//, /3, Z.l LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY PRINCETON, N. J. Presented by IVle Widow ■ of Ueorge j3Mo'c:\n, Divisio,L.^3 4*^ 4- Section...\..Lr,2Jl (:> V. lb copy 2- t '% Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2010 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library http://www.archive.org/details/apocryphaofoldte15biss COMMENTARY OH THS HOLY SCKIPTUEES CRITICAL, DOCTRINAL, AND HOMILETICAL, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO MINISTERS AND STUDENTS. BT JOHN PETER '^ANGE, D. D., ASSISTED BT A NUMBER OF EMINENT EUROPEAN DIVINES. TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN, REVISED, ENLARGED, AND EDITED BT PHILIP SCHAEF, D. D., LL. D., m CONNECTION WITH AMERICAN SCHOLARS OF 7ARI0US EVANGELICAL DENOMINATIONS. VOLUME XV. OF THE OLD TESTAMENT, CONTAINING THE APOCRYPHA. NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1899 THE ; APOCKYPHA or THE OLD TESTAMENT WITH HISTORICAL INTRODUCTIONS, A REVISED TRANSLATION, AND NOTES CRITICAL AND EXPLANATORY. BT EDWIN CONE BISSELL, D.D. 2 Cob. xin. 8. NEW VORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1899 Copyright, 1880, By CHARLES SCBIBNER'3 SONS PREFACE. The apocryphal books of the Old Testament have been greatly neglected by English divines. No critical commentary in the English language has appeared since that of Richard Arnald (died 1756), first published in London 1744. and for the fourth time (with correc- tions by Pitman), in 1822, and embodied in the Critical Commentary of Patrick, Lowth, Arnald, Whitby, and Lowman. Since the British and Foreign, and the American Bible Societies have ceased to circulate them, it is even difficult for the ordinary reader to obtain them. They are, it is true, not equal in authority to the canonical books: they did not belong to the Hebrew canon ; they were written after the extinction of prophecy ; they are not quoted in the New Testament (the Book of Enoch referred to by Jude is not among the Apocrypha); the most learned among the Christian fathers, Origen, Eusebius, and Jerome, excluded them from the canon in its strict sense, althoush they made frequent use of them; they contain some Jewish superstitions, and furnish the Roman Catholics proof-texts for their doctrines of purgatory, prayers for the dead, and the meritoriousness of good works. Nevertheless they have very great historical importance : they fill the gap between the Old and New Testaments; they explain the rise of that condition of the Jewish people, their society and religion, in which we find it at the time of Christ and the Apostles; they contain much valuable and useful information. The books of the Maccabees make us acquainted with the heroic period of Jewish history; Ecclesiasticus is almost equal to the Proverbs for its treasures of practical wisdom ; Tobit and Judith are among the earliest and most interesting specimens of religious fiction. The Apocrypha are first found in the Greek Version of the Old Testament (the Septuagint), from this they piissed into the Latin Vulgate, and from this into all the older Protestant versions and editions, though sometimes in smaller type, or with the heading that, while they are useful and edifying reading, they must not be put on a par with the inspired books of the Bible. It has been deemed timely to issue, as a supplementary volume to Lange's Bible-work (which is confined to the canonical books), a revised version of the Apocrypha, with critical and historical introductions and explanations. Homiletical hints would, of course, be super- fluous for Protestant ministers and students. This work has been intrusted to the Rev. Dr. Edwin Cone Bissell, who is well known as the author of a work on " The Historic Origin of the Bible " (New York, 1873), and who has for several years devoted special attention to the Apocrypha, in Germany and in this country. Eritzsche's Greek text (Libri Apocryphi Veteris Testamenti, Lipsiae, 1871) has been used as the basis, and carefully collated with the Vatican Codex (II.) in the new edition of Cozza, as well as witli other important publications. The author desires to express his very deep sense of obligation to Dr. Eberhard Nestle, of the University of Tiibingen, and to Dr. Ezra Abbot, of Cambridge, Mass., for invaluable sug- gestions and corrections as the work was passing through the press. Biblical students will welcome this book as an important contribution to exegetical litera- tnve. It is not without profound gratitude to God, and to the many friends and patrons, thaV now, after sixteen years of editorial labor, 1 take leave of this voluminous Commentarv, the Buccess of which in America and England has surpassed my most sanguine expectations. PHILIP SCHAFF. New Yokk, June 14, 1880. