proof do we want 2 ” remarked
Kutusow, in his senseless way.
I was silent, although it would have been easy for
me to retort, that as he knew Prince Obolensky, he must
himself have been a member of the society.
46 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
The president, Tatischtschew, then informed me
that, on the morrow, I should receive written questions
from the commission, and should have to answer each
question in writing according to the heads. Before the
end of the inquiry, Colonel Adlerberg said to me, “You
are accused of having wished to cut, down the second
sharpshooter of the right flank, because he tried to
persuade some of his comrades to follow the section of
Carbineers ?”
“My soldiers, M. le Colonel, did not speak as they
stood in rank and file: one of them, I don’t know if he
was the second or third from the flank, wished to move
forward : I held my sword before him, and threatened
any one who attempted to move without my orders.”
Colonel Adlerberg's remark at once showed me that they
had been informed of the most trifling circumstances
connected with me. The Brigadier and one other man
who had reason to fear my depositions had given them
this information.
With that the first examination closed; the president
rang the bell, the Town-major bound my eyes and led
me away. My face was covered with a handkerchief, so
that the secretary and clerk should not recognize the
prisoner. After a few minutes I found myself again in
No. 13. Three days later, a sealed packet from the
commission was handed to me. The questions were
almost the same as those which had been laid before me
at the sitting, but new accusations were included, to-
THE COURT OF INQUIRY AND EXAMINATION. 47
gether with mention of new persons and fresh informa-
tion. The Town-major in handing me the packet said,
“Don’t hurry, but consider everything.” At the first
moment I rejoiced in the possession of some sheets of
paper, pens and ink; but when I hastily glanced at the
points in question and saw whose wére the names, my
heart sank within me. Was it possible that all these
men were in prison and to be brought before the court
The commission was already apprised of the assembly
which had taken place at Repin’s, as well as of the
conferences at Rylejew's and Obolensky’s. The answers
to all the questions which concerned me personally were
easy enough, as my actions of the 14th December
had all been done in the light of day. But how was I
to deal with the depositions referring to what had been
arranged at our meetings. I was so far fortunate, that
not one of the persons named by me was arrested, not
one of my soldiers punished. My answers caused me
subsequently to be brought face to face with one of my
comrades, to which I shall refer in the fitting place.
After I had finished writing my answers, I enclosed a
request to the commission, praying that I might be
allowed to write to my wife. This petition was granted
the following day. I then wrote her a long letter, and
in a few days received the answer. After this I received
permission to write once a month ; my second letter
was returned to me, with the remark that it was too
long, and that I must in future write only a few lines.
48 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
The answers from my wife must also be very shortly
expressed; but even these were a great satisfaction and
real comfort to me. I had also asked for permission to
receive books from home; this was not granted, but the
Major himself brought me the Psalms of David.
The commission of inquiry held daily sittings: the
Grand Duke was seldom present, Tschernitschew ap-
peared to be the chief person there : the law officers of
the commission often sat up writing till late into the
night. All the special denunciations were collected by
D. N. Bludow * in one document; he excluded all that
was important and favourable for the accused, but
inserted denunciations and private conversations, as
every unprejudiced reader of the printed report can see
for himself. The founders of the secret society and
the leaders of the conspiracy were frequently called
before the commission. Pestel was forced to appear
very often, and was so tormented with the questions,
that he repeatedly lost patience, especially as he was ill
at the time. He reproached the commission with their
incapacity, demanded a sheet of paper, & himself
wrote down some interrogatories for the committee :
“There, gentlemen, that is the way in which you should
conduct affairs : you will receive answers according to
these questions, upon the matters in hand.” When
the evidence was contradictory, the accused were brought
* He died a few years ago, Count and President of the Reichsrath
and Ministerial Committees.
THE COURT OF INQUIRY AND EXAMINATION. 49
face to face, and the individual depositions registered,
sometimes considerably perverted. Some of the questions
I still remember as being specially extraordinary.
Tschernitschew, who was particularly zealous in the
affair, for instance, asked my friend, M. A. Nasimow,
what he would have attempted to do had he been pre-
sent in St. Petersburg on the 14th December 2 (He
was at the time on leave at Moscow.) This question
was so manifestly unfair, that Benkendorff sprang from
his chair and seized Tschermitschew by the arm, exclaim-
ing, “Ecoutez, vous n’avez pas le droit d'adresser une
pareille question : c’est une affaire de conscience.” The
president of the commission, Tatischtschew, very seldom.
took part in the inquiry: he only once made the following
remark to the accused : “You have read nothing but
Tracy, and Benjamin Constant, and Bentham : look
what it has brought you to. I have read nothing but
the Holy Scriptures all through my life, and you see
what I have gained ; ” with that he pointed to the two
rows of stars which glittered on his breast.
50 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
CHAPTER III.
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION.
THE Platz Adjutant daily inspected my prison, but he
was not conversational, and I was therefore left to my
own resources. I walked backwards and forwards and
moved about as much as I could in my narrow room, in
order to preserve my health. Sleep shortened the weary
hours by half. The food was wholesome, simple, and
sufficient, not scanty, as in the palace. Often, espe-
cially in the evenings, I felt constrained to sing; singing
strengthened my chest, and made amends for the want
of conversation, and singing gave expression to my
feelings. I sang prose and poetry of my own, arranged
melodies, and remembered many old songs. I was once,
late in the evening, singing the universal Russian song,
“In the lowly Vale stood the shady oak.” At the
second verse I heard another voice accompanying me
behind the partition of planks; I recognized the voice
of my warder. “A good sign,” thought I; “if he sings
with me, he will also speak with me.” I repeated the
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION. 51
song once more from beginning to end; he knew the words
better than I. When he brought me my food, I
thanked him for the accompaniment of the song, and he
at last made up his mind to speak: “God be thanked
that you are not wearying, that you keep up a cheerful
heart.” From that hour he began to be more com-
municative, and answered my questions readily. “Tell
me, Sokolow ’’—so the artilleryman was called—“what
shall I do to procure myself some books? I hear my
neighbour over the way, in No. 16, turning over leaves
the whole night through.”
“God preserve you from such books the dear lad
there reads and writes so much, he has already written
fetters on to his hands.”
“What does that mean 2
“Yes, they have already fastened an iron chain of
fifteen pounds on to both hands.” It was a young man
of twenty-one years, Bestuchew Rjumin, who was deeply
implicated in the undertakings of the Polish as well as
of the Russian conspirators : they wished to force him
in this way to a full confession. He expressed himself
better in French than in Russian ; but as he had to
write down his confession in Russian, they had given
him dictionaries, and that was the reason of the hasty
and continual turning over of leaves in the great
folios.
Some days later I heard the clinking of chains
opposite me in No. 15. “Have they put in a new
52 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
prisoner ?” I asked Sokolow. “No, he has been in
here many weeks, but since yesterday only they have
put him in fetters.” This aggravated punishment was
imposed on N. S. Bobrischtschew Puschkin, officer of
the General's staff, from whom the court of inquiry
wished to find where the Constitutions written by Peste!
were concealed. They were put in a small chest and
buried in the earth, the spot known only to Puschkin
and Saikin. This latter was sent all about the place
with a Feldjäger, and after long search and raking about
under the snow, the little box was found and imme-
diately delivered into the Emperor's hands. “Are
there many of the prisoners in chains ?” I inquired
further. “Yes, of my thirty numbers, ten are loaded
with them; ” and there was the same proportion in chains
among the number in the remaining casemates and
curtains of the fort. A youth, midshipman in the navy
of the Guards, Diwow, who was called by the warders
“the little child,” was also in chains. His spirit was
excited, his imagination was inflamed ; he imparted
wonderful things, which only existed in his fancy, to
the commission of inquiry. These were made subjects
of inquisition, and afterwards played a prominent part
in the report of Count Bludow. For this evidence
Diwow was freed from forced labour, after the verdict
was given, and sent to fortress work at Bobrowsk. Some
of my companions allowed themselves to be persuaded
that an open confession alone could save them, and
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION. 53
that their escape depended upon their giving up the
names of those who had received them into the secret
society. Owing to that many were induced to make
special denunciations. Thus Colonel Fahlenberg de-
clared that Prince Bariatinsky had initiated him into
the conspiracy: Bariatinsky denied the facts, and the
judges were driven to confront them. The depositions
contradicted each other. Bariatinsky made yet a last
attempt to save his comrades, saying to General
Tschernitschew: “You see, General, yourself, how
strange Monsieur my comrade is ; should I be likely
to confide a secret to such a man 2 ” In spite of this
excessive candour, Fahlenberg was condemned to forced
labour. Among the number of my fellow-prisoners, there
were many who wore chains on their hands and feet,
and were condemned to sit in the dark without lamps,
while others had their food curtailed.
On the 6th of March the Platz Adjutant did not come
as usual: Sokolow put on a mysterious air ; he was in a
new dress. The warder, Schibajew, invalid of the
Jäger regiment of Body Guards, who daily brought me
my food, had also appeared shaved and in a new cloak.
“What feast is it to-day ?” I asked. “It is no feast.”
“Why are you then in new clothes?” “It is the day
of the Emperor Alexander's funeral.” Everything was
quiet and monotonous as usual around; the thick fortress
walls, with their earth and grass works, allowed no
sound to penetrate ; the carillon only reached me at
54 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
times through the window and the embrasures. Sud-
denly a cannon thundered out, a second, and then the
report of guns innumerable ; that was the conclusion of
the funeral ceremony.
As every hole and corner of the fortress was filled
with prisoners, they could but rarely get admittance to
the bath-room on account of their number. My turn
came for the first time in the middle of April. The
snow had disappeared, and the weather was beautiful; I
was led down by a guide, but my eyes were no longer
bandaged. When I stepped over the threshold of the
outer door from the dark corridor, the sun's rays so
blinded me that I stood still and involuntarily covered
my eyes with my hand. I gradually withdrew my hand
and went on : the ground appeared to rock under my feet,
the fresh air took away my breath. Along the whole
inner wall of the Kronwerk curtain, though passing by
a long row of windows, I could see-none of my comrades,
for the window-panes were smeared over with chalk.
When I turned to the right along the other curtain, in
which is the entrance of the fortress, I saw a window
over the gate and recognized M. F. Orlow, who sat
there writing. Not far from the gateway stood a sub-
altern officer's guard; I was delighted to recognize my
own soldiers: they hastened at once on to the platform
and replied as loudly and joyfully to my salute as they
used to do formerly. The bath-room was spacious; and
the bath refreshed and invigorated me. On my return, J.
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION. 55
observed my servant Michael standing near the guard,
who tried to attract my attention by singular movements
and pantomime. “Is Anna Wassiliewna (my wife)
well ?” I asked.
“She was here just now in the church, and is at
this moment coming down the path.” I redoubled my
steps, and saw her walking slowly, about 200 paces from
me; I longed to hasten to her, but remembered she
was near her confinement and might take fright; I also
feared what my escort would say. I could but wave her
a salute with my hand and walk on. Returned to my
prison, I found it darker than ever, and could make out
neither chair mortable, and but dimly see the white border
of the grey coverlet.
The Emperor in Passion Week permitted the
prisoners to have books of spiritual counsel, pipes and
tobacco. This was a real luxury after so long a privation.
For the last four years I had given up smoking; I now
returned to it with all the greater Zest, hoping that the
smell would overpower the bad, damp, and unwholesome
air around me. My wife had sent me The Hours of
Devotion, by Zschokke, and also three volumes upon the
wars of 1812, 1813, and 1814, but these were kept back
by the censorship of the commission of inquiry. Owing
to the acquaintance of my wife's uncle with the Com-
mandant Sukin, I enjoyed the additional luxury of some
snuff and a dozen pocket-handkerchiefs. I once asked
the Platz Adjutant, Nicolajew, if my comrades also
56 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
received tobacco, books, or linen from their relations.
He replied, “Only those who have relations or acquaint-
ance in St. Petersburg,” and added that yesterday he
had brought a bundle of linen and English blankets to
Colonel M. J. Mitkow ; but when Mitkow learned that
all the prisoners had not these advantages, he tied up
the bundle again, and declared that he also could dis-
pense with these things. After long suffering he died
in banishment at Krasnojarsk, in the year 1850.
By order of the Emperor we were inspected every six
weeks by his Adjutant-Generals Sasonow, Strekalow, and
Martynow. The latter was my inspector, and recom-
mended me to the Commandant, who accompanied him,
reminding him of the fact that the Emperor had, on
former Occasions, noticed me.
On the 20th May, the Platz Adjutant Nicolajew woke
me early in the morning. I heard his voice in the
corridor saying a barber must be sent for at once.
“Am I to be taken before the commission again 2 ”
“No ; a great joy awaits you in the Commandant’s
house—your wife has received permission to come and
see you.” In a moment I was dressed ; I would not
wait for the barber, and we hastened out; the burning
rays of the sun blinded my eyes, a mild balmy air
refreshed me; at the prison door I was greeted by my
servant Michael; in the front court my carriage was
standing, and as the coachman Wassili recognized me,
he advanced with the black horses and drove round in a
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION. 57
circle to show me their good condition. In the Com-
mandant's house I once more held my wife in my arms;
she was in mourning, for my mother had died during
my imprisonment. To see her face, to hear her voice,
to listen to her words once again filled my heart with
joy and comfort, but as the fortress commandant,
General Adjutant Sukin, was present during all our
interview, we could not converse at ease and could but
touch on family affairs, ; owing to the kindness of the
General Adjutant W. W. Lewaschow, my wife had received
permission for this meeting. The time of her confine-
ment was approaching, and she wished that we should
once more receive each other's blessing. I sought to
cheer her in every way as to my future fate; the hour
Soon passed away, and the Commandant dared not
prolong it ; we separated, commending ourselves to the
Almighty Father; with a heart full of thankfulness to
God I returned to my No. 13. This meeting had com-
forted me, and I could now hope that my wife would be
able to bear our separation and her coming time of
trouble with fortitude, and the thought of my brave
Anna, whose firm bearing had filled me with new
strength, consoled me waking or dreaming.
Three days after I received a letter from her, assuring
me how much encouragement our meeting had given
her. I had communicated to her, in the presence of the
Commandant, the last words the Emperor had said to
me, and had tried to comfort her in every way; but when
58 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
alone I kept the idea that I might be executed con-
tinually before me.
On the 17th of May there was an unusual stir in the
corridor of the prison: warders and prisoners were inces-
Santly going backwards and forwards, talking loudly;
many of the latter in passing my number called out
“Bon jour, 13.” “Portez-vous bien, 13.” In the after-
noon the warder, Sokolow, told me that a portion of the
prisoners had been taken before the commission, where
they signed papers and then returned to their case-
mates. “What do you think?” I asked ; “will their
being called in there do the prisoners good or harm 2''
“God knows,” was the answer. “It seems to me those
who are left here in peace will be best off.” I went to sleep
at last, still in restless expectation, till the rattle of locks
and bolts suddenly woke me up, and the Platz Adjutant
took me before the commission. The walk to the
Commandant’s house showed me how beautiful the spring
was already : the air was impregnated with the Smell of
elder-flowers, the birds fluttered and sang in the Com-
mandant’s garden, in which they were involuntarily
congregated, for they had nothing but bare walls on
three sides.
I was led through the clerks’ room, not to the former
sitting-room of the commission, but to another on the
right, where Benkendorff and the Senator Baranow sat
at a writing-table. The answers that I had written to
the interrogatories of the commission were handed to
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION. 59
me, and I was asked “whether the signature was my
own 2° “whether Ihad answered under pressure?” “if I
had anything to add 2 ” I answered in the affirmative to
the two first, in the negative to the last question. I was
then made to sign the papers. I read in Benkendorff's
countenance that it would go badly with me. The Senator
Baranow was not a member of the commission of inquiry,
but as a member of the highest criminal court appointed
for our judgment, he must convince himself that the
signatures were genuine. That completed my case, the
verdict was already settled. Pestel, Rylejew, Murawjew
Apostol, Soll, Juschnewsky, Bestuchew, and some
others had made use of this last question, whether they
had anything more to say, openly to proclaim their
sentiments and to expose the abuses and injustices of
the reigning system in all their deformity.
The majority of the accused had, on the contrary,
at this opportunity retracted or altered their former
depositions, not from fear or remorse, but because the
privacy of the examination rendered it superfluous to
make confessions which would only aggravate their
punishment and might also implicate their comrades.
On my way back to the casemates I drank in the
May air with avidity. I picked some blades of grass as
I passéd the garden hedge. Ithen accelerated my steps,
So as not to let my heart get too tender; feeling hearts
will readily believe that I kissed and caressed the grasses;
when they were withered I examined each blade and
60 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
compared the variety of their beauty. They were the
only things, links with the world of nature, which had
gladdened my eyes for months.
From the 17th May the voices- and movement in
the corridor became quieter and more rare. The mono-
tonous stillness was only broken by the daily visits of
the Town-major, the fortress adjutant, and the warder,
or an occasional lament, declamation, or song, from
some prison cell. One of my companions in misfor-
tune, M. A. von Wisin, could not endure the confine-
ment; his spirit was strong, his courage unbroken,
but his nerves were in a state of such fearful excitement,
that it was found necessary at last to order that his cell
should be left unlocked, and a watch was placed with
him.
Sixteen of my comrades were imprisoned in a
different part of the fortress, in the Alexejew Ravelin,
under the charge of a civilian specially appointed.
Before the windows was a high wall; the inner triangle
of the Ravelin was enclosed by three walls, which had
only a door and no window ; here, in a narrow space,
grew a few trees, and here solitary prisoners were occa-
sionally brought for a quarter of an hour to inhale the
fresh air. On the leaf of one of the maple-trees here,
Rylejew wrote his well-known farewell verses.
From the beginning of June I lived in constant
anxiety about my wife, for the time of her confinement
drew near. Isang my songs more rarely ; Sokolow and
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION. 61
Schibajew, my warders, often asked me if I was ill.
My rest was continually broken by dreams; I saw my
wife suffering and calling to me for help ; in a word, my
faith and firm confidence wavered. In the fortress, as in
the outer world, the good news lagged, while the bad
came on wings. On the 19th June my eldest son
was born. I only learnt it on the 22nd : two lines from
my wife's hand satisfied me as to her well-being. I
rejoiced for her that she was no more alone; I blessed
my son in my thoughts, and asked in my prayers that
the Everlasting Father would replace the earthly father
to him. I had then no hope of ever seeing my son;
I expected my speedy doom.
On the morning of the 12th July, I observed some
carpenters at work with large beams on the Kronwerk
ramparts opposite my window, without in the least
understanding what it was they were about. I often
returned to the window, and once I saw two general
adjutants moving about the place. In the afternoon,
the Platz Adjutant took me before the court of inquiry;
I went most unwillingly, anticipating some fresh
examination. The reader can imagine my surprise
when I found the room filled with my comrades, and
with what joy I embraced them. I was told that we
were assembled there to receive our sentence. I looked
in vain for some of my comrades, who were either not
among the accused, or were in a higher category and
had already received sentence. The condemned were
62 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
assembled in the two rooms adjoining the session-room,
arranged in categories or divisions, so that when the
first category entered the session-room, the Second
category took their place, and so on. After hearing
their sentence they were led back through a door at the
opposite side of the room into the prison, not to their
former quarters, but in a different arrangement, accord-
ing to the order and number of the condemned in each
division. There were about twelve categories in all, and
I was told off to the fifth ; we had a few moments to
speak to each other : the guard then came up to our
division, which consisted of five men ; sentries were
standing at each door. We entered, and placed our-
selves in a line facing the members of the upper criminal
tribunal, who were seated at a long table by the wall.
Directly opposite us sat the Metropolitan with some
bishops; to the right generals, to the left senators, all in
full uniform, decorated with ribbons and orders. I
observed among the generals the brave Bistram, my
venerated chief, who, with difficulty, restrained his
tears. Some minutes previous he had been obliged to
see sentence passed on his much-loved adjutant, E. P.
Obolensky. Some of the judges looked sympathizing,
others stern; many of the Senators showed an unseemly
and impertinent curiosity, using not only eyeglasses
but opera-glasses to look at us. In the midst stood the
chief secretary of the Senate, Shurawlew, and read the
sentences in a loud clear voice. The verdict had con-
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION. 63
demned us (the fifth category) on the 10th July to ten
years' forced labour, and after that to perpetual banish-
ment in Siberia. This sentence had been modified by
the Emperor on the 11th July, for my comrades Repin
and Kuchelbecker, who were to have only eight years,
while Bodisko, on account of his youth, had the forced
labour changed for work at the fortifications; Glebow
and I expected that we should be mentioned among
those whose fate was softened, but Shurawlew remained
silent, and the Commandant made a sign to take us back
to the casemates. Of the 121 condemned there were
only three, namely Bestuchew, Glebow, and myself,
whose sentence was not mitigated; the reason of my
being excluded, I can only imagine, was owing to a
momentary irritability on the part of the Emperor, who
may have considered that my conduct showed ingratitude
after the kindness he had shown and the goodwill he
had expressed to me.
The whole ceremony of the publication of the
sentence to the accused lasted five hours, and took place
in the most profound stillness. M. S. Lunin, a con-
demned of the third category, alone was heard to say in
a loud voice, when the sentence had been read to him
and a special stress was laid by the Secretary on the
words perpetual banishment, “Perpetual, indeed and
I am already fifty years old !” He died at Nertschinsk
in the year 1847; he consequently endured this per-
petual banishment for twenty years. N. S. Bobrischt-
64 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
schew Puschkin, on receiving his sentence, merely
crossed himself.
The impression this scene left on our minds was
that we were neither in a court of justice nor before
judges. The chief criminal tribunal was appointed and
confirmed on the 1st June : it consisted of members of
the Reichsrath, the Senate, and the Synod (the high
dignitaries of the church), and fifteen specially appointed
generals. The court held its sittings in the Senate
House, and indeed under the presidency of the deaf
Prince Lopuschin; the Prince Labanow Rostowsky
acted as general procurator; the above-mentioned
Shurawlew as secretary. The court, consisting of eighty
members, chose out of this body a committee, whose
duty it was to divide the criminals into categories, and
so to determine the degree of culpability of each of the
accused. In this committee sat Count P. A. Tolstoy,
Prince Wassiltschikew,” Speransky,t Count Stroganow,
Ramorowsky, Kuschnikow, Engel, Count Kuttassiow,
and the most active of all our judges, D. D. Baranow,
the same who had previously, together with Count
Benkendorff, witnessed the authenticity of our signatures
and written answers.
On our way from the Commandant’s house to our
casemates, I saw a crowd of generals, adjutants, regi-
* Later President of the Reichsrath.
f The renowned Russian, and author of the collection of laws (Iwod
Sakonow).
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION. 65
mental adjutants and footmen, who crowded round to
look at us : it was but natural that we five should con-
gratulate ourselves upon our meeting again after so long
an imprisonment, and converse gaily and cheerfully as
we went ; yet this circumstance was reported outside the
fortress (and certainly not to our advantage), as showing
“proud contempt " of our destined punishment.
I was not taken back to my cell, No. 13, but to the
casemates of the Laboratory Bulwark instead, where a
little room with a tolerably large window, whose lower
panes were whitened with chalk, was assigned to me.
On the walls I read the names of the prisoners who
had been shut up here ; of these only one, Count S. Gr.
Tschernitschew, was among the condemned. I had not
inhabited such a light room for months. I could not
sleep, and walked up and down the whole night in my
little room, which measured only nine paces in length.
After a few hours the sun disappeared from the horizon,
leaving us the clear twilight of a northern July night.
The Platz Adjutant had told me, before his departure,
that he would fetch me away early in the morning for
the execution of my sentence. I waited, expecting an
immediate departure for a Siberian fortress.
Thus dawned the 13th July. Before sunrise I was
taken to the Fortress Place, where was standing a large
square of detachments of the Paulow Regiment of Body
Guards, as well as the Garrison Artillery. From there
I was taken to the Square, where stood already some of
$)
66 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
my companions in misfortune; the remainder were
brought in by degrees. I was rejoiced at seeing my old
acquaintances again. We all embraced, and every one
sought his dearest friends. I looked in vain for Rylejew,
till I was told that he was one of the five condemned to
an ignominious death. We all confided the sentences
we had received to one another, many with bitterness
and anger, others with restrained indignation. Prince
S. G. Wolkonsky went about,' talking cheerfully;
Batenkow had a bit of stick in his mouth, and
gnawed it in his anger; Jakubowitch walked up and
down lost in thought ; Prince Obolensky had thriven
in the fortress, his cheeks were glowing; J. J. Puscht-
schin was cheerful, according to his nature, and even
made the circle round him laugh. I saw no one in
despair; even the sufferings which were mirrored on the
faces of the sick, remained voiceless. Outside the
square the General Adjutants, Benkendorff and Lewas-
chow, and a few other officers, walked restlessly up and
down. Colonel P. W. Abramow, one of the condemned,
called one officer on guard loudly by his name—the
latter, however, did not look round : Benkendorff asked
Abramow what he wanted. “I wish to give up my new
epaulettes to my brother, who will soon be colonel,” was
the quiet, dry answer. Benkendorff courteously assented,
and ordered the captain to take the epaulettes into his
charge. In this square I waited for half an hour, till
we were parted into four divisions and surrounded by
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION. 67
soldiers. In the first division were the condemned
officers of the 1st division of Guards and the General's
staff; in the second, the officers of the 2nd division of
Guards, the Sappers and Pioneers; in the third, the
officers of the army; in the fourth, the civilians. The
condemned who belonged to the Marine were sent to
Cronstadt for the execution of their sentence. In this
order, and separated by rows of soldiers, we were led
through the fortress gate on to the glacis of the Kronwerk
curtain. With their backs turned towards the “Peters-
burg Seite,” “ stood interminably long rows of troops,
from every regiment of the corps of Guards, with loaded
cannon. A gallows was now visible on the Kronwerk
rampart; I recognized the carpenters’ work which I had
seen from my casemate without then understanding its
purpose. Our two divisions were arranged at equal
distance from the two others. Near each division a
funeral pile was burning, an executioner standing by.
The General Adjutant Tschernitschew was on horse-
back: on this morning he was not rouged; his face was
pale, and he did not let his horse curvet.
A General was with each division; our former
Brigadier, G. A. Golowin, was attached to ours. We
were each called out singly, according to the order of
the categories. One by one we had to fall on our
* The side of the town lying eastward from the fortress, on the
left bank of the Neva, is called Petersburg Seite (Petersburgskaja
Storoná).
68 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
knees, whilst the executioner broke our swords over
our heads, tore off the uniforms, and threw the broken
sword and the clothes into the burning funeral pile.
I hastily stripped off my uniform when I knelt down,
before the executioner could touch me, the General
meanwhile calling out to him, “Tear it off,” but it
was already done. The Swords were filed beforehand,
so that the executioner could break them without any
great exertion of strength. The only accident that
occurred was that poor Jakubowitch, owing to the care-
lessness of the executioner, was struck on the temples,
where he had formerly been wounded by the bullet of a
Circassian. The last in our division was M. J. Puscht-
Schin, captain of the Mounted Pioneer Guards; he was
condemned to serve as a common soldier, retaining his
prerogative of nobility. In strict justice, his sword
should not have been broken over his head; he men-
tioned this to the General, who, however, ordered the
sword to be broken.
This ceremony lasted over an hour; then they made
us put on striped dressing-gowns, such as are worn in
the hospitals, and took us back to the fortress in the
order in which we had come. On the fortress glacis
there had been no one to look at us, but at the gate
a crowd pressed round. The multitude is usually
curious; this time they had not been present at the
interesting spectacle, either because it was too early, or
that they had been prevented by the police. When we
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION. 69
were taken back, the gallows on the Kronwerk rampart
was awaiting its victims, but no one was to be seen
near it ; we turned our eyes towards it, and prayed
that God would grant an easy death to our companions.
I was then taken to the Kronwerk curtain cell,
No. 14, the one in which Conrad F. Rylejew had
passed his last night on earth. I entered it, feeling as
if in a sanctuary, fell on my knees and prayed for him,
for his wife and daughter,-it was here he had written
his last letter to them. In the tin mug of the prison
was still the remains of his last draught. I put it to
my lips, to give my soul fresh courage. Repin was next
me, but double partition walls divided our little four-
cornered cell. M. A. Nasimow was placed in my former
number, 13; from thence he could see the fearful
execution on the Kronwerk rampart: the cold corpses
remained there till late in the evening, after the bright
immortal souls of those he had loved so well had for
ever fled.
The witnesses of the last moments of Paul Pestel,
Conrad Rylejew, Sergius Murajew Apostol, Michael
Bestuchew Rjumin, and Michael Kachowsky, were—
the priest of the Kazan Church, P. N. Myslowsky, the
Platz Adjutant Nicolajew, the artilleryman Sokolow, the
warder Trosimow, in the fortress; and on the place of
execution, besides these, were the Town-major A. A.
Boldynew ; the Staff Captain of the General of the
Guards staff, W. D. Wolchowsky; and some of the
70 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
fortress artillerymen. The condemned spent the last
night in the Kronwerk curtain. Pestel to the last
showed extraordinary strength of mind; no feature of
his iron face betrayed the slightest emotion. The others
also underwent their fate with manful resolution.
I am not writing the biography of my comrades and
companions in misfortune; I will, therefore, only touch
upon the last hours of their lives and the remark-
able points of their character. Paul Pestel, formerly
officer of the Chevalier Garde, and adjutant of Count
Wittgenstein, then Colonel of the Wiatka Infantry
Regiment, was, as before mentioned, one of the leaders of
_the conspiracy, and had been compiler of a Constitution
which was to have been established after the overthrow
of the existing system. On the 14th December he was
not in St. Petersburg, but was at the head of the rebels
in the South. According to the unanimous verdict of
all who knew him, he was a man of great mind, iron
character, and firm determination. He declined to be
accompanied by the Lutheran pastor, Reinbott, to the
scaffold. *
Conrad Rylejew played the chief part among the
St. Petersburg conspirators. His was a noble, enthusi-
astic, poet nature. After leaving the 1st Cadet Corps,
he entered the Horse Artillery, and then became
secretary of the American Company. In his leisure
hours he devoted himself to getting redress for the
complaints of the poor and oppressed, who, during the
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION. 71
last years of his life, incessantly crowded his ante-
TOOm,
I have already said that of his own free will he
offered himself as a victim to the rising of the 14th
December. He foresaw the probability of failure, but
wished to call out an open opposition—a public demand
by the people of their rights; being persuaded that by
This own exertions he would be able to call out followers
as soon as “a beginning was made.” He was the soul
of this unfortunate enterprise, and as far as it was
possible, took the whole responsibility of it on himself.
He entreated the Emperor and the commissioners not to
spare him, but to deal leniently with his less guilty
comrades. The published report of the inquiry com-
mission makes special mention of this circumstance. I
don’t know where Count Bludow, the editor of this
report, heard that Rylejew himself did not appear on the
Senate Place. I saw him there myself. He certainly
could not be there the whole time, for, as he was at the
head of the movement, he had to drive round to the
barracks and to all the different posts, and to look up his
adherents, who had not yet appeared at the place of
reunion. He could not undertake the command, as he
had only been a short time in the army, and had now
left' it. He therefore placed himself in the ranks.
The last night in the casemates he received per-
mission to write to his wife. He now and then interrupted
his writing, prayed, and then continued to give her his
72 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
last directions. He tried to console her, and counselled
her as to the bringing up of their only daughter. By
Sunrise the Town-major entered and told him that in
half an hour he must get up. Two warders with
chains followed. Rylejew seated himself to finish his
letter, and begged them to put the fetters on his feet
meantime. Sokolow, the warder, was astounded at the
composure and peace of mind of the man so soon to die.
After ending his letter, Rylejew ate a little bit of bread,
drank some draughts of water, gave his blessing to the
prison warder, crossed himself, and then calmly said,
“I am ready.”
Sergius Murawjew Apostol was placed in No. 12 of
the casemates on the eve of his execution. The priest
Myslowsky was so struck with his nobleness of mind
and pure, firm faith, long before this fatal hour had
dawned, that he exclaimed, “When I enter the casemate
of Sergius Ivanowitch, a reverential feeling comes over
me, as if I was entering the Holy of Holies before
Divine service.” From his earliest youth his one idea
had been the good of his fatherland. For that one object
he had worked, having studied diligently at the Ecole
Polytechnique at Paris. His whole energies were directed
to preparing a better future for Russia. The end he had
in view was so far off that he lost patience meanwhile.
In this spirit he expressed his sentiments in the
following verses written on the wall of the Kiev
cloister :—
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION. 73
Toujours rêveur et solitaire
Je passerai sur cette terre
Sans que personne m'ait connu ;
Ce n'est qu'au bout de ma carrière
Que par un grand trait de lumière
L’on verra ce qu'on a perdu.
I have already mentioned the rising of the Tchernigow
Regiment, in which he commanded a battalion as chief
lieutenant ; even to the last moment of his life he
thought of others and not of himself. Opposite him in
No. 16 was his young friend, Michael Bestuchew Rjumin:
he devoted himself to the work of consoling and en-
couraging him. The artilleryman Sokolow, and the
warders Schibajew and Trosimow, did not prevent the
condemned conversing aloud. They respected the last
moments of those appointed to death. I have always
lamented that these three simple-minded good men
were unable to repeat the last conversation of the two
friends—they only reported that they had talked of the
immortality of the soul.
Bestuchew Rjumin was only twenty-two years old :
he had served first as a noble youth in the Semenow
Regiment of Guards; but when this was abolished, he
entered the Poltawa Regiment, where he became an
officer. On account of his readiness and knowledge of
languages he was entrusted with commissions to many
Poles at Kiev, Podolia, Wolhynia, and Warsaw, which
he executed disguised and under a false name. He was
so young that it was hard for him to part with the life
74 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
upon which he had just entered; like a bird in a cage
he flung himself from side to side and tried to free
himself in every way when the fetters were put on him.
Before his departure from the casemates he took from
his bosom the picture of the Crucified (which every
Russian carries) and gave it to his prison warder
Trosimow for a remembrance. I have seen this picture
and wished to buy it, but the old soldier would not part
with it—he was in hopes of being able, after his dis-
charge, to give it to Bestuchew's sister.
Michael Kachowsky was in another division of the
Kronwerk curtain not under the charge of my warder
Sokolow ; I therefore, to my great regret, have been
unable to get any information as to the last hours of
his life. He had served in the Guards, and left them.
When we were taken back to the glacis of the fortress
the five condemned were conducted to the chapel in
chains and shrouds, and there had to listen to their own
funeral mass. The procession then went from the church
to the Kronwerk bulwark; on their way Murawjew
Apostol tried to comfort his friend Bestuchew Rjumin;
he then turned to the priest Myslowsky and expressed
his sorrow that he should be obliged to accompany the
condemned, led as thieves should be, to the place of
execution. The priest replied with the words of the
Redeemer on the Cross to the thief who was crucified
with him. As they approached the gallows the five
embraced each other; they were then placed in a row
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION. 75
on the bench, but when the noose was fastened the
bench was accidentally thrown down, and Pestel and
Rachowsky only remained hanging, while Rylejew,
Murawjew Apostol, and Bestuchew Rjumin fell upon
the bench and were hurt. Murawjew remarked with a
sigh, “They don't even understand doing this with us.”
This bitter exclamation was called forth by the violent
pain of his wounds of the 3rd January, which had not
yet healed. Turing the time that the fallen bench was
being raised, and the line and noose newly adjusted, a
few moments of inexpressible agony were passed. The
three condemned, to whom, after such an accident, their
lives would have been given under other circumstances,
employed their time in praying for a blessing on their
fatherland and a happier future for their brethren. The
corpses were left hanging for the whole day as a further
degradation. In the night they were taken down,
wrapped in Bast mats, brought in a boat to the shore
of the Chuntujew Island, and there buried in the earth.
According to some the bodies were put into a ditch in
the fortress with quicklime. Thus ended the execution
of the 13th July, 1826.