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. PART FIRST. BEVIEW OF JEWISH HISTORY IN THE PERSIAN AND GRECIAN PERIODS. 1. The Jews under Petsiati Rule. From the time of Cyrus and the reestablishment of the Jews in Palestine to Alexander lies a period of two hundred years. Eventful years in Israelitish history they can scarcely be called when considered apart from the notable event that preceded jurrey and shaped them. But in all that relates to the inner development of Judaism there is no period of greater importance. Up to this time the Jews had been simply a peo- ple existing under the shadow of other and more powerful peoples on their borders. They came back from the exile in Babylon to develop, and, as it were, become a religious system, a system so original, so universal and indestructible in its nature, that political revolutions and dynastic changes could have but little effect upon it. Political freedom had disappeared; but so, too, had idolatry and the traditional love for it. Tribal relations had fallen into confusion, but the controlling idea that underlay all Israelitisli institutions was still safe. It was felt that Judaism was more than Judah, and the commonwealth than the nation. The conception of a world religion gradually took possession of the mind, and proselytisin came to be included within the circle of the higher duties. Prophecy ceased; prayer, however, public and private, assumed on every hand a new importance. Beside the formal ceremonies of the temple sprang up the simpler and more spiritual worship of the synagogues. Inward conflicts, moreover, and outward oppression did for the Israel of this period what it did for the Israel of a later day, — fixed needed attention on the written " oracles of God." A new office arose, unknown before the captivity, and the scribe became the equal of the priest. Above all, repeated dis- appointments in outward material things on which the heart had too exclusively fastened re- vealed a deeper need, awakened a spiritual apprehension such as no prophet's appeal had been able to do. Faith was recognized as something more than bare belief. The veil was drawn from the unseen world, and Jacob's vision became a reality in the experiences of men. But tlie false and the exaggerated were not always distinguished from the true. The wisest and best in Israel did not always avoid dangerous and wicked extremes. From this very period fanaticism has some of its worst e.xamples, and the noble word " hierarcliy " is stamped with its evil other sense. Still all had an evident purpose. Parallel instances are not want- ing in history where something simply strong has seemed to be the almost sole resultant of the mightiest moral forces, but it has later proved to be the welcome strength of the iron casket that carries a precious jewel safely within it. It is no longer in dispute that the Cyrus of profane history and of the Old Testament are identical.^ That Greek historians did not know of the intimacy of the relations „ , . 1-1 1 1 T 1 T 1- • 1 , 1 Relation of which sprang up between the great conqueror and the Israelitish peo])le, or, know- the Jews to ing it, that they did not appreciate its real character, should not surprise us. And, '^y"'- on the otiier hand, admitting tlie reality of these relations, and estimating them at their full worth, it ought not to prevent us from acknowledging that Cyrus may also have liad weighty political reasons for what he ditl. When, after the capture of Sardis, the Greek cities of Asia Minor unitedly made to him offers of allegiance, he refused the tender with one excep- tion. The submission of Miletus, the strongest an-- ated people.' Be this as it may, it is clear that the simple tact of a generous deliverance and restoration to their homes was by no means the only event that served to awaken the thankfulness of the Jews, and nourish in them a warm attachment toward the Persian king. The same providen- tial blow that struck off their fetters had also given a fatal wound to that vast system of idolatry which, for two thousand years, had been incorporated with the highest forms of Semitic civilization, and been the mightiest antagonistic and corrupting influence of the world to prevent the spread of a pure religion. From Baal to Ormuzd was a real step in advance, and Cyrus was its immediate promoter. If he had no special sympathy with the details of the Jewish faith, still he was the champion and foremost representative of the great mono- theistic idea underlying and governing it. One has but to examine the picture that is given of him in Isaiah and Daniel to learn how fully this championship was realized, and how ten- derly it was cherished by his Jewish wards.