Before I conclude the relation of this sad period of
my life, it is necessary that I should add a few remarks
upon the circumstances which accompanied our condem-
nation. I must, therefore, first of all, place before my
readers two lists: one, of those who were brought before
the commission on account of the events of the 14th
76
RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
December; the other, of the punishments inflicted upon
the individuals implicated.
As these names will be
always recurring in the course of my narrative, it is
advisable to give this short statement of all those who
were either compromised or condemned, to make the
story complete :-
LIST of those MEMBERs of the SECRET SoCIETIES, who,
by order of the EMPEROR, were brought before the
Supreme Criminal Court on June 1, 1826.
|UNION OF THE NORTH.
1. Prince Sergius Trubetzkoy,
Colonel of the Preobrashensky Regi-
ment of Body Guards, Orderly Staff
Officer of the 4th Infantry Corps.
2. Conrad Rylejew, retired Sub-
Lieutenant of the Horse Artillery
Guards, Secretary of the Russo-
American Merchants’ Company.
3. Prince Eugene Obolensky,
Lieutenant of the Finland Body
Guard Regiment, the Senior Adju-
tant of the Commander of the Corps
of Guards.
4. Nikita M. Murawjew I., Cap-
tain of the General Staff of Guards.
5. Michael Kachowsky, retired
Lieutenant of Guards.
6. Prince Dmitry Tchepin Ros-
towsky, Staff Captain of the Mos-
cow Regiment of Body Guards.
7. Alexander Bestuchew II.,
Staff Officer of the Regiment of
Dragoon Guards, Adjutant of the
Duke of Würtemberg.
8. Michael Bestuchew III., Staff
Captain of the Moscow Regiment of
Body Guards.
9. Anton Arbusow, Lieutenant
of the Marines of the Guard.
10. Nicholai Bestuchew II., Cap-
tain in the Navy, Vice-Director of
Lighthouses.
11. Nicholai Panow, Lieutenant
of the Regiment of Grenadier Body
Guards.
12. Alexander Sutthoff, Lieute-
nant of the Regiment of Grenadier
Body Guards.
13. William Kuchelbecker I., Col-
lege Assessor.
14. Iwan Puschtschin I., College
Assessor.
15. Prince Alexander Odojew-
sky, Cornet of the Horse Guards.
16. Alexander Jakubowitch,
Captain of the Nishegostod Dragoon
Regiment.
17. Nicholai Zebrikow, Lieute-
nant of the Finland Regiment of
Body Guards.
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION.
77
18. Nicholai Repin, Staff Cap-
tain of the Finland Regiment of
Body Guards.
19. Alexander Murawjew, Col. of
the General Guards' Staff.
20. Iwan Jakuschkin, retired
Captain of the Semenow Regiment
of Guards.
21. Michael von Wisin, General.
22. Prince Theodor Schakow-
sky, retired Major.
23. Michael Lunin, Colonel of
the Grodno Hussar Regiment.
24. Peter Muchanow, Staff Cap-
tain of the Ismailow Regiment of
Body Guards.
25. Michael Mitkow, Colonel in
the Finland Regiment of Guards.
26. Dmitry Zawalischin, Lieute-
nant of the Navy.
27. Gawrila Batenkow, head of
Civil Engineers.
28. Baron Wladimir Steinheil,
retired Colonel.
29. Constantin Torson, Captain-
Lieutenant, senior Adjutant of the
chief of the Staff of the Fleet.
30. Prince Valerian Galitzin,
Gentleman of the Bedchamber.
31. Alexander Belajew I., Mid-
shipman of the Marines of the Guard.
32. Peter Belajew II., Midship-
man of the Marines of the Guard.
33. Diwow, Midshipman of the
Marines of the Guard.
34. Peter Bestuchew IV., Mid-
shipman of the 27th Flotten Equi-
page.
35. Peter Swistunow, Cornet of
the Chevalier Garde.
36. Iwan Annenkow, Lieutenant
of the Chevalier Garde.
37. Sergius Kriwzow, Sub-Lieu-
tenant of the Mounted Artillery of
the Guards.
38. Alexander M. Murawjew II.,
Cornet of the Chevalier Garde.
39. Michael Naryschkin, Colonel
of the Tarutino Infantry Regiment.
40. Alexander von der Bruggen,
Colonel of the Ismailow Regiment
of Guards.
41. Michael Puschtschin II.,
Captain of the Squadron of the
Pioneers of the Guard.
42. Bodisko I., Lieutenant of the
Marines of the Guard.
43. Michael Kuchelbecker II.,
Lieut. of the Marines of the Guard.
44. Mussin-Puschkin, Lieutenant
of the Marines of the Guard.
45. Anklow, Lieutenant of the
Marines of the Guard.
46., Wischnewsky, Lieutenant of
the Marines of the Guard.
47. Bodisko II., Midshipman of
the Marines of the Guard.
48. Gorsky, Councillor of State.
49. Count Peter Konownitzin,
Sub-Lieutenant of the General Staff
of Guards.
50. Orchitzky, retired Staff
Captain.
51. Koschewnikow, Sub-Lieu-
tenant of the Ismailow Regiment of
Guards.
52. Fock, Sub-Lieutenant of the
Ismailow Regiment of Guards.
53. Lappa, Sub-Lieutenant of the
| Ismailow Regiment of Guards.
78
RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
54. Michael Nasimow, Staff-
Captain of the Squadron of Pioneer
Guards.
55. Baron Andreas Rosen, Lieut.
of the Finland Regiment of Guards.
56. Michael Glebow, College Se-
cretary.
57. Andrejew II., Sub-Lieuten-
ant of the Ismailow Regiment of
Guards.
UNION OF
1. Paul Pestel, Colonel and Com-
mander of the Wiatka Regiment of
Infantry.
2. Sergius Marawjew Apostol,
Colonel of the Tschernigow Regi-
ment of Infantry.
3. Michael Bestuchew Rjumin,
Sub-Lieutenant of the Poltawa
Regiment of Infantry.
4. Matwei Murawjew Apostol,
retired Colonel.
5. Alexey Juschnewsky, General
Intendant of the 2nd Army.
6. Prince Sergius Wolkonsky,
General.
7. Wassily Dawidow, Colonel of
Hussars.
8. Prince Alexander Bariatinsky,
Captain of the Hussar Guards, Ad-
jutant of Count Wittgenstein.
9. Alexander Podgio, retired
Colonel.
10. Artamon Murawjew, Colonel
and Commander of the Achtyr
Hussar Regiment.
11. Ivan Powalo Schweikowsky,
Colonel and Commander of the
Alexopol Infantry Regiment.
58. Wladimir Tolstoy, Ensign of
the Moscow Infantry Regiment.
59. Count Zacharias Tscherni-
tschew, Captain of the Chevalier
Garde.
60. Tschichow, Lieutenant of the
2nd Flotten Equipage.
61. Nicholai Turgenjew, Confi-
dential Secretary in the Imperial
Council.
THE SOUTH.
12. Theodor Wodkowsky, Ensign
of the Jäger Cavalry regiment at
Neshin.
13. Baron Tiefenhausen, Colonel
Commander of the Poltawa Infantry
Regiment.
14. Wranitzky, Colonel on the
General’s Staff.
15. Nicholai Krjukow II., Lieu-
tenant of the General's Staff.
16. Peter Fahlenberg, Colonel on
the General's Staff, Senior Adjutant
on the Staff of the 2nd Army.
17. Nicholai Lohrer, Major of
the Wiatka Regiment.
18. Semen Krassnokutsky, Chief
|Procureur.
19. Wladimir Licharew, Sub-
Lieutenant on the General's Staff.
20. Ferdinand Wolff, Staff Sur-
geon at the head-quarters of the
2nd Army.
21. Alexander Krjukow I., Lieu-
tenant of the Chevalier Garde,
Adjutant to Count Wittgenstein.
22. Joseph Podgio I., Captain of
the Staff of Guards.
23. Paul Abramow, Colonel Com-
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION.
79
mander of the Rajau Infantry Regi-
ment.
24. Wassily Norow, Lieutenant-
Colonel.
25. Andrey Jentalzow, Colonel
Commander of the 27th Horse
Artillery.
26. Wassily Iwaschew, Captain
of the Chevalier Garde, Adjutant
of Count Wittgenstein.
27. Nicholai Basargin, Lieu-
tenant of the Jäger Regiment of
Guards, Adjutant of General Kisse-
lew, Chief of the Staff on the 2nd
Army.
28. Alexander Kornilowitch,
Captain of the General Guards’
Staff.
29. Nicholai Bobrischtschew
Puschkin, Lieutenant on the Gene-
ral’s Staff.
30. Paul Bobrischtschew Pusch-
kin II., Lieutenant of the General
Staff.
31. Zaikin, Sub-Lieutenant of
the General Guards’ Staff.
32. Iwan Awramow, Lieutenant
of the General Staff.
33. Nicholai Zagoutzky, Lieu-
tenant of the General Staff.
34. Poliwanow, retired Colonel.
35. Baron Alexey Tscherkassow,
Lieutenant on the General Staff.
36. F. Voigt, Captain of the
Asow Regiment.
37. Count Nicholai Bulgary, Lieu-
tenant of the Empress's Regiment
of Cuirassiers.
UNITED SCLAVONIANs.
1. Peter Borissow II., Sub-Lieu-
tenant of the 8th Brigade of Artil-
lery.
2. Andrew Borissow II., retired
Sub-Lieutenant of Artillery.
3. Joan Spiridow, Major of the
Pensa regiment of Infantry.
4. Iwan Gorbatschewsky, Sub-
Lieutenant of the 8th Brigade of
Artillery.
5. Wladimir Betschanow, Ensign
of the 8th Brigade of Artillery.
6. Alexander Pestow, Sub-Lieu-
tenant of the 9th Brigade of Artil-
lery.
7. Jacob Andrejewitch, Sub-
Lieutenant of the 9th Brigade of
Artillery.
8. Julian Liublinsky, Noble, land-
holder in Wolhynia.
9. Alexis Tjutschew, Captain of
the Pensa Regiment.
10. Peter Gromnitsky, Lieutenant
of the Pensa Regiment.
11. Iwan Kirejew, Ensign of the
8th Brigade of Artillery.
12. Iwan Fuhrmann, Captain of
the Tchernigow Regiment.
13. Wediniapin I., Sub-Lieu-
tenant of the 9th Artillery Brigade.
14. Wediniapin II., Ensign of
the 9th Artillery Brigade.
15. Iwan Schimkow, Ensign of
the Saratow Regiment.
16. Paul Mosgau, Sub-Lieutenant
of the Pensa Regiment.
80
RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
17. Ilja Swarrow, Commissariat
Officer.
18. Alexander Frolow, Lieu-
tenant of the Pensa Regiment.
19. Mosgalewsky, Sub-Lieutenant
of the Saratow Regiment.
20. Nicholai Lisowsky, Lieutenant
of the Pensa Regiment.
21. Paul Wigodowsky, Clerk of
the “Chancellerie.”
22. Berstel, Colonel Commander
of the 2nd Battalion of the 9th
Artillery Brigade.
23. Schachirew, Lieut.
Tchernigow Regiment.
of the
There were thus brought up before the Criminal
Court :—
From the Union of the North
From the Union of the South
From the United Sclavonians
61
Total..............
The names of some of my comrades are not given
heré, for I was not personally acquainted with them,
and have not been able to obtain correct information
about them. I lived for six years at Tschita and
Petrowski with eighty-five of them ; I met twenty of
them in my settlement and in the Caucasus; there are
but sixteen of the number whom I have never seen again.
STATEMENT of the CRIMINAL CATEGORIES, and the De-
cisions given by the highest Court of Justice, upon
the condemned State Criminals (July 10, 1826).
Sentence : To be quartered.
Sentence Commuted by Supreme
Names of the Condemned. Decree of July 11.
. Paul Pestel.
. Sub-Lieutenant Rylejew.
. Col. Sergius Murawjew Apostol.
. Sub-Lieut. Bestuchew Rjumin.
. Lieutenant Kachowsky.
To be hung.
:
THE SENTENCE AND "ITS EXECUTION.
81
FIRST CATEGORY.—Sentence : The whole Category of these Criminals
to be beheaded.
Names of the Condemned.
Sentence as commuted by Supreme
Decree of July 11.
1. Colonel Prince Trubetzkoy.
:
.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
. Lieut. Prince Obolensky.
. Colonel Mathias
Murawjew
Apostol.
. Sub.-Lieut. Borissow II.
. Sub-Lieut. Borissow I.
. Sub-Lieut. Gorbatchewsky.
. Major Spiridow.
. Captain Prince Bariatinsky.
. College
Assessor Kuchel-
becker I.
Captain Jakubowitch.
Lieut.-Col. Podgio II.
Colonel Artamon Murawjew.
Ensign Wodkowsky.
Ensign Betschanow.
Colonel Dawidow.
Juschnewsky (4th Class).
Staff Captain Alex. Bestu-
chew II.
Sub.-Lieut. Andrejewitch.
Capt. Nikita Murawjew I.
College Assessor Puschtschin.
General Prince Wolkonsky.
Captain Jakuschkin.
Sub-Lieut. Pestow.
Lieutenant Arbusow.
Lieutenant Zawalischin.
Col. Powalo Schweikowsky.
Lieutenant Panow.
Lieutenant Sutthoff.
Staff Captain Tchepin Ros-
towsky.
Midshipman Diwow.
Councillor N. Turgenjew.
To have life given to them, with
banishment and perpetual forced
labour.
Those mentioned below to have
20 years' forced labour, instead of
forced labour for life :
Mathias Murawjew Apostol.
Kuchelbecker I.
Alexander Bestuchew II.
Nikita Murawjew I.
Prince Wolkonsky.
Jakuschkin.
These commutations were the re-
sult of various circumstances, viz.
the intercession of the Grand Duke
Michael, full confession, or in con-
sideration of repentance.
82
RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
SECOND CATEGORY.—Sentence : To lay their heads on the scaffold,
and to be condemned to civil death, and lifelong forced labour.
Names of the Condemned.
Sentence as commuted by Supreme
Decree of July 11.
:
. Colonel Mitkow.
. Captain Tjutschew.
. Lieutenant Gromnitzky.
. Ensign Kirejew.
. Lieutenant Krjukow II.
. Colonel Lunin.
." Cornet Swistunow.
Lieutenant Krjukow I.
9. Lieutenant Basargin.
10. Lieutenant Annenkow.
11. Staff-Surgeon Wolff.
12. Captain Iwaschew.
13. Sub-Lieut. Frolow.
14. Colonel Norow.
15. Captain-Lieut. Torson.
16. Capt.-Lieut. N. Bestuchew I.
17. Staff Capt. M. Bestuchew II.
To be condemned to 20 years’
forced labour, with the exception of
Colonel Norow, who was condemned
to 15 years. The sentence of per-
petual forced labour was not com-
muted for N. and M. Bestuchew.
THIRD CATEGORY..—Sentence: Forced labour for life.
1. Colonel Baron Steinheil.
2.
Colonel Batenkow.
Forced labour for 20 years.
FourTH CATEGORY..—Sentence : Forced labour for 15 years, and then
to settle in Siberia.
. Staff Captain Muchanow.
. General von Wisin.
. Staff Captain Podgio I.
. Colonel Fahlenberg.
. Swarrow (10th Classe).
. Sub.-Lieut. Mosgau.
. Staff-Captain Kornilowitch.
. Major Lohrer.
. Colonel Abramow.
Twelve years’ forced labour, and then
Settlement in Siberia.
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION.
83
Sentence as commuted by Supreme
Decree of July 11.
Twelve years’ forced labour, and then
settlement in Siberia.
Repin and Kuchelbecker to eight
years’ forced labour. Bodisko, on
account of his youth, to labour at
the forts. The sentences of Glebow
and Baron Rosen were not com-
muted.
Murawjew to be banished, with-
out loss of rank or nobility. Liu-
blinsky to five years' forced labour,
and then settlement.
Names of the Condemned.
e---
10. Lieut. Bobrischtschew Pusch-
kin II.
Ensign Schimkow.
Count Alex. Murawjew II.
Midshipman Belajew I.
Midshipman Belajew II.
Colonel Naryschkin.
Cornet Prince Odojewsky.
3 1.
12.
13.
14,
15.
l6.
FIFTH CATEGORY.—Sentence : Forced labour for ten years, and after
that settlement in Siberia.
1. Staff Captain Repin.
2. College Secretary Glebow.
3. Eieutenant Baron Rosen.
4. Lieutenant Kuchelbecker II.
5. Midshipman Bodisko.
SIXTH CATEGORY.—Sentence: Forced labour for six years, after that
settlement in Siberia.
1. Colonel Alexander Murawjew.
2. Liublinsky, Landed Proprietor.
SEVENTH CATEGORY..—Sentence : Forced labour for five years, and
then settlement in Siberia.
. Sub-Lieutenant Licharew.
. Colonel Jentalzow.
. Lieutenant Lisowsky.
. Colonel von Tiefenhausen.
. Sub-Lieutenant Kriwzow.
. Ensign Tolstoy.
. Captain Count Tschernitschew.
. Lieutenant Awramow.
. Lieutenant Zagoutzky.
Two years’ forced labour, and
after that, settlement. Berstel and
Count Bulgary to two years' work
at the forts.
84
RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERTA,
*-*m-...--
Names of the Condemned.
Sentence as commuted by Supreme
Decree of July 11.
10.
ll.
12.
13.
14.
15.
Colonel Poliwanow.
Lieutenant Baron Tscherkassow
Lieutenant Count Bulgary.
Chancellor Wigadowsky.
Colonel Berstel.
Colonel von der Bruggen.
Two years’ forced labour, and
after that, settlement. Berstel and
Count Bulgary to two years’ work
at the forts.
EIGHTH CATEGORY.—Sentence: To be settled in Siberia, with loss of
rank and mobility.
:
6
10.
11.
I2.
13.
14.
15.
. Sub-Lieutenant Andrejew II.
. Sub-Lieutenant Wediniapin I.
. Councillor Krassnokutsky.
. Lieutenant Tschichow.
. Gentleman of the Bedchamber,
Prince Galitzin.
. Staff-Captain Nasimow.
. Lieutenant Bobrischtschew
Puschkin.
. Sub-Lieutenant Zaikin.
. Captain Fuhrmann.
Major Prince Schakowsky.
Captain Voigt.
Sub-Lieutenant Mosgalewsky.
Lieutenant Schachirew.
Colonel Wranitzky.
Lieutenant Bodisko I.
No change of sentence.
Bodisko I. to be degraded to the
rank of common sailor.
NINTH CATEGORY..—Sentence: To be sent to Siberia, with loss of rank
and mobility.
1.
Sub-Lieutenant Count Konow-
nitzin.
2.
3.
Staff-Captain Orchitzky.
Sub-Lieutenant Koschewnikow.
To be sent to the distant garri-
Sons as soldiers.
THE SENTENCE AND ITS EXECUTION. 85
TENTH CATEGORY..—Sentence : With loss of rank and nobility, to be
degraded to a common soldier, but with prospect of advancement.
Sentence as commuted by Supreme
Name of the Condemned. Decree of July 11.
1. Captain Puschtschin II. To be sent as a soldier to the
..& Caucasian army.
ELEVENTH CATEGORY..—Sentence: To be degraded to common soldiers,
with loss of rank and prospects of advancement.
1. Midshipman Bestuchew IV. To be sent to distant garrisons.
2. Ensign Wediniapin. Zebrikow, who had gone over to
3. Lieutenant Wischnewsky. the rebels, in the sight of his whole
4. Lieutenant Mussin-Puschkin. regiment, received an increase of
5. Lieutenant Anklow. punishment: he lost his rank of
6. Ensign Fock. noble, and was degraded, without
7. Lieutenant Zebrikow. prospect of advancement.
8. Sub-Lieutenant Lappa.
Every reader must be struck by the inconsistent and
arbitrary manner in which the divisions into categories
were made. There was a difference between the sentences
originally passed in the first and second categories, but
when they came to be carried into effect there was
virtually none. In the original sentence some of the
accused were said to have recanted, yet they were
punished equally with those who adhered to their
former opinions. Many of the accused were condemned
for their intention of attempting the Emperor's life,
though mention is actually made in the sentences of
their having given up the intention. The accusation
against Michael Nasimow was, that he had taken part
in the rising, merely because he had received a comrade
86 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN TSIBERIA.
into the secret society. Some were condemned for
“bold * ways of speaking in their private conversations.
The pardons were granted in the same arbitrary manner:
they seemed in many cases to be the result of pure
accident, and no motive whatever could be assigned for
them. For instance, how unaccountable was the judg-
.ment passed upon Lieut. Zebrikow, whose name was
notwithstanding paraded among the pardoned. I must
mention in conclusion that when the foreign ambassadors
came to Moscow for the coronation of the Emperor
Nicholas, the representatives of England and France
(the Duke of Wellington and Marshal Mortier) inter-
ceded, according to their special instructions, for the
mitigation of the sentences. Karamsin also remarked
to the Emperor that the individuals should hardly be
condemned for crimes which ought rather to be called
mistakes arising from the opinions of the age. The
Emperor is reported to have replied to the Duke of
Wellington, “I shall astonish Europe by my clemency.
( 87 )
CHAPTER IV.
THE JOURNEY TO SIBERIA.
THE verdict was no sooner given than the deportation
of the condemned to Siberia began. I don’t know for
what reason those who were condemned to forced labour
were, contrary to the usual custom, put in irons for the
journey. Such aggravated punishment was in general
reserved for those individuals who, either through
fresh offences or attempts to escape, had incurred a
heavier penalty. As those who were condemned
for this rising were always guarded by a gendarme, and
were transported with post-horses to Siberia in gangs
of four, accompanied by a Feldjäger and a guard of
gendarmes, escape was totally out of the question. It
was an exceptional measure when we travelled post, the
reasons for which were much questioned. Some thought
it might be to spare us the long march ; others, that it
was to secure us from the rage of the people. Many
were of opinion that it was to prevent the chance of our
spreading revolutionary ideas, and that, therefore, the
88 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
quickest means of transport was chosen. Eight-persons
of the above-mentioned eleven criminal categories
were despatched at once to the quicksilver mines of
Nertschinsk: Prince G. P. Trubetzkoy, Prince E. P.
Obolensky, Prince S. G. Wolkonsky, B. L. Dawidow,
A. Z. Murawjew, A. J. Jakubowitch, and the two
brothers J. A. and P. J. Borissow; they worked for
long years under ground in the mines, like the other
forced labourers. }
The whole category of those condemned to banish-
ment in Siberia followed these eight, who were the most
deeply implicated.
The men were despatched by fours. Theirs was an
especially hard fate, as they were settled each one by
himself in the northernmost region of Siberia, between
Obdorsk and Kolymsk, in a country where the earth
will not even bring forth grain. Here they remained
above a year, and were then moved southward between
Beresow and Yakoutsk. They were at first quite alone,
not a friendly voice, not a ray of sun to cheer and warm
them ; as might have been expected, such a life drove
some of them mad, while others gave themselves up to
despair, which soon put an end to their miserable
existence. Prince Schachowsky and N. S. Bobrischtschew
Puschkin were among the former, while Fuhrmann and
Schachirew fell victims to the latter within two years.
M. A. Nasimow lived a year in Nishni Kolymsk, where
he was brought a part of the way on a pack-horse and
THE JOURNEY TO SIBERIA. 89
part on a little sledge drawn by dogs. His night
quarters on this journey must often have been in the
open air, Snow all around and thirty degrees (Reaumur)
6f cold. Nishni Kolymsk is the place at which, in the
reign of the Empress Elizabeth Petrowna, the former
Minister (Count Golowkin) lived an exile. A local
report relates that the sick and aged man was forced to go
to church on feast days, that he might hear, after the end
of the liturgy, the priest pronounce the anathema over
him. The next category of conspirators despatched
included those who were degraded to the rank of
common soldiers, and as such must pass their whole
lives in Siberia: these were disposed of in various little
fortresses and castles in Siberia, and subsequently were
transported to the mountains of the Caucasus. In
August the expediting of the State criminals ceased
for a few months, for it was not considered advisable
to unite all those condemned to forced labour in
Nertschinsk or in any other mine, for a rising was
feared in the larger mines; this precaution was not super-
fluous, as the occurrences since then at Nertschinsk
have shown.
In August, 1826, shortly before the coronation of
the Emperor Nicholas, the commandant of the Sewersky
Regiment of Jäger Cavalry, Colonel Leparsky, was
named commandant of the Nertschinsk Mine. He was
ordered to find out some place on the other side of
Lake Baikal which would be suitable for the erection
90 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
of a temporary prison, to be used until another
place should be determined on for the building of a
strong prison or house of correction. Leparsky set out
at once, and chose the Siberian fortress Tschita, be-
tween Nishni Udinsk and Nertschinsk, situated about
400 wersts * distant from the latter town. In expecta-
tion of his report and decision, the departure of the fifth
(my) category was delayed.
In order to relieve the over full fortress of St.
Petersburg, some of the condemned, after many months,
were removed to Schlüsselburg, others to the prisons of
Finland and the Island, of Aland; the others remained
in the casemates, where the supervision was relaxed
after the verdict. The alleviations in which we were to
share consisted in our being taken one by one, in order,
into a vestibule, where doors and windows were opened,
and we could inhale the fresh air daily for about twenty
minutes. Besides this, we were taken every ten or
fourteen days into the fortress, to walk on the ramparts.
These measures were of pressing necessity: the pale
yellow faces of most of the prisoners testified to the
poisonous effect of the impure and damp air of the
prison. I suffered from scurvy; my gums were swollen
and quite white. A third very important alleviation
consisted in the permission to receive books. I read all
Walter Scott's novels with the greatest delight; the
hours passed so quickly that often I did not hear the
* Werst is about five furlongs.
THE JOURNEY TO SIBERIA. 91
sound of the fortress clock. Through Sokolow I shared
my books with a fellow-prisoner. I sómetimes devoured
four volumes in a day; and spent those hours, not in
the fortress, but in Kenilworth Castle, in the cloister,
in a Scotch inn, in the palaces of Louis XI., Edward,
and Elizabeth. When evening came, I rejoiced in the
thought of the next morning when I should begin a new
book. I could only manage light reading; grave and
learned books would have been out of the question, with
the expectation of a speedy departure for Siberia con-
tinually before me. I should have liked some books
upon Siberia, but at that time few had been written
about that country. With the exception of the travels
of Pallas, Martynow, Martus, and some persons who
had accompanied a mission through Kiatchta to China,
no written information was to be had. Most of these
accounts were, as we afterwards found out, incomplete
and full of faults. Those of my fellow-prisoners who
had no relations in St. Petersburg, received books from
the fortress library, Cook's Voyages, the History of
Abbé Laporte, and old Russian newspapers. A comrade
Once sent me a newspaper of 1776, which contained an
article on North America, in which “the shameful rebel,
General Washington,” was continually spoken of.
A week after the sentence had been given, a relation
and brother officer received permission to see me and
take leave. Our meeting took place in the Comman-
dant's residence, and in the presence of the Platz Adju-
92 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
tant. On the 25th July, my wife obtained leave to let
me see her new-born son at the Commandant's house;
although in tears, she was composed and firm. My
son, six weeks old, lay on the Commandant’s sofa ; his
blue eyes and the smiles round his mouth seemed to
bring us messages of comfort. My wife inquired about
the time and place of our reunion. I efitreated her not
to follow me at once to Siberia, but to wait till our boy
could run alone, and I could give her some information
about my new place of residence. She gave me, with
her blessing, the picture of the Blessed Virgin. I
observed something adhering to the reverse side ; it
was a thousand roubles in bank-notes. I sent back the
money, for it was unnecessary. I asked to have instead
a large cloak of grey cloth, lined with wax-cloth. This
article of dress was of the greatest use to me afterwards
in the rain and cold I had to endure. I also begged
my wife to visit the widow and daughter of Rylejew, and
not to forget them in their great sorrow.
The hour fixed for our interview was soon at an end.
We parted in the firm hope of reunion; it mattered
little when and where, so that we met at last.
I then returned with hasty steps to my casemate ;
the verdure, the flowers, passed unheeded before me.
The air was thick with the smoke of the burning woods
over a large extent of country. The sun shone out like
a fiery disk. The departure of my comrades destined
for settlement and military service in Siberia continued
THE JOURNEY TO SIBERIA. 93
in the meanwhile incessantly. Every third day four
men and no more were despatched, so as not by their
numbers to delay the course of the post. We were per-
mitted, when September came, to see our relations for
one hour in the week, till our departure. My wife
visited me every Wednesday, my brothers also some-
times came, one of them from Esthonia. My youngest
brother, a cadet in the first Cadet Corps, also came ; he
wept bitterly, and deeply regretted among other things
that by my condemnation I had lost the privilege of ever
earning the cross of St. George. He further told me
that the cadets were proud of finding many names of
former pupils of the institute among those condemned,
and pitied me that I had not shared the same honour-
able fate as Rylejew.
I passed in this manner seven months, in daily
expectation of my departure to Siberia. A whole year
of imprisonment in the casemates was already gone by,
and I must still wait ! In the winter, the vacant cells
in the prison were filled with Poles who had known of
the secret society in Russia; these Poles knew so well
how to conduct their affairs and to conceal the holding
of the Polish revolutionary meetings, that only a few,
Count Moschinsky, Kryschanowsky, and Janusch
Rewitsch, were banished to Siberia. Opposite my cell
a Colonel Worzel had taken the place of Bobrischtschew
Puschkin I. He was not yet acquainted with the
fate of the remainder of those condemned, as he had
94 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
spent many months in another fortress; he inquired
of me about his neighbours incarcerated opposite, and
his old acquaintances, his questions being disguised by
singing in French : he named Pestel, S. Murawjew, and
Wolkonsky. I replied to him by singing, “ Pendu,
pendu, exilé à Nertschinsk.” After the beginning of
the new year, 1827, the departures recommenced. My
valise was already prepared. My brother-in-law had
come to St. Petersburg and had brought reindeer skins,
out of which my wife had made me an overcoat ; the
hair was turned outside, the coat was wadded inside
with silk. This dress was light, warm, and comfortable.
As I had another fur besides, I could defy the cold on
the journey. The 3rd of February, my wife's féte day,
was the day of our last meeting in the fortress and our
parting. I was to start on the morrow. I knew it
beforehand, for on that day M. M. Naryschkin, Lohrer,
and the two brothers Belajew were despatched, and after
these it must come to my turn. I prepared my wife for
it, repeating my wish that she would not follow me till
my son could walk and had cut his teeth; we did not
then know that the wives of the condemned were not
allowed to take their children with them. I was not
without grounds of consolation. I represented to my
wife how necessary it was for my health that I should
breathe fresh air again ; that the one hour of our meet-
ing in the week would not be a pleasure to her if con-
tinued, for she must observe how rapidly my imprison-
THE JOURNEY TO SIBERIA. 95
ment was undermining my health. Since the beginning
of winter our walks had entirely ceased ; the miserable
lamp scarcely allowed us light enough to read from one
minute to another; the air in the prison, bad enough
before, was rendered even more intolerable by the care-
lessness of the warders, who now and then let an old
glove or greasy rag burn in the iron stove. I felt my
strength day by day decreasing. I said as much as I
could to my wife in the presence of the Platz Adjutant;
for the second time I declined to take money secretly
with me; we were each of us permitted to take ninety-
five rouble bank assignats with us, which, however, had
to be given over to the charge of our guard. Then came
the moment for our long, sad farewell; my wife gave me
a little wooden cross from Jerusalem, which had reposed
on her breast and that of my baby-boy. I could not see
him to bid him good-by, as he was ill; the Platz
Adjutant, Nicolajew, would have prolonged our inter-
view, but this would not have lightened our final
separation.
On the 5th February, the Platz Adjutant stayed
sitting on my bed longer than usual, and told me that
he would fetch me away that night for my journey (the
departure of the prisoners takes place in winter about
midnight). I had time to prepare—that is, I com-
mended myself and all dear to me to the all-loving
Almighty Father. The clock struck eleven ; the tune
of “God save the King” again sounded in my ears. I
96 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
was glad to have heard it for the last time. Sokolow
then hastily unbolted the door. I was able to embrace
him before the Platz Adjutant entered and took me to
the Commandant. Five sledges were waiting at the
steps of the Commandant’s house. N. P. Repin,
M. N. Glebow, and M. K. Kuchelbecker followed me to
the Commandant's. We embraced each other. I had
served in the army with the former; with the latter
I had only made acquaintance on the day of execution.
We each had our own warm clothing. In the same
room stood the Town-major, two Platz Adjutants, a
Feldjäger, and the well-known doctor in the frock-coat,
leaning against the stove. On the chimney-piece I
caught sight of some medicine-glasses. Nicolajew told
me that the doctor had to attend at each start in order
to render assistance in case of fainting or illness. As
far as we were concerned, he was a mere spectator. Our
short conversation was interrupted by the entrance of
the Commandant Sukin. An artilleryman followed,
holding up the ends of his cloak mysteriously gathered
in his hands. The Commandant explained to us that,
according to supreme command, he had to despatch us
to Siberia, and, he was grieved to say, in chains. At
these last words the artilleryman let fall the ends of his
cloak, and the chains destined for us rattled on the floor.
The Commandant then withdrew, and the rings were
clasped round our ankles, fastened with a lock, and the
keys given to the Feldjäger who was to accompany us.
THE JOURNEY TO SIBERIA. 97
After this we went out; it was not easy to descend with
the chains on. I held firmly by the rail, but one of my
comrades stumbled and nearly fell. The Town-major
then brought in some red cords which had served to tie
up quills: one end of the cord was attached to a ring
which united the bars and links of the iron chains; the
other was fastened to the girdle, in order to enable us
to move quickly and take steps of half an ell in length.
There were gendarmes waiting at the steps to place
us each on a sledge; and thus began our journey of
6,600 wersts (4,125 English miles). The moon and
glittering stars lighted us on our way: we passed over
the Neva at a slow trot. My eyes were fixed on Wassily
Ostrow ; I knew my wife was now praying for me.
“Il n'y a rien de plus beau dans le monde que le ciel
étoilé, et le sentiment de devoir dans le coeur de
l'homme,” she had once said to my father. We reached
the opposite bank of the Neva near the Marble Palace,
turned into the Liteinaya, down the officers' street by
the Newsky Perspective Avenue, then past the Alex-
ander Newsky Convent to the Schlüsselburg Gate. But
few houses were lighted up ; the streets were deserted;
we could only hear the occasional call of the street
watch as they walked to and fro, halberd in hand, or met
now and then a guest returning late from some convivial
entertainment ; it was just then the “Butter week.” “
* As is well known, the carnival week is called in Russian, “Butter
week” (Maszliniza).
7
98 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
We halted at the bar—the Feldjäger entered the
guardroom ; the postilions meantime loosed the tongues
of the post-bells, the sentry raised the bar, and the
spirited horses dashed on. The cold, without a breath
of wind, refreshed us ; the postilions drove very fast,
continually calling out to the horses, “ Carnival hi!
hi!” The first station was reached in an hour. It took
but a few moments for other sledges to be put to, for
the days appointed for the departure were known before-
hand at all the post-stations. After a few minutes we
were in another sledge ; good-natured postilions wrapped
our feet carefully in dry hay to protect them from frost-
bite, and we were off again on our ceaseless course. At
the two first stations some of us found friends and
relations who were waiting to bid the exiles once more
farewell. The priest Myslowsky had, with his usual
kindness, taken pains to find out the day of our depar-
ture. We then hastened on. I observed, with increas-
ing anxiety, that we were approaching the fortress of
Schlüsselburg. I dreaded lest we also should be shut up
within its walls, knowing that some of our comrades
had been imprisoned there for a long time after the
execution of the sentence, and to be left confined in
a fortress appeared to me more terrible than any
other fate.
We came to the cross-roads, where one turns left
to the fortress and the other right to the village, beyond
which is the station. My heart beat faster and faster,
THE JOURNEY TO SIBERIA. 99
till our sledges turned down the road to the village and
all danger of the fortress was passed. The horses were
quickly changed; as we galloped on we could barely
distinguish the walls of the fortress, where Russian
soldiers had once given a famous proof of their bravery.