^ In his personal character, moreover, Cyrus was not without noble qualities. His immense His Der- power he generally wielded with discretion. He was not upset by the suddenness Eonalchai- of his elevation. Surrounded with all the splendors of an oriental court, he pre- sei"ved, to a good extent, his previous simplicity of mind and manners.^ He was mild and generous in his treatment of the conquered. His personal ambition never led him to forget or ignore the interests of Ids people, or the religion of his fathers. He enjoyed more than the admiration of his subjects, — their affection. It is a fact full of suggestion that they were wont to make his countenance the very type of perfect physical beauty.^ In his domestic relations he was a model of abstemiousness in a corrupt age. Along with ex- hausting military duties and a restless spirit of conquest, he knew how to value and encour- age the amenities of art. But suddenly, in the midst of vast, unexecuted plans which embraced a world-wide empii-e, he was wounded in battle, and died soon after, in the twenty ninth year of his reign (b. c. 529). The elder of his two sons, Cambyses, succeeded him. Cyrus had also made arrange- ments in his will that the younger son, Smerdis, should have a subordinate share in the government. The good intention, however, was defeated through the jeal- ousy of Cambyses, who had the latter privately put to death. In fact, the deed was of so private a nature that it naturally furnished occasion, not long after, for the rise of a pseudo- Smerdis, who impersonated the murdered brother, and introduced serious complications into the affairs of the empire. In the mean time, Cambyses determined on carrying out the un- completed military conquests of his father. Four years were spent in maturing his plans and collecting the necessary forces for a descent upon Egypt. During this period self-inter- est, if there had been no other motive, would have led him to cherish the friendship of the late captive Israelites. The long-planned expedition, as far as simple subjugation was meditated, was in the end ,,jg ^■. successful. But embittered by unlooked-for resistance and revolt which had tioQ against sprung up during his temporary absence, Cambyses laid aside his -arlier concilia- '^^^^^' tory policy, and enforced submission by the harshest measures. Inasmuch as the priests had been the chief promoters of the new rebellion, he expended upon them and the national religion the utmost violence of his fury and contempt. Their god Apis he ruth- lessly stabbed, and publicly scourged its honored priests; forced his way into places held f acred, opened the receptacles of the dead, and gave to the fianies the most revered and in- 1 HawUnson, Ancient Man., iii. 378. 2 Hernd-, i. 153. 8 Fritisclie in Schenkel's Bib. Lex.. Art. " Cjrus ■' 4 Is. xliv. 28 ; xlv. 13 ; xlri. 1 ; xlviii. 14 ; Dan. v. 28, 30 ; vi. 6 See, for instance, his alleged conversation witil Croesns, Herod.., i. 87-1*0. 6 Rawlinson, Ancient Man., iii. 3St). GENERAL INTRODUCTION. violable treasures. It is not strange that Herodotus shoulil see in such conduct the vagaries of an uneasy conscience developing into the frenzy of a madman. "So it seems certain to me," he says, "by a great variety of proof, that Canibyses was stark mad; otherwise, he would not have gone about to pour contempt on holy rites and time-honored customs." ' Whatever may have been the real ground of his action, it liad, for the time being, the desired effect, namely, thoroughly to cow the Egyptian people, and leave to the conqueror the way open to return to his capital. A great surprise, however, was in store for him. Having already led his army a part of the distance homeward, being in Syria, a herald suddenly en- tered his camp, one day, unannounced, and proclaimed before the astonished soldiers and their leader that Cambyses was no longer king, Smerdis, his brother, having ascended the throne of Cyrus. Amazed, confused, and half in doubt, as it would seem, whether his agents had really done the horrid work intrusted to them, the king utterly lost courage, and, although at the head of a victorious army, and as the elder son of his renowned father able, no doubt, to count on the support of the masses of the Persian people, he took refuge in cowardly suicide (b. c. 522). The details of his death as given by Herodotus, who regarded it as a judgment upon him for his crimes in Egypt, are more than suspicious, and have little historic worth as compared with the record of the great Behistun inscription, which distinctly states that Cambyses killed himself because of the insurrection.^ The conspirators at the capital must have looked upon the king's death as an astounding omen of final success. Still, caution was needful. A thousand things must be thought of in order to prevent the suspicion from getting abroad that the Magus, gmerdis. Gomates, who impersonated him, was not actually the son of Cyrus. The greatest danger lay in the fact that the change of administration meditated involved a change in the national religion. The destruction of Zoroastrian temples, the general substitution of Magians in the place of the usual priest-caste, and other similar movements could not but attract at- tention, and might awaken a too powerful opposition if entered upon before the new king was fairly seated on his throne. Undue haste and bigotry seem, in fact, to have got the bet- ter of discretion. Whispered rumors of the great fraud that had been committed began to circulate among the Persian noblemen. The first uneasiness, which the pretender tried in vain to repress, grew, at last, to a counter conspiracy. A company of leading Persians, with Darius, the son of Hystaspes, at their head, forced their way into the presence of the false Smerdis, and put him to death, along with a number of his retainers, after a reign of only seven montlis. And now, religious fanaticism, combined with national pride, led the fully aroused Persians to take bloody vengeance on the Magian priests and their adherents who had betrayed them. One event that happened in a distant province serves to clothe this short reign of the pseudo- Smerdis with a peculiar interest. The reaction in religion at Susa and Ecbatana was felt no less seriously at Jerusalem. The work on the temple, begun under Cyrus, had not been inter- rupted by Cambyses, notwitlistanding the embittered efforts of the Samaritans in that direc- tion. With the idol-loving Magian, however, the enemies of the Jews were immediately suc- cessful. The holy work ceased by his order, not again to be resumed till news had been received of the accession of Darius.^ A clearer proof could scarcely be asked that the friend- liness of the Persian kings for the Israelitish people was prompted, at least in some degree, by a deeper and nobler n,otive than that of simple policy. Darius Hystaspis was one of Persia's greatest rulers, second only to Cyrus, and even his superior as an organizer and administrator. His reign e.Ktended over a period of thirty-six years, and is marked by events that, without tlie coloring of a partial his- Hystimpis. torian, are full of interest even when read amidst the absorbing concerns of the present day. The revolts that early broke out in various parts of liis dominions he suppressed with a hand at once so firm and wise that it left him, later, the needed repose for his wide- reaching plans of administration. To him is due the honor of being the first to introduce a really stable form of government among the heterogeneous elements of power and weakness that had hitherto ruled in the empires of the East. He greatly improved the prevailing mili- tary system, and took wise precautions that the immense resources of his kingdom should not be needlessly wasted. If he did not originate and introduce among the Persians a metallic currency, its more general use certainly dates from him; and his gold and silver darics carried 1 iii. 38. 2 See Bawlinson's Herod., U. 691 S. 3 ''(. Ez V 2 ; Uaa i 1 1. THE APOCRYPHA. the name of Darius far beyond the bounds of his age and empire He was l)efore the Romans in appreciating the importance of safe and easy communication from place to place.