Peter wishing to snatch away the Schlüsselburg from
the Swedes, had caused the fortress to be stormed, but
during the storming it was found that the scaling-
ladders were too short, and seeing the impossibility of
success, he ordered the assault to be discontinued.
“Tell the Emperor,” replied Prince Galitzin, the
leader, when he received the command, “that I now do
not belong to him, but to God alone : forward, my
children.” Galitzin mounted on to the shoulders of
one of his men who stood on the highest step of the
ladder, and in this way was the first to spring upon the
rampart ; the others followed him, and the fortress was
taken.
During the Carnival we travelled through the towns
of Tichwin, Ustinqua, and Molaga. Wherever we dined
and supped we found Shrove Tuesday pancakes and
sturgeon soup all ready. After a journey of many days
we arrived at night at Rybinsk, where, for the first time
since we started, we were to rest for some hours. There
were only two rooms at the station ; in the first there
was nothing but tables and chairs; the second, with
sofas and beds, was already occupied by travellers.
Overcome by exhaustion, we had lain down on the floor,
100 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
when a man in an admiral's uniform, decorated with
the St. George's cross, entered, followed by two sleepy
youths, each carrying a pillow and a bundle. We
apologized for disturbing the gentlemen in their repose
by the clanking of our fetters. “I beg you, gentlemen,”
said the admiral politely, “to change rooms with me;
my room is warmer : you will rest better there than here.
Your way is long, mine is only to St. Petersburg.”
Our unknown friend was travelling to the capital, to
take his son to the Cadet Corps; here he gave him a
good lesson of courtesy. After a short rest we went on
again. On Sunday morning we at last reached Jaros-
law. While the table was being laid at the hotel on the
market-place, where we changed horses, I heard a
cautious knock at the door of the room, and a soft
voice asked, “Is J. D. Jakuschkin here ? where is he 2
when does he come 2 ” It was the wife of the con-
demned Jakuschkin, accompanied by her mother, N. N.
Schermetjew.” These questions I could not answer. I
only knew that Jakuschkin had long before been re-
moved from the fortress at St. Petersburg to another
in Finland. These two ladies, brought up in the
greatest-comfort and luxury, had lived for months in
this miserable inn, awaiting Jakuschkin's arrival, and
he was not sent to Siberia till the following summer.
While we were eating, the people assembked on the
* The Counts Schermetjew belong to the richest and noblest families
in Russia.
THE JOURNEY TO SIBERIA. 101
Place outside ; in a quarter of an hour the whole Place
was packed so close with human beings that if an apple
had been thrown down from above it could not have fallen
on the snow without hitting a head or shoulder. Our
sledges stood ready in the inner court ; the gates were
shut ; on the outside were two gendarmes with drawn
Swords. In the passage, Madame de Jakuschkin and
her mother wished us a prosperous journey. When
we descended the steps the Feldjäger ordered that his
sledge should drive on, and that the gendarmes
should follow ; instantly we took our places: the guard
had hardly opened the doors when, swift as an arrow,
we shot across the Place—the dense crowd of people
standing on each side. I had barely time to put my hand
up to salute, when every hat flew off, and we were
respectfully greeted on all sides, not a trace of “the
people's rage '' to be seen. In a few moments we had
passed the Volga, and now travelled along the left bank.
We sped on incessantly like Feldjäger, day and night:
sleeping in the sledge was almost impossible; passing
the night encumbered with fetters and clothes was not
comfortable either: we could only snatch a few moments’
sleep while the horses were being put to ; the rapidity
of this journey became hourly more and more unbearable.
Rostrowa, Makajew, Kotoluitsch, Walga, Glasow, Perin,
Kungur, Katherinburg and Tjumen passed like appari-
tions before our eyes. We spent the night at Glasow,
and here for the first time our fetters were removed
102 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
for a moment, while we changed our linen. When we
had reached this distance from the capital of European
Russia, we began to learn the peculiar practices of the
Feldjäger who accompanied us, and how admirably he
understood how to fill his purse. From Tichwin he
allowed four sledges only to be harnessed ; he invited
me to sit in his sledge with him, placed my gen-
darmes in the sledges following, and thus the posting-
money for the three horses which should have drawn
the fifth sledge, for full three thousand wersts, went
into his pocket. This one might not have objected to,
for no one suffered by it, neither postmaster, postilion,
or post-horses, for three horses could easily draw one
prisoner and two gendarmes; neither was the Crown
defrauded, as a fixed sum was paid for which the Feld-
jäger had to convey us to a given place. But he was
not content with this profit; as soon as the horses
were put to, he asked the postmaster in a loud voice,
“How much have I to pay you for posting-money?”
If he demanded only the half of the lawful amount, he
quietly ordered that the Feldjäger's sledge should follow
the gendarmes, who should go first with the prisoners.
We then went at a full trot; he slept, or pretended to
sleep, quietly by my side, and so we drove on merrily.
But it was quite another affair when the postmaster
demanded the full sum due to him ; then the voice of
the Feldjäger thundered forth, “My team of three goes
first ; gendarmes take care not to lag behind.” Then
THE JOURNEY TO SIBERIA. 103
began a wild race with the intention of ruining the
unfortunate horses. The Feldjäger was always striking
the postilion with his sword, while he shouted, “For-
ward, forward you ought to drive nothing but corpses
at this place—certainly not Feldjäger l’’ and by his
threats and oaths he urged the postilion on to such a
mad speed that I was obliged to cover my mouth and
nose with the sleeve of my fur-coat–the rapid passing
through the bitter cold air completely took away my
breath. By tricks like these the dishonest, covetous
man brought things to such a pass that on our way to
Tobolsk only, seven horses fell dead to the ground. He
hoped in this way to force the postmaster to a partial
abatement of the posting-money. I remonstrated and
scolded in vain. I could often scarcely contain myself
when I saw the postilion thus losing his best and
most spirited horses, and sobbing as he had to cut the
traces. I asked the Feldjäger to give him a bond at
the next station, by which the proprietor might receive
twenty silver roubles indemnification (though the horse
was well worth forty roubles). “Oh, nonsense,” cried
the Feldjäger; “how can you intercede for a cheat and
vaurien, who has purposely put in a sick horse ? it is
an old trick of these canaille,” and so he put an
end to the matter. However, when we reached the
stations kept by Tartars, and which became more
numerous the other side of Tjumen, the power of the
Feldjäger was at an end; they demanded the sum of
104 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
money in full, and drove so quickly that he could say
nothing to the drivers. When he approached a station
the drivers lifted us out of the sledge at once, so as not
to keep the horses standing, and then led them round
and round for an hour to get cool. With mischievous
joy and Smiles we looked at the Feldjäger; the postilions
were active, and up to the business, their horses swift
and light as the wind.
We arrived at the house of the police-master at
Tobolsk on the morning of the 22nd February. A
police officer came out and requested us not to descend
from the sledge, but to drive to the police-house. This
courteous reception surprised us; it was a striking con-
trast to the usual billet. We had a room in the police
lockup assigned to us. Meanwhile our post-sledge was
waiting ; our valises had not been taken out. We had
travelled so quick that we had overtaken our comrades,
who had started from St. Petersburg two days earlier.
We were detained at the police-station till they were
sent off, and were then conducted to the residence of the
police-master, Alexejew, where we rested for two days
in his guest-room, and were unusually well treated, by
command of the civil governor, Bantysch Kamcasky.
At breakfast we had served for us alone twelve different.
kinds of fish, in which the rivers of Siberia abound.
We greatly needed this repose, and enjoyed it to the full.
On the morning of the third day we were obliged to
continue our journey. An assessor of the Kurgan.
THE JOURNEY TO SIBERIA. 105
district court of justice, Z. M. Gerassimow, accompanied
us in the place of the Feldjäger, and our posters were
changed for farm-horses. Before our departure from
Tobolsk we were taken to the civil governor, who
received us politely, and kindly inquired how our health
had borne the imprisonment in the fortress and the long
journey. He then bowed his adieus, saying to our
attendants, “These are your prisoners; but you will
not forget that you have to do with gentlemen’’ (liter-
ally, well-born people).
We were now travelling along the great high-road
which traverses Siberia diagonally. Everything was
arranged with a view to the transport of criminals; every
posting place was at the same time a military station.
The district south of this great road is the most thickly
peopled in the whole country, though the population is
so small that the towns are from 100 to 400 wersts
distant from each other. At Tara we could not avail
ourselves of the hospitality of the police-master,
Stepanow, a Caucasian warrior of Jermolow's time, as
we did not spend a night in that town. Some of our
comrades, whom we afterwards met, could not sufficiently
praise the generosity of this man, who was even found
fault with on account of his humanity. He vindicated
himself by saying he had only followed the precepts of
Christian love. The farm-horses were always changed
in the court of the public court-house, where we some-
times found the authorities at their work, and could not
106 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
but admire the straightforward and rapid manner in
which the business of the commune was despatched,
and the healthy tone of the Russian peasants' mind.
We passed our nights in the clean cottages of these
peasants, who received us cordially, and declined all
payment. Of Siberia and its inhabitants I shall be
able to say more on the occasion of my return journey,
as I then travelled in the summer ; and this hasty
winter trajet gave me no opportunity of making myself
acquainted with either people or country. I will, there-
fore, merely give one instance of the charitable disposi-
tion of the Siberians. On certain days, and at fixed
spots on our way, we saw a crowd of peasants standing
by the roadside under the open heavens. It was the
custom for the villagers living near the great road to
assemble and await the passing of the “unfortunates "
(so they called those exiled and banished to Siberia), in
order to sell them food, warm stockings, &c.; to the
poorer among us they were always given. This took
place twice a week, when the prisoners were going from
one military station to another, and the villagers took it
in regular rotation. I was told that this Christian
custom had existed from very old times. They received
us kindly everywhere, from Tobolsk to Tschita ; warm
wraps were fastened over our open sledges, our feet
carefully packed round with hay, and blessings were
showered on our heads.
Our way led through the towns of Tara, Kanisk,
THE JOURNEY TO SIBERIA. 107
Rolhyvay, Tomsk, Atchinsk, Krasnojarsk, Kansk,
Nishni Udinsk, Irkutsk, nine towns in a stretch of 3,000
wersts (about 1,875 English miles). From Krasnojarsk
we were put upon wheels, and drove on thus for several
stations. The undulating hills of yellowish red chalk
had thrown off the snow, and the road was already
beginning to be dusty. The chief street of Krasnojarsk
consisted of well-built stone houses, many of them two
stories in height; we stopped at the police-office in the
market-place, where several of the inhabitants disputed
the honour of lodging us. At last an old man begged
the police-master to let him take us into his house: he
was a merchant named Stargow. He gave us his best
room, lodged us luxuriously, and, according to Russian
custom, had a refreshing bath prepared for us. When
we entered his house he presented us his sons and
daughters-in-law, and we had some agreeable conversa-
tion about the country before us, to us as yet unknown.
I congratulated myself on my good fortune in being
quartered here, particularly as I was in hopes of now
getting to the bottom of a mystery which had long
tormented us ; all my questions were, however, in vain.
Stargow merely said he knew nothing about it. The
case was this, that the whole way from Tjumen the
postilions and peasants had everywhere asked us if we
had seen Afanaffy Petrowitch. They then said that
Alexejew, the police-master from Tobolsk, and Stargow,
the merchant of Krasnojarsk, had accompanied this
108 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
man with great deference to St. Petersburg, that he had
remained one day in Tobolsk, and had recognized the
Governor-General Kopzewitch standing at an open door
and called out, “Now, Kopzewitch, favourite of Gatschina,
do you recognize me?” The unknown was very old
but still vigorous, and was remarkable by his very
handsome dress. The most contradictory rumours re-
garding him were current among the people. Some
maintained that he was a Boyar sent from the Emperor
Paul, others imagined him to be an own brother of that
Emperor. My host apparently was in the secret, but
he was resolutely silent. When on my return journey
I came to his place of residence I found he was no
longer alive: his children only knew that he and Colonel
Alexejew had accompanied this mysterious person to
St. Petersburg.
On the 22nd March we at length reached Irkutsk;
of course during these last 3,000 wersts we had travelled
at only half the speed of our first 3,000, between
St. Petersburg and Tobolsk; not one horse had been
killed by this journey, and we had also stopped for the
night, from one to five times a week. We had to spend
our one day of rest at Irkutsk, in a common prison.
Here we parted from our second guard and received a
fresh one, in the person of a Cossack sub-officer. At
the second post-station beyond Irkutsk we came to the
Lake Baikal, here called the Holy Sea, over which we
drove : the horses went sixty wersts without stopping ;
THE JOURNEY TO SIBERIA. 109
the drivers had taken some boards in their sledges, to
make bridges if needful over the fissures in the ice, but
the horses jumped these cracks, which were often many
ells wide, with such dexterity that the long sledges barely
touched the water. The Siberian horses are extra-
ordinarily strong and hardy, though small and ill-
shaped ; they can go eighty wersts at a stretch without
any exertion. On the other side of Lake Baikal was the
monastery of Podolsky; the beautiful environs of this—
which later I learnt to know well—now lay under a
thick covering of snow, whose uniformity was only
broken here and there by villages, mountains, and trees.
As we approached Tschita, we saw for the first time the
yourts (felt tents of the nomad Burjäts). At Klut-
Schway, the next station before Tschita, our sledges
were changed for stage-coaches, for here the snow does
not lie the whole year round. This place stands very
high, and in consequence rejoices in a clear, unclouded
sky; if snow occasionally falls, the wind carries it down
at once into the valleys. In a certain sense it may be
said that Tschita is too cold for Snow : the thermometer
stands at forty degrees of frost (Reaumur), so that quick-
silver freezes, and a spirit thermometer only is of use.
Before we reached our place of destination we
encountered an adventure. On the 29th March, Glebow
and I drove in a stage-coach for the last stage of our
journey to Tschita : the driver was a heathen Burjät, who
had tied the harness together very carelessly with string.
110 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
After we had travelled ten wersts, we found ourselves on
the top of a mountain overlooking the little village to
which we were going; we drove slowly and carefully
down the heights, when suddenly the rope of the
harness broke, and at the same time the wooden pin
which fastened the front wheels to the carriage snapped.
In an instant we were upset : Glebow was thrown over
the off horse on to the road, while the driver sprang off
on one side, and I was left with my right foot caught in
the ropes of the side horse, and had to cling with both
hands to the mane of the middle horse. The animals
went on at full speed for about two wersts, taking the
fore-axletree of the broken carriage with them. Encum-
bered with very heavy chains, I contrived with the
greatest difficulty to hold firm between them till Repin
and Kuchelbecker, who had reached the foot of the
mountain before us, saw my perilous situation, stopped
the horses and extricated me. My chains prevented my
being able to help myself in any way. Miraculously I
was unhurt, my clothes were not even torn. The
carriage was mended, and at last, at the end of an hour,
we reached the object of our journey, the prison of
Tschita, a wooden hut surrounded by a hedge. We
hoped to find there some of our comrades who had
previously been sent from St. Petersburg, but these were
located in another temporary prison, in which there was
no room for us, as it could hold but twenty-four men. We
were received by the captain of a line regiment, a Platz
THE JOURNEY TO SIBERIA. 111
Adjutant, a clerk, and some sentries; the captain asked
if we had money or treasures about us, as this was
strictly forbidden. I took from my neck the silken cord
on which was a portrait of my wife, a locket with my
parents’ hair, and a little packet of earth from my native
land. When I handed these things to the captain, he
observed a gold ring on my finger, and cried in a
stentorian voice, “What have you on your finger ?”
“My wedding-ring.” “Off with it.” I replied civilly
that I had been allowed to have it in the Winter Palace
and in the fortress, and that the wearing of such things
was not forbidden. “Off with it instantly, I tell you,”
he cried, still more roughly. I calmly answered, “Take
the ring and the finger with it ; ” folded my arms, and
quietly leaned against the stove. The adjutant gave the
captain no time to say a word, but whispered something
in his ear, then gathered up our treasures and withdrew.
Meantime, the clerk examined all our portmanteaus and
books, and made a note of everything. The adjutant
returned in half-an-hour, telling me that the captain
returned me my wife's picture, and permitted me to
wear the wedding-ring : the other keepsakes should be
carefully kept at the “Chancellerie.” Thus ended our
reception. From that time, during the whole of my
residence at Tschita, and afterwards in the prison of
Petrowski, the captain, Stepanow, conducted himself
most courteously.
The next day we were visited by our Commandant,
112 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
S. R. Leparsky, an ancient cavalry officer, who for very
many years had commanded the Sewen mounted Jägers,
of which the Emperor Nicholas was colonel before he
came to the throne. Whenever any officers were obliged
to exchange into other regiments in consequence of any
unpleasantness in their own, these so-called unruly
spirits were always transferred to that of Leparsky; he
knew how to deal with them all, without ever making
an enemy. Although all his life had been passed in
garrisons of remote towns, it was easy to see that he
had had a good education in his youth. He had been
a pupil in the Jesuit school at Polozk, could speak
Latin, and express himself fluently also in French and
German ; he was in addition to this a man of noble
character and a thorough gentleman. The old man
inquired with much feeling how we had borne the long
journey, and if we did not need the visits of a doctor :
he added that he would willingly do all he could to
ameliorate our fate. I therefore begged for permission to
write to my wife; he was obliged to refuse me this request,
as writing was expressly and most strictly forbidden.
The next lot of our comrades arrived two days after
us: B. N. Licharew, von Tiefenhausen, S. T. Kriw-
zow, and Tolstoy; and two days after them, Liublinsky,
Wigadowsky, Lisowsky, and N. A. Zagoutzky: these
were followed by Von der Bruggen, A. B. Jentalzow,
A. J. Tscherkassow, and J. A. Abramow II. We were
closely packed, but sociable; our heavy chains did not
THE JOURNEY TO SIBERIA. 113
permit us to move much, but we got used to them, and
learnt to tie them up with straps, or fasten them to our
girdles or cravats. Between our hut and the high
paling there was a space of two fathoms in width ; we
moved about this spot often through the day. In April
the weather grew a little warmer, and at the end of May
the earth began to thaw, and we could then begin our
work. One morning we were taken into an open place,
where we met our comrades from the other prison. Our
meeting was a very joyful one, and was repeated twice
a day, from eight to twelve in the morning, and from
two to five in the afternoon. Our regular employment
now began. A quantity of spades, mattocks, shovels,
carts, and wheelbarrows had been collected; our first
task was to dig the foundations for our new prison, and
the ditch round it. This work reminded us of the
fortress of Zwing Uri, which the Swiss were once
obliged to build for themselves, and the sad labour
which we had to carry on was called henceforward
Zwing Uri. Every day, except Sundays and holy-days,
the non-commissioned officer on guard entered early in
the morning with the call of “Gentlemen, to work.”
In general we set out with songs on our lips, and
energy in our hearts; no constraint was used towards
us. For this we had to thank our Commandant, who had
indeed received orders to employ us unsparingly for work,
but in answer to his representations obtained permission
to exercise his judgment as to the fitting measure.
8
114 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
CHAPTER W.
PRISON LIFE AT TSCHITA.
TowARDs the end of May a tinge of green began to
show on the mountains and fields round Tschita. This
little village lies on the great road between Lake Baikal
and Nertschinsk, on a height surrounded on two sides
by high mountains. The little river Tschita, near the
village, falls into the navigable river Ingoda, and forms
a delightful valley. To the north lies Lake Onon, on
whose shores Tschingis Khan held his court of justice
(he used to drown the criminals in the seething waters)
on his march to Russia. The descendants of his Mon-
gols, the Burjäts, still wander, with their felt tents,
through this country, which abounds in meadows and
lakes; they are now here, now there, always on horse-
back, often armed with matchlocks, but in general only
with bows and arrows, in order to reserve their powder,
with the use of which they are quite familiar, for
special need. A portion of this tribe have given up
their migratory habits, and have settled down ; they
PRISON LIFE AT TSCHITA. 115
practise agriculture, and their fields and meadows are
as well irrigated as those of the Milanese. The high
situation of Tschita considerably increases the cold in
winter, but it is healthy, with a fresh, bracing climate.
The sky is almost always clear, excepting in August,
when the thunder is incessant for days together, and
then follows a shower, beginning with enormously large
single drops, which in a few hours floods the whole
road, for the water falls rapidly down the slope, digging
deep trenches as it runs. The great electricity of the
air is remarkable; the slightest movement of cloth or
wool produces sparks or crackling. The climate is
healthy, the rapidity of the vegetation most extra-
ordinary, for both corn and vegetables ripen within
the five weeks in which the frosts cease, i.e. from the
middle of June to the end of July. Many species of
vegetables were then quite unknown in the country; one
of my comrades first introduced the growing of cucum-
bers in the open air, and melons in hot-beds.
The vale of Tschita is renowned for its flora, for
which reason this country is called the “Garden of
Siberia.” I have never seen finer specimens of certain
species of lily, iris, and other bulbs, than are to be
met with here. The number of inhabitants of the
village in which we lived had reached 800. Like all
miners, they are poor. They lived in little houses, on
which a miserable church looked down, supporting
themselves by agriculture and fishing, which in the
116 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
Ingoda and Onon Lake is very remunerative. The
land belonged to the Crown, by whom it was assigned
to the peasants; they were, therefore, much employed
in burning charcoal, which had to be shipped by water
to the mines of Nertschinsk. Till our arrival there was
but one civil authority in the place, viz. the mining
superintendent, Smollaninow, who for the first four
months of our residence boarded us on our own account;
the Crown gave us bread, and, besides that, paid daily
two copper kopeks (about a halfpenny) for each man.
In the three years and six months which we passed in
Tschita, the place took quite a new aspect, as much
from the many new buildings as from the new guests, in
whose suite there were military authorities and guards.
On our arrival, Tschita consisted of twenty-six cabins,
and but three real houses, occupied by the commandant,
the mining superintendent, and the town-major.
At first only thirty of us State criminals lived in
Tschita. Eight of our comrades were despatched to
forced labour in the mines of Nertschinsk immediately
after the execution of the sentence ; the remainder were
left in the fortress of Schlüsselburg and the Island of
Aland. All these condemned joined us in August,
1827, when the building of the larger prison was com-
plete, and we could all be housed there. Till our
reunion we lived (those who had first arrived at Tschita)
in two fortified cottages, and only met at our work,
when we dug the foundations of the new prison and the
PRISON LIFE AT TSCHITA. 117
deep ditches for the fence around it. We were ordered
to fill a large hollow close to the road with earth and
sand. This hollow, down which rushed the foaming
mountain torrents, threatened to destroy the road. The
water in a few days washed away the work of a whole
summer, so that in the following year we were forced to
erect a dam of logs, to obtain a bottom for our dike of
earth and sand. This hollow we called the Devil's
Ditch.
Life passed in cheerless monotony. At first we had
very few books, writing was strictly forbidden, and
neither paper nor ink to be procured. When we were all
united, we formed among ourselves a company of singers,
which shortened many a sad hour. Chess was the sole
amusement of the time between work and sleep.
Playing-cards we might have obtained through the
warders; but we had passed our word to each other
not to allow card-playing, in order to prevent any cause
of unpleasantness or dissension.
Our rooms were so small that we could not keep
them as clean as we wished. We had beds of boards,
which were covered with felt rugs or furs; under the
beds were our portmanteaus and boots. In the night,
when doors and windows were closed, the air was in-
tolerably oppressive, as the doors were shut at Sunset.
They were always opened early in the morning; and I
never missed the sunrise, but used to go out imme-
diately to get a little fresh air. The others bore the
118 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
close atmosphere better than I did, as they all smoked,
which habit I had given up.
There was one person living at Tschita before my
arrival, who excited my sincere compassion and most
heartfelt sympathy, Alexandrine Murawjew, born Coun-
tess Tschernitschew; her husband, Nikita Michaelo-
witch Murawjew, had already arrived at Tschita in
February. She had entrusted their two daughters and
only son to the care of the grandmother, Catherine
Feodorowna Murawjew, and hastened to her husband's
place of destination, in order to share his banishment
and trials. But how terrible was her disappointment
when the Commandant informed her that his instruc-
tions did not permit him to allow her to join her
husband, and that she might only see him twice a
week for an hour, in the presence of the orderly officer,
as had been the custom in the St. Peter and St. Paul
Fortress.
I saw this remarkable woman for the first time near
her dwelling, which was opposite her husband’s prison,
as we were being taken to our work one day. In order
to have, an opportunity of seeing him, though only at
a distance, she made a point of opening and closing her
window-shutters herself, morning and evening. Besides
her husband, there were among the condemned her
brother-in-law, Alexander Murawjew, and her own
brother, Count Zacharias Tschernitschew, sole heir of
a great “majorat; ” this property the War Minister
PRISON LIFE AT TSCHITA. 119
(A. J. Tschernitschew) tried to appropriate two years
later. In spite of his great influence he was turned out
of the Privy Council, after N. S. Mordwinow had proved
that the claimant was no relation whatever of the family
of the man condemned, and had no right to the property.
The large estate and family name afterwards passed to
a certain Kruglikow, who had married the eldest sister
of the head of the family. Alexandrine Murawjew was
then but twenty-four years old, pretty, distinguished-
looking, full of genius and life. In order not to distress
her husband she was cheerful, even gay in his presence,
but the moment she was alone the tender mother's
heart was torn by longings for her absent children. She
felt that no one could replace their mother, although
their excellent grandmother watched over them as the
apple of her eye. After the first year of separation
her only son died, and the daughters lost their health,
perhaps in consequence of over-anxious care and indul-
gence. At first I thought that this strange separation
of man and wife was only temporary, and probably the
result of some misunderstanding. Even though living
with his wife, Murawjew might have remained a prisoner,
might have worn his chain, and have joined as well in
our daily public work; but, unhappily, this strict rule
was maintained for three years, until we were removed
to the great State prison, which had been built in
another spot during our residence at Tschita.
Two months after our arrival at Tschita. We Were
120 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
joined by Elizabeth Naryschkin * (born Countess Konow-
nitzin), in company with another lady, Alexandrine
Jentalzow. These had to submit to the same rule :
they might only speak to their husbands twice a week
at a fixed hour. My heart bled when I saw how sadly
they looked at us when we were taken past them in
chains, and they could scarce get a look from their
husbands whom they had followed to the world’s end ;
and I confess I thanked God daily that my wife had
acceded to my request to remain with our boy till I
asked her to come.
Fortunately for Madame Naryschkin she had left no
children in her home, her only daughter had died some
time ago at Moscow. Though the position of the
married people was sad and painful enough, yet we
were greatly the gainers by the arrival of these ladies.
We were not allowed to write to our relations; some of
us were completely forgotten or abandoned by our
relatives; and perhaps the majority would have shared
the same fate, had not these noble women followed us,
and maintained a correspondence with our families, and
kept our memory alive in the civilized world by their
letters. They were like guardian angels to us; their
purses were open for all the needy; for the sick they
built a special hospital. Alexandrine Murawjew wrote
to her grandmother for a first-rate chemist's store and
* The Naryschkins, like the Tschernitschews, belong to the highest
Russian nobility. Peter the Great's first wife was a Naryschkin.
PRISON LIFE AT TSCHITA. 121
all kinds of surgical instruments from Moscow. One
of my comrades, formerly staff-surgeon in the Second
Army, Ferdinand Wolff, lived in this hospital, and
acted as doctor, doing his best to restore the sufferers to
health and strength. Our benefactresses could not even
receive our thanks. We could very rarely see them
through the chinks of our prison walls, and then only
at a distance; our best chance was when they were
rambling over the neighbouring hills on foot or on
horseback.
Alexandrine Jentalzow was childless, and had lost
her parents in early youth, so that she had no ties to
interfere with her wish of sharing her husband's fate.
She stayed with us but a few months; for her husband,
formerly commander of a battery of artillery, was only
condemned to one year's forced labour, and soon left
Tschita. The prison life was less unendurable to them
than their change of residence, for Berezov was
assigned to them as their place of settlement. Three
years later they were sent further south to Jalutorowsk,
where the husband died in 1847; his widow applied in
vain (till the year 1856) for leave to return to her
home, but was left to sorrow alone by the grave of her
husband.
In autumn, 1827, the great prison destined for us,
and whose foundations we had ourselves dug, was ready
to receive us. Prince Trubetzkoy, and the other State
criminals who had been sent direct to the quicksilver
122 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
mines, were united to us in September, and a little
later the remainder of our comrades who had been
confined in the fortresses of Schlüsselburg and Fin-
land.
The culprits from Nertschinsk were accompanied by
two ladies, who watched over us as our protecting angels
in every way. Princess Catherine Trubetzkoy, born
Countess Laval, had followed her husband immediately
upon his departure to Siberia, accompanied by one of
her father's secretaries. In Krasnojarsk the travelling-
carriage of the Princess broke down, and her companion
fell sick. She would not stop for this, but put herself
in a miserable vehicle without springs, and in this way
reached Irkutsk after a long toilsome journey. Tru-
betzkoy had already been despatched to Nertschinsk,
which is 700 wersts (437 English miles) from Irkutsk;
the Princess applied to the civil governor there, B. J.
Zeidler, for a guide for the further journey. Here began
a series of heavy trials for the noble and courageous
woman. . The Government chief had received orders to
use every means of opposing the determination of the
wives of the State criminals who wished to follow their
husbands. The governor Zeidler first of all represented
to the Princess the difficulties of existing in a place
which contained 5,000 grave criminals, with whom she
would have to live in a common barrack, without her
own servants or any comforts whatever. This did not
in the least scare the Princess; she declared herself
PRISON LIFE AT TSCHITA. 123
ready to bear any privation, if she could only be with
her husband. Next day the governor announced to her
that he had orders to require a written declaration from
her that she would renounce all her rights of nobility,
and resign her claim to all property, moveable and
immoveable, which she already possessed, or which
might come to her by inheritance. Catherine Tru-
betzkoy signed this declaration without the slightest
hesitation, hoping that it would clear the way to her
rejoining her husband. But the catalogue of her trials
was not yet complete. For days and days the governor
refused her admittance on the plea of illness. The
Princess waited patiently, and at last Zeidler was obliged
to receive her. After he had in vain entreated her to
give up her enterprise, he declared that the only way to
join her husband would be to follow the weekly despatch
of forced labourers, who went, bound with cords, from one
military station to another. The Princess agreed
submissively to this also. The governor could now no
longer restrain his emotion; he burst into tears, and
exclaimed, “You shall drive to your husband.” About
the same time our Commandant, Leparsky, came to
Irkutsk; he was much struck with the conduct of the
Princess, and doubtless did his best to prevent any
further difficulties being thrown in her way. A woman
with less strength of mind would have shrunk back—
would have made conditions; have delayed the affair by
correspondence with the chief authorities at St. Peters-
124 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
burg, and would thus have deterred the other women
from undertaking the long and toilsome journey.
Without undervaluing or detracting from the merits and
energy of the other ladies, I must say that the Princess
Trubetzkoy was the first who not only smoothed the
long and unknown road to reunion with her husband,
but at the same time succeeded in overcoming the
Opposition of the Government.
Princess Marie Wolkonsky, born Rajewsky, arrived
at Tschita a few weeks after the Princess Trubetzkoy.
Her father, the renowned hero of 1812, had strenuously
opposed his daughter's departure; he knew that her
marriage with Prince Sergius Wolkonsky, who was old
enough to be her father, and was already a general in
the great campaign of 1812, had been in obedience to
his will, and not from inclination ; her only child, yet
an infant, also had a strong claim on her. She decided
upon undertaking whichever duty demanded most
sacrifice and self-denial. She told her old invalid
father, to whom she was passionately attached, that
she was going to see her husband for a short time only,
left her son with his grandmother, the oldest lady-in-
waiting of the Imperial court, and set forth on her
journey to Siberia. At Irkutsk, she expected to meet
with the same hindrances which detained the Princess
Trubetzkoy. Marie Wolkonsky also bound herself in
writing to the resignation of her rights of station and
property. The same declaration. was demanded of all
PRISON LIFE AT TSCHITA. 125
those who wished to follow their husbands to Siberia,
from my wife also, who was among those who volum-
tarily shared their husbands’ exile, and in the year 1830
came to join me. The two above-named princesses
were the first to follow their husbands, their condition
was therefore the worst. At first the Siberian authori-
ties had no positive instructions, and they shunned any
inquiries at St. Petersburg. A correspondence at a
distance of 7,000 wersts could not be otherwise than
slow; the relatives whom the two ladies had left in
St. Petersburg and Moscow did not clearly know to whom
to turn for the transmission of money, whether to the
orderly-general Potapow, or to Count Benkendorff. The
ladies at first suffered literally from the want of neces-
saries; for some months they were obliged to endure
hunger and cold; their food would have been unfit for the
poorest day-labourer, and they had to wash their own
linen : what trials for those who had from their childhood
lived in the greatest luxury ! But they had worse suffer-
ings than these to bear, with the thought of their husbands
working under ground in the mines, in the charge of
rough mining officials. When we were all united at
Tschita, these ladies were better off. The sending of
money and letters was now arranged through the civil
governor, Zeidler, and our disinterested Commandant,
Leparsky: the sums were not limited : they were not
indeed transmitted directly to the proprietors, but were
given out according to their needs and wishes, through
126 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
the medium of the Commandant’s office. The post-day,
which came round only once a week, was an important
epoch in our monotonous life. Latterly we were per-
mitted to order Russian and foreign papers.
In September, 1827, we were, as before mentioned,
taken to the newly-built prison. The Commandant
separated us into five divisions. In one room were the
eight last comers from Nertschinsk; the remaining four
divisions were arranged, not according to the order of
the categories of punishment, but according to the
Commandant’s discretion. One of these rooms we
always called Moscow, because most of its inhabitants
came from Moscow; another was called Novgorod,
because there was much political talk there, as was
formerly the case in the popular assembly of that
renowned republic ; the division in which I found
myself, with my seventeen comrades, was called Ples-
kow, the sister of Novgorod.
Instead of our beds of boards, we had beds made at
our own expense, not so much with the view of sleeping
better, as of keeping the rooms cleaner; the floor
under our new beds could be swept, which was impos-
sible with the former ones. We had our table in
common, laid it ourselves: each one in turn had to be
Orderly. According to the Russian prison arrange-
ments, we were allowed to choose one senior, from among
ourselves, who made known our wishes to the Orderly
Adjutant or the Commandant. This senior expended
PRISON LIFE AT TSCHITA. 127
our money for us and bought stores, but did not keep one
kopek in his own hands—his bills of exchange were
issued from the Commandant's office. Our kitchen and
store-room stood at fifty yards’ distance from the prison ;
the senior had permission to go there as often as he liked
in the course of the day, under escort ; he was always
elected for three months. The first senior was the former
Colonel Ivan Semenowitch Powalo Schweikowsky, who
held this post twice in succession. Our food was whole-
some and simple. I often wondered at the frugal
meals of those of my companions in misfortune, who
had been used to the best French cookery all their lives,
and champagne every day; now they contented them-
selves with cabbage-Soup and porridge, and drank quass,
or water. We had many gourmets among us ; they all
maintained they had never really suffered from hunger,
but said they had been fully satisfied.
I have already mentioned that about half my com-
rades were not well off, and that many were quite neg-
lected by their relations, while some were very rich.