^ His couriers found the streams already bridged for them and sped from station to station, like birds in their flight. "Nothing mortal," says Herodotus, "travels so fast as these Persian messengers. . . . The first rider delivers his despatch to the second, and the second passes it to the third ; and so it is borne from hand to hand along the whole line, like tlie light in the torch race, which the Greeks celebrate to Vulcan." "^ Indeed, Darius Hystaspis was so great and wise a ruler, as the times then were, that it has served to obscure the genius which lie also i)0ssessed as a military leader. He had not finished his preparations for suppressing a fresh revolt that had broken out in Egypt, where the wild severity of Cambyses still ranklea, when death overlook him, in the si.\ty-third year of bis age (b. c. 486). The kingdom descended, by his own appointment, to Xer.\es, the eldest of his sons. It would be interesting to dwell upon the latter's history, embracing as it does some of the most magnificent, if mistaken and unsuccessful, enterprises which the world has ever known, and which have made the names of Thermopylie, Salamis, and Platsa cele- brated for more tlian twenty subsequent centuries. Especially would it be interesting be- cause of his connection witli the fascinating story of Queen Esther, the palace at " Shushan," and the averted destruction of the Jewish people. But for the purposes of the present work it would be an unjustifiable diversion. Notwithstanding all his magnificence, Xerxes ranked, both in character and achievements, far below his predecessor, with him beginning, indeed, the fatal deterioration and decline that made the Persian kingdom, less than a century and a half later, a comparatively easy conquest for the disciplined troops of Alexander. Xerxes was succeeded by Artaxerxes, with the surname Longimanus (b. c. 465), and tlie latter by Xerxes II. (b. c.425), who reigned but five and forty days, when he was and his sue- put to death by his half-brother, Sogdianus. Sogdianus himself, also, in less than cessors. seven months afterwards, lost his life at the hands of a brother, who followed him on the Persian throne und'.ir the title of Darius Nothus (b. c. 424). His sovereignty con- tinued for nineteen years, but was little else than one uninterrupted scene of debauchery and crime at court, and of revolt and bloody strife in the provinces. Arsaces, a son, under the name of Artaxerxes II. (Mnemon), was the next in succession. But the ceremonies of his cor- onation were not yet over when he was called to confront a danger of a serious character at the hands of his brother, generally known as the younger Cyrus. Instigated by bis mother, the latter sought to win the crown for himself by the murder of Artaxerxes. Foiled, for the time being, in his wicked purpose, it was none the less secretly cherished, and bis subsequent rebellion while satrap in Asia Minor was made memorable by the famous battle of Cunaxa, in which he lost his life, and the still more famous victory and heroic retreat of the ten thousand Greek soldiers who bad been his auxiliaries. The success of this retreat was no doubt largely line to the superior bravery and discipline of the Greeks. But it was also due to the inher- :nt weakness and advanced decay of the Persian empire. It already tottered to its fall. Under this reign and that of the following king, Artaxerxes III. (Ochus, b. c. 359), the re ligious apostasy and deterioration of the Persians, which had already long since A^axentes begun, made the most rapid progress. A vicious eclecticism that saw no dangei in mingling Magian rites with the relatively pure tenets of Zoroaster ended bj accepting Venus as a national deity, and lascivious orgies in place of the exercises of religion As might have been expected, the Persians were not the only sufferers by the change. Tht bond of sympathy that liad united to tbeni in all their varying fortunes, until now, as obedi- ent and faithful allies, the nation of the Jews, was violently rent asunder. By the tolerant Cyrus or Darius, not much difference could be observed between Jehovah and Ormuzd. Bui with a Mnemon or Ochus on the throne, and images of Anaitis by royal authority set up fo) worship at Susa and Persepolis, at Babylon and Damascus, and, as we may well suppose, at Jerusalem also, the circumstances were chani;ed indeed. Sympathy and protection gave place to repugnance and persecution. If we may accept the account of Josepbus, who quotes Hecateus,^ this mucb-oppre>sed [icople were obliged at the present time to suffer anothei cruel deportation. Moreover, a creature of Artaxerxes III., one Bagoas (Bagoses), who after- wards poisoned his master, taking the rejection of a certain candidate for the high priest's 1 See Xen., Cijrop., viii. 7. 18 ; and Dunclter, iv. 637. - Rawlinson's Herod., iv. 335. 