Nikita and Alexander Murawjew alone received 60,000
roubles yearly Each time when the senior was chosen,
at the expiration of three months, a paper was sent
round, upon which each wrote down his contribution in
proportion to the common expenses; the sum collected
was spent by the senior in procuring tea, sugar, and
food, besides household necessaries. Clothes and linen
we had to get for ourselves. The rich bought the neces-
128 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
sary articles and divided them with their poorer brethren ;
everything was shared in a truly brotherly way, money
as well as suffering. In order not to spend the money
lavishly, our dress was cut out and made by some of
our comrades. The best tailors were Paul Puschkin,
Prince Eugene Obolensky, Paul Mosgau, and Anton
Arbusow. The best caps and shoes were made by
Nicholas and Michael Bestuchew and Peter Fahlenberg;
by their work they saved a sum of money with which
we were able to support other unfortunate exiles. When
the priest Myslowsky (the same who had accompanied
the five leaders of the conspiracy to the gallows) learnt
the details of our way of life through Alexander
Kornilowitch, he told it all to my wife, adding the
observation that at Tschita, we led the life of the
Apostles. Our work continued uninterruptedly as be-
fore ; we had now become used to our chains. Between
May and September we filled up the Devil's Ditch,
improved the broad road, planted and watered the
plants of the garden, which yielded us vegetables and
potatoes. When, after Schweikowsky’s return, I was
chosen senior of the prison, I Salted down, in brandy-
casks, 60,000 cucumbers out of our garden. From
September till May we were taken twice daily into a
special building outside the prison court, where hand-
mills were erected; we were each obliged to grind daily
eighty pounds of rye. We found the work hard at first,
till our hands and arms got used to it ; the strongest
PRISON LIFE AT TSCHITA. 129
and healthiest among us helped the weaker ones to get
through their share. Our work, which consisted in the
turning of our millstones, was often accompanied by
melodious songs: a musical comrade was made band-
master ; the church music of Bortniansky was particu-
larly well given. We were only staken to the church
once a year, at fast-time, in order to communicate ; on
the eves of great festivals the priest came into our
prison to hold Divine Service. I shall never forget how
impressively and solemnly this Service was celebrated
on Easter-eve of the year 1828, when, before the tattoo,
at about nine o'clock, there resounded from all sides
the cry, “ Christ is risen,” and the chains of the pri-
soners clanked as they threw themselves into each other's
arms in brotherly love. In thought we embraced at
the same time our distant relatives and friends, who we
knew were united to us in prayer.
Our leisure hours, after the first wearisome years
were past, were filled up with pleasant and instructive
lectures; besides French, Russian, English, and Ger-
man newspapers which we were allowed to procure, we
had at our disposal the excellent library, which Nikita
Murawjew, Wolkonsky, and Trubetzkoy had sent for.
The newspapers were divided among Sundry readers, to
whom all the others had to apply for the most important
news. Many of our comrades having received a scien-
tific education, it was resolved that they should enliven
our long winter evenings by giving us lectures. Nikita
9
130 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
Murawjew, who was the possessor of beautiful military
maps and plans, expounded to us strategy and tactics;
Ferdinand Wolff gave lectures upon chemistry and
anatomy; Puschkin II. explained the higher branches
of mathematics; Alexander Kornilowitch and Peter
Muchanow read Russian history; Prince Alexander
Odojewsky, Russian literature. I must add, gratefully,
that he had for many years the kindness to teach me,
the born Esthonian, Russian, which I hardly knew.
At nine o'clock in the evening our doors were shut and
every light must be extinguished. As we could not go
to sleep so early, we in general conversed for some time
or listened to the stories told by M. Kuchelbecker, who
had made a voyage round the world. A. Kornilowitch
also sometimes related to us episodes from the history
of his fatherland, with which he had occupied himself
much when editor of the paper, The Old Times of
Russia. For many years he and the Professor Kunitzin
had had free access to the State archives, and had studied
the times of the Empresses Elizabeth and Anna par-
ticularly. After half a year we lost this accomplished
comrade. A Feldjäger, who brought S. Wodkowsky from
Schlüsselburg, took Kornilowitch back with him. We
afterwards learnt that he had been imprisoned again in
the St. Peter and St. Paul Fortress, where he had been
questioned about the Polish secret societies; in 1834 he
was sent to the Caucasus as a soldier, and two years
later died of a malignant fever.
PRISON LIFE AT TSCHITA. 131
These long years of intimate intercourse with such
highly-educated people had a great effect upon those
among us who had previously had neither the time nor
means of improving their minds. Some began to learn
foreign languages. Zawalischin T. was the greatest
proficient in these ; he not only learnt Greek and JLatin,
but eight modern languages as well. He found an
instructor of each of these languages among the number
of his comrades. The grammatical exercises often led
to many comical scenes. When any one attempted the
English pronunciation the laughter was universal; and
M. Lunin, who was a proficient in that language, called
out entreatingly, “Read and write English as much as
you like, gentlemen, only pray don’t try and speak it.”
Our five rooms were very narrow, for beds stood on
the four sides. Some among us wished to play the
violin or the flute, but they were too conscientious to
torment their other comrades. I afterwards selected that
most ungrateful instrument, the czakan (flageolet), and
devoted half an hour daily to it. A year later we were
allowed to build a little house of three separate rooms
in our prison-court; in one stood carpenters' benches
and turning-lathes, and a press for bookbinding. The
best productions in this room were from the hands of
the two Bestuchew brothers, Puschkin, Frolow, and
Borissow I. In the rooms were a royal and a piano-
forte ; at fixed times each came in, in turn, to practise
the flute, czakan, violin and guitar. A. P. Juschnewsky
132 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
played very well on the “royal,” and with Wodkowsky,
a first-rate violinist, Krjukow II. and Swistunow, who
played the violoncello, made a good quartette. On the
30th August, 1828, when we celebrated sixteen birth-
days, our orchestra played in the prison for the first
time.
Our comrades of the seventh category left us a year
after our arrival in Tschita, as their term of forced
labour was at an end, and they must then leave for
“settlement in Siberia.” We rejoiced at the thought
of their leaving us, as they would henceforth enjoy
more liberty, while they grieved over the thought of
leaving us still in prison and in chains. Time showed
that we were even better off than they were. The
society of the noble and good brightens prison life as
much as the company of the bad and worthless darkens
a life of liberty. Those who left us had at first much
to suffer, as they were settled in remote northern spots,
and apart from each other. It was not till two years
later that they were removed to a country further
south, where they were allowed to live two or three
together.
In the early days of August, 1828, a Feldjäger
arrived at Tschita. He neither brought nor took away
any one with him ; we could not in any way account for
his sudden appearance, for no change took place in our
treatment. At the end of September, however, the
Commandant appeared one day in the prison in full
PRISON LIFE AT TSCHITA. 133
uniform, his ribbon over his shoulder; he gathered us
in a circle round him, and then informed us that the
Emperor had been graciously pleased to be moved, in
consideration of our good conduct, to have our chains
taken off. We had worn them all through our journey,
and for six months afterwards. We heard some time
after that the Emperor had, on the 8th July (the day of
the festival of the Kazan Church at St. Petersburg),
on coming out of church, ordered a Feldjäger to be sent
off to Tschita with orders that the chains should be
taken off those State criminals who had, by their good
conduct, merited such a favour. The Commandant had
received this order at the beginning of August, but had
decided to say nothing about it until he had received
an answer to the question whether the grace accorded
was to be extended to the State criminals of all the
Categories. He would have liked to free us all from our
chains, but was obliged to restrain himself, fearing that
this might draw upon him the suspicion of the higher
powers, and cause them to remove him and put a
harsher man in his place. Leparsky was anxious on
our account to keep his post, and reported that we all
deserved this indulgence. His request in our favour
was agreed to, and he himself had the pleasure of
making it known to us. A non-commissioned officer
opened the locks of our fetters, and for the last time
they clanked as they fell to the ground. At the moment
I almost regretted them ; they had so often accompanied
134 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
my songs as I beat time with my feet. The first night
after they were taken off I felt as if the chains still
encumbered my ankles. I had become used to their
being in one particular position. One of my comrades—
I don't remember which—bethought him of procuring a
pair of our fetters, and having them made into little
mementoes for us. Ihave still a ring and a cross which
Jakubowitch made out of this iron. If I am too prosy
and sentimental about my chains, I fear I must always
be the same : I have learnt by experience that even
suffering has its pleasant side.
About this time I was chosen for senior, in order to
relieve J. P. Schweikowsky. I had, at times, occasion
to transact business with Colonel Leparsky in connec-
tion with the affairs of my companions in misfortune ;
he always received me with marked courtesy. He often
said, “What will be written about me everywhere in
Europe? People will call me a hard-hearted jailor,
executioner and oppressor, while the truth is, in reality,
gentlemen, that I only retain my present post in order
to protect you from the persecutions and injustice of un-
scrupulous officials. Of what use are my ribbons and
stars, which I can here show to no one? May I soon be
removed from this place, but only in company with you !”
In the course of the year 1828, three more ladies
joined us at Tschita. Natalie von Wisin, born Ophytin,
had been unable to follow her husband at once on
account of her two infant sons. In her early years she
PRISON LIFE AT TSCHITA, 135
was remarkable for her beauty and her religious tem-
perament; before her marriage she was desirous of
withdrawing from the world and shutting herself up
in a convent. Later, when sharing the banishment and
sufferings of her husband, she showed the most com-
plete submission to the will of God, but her nerves were
So shaken, that her health was quite broken.
Alexandrine Dawidow, wife of Wassily Ljwowitch
Dawidow, Colonel of Hussars, arrived at Tschita at the
same time; she had a numerous family, and was obliged
to leave them all with her relations before her departure.
Unvarying sweetness, calm resignation and deep devo-
tion, were the chief characteristics of this charming
woman. Mademoiselle Pauline, the bride of P. A.
Annenkow, also came to Tschita that year; the betrothal
had taken place secretly, but the Emperor, openly and in
a very marked manner, gave her his permission to go
and join her bridegroom. She had addressed herself to
him on the occasion of some grand manoeuvres; it was
at a happy moment, and the Emperor received her with
the greatest sympathy, and gave her money for the
journey, while every possible hindrance was thrown in
the way of the other married ladies. There were now
at Tschita the Princesses Trubetzkoy and Marie
Wolkonsky, Alexandrine Murawjew, Elizabeth Narysch-
kin, Alexandrine Jentalzow, Natalie von Wisin, Alex-
andrine Dawidow, and Pauline Annenkow, Leight ladies
in all. They conducted the whole correspondence with
136 |RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
the relations of all the State criminals; they formed the
link between the living and the politically dead, Their
own life was one of most complete self-denial; as E
have said before, they could only see their husbands for
an hour twice a week, in the presence of a sentry and an
orderly officer. This state of things lasted nearly four
years, until our removal to a new prison near the
Petrowski ironworks.
We were at first eighty-two in number at Tschita,
and all men. After the despatch of the State criminals
of the sixth and seventh categories, who were sent away
to settlement after completing their penal work, and the
departure of Tolstoy (to the Caucasus) and Kornilowitch
(to the fortress of St. Petersburg), there remained seventy
men and seven women at Tschita ; Madame won
Jentalzow had followed her husband to his place of
settlement in the year of her arrival.
Every prisoner is, of course, incessantly occupied
with thoughts of release ; such an idea naturally was
often in our minds, while outside the prison walls it
appeared that others were similarly employed. In the
mines of Nertschinsk, where formerly eight of my com-
rades worked together, there still remained some of the
officers of the mutinous Tschernigow Regiment, who were
not condemned at the same time as we were, but had
been sentenced by a special court-martial. Among them
were the Baron Solowjew, Bystritzky, Massalewsky, and
a certain Suchanow. The latter, who shortly before his,
PRISON LIFE AT TSCHITA. 137
condemnation had been transferred to a hussar regiment,
planned to stir up the thousands of forced labourers in the
mines there, to assist in setting us at Tschita free, and
then hoped to arrange with us how the move should be
followed up. The majority of those in the mines had
assented, and it was decided to disarm the watch in the
might, and to set out the following morning, but on the
previous evening the conspiracy was disclosed by a
traitor; Suchanow and the other leaders were thrown into
prison in chains. The affair was immediately notified at
St. Petersburg, and Suchanow, together with ten of the
chief conspirators, condemned to death. The night
before the execution of the sentence, Suchanow hung
himself to the stove in the prison ; the remainder were
shot. Solowjew, Bystritzky, and Massalewsky were
removed to our prison at Tschita to prevent similar
attempts. At Tschita we were guarded by a company of
infantry and fifty Siberian Cossacks. Many among us
were busily engaged with thoughts of liberty and pre-
parations for flight, but others saw the impossibility of
success and declined attempting it. As far as the guard
was concerned, we could have easily mastered them ;
the soldiers were devoted to us, and would willingly
have been induced to lay down their arms; we might
have escaped from the prison and made our way through
the gates in Safety, but what would then happen 2
We might fly southward to China, and reach the
frontier thus, but the Chinese would, without doubt, have
138 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
given us up. Besides this, when once at the frontier,
fifty Cossacks would be sufficient to harass us by day
and night, and prevent our resting for a moment, and in
this way would have worn us out. Another road led to
the south-east, where, on the banks of the Amoor, we
might have a vessel built in one of the creeks in the
river, and sail down to the open sea, and then
make our way across to America. But how should we
reach the shores of the Amoor ? The nomad Burjäts
would not have helped us, and even when at the river
we were still a long way from the ocean, and our
pursuers might easily destroy our vessel. A third road
lay to the west, to the frontiers of European Russia, but
that was a distance of 4,000 wersts: there would be
innumerable difficulties to overcome in a journey of that
length. A fourth road led over the Tundri, plains and
morasses overgrown with moss. The easier way would
be for each individual to attempt his escape alone. We
knew that some deported Circassians had reached their
native mountains in Safety, crossing the Sea of Aral and
the Caspian Sea. But the escape of some would cause
the others to be most severely treated, and no one wished
to be responsible for this, either to their comrades or
their wives. The case was different for those who went
as settlers only and lived apart; but even here the escape
of one would have the most terrible consequences for
the remainder. There was, therefore, nothing left but
to yield submissively to the law of necessity.
( 139 )
CHAPTER WI.
OUR DEPARTURE TO SETTLE IN PETROWSKI.
WE passed three years and seven months at Tschita.
The prison life there was originally meant to last but a
short time ; the prison, however, near the town of
Werchne Udinsk, and close to the Petrowski iron-
works, which was our ultimate destination, was first
planned in the year of our arrival at Tschita, and the
foundations then laid by an engineer officer and some
assistants specially appointed. This new and spacious
building was completed in the summer of 1880, and
our Commandant received orders to take us there at
once. Our preparations were quickly made ; the port-
manteaus were packed ; our vegetables and everything
belonging to the gardens, including our wooden tools,
were given to the inhabitants of the place. We had to
march in two divisions all along the road. The lodgings
for travellers were of the poorest; in some places,
indeed, there were none whatever. The first division
marched under the charge of the Town-major, Lieut.-Col.
140 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
Leparsky, a nephew of our Commandant; the old
colonel himself was at the head of the second. Each
division was guarded by a sufficient escort of soldiers
and Cossacks. Carriages were hired for the transport of
Our goods, but those only of our comrades were per-
mitted to go in them who were either in weak health or
suffering from bad wounds. Among the latter were
von Wisin, Prince Trubetzkoy, Schweikowsky, Lunin,
Prince Wolkonsky, Jakubowitch, Mitkow, Dawidow,
and Abramow. Each division elected a head. N. N.
Sutthoff held this office in the first, while I was chosen
for the second division. We were obliged (always under
escort) to start one day in advance with our kitchens
and provisions, in order to prepare the dinner and
Supper. After every two days' march we had one of
rest. Our journey was fully 700 wersts long, and lasted
forty-eight days. The ladies accompanied us for some
days; then, being unable to find quarters, they drove
on without stopping to Werchne Udinsk, from which
point we came again upon large villages where we could
find lodging.
The first division started on the 4th August ; the
second followed the day after. The inhabitants of
Tschita went a part of the way with us, and left us with
unfeigned regret. Our residence there had procured
them many advantages. We had expended large sums
of money, and had built larger and better dwellings,
while the new houses of the Commandant and Mesdames
OUR DEPARTURE TO SETTLE IN PETROWSKI. 141
Trubetzkoy, Wolkonsky, and Annenkow, were a real
embellishment to their town. The ladies of Murawjew,
Naryschkin, and Dawidow lived in hired houses, which
they had built expressly for themselves. The post-road
led to the town of Werchne Udinsk; the stations con-
sisted only of a few huts and a post-house. Along the
whole length of it, which is occupied by Burjäts, there
does not exist a single village. We had to spend our
nights and days of rest in the “ yourts" of the Burjäts
—cone-shaped felt tents, capable of holding four men.
These tents, when spread out in a line, had the appear-
ance of a little military camp, especially when surrounded
with sentry-posts and pickets. Our cooking was done in
the open ; in rainy weather we made a temporary roof
of sticks and brambles to shelter the kettle. The
autumn air, which, though warm enough by day, in the
night went down to eight degrees of cold, together with
our journey through a mountainous country, refreshed
and invigorated us all. For some days our road led
over hill and dale; mountains rose on all sides of us,
and as we journeyed on we caught occasional glimpses
of distant valleys on our right or left. Taburren, little
white and grey horses, were pasturing on either side;
their herdsmen, armed with matchlock and bow, were
mounted, and had with them two-wheel carts with
their felt tents, in which reposed their wives and
daughters.
These nomad Burjäts subsist on the product of
142 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
the chase, on fish, and even on carrion. These descen-
dants of the Mongols have as few wants as their fore-
fathers of the time of Tschingis Khan, who would
undertake to march his innumerable armies prodigious
distances without any stores of provision. Our Burjät
drivers and escort took neither bread nor other victual
with them. Twice a day they left the camp in parties,
and spent half an hour in the forest satisfying their
hunger with bilberries. By degrees they got used to us:
Some of them spoke Russian, and served as interpreters
(whom they called Tolmetschen) to the others. A group
of them regularly assembled round the table, at which
Trubetzkoy and Wodkowsky played chess ; these spec-
tators gave us to understand, by exclamation and signs
of approbation, that they were well acquainted with the
game. One of them was invited to play; he did so,
and gained the victory over our best player. He also
told us that the game had long been known to the
Burjäts, and had come to them from China.
The curiosity of these nomads was greatly excited
by my comrade, M. S. Lunin. His wounds had gained
him permission to be driven in a carriage, which he had
covered with oil-cloth ; he slept in it at night, and
lived in it by day. For many days, the moment that
we stopped for our night's lodging or our day's rest, his
carriage was surrounded by a crowd of Burjäts, who
waited impatiently till the prisoner should show him-
self; but the curtains of oil-cloth remained steadily
OUR DEPARTURE TO SETTLE IN PETROWSKI. 143
closed, the mysterious individual whom they looked upon
as the chief criminal still remaining invisible. At last
it occurred to him to come out and inquire what they
wanted. The Tolmetscher explained, in the name of
the spectators, that they wished to see him, and learn
for what particular reason he had been sent to Siberia.
“Do you know your Taischa 2 ” (Taischa means the
highest rank, the title of the chief of the Burjats.)
“Yes, we know him.” “But do you know the Taischa
who is over your Taischa, who can put him in a
carriage, and take him away to destruction (Ugei) 2.”
“Yes, we have heard of him.” “Well, I wished to put an
end to his power, and therefore I am banished.” “Ho,
ho, ho!” echoed the wondering troop, and, with deep
reverences, the curious crowd drew back from the carriage
and its mysterious occupant. A small number of this
nomad race have turned to Christianity, live in houses,
and practise agriculture ; the remainder are idolaters,
and are led by their priests, the Schamans, who pur-
posely keep up their superstitions, occasionally reduce
themselves to a state of complete unconsciousness by
their extravagant bodily exercises, and in that condition
give utterance to prophecies and curses. The unclean-
liness of the Burjäts reaches the highest possible degree
—they have no linen, wear furs next their bare bodies,
boots of chamois-skin, and both in winter and summer
little fur caps; their heads are shaved, all except one
tuft, which crowns the top. Little eyes, low and flat
144 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
foreheads, square faces, with broad prominent cheek-
bones, and pale yellow complexions, are the distinguish-
ing marks of their race. Among themselves they are
called Mendu ; the greeting which they daily exchanged
with us sounded like “Amur Mendu.”
On our way to the town of Werchne Udinsk we
passed our nights in felt tents, which were well made,
and let no wind through ; on cold evenings a fire was
lighted in the middle of the tent; in the centre of the
roof being an opening with flaps, from which the smoke
escaped. The families of the Burjäts sit round the fire
on felt rugs, naked children tumbling about amongst
their elders, who spend their time in tearing and cutting
skins of animals with their teeth, shaping their arrows,
casting bullets, or milling felt. The chief luxury of
every class, and principal support of those who can
afford it, is a particular kind of tea, a mixture of
decayed and spoilt tea-leaves, which is pressed into
cakes, with cherry-tree gum or some other sticky sub-
stance, that look like smooth bricks, of one to two feet in
length, seven inches wide, and three inches thick: from
this resemblance the tea is called in Siberia “brick tea.”
The Burjäts broke off little bits from these lumps with
their hatchets, ground or pounded them in mortars,
boiled the tea-powder in a kettle, added some flour,
milk, or butter and fat, and drank this brew with much
relish from wooden lacquered bowls, rather deeper and
larger than our Saucers. These people have a passion
OUR DEPARTURE TO SETTLE IN PETROWSKI. 115
for tobacco, and smoke it in little copper pipes. When
they light them, they inhale all the smoke. The pipes
are small, and the tobacco very dear; it is now, however,
largely cultivated in the southern regions of Siberia.
In all probability these nomads will in time follow the
example of their settled brethren, who are for the most
part living in great prosperity.
Two weeks before our departure from Tschita I had
received a letter from my wife, written from a station on
the further side of Lake Baikal (where she had been
detained for three weeks by a terrible flood). Our child
was now four years old ; my wife had long been turning
in her mind to whom she could entrust his education.
IHer health had meanwhile suffered perceptibly from the
separations and heavy sorrows she had endured, espe-
cially since she had received a positive refusal to her
request to bring her boy to Siberia with her. The
General-Adjutant Dibitsch had allowed the wife of
J. D. Jakuschkin to take her sons with her; she had
not followed her husband at first on account of these
boys. When my wife went with the same petition to
the Adjutant-General Benkendorff, he informed her that
it was impossible to obtain such a permission; and on
her mentioning Dibitsch's promise, Benkendorff replied,
“C'est impossible ! c'est une étourderie de la part du
Général. Et encore je dois vous prévenir, Madame, si
vous woulez partir sans votre fils, il n'y aura jamais de
retour pour vous, jamais.” He then added, “Si vous
10
146 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
avez besoin de quelque autre chose, j'intercéderai auprés
de Sa Majesté.” My wife's only reply was, “Je vais
prier de ne pas revenir, et je n'ai rien à demander
quand on me refuse mon fils.” Benkendorff was moved
to tears, and begged that she would communicate once
more with him before her departure, so that he could
send her the papers requisite. The threat of Benken-
dorff, “Il n'y aura pas de retour pour vous,” was no
empty one, it was a rule of the Government. Two of
my comrades, Juschnewsky and Jentalzow, died in the
year 1846, when in exile in Siberia; their childless
widows petitioned for leave to return to their homes,
but received a refusal.” My wife was overwhelmed
when she returned to her house, and took her son in
her arms; the whole affair had such an effect on her
health that from this time her hearing was impaired by
a constant singing in the ears, which lasted a long
while, and always recurred with any excitement. During
the time of our separation she lived a very retired life,
devoted herself entirely to her boy, and latterly went to
visit her estates in the Ukraine. Her health was terribly
broken; loving relatives sympathized deeply in her
troubles, but did not know how to help her. When
her youngest sister promised to take charge of the child,
my wife was immensely relieved, knowing he would
be well cared for. Her preparations for the journey
were very short ; she informed Benkendorff of the time
* These remarks were made in the year 1853.
OUR DEPARTURE TO SETTLE IN PETROWSKI. 147
of her departure, and received an answer by return of
post, as well as four packets, addressed respectively to
the Governors of Tobolsk, Jeniseisk, Irkutsk, and to our
Commandant Leparsky.
Our boy accompanied his mother as far as Moscow.
She there received many visits from the relations of my
companions in misfortune. Countess Wera Tscherni-
tschew, sister of our Alexandrine Murawjew, and now
Countess Pahlen, with tearful entreaties begged my
wife to take her under the disguise of a maid-servant, so
that she might go to the aid of her sister in Siberia. ‘I
dare not attempt to describe the last days which my wife
spent with her son.
On the 17th June, 1830, she left Moscow, with a
man-servant and a maid, and travelled as fast as the
post; till she reached Tobolsk, she only stopped
one night to rest. On presenting Benkendorff's letter
to the Governor-General, J. A. Welgaminow, he offered
her a guide as far as Irkutsk, a postilion named Sedow.
She arrived at Irkutsk the 31st July, and was detained
there a few days; although they did not throw as many
obstacles in her way as they had done to Princess Tru-
betzkoy, yet they insisted upon a written renunciation
of her rights of nobility. In order to cross Lake Baikal,
my wife's travelling-carriage was, on the 4th August,
placed in a large fishing-boat; after a stormy voyage,
which compelled them to run into a harbour of refuge,
the travellers arrived at the station of Stepnaija: and
148 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
here they were obliged to remain, for the swelling of the
rivers Selenga and Uda had flooded the whole country
around. For ten days she was compelled to live in a
barn, in a miserable village, till the waters subsided; she
was then obliged to leave her carriage behind, and go
some wersts by boat, and only reached the next station
after great trouble and danger. The servant remained
with the carriage, while she with her maid got into a
post-carriage and went on. Although I had received
my wife's letter from Stepnaija before I left Tschita, I
yet could not fix any day in my mind for her arrival;
judging by the distance only, she might arrive at any
moment. The wife of my companion Juschnewsky had
left Moscow a fortnight before, and had been delayed
neither by the Lake of Baikal nor by floods. She was
not, however, destined to share her husband’s imprison-
ment and banishment for any length of time—he was
released from his troubles by a sudden death when he
was standing before the coffin of our comrade Wod-
kowsky in the church of the village where he was then
settled. On the 27th August we spent our day of rest
at Ononskybor, a little village where we were lodged in
felt tents. After dinner we lay down to sleep, but I
could not close my eyes; the tents were ranged along
the post-road, which crossed over the brook and then
disappeared in the wood; I heard, in the distance, the
bells of post-horses, then the sound of carriage-wheels;
I looked through a slit in the tent, and catching sight
OUR DEPARTURE TO SETTLE IN PETROWSKI. 149
of a green veil, I threw on my coat and ran out to meet
the carriage. Nicholai Bestuchew hastened after me, but
did not get up to me; the sentries before the tents
threw themselves in front of me to stop me, but it was
in vain—I managed to slip through. The carriage
stopped a few steps from the sentries: a moment later
and my wife was clasped in my arms. *
The sentries stood motionless; for the first few
moments I was lost in the feeling of intense joy, but
then came the thought, where could I take my wife 2
after her long and fatiguing journey she could hardly
move. Happily for us the Platz Adjutant, Rosenburg,
just then came up, and informed me that he had received
orders from the Commandant to lodge us both in a
cottage, under the charge of a guard. She had only a
maid and a portmanteau with her. Rapid questions and
answers about my boy, my relatives at home, our past
and future life, engrossed our first hours of meeting.
I was obliged to go out to arrange the supper as usual,
and persuaded my wife meantime to visit Madame
Naryschkin. When I approached the tents my com-
rades came out in a body to meet me and wish me joy:
they embraced me, and many eyes were filled with
tears. They insisted upon my not going to my work in
the kitchen ; in fact they had already done it for me.
I had intended that my wife should share our ordinary
fare, but Jakubowitch had already prepared some excel-
lent soup as a welcome for her. The next day I, my
150 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
comrades, and my kettles proceeded on our march ; my
wife was in a postchaise: I walked by the side of her
carriage the whole day conversing with her. I would not
get in, as I had resolved to go on foot the whole way
from Tschita to Petrowski. At first she could scarcely
walk one werst, but after a week's time, when we were
near the banks of the Selenga, she walked from six to
ten wersts with me. The weather was lovely, and the
sun was so bright from ten till two o'clock, that she
found her summer dress quite warm enough. One
night which we spent in a felt tent reading letters from
our boy and other relations, was a great pleasure to her :
she enjoyed so much seeing the starry heavens through
the Smoke-opening over her head.
After some days we reached the banks of the
Selenga, the grandest and most beautiful part of Siberia.
Bicture to yourself a broad river, whose right bank was
formed of high rocks, of various-coloured strata, red,
yellow, grey, and black granite, mixed with spar, slate,
sand, lime, gravel, and chalk; this bank was sixty feet
in height ! In clear weather the perpendicular wall of
rock shone with a thousand lovely colours. The country
around is broken by hills, which are crowned with great
blocks of stone resembling castles and fortresses; these
are probably the results of some earthquake; the appear-
ance of the shores of Lake Baikal confirm this opinion.
This lake, which is called in Siberia the Holy Sea, is of
unfathomable depth. Pallas, the renowned traveller of
OUR DEPARTURE TO SETTLE IN PETROWSKI. 151
the time of Catherine II., describes this country in
detail, and reckons it as one of the most beautiful
countries he ever saw. I don’t know, however, if Pallas
was ever in the Caucasus or in Grusia. Nature on the
Selenga is very lovely, but it wants life; the population
is very small in comparison to the extent of country;
this want of life is more felt by the passing traveller
than is generally imagined.
Near the town of Werchne Udinsk, we turned off the
great road to the left ; after three days' march we
arrived at a large village, Tarbagatay: its houses and
inhabitants gave it the look of one of the villages of
Great Russia. Here they live, on a tract of fifty wersts
in length, the so-called Semeiskje, a people whose fore-
fathers had been sent to Siberia from Dorogobusch and
Gornel, chiefly on account of Sectarianism, both under
the government of the Empress Anna in 1733, and
under that of Catherine II. in the year 1767. They
had been permitted to sell their goods and property,
and to settle in Siberia with their wives and families.
Thence they received the name of Semeiskje, that is,
people who have emigrated with their families. When
these exiles crossed Lake Baikal and arrived in
Werchne Udinsk, they received orders from the local
authorities to establish themselves in desert places, at a
distance from any other settlements. The government
commissary took them to an ancient forest, beside the
little river Tarbagatay, and permitted them to select
152 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
what place of residence they liked there : they were
exempted from payment of the Crown taxes. How
great was the surprise of these officials when, on
returning after the lapse of a year, they found a fine
well-built village, kitchen-gardens, and fields, in a place
which twelve months before had been covered by a
dense forest. This marvellous change was the result of
the people's diligence, combined with the ready money
which they had brought with them, after selling all
their property at home. As soon as their arrival was
known, skilled workmen flocked to them from the mines
around, and the work went on merrily. After Werchne
Udinsk we passed our nights and days of rest in these
large villages, instead of in the felt tents of the Burjäts.
In Tarbagatay we had time to inspect everything in
detail. My wife and I were quartered in the house of
a peasant ; the houses contained several rooms, and a
covered staircase : they had large windows and roofs of
boards: on one side of the entrance there was a large
room for the workmen, and a huge Russian baking-oven;
on the other side, from two to five rooms, with Dutch
ovens: here the floor was covered with carpets made on
purpose, the tables and chairs were polished, and even
mirrors, bought in Isbit at the yearly fair, adorned the
walls. Our hostess regaled us most hospitably with
ham, sturgeon, and various kinds of cakes. In the
court we saw carriages bound with iron, good harness,
strong, well-fed horses, and healthy, well-built men :
oUR DEPARTURE To SETTLE IN PETROWSKI. 153
the tout-ensemble gave the impression of great pros-
perity. It was Sunday: every one went to the house of
prayer, the men in long coats of blue cloth, with mag-
nificent sable caps—the women in short silk cloaks,
called soul-warmers ; their head-gear was made of silk
stuff, woven with gold and silver. Everything betokened
wealth, diligence, and order. Only one thing struck
the observer as wanting: the church being “orthodox,”
the inhabitants had only a house of prayer, and no
priest. Like all the “orthodox,” they use no tobacco,
no tea, no wine, no medicine, nor inoculation, as
they consider all these things sinful. I have, however,
never seen a person marked with the Small-pox among
them. They are a God-fearing people, read the holy
Scriptures diligently, and observe the rules of their sect
with the greatest strictness.
Many of these people are capitalists : some possess
capital to the amount of 100,000 roubles, carry on a
great trade in corn, and have many dealings with the
Chinese, to whom they sell wheat and sheepskins.
advantageously. “Why are your neighbours so poor ?”
I asked of my host. “How should they not be poor?”
was his reply. “Before the cock crows we are out in
the fields and ploughing in the cold morning air, while
the native peasant is hardly up and beginning to boil
his brick tea ; the Sun is high in the heavens before he
goes out to his field. We have done our first work, and
are taking our rest, while the Siberian and his draught
154 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
cattle are labouring through the heat of the day: neither
he nor his horses have strength enough to plough the
land thoroughly. In addition to that, the earlier settlers
are devoted to brandy-drinking; they waste every kopek
in this way, and can amass no capital.” Bestuchew
asked one of these farmers why they did not import
machines, which would lighten and hasten their farm-
work, at all events in threshing and cleaning the seed.
The farmer replied, “Our corn is chiefly dried; we
often keep it for five years, when prices are low and
seasons fruitful. A broad shovel is all we want for
winnowing. How much can a machine winnow in a
day?” “More than sixty ‘loof.’” “My shovel and
hand will do as much as that,” replied the farmer,
extending his sinewy hand with a wrist more than four
inches wide. The whole existence of these people
testified to their prosperity and content. They have a
communal Constitution, which makes them tolerably
independent, pay their taxes punctually, and transact
their business with officers of the Crown, who under-
stand and treat them with justice.
The following day we spent in another village of the
S8. Iſlē colony, and found the same active life there-—in
the village Dessiàtinkowo, where we passed our next
rest day. Our host was a robust old man of 110 years,
who was one of the first of those transported in the
reign of Anna (1733). He was then thirteen years old,
and remembered clearly all the circumstances of the
OUR DEPARTURE TO SETTLE IN PETROWSKI. 155
long journey and the first settlement. The old man
lived in the house of his youngest and fourth son, who
was himself seventy years of age. Although the father
did not any longer work, he still kept to his old habit
of carrying a hatchet in his belt: and it was he who
early every morning roused his children and grand-
children to work. He took me to see his other three
sons. He had built a separate house for each of them,
with a court, barn, and water-mill attached to each.
“Why hast thou built so many water-mills, grand-
father ?” I asked the old man. “Just look and see
what fields we have got,” he replied, pointing to the
mountains all around, where every available corner was
cultivated.
The soil grows excellent wheat, which can be ex-
ported with great advantage. The riches and prosperity
of these peasants made me feel as if I was looking at
Russians at work in America, rather than in Siberia.
Here they are quite as well off as in America ; they have
a large and very fruitful territory, an industrious popu-
lation, and govern themselves.
In this village we found my wife, who had been
detained on account of the flood. There still remained
four days’ march to our new prison. I persuaded her
to drive on and procure a lodging for herself and the
servants, and also to buy some provisions. I resigned
my post in the commissariat as soon as we reached this,
our last night’s quarters. Here we received letters,
156 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
together with the important news of the July revolution
in France. It seemed to us a good omen on the eve of
our arrival at our new place of residence, and all the
more welcome as the last newspaper but one had in-
formed us of the senseless “ordonnance ’’ of Charles X.
In general, every traveller looks forward with pleasure
to the end of his journey; it was far otherwise to us,
who had only the prospect of a hew prison before us.
For the last few wersts the road wound through a
forest, which became less dense as we approached
Petrowski, and finally led through brushwood and
morass, till we suddenly came in sight of high moun-
tains to the north and east. In a deep valley might be
seen a large village, a church, a factory with many
ehimneys, a river, and, behind it, the red roof of the
prison. As we drew nearer we could see an enormous
building with a number of brick chimneys, and stone
foundations reaching high, up into the wall. It was
windowless, save one small projecting part, in which
were the entrance, main-guard, and guard-room. When
we had passed through the gate, we saw windows in the
inner walls, stairs, and an enclosure made of upright
pointed logs, dividing the whole inner space into eight
separate courts; each court had its own door, and each
division contained five or six men. The stairs led to a
lighted corridor of four ells in width, from which doors
opened into the single cells. Each cell was seven paces
long and six wide. These were almost pitch dark; their
OUR DEPARTURE TO SETTLE IN PETROWSKI. 157
only light being what came from the corridor through a
grated window made over each cell door. It was so
dark that even on a clear day it was quite impossible to
read or make out the figures or hands of a watch. By
day we were allowed to open the doors, and in the warm
weather to work in the corridors; but then, how short
a time does the Siberian sunshine last ! ... Even in
September we had to take our choice of burning candles
or sitting in the dark. There were in all sixty cells; in
some of them two prisoners were lodged.