3 Cimlm Apion, i, 22 ; of. Qnietz, Geschidite, ii. (2) 209, note. The same fact is also mentioned by other ancient writ srs See Hitzijr, (jiSfkidUr i. 307. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. office, whose election he had favored, as a personal affront, laid the most oppressive burdens on the temple service, and even forced his way into the Holy of Holies, as if, thereby, to give a greater emphasis to his contempt. Sad omens those for a future that had in store a Hel- iodorus and an Antiochus Epipnanes ! Arses, the last Persian king but one, was a son of Bagoas, and ascended the throne B. c. 338. Refusing to be the tool of his father, the latter, who had hitherto hesitated Arses and at no crime lying in the path of his ambition, ruthlessly murdered him, together J?''°^%"th with his infant children. His successor was Codoniannus, or Darius HI. (b. c. Persian 336), the beginoiug of whose reign nearly synchronizes with that of Alexander mpire. of Macedon. And now followed, within the space of three short years, the bold invasion of Asia Minor by the Macedonian, and, in quick succession, the renowned and decisive battles of the Granicus, of Issus, and of Arbela, where the fate of the great Persian mon- archy was effectually sealed. It had fully accomplished its purpose in the providence of God. Its yoke had indeed been heavy on the necks of many peoples. But it had also served some of the nobler ends of civilization and human progress; and, in the case of Israel, had helped to tide it over certain dangerous reefs and shallows in its progress towards the devel- opment of a world religion. Such development, though slow, could not wholly cease, or be long checked. Hence the new factors that at this point enter into human history, and especially into the history of the covenant people. What had called for a Cyrus two hun- dred years before now called no less loudly for an Alexander. .ludaism hud hatood by " a hedge about the law " may be still seen in the lumbered pages of the Mishna and Gemara. A so-called oral law, for which the claim was made that it was handed down 1 Cf , for example, UeUenheim's uDSUccessful attempt to construct an acceptable theory of the subject in Stud, m Kril., 1863, p. 93, ff.. and Bertheau, Dit But/itr Etra, AV/i., etc., p. 101. 2 Contra, Graetz, ii. (2). 178. and others. S Contra, Holtziuann, Dit Apok. BUcher, Einleit.^ p. 4. 4 Contra. Ilitzij?, Ofxr/iiehU, 315, ff-, and Kneucker in Schenkel's Eib. Ler., ad voc, 5 Piike Ah/ith, i. 1. 2. 6 So .tout, Grxr/iieftlf, i. 42. " Of. Hartmann, p. 129. 8 See Slanlej . iii. 1,51. 9 Deut. iv. 2. GENERAL INTliUUUCTIOX. 11 from Moses Limself, assumed an ever increasing, and in tlie eml, fatal importance. And even modern Judaism is far euougli from divesting itself of the spirit that was rebuked in the words of the Master: ■' For laving aside the commandments of God ya hold the tradition of men." ^ The second precept of the Great Assembly, moreover, was practically attended to. Schools for the study of the sacred books were established. The teachers went under the „,,. . . .» [■ -,, i~.i- Other insti- high-sounding title of " the wise or the bopherim; their pupils were known as tutions of " the disciples of the wise." ' In subsequent times, so e.xtraordiuary became their ''"^ P"""!- authority that it was held for even a greater crime to dispute the word of the scribes than to call in question the Torah itself.' Stricter rules for the observance of the Sabbath and other festival days were also introduced at this period; the year, wliich hitherto had beij-un with Nisau, was made to begin with Tisri ; the institution of slavery for native born Israel- ites was abolished; the provisions for the observance of the Sabbatic year rigorously carried out ; regulations relating to things clean and unclean greatly e.xtended ; alms-givinor rose to the dignity of a system, and the virtue that " sheweth mercy and lendeth" became the lead- ing idea of righteousness. It is a question of no small importance how far the institutions of the Israelitish people during this formative period were modiBed by contact with the religious ideas and practices of their Persian rulers. To us now, the matter is one of special interest the Peisiau siuiply in so far as it relates to the Old Testament apocryphal writings. Thev "'I'S'o™ clearly contain new developments of doctrine that are of the utmost consequence, and which cannot be accounted for, solely, on the theory that they have their root in the teachings of the older canoidcal Scriptures. And that the development of pure Judaism it- self, by a kind of forcing process, should have been quickened, and to some e.xtent modified in consequence of its intimate relations with Parseeism, seems to us in no way inconsistent with any right view of Jewish history, or of the divine plan of salvation. The book of Esther, in fact, and the feast of Purim, which has been aptly called the " Passover of the Dispersion," are themselves a standing protest against the assumption of many critics that such an influence could not have been felt. There remained in Persia, after the E.