Our first impression was very painful, all the more
that it was unexpected. How could we imagine that
after we had spent nearly four years in the small, but
endurable prison of Tschita, we should without any
reason be punished by removal to a far worse abode, and
even be deprived of daylight 2 It grieved me terribly to
think of my comrades, who must spend twelve years in
this prison. Two divisions of the building were given
up to the married couples—the first and the twelfth.
The women did not for a moment hesitate to share
the prison of their husbands, which they had not been
allowed to do in Tschita, owing to the smallness of the
building and the prisoners living in common. Here
each one had his own special cell.
Trubetzkoy's wife, Naryschkin's, von Wisin's, and
mine lived in our division. Sergius Trubetzkoy used to
say, “Why should we need windows, when we have
four suns within our dwelling 2 ” Alexandrine Muraw-
e
158 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
jew and Catherine Trubetzkoy could only spend their
days in the prison, as children were not allowed in the
building. The doors were locked every evening after the
tattoo, and it might have been very dangerous for babies,
whose sudden ailments often require immediate help, to
be thus shut off from any assistance, especially as no
fire was allowed at night. The mothers therefore spent
the nights in their own houses with their children, and
their days in the prison with their husbands. We all
tried to ornament our cells to the best of our powers.
A common kitchen was established in the centre of the
prison. Each of the divisions could be completely shut
off as soon as the gates were locked. A space as large
as that occupied by the whole prison was enclosed by a
high paling of boards, so that the prison walls and this
enclosed space formed a right-angled, equal-sided square.
According to the original plan, the prison was to have
extended over the whole Square; but as some of the
prisoners had already been transported from Tschita to
their ultimate place of settlement, and the remaining
categories were to follow in time, the half of the space
only was built over, and the remainder was used as a
playground and promenade. In the winter we made
montagnes russes there and a slide for skating. Each
cell opened into a corridor or common passage ; but in
order to have a little quiet, and to lessen the noise, the
Commandant ordered that the doors between the divisions
should be entirely closed. When we complained of the
OUR DEPARTURE TO SETTLE IN PETROWSKI. 159
darkness of our cells to the Commandant Leparsky, and
expressed our astonishment that he should have suffered
the building to be made on such an inconvenient plan,
as if on purpose to injure our eyesight, he declared with
a shrug of the shoulders that the design for the building
had been arranged by the Emperor himself, and there-
fore it was useless to think of remonstrance.
160 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
CHAPTER VII.
IN THE PRISON OF PETROWSKI.
WE did not discover, till a few weeks after our arrival,
how much the altered life in the prison of Petrowski was
telling upon us. As soon as winter set in, it became
impossible to stay for any time in the long corridor into
which our cells opened, on account of the cold. We
were forced to retreat into these, and burn candles the
whole day. My eyes soon became so weak that I was
obliged to use spectacles. In the meantime our ladies,
especially Madame von Murawjew, the Princesses
Trubetzkoy and Wolkonsky, as well as Madame
Naryschkin, had written faithful accounts of our gloomy
dwelling to their relations in St. Petersburg. The
Commandant, on his side, had represented to the autho-
rities that the darkness of the cells would very likely
seriously affect those who were weak in health, or
inclined to melancholy. At length, in the following
spring, Leparsky informed us that the Emperor, at the
intercession of Count Benkendorff, had given orders for a
IN THE PRISON OF PETROWSKI. 161
window to be pierced in the outer wall of each cell.
FIis orders were executed in May.
Our work went on in common, as in Tschita : in
summer we were occupied with the making of a road
and labouring in the kitchen-garden; in the winter we
worked handmills. We each employed our leisure hours
according to our taste, and fortunately had no lack of
books. Prince Odojewsky visited me twice a week, and,
corrected my writings and translations. An old sailor,
C. P. Torson, spent every Wednesday with me relating
his voyages round the world, his past deeds, and future
projects. Other comrades came to see us and our neigh-
bours in the evening, and our corridor was generally very
lively until the tattoo.
My wife and I lived rather apart from the others,
having our regular occupations; every hour of the day
had its appointed employment, excepting those in which
we had to walk up and down the court for exercise.
Every day at ten o’clock in the morning my wife went
to her hired quarters to attend to her little housekeeping;
at midday the food was all taken by the cook to the
guard-room, from whence the sentry brought our meals
into the corridor. My wife still loves to recall our life
in prison, during which we spent more time together
than falls to the lot of most married people in the course
of twenty years.
In July, 1831, two of our comrades, N. P. Repin and
Michael Kuchelbecker, left us; they were in the same
11
162 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
category as I, but their term of forced labour was
shortened, while my sentence remained unaltered. We
learnt in the spring that Repin, together with Andrejew
(who had been removed previously), had been sent to
Werchne Udinsk, about 200 wersts from Irkutsk. The
friends met at Repin’s first place of abode: he had hired
a lodging in the house of a merchant's wife, a sort of
antechamber separating his room from that of his hostess.
Their meeting was a great mutual joy, and their con-
versation lasted till long after midnight. Suddenly the
maid detected a smell of smoke, woke her mistress, and
they both examined the kitchen and stove, but found
nothing to account for the Smoke, which grew more and
more dense in the antechamber. They knocked at
Repin’s door, but received no answer; at the windows—
all was still. When the door was at last broken open,
the flames rushed out upon those who entered, and the
bodies of the two exiles were found so burnt as to be
scarcely recognizable. The remains of the companions
in misfortune were interred in one coffin in the church-
yard of the place. The civil governor at once repaired
to the spot, but his inquiry was without result; the
probability is, that the two men had talked long together,
had not extinguished the light, or else had set fire to
the bed-clothes with their pipes, and must have been
Suffocated by the Smoke.
Some months after I had heard of this accident, I
received a letter from Repin: in order to reach Petrowski
IN THE PRISON OF PETROWSKI. 163
it had been obliged to go to St. Petersburg and through
the third division of the Imperial office, thus making a
circuit of more than 12,000 wersts on its way. The feel-
ings with which I received the letter of my unfortunate
companion and former fellow-soldier can be imagined;
he had left the prison full of joy and hope at the change
in his life, and in this letter gave me an account of his
new home and all he was doing.
We had passed a year in the new prison when I was
obliged to part from my wife, as the time of her confine-
ment drew near. She hired a house in which the Prin-
cess Trubetzkoy had lived till her own was finished.
All our ladies had their own houses, and they all, except
the wives of Juschnewsky and von Wisin, had children.
A week before her confinement I was permitted to leave
the prison and remain with my wife; a sentry was
placed before our dwelling, who, however, only accom-
panied me when I had to go to work or to the mill.
On the 5th September, 1831, my second son Conrad
was born ; I embraced him with deep love and thankful-
ness, but when afterwards three sons and a daughter
were born to me, the thought of their future almost
weighed me to the earth; at such moments, when my
courage failed, it was difficult to rejoice over even the
most promising children. After the birth of my second
son, I resolved to use every endeavour to qualify myself
to educate them, so as to give those who not only had
no property, but had also lost their rights of citizenship,
* *
164 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
some chance of making their own way in the world. As
soon as my wife was able to leave her bed, I was obliged
to leave her alone and return to my prison, from whence
I might visit her twice a week for a few hours at a time.
This separation was of course very painful, but we
consoled ourselves with the thought that it would not be
of long duration, as the time for my being moved away
to settlement would be in the following July. We
shared our means of subsistence at Petrowski, and
though we gained in quiet and space by having our cells
to ourselves, yet the ideal charm which had brightened
our life at Tschita was wanting here ; increasing years
and decreasing health had perhaps something to do with
it ; also the fact that, as we lived apart, we were not
so dependent on each other, and could choose our
intimate associates. Of course the presence of so many
ladies among us involved a certain amount of constraint.
F. B. Wolff and Artamon Murawjew were the most
active of us all. Wolff was a doctor, and highly con-
sidered; Murawjew had trained himself to be a practical
surgeon. A soldier of the guard accompanied them
every time they left the fortress to attend the sick of the
place. Our aged Commandant, the officers and workmen
of the building, all looked to Wolff in case of illness;
besides which, many sick people from the neighbourhood
came to ask his advice. He looked after his large
apothecary’s shop with the help of A. Ph. Frolow, and
was soon known in all the country round as a wonder-
IN THE PRISON OF PETROWSKI. 165
working doctor. Artamon Murawjew let blood, drew
teeth, and bound up wounds. When commander of the
Achtyr Hussars, he little thought that the office of an
army-surgeon would one day fall to his share; but during
a journey abroad he had fortunately attended lectures on
surgery for his own pleasure. After he was settled in
Irkutsk he still continued this pursuit, which had
become almost a necessity to him, until he died in the
year 1847. During the whole six years of my residence
in Tschita and Petrowski not one single death occurred
among my comrades: a remarkable circumstance, when
it is remembered that on an average, out of seventy-five
men, two die in a year. We were eighty-two in number,
and not all young; some had reached the age of sixty
years. Most of us had been bred up in princely
luxury, and all were used to certain comforts, from
which they were suddenly brought to bear most unusual
privations. The monotonous life, and simple moderate
food, without doubt suited us all.
Petrowski is one of the iron-foundries belonging to
the Crown, where iron vessels are cast, iron hoops and
wire forged and drawn. In the works there was also
a saw-mill, which for years had been out of gear, the
machinery having been injured past repair, as it was
believed. The Director of the works had learnt from
the Platz Adjutant, that some among us were acquainted
with mechanics, and begged the Commandant to
allow “ these gentlemen º’ to inspect the machinery,
166 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
and give an opinion as to the possibility of its being
repaired. N. Bestuchew and Torson betook themselves
to the place, and, to the astonishment of the officials,
masters and workmen, the machinery and saw-mill were
in a few hours set going. N. Bestuchew had in his
mind a design for a new chronometer of cheaper con-
struction. This idea he carried into execution twenty
years after, when he was settled at Selenginsk. His
new clock was set up in a hall in the winter, where, in
spite of the cold of twenty-five degrees (Reaumur), it
continued to go perfectly. When we had the sorrow
of losing our much-loved and honoured Alexandrine
Murawjew by an early death, Bestuchew, with his own
hands, prepared a wooden coffin with all the fittings and
ornaments, and also cast one of lead, in which the
wooden shell was placed. He was also an artist. He
painted all our portraits, and made some very pretty
sketches of Tschita and Petrowski. Torson occupied
himself in constructing models of threshing, reaping
and sowing machines. N. A. Zagoutsky contrived to
make a very good wooden clock, his only tool being a
common dinner-knife. *
In our joiners' room we prepared all the tables,
chairs, arm-chairs, benches and cupboards required.
The best joiners were N. Bestuchew, Frolow, P. S.
Puschkin and A. T. Borissow. Repin and Andre-
jewitch spent a good deal of time in painting; the
latter devoted himself to painting a large altar-piece in
IN THE PRISON OF PETROWSKI. 167
oils for the church at Tschita. Music had also its dis-
ciples: F. F. Wodkowsky and N. A. Krjukow played
the violin; P. N. Swistunow the violoncello; A. P.
Juschnewsky the piano; M. M. Naryschkin, Lunin, and
J. F. Schimkow the guitar; Count Igelstrom the flute.
Prince Odojewsky and B. P. Iwaschew were devoted to
poetry. Puschkin wrote clever fables, and rendered the
Psalms into metre. Iwaschew composed an epic poem,
called “Stenka Rasin.” “ The reading and newspaper
room was besieged at all free hours. On Sundays we
assembled to read the holy Scriptures and some edifying
books; except once a year for Communion, we were never
taken to Church. We kept to the resolution we had
made at Tschita not to play cards; we allowed our-
Selves, however, paper and ink, in spite of the stringent
prohibition against it.
M. S. Lunin lived in a most peculiar way. He
lived in No. 1, a totally dark cell, in which no window
could be pierced, because a guard-room had been built
outside. He took no part at our common table, kept
his fasts after the custom of the Roman Church, which
he had joined some years before, after he had been at
Warsaw a pupil and disciple of the well-known Meister.
One-third of his cell was shut off by a curtain, behind
which, elevated on some steps, was a large Crucifix
blessed by the Pope, which his sister had sent him
from Rome. All through the day loud Latin prayers
* A well-known Russian rebel and robber.
168 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
were heard in his cell: he was, however, no ascetic in
his ways; and when he came among us was always
agreeable and witty. Whenever we visited him in his
cell we found him always ready to converse in a secular,
and often in a jocular strain. He was very much pro-
voked with Victor Hugo's book, Notre Dame de Paris,
which penetrated even into our wilds, and was read
with avidity: he had the patience to burn the whole
work in a candle.
He always painted our future (that is, the time of
our settlement) in the most gloomy colours, declaring
that only three courses would be open to us—marriage,
a monastery, or drink. He himself came to a sad end.
He lived, as a colonist, quite secluded: surrounded his
hut with a high fence, kept the doors fastened at all
times, and had with him only one servant, a Burjāt.
Probably these eccentricities aroused suspicion: for he
was suddenly arrested, his papers being seized and sent
to St. Petersburg. In consequence of what was found in
them he was despatched to Nertschinsk, where he lived
under strict supervision, and died in the year 1847, at
the age of seventy. In his youth Lunin had served in
the regiment of Chevaliers de la Garde. When his
father, who was very rich, would no longer give
him sufficient means to live in the capital, he left,
went to Paris, and subsequently to London, where he
supported himself by giving French lessons. After his
father's death he returned to his country and resumed
IN THE PRISON OF PETROWSKI. 169
military life; he afterwards served in the Grodno
Regiment of Hussar Guards at Warsaw, and was so
much beloved by the Grand Duke Constantine there,
that when in December, 1825, the latter received orders
to arrest Lunin, he sent to him at once to warn him
and give him the opportunity of escape. Lunin, how-
ever, preferred sharing the fate of his comrades.
A. P. Juschnewsky was a man especially worthy of
note: he had formerly been General Intendant of the
Second Army. He was a stoic in the strictest sense of the
word, and was closely allied with Pestel, who never con-
cealed a thought from him, and consulted him about his
every action. Juschnewsky was married; his wife followed
him after a short time; they lived in Petrowski in very
poor circumstances; his property still remained in the
possession of the sequestrators—even his brother (the
rightful heir) was not allowed to enjoy it until the
revision of the papers in the office of the Intendant of
the Second Army was completed. This inquiry lasted
long, and caused great annoyance to Juschnewsky, for,
being a prisoner, he was deprived of all means of freeing
himself from certain accusations which were made against
him. The old man's delight can be imagined when,
after the lapse of eight years, he received the verdict
of the commission of inquiry, in which it was expressly
stated that the former Intendant General of the Second
Army had not only caused no injury to the Government,
but had, on the contrary, been the means of benefiting
170 RUSSIAN CONS'''IRATORS IN SIBERIA.
it largely by his wise and timely measures. The large
sums of money which passed through his hands, and
the intricate affairs he had to manage, would have made
it easy for Juschnewsky's enemies to bring an accusation
of treason against the exile without any real grounds,
and they might thus have ruined him ; indeed, it
was a great surprise to us, who knew all the circum-
stances, that this did not occur. He died in the vicinity
of Irkutsk, where he was settled, in the year 1839, as he
was praying by the coffin of a deceased comrade. I
must mention, in conclusion, that seven of my comrades
were betrothed, whose brides did not follow them ; and
that eight of our married men, whose wives stayed
behind, had to bear in addition the terrible grief of
hearing that they had married others. The impression
which this intelligence made was deepened by the sight
of those ladies who had followed their husbands through
misery and exile, and who were not only models of
conjugal devotion, but the greatest blessings to their
husbands and all of us as well.
( 171 )
CHAPTER VIII.
FROM PETROWSKI TO KURGAN.
THE time for me to leave Petrowski and to begin hiſe
as a settler was drawing near : the term of my forced
labour, and, at the same time, of my life in prison,
came to an end on the 11th July, 1832. I knew that
my wife's relations had petitioned the Government to
settle us at Kurgan, and that this request had been
acceded to. As my wife expected her confinement at
the end of August, I persuaded her to start for Irkutsk
on the 3rd July, and there to procure the despatch of
the requisite official papers, so that immediately on my
arrival we might continue our journey. On the 2nd July
I brought my little Conrad into the prison in order to
take leave ; the child was dressed in a bright blue cloak
which the Prince Obolensky had made for him with
great skill; he was not in the least shy, though my
comrades surrounded him and caressed him with deep
feeling. My wife took a touching farewell of our faithful
companions; the ladies feared for her health in her
172 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
situation, which might make the fatigues of the journey
very dangerous to her. Alexandrine Murawjew sent
her a folding travelling chair, and offered her a thousand
little comforts, and tried to persuade her to take a cow
with her for the passage over Lake Baikal, so that the
child might have fresh milk at all hours. Torson
prepared the hammock of sail-cloth, and N. Bestuchew
arranged the screws and buckles with which to Secure
the little bed to the roof of the calèche, in which my
wife was to make the passage. She started on her
journey on the 3rd July, and reached the shores of
Lake Baikal without hindrance; there she hired a
fishing-boat with sails; the calèche was rolled into it,
and thus they put out to sea under the care of the
fisherman and some travelling companions. In the
middle of the lake a storm arose, which lasted some
days, during which the vessel rocked incessantly though
anchored. The child fell ill ; the store of milk which
they had taken turned sour; he would not drink boiled
milk: at first he was content with rice-water, but at last
he took hardly any nourishment, and seemed as if he
must die. On the fifth day the storm abated, the wind
was favourable, and in a few hours the sailors were able
to land. To this day my wife recalls with delight the
moment when they again touched the land, and her
sick boy could get fresh milk after his five days' suffering
and hunger. She reached Irkutsk on the 12th July, and
expected me to follow the next day; but I did not arrive
FROM PETROWSKI TO KURGAN. 173
till a fortnight after. My delay arose from two causes.
The Governor-General Lawinsky was inspecting his
district at that time, and had forgotten to inform the
Commandant at the right moment of my place of desti-
nation. Leparsky did not receive the letter until the
20th, and despatched me on the same day; but I had
waited nine days beyond my time in prison. Soon
after my departure my comrades who remained had
their term of imprisonment and forced labour shortened,
on the occasion of the birth of the Grand Duke Michael
Nikolajewitch. The second cause of my arrival being
postponed was a storm on Lake Baikal. On the 20th
July, 1832, Ibade adieu to my comrades and my prison.
I felt nothing but joy and satisfaction in leaving the
latter, but the parting with my companions was sad and
sorrowful; sufferings and recollections in common had
drawn us far closer to each other than any ties of
relationship could have done. It was no less painful
to me to part from those ladies who, by their self-
denial and friendliness, had done all that was possible
to alleviate the sorrows of our lot, while they really
suffered more than we. I hoped to see them again, but
when and where ? None could give an answer. At
the gates of the prison stood two post-carriages; a non-
commissioned officer and a private were to accompany
me. Colonel Leparsky sent for me to the guard-room,
where he took leave of me and courteously regretted
that he had not sooner made my acquaintance. I
174 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
entreated him to continue to soften the hard fate of my
companions in misfortune, as he had hitherto done.
As I descended the steps of the guard-room I saw my
comrades again crowding round the gate to bid me
farewell.
I travelled with M. N. Glebow to Werchne Udinsk,
where we parted, as he was to be settled in the village
of Kabańsk in the vicinity of that town; he died there
twenty years later, in 1852. I drove as fast as possible
without halting a moment; the charming banks of the
Selenga passed unheeded before my eyes, their beauty
illumined now by the brilliant light of day, now by
the pale moonlight; but my thoughts were far away
with my wife and child, in Irkutsk, or in the prison so
lately vacated, and T scarcely saw what was passing
before me. Instead of going to the Possolsky Monastery,
where the ships generally lie in harbour, by the advice
of my companion I drove along the shores of the Selenga
to the little river haven Tschertowkino, whence the
large fishing-boats go to Irkutsk when they go down
the river to Lake Baikal. I had hardly reached the
village when I saw at the distance of a werst a boat
which had just put off; there was no other vessel in the
harbour; there was, therefore, but one course open to
me—to drive along the shore until I came up with the
boat. As we were flying through the village I heard a
voice screaming after me ; it was repeated several times.
I looked round and saw a man running after my car-
FROM PETROWSKI TO KURGAN. 175
riage, beckoning with his hand; at last he fell down
exhausted by his chase. I turned about, raised him up,
and recognized Wiskenow, my guard and escort at
Tschita and Petrowski, who had been rewarded with the
order of St. George. He had received his discharge
some months before, and now begged most earnestly
that I would take him with me. “I don’t myself know
where I am being taken to, neither have I room for thee,
dear friend,” was my reply. “As soon as I am settled I
will gladly have you with me; at Irkutsk you can learn
my place of destination.” With that we parted.
We drove on and on along the shore, hastening over
field and meadow to catch the boat. In half an hour
we reached the next stage, where the sailing vessels
called. I shouted with all my strength to the helms-
man, “Halt, take me up.” “Will you give me twenty-
five roubles?” “Willingly.” “Give me thirty
roubles 2" “All right.” “Thirty-five roubles 2 ”
“Done.” “Forty roubles, then 2 ” “Anything for
a boat at once.”
Two fishermen jumped into a little boat and put off
to shore. I and my companions entered. I had with
me only a portmanteau, a basket with some bread, and
a bottle of wine, which the Princess Trubetzkoy had
given me for the journey. I had had no time to provide
myself with any other provisions; the wind was favour-
able, and we hoped to get across Lake Baikal in five
hours.
176 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
The boat was tugged down the river by three men
with a rope, who dragged it slowly along. The skipper
had but six men to work his vessel. A tarantass (or
native carriage) stood in the middle of the boat; in it sat
a grey-haired man wrapped in a military cloak. Our
little boat glided swiftly down the clear waters of the
Selenga. We soon reached the vessel and jumped in.
After I had Saluted my unknown travelling companion,
I begged the sub-officer to pay the skipper the promised
money for the passage at once, and I entreated him to
use every means in his power to hasten the passage,
and promised a good present for his men if we got
across soon. However, these boatmen, who spent all
their lives on the water, were more sluggish and difficult
to move than amphibious animals; they seemed not to
know the meaning of the word haste. It was three in
the afternoon, and we were still about sixteen wersts
from the mouth of the river, when they began to fasten
the rope to a tree, in order to sit down and get some
food and rest on board their vessel. “We have time
enough,” they said; “the wind is favourable ; we shall
be the other side to-morrow early, if we only get safely
down the Selenga; the many turns and openings, where
it pours itself into Lake Baikal, make sandbanks and
shoals at its mouth, and render the navigation difficult.”
The boat remained on the bank; I persuaded my com-
panions to jump out and drag the rope until the fisher-
men had rested and eaten. The indefatigable soldiers
FROM PETROWSKI TO KURGAN. 177
followed me at once, and we tugged the boat forward a
bit ; but in jumping out I had sprained my foot, and
every step became more and more painful to put it to
the ground. I hardly felt it, however, as I thought
with anxiety of my wife and child awaiting me. Our
separation had already lasted fourteen days longer
than we had intended. We stopped in the evening,
the steersman assuring us it was dangerous to steer
in the dark through the many shoals between us and
the lake; when the sun rose, we should be out of the
river in an hour, and could then hoist the sail. To me
the evening appeared quite light enough ; the moon was
in her first quarter and shone brightly; but I, with my
disabled foot, and two of my soldiers quite exhausted,
could do nothing. Knowing nought of the art of sail-
ing, or of the stream and its windings, I was forced to
wait till they chose to go on. I wrapped myself in my
cloak, listening to my travelling companion in the taran-
tass, as he asked questions about me, and so fell asleep
at length.
When I woke next morning I saw that the banks of
the river were far distant. We were now on the lake,
the sails hoisted, but the wind was rapidly falling;
at last the sails flapped idly, the gaff creaked on the
mast, swayed slowly from side to side, and finally
remained immoveable ; and there we lay about twenty
wersts from the mouth of the Selenga. My impatience
and anxiety may be imagined ; the fishermen, lay down
12
178 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
to sleep, saying, “If we don’t arrive to-day we shall
to-morrow.” I had time enough to study Lake Baikal.
Its shores are sometimes steep and high, sometimes undu-
lating, with here and there bare rugged rocks of granite
and flint alternating with greensward and little woods.
There are traces of volcanic action on all sides, and it
may be assumed that in former times the Selenga, Lake
Baikal, and the Angora were all one river. In some
places the lake is fathomless. Where the river Angora
runs out of Lake Baikal, two granite blocks stand up in
the midst and serve as sluices; near these masses of
stone the marks of volcanic agency are plainly visible.
The pain in my foot was becoming unbearable,
though I bathed it with water continually, and I had
to ask the skipper to demand his payment from my
companions. They had provision for seven days;
indeed, they never start for a voyage on Lake Baikal
without a store of that kind, the weather on the lake is
so uncertain.
We lay thus for two days, motionless, in the midst of
the lake. On the third a storm arose ; the vessel,
though secured by an anchor, rocked like a cradle moved
by an impatient hand. The wind was still contrary, and
my situation became hourly more unbearable : we were
tossed on the waves day and night, while the reflexion
of the sun's rays on the water and the high wind caused
such inflammation in my eyes that I could scarce read a
few lines at a time from Goethe’s “Genius,” which
FROM PETROWSKI TO KURGAN. 179
happened to be in my pocket. To add to it all, I was
sea-sick, and lay most of the day on deck, and the night
in my little cabin, into which I could only just crawl.
The greater my impatience became, the more insur-
mountable seemed the hindrances. After a two days'
storm, a contrary wind blew incessantly for two days.
We had already lain at anchor for seven days, and our
provisions were running short. One day more, and we
must have turned back to Tschertowkino, and waste time
anew at the mouth of the Selenga. On the eighth day
the fragments and crumbs of bread were collected; the
fishermen had still a little brandy, though their bread
was almost out. They calmly assured us that some-
times they spent a fortnight on the lake waiting for a
favourable wind. I sopped some bits of bread and
remains of oatmeal in the Tokay wine which the Princess
Trubetzkoy had given me, and this peculiar mixture was
my food for one whole day. I had wished to keep
the wine (from the cellar of the celebrated gastronomer
Count Laval) for my wife in case of illness, but now it
must be sacrificed. On the ninth day it was decided to
sail back again at noon. Just then the pennon of the
vessel began to move. The fishermen called out, “We
shall have either a calm or a favourable wind. . . . Raise
up the mast, spread the sail, the wind is all right !” The
boat actually moved ; and in a few hours we reached the
other shore, not far from a post-station. Here I learnt
that my wife had, like me, been detained on the lake
180 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
some time. I drove to Irkutsk with the speed of the
wind, and arrived about midnight. An officer of police
accompanied me to her dwelling. The maid opened the
door softly. I saw the light of a night-lamp, and heard
my wife's voice as she rocked her sleeping child. The
joy of meeting was indescribable, and we promised each
other never to part in future. In her countenance I read
the illness of my son. He was dangerously ill; would
take no nourishment ; and his countenance was more
pallid than ever. His mother lifted him out of bed and
brought him to me. He looked at me with a long fixed
stare, then raised his hands quickly, and smiled ; from
that instant I had hopes of his recovery. As the
autumn was drawing near we could not think of post-
poning our journey; we must set out at once, regardless
of the child’s illness. I drove to the Governor
J. B. Zeidler, who gave me my pass and a Cossack
sub-officer as escort. In the afternoon of the 4th August
we were on the clear waters of the Angora. It was a
pleasant evening: the sun broke through the clouds,
illumining with its rays this, the second chief town of
Siberia, and the large buildings and gardens, which were
reflected in the Angora and Irkuta. Every step brought
us nearer to our new home. The road over which I had
passed in winter six years before appeared to me entirely
changed.
As the child's health continued to improve, we took
fresh courage, and continued our journey to Kurgan
FROM PETROWSKI TO KURGAN. 181
almost joyfully, in spite of the new sort of imprisonment
to which we were hastening. We drove very quickly,
hurrying in order to arrive early at Kurgan. It was
no less than 4,200 wersts (2,620 English miles) from
Petrowski to our new place of destination. The unfore-
seen delay in my departure from the prison and the
hindrances on Lake Baikal had robbed us of three
weeks of the best time of year. It was already the
beginning of August, and the night frosts had set in.
This delivered us from the little flies which so torment
both man and beast during the short Siberian summer,
that it is often quite impossible for them to work in the
daytime, and even the common labourers have to cover
their faces with a veil of linen.
I have already described the extraordinary speed of
the Siberian horses. We drove on day and night without
stopping. In the evening T got on to the box by the
driver, and tried to induce him to drive slower and more
carefully, by promising him, a good drink-money if he
would do so; but promises and threats were alike in vain,
the horses were not to be checked. When they were
being put to at the stations, a crowd of men always stood
round the unmanageable animals, holding them firmly
by the halter. As soon as the travellers were seated, the
driver called out, “Let go !” the men then flung them-
selves to the right and left to get out of the way, and the
carriage shot past them, without any exaggeration, like
a cannon-ball. All the efforts of the driver are fruitless;
182 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
the more he holds the horses back, the quicker they go ;
the utmost he can do is to keep them in the right
direction. After the first four wersts, where the road in
general is fenced on each side for the herds of the
villages and stations, the horses begin to get quieter,
and that particular danger is over, for the animals, at all
events, keep to the road. When they went at full speed
down hill, or through a river, one could neither see
nor hear.
Wherever the climate allows of it, agriculture and
the breeding of cattle are carried on with very great
success. The traffic is carried on by means of the great
high-road from Tjumen and Nertschinsk, being the
channel by which the products of these enormous and
rich plains will be made available by future generations.
Even in the reign of Catherine II. Siberia was called the
golden territory, on account of the abundance of precious
metals, but though the mountains and river-beds of
Siberia do in fact contain rich gold-fields, yet the chief
wealth of the land is in the fruitfulness of the soil.
Many places in the governments of Tomsk, Jeniseisk,
and Irkutsk, have most abundant harvest crops; the
land needs as little dressing as the plains of the Ukraine,
and the enormous rivers greatly facilitate the relations
of trade. The time for uniting the canals in Siberia
has not yet arrived, but there is already communication
by water connecting Okhotsk with the Oural, interrupted
only in three places and at very short intervals.
FROM PETROWSKI TO KURGAN. 183
Even the enormous stretch of country from Okhotsk
to St. Petersburg, extending over 10,000 wersts, has a
natural water communication, which is broken only at
the following points: 1, at Katshuga on the Lena, from
whence the goods can be conveyed by land carriage to
Lake Baikal; 2, at the church village Muchowskoje—
but there it is only ninety wersts from Jenisee to Katt,
a tributary of the Ob; 3, from Tjumen to Perm on the
Rama.
The river Jenisei divides Siberia in two parts, East
and West Siberia. The first is mountainous, cut up by
torrents; all the rivers are bright and clear. West
Siberia has more plains, and the rivers are muddy; but
the soil in both divisions of the country is equally fruitful,
excepting of course the northern icy regions.
The farm produce of East Siberia is disposed of in
the mining towns, and also in China; while that of
West Siberia is consumed at home, except the large
quantities of tallow, butter, skins and soap, which are
bought by great merchant houses in Russia. The fairs,
which take place three times a year, are visited by
countless agents of traders from European Russia.
There are three-and-a-half million of inhabitants in
Siberia, without reckoning the inconsiderable number of
Ostiaks, Samoieds, Tungusians, Jakuts, and Burjäts.
The population is chiefly made up of exiles and number-
less fugitives, who have settled there in order to escape
conscription, or the oppressions of despotic masters and
184 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
officials. From this mixture of various races there has,
in course of time, grown up a new and distinct Siberian
population. The Government takes great pains in the
Settlement of the exiles, and expends large sums in
establishing new colonies; but the incapacity and dis-
honesty of the officials has caused many of the villages
to be abandoned by the tormented and ill-used inhabit-
ants. The names of the few upright officials, and the
way in which they conducted business, are still held in
blessed remembrance, a sure sign that there were not
too many of them.
For example, in the time of Catherine II. and the
Emperor Paul, a certain Ivan Ivanowitch, whose name I
heard often enough during my residence, was com-
missary in the country of Witein, in the district of
Jakutsk. The memory of this much-honoured man has
made so deep an impression, that the people, even after
the lapse of thirty or forty years, love to recall all his
peculiarities; for instance, that he wore high jack-boots
day and night and slept in his clothes, &c. His memory
is blessed by all; he caused roads and bridges to be
made, and maintained the greatest order in the villages
of his district ; traces of his administration are still to
be seen in this, the third generation. The inhabitants
still give an account of the unexpected visits he used to
pay to the villages, when he would enter the houses and
ask for beer and bread. If the bread was badly baked,
the hostess was flogged; if the drink was too sour or
FROM PETROWSKI TO KURGAN. 185
£00 warm in summer, bodily punishment was in each
case inflicted on the culprits, and the whole family
thanked him cordially, and the grandchildren in the
next generation blessed him.
The rapacity of the officials (of whom there were,
fortunately, only nine to every 40,000 inhabitants) was
the principal subject of the conversation which we heard
in the towns (which were at regular distances of 500
wersts) and the villages (from thirty to forty wersts
apart). There was no possibility of a closer study of
the country or the people, owing to the rapidity of the
journey. The weather was favourable; the road, under
the Tomsk government in particular, extraordinarily
good. The station-masters and householders in the
towns where we alighted, or stayed to spend a night,
showed us great attention and hospitality, and so we
went on our way swiftly and merrily. At the end of
August we reached the frontiers of the Tobolsk govern-
ment. On the road, people inquired of us whether the
newly-appointed Governor of Tobolsk, A. M. Murawjew,
would soon arrive from Irkutsk? Murawjew, as a dis-
charged colonel of the General Staff, had been con-
demned in 1826, by the chief criminal court, to forced
labour, on account of his participation in the conspiracy.
The Emperor had mitigated his punishment to exile in
Siberia, without the loss of rank or nobility. Murawjew
Had at first been sent to Irkutsk, where his faithful wife,
born Princess Schakowsky, his children and his sister-
186 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
in-law, the Princess Barbara, were to be with him. But
before the end of this journey, which was accomplished
through difficulties and privations of all kinds, Muraw-
jew and his wife received intelligence that by the efforts
of kind friends they had been transferred to Werchne
Udinsk, on the other side of Lake Baikal; they there-
fore had to retrace their steps. After a year, Murawjew
was appointed inspector of police at Irkutsk; a few
years later, President of the government; and, finally,
Governor of Tobolsk. In all these offices he did
much good service, and left behind him an honoured
memory.
On the other side of the town of Tara, a sudden but
not unexpected event interrupted our journey: when we
arrived in the village of Firstowo my wife felt the hour
of her delivery approaching. She went to bed, and I
sent for some female assistance. An hour afterwards
my son Wassily was happily born. The landlady of
the house into which we had been obliged to go, nursed
my wife, and I took charge of the elder children. On
the seventh day after his birth, I had the child baptized
by the village priest, and on the ninth we continued
our journey. Conrad lay in the hammock fastened to
the carriage, Wassily on the breast of his mother.
After a two days’ journey we arrived at Tobolsk.
Here we soon found a comfortable dwelling. I
visited the inspector of police, Alexejew, who had received
me very kindly when on my way to Tschita six years
FROM PETROWSKI TO KURGAN. 187
before. I was delighted to find here V. N. Licharew,
with whom I had passed a year at Tschita ; he had
afterwards lived at Kondinsk, and since then had been
moved to Kurgan. I also met Count Moschinsky, a
Polish exile of 1827, and some of his countrymen,
exiled on account of the rising of 1830; among them
was Prince Sangushko, who had been a private in a
battalion of the Siberian line; and Krzyzanowsky, a
distinguished soldier, who had served with much credit
in Napoleon's army in Spain under General Chlopicki,
and whom I have mentioned in connection with the
Polish secret Society. I spent several pleasant days in
the company of these men, after which we continued
our journey.
On the other side of Tobolsk we turned off the great
road towards the south, and spent some days in the
large town called Jalutorowsk. I visited two of my
comrades here, with whom I had lived at Tschita, A. B.
Jentalzow and Baron Tiefenhausen. The former was
living in the town with his wife, and complained much
of illness and the inactive life he led ; Tiefenhausen,
who in the year 1815 was already commanding a regi-
ment in Count Woronzow's corps in the Army of Occu-
pation in France, had busied himself in building a
large house, which he meant to let. It was hardly
finished when, through the spite of a workman, it was
burnt to the ground. The energetic old man rebuilt it
again twice, but a second and third time it fell a sacri-
188 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
fice to the flames. From the débris remaining he
contrived to build himself a little cottage, worked
diligently in his garden, and cultivated many fruits
and vegetables which had never before ripened in this
climate. At length, on the intercession of Suworow,
the noble Governor-General of Livonia, Esthonia, and
Courland, he was, in the year 1853, set free. He went
to Narwa, where he met his wife, daughter, and two sons
after twenty-eight years’ separation.
I could not reach Kurgan in one day's journey from
Jalutorowsk: I therefore slept at the next station before
my new place of destination, Belofersk, a large church
village. The postmaster informed me soon after my
arrival that the Judge of the General Court of Justice
wished to speak to me. It was Iwan Gerassimow, who
had accompanied us from Tobolsk to Irkutsk six years
before, by order of the authorities. I was overjoyed at
seeing him again, and inquired how he was getting on.
“I am titular councillor, and have a house of my own.”
These words were spoken with such self-satisfaction,
that I could only wish the old man might soon become
college assessor.
Before reaching the last station we had to drive
some wersts through deep sands, through a wood, and
then over a wide plain, which was bordered with villages
on each side of the road; at last the church tower of
Kurgan was visible. The town lies on the left bank of
the river, and has three long streets, with five others
FROM PETROWSKI TO KURGAN. 189
crossing it diagonally; these are lined on each side with
wooden buildings. Kotzebue makes special mention
of the one stone house in the place—the court of
justice—in his book, The most Remarkable Year of my
Life. When I had reached the end of our long journey,
the thought that here I must end my days as an exile,
and my wife and children must spend their whole lives,
made my heart sink within me.
190 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
CHAPTER IX.
THE YEARS OF OUR SETTLEMENT IN KURGAN.
ON the 19th September, 1832, we arrived at Kurgan.
I presented myself to the inspector of police, Lieut.-
Col. F. J. Burjenkewitch, and then took up my resi-
dence in the house of my comrade, M. A. Nasimow,
where I met an old acquaintance, J. F. Voigt. On
the same day they found me a residence. In a few
hours I settled myself and family. Arranging or furnish-
ing the rooms was not to be thought of until the next
fair; neither useful furniture nor household utensils
were to be found in Kurgan itself. We had, therefore,
to borrow all that was wanted for immediate use from
our obliging landlord. Our new place of residence pre-
sented no remarkable feature; the town takes its name
from an old castle which stands on a high hill (Kurgan
in Russian), about five wersts distant, on which there
stood, 140 years ago, a watch-tower, surrounded by a
deep ditch as a protection against the Kirghis. Kurgan
contained 2,000 inhabitants, and had one church. I
THE YEARS OF OUR SETTLEMENT IN KURGAN. 191
was shown the house in which Kotzebue had lived as
an exile during the reign of the Emperor Paul, and I
met many persons who still remembered him, and were
mentioned in his well-known works. Some individuals
had even heard of this book, and one merchant, K——,
was very much displeased with it, because his father
was accused by the writer of always smelling of onions.
I found that the best society in Kurgan, until my arrival,
Rept entirely to their former habits and way of life.
The merchants are not rich—they trade chiefly with
foreign money, and as commissioners of wealthy houses.
Some of them had built tanyards, soap and tallow
boiling-houses, on the other side of the Tobol. Arti-
sans of all sorts were to be found among the towns-
people and the peasantry. The school of the district
had fifty scholars, and excellent teachers, whose proficiency
was testified by the progress of the Scholars at the
public examinations. The priest Suawensky was also an
estimable and very pleasing man.
As long as we were living in prison and as forced
labourers, the sums of money which our relations sent
to us were not limited in amount ; but in our settlement
a bachelor was only allowed 300 silver roubles a year,
and a married man not more than 600 silver roubles.
This sum was quite sufficient here, as living was very
cheap. A pood of rye-meal cost seven kopeks; * wheat-
meal fourteen kopeks; meat one-half to one kopek a
* Three kopeks are about equivalent to a penny.
192 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
pound; a cart-load of hay, thirty kopeks; and a tschet-
wert of oats sixty kopeks. The peasants from the neigh-
bourhood brought their produce into the town on
Sundays, and latterly on Saturdays also. I went into
all the neighbouring villages, and found industrious
agricultural labourers in all of them. Owing to the
low prices they are unable to amass any capital, but
have quite sufficient to live comfortably. In remote
corners of the large villages I noticed some strange
little huts forming a sort of street; these were the
homes of the newly arrived settlers who had brought no
money with them, and had to live on their hopes of
making some—exiles from Great, Little, and White
Russia, Tatars, Gipsies, and Jews, all mixed up to-
gether.
The monotonous life of Kurgan was broken by three
fairs in the year, which took place on the 18th March,
the 27th October, and 20th December. Merchants from
Irbit, Tobolsk, Schadrinsk, and Tjumen, and even from
Razan, frequented these fairs. From early morning till
late evening everything was in a stir, almost every
customer was at the same time a merchant, and during
the continued holiday, which is the result of the fair,
the streets, so deserted in general, were filled with a gay
bustle which often lasted till late into the night. Tea-
machines were set up in the streets, round which nume-
rous consumers congregated; while close to them other
groups gathered round some itinerant musician, who
THE YEARS OF OUR SETTLEMENT IN KURGAN. 193
played songs and dances on the accordion. Many car-
ried about their own handiwork for sale—boots, gloves,
wooden vessels, woven baskets, &c. One prominent
figure was the seller of chamois and reindeer leather
breeches, of which he carried many pairs upon his
shoulders; in order to attract purchasers, he put on each
time a pair of these garments before the assembled
public. Riders and horses were swarming meantime
on the banks of the Tobol, where Russians, Kirghis,
and Gipsies were bargaining over the little high-mettled
Siberian horses. The answer to an inquiry as to the
price of a horse was always, “Oh, it will be two or three
sacks.” There is so little gold and silver coin in
Siberia, that all the circulation is either paper or
copper coins; these latter are counted out ready in bags
amounting to twenty-five roubles, and the honesty of
the people is so great, that the contents of these bags
can always be relied on. After Sunset the booths are
closed, and the peasants retire into the neighbouring
villages for the night, returning into the town at sun-
rise ; some of them prefer passing the night under the
open heaven, lying round a Watchfire.
In every Siberian district town there are always
thirteen officials, consisting of the inspector of police,
the sheriff (isprawnick) with three assessors, the judge
with three assessors, the district procurator-fiscal, the
postmaster, the tax-collector, and the doctor. These form
the aristocracy, but are often divided by family quarrels or
13
194 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
business matters; the isolation, however, from any other
society, the great distance between the towns, and the
necessity of intercourse, force them to a speedy reconcilia-
tion, which generally takes place on feast-days. Every
one celebrates his own name-day, and those of every
member of his family. Two days before, the host sends
out his invitations: “M. N. greets you, and begs you will
come to breakfast, dinner, and tea, with your wife, on such
a day.” These sociable reunions are heavy to a degree
which can hardly be conceived, and which can be com-
pared to nothing that one has ever before seen. In
the morning the guests assemble to breakfast ; at two
o'clock they return to a well-served dinner; after dinner
they drive home to have a sleep, and in the evening meet
again at eight for tea, dancing, and Supper, and finally
break up at two in the morning. During the dance,
lemonade and dried and preserved fruits are handed
round. The ladies are very well dressed, and have most
beautiful jewellery; the Oural mountains being so near,
it is easy to get precious stones: they dance well and
with great zest, their music being in general a violon-
cello, two violins, and a clarionet or flute. The men
who do not dance, play whist or boston with inexhaus-
tible patience. The hospitality of the Russians was
extended to us political criminals in the kindest way.
My comrades and I were invited by all the officials to
their festivities, although I had restricted myself to a
visit at the house of the inspector of police. My
THE YEARS OF OUR SETTLEMENT IN KURGAN. 195
wife never left home, as she was constantly occupied
with the children, but in spite of that they never, to the
last day of our residence at Kurgan, gave up inviting
us on every festive occasion. Besides their name-days,
the officials of Kurgan kept annually a common festival
on the last Sunday of the Carnival week. On this
occasion an enormous sledge appeared made of six ordi-
mary peasants’ sledges; at the four corners supports
were placed, made fast at the top with laths laid
crosswise ; in the middle of the cross was a horizontal
wheel, on which a grimacing harlequin played antics
and made faces, while a flag floated over the whole.
The officials and musicians sat on benches upon the
platform : six horses drew this equipage, with an out-
rider preceding them. They drove in procession through
the streets, from one acquaintance to another ; at every
door the hostess received them with pancakes and wine,
in every house they embraced and kissed each other,
while, as a preparation for the great fast, they reciprocally
asked pardon for any injuries. Innumerable sledges,
with one, two, or three horses, followed this giant sledge,
with the accompaniment of songs and ringing of bells,
till the evening was far advanced. The Siberians have
the most intense delight in sledge-driving : races are
going on incessantly on the Tobol the whole winter
through. At the consecration of the river in spring and
on Twelfth-day, there is a large gathering of horsemen;
in the spring they swim the horses in the consecrated
196 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
water, while in January they only drink and besprinkle
themselves with it; and then begin the races. The
belief in the blessing of the water is so strong, that
frequently, when it was concluded, numbers of men
would undress and dip several times in the hole which
was hewn out of the ice, and this in 25 degrees of frost
while at the spring blessing, three weeks after Easter,
when it was still bitterly cold, the bath extended to
every one. These excellent Siberian horses never, as
a rule, go into a stable, but stand out summer and
winter under a wooden roof.
On the 4th December we left our hired lodgings and
moved into our own house, which I had bought for 800
roubles of the district judge, who had been promoted to
a higher office at Tobolsk. Our neighbours sent bread
and salt to the house, together with their good wishes.
It was warm and roomy, had a garden of two acres, con-
taining an acacia avenue and many shady birches.
Here we lived peacefully and happily; to make our
happiness complete we needed only the presence of
our eldest boy, who, in obedience to the law, had
remained under his aunt's care in Europe. Our Society,
which had been hitherto limited to our companions in
misfortune, M. A. Nasimow and J. F. Voigt, was now
extended in an unexpected and very pleasant way.
In the spring of 1882 the forced labour of our com-
rades, left behind at Petrowski, was shortened in honour
of the birth of the Grand Duke Michael Nikolajewitch.
THE YEARS OF OUR SETTLEMENT IN KURGAN. 197
The fourth category of criminals, who were to have
remained in prison two years longer, came over therefore
to our settlement at once. Lohrer and Naryschkin were
sent to Kurgan, and arrived in March, 1833; they
materially improved our society. Every Monday I spent
some delightful hours with Naryschkin, and his lovely
and graceful wife, who had been brought up in affluence,
and suffered much from her exile and the poor way of
living to which she had to submit.
Our most important day in the week was Thursday—
post-day. On Friday we despatched our letters; they
went through the hands of our inspector of police to the
office of the Civil Governor of West Siberia, thence to the
third division of the Emperor's chancellerie, where, after
inspection, they were sent to their addresses. On
Friday we regularly communicated to each other the
news from the civilized world; though we had not so
many foreign papers and periodicals as at Tschita, yet
we still had those of most importance. As we had no
regular employment (service with any private person or
in any factory being prohibited) we had much spare time,
which we each tried to turn to account as best we could.
There are few doctors in Siberia (in fact, only one to
every district of 40,000 people, dispersed over 500
wersts of country); we, therefore, set to work to become
our own doctors and sick nurses, and to improve our-
selves by reading medical books.
° Our comrade, B. N. Licharew, who had remained
198 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
for some months in Tobolsk, joined us afterwards at
Kurgan. Shortly after his arrival he received the
painful news that his beautiful wife, whom he was daily
expecting, had availed herself of the right given by the
law, and had married another husband at Odessa. His
whole life was embittered; he was continually seeking
distraction, and could find none. Six years after the
bullet of a Circassian in the Caucasus ended his misery.
In order to be able to teach my children, I occupied my-
self in improving my mind; I translated into Russian the
Hours of Devotion, the History of the Germans, and the
History of the Italian Republics, by Sismondi, &c. &c.
Besides the conspirators of December there lived in
Rurgan some Polish exiles, who had taken part in the
rising of 1830–Waszinsky, Rajewsky, and Prince
Woronetzky. Two years later Kletschkowsky came
with his wife; also Sawizky and Tschenimsky, the
latter merely for having harboured an emissary for one
hour. Woronetzky was an old man of eighty years,
whose face was covered with Sabre-cuts; but so extra-
ordinary hale and hearty that his scarred cheeks had a
youthful rosy colour, and his daily supper consisted of
ten hard-boiled eggs. I frequently heard Polish airs
whistled and sung in the streets; in particular the
national song, “Poland is not yet lost.” On the 3rd
May every year the Poles all assembled to celebrate
Rosciusko's memory. At the same time there appeared
also numbers of soldiers and peasants who had been
THE YEARS OF OUR SETTLEMENT IN KURGAN. 199
sent here for taking part in the revolt of the military
colonies of Staraja-Russia. Soldiers and peasants had
not been able to stand the dreadful situation in which
they were placed by the unfortunate system of military
colonies of Araktschejew. They rose like one man, and
then, as slaves always do, turned against their superiors,
whom they stabbed and impaled. To this day the relation
of the suffering and after-excesses of these military
colonists makes me shudder.
Our comrade, A. F. von Bruggen, was settled in the
town of Pelym, rather to the north of us, but still in
the same government. He had lived a year with us at
Tschita, from whence he was transferred to the settle-
ment. We had not met for six years, when, to the joy
of all, he was sent to Kurgan. Bruggen had served in
the Ismailow Guards, and had then left. In 1825 he
wanted to travel abroad, and was already provided with
a passport, when he was detained for the whole winter
by the illness of his wife ; during that time he was
arrested and condemned. He had not taken part in
that conspiracy itself, but, like a large portion of my
fellow-sufferers, had been punished for “his way of
thinking ” and his “expressions.” His wife could not
follow him on account of the tender age of her children.
I have preserved some very interesting letters of his,
written from Pelym; in one of them he describes the
life which the well-known Münnich had led during
the twenty-one years he spent in that town (during the
200 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
whole reign of Elizabeth). He had received the details
of the life of this celebrated general and statesman from
the children of eye-witnesses, even at this day they
are not without interest. Münnich lived in the very
house which he had had made, on a plan of his own, for
his enemy Biron, when he overthrew the latter, and
sent him into exile. Biron was afterwards sent to
Jaroslaw, and Münnich came in his place. After the
dethronement of the Regent Anna, whose honours and
favours were declared forfeited, he was sent as an exile
to Pelym, where he was never allowed to leave the
house, and might only take exercise by walking on the
roof. He occupied himself in drawing plans of battles
and sketches of fortresses, and also in completing a
pamphlet upon the reorganization of the management
of Siberia (which was afterwards submitted to the
Empress), and in reading the newspapers; in the even-
ing he played boston with the officer on guard or with
his valet-de-chambre. He never missed the moment
when the cattle returned from the meadows. He then
went up on to the roof, and gazed with delight at the
herds returning to the town, listening to the sound of
the large and small bells round their throats. When
he was recalled, at the beginning of Peter III.'s reign,
and restored to all his former honours, he ordered the
postilion not to begin his homeward journey till he had
driven three times round the town, which he had lived
in twenty years and yet had never seen. His strength.
THE YEARS OF OUR SETTLEMENT IN KURGAN. 201
of body was as extraordinary as his strength of mind.
After his return from Siberia he lived for four years,
partly in St. Petersburg and partly on his property
in Courland.
Towards the end of the year 1834 some informer
made an accusation against the Poles, who were said to
have devised a new conspiracy in Siberia, under the
guidance of Pulawsky. In consequence, a General
from the suite of the Emperor of Russia, Puschkin,
fortunately an upright and honourable man, was sent to
Siberia to inquire into the matter. Some of my com-
rades were also accused, but the whole affair was
explained, and all were set free. Count Moschinsky
suffered the most from the results of this unjust accu-
sation. The Emperor had already agreed to pardon
him, to restore to him his property and title of Count,
when this accusation was suddenly made against him :
he was thrown into prison for two years, and was
banished for a still longer time. This catastrophe was
the ruin of his earthly happiness, as in that time his
wife married an officer of Hussars. The General Mussin-
Puschkin, who had received orders to make every inquiry
as to the conduct of the State criminals of 1825, as well
as to receive their complaints and requests, made his
way to Kurgan. He invited us to come to his quarters,
where he executed his commission of inquiring into our
grievances and demands, with visible emotion. I handed
him a written request to be allowed to buy a bit of land,
202 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
and occupy myself with agriculture. After some months
we each received permission to have fifteen acres of
arable land in the vicinity of the town. A Government
surveyor then came to Kurgan and arranged the divi-
sion. My field abutted upon Nasimow’s bit of land, as
well as Lohrer's and Voigt's. Naryschkin’s and Licha-
rew's plots were further from the town, and contained
both pasture and meadow-land, which was very fortu-
nate, as Naryschkin had ordered some handsome horses
and some valuable brood-mares from Moscow, as the
foundation of a stud. My comrades left me the bits of
ground which touched my own to do as I liked with.
I began my work on the land in the spring of 1885;
sixty acres gave me a large field for activity. On the
town side my plot was bounded by the shore of the
little Boschinakow Lake. I manured the sandy and
unfruitful shores of the lake with ashes, which were to
be procured gratis in any quantity from a large soap-
boiling-house hard by, and in two years the land was
fruitful. The remaining bits of land had been profit-
able from the first,-the soil, like that of the Ukraine,
was a strong mould ; over the greater part of the
Kurgan district there was not a stone to be found,
which, of course, was very favourable to agriculture.
Such a soil, which is like that of South Russia, will
not bear dressing. For agricultural implements I em-
ployed the two-horse Siberian plough, similar to the
Belgian, which is well adapted to the soil. After I had
THE YEARS OF OUR SETTLEMENT IN KURGAN. 203
introduced the use of extirpators, rollers, and iron
harrows, I turned my three-field husbandry into a four-
field alternate husbandry. Some of my experiments
answered well. The Himalayan barley and potatoes
were the only crops that would not thrive. I also began
a little stud. With the help of one labourer, and in
summer two, the work could be easily got through.
The harvest and threshing was done either by extra
hired labourers, or else by an “invitation to a feast.”
The population being so thin, it was difficult to get any
work done for money; the only chance was to offer a
feast in addition to their wages, to suit the tastes of the
pleasure-loving Siberians. The required number of
men, women, and maidens soon assembled, bringing
- each their holiday clothes and implements as well.
From early morning till late evening they worked dili-
gently; while my wife in the meantime was having
pies baked, and cabbage-soup and porridge made, and
prepared the table in the middle of the court. Work
stopped at seven in the evening, and the people assem-
bled to the sound of a fiddle and two flutes, in order to
wash and dress; they then saluted the lady of the
house, sat down to table, and ate with an appetite
insured by fourteen hours' work. After the meal was
over, dancing began, which lasted almost without in-
terruption till sunrise. It was quite incomprehensible
to me where they could find strength for it, for even
while the musicians were resting there was no cessation.
204 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
The men and women then took it in turn to sing;
'beer and brandy were handed about freely; the girls
refreshed themselves with gingerbread and nuts.
The price of corn was too low to think of any great
return from agriculture, but cattle-breeding, which is
inseparable from farming, was tolerably profitable. I
cultivated pease on a large scale, as they are much in
requisition during the fast, and pea-straw is also very
good fodder for horses and cattle. My herds increased
rapidly, and with them my income, while my interest in
farming had been in addition the means of restoring me
to health. We had sent back to their homes the man-
servant and maid, who had followed my wife, as soon
as we reached Kurgan. We did not wish to keep
them away from their native land, and could then see
no limits to our own exile. We hired servants, who
served us faithfully and diligently, though, of course,
they were criminals sent from Europe. My coachman,
a very worthy man, was branded. The wages were not
high : a man-servant received one and one-and-a-half
silver roubles, a maid-servant eighty silver kopeks a
month ; these small sums were quite sufficient for
them to dress well.
I was working one day in the garden, the children
were helping me to water the flowers, when the coach-
man came to me in haste with the intelligence that a
General was waiting at my house for me. It was
Lieutenant-General Petersen, chief of the 23rd Infantry
THE YEARS OF OUR SETTLEMENT IN KURGAN. 205
Division of the Oursk Military District. He was in-
specting the troops dispersed among the district towns,
and came to Kurgan in the course of his rounds. He
had known my father personally, and wished to see me.
The General was about to resign, feeling himself quite
incapable of restraining the injustice of the sub-officials,
and he could no longer take any pleasure in his work.
He enjoyed the full confidence of the higher authorities;
had received a present of 7,000 silver roubles from the
Emperor on starting for Siberia, but in spite of all
these marks of favour he was too conscientious to retain
office. In the course of only one year, ten thousand
papers had been sent to him, among which were many
complaints and pleas filling hundreds of sheets; while
he had not at the time one single official under
him whom he could depend upon as incorruptible.
Countless means were tried to bribe him, and when
their direct attempts were fruitless the petitioners
resorted to cunning. On the day of a public audience,
when the General had adjusted the requests and com-
plaints brought before him, the servant announced that
there was in the ante-room a sealed box, sewn up in wax
cloth, and addressed to the General. There was found
in it a dressing-gown of gold brocade, and furs worth
many thousand roubles. Orderly, sentries, every one
was asked who had brought the box. No one could
give any information. Inquiries were instituted by the
police, but in vain, and finally the things were sold for
206 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
the benefit of the poor. When the people were con-
vinced that it was useless to try and bribe the General,
they turned to his wife. Once when she was driving
through the town in her sledge, she observed a woman
standing at a corner with costly furs of sable and black
fox for sale, which she offered to her ; the woman con-
trived to bring them to the General’s house and then
disappear. These were also publicly sold for the benefit
of the poor.
I pass over further details of our quiet circumscribed
life. The increase of my family, by the birth of a
daughter and a fourth son, gave us very little spare time ;
the education and care of the children devolved entirely
upon us. The only interruptions in our monotonous lives
were the yearly visits of the Governor-General, the chief
of the district gendarmes, or of one of the provincial
Lutheran preachers. According to their instructions
the former were obliged to inquire if we had any in-
justice to complain of; but, fortunately, we had no
reason to trouble them, as we, with the other State
criminals living in the place, were on the best terms
with the local officers, who always treated us with great
humanity.
I must add that we also had now and then the
pleasure of receiving guests from the outer world.
Once we had the widow of the late chief of the district,
Lieutenant-General de St. Laurent; another time the
astronomer Feodorow, who was engaged in a topo-
THE YEARS OF OUR SETTLEMENT IN KURGAN. 207
graphical survey : his visit gave me especial pleasure, as
he had studied many years in Dorpat, spoke German
very well, and knew the locality of my distant Baltic
home.
This happy, monotonous life, hitherto free from any
care, except anxiety for my children's future, was now
broken by an accident which befell me at this time. On
the 22nd December, 1836, my wife's birthday, it was
so bitterly cold, that I had been obliged to go alone to
church ; after I had prayed and distributed some alms
among the poor, I bought some dozens of little wax-
tapers to decorate the Christmas-tree which was to be
lighted at our house on Christmas-day itself, the fast
among the Russians lasting until the morning of the
25th December.
On the way home Islipped upon the planks laid down
in the court, which were covered with ice ; I fell and could
not rise from pain. The window of my wife's bedroom was
so placed that I feared she would see my accident and
be alarmed: I therefore collected all my strength to try
to get up. But I had hardly put my right foot to the
ground, when the leg gave way, as it had no hold in the
hip, and I fell a second time and lost my senses. The
servants carried me in, and laid me on the sofa ; when
I came to myself I could not move the right leg; the
pain was so violent that I Screamed aloud at every
movement while my clothes were being taken off. The
district doctor was sent for, but he was absent on duty:
208 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
when he came at last, he said he was no surgeon and
could not say what the injury was. The hip was much
swollen and inflamed: first they put on a quantity of
leeches, and then warm poultices of herbs and linseed,
but all in vain—the pain would not give me a moment’s
rest. The anxiety of my poor wife and children may be
conceived: my comrades kindly took it in turn to watch
by my bedside, and gave us every help in their power.
They bled me on Christmas-day for the first time; and
then, in order that I might be strengthened by a
little sleep, they gave me opium : this, however,
brought on a sort of stupor, from which I was not
aroused till my strength had considerably decreased.
Friendly neighbours came to and fro, advising, suggest-
ing, offering all sorts of herb decoctions; some asserted
that the bone of the leg was broken, others that the
bone was drying up already. No one had the slightest
knowledge of either anatomy or surgery.
I lay in bed till April; my whole nervous system was
shattered : I could just contrive, by holding up the in-
jured limb in my hands, to lift both feet out of bed ;
but when I tried to stand on the sound foot, supported
by a servant on each side, the other leg seemed to hang
as if by a thread, and was quite helpless in the socket.
By degrees I managed to get about on two crutches, but
the leg was drawn up and did not reach the ground by
four inches. Air and movement were, however, neces-
sary; every day I went out in a droschky with boards
THE YEARS OF OUR SETTLEMENT IN KURGAN. 209
laid across, and hopped about in the court on crutches;
which, however, caused me much pain in the shoulders,
from the position I had to be in constantly; the seden-
tary life which I had to lead was also, I felt, injurious
to me in many ways.
My bodily sufferings increased daily, and I was
terribly depressed also with the thought of my poor
children who might soon be fatherless—what would
become of them 2 they were by law banished to Siberia,
and all their rights were forfeited : their future therefore
seemed hopeless. Just at this time, however, early in
the year 1837, came the news that the Grand Duke
Alexander Nikolajewitch (now Emperor) was going to
make a journey to Siberia, and would, in the course of
it, come to Kurgan. Early in April horses were brought
into the town, and that everything might be in readiness,
they were carefully trained by jockeys not to be alarmed
at the torches and lanterns which were to be carried by
the escort as they galloped alongside of the carriages,
in the event of the Cesarewitch arriving at night.
These preparations caused great delight to all the spec-
tators, excepting the mothers of the jockeys and torch-
bearers, who ran every risk of being thrown from their
unmanageable horses and breaking their necks. For
weeks these arrangements formed the chief topic of con-
versation at Kurgan. The question was mooted among
my comrades, “Should we take this opportunity of
asking for leave to return home 2'' But what hope
14
210 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
could the future hold out to men who were condemned to
civil death ? What comfort could it be to our relations,
when they saw us pining away without place, without civil
rights, without occupation, always under the surveillance
of the police 2 Besides, we were obliged to own to our-
selves, that even if some of us were freed from exile by
the intercession of the heir to the throne, it would be
but a small portion of our comrades who would enjoy
the privilege, and the rest would be dispersed over
Siberia and would be in far worse case. When the
news came that the Cesarewitch was already at Tobolsk,
that he would but just touch the western frontier of
Siberia, would then pass Jalutorowsk and Kurgan on
his way to Orenburg, and would arrive in our town on
the 6th June, my anxiety was almost unbearable. For
myself I had nothing to ask, but I had to take thought
for my faithful wife and children; my increasing illness
made me think I should not long be able to protect and
advise them. Under these circumstances it was not
difficult for me to decide what to do. Three days
before the arrival of the Cesarewitch, I went to my
comrades and told them my resolution of asking an
audience of him, in order to entrust to him the future
care of my family when I should be no more. Had
I neglected such an opportunity of asking for protec-
tion for my little ones, I should never have forgiven
myself.
In the afternoon of the 5th June, the people, in
THE YEARS OF OUR SETTLEMENT IN KURGAN. 211
festive attire, poured out to meet the heir to the throne,
who was expected to arrive that night. A crowd of
peasants from the surrounding villages helped to swell
the numbers, and lined both sides of the road along
which he was to pass for some distance. The Sun went
down, but the summer nights in the north are never
dark; in spite of that, however, a cunning speculator, a
little chandler, who had a quantity of candles in store,
persuaded the people that the Cesarewitch must be met
with lighted candles if he should arrive by night. His
obedient hearers sat patiently therefore by the roadside
with burning candles in their hands; and at last, about
midnight, when they were all burnt out, a Feldjäger
came galloping up, followed shortly after by our noble
guest and his suite. The Cesarewitch took up his
abode at the house of the district judge : the travellers
betook themselves to rest immediately after their arrival,
while the people posted themselves in the street in front
of their future ruler's dwelling, ready for his awakening,
and for the chance of getting a sight of him.
About four in the morning I drove to the house
where the Cesarewitch was lodging, made the droschky
stop in the midst of the dense crowd, and hopped on
my crutches up to the door. The inspector of police
came up from a little distance to meet me, and begged
me not to put him to the pain of refusing me admit-
tance, as the Adjutant of the Governor-General had
given strict orders that none of the State criminals were
212 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
to be admitted. I replied that I hardly thought such
an order could be authentic, for if such a measure had
been considered positively necessary, the authorities
would have had information of it before now, and we
should have either been locked up or forbidden to leave
our houses on this day. I was, however, obliged to
yield to the good inspector's anxious request, and
sought the dwelling of the staff-officer of the gendarmes
who accompanied the Cesarewitch; he was a Lieut.-
Col. Hoffman; I met him in the street, and entreated
him to obtain for me the opportunity of an audience.
This request he was obliged to refuse, but he expressed
himself ready to deliver a petition, if I had drawn one
up. When he heard that I had not got any ready, he
begged me to wait a moment, and he would inquire
if there was any possibility of my request being granted.
While I was awaiting Colonel Hoffman's return, a
stately man, wrapped in a military cloak, came straight
up to me and said, “You must be Baron R ! My
friend Krutow made me Solemnly promise, if I came to
IKurgan, to see you and do what I could to aid you; I
beg you will come in and see me.” The speaker was
J. B. Jenochin, the body-physician of the Cesarewitch.
In a few minutes two skilful army surgeons had un-
dressed me and laid me on the divan; when Jenochin
had examined my injured leg, he at once pronounced
that it was “a partial dislocation of the limb forwards,”
which was the cause of such pain. The ignorance of
THE YEARS OF OUR SETTLEMENT IN KURGAN. 213
the Kurgan district doctor had let a hurt, in itself at
first unimportant, grow into a real evil, of which the
cure must necessarily be very tedious. As it was six
months since I had received the injury, I could not
expect an instantaneous cure. While I was dressing,
Hoffman entered and took me to the Cesarewitch's
dwelling, where I was received by the General-Adjutant
Rawelin. When I had imparted my wish to him, he
told me it was quite impossible to accede to it, his
instructions expressly forbade anything of the kind; but
that I might give my petition to him (Kawelin), and
he would deliver it to his Imperial Highness. When I
replied that I had not drawn up any petition, the
General said, “What, then, is your request ?” “For
myself, I desire nothing, for in my helpless and sick
condition no favours can do me good, and I would only
pray the Cesarewitch that in case of my death my wife
and children should be cared for.” General Kawelin
advised me to prepare a petition at once, and to give it
him half-an-hour before mass, as the journey would be
continued immediately the service was over. In the
hall he gave orders to the priest who was present to
begin mass at six o'clock, and to finish it quickly, in
order that the august traveller might reach Slatoust the
same night; it was 200 wersts (125 English miles) off.
On the steps, I met the Flügel Adjutant, S. A. Jurge-
witéh, who begged me to give Frau von Naryschkin
some messages from her brothers, Counts Gregory and
214 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
Alexis Konownitzin. As I was leaving I caught sight
of the Cesarewitch standing at the window; the expres-
sion of his face seemed to say he would be my
protector.
A carriage was standing before our door; to my
inquiries who had come to see me, the coachman
replied, “A General.” All dignitaries, whether pro-
fessors, doctors, or judges, are called Generals by the
Russians. To my inexpressible delight I found the
noble and immortal Wassily Andrejewitch Shukowsky,
the well-known poet, and tutor of the Cesarewitch. He
cheered up my wife, played with and caressed the
children, who, hardly roused from sleep, only replied to
his kindness with frightened tears. When I told him
of my ineffectual attempts to speak to the heir to the
throne, and said that General Kawelin had advised me
to prepare a petition, he said, “You have no time now,
we are just starting; be at rest though, I will represent
everything to his Imperial Highness. For thirteen
years I have been with him daily, and have long been
convinced that his heart is in the right place, and where
he can do a good deed, he does it de bon coeur.” I could
not enjoy the conversation of the charming poet for
long ; he was surprised that we in Siberia should
already have read his newest work, “Undine;” he men-
tioned the poems of our own Odojewsky in terms of
high praise, and much regretted that he had not been
able to speak to my comrade Jackuschkin at Jalutorowsk.
THE YEARS OF OUR SETTLEMENT IN KURGAN. 215
We also exchanged a few words about the future heir to
the Russian throne : all that Shukowsky told me of the
disposition of the Grand Duke seemed to offer a pledge
for the future welfare of Russia. The Cesarewitch was
much struck with the aspect of the tract of land through
which he had passed ; instead of ruinous huts, universal
poverty and misery, he found everywhere pretty villages,
and settled prosperity and content. He himself said he
had been as well received in Tjumen and Tobolsk, by
this population of exiles, as he could have been in
Rybinsk and Jaroslaw.
While Shukowsky was still with me, the bells began
to ring ; the Cesarewitch had given orders to the
staff-officer of gendarmes that “these gentlemen ‘’
(under this name he meant us State criminals) “should
come to church ; I can only see them there.” The
instructions sent from St. Petersburg had not provided
for such a case. The inspector of police at once sent
messengers to our house to give notice that we were to
assemble at the church directly. The Cesarewitch with
his whole suite stood before the high altar; to the right
by the side wall stood my comrades; to the left Madame
Naryschkin; the officials and some of the people
remained in the background near the side altar; the
greater part of the population meantime crowded round
the equipages outside the church. During the service
the eyes of the Cesarewitch often turned to my un-
fortunate companions, and tears were glistening in
216 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
them. I could not reach the church in time; and as
I was leaving the house with my children, a hurrah,
which rent the air, announced the departure of the
Grand Duke, the only guest whose appearance in this
place of exile could excite either hope or joy. The
people exulted in having seen their future sovereign,
while a few trembling old women crossed themselves,
saying aloud, “God be thanked that we are still alive.”
When Colonel Nasimow, who accompanied him,
asked permission to visit one of my comrades, the
Grand Duke replied, “I rejoice that you should have
the opportunity of visiting a relation in adversity.” On
his return journey the Cesarewitch visited Saratow.
General Arnoldi then presented to him the artillery
officers who were there; when my youngest brother's
name was called, the Grand Duke asked him if he had
a brother in Siberia? on his replying that he had an
own brother there, the Cesarewitch in the presence of
all the bystanders said, “I am happy to tell you that I
have seen him, and although he is still on crutches, his
health may be quite restored, and I have already asked
the Emperor to mitigate his fate.”
The day of the departure of the Cesarewitch from
Kurgan, the 6th June, was Whitsunday, and the Church
festival of our town as well. The people celebrated this
high day in the woods, about four wersts from the town,
near the great hill from whence it derives its name.
Here, in a little copse on the banks of the Tobol, the
THE YEARS OF OUR SETTLEMENT IN KURGAN. 217
happy folk wandered about drinking tea, beer, and
brandy, cracking nuts, singing and dancing to the sound
of an accordion, Towards evening I drove out with my
children; townspeople and countrypeople pressed round
me with questions, showing kindly sympathy. “Have
you seen the Cesarewitch 2 What did he say? Has
he promised you liberty 2 God grant you freedom
and consolation.” On the 8th August, we learnt that
the Grand Duke, on reaching the Slatou factory, which
was his next night's lodging, had despatched a courier
to the Emperor, asking for our liberty and permission
to return to our homes. The Emperor Nicholas, on
receipt of the letter, replied that for “these gentlemen ‘’
the way to Russia could only be through the Caucasus,
and then gave orders that we should be enrolled as
common soldiers in the Caucasian corps.