\ile, no small number of Jewish colonists who were agents, as well as recipients in the history of this period. The relation of the Jews to at least one of the Persian governors were of the most friendly and intimate character.* The decrees and letters of the Persian kings found a place on the pages of the Bible, and it is not strange that he whose spirit the Lord " stirred up " ' • should become himself in turn the means of setting in operation moral forces which were still active and powerful, after the kingdom which he had founded had long since passed away. The comparative elevation and purity of the original religious belief of the Persians is well known. Its creed was simple and highly spiritual. If its monotheism was spcond to that of the Jews, as we must admit, still it was only second, and approximated the Persiar it in many respects. Its hatred of idol-worship was most pronounced. And *>""'•'' among no other people of antiquity was such an antithesis recognized, imperfect though it still was, between the evil and the good. It was no longer a crude and sensuous idola- try with which the Israelites had to do. The old Persian spirit that lived again in the re- vered Cyrus and his immediate successors was almost fiercely iconoclastic' The Persian worship, in its prayers and thanksgivings to Ormuzd, the recitation of hymns and the offering of sacrifices, had nothing that could specially produce aversion in the Israelitish mind. They greeted the break of day with adoration, prayed over their food, at the lighting of the lamps, on mountain tops, at the sight of water, or of any extraonlinary appearance. Was it a mere coincidence that such customs were introduced, also, among the Jews of later times? The priesthood and temple had with them, in general, a far less important role than in other religions. Hauritv and iiiipuritv that we meet with in the books of Tobit, Judith, and the Maccabees, and especially in the Phari- saism of the New Testament. We can have no doubt that while influenced by the political history of the period, more especially by the sufferings experienced at the hands of foreign powers in their efforts to force a false relision upon them, the Jewish nation was also not a little affected by the doctrines of Parseeisni. According to its creed the fearful influence of Ahrinian was everywhere in operation, and the life of man became a continual struggle by means of the most burdensome outward purifications to rid himself of bis fatal defilements. Even the hair and nails of the human body were regarded as unclean and spiritually polluting. '• What," asked Zoroaster of Ormuzd, "is the greatest of mortal sins?" " When they who are endowed with bodies " was the answer, " cut their hair and pare their nails, there assem- ble on the contaminated spot the devils (devas) together." ^ The angclology and demonology of the apocryphal books, as is shown in connection with the Commentary below, is most strikingly and demonstratively Persian in its thrPersiau stamp : so the evil Asmodteus of the Book of Tobit with his home in the desert faith (con- wastes of Egypt, and, no less, the good Raphael and his five associates. An old Jewish tradition declares: " The names of the angels emigrated with the Jews into their mother country." ' Prayers to the spirits of supposed saints were allowed by the Persian religion. One such petition began as follows: " I call to thee, I praise the mighty souls (fervers) of holy men, the souls of the men of the old statutes, the souls of the new men, my relatives, my own guardian spirit." ■• So, too, prayers were offered for the dead, by which means, it was thought, they were greatly aided in their difficult passage to everlasting blessedness. Ddllinger,^ referring to the Vendidad (.