We received this intelligence through our Governor-
General, and at the same time through the captain of
the Finland Regiment of Guards, Count Gregoire Konow-
nitzin, who had come to Kurgan, having obtained per-
mission to accompany his sister, Madame Naryschkin,
on her journey to her mother. From this act of
liberation, which included all the political criminals
living at Kurgan, A. F. von der Bruggen was alone
excluded, and for no apparent reason: for, as before
mentioned, he had never belonged to the conspirators.
Nearly a year after our departure he was made Chan-
cellor of the Kurgan dist ict court, and ten years after
218 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
was promoted to a first-class rank. As the Imperial order
had to be carried out at once, my companions in a few
days started on their journey through Tobolsk, Kazan, and
Roston to their respective destinations. The Governor-
General, D. J. Gortschakow, gave me permission, on
account of my illness and my family, to go straight
through by Orenburg and Saratow, and allowed me a
few days to make my preparations. On the 6th
December we set out for Europe in the same carriage
which had brought my wife from Moscow; our thoughts
gratefully reverted to the jolly German who had built
such a solid carriage, and whose words had come true
when he assured my wife that she would be able to come
back to Moscow in it. In leaving this land of exile,
I could not but think of the comrades I left behind ; my
blessing rested on them and on this country, which
must, in time, cease to be looked upon merely as an
object of terror and home of sorrow, for it gives every
promise of future prosperity; and the foresight of my
fellow-sufferers and the homeless Poles will, in all
probability, have been the means of laying the founda-
tion of a happier future for Siberia. There are three
‘strong pledges for the well-being of this country in time
to come. There are no privileged classes, very few
officials, and the people are capable of governing them-
selves.
( 219 )
CHAPTER X.
FROM SIBERIA TO GRUSIA.”
ON leaving Kurgan an escort, in the person of the
police inspector Timotei Timaschew, was attached to
my party: he was a retired lieutenant who had risen
from the ranks; he had fought at Austerlitz, had been
made prisoner in Friedland and carried off to France,
from whence he went as a volunteer to Spain, besieged
Saragossa with the French, and defended himself bravely
with his bayonet against Palafox's sword. In these
wanderings he had completely lost his memory, and his
recollection now only extended to where the most spark-
ling beer, the strongest brandy, the best ham, and the
sweetest grapes were to be obtained. A wag, like every
old Russian soldier, he chattered and argued on every
possible occasion. If my little daughter of a few
Translator's note.—Grusia is the Russian name for the province
south of the Caucasus, inhabited by the Imeritians, Mingrelians, &c.,
of which Tiflis is the principal town, and which is in general called
Georgia.
220 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
months old began to cry, and he heard it from the
coach-box, he would beg permission to soothe the little
one with a Spanish ditty; and then, instead of a Bolero,
he would howl a Tyrolean song. He held special in-
structions from the Governor-General Prince Gortscha-
kow permitting me, in case of illness, to stop on the
road. I found it impossible to be comfortable in the
calèche with my crutches, and preferred sitting on a
great leather cushion in an open low farantass. Our
journey was carried on at the usual speed with post-
Thorses; it was out of the question to hope for good
lodgings for the night, as the travellers came up so
quickly in succession. My wife had indeed a heavy
charge, as she had to take care of me, the three boys
as well, and in addition to nurse the baby. The autumn
was so far advanced that the weather was in general
very bad; my wife fell ill: the servants, who had never
travelled before, were quite helpless; in short, the
journey was wearisome and fatiguing to the highest
degree.
Not far from Tschiliabrinsk we passed the boundary
line of Siberia in order to arrive in Europe in the
government of Orenburg. The first impression was
anything but favourable ; the continuous rain had pre-
vented the reapers gathering in the corn, and in almost
every field the rye lay rotting on the ground, poisoning
the air with the smell. We had already driven many
stages down the Oural mountains without seeing a
*
FROM SIBERIA TO GRUSIA. 221
streak of light on the horizon, far less the ridge of a
hill; we went on at a trot till at last we reached
Slatoust, well known for its manufacture of arms, and
now we were at the foot of the mountain. Here we
stayed with the tired horses till fresh ones were brought
to us from the station-house: these took us slowly down-
hill through a long well-built village and stopped at a
comfortable inn. The town stands on the rising ground,
and is only occupied by manufacturers and workmen ;
the echo of the iron hammers is heard incessantly day
and night. Though rich in metals, the chain of the
Ourals is not interesting in any way; the mountains are
neither imposing in size nor remarkable for their vegeta-
tion. The country people along the main road differ
but little from the Siberians, and are chiefly settled
criminals; their villages looked poorer and more shabby
than those we had left behind. In the government of
Orenburg we saw, for the first time for many years, large
estates; these are not to be found anywhere throughout
Siberia. The government town of Ufa is well built and
with regularity, and is beautifully situated at the conflu-
ence of two streams. After passing two towns of this
province (Bugulmá and Bugarusslan) we entered the
Simbirsk government, to which the rich territory of the
Wolga belongs. This river, which supplies the greatest
part of Russia with its provisions, has long borne the
name among the people of “the nursing mother of
Russia.” The town of Samara, where we next touched,
222 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
afforded a striking contrast to anything in Asiatic
Russia; innumerable masts were to be seen : the shores
of the river were covered with large and small craft ;
like most of the towns on the Wolga, Samara carries on
an extensive trade in corn. We crossed the Wolga on
a warm bright night; the heavy rains had caused the
stream to overflow its banks; its windings are numerous,
which adds greatly to the beauty of the river. The popu-
lation on the banks are industrious and well-to-do, the soil
is very fertile, and every town and church village has its
little port; in consequence the whole country has a very
lively and busy appearance at the time of navigation.
We touched at the towns of Sysran, Ecwalynsk,
Wolsk, and Saratow on the Wolga. There are in the
neighbourhood of Wolsk—and, indeed, through the
whole government of Saratow—considerable numbers of
sectarians of all kinds (besides the German colonists);
they have a very indistinct idea of the differences between
their creed and that of the Greek Orthodox Church,
although on principle they keep themselves quite apart
from the adherents of the latter.
A great pleasure awaited me at Saratow. After a
twelve years' separation I again saw my youngest
brother. I heard in the inn that he was quartered with
his regiment of artillery in the village, and that he was
lately married. I sent at once to let him know that a
relation from Revel had arrived, and wished to see him.
In half-an-hour I was in the arms of a man in whom I
FROM SIBERIA TO GRUSIA. 223
should hardly have recognized the brother I had left a
boy in the Cadet School. Our meeting could be but a
hurried one ; the advanced season made me hasten on
as fast as I could. I was, however, detained a whole
day in Saratow by my escort the police officer, who had
celebrated our family meeting by such a carouse and
dinner in my new sister-in-law's house that he was
taken ill, and we could not continue our journey till the
third day. w
The direct road from Saratow to Caucasia lies
through Zaryzin and Kannjschin to Astrakhan. We
wanted to go through Charkow, to see my wife's
brother ; but it was a great détour, and in order to
make my escort agree to it, I persuaded him to go by
Woronesch to see the relics and grave of the newest of
all Russian saints, St. Mitrophan. The old man, a
staunch Orthodox Christian, was well pleased with the
proposal and readily gave in ; my brother accompanied
us on horseback for some wersts.
After leaving the Saratow government we passed
through the towns of Balaschow and Nowochopersk to
Woronesch. Two of the principal streets of this town
are built of stone, a very rare exception in this stoneless
land. The inn on the market-place offered us every
possible comfort; the whole town gave the impression
of increasing prosperity. The inhabitants told me that
Woronesch was greatly enlarged and improved within
the last few years, and especially since the relics of
224 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
St. Mitrophan had attracted so many pilgrims to his
shrine. The next day, according to my promise, we
went to hear mass at the coffin of the new saint. The
church dedicated to him is adorned with a richly gilt
altar, blue and white marble columns, gilt cornice and
capitals; on the right, close to a window, stands the
coffin, draped with a crimson velvet covering, trimmed
with gold fringe and tassels. On the wall at the foot
hangs a large picture of the Virgin, adorned with
precious stones and pearls. After mass was concluded,
a priest-monk came with a key, raised up the velvet
covering, and opened to our view a golden coffin, in
which we saw the “uncorrupted ” body of the saint,
surrounded on all sides by miraculous caps, gloves,
jackets, little bottles, &c. The pilgrims approached
and received each one some of these little trifles in
return for a freewill offering of money. My escort,
, Timaschew, had a whole bag of these wonder-working
articles. The priests naturally made a very good thing
of it, as the gifts of money were freely poured in.
We continued our journey the next day; the horses
we found at all the stations of the government of
Woronesch were excellent. The coachman drove
steadily and quickly, trotting at the rate of seventeen
wersts an hour, and I observed to him that his horses
were worthy of drawing the Emperor's carriage. “Yes,
indeed, and they will have that honour,” replied the
coachman; “we expect him from Tiflis every day, and
FROM SIBERIA TO GRUSIA. 225
the horses have been standing idle for a week already,
so we were obliged to give them exercise to-day.”
This alarmed me not a little; my journey to Woronesch
being contrary to the escort's instructions. “Now,
Timaschew,” I asked him, “if we meet the Emperor,
and he inquires why we went by Woronesch, what shall
you answer ?” “I shall say we wished to pray at the
grave of the holy Mitrophan; no one could object to
that.” After passing the next station we met the
Grande Duchesse Helene Paulowna returning from the
grand review. Sixteen horses were steaming in front of
her enormous carriage, which was sticking in the mud
aup to the axles. At Sunset we reached Charkow ; there
now remained but 130 wersts to Kamenka, the estate
of my brother-in-law. We had intended to travel the
whole night through, but the postmaster stopped us,
refusing to give my wife any horses because her pass-
port was not made out for this route. When he saw,
however, that I quietly made up my mind to stay till
he thought better of it, he ordered them to put to. He
was the only postmaster who knew anything of the
geography of Russia, and observed to me that the direct
way from Siberia to the Caucasus did not lie through
Woronesch and Charkow.
The visit to my brother-in-law could be but a flying
one; a few days later we reached the banks of the Don,
but we lost no time there, for the temporary bridges which
had been put up for the Emperor were still standing,
15
226 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
as he had passed through the day before on his way from
Tiflis. We spent our first night in the land of the Don
Kossacks, at the priest's house, in a little village;
hardly four-and-twenty hours before the Emperor and
Count Orlow had slept in the same house. The priest
could not rejoice enough over the delights of this august
visit; he described to us how he regaled the noble guest
with tea, and only lamented that his conversation had
been so short owing to the violent toothache from which
the Emperor was suffering.
The communication between Katerinograd, where
we stopped some days, and Wladikaukas, distant 105
wersts, was very imperfect. The post, the travellers,
as also the provision and army-munition transports,
were only despatched twice a week, and then always
with an armed escort, on account of the military road
being unsafe : these rare opportunities of safe travelling
were always called “occasions.” Our journey began
in the following manner :—Early in the morning a train ,
of provision waggons, drawn by oxen, was dragged
through the town and halted on a plain; this was fol-
lowed by our equipages, the carriage of an apothe-
cary, a postilion with Tetter-bags, a loaded cannon
with a burning match, a detachment of infantry,
ten Cossacks galloping up last of all and dividing
on each side of the transport. The infantry sent on a
vanguard, and a rear-guard followed; the trumpeters
gave the signal for departure, and step by step the long
FROM SIBERIA TO GRUSIA. 227
train of carriages and men moved on. After half an
hour the mist which had previously hidden the land-
scape, began to disperse, and the wonderful view of the
Caucasian mountains burst upon our eyes. From the
Caspian to the Black Sea, mountains were piled up
against the horizon like masses of white cloud, and,
illumined by the sun, they glistened like polished crystal,'
the snowy mountain tops alternating with silvery glaciers,
and their colour changing to brilliant purple and gold;
the whole wall of mountain was only broken by the
giant peaks of the Elbrus and the Kasbek. It was a
sight whose grandeur is beyond description. In clear
weather the mountains can be seen from Georgjewsk,
not far from Stawropol. The extent of view was of
course doubly surprising to us who had seen nothing
during our stay at Katerinograd, owing to the dense
fogs that had prevailed.
Our unwieldy procession moved on, more like a
warriors’ host than a caravan of travellers, over the plain
called the Kabarda, which consists of meadows alter-
nating with arable land; it is exposed to the depredations
and rapacity of the daring horsemen who emerge from
the clefts in the neighbouring mountains in search of
booty and the chance of robbing travellers. We advanced
so slowly that I could keep up with the train for some
wersts on my crutches, and could hear the soldiers’
conversation. At every post which marked the wersts
there was a warning of what we might expect: here
228 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
the Circassians had fallen upon the post; here they had
plundered a traveller; there wounded an officer or killed
a soldier, in every case stealing the horses. I was told
that our draught oxen went twice a week from one fort
to the other, protected by the battalion of the line,
which here forms the guard in the forts, at the expense
of the Crown. Half-way to the station we made a halt.
Towards five in the evening we approached the fortress
of Prischibrinsk, in which we were to sleep. The name
fortress was, by the way, only a euphemism as regards
the fort which we saw. An earth and grass wall with
four bastions, which enclosed a barrack, some huts, and
a pot-house—that is what was called a fortress on this
military road. At the entrance and exit there were
palisades, and on the walls some guns, and vigilant
sentries, who depend more on their own bayonets than
on the wall or cannon. The garrison consisted of
one or two companies of soldiers, a few officers, and a
doctor. Twice a week they had to lodge travellers here
for the night, and then escort them to the next fortified
post.
We continued our journey the next day in the same
order, along the road across the immense plain, where
the vegetation is luxuriant and rich; in the afternoon
we reached our night quarters at Fort Uruch. The
third day we arrived at Ordon, a fortress which was
considerably larger than the two others. We then went
on through Dradas to Wladi Kawkas. About ten wersts
FROM SIBERIA TO GRUSIA. 229
from this town we left the escort and waggons behind
and went on at a trot. To the left of the road we saw
the dwellings of the so-called “peaceful Circassians,”
which means those who have become Russian subjects.
I ordered the driver to stop, and went into one of these
roadside houses where a Circassian farmer was living ; his
clothes, his boots, his walk, his gait, were all essentially
Circassian ; but his house and surroundings and all his
furniture were an exact imitation, though a poor one, of
a Russian farm. The distrust of the Russians for these
new subjects of the Emperor was then so great, that
my companion warned me against entering the house ;
and I was obliged to quiet him by saying that I relied
upon the bravery of the hero of Saragossa. An hour
later we arrived at the house of Colonel Schiokow, the
commandant at Wladi Kawkas, to whom my brother-in-
law had given me a letter of recommendation. On the
6th November we left Wladi Kawkas, and journeyed on
along the left bank of the broad and peaceful stream of
the Terek, penetrating further into the country. The
road wound up and down hill the whole way, and as we
neared the mountains in the evening a singular spectacle
was presented to our eyes: fires without number blazed
up on all sides, now slowly now quickly, as the wind
caught the flames driving them down the mountain;
the peasants had set fire to their fields and pastures to
cleanse and improve them for the next spring. On the
right was this sea of fire, on the left the foaming Terek
230 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
growing more rapid every moment; we did not reach
Laus till late at night.
In order to get to the high mountains we were
obliged to follow the course of the Terek. Along the
left bank of the river an excellent road takes the traveller
between rocks of giddy height into the interior of the
country. Beneath us foamed the wild mountain torrent,
While above us the rocks appeared to be so close together
that only a streak of sky was to be seen in the defile of
Dargell where we now found ourselves. Here and there
the road was blocked by fallen rocks or stopped by the
sudden turns of the river. At all these places were
bridges, which took the traveller over to the left bank,
from which he was brought back to the right. Each
one of these bridges, backwards and forwards, was
guarded by a picket of soldiers; the distance from the
large towns is so great that each sentry-post has its own
hospital and barracks.
After the long sojourn in Siberia the charm of being
thus transported into beautiful mountain scenery of a
thoroughly southern type was indescribable. In spite
of the burning sun the air we breathed in the defile was
cool, aromatic, and invigorating; the cleft made by the
river through the mountains is no narrow that the sun
can rarely send its rays through.
It was quite late in the evening when we arrived at
the little place called Kasbek. On the following day we
penetrated further into the mountains, this time downhill,
\
FROM SIBERIA TO GRUSIA. 231
but always following the windings of the Terek. After
passing the station of Kobi, the road became narrower
and more dangerous. As an avalanche at any moment
might block the whole, they were laying down a new
road, which was not to follow the river. By order of the
then Commandant of the Caucasian army, Baron R 3
who was a distant relation of mine, we were escorted
from the station of Kobi by an officer and some thirty-
six men; the way so dangerous that their help was very
necessary. We arrived at half-past twelve midday at
Robi; I showed my watch to the officer who received
me here, and was to escort us on ; he was of opinion
that by continuing our journey at once, we might arrive
before dark at the next station, where my wife and
children would find better quarters and better food than
in the wretched mud hovels at Kobi. We set off at
once ; the officer, a worthy old staff-captain, who had
already struck up a friendship with the children, quietly
rode close by the precipice alongside of our carriage,
without even seeming to observe that at every moment
the stones were rolled down the frightful abyss by his
horse's feet—the soldiers following at the double. The
road was so dangerous that all along the chasm there
was a low wall of stones built up, to prevent the car-
riages rolling over ; on this wall the captain rode. After
we had proceeded slowly for some hours, darkness came
on, and at the same time a Snowstorm began. I looked
at my watch; to my surprise the hands still marked half-
232 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
past twelve ; the sudden stopping of the watch had
misled us at Kobi, and now we saw the danger of having
to pass the most perilous part of the road in pitch
darkness.
The obscurity was profound as we descended the
steep declivity of the mountain to Guttagora. The
pass was so dangerous here that the soldiers not only
put on a drag, but also fastened chains and cords to the
axles of the hind wheels. The road went as straight as
a plumb-line down to the valley, having on one side a
huge wall of rock, on the other a frightful abyss. The
narrow track had become so slippery from the heavy
storms of rain, that at any moment the carriage might
begin to slide down. The darkness and snowstorm
became more and more dense, till at last the road was
hardly visible to the soldiers, who were holding back
the carriage, and in some places actually supporting it.
With bated breath I walked close by the side of the
carriage in which were my wife and children, who could
hardly keep themselves from being jerked out. At last
we reached the bottom, but the little station-house there
was not capable of taking us all in. Our captain told off
twelve soldiers, under whose escort we were to continue
our journey in spite of the darkness. The way con-
tinued downhill, and the road we now had to follow was,
no less steep than the descent of Guttagora. Just as
we reached a particularly dangerous spot, the strong
chain with which the soldiers had fastened the hind
FROM SIBERIA TO GRUSIA. 233
wheels of the carriage, snapped, and it was only with
the greatest exertion that they could manage to fasten
it together with ropes. One more anxious half-hour,
and we had safely reached the valley of Kaischauer,
where the head official received us, but would hardly
believe us when we told him we had made our way over
the pass (which is at all times renowned for its perils),
with our heavy carriage and in the night.
When we woke next morning, a beautiful landscape
lay before us illumined by the rays of the clear autumn
sun; although it was now November, the trees, bushes,
and grassy lands through which the Argwa, on whose
banks we now were, meandered, were clothed in brilliant,
luxuriant green; the fine well-grown trees with vines
clinging round them, made a strong impression on me.
There are two stations between this place and Tiflis.
Our impatience now knew no bounds; for we had heard
that our boy, whom I had left as a baby twelve years ago,
was awaiting us in the house of our relative, General
Wolkowsky. We arrived late at night; I thought it
more prudent to go to an hotel kept by an Italian who
had long been established at Tiflis, instead of going to
my relation’s house, as I had heard at Tschita that
General Rajewsky had been punished with several days'
arrest in the main-guard because he had invited to
dinner one of my companions in misfortune, Count
Zacharias Tschermitschew, formerly a cadet, who had
been reduced to the rank of a common soldier ; I was
234 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
anxious not to get my relation (who, as chief of the staff,
had to be particularly careful) into any difficulty of that
kind.
No need to describe the delight of the meeting with
my fine handsome boy and seeing my wife's loving
relations again. The next morning I crept through the
streets of Tiflis on one crutch, to present myself, accord-
ing to order, to the commander of my corps, Baron R.
My brother-in-law had already informed me that I was
told off to the Mingrelian Jäger Regiment, but was to
remain at Tiflis for the present on account of my bad
health. The Commandant received me with much
cordiality, but recommended me to join the head-
Quarters of my regiment as soon as possible, adding
that possibly he might not remain much longer in his
present situation.
Most of my readers know what a thoroughly Oriental
town Tiflis is ; until thirty years ago, the Asiatic
element predominated to a great extent. Almost all
the houses are built with flat roofs. There are more
Armenians and Grusians than Russians to be seen in
the streets, and camels are as frequently met as horses
and asses, as is the case everywhere in the East; the
women are very rarely visible, and then always covered
with thick veils. The bazaar and the renowned baths
of Tiflis were on a completely Asiatic plan, and were
served entirely by Orientals. After four days' residence
in the chief town of Grusia, we continued our journey
FROM SIBERIA TO GRUSIA. 235
to Biely Klutsch, where were the head-quarters of the
Mingrelian Jägers: we took our eldest boy with us,
after a sorrowful parting from his adopted parents; we
wished him to feel at home with us and to get used to
the altered circumstances in which he would have to
live.
The rain, which fell incessantly during the four days
we spent at Tiflis, had rendered the Circassian roads (at
all times bad enough) nearly impassable; our progress
was very tedious; riding, the usual mode of travelling
in Grusia, was of course impossible for us, and there
was no help for it but to drag our heavy carriage through
endless mud. On the second day, after the horses had
only gone half-a-mile from the station where we hired
them, they were so knocked up that it was useless to
think of going on, and we had to make up our minds to
Camp out for nearly twenty-four hours under the open
sky. We did not reach Biely Klutsch till the evening of
the third day, when we had to hire a lodging at Once,
so badly furnished, however—like most of the houses in
the place—that we could only make it look habitable by
laying down some carpets.
The Mingrelian Jäger Regiment, to which I was now
attached as an invalid, consisted of six battalions, of
which there were always two by turns in Biely Klutsch,
while the others were sent out on expeditions against
the hostile mountaineers. This regiment, which was
always in the presence of the enemy, was, strange to say,
236 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
almost entirely made up of men whose political opinions
Were thought doubtful, and who had been sent here on
that account. There were numbers of Polish youths
among the soldiers who had taken part in the rising of
1881, and after its suppression, had been placed in the
Caucasian corps as a punishment. I met among the
officers an old fellow-soldier, Captain Dobrinsky; on
suspicion of belonging to the secret society, he had been
dismissed from the Guards and transported to this
romantic desert, though still retaining his rank. He
seemed in other respects quite happy; he had married a
Grusian, and enjoyed his life here free from cares.
Here, in southern Biely Klutsch, I found the state
of things much the same as in northern Tschita : there
was as much Polish as Russian to be heard in the
streets, and Polish national airs often re-echoed till late
in the night under the windows of our quiet house.
Our life here passed as quietly as at Tschita ; my whole
time was taken up in teaching my children, and I was
obliged to work hard in order to be able to instruct
them properly. The duties of housekeeping and the
care of the little children kept my wife busily employed.
There were more exciting events going on in the neigh-
bourhood, though not in our immediate vicinity. We
heard from Tiflis that the visit which the Emperor
Nicholas had paid to the capital of the Caucasus, had
given occasion to a series of radical changes in the
upper government. Soon after our arrival at Biely
FROM SIBERIA TO GRUSIA. 237
Klutsch, the commander of the Caucasian corps (as he
had prophesied at the time of my visit) was removed
from his place, and made a member of the Senate : a
promotion which was something very like a degradation.
Our brother-in-law, the chief of the staff, also lost his
appointment, and was made chief of the brigade.
These changes were arranged with a view of making
a deep impression. On the day after our arrival at
Tiflis, the Emperor had held a parade of the Erivan
Cavalry Regiment, had then suddenly called the Flügel
Adjutant, Prince Dadian (a son-in-law of Baron R.) to
the front, had stripped off his gold epaulettes, and
ordered his arrest. On his way to Tiflis, the Emperor
had been informed that the Prince had made use of the
soldiers in his regiment for his own purposes, and had
hired them out on his own account for work which was
in no way connected with the service. The punishment
in this case followed the accusation summarily, and
indeed before any formal inquiry had been made.
Another Flügel Adjutant, who was also in command of
a regiment, Count Oppermann, who was accused of
having hired out his soldiers as drivers, was received
by the Emperor before the assembled crowd with these
words, “I had hitherto thought that it would have
seemed more honourable to you to wear the golden
monogram with my initials on your epaulettes, than to
play the market-driver in Tiflis.” These occurrences
naturally made the commandant of the corps, who was
238 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
a thoroughly honourable and upright man, feel his posi-
tion to be an uncomfortable one, and that he could not
any longer retain his office. In order to give his
subordinates an example of ready and unconditional
obedience, Baron R. had humbly kissed the hand which
had so shamefully degraded his son-in-law.
Although the Emperor had received no further com-
plaints during his residence at Tiflis, he loudly expressed
his dissatisfaction with the system of government. A
new order of things, similar to that existing throughout
the rest of the kingdom, should henceforth reign, in
Caucasia; complete centralization, and dependence of
the local heads on the Government authorities, was to
be established at once.
Caucasia was divided into a number of governments,
which were to be administered by numerous civil officers
appointed by the Ministry of the Interior. At the head
of it was the newly-elected Governor, Privy Councillor,
and Senator, Baron Paul Hahn, a clever Courlander,
who had formerly been Governor of Livonia and Cour-
land, and who, in spite of his own and his officials
ignorance of the state of Caucasia, had brought with
him a carefully elaborated project for the reorganization
of this country.
It was very interesting to me to hear the opinions of
the officers of our garrison as to the former government,
and also the offence with which Prince Dadian was
charged. They were almost all of one mind, that, under
FROM SIBERIA TO GRUSIA. 239
the peculiar circumstances, the employment of men, by
their officers for other than purely military service was
not only pardonable, but in a certain sense justifiable.
The number of Russians at that time in Caucasia who
were not soldiers was so infinitesimal, that in fact out-
side the towns they could scarcely be said to exist at all.
The children of the soil looked upon any work, which
they were not obliged to do for their own wants, as a
disgrace, and gave themselves up to idleness the
moment they had procured the necessaries of life, which
were in general very easy to obtain, and from this idle-
ness it was almost impossible to rouse them. For the
officers in the interior there was no chance of procuring
the common necessaries of civilization (such as are in
general made by Smiths, shoemakers, tailors, &c.) except
by employing soldiers to make them. The laziness and
incapacity of the peasants reaches such a pitch that
there are none to be found for ordinary work, even with
very high wages in prospect. For instance, when once
you are off the great post roads, it is impossible to find
any one capable of driving. The Grusians make their
journeys almost always on horseback, and have all their
baggage transported by oxen, which is probably the
reason that even among those who are able and willing
to work there is such difficulty in finding any one able to
drive. What, then, can officers do under such circum-
stances, especially those who are married and well off?
If they do not wish to give up all the comforts of
240 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN, SIBERIA.
civilized life, and live as roughly and primitively as the
Grusians themselves, they must have recourse to
soldiers. Those who are best off get all their furniture
and such things from Tiflis, but for repairs, &c. the
soldiers are indispensable. Although the officers in
general are just enough to compensate their men in
some measure for these extra services, it is not to be
denied that abuses and instances of oppression are of
very frequent occurrence, and in remote garrisons there
is much opportunity for injustice and rapacity. If once
the men are employed for extra work, it is hardly
possible to draw the line between what is allowed or
not allowed. As all service is paid at an exorbitant
rate, there is also the temptation for poorer officers to
hire out their men for high wages.
The Emperor's anger at the unjustifiable conduct of
his officers is quite comprehensible and reasonable, but
I do not know if he was made acquainted with the
existing state of things, which might have somewhat
mitigated his wrath, and no one could ever tell me. In
all probability he was not, for his constant companion,
Count, afterwards Prince, Orlow, was also for the first
time in the Caucusus, and was as ignorant as his
master of the circumstances of the case. It is but fair
to add that the Emperor had met with an accident soon
after he had left Tiflis, which probably tended to
increase his unfavourable impression of Caucasia. The
horses ran away, the coachman being new and inex-
FROM SIBERIA TO GRUSIA. 241
perienced, and the Imperial carriage was upset in a
most dangerous place, close to the edge of a precipice:
a monument was put up to mark the spot where the
Emperor so nearly lost his life. This accident so dis-
gusted him with driving, that he made the rest of the
journey on a Cossack horse, and only re-entered the
carriage on the other side of the Caucasian frontier.
In January of the year 1838 my circumstances most
unexpectedly changed for the better. One dreary after-
noon we heard the bells of post-horses stopping at
the door; an officer despatched by my brother-in-law
descended from the carriage, and handed us a written
order from the War Minister, which directed the colonel
of our regiment to send me to Pjātigorsk.
In spite of the winter being a severe one, we started
in February for Tiflis, on our way to our new abode.
We remained some weeks in my brother-in-law
Wolkowsky’s house; I owed this favour to the noble
Schukowsky and his visit to Kurgan. During this visit
I had the good fortune to obtain possession of a weapon
which is of great and universal interest as a unique
historical curiosity. In the cleft of the mountains a
Circassian had found a sword bearing the name and
arms of Leopold, Archduke of Austria, the same who,
in company with Richard Coeur de Lion, had besieged
St. Jean d’Acre, and was subsequently that hero’s
deadly enemy. A soldier of the Mingrelian Jägers had
taken this in battle from the man who had originally
16
242 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
found it, and had learnt its history from him. The place
where it was found, the workmanship, and the marks
alluded to, preclude all doubt as to the authenticity of
the weapon. How it ever got to Grusia from Palestine
is a complete mystery. Before I left Tiflis I heard of
the heroic death of my Siberian comrade, Alexander
Bestuchew, who, under the name of Machinsky, is well
known as one of the most talented writers of his time.
He had also been sent as a private to the Caucasus,
but had the opportunity of soon rising to be an officer.
In the year 1887 he fell in an outpost skirmish.
Pjātigorsk is the most invigorating and best known
of the Caucasian mineral waters. Lying on the left
bank of the river Podkumsk, the baths collect together
every year a number of officers, officials, and soldiers of
Caucasia, who come here to seek the cure of their
wounds or the restoration of their health broken down
by overwork. At a short distance from the town in-
numerable Sulphur springs of various temperatures
(21–37 degrees Reaumur) issue from a mountain. This
spring is so full of sulphur that the air is strongly im-
pregnated with the smell, and almost every metal which
people carry about them is tarnished; the silver epau-
lettes and ornaments of the officers who come here
annually, turn after a short time quite yellow, and
almost all the money the same. Pjātigorsk not only
has the advantage of being itself a peculiarly strengthen-
FROM SIBERIA TO GRUSIA, 243
ing bath, but has also in its vicinity a number of
excellent springs, containing other minerals in solution.
The regular course is for the bathers who arrive in April
to leave Pjātigorsk at the end of June, and then go to
the iron springs of Shelesnodowsk close by, or the
chalybeate springs of Kislowodsk, or the alkali and soda
springs of Sentuki. In this way it is quite possible in
one summer to go through a whole course of several
different baths, and thus complete the cure with no
fatigues of travel and very little expense. The life
which one leads at these Asiatic baths, especially at the
romantic heights of Pjātigorsk, is very peculiar. The
bathing society is made up of European and Asiatic
Caucasian elements; and from the officers of the
Caucasian Corps having Circassian features, the Asiatic
type appears to strangers to predominate. In the broad
lime avenues, which form the chief promenade of the
bathers, conversation is heard in every sort of tongue,
French, Russian, Polish, Circassian, and occasionally
German ; here a couple of ladies in the newest Parisian
fashions are walking up and down, while a few paces
from them a richly-decorated Oriental servant is exer-
cising his master's horse. The band of the regiment
makes the public acquainted with the newest dance
music and opera airs of Western Europe, and once a
week gathers the more healthy and robust portion of
the community together at a fashionable ball in the
great Salon of the Kurhaus. The beauties of the
244 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATOR'S IN SIBERIA.
mountain scenery around offer the pedestrian charming
walks; one of the most frequented leads to the neigh-
bouring Scotch colony, where the bathing guests meet,
another new and foreign element.
After trying a much-recommended spring, and find-
ing that it did not suit me, I had the good fortune to
meet with a German, Doctor Roscher, born in Stuttgardt,
and who had studied at Dorpat; he received me most
kindly, and did himself great credit by his treatment of
me, and my subsequent restoration to health.
I met here many officers whose names are well known
in the history of the Circassian war, and also many of
my old comrades from the St. Peter and St. Paul
JFortress and the Siberian prison—Naryschkin, Prince
Obolensky, and Nasimow, were all here as common
soldiers; Prince Walerian Galitzin, Kriwzow, and Zebri-
kow had already worked up to be officers, and were able
to take part in all the pleasures of society. We were
obliged to keep aloof, being still in the ranks: I found
great difficulty in uncovering my head to salute the
officers I met, for my hands were occupied with the
crutches on which I was still obliged to drag myself
along.
Of all the military guests there General Sass and
Wellgaminow excited the greatest interest. Sass was then
at the zenith of his reputation, and was the universal
subject of conversation, both from his characteristic and
witty remarks, and the eccentric but thoroughly suc-
FROM SIBERIA TO GRUSIA. 245
cessful way in which he managed the Circassians.
Soldiers such as he are rarely to be seen in our times.
The excitement of war and the perils of hazardous
expeditions against the mountaineers had become a
necessity to him, and in every long interval of peace,
he fell a victim to depression and illness. The Cir-
cassians were more kept in awe by this most original
Courlander than by any other general before or since.
He was as renowned for his cunning and diplomacy
as for his bravery, and adapted himself with peculiar
tact to the nature and tastes of the Circassian moun-
taineers. One day in particular he received a Circassian
deputation in bed, surrounded by physic-bottles, pre-
tending to be an invalid, and the following night he had
stormed and taken fortified villages and castles hitherto
considered impregnable. Another time, when it was
important to him to entice the enemy out of a strongly
fortified position, Sass had given himself out as dead,
and had a coffin with his name on it buried. His fear-
lessness and courage made him as popular with the
enemy as with his people, who followed him in implicit
obedience. Two incidents had contributed to make the
name of Sass known in the more distant Circassian
villages: the sudden death of a small chief with whom
Sass had had dealings, gave rise to the belief among the
mountaineers that he had been treacherously poisoned
by the general. In order to contradict the report and
to give the people confidence, Sass repaired at once to
*...*
246 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
the village of the dead chief, without any military escort
and accompanied only by an interpreter; from that
hour his name was held in reverence by the Circassians.
Another time, in the midst of a desperate fight, he had
not only given life and liberty to a brave Circassian
who wanted to rescue his brother's corpse, but had also
bestowed a sum of money on him. This brave man,
who was always cheerful and amiable, and in spite of
his many wounds, was able to go about like other people,
never appeared in the promenades of Pjātigorsk without
being the object of universal attention from both men
and women.
I was very much interested in the above-mentioned
Scotch colony in the vicinity of Pjātigorsk. Many of
the missionaries supported by English mission societies
lived among them, and were respected by all for the
cheerfulness and self-denial with which they went about
their difficult work among the wild sons of the Caucasian
mountains. Pastor Lange, a member of the Basle.
Missionary Society, was a great favourite of mine; he
distinguished himself much by the successful way in
which he combated the excessive brandy-drinking which
was the chief vice in the Scotch colony, and which was.
much encouraged by the fact of the colonists having a
privilege of distillery. This excellent man lived in
penury, which should almost be called want; in spite of
the high prices in Caucasia, he only received 250 roubles
altogether for his stipend. Another very interesting
FROM SIBERIA TO GRUSIA. 2.47
person was the missionary Zaremba, a Polish count who
had studied at Dorpat, and had subsequently given up
both property and position in order to devote himself
entirely to missionary work; he was then on the point
of giving up Grusia and going to Constantinople, by
order of the society, there to wait their further com-
mands. The grave faces of these worthy men, who
seemed dead to the pleasures of the world and the
attractions of ambition, were remarkable enough when
seen in the midst of the gay and varied society which
assembled at Pjātigorsk to recruit its forces before the
battle with the coming winter.
After the course at the sulphur baths was concluded,
I went for a short time to Kislowodsk; when the season
there came to an end, and the neighbourhood was com-
pletely abandoned by the gay world which had enlivened
it for the last few months, I returned to Pjātigorsk, to .
spend a solitary winter in the bosom of my family,
occupied chiefly with the education of my eldest boy.
My social intercourse was restricted entirely to the
company of my excellent doctor, Dr. Roscher, and the
commandant of the place, Simborowsky. I was struck by
the urgency with which the latter was continually
advising me to beg for my discharge from military service.
There was no chance of my ever being really active as
a soldier; the condition of my injured limb, it is true,
improved slowly, but the hardships of my Siberian
sojourn, the long painful illness, and latterly, the very
248 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
weakening Caucasian baths, had so ruined my nervous
system, that nothing but pressing necessity gave me
energy to carry on my boy's education, any exertion,
whether of body or mind, was so painful to me.
I could not make out the reason of my good friend
Simborowsky's urgency, and the granting of my request
appeared to me highly improbable. I made up my
mind, however, to follow his advice, and to present a
petition for my discharge. I asked the Imperial Adjutant-
General Benkendorff for his aid in this matter; his
generous help to my wife in her difficulties, and his
noble, chivalrous spirit, induced me to apply to him.
Benkendorff laid my request before the Emperor, and
after the noble General Grabbe had entreated him to
look favourably on my children, I received my release
from service on the 10th January, 1839. Permission
was also given me to live henceforth in my own home,
under the surveillance of the police, but as a private
person.
The circumstance which I will now relate was
doubtless the cause of General Simborowsky’s advice to
me to leave the service as soon as possible. When
Baron R. left, General E. A. Golowin was appointed in
his place as Commandant of the Caucasian corps, he
had been our brigadier when I was in the Guards, and,
as I have before mentioned, he was in command at the
execution of the 13th July, 1826. (See Chapter III.
The Sentence and its Execution.) This Golowin had
FROM SIBERIA To GRUSIA. 249
been staying at Pjātigorsk during the last summer
season, when a great ball was given in his honour.
At this ball he had inquired of Simborowsky the names
of many of the officers present, and had learnt from
him that some of them had taken part in the rising of
1825, had been condemned to forced labour, and had
subsequently been sent to the Caucasus, where they had
risen to be officers again. “Are any of these gentlemen
here ?” asked Golowin. Simborowsky named Naryschkin,
Prince Odojewsky, and me, adding that my long illness
and numerous family made me an object of special pity.
“What Baron R. is he 2 ” asked Golowin; and then
added, “Probably it is the same who served in the
Finland Jäger Guards, and who by rights ought to have
been hanged.” I did not hear of this conversation till
after my discharge from military service. How right
was my good friend Simborowsky when he pressed me
to make my request to the Emperor To serve under
such a chief would indeed have been a misfortune
to me.*
The feelings with which I received the rescript
which gave me back my long-wished-for liberty, and
also the power of returning to the civilized world,
* Author’s note.—If we mistake not, this General Golowin is the same
who, subsequently, when Governor-General of Livonia, Esthonia, and
Courland, gained the unenviable reputation of having been the chief pro-
moter of the Greek Orthodox Propaganda among the Lutheran Etten and
Letten. He was, however, an intimate friend of the Prussian General
won Gerlach, well known for his piety.
250 RUSSIAN CONSPIRATORS IN SIBERIA.
after fourteen years' imprisonment and exile, can be
imagined My chief happiness was the thought that
there was now an end to my wife's privations, and that
I should see my children restored to civilized society.
But how often does it happen in life that the times of
purest joy are associated , with the deepest sorrows I
Such was my case. I had intended to leave Caucasia in
May, as the road was not really practicable earlier in
the year. Before this month, to which I had been
looking forward with so much impatience, commenced,
my eldest child had gone through a severe illness, and
my little daughter lay in her grave. Here ends the
history of my life, as far as it is connected with the
conspiracy of 1825 and the events which resulted from
it. After a long residence in South Russia, I was now,
at last, to return to my home in Esthonia.
A PP E N D I X.
SKETCH OF THE SECRET SOCIETIES OF RUSSIA,
1815–1825.
Even as early as the reign of Alexander I. Secret political
societies existed in Russia, though they were in general con-
cealed under the veil of religious ends. The gigantic and
crushing power of the State left no scope for individual energy.
Men of intellect, therefore, who were unsuited for office, were
condemned to complete inactivity; to them the Freemasons'
lodges offered an object of interest possessing a peculiar
charm from the outward ceremonies attached to their admis-
sion into them. Among the most influential Freemasons
in Russia were numbered, first, Count Z. G. Tschernitschew,
J. W. Lopuchin, Nowikow, Radischtschew, Gamaley—all
persons distinguished by birth and prominent social position.
When the admission of able and active men into the secrets
of Freemasonry showed that it had ceased to be looked upon
merely as a pastime and formality, and its influence began to
extend over a wider area, then the suspicion of the Govern-
ment, already alarmed by the French revolution, began to be
252 APPENDIX.
excited. In the last years of Catherine's reign, the Free-
masons and Martinists were already beginning to be looked
upon with distrust as Jacobins and revolutionaries; suppres-
sions and examinations were proposed, in which Nowikow
suffered more than any of the other members. *
The Emperor Paul, who in everything acted in opposition
to his mother's wishes, favoured and supported the Free-
masons. Alexander I. followed in his steps, until the great
alteration which took place at the time of the Congress at Aix.
In the year 1822, on the 18th April, he published a ukase,
directed to W. P. Kotschubey, the Minister of the Interior, in
which it was ordered that all the Freemasons' lodges should
be closed, and that written bonds should be required of all
the civil and military that they would never enter a Free-
masons' lodge or secret society.
But even before this, other societies had sprung up near
the lodges, possessing far too much vitality to let themselves
be extinguished without a word of remonstrance, or to vanish
at a simple hint of the Emperor. In the year 1815, “the
Literary Society of Arsamas” was founded by the future
Minister Bludow, Daschkow, and the poet Schukowsky.
This union took its name from a phrase of Bludow, “The
vision of Arsamas.” The journey of the artist Stupin to the
town of Arsamas had been the origin of the phrase. Stupin
had a plan of improving the clumsy style of painting which
had been followed for ages at Arsamas, by the help of an
academy and a union—thence came the designation of
* Compare The Moscow Martinists and Nowikow. By M. N.
Longinow. The Russian Freemasons’ Lodges in the Eighteenth Century.
By A. Pypin.
SKETCH OF THE SECRET SOCIETIES. 253
“Arsamas Academy, Arsamas Society.” This union ceased
in 1818, but was imitated by the founders of the Society called
“The Promoters of Enlightenment and Beneficence.”
The excited temper of the times, the great effect which a
long residence abroad, and in France especially, had had on
many of the officials and Russian officers, had created a strong
wish for opportunities of interchange of ideas, and, in con-
sequence, clubs sprung up on all sides, and the example of the
above-mentioned societies was speedily followed. They were,
in fact, the expression of a deeply-felt want. Certain of the
officers of the regiments of Guards formed little literary
societies among themselves, small coteries which assembled
fol lectures and evening entertainments. From conversation
upon literature, poetry, and novels, they involuntarily and
imperceptibly glided into talking of Jacobins and Girondists,
Carbonari and Tugendbundgenossen. The younger officers
were specially interested in these things, and tried every
possible means to obtain the entrée into these literary circles.
The political followed the footsteps of the literary societies.
In the year 1816, the Colonel of the Staff of the Guards,
Col. A. N. Murawjew, Captain N. M. Murawjew, and the
Colonel Prince S. P. Troubetzkoy formed the first political
society. The brothers Matthias and Sergius Murawjew Apostol
and Jakuschkin, captain of the Semenoff regiment of Guards,
took a prominent part in its arrangements. In the year 1817,
Col. Paul Pestel allied himself to them for the foundation of
* See Count Bludow and his Times. By Kowalenski. 1S66.
p. º *. note.—I have thought it better to retain this name
in the original ; it represents an alliance of students, though that is not
the literal rendering of the word.
254 APPENDIX.
the first secret society, which took the name of “Union of
Public Weal,” or “The Worthy Sons of Fatherland.” The
statutes were arranged by Pestel, who divided the members
into three classes, “brothers, men, and boyars.” The “men”
had the right of receiving new brethren. The founders of the
society called themselves “boyars: ” from amongst these were
chosen the leaders and secretary. Prince Schakowsky,
F. Glinka, Nowikow, Lunin, and others joined the above-
named founders. Certain formalities and oaths were required
on entering the society.
Unions of this kind might almost be said to be in the
atmosphere. Almost at the same instant, another secret
combination was mentioned. M. Orlow, Count Maranow,
and Nicolay Turgenjew wanted to form a separate society,
“The Russian Knights,” but, after some conferences on the
subject, they were induced to join the ‘‘ Union of Public
Weal.” Michael Nicolaiwitch Murawjew, Burtzow, P.
Kokoschkin, and von Wisin joined after the statutes had
been revised by Alexander Murawjew, Trubetzkoy, and
Kokoschkin, and the paragraphs relating to the taking of
oaths, unconditional , obedience, coercion, and poison and
dagger, had been struck out. The name of “ Union of Public
Weal” was changed for “Union for National Prosperity,” and
the members were then divided into four classes. The first
class was bound secretly to watch over all benevolent institu-
tions; the second class had the charge of providing suitable
religious instruction for the rising generation, and of working
upon their minds by example as well as by discourses and
exercises ; the third was to watch the administration of
justice; the fourth was to devote itself to political economy,
SKETCH OF THE SECRET SOCIETIES. 255
and in particular to find openings for increasing the national
wealth, to improve the industry of the people, and the
public credit, to agitate against monopolies, &c.
The founders and early members of the Society formed the
central confederation ; from these was selected the central
council, consisting of a chairman and five assessors. The
leader or president had the title of Head of the League. The
members of the central confederation, together with the
members of the central council, formed the central directory.
The central council had the executive, the central directory
the legislative power and the administration of justice in the
confederation. All the most important arrangements remained
in the hands of the originators of the society. The direc-
tories were increased by the accession of new members,
and every directory had its leader. Ordinary matters were
decided by the voice of the majority. Every member had
the right of leaving, but was bound to keep the secret. No
formalities were observed at the reception of new members ;
they merely signed agreements, which were afterwards burnt
without their knowledge.
The first part of the statutes of the “Union of National
Prosperity” was called, from the colour of the cover, “The
Green Book; ” the second part, compiled by Prince Trubetzkoy,
was rejected by the central confederation and burnt in 1822,
together with other papers of Colonel Alex. Murawjew. There
were two directories in Moscow, under the presidency of Alex.
Murawjew and the Prince Schakowsky.
There were likewise two directories under the leadership
of Semenow, a lieutenant of the Chasseurs of the Guard, and
Colonel Burtzow. There were, besides, in St. Petersburg
256 APPENDIX,
two societies independent of these directories, one conducted
by Obolensky, Tolstoy, and Tokarew, the other by Semenow.
Of the other directories, that which was established in the South
Russian town of Tultshin deserves special mention, for Pestel
belonged to it. In the assemblies of the members of the
“ Union of Public Weal,” constitutional forms of government
and monarchical institutions were alone treated of. The first
proposal for the founding of a republic was made by Nowikow,
when putting forward his project of a constitution. Pestel, at a
meeting of the central directory, declared that, of all the
existing forms of government, he gave the preference to a
republic. The members then present have since for the most
part affirmed that the debates led to nothing, and that no
conclusion was arrived at. In the discussions which followed,
on the contrary, the introduction of the republican form of
government was agreed to. The report of the inquiry commis-
sion appointed after the events of the 14th Dec., says that the
idea of the murder of the Emperor sprung up at this meeting,
and gives this as a reason for the accusation and condemnation
of the members of the Society by the Supreme Criminal Court
in 1826. It should be stated here that this accusation was
totally groundless.
The number of new members of this society continued to
increase. Some of the original founders, however, began to
doubt of the practicability of the projects for which they had
associated themselves, and many on that account broke off
their connection with the secret Society. Among these was
one of the first founders, Colonel Alex. Murawjew. As at the
same time other differences of opinion arose, Pestel proposed
to select a number of plenipotentiaries from the union, and
SKETCH OF THE SECRET SOCIETIES. 257
put into their hands the management of its future plans. The
central directory agreed to this proposition. Nicolay Turgenjew
and Theodor Glinka, from St. Petersburg, Colonels Burtzow
and Romanew, from Tultshin (South Russia), were ordered to
the assembly of deputies summoned at Moscow. The brothers
Michael and Ivan von Wisin, M. Orlow, P. Grabbe, Jakuschkin,
M. M. Murawjew, and Ochotniskow, also appeared at the
conclave. N. Turgenjew presided. The differences of opinion
which had been feared came out so strongly at this meeting
that Orlow, Grabbe, Prince Dolgoroucky, and some others
announced, in writing, their secession from the union. The
majority of the remaining members perceived the impossibility
of continuing the sittings of the assembly without awakening
the suspicions of the police (the above-named ukase had in
the meantime appeared). Nicolay Turgenjew, therefore, at the
end of February, 1821, declared, in the name of the pleni-
potentiaries, that the “Union of National Prosperity” had
ceased to exist. Burtzow and Romanew carried this news to the
directory of Tultshin. Pestel and Juschnewsky immediately
declared they would not acknowledge the dissolution of the
union, but would rather, by hints of dangers and difficulties,
drive the faint-hearted to withdraw, and then proceed boldly
with the courageous ones. Juschnewsky made a speech in the
assembly of that directory, with the object of getting rid of
the timid. This had a most unexpected effect. Not only did
no one leave the union, but the zeal of the members increased
from that moment. YThe statutes previously compiled by
Pestel, with their stringent and mysterious regulations, now
came into force—the members separated themselves into
“brothers, men, and boyars.” The conclave chose Pestel and
17
258 APPENDIX.
Juschnewsky for leader and president, and subsequently Nikita
Murawjew, who had not been present at the meeting of pleni-
potentiaries at Moscow.
Meantime, in St. Petersburg, the secret society had almost
gone to pieces; but at the end of the year 1822, when the
corps of Guards returned from Lithuania, it began to revive
again, and from that time it took the name of “Alliance of
the North.” It was divided in two parts — the leaders
and those who were merely their followers or imitators—
upper and lower circle. The upper circle consisted of the
original founders, and selected the members of the directory :
these alone knew the measures to be adopted for the attain-
ment of their object, and the time which had been fixed for its
execution. Nikita Murawjew became the head of this revived
secret society. At the end of the year 1823, the Princes
Trubetzkoy and Obolensky were united with him. When
Trubetzkoy was placed on the staff of the first army at Kiew,
Conrad Rylejew took his place.
The directory of Tultschin had developed into “The
Secret Society of the South,” which was conspicuous for its
great activity and decision : the influence of Juschnewsky and
the powerful Pestel was plainly seen in its working. Murawjew
Apostol was afterwards added as a third director. The central
directory of Tultschin consisted of two committees—that of
Kumenka, under the presidency of Colonel Dawidoff and
General Prince Wolkonsky, while that of Wassilkowa was under
Sergius Murawjew Apostol and Bestuchew Rjumin. In the
year 1822, the heads of the committee met at Kiew. At this
meeting, several most important resolutions were proposed
from the code arranged by Pestel (Ruskaja Prawda, so the
SKETCH OF THE SECRET SOCIETIES. 259
code of Jaroslaw the Great was called in history). Opinions
were divided with regard to the murder of the Emperor. As
an intermediate stage between the monarchical and the
republican constitution, a provisional government was pro-
posed. The first beginning was to be a rising in the autumn
of 1823, during the great review in the camp at Bobrinsk,
when they reckoned upon the co-operation of the Colonels
Powalo Schweikowsky and Norow. When this review was
postponed, the proposed rising had also to be deferred. In
April, 1824, it was decided that the insurrection should begin
during the imperial review at Bielaja Zerkow, from whence
they would march to Kiew and Moscow ; from Moscow,
Sergius Murawjew Apostol was to advance to St. Petersburg.
But neither did this review take place, and the project came
to nothing.
There was a great desire in St. Petersburg and Moscow to
free the Unions from the overwhelming influence of Pestel,
and the violent measures of the Union of the South. Nothing
short of a dissolution could produce this, and it seemed far
from likely at present, for the chief leader in St. Petersburg,
Nikita Murawjew, had proposed a constitution on the model of
the United States, but with monarchical forms, and had formed
a propaganda for the dissemination of his views. In the same
year, 1824, Pestel came to St. Petersburg. At the meetings,
in which Trubetzkoy, Obolensky, Rylejew, and N. Murawjew
Apostol took part, Pestel bitterly complained of the inactivity
of the Union of the North, the want of unity, the diversities in
the statutes, &c., and put forward a proposition to amalgamate
the two unions of North and South, to choose a leader and
presidents in common, and to decide the affairs of the league
260 APPENDIX.
by the voice of the majority. The motion was agreed to,
though certain differences of opinion between Pestel and
Nikita Murawjew still remained.
By the activity of the directory of the Union of the South,
two new secret societies were discovered in 1825. They had
grown up, under the names of “United Sclavonians” and
“Polish Patriotic Society of Warsaw,” without any one being
aware of their existence. In that year, the third infantry
corps was encamped at Lestchin, in the Government of
Wolhynia. The officers of the different branches of the
service often met together, and here Bestuchew Rjumin re-
ceived intelligence of a secret Society, which had been founded
by two artillery officers, the brothers Borissow. This society
then numbered thirty-six members : its object was to unite
the Sclavonian family in one federal republic.
On the octagon seal of the league were engraved the
names of the eight races of Sclavonian stock—Russians,
Servian-Croats, Bulgarians, Czechs, Slovaks, Lushitshauen,
and Slovens and Poles.
It was left to Sergius Murawjew Apostol and Bestuchew
Rjumin to unite this society to the Union of the South by
means of the committee of Wassilkowa. For conducting this
arrangement with the Wassilkowa committee, two mediators
were chosen from the Sclaves, Lieut. Gorbatchewsky for the
section of the artillery, and Major Spiridow for the section of
the infantry. Bestuchew Rjumin confided to the Sclaves
Pestel's project of a constitution, and they took the solemn
oath of secrecy.
The report of the Imperial Inquiry Commission, as might
be expected, represents the allied Sclaves as horrible, blood-
SKETCH OF THE SECRET SOCIETIES. 261
thirsty cannibals of the most atrocious kind. We know, from
the accounts of one of the most revolutionary members,
Gorbatschewsky, how much of this is to be believed, and their
Exclamation of horror, “That is contrary to God and all
religion,” when the proposal of forcibly removing the Emperor
was laid before them, showed how unfounded was the accusa-
tion. After the attempted revolt of the 14th of December,
1825, twenty-three of the thirty-six members of the “League
of United Sclavonians '' were condemned by the chief criminal
court of justice, besides those who were sentenced by court-
martial in Moscow, Baron Solowjew, Masgalewsky, Bystritzky,
Schulminow, and Tscheprilla (Kusmin shot himself). Probably,
the false reports of their ferocity and bloodthirsty dispositions
were the cause of the special severity with which the United
Sclaves were treated. There was time and also opportunity
enough for the Government to have ascertained the truth, if they
had so wished. I have only to add that, in the last assembly,
when the United Sclavonians took counsel with the Union of
the South, it was decided to carry out the attempted rising
in August, 1826. To this Baron Tiefenhausen replied
that they ought certainly not to make such an attempt
for the next ten years, and that it was folly to think of it so
soon. *
There were, besides these Russian unions, a very large
number of Polish revolutionary societies. A union of malcon-
tents was formed in the year 1820, under the presidency of
Professor Lelewel, whose primary object had been a scientific
* Compare The Report of the Inquiry Commission: St. Petersburg,
i826. Printed at the Military Printing Press of the Staff of his
Imperial Majesty.
262 APPENDIX.
one. Later on, the student, Thomas Zan, had inaugurated a
new society, called the “Philarete,” or “Friends of Virtue.”
The renowned Adam Mickewitch was numbered among its
members. The curator of public instruction of the Wilna
district ordered an inquiry in 1823. Zan took the whole
blame of the matter on himself, and was deported to Siberia.
In 1821, General Uninsky established in Posen the society of
“Scythe-bearers or Reapers ” (fig. death), which spread
rapidly. The Freemasons met secretly in Warsaw, to take
counsel upon the condition of their country, and to found a
“Patriotic Union.” One of the chief leaders was Major
Valerian Lukacuisky, a man of singular decision of character,
who took part in all the campaigns of the Polish legion of
1806 to 1814. The arrest and punishment of the first
founders of this society, which took place a little later, did not
lead to its abolition, but only served to increase the caution of
the members, who dispersed themselves in various places to
carry on the work separately, and resolved only to hold their
meetings in future during the time of the yearly markets at
Balta, Berditschew, and Kief. Lukacuisky, who, meantime,
had been arrested at Warsaw, and tortured, persisted so
stoutly in his denials, that all those of the accused who still
remained were set at liberty from want of evidence against
them. The members of the Patriotic Society now began to re-
assemble. A small circle of secret leaders had remained unknown
and unnoticed. They were Colonel Sewerin, Krzyżanowsky,
Prince Arton Jablonowsky, the treasurer, Grzymala, and the
secretary, Plichta, and the well-known and highly-esteemed old
Count Stanislas Soltik. In the year 1824, a certain Grodetzky,
at Kiew, received a commission from the “Patriotic Union " to:
SKETCH OF THE SECRET SOCIETIES. 263
find out if there.were any Russian secret societies with which
they could communicate. He returned from Tultshin without
accomplishing his object. *
At the same time, Sergius Murawjew Apostol and
Bestuchew Rjumin, on the Russian side, had been looking out
for Polish secret societies, and had, by the help of Count
Alex. Chodkjewitch, made an alliance with Krzyzanowsky,
which had led to negotiations between the Warsaw society
and the committee of Wassilkowa. At the first meeting with
the representatives of that committee, Krzyzanowsky announced
that he had no authority to make final arrangements, and was
only charged to prepare the way for an understanding between
the two societies. This first conference lasted a long time, on
account of the many different inquiries which were necessary
on both sides, but the result was nil, as the Pole had no
authority to conclude arrangements. What Bestuchew Rjumin
asserted to the inquiry commission was untrue ; a real “ con-
vention with Krzyzanowsky” was not then concluded, for the
latter had no authority, neither did he make any promises.
Nothing was decided, save that further negotiations should be
conducted on the Russian side by Sergius Murawjew Apostol,
and on the Polish side by Grodetzky and Czarkowsky. The
answer from Warsaw which Krzyzanowsky had promised was
long in coming. At length, Grodetzky was introduced to
Pestel by Prince Wolkonsky, and in the year 1825 Pestel had
an interview with Prince Jablonowsky, who was furnished with
instructions from the Patriotic Union, but Krzyzanowsky, who
was then residing at Kiew, on account of his father's death,
tried to avoid any meeting with the Russians. The confer-
ences between Pestel and Jablonowsky took place in the
264 APPENDIX.
presence of Prince Wolkonsky. Pestel explained in detail the
object of his union, and said that he considered it indispensable
to know the position and intentions of Poland with regard to
his enterprise, for at such a moment no middle course could
be allowed—the Poles must declare themselves either for or
against the Russian revolution. “We can easily obtain our
freedom without your assistance, but if you neglect the oppor-
tunity now offered you of coming forward, you will lose every
hope of being reinstated as a nation. Before we proceed, we
must first know what form of government you purpose intro-
ducing when your country has gained its independence.”
Prince Jablonowsky answered frankly that the chief object of
the Patriotic Society was to obtain the independence of Poland,
together with the restoration of the frontiers as they existed
before the second partition. Before any further discussion, he
desired to know if the Russian secret society would agree to
this just and moderate request.
Pestel replied, that this point presented no difficulty, and
that, in case a doubt should arise upon the question whether
the Lithuanian provinces should belong to Russia or Poland,
it should be left to the people concerned to decide. Prince
Jablonowsky further declared that the Polish Society had
hitherto come to no conclusion as regarded the form of govern-
ment, but that his own verdict would be in favour of a
monarchical constitution. Pestel was of a different mind. In
an eloquent and spirited speech, he dilated on the advantages
of the republican constitution, of which he considered the
United States of America a model.
As Jablonowsky wished to reserve the decision upon the
future constitution of Poland to his countrymen exclusively,
SKETCH OF THE SECRET SOCIETIES. 265
and evaded every idea of mixing with the Russian conspirators,
Pestel let the subject of the constitution pass, while he pro-
ceeded to another question. “What do the Poles propose to
do about the Grand Duke, who is residing in Warsaw, when
once the revolution has begun in Russia 2 ” Prince Jablo-
nowsky evaded this question, remarking that the Patriotic
Society would not take part in coercive measures of any kind.
Krzyżanowsky had already declared to the committee of
Wassilkowa, “that no Pole had ever raised his hand against
the life of his prince.” Prince Jablonowsky would only promise
“that no protestations on the part of the Grand Duke should
hinder the revolution in Warsaw.” Pestel was not satisfied
with this, and declared he had been deceived in his expecta-
tions. The negotiations agreed only on one point, that relating
to the revolutionary propaganda which was to be made in the
Tithuanian corps. On the two sides respectively, Colonel
Powalo Schweikowsky and Count P. Moschinsky were named
inspectors, in order that there might be no Pole in the Secret
unions of the Russians, and likewise no Russian in that of the
Poles.
Prince Jablonowsky at length obtained that a member of
the Russian society should be sent to Warsaw, with instruc-
tions to hasten the pending negotiations. Pestel promised to
authorize Colonel Lunin. The whole transaction closed with
a resolution to meet again in the year 1826, during the annual
fair at Kiew. *
* Author's note.—Journal of St. Petersburg. No. 287–312. In the
year 1827, from the report of the Warsaw Commission of the 3rd January,
1827, compiled by the long since deceased Baron Mohrnheim, who,
before delivering his report, had taken counsel with D. N. Bludow.
266 APPENDIX.
At the time of the accession of Alexander I., eight years
only had elapsed since the third partition of Poland. Alexander
had never approved of this partition. At the Congress of
Vienna he had insisted on the foundation of a new kingdom of
Poland—he wished to restore to the Poles their country. As
the liberator of Europe he desired also to be the liberator of
Poland; he flattered himself he should be able to give a
great constitutional king to Warsaw. It is known that this
proposal was strongly resisted by the other great powers.
Lord Castlereagh, for instance, warned the Emperor, writing
to him, “One single step from absolute power to constitutional
liberty can change the whole course of affairs in Europe. Your
project may very likely produce political troubles in your own
country.” The Emperor replied that it was necessary to put
an end to the efforts of Poland ; that the longer she continued
in a state of oppression, the more likely she would be to resist
all friendly influence; and that the peace of Russia and the
whole of the North would be disturbed by her. Alexander
gave the Poles a constitution, and all seemed to go smoothly
at first. Within ten years the whole Polish national debt was
paid. Commerce and industry made a decided advance, the orga-
nization of the Polish army became a model. But immediately
after the Congress at Aix, a retrograde movement set in. The
Emperor became suspicious of the opposition of the Polish
deputies in the Diet, Russian jealousy of the preference
accorded to the Poles became more evident, the Constitution
was repeatedly violated, the Viceroy and Nowosilzow began to
act tyrannically, and the old hatred of the Polish people against
their Russian oppressors at once broke out.
Affairs were in this state when the negotiations between
SKETCH OF THE SECRET SOCIETIES. 267
the Polish and Russian revolutionary societies began. Nothing
will ever make the Pole a Russian, or the Russian a Pole—
they are unlike in faith, historical traditions, and speech. Pestel
and his associates were aware of this, and never dreamed of trying
to leap the ethnographical barrier between the nations.
From this impossibility of amalgamation, owing to the differ-
ence of civilization in the higher, the difference of religion in the
lower classes of the two peoples, it was manifest that in a con-
federation lay the only chance of safety, the only hope of a final
settlement. Poland must be restored as a separate state, but
divided from Lithuania and the Ukraine, and all those states,
as also Finland and the Baltic Provinces, should be united
in a confederation. The constitution of this confederation is
contained in Pestel's Russian Codex (Prawda), and is worked
out on the plan of the North American Republic. The Central
Government granted to each of the separate states the right
of self-government, whilst the Central Government itself was
charged with all the military and foreign affairs, naturalization,
commerce, navy, militia, posts, internal communication, &c.
To the Central Government also was reserved the right of
controlling these separate states, and depriving them tem-
porarily of their power of self-government. They hoped to
establish a state of things such as existed in Switzerland and
North America, and were highly lauded by all European
Liberals.
To make the whole complete, two little societies must be
mentioned, which sprung up about this time, and showed how
much such unions were in the atmosphere. In the year 1820,
the secret society of the Templars was founded by Majewsky,
a captain of hussars. The chief home of this society was in
268 APPENDIX.
the province of Wolhynia. Majewsky called himself Grand
Master of the order. His associates also adopted high-sound-
ing titles. Kanovitzky called himself Vice-regent; Lagowsky,
Orator; Bulawsky, Field-marshal; Jagorsky, Lord Chief
Justice ; Kaspinsky, Chief Secretary, &c. But, with all these
grand titles, this Society was of no real importance, possessed
no means whatever, and had hardly any positive or definite
object in view. When Majewsky, in the year 1825, heard of
the establishment of secret unions in Russia, and their nego-
tiations with the Patriotic Society of Warsaw, he was in great
fear lest he should be quite set aside. He therefore decided
on joining the Patriotic Union of the Poles, which, after great
difficulty, he succeeded in doing. This Majewsky had served
the Prince of Orange in the Russian regiment of hussars.”
There was yet one more society, “The Order of Regenera-
tion.” D. J. Zawalischin, lieutenant of the Russian fleet,
had, during his many voyages round the world, paid long visits
to England and America, and had there seen and admired
those institutions of “civil liberty” which now formed the
universal ideal. Singularly religious-minded from his earliest
youth, and very well read in the Scriptures, he had united
religious and political objects, and had founded an “Order of
Regeneration,” to extend the kingdom of truth. Returning
to St. Petersburg, in the year 1828, he communicated the
statutes of this order to Rylejew and Arbusow, and others of
the members of the Union of the North—he even presented
them to the Emperor for confirmation. The Emperor lauded
his zeal for the public good, but would, of course, have nothing
* Author's note.—See the judgment of the Warsaw inquiry commis-
sion of January 3, 1827.
SKETCH OF THE SECRET SOCIETIES. 269
to do with Zawalischin's project. Hurt by this reception,
the latter joined the above-mentioned Union of the North.
All that is reported, both of him and his undertaking, by the
inquiry commission, is quite incorrect.
There now only remains to say a few words as to the cause
of the unusual political activity shown by the Russian army of
that time in originating and encouraging these societies—
activity of which there was not a trace to be found a few years
before. It must also be remarked that the liberal reforms
which were started in the reign of Alexander I., for the
advancement and development of the educated classes, were
the more effective from the stern manner in which everything
of the kind had been repressed under Paul, and in the latter
part of Catherine II.'s reign. The notable occurrences of
1812 had also brought out a strong feeling of the power of the
people, and a patriotic enthusiasm of which no one had pre-
viously had a conception. Then followed the eventful years
of the Franco-German war.
The Russian and Prussian troops of occupation had re-
mained some time in France after the second taking of Paris.
While the Prussian corps was penetrated by a deep-rooted
hatred of the French, with at the same time a strong aversion
towards the French revolutionary ideas, and only eagerly
desired to return to their houses and old Prussian ways,
the year of their residence on French soil had a totally different
effect on the Russians. To the young Russian nobility, espe-
cially the regiment of Guards, the Franco-German campaign
was identical with their entrance into a world of civilization,
which was hitherto unknown to almost all their number.
Beneath a milder sky, in the midst of new surroundings, which
270 APPENDIX.
bore the stamp of a higher civilization, under the influence of
softer manners and more humane views of life, many of the
Russian officers acquired new ideas for the government of their
own country. To the young men who had spent the greater
part of their lives in the monotony of distant Russian country
towns, or in the bacchanalian uproar of the feasts of St. Peters-
burg, a new and beautiful World was opened on the sunny
banks of the Loire and Garonne, to whose charms they yielded
themselves with delight. The idleness of garrison duty, the
great distance which separated the detachments of troops
quartered in remote places, permitted a freedom of action of
which they had hardly dreamt before. These young strangers
watched the political party strife which then filled all parts of
France with deep interest and attention.
The most zealous and active spirits of the Russian Guards
imbibed with enthusiasm the idea of citizenship, liberty, and
constitutional rights, and threw themselves with energy into
the life of the people, for whose conquest they had come from
the far east. The thought arose, in more than one breast,
whether it would not be possible to make their distant home
partaker of the same advantages, and with the warm, unrea-
soning zeal of youth they ignored the deep gulf which existed
between the Russian and French ideas of civilization. When
the term of their residence in France was past, the flower of the
corps of officers returned to their homes bent on importing
France into Russia. Their first step was to form Freemasons’
lodges in the majority of the best regiments, of a purely poli-
tical colouring; when these were dissolved or prohibited, their
members joined the secret societies and pursued the same
object of creating a constitutional form of government.
SKETCH OF THE SECRET SOCIETIES. 271
Knowing that the Emperor Alexander himself agreed with
their ideas, they imagined that in preparing a reorganization
of Russian affairs they would be able to obtain his co-operation.
But Alexander, frightened by the liberal movement in Germany,
now took a different line, and the young military nobles found
, themselves in direct opposition to the reigning government.
Various measures of repression were tried but without result,
and even some of the soldiers were infected by the French
poison, and desired treatment such as they had seen and had
been used to in France. The “Enragés” among the con-
spirators became still more estranged from the Emperor, and
now turned their minds entirely to their republican ideal. Even
before Alcxander died Levées de Botteliers were at work in
St. l'etersburg and South Russia; his death brought the
undertaking to a crisis before it was ripe. They were of
opinion that the confusion resulting from Constantine's renun-
ciation should be turned to account, and the sedition broke
out before it was sufficiently organized to promise a safe con-
clusion ; had N. ×holas' firm hand at once seized the reins of
government it would have been impossible to effect anything
against the dynasty, Lºcked as it was by devoted masses.
The revolt of 1825 broke out in two places simultaneously
and failed in both. The movers in it had a political impossi-
bility in view, and had only themselves to thank if they proved
the victims of their own imprudence. But it is not to be
denied that it was the flower of the Guard, and especially the
young intellects, which had attempted this master-stroke of
1825. With youthful enthusiasm they clung to a number of
highly-gifted but impractical leaders; many officers held it to
be a point of honour to share danger and want with the men
272 APPENDIX.
whom they knew to be noble and devoted champions of modern
ideas. The proud consciousness of working with the best of
their time was more powerful than the fear of death or exile;
they had for the first time come in contact with the ideal, and
could not withstand the charm of an enterprise which appeared
to secure for every one who took a part in it, a place among
the best and noblest of his fellows.
Thus it is seen that the conspirators and rebels of 1825.
were young enthusiasts, who must be judged after another
than a strictly political standard. The hard fate they had
to endure has atoned for their crime, and it is now possible
for those who read their history to take a kindly and pitiful
interest in the first attempt to draw Russia into the path. of
West European liberalism.
THE END.
LONDON :
Printed by SMITH, ELDER and Co., Old Bailey, E.C.
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