\ii. 9 ff., Spiegel, p. 183), says : " Eor departed relatives continual prayers were offered up and for sinners twice as many as for the pure. These prayers won for the soul — as was supposed — the protection of the heav- enly spirits, particularly of Serosh against Ahriman." On certain days of the year the souls of the dead were thought to revisit the earth, and at such times two forms of petition Vere repeated for them and by each person twelve hundred times. Especially at these periods was the hope strong of being able through prayers and good deeds to release them from the retributive pains of the lower world. With this fact in view, we are the less surprised at the appearance of the same strange and unbiblical custom in the apocryphal books. ^ The belief in a future judgment was also one of the tenets of Zoroastrianism. Three days after death, it was held, all human souls, both those of the good and of the evil, went their ap- pointed way to the so-called "bridge of the gatherers." It was a narrow path that con- ducted to the regions of light. An abyss of darkness yawned beneath it. Here their exam- ination by Ormuzd took place and their destiny was decided. The Zend reli'.:ion was far removed from encouraging asceticism. It was more a religion of ^„ , ■. action than of reflection. It impelled its followers to a continual strusgle with the utiier traits * c » • ■ , t_ of the Zend powers of deatli and decay. The first commandment of the .\ vesta enjoined that religion. ^j^^ i\e\ds should be cultivated, trees planted, and fooil provided for human wants. " With the fruits of the field grows the rule of Ormuzd, iind with them it spreads itself bv thousands and other thousands abroad. The earth is happy when a man builds his house upon it, when his herds increase, when surrounded by wife and children he lets the grass, the corn, ami fruit trees in abundance spring up about him." ' There is something noble and inspiring in such a spirit. We may well recognize its influence in the mighty enterprises of a Cyrus and a Darius, and see how it was possible for the Persian empire with so apparently feeble a basis, to maintain its existence for two hundred years. On the Jews, with whom alsc the interests of agriculture were so closely connected with those of government and rehgiou such an example must have acted with powerful effect. But it is not by any means to be in- ferred from what has gone before, that they discovered only what was inviting, or even worthy of respect, in the customs and habits of their Persian neighbors. Parseeism had also its repug- : Vr Gracte, p. 419. and Kuenen. iii. 35. 2 Vrndvlart cited by Gnieti, p. 198. a Qpiger, LerhiT's. i. 12H. * Tlie Ya^na, cited by Pre»sens«, p. 30. 6 Jiiilenthum, etc.. p. 374. « See2 M:;cc. xii. 43^5. ' Vendidatl, iii. 1, 20, 86, 86. GENEKAL INTRODUCTION. nant side. Its fundamental principle of dualism indeed, could find no place in a system where Jehovah was God.' As compared with the licentious rites of the Phoenicians, the sensuous worship of the Babylonians, or even the more ideal and spiritual cultus of the Egyptians, there had been real progress. But here, still, there was no sufficient distiuction between the material and the moral. And especially in tlie later deterioration of the Persian faith under an Artaxerxes Mnemon and an Ochus, all bonds of religious sympathy and affinity must have been wholly rent asunder. In short, Parseeism acted upon essential Judaism, in the main, only in the way of suggestion and stimulus. The great basal truths that characterize the latter are its own independent possession, and indigenous to it. It is principally in the by-ways of Jewish thought and national life that we are able to trace most clearly the impression of other and alien systems of belief. And now another and still more important stage in the life of the covenant jieople is to pass under review. Up to this time, they had had to do only with the races and lands of the East. Religious differences, diverse national traditions and aims, and the ing'p^riod'." steep passes of Lebanon had not so far secluded them that they had not been called upon to bear their fearful part in the tragic history that had unrolled itself along the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates. Tlie waters of the Mediterranean would avail just as little now to shut them out from the still mightier and more penetrating iufluences of the advancing West. The victories of Alexander were in fact victories of the Occident over the Orient, of Europe over Asia. Whatever of truth may be contained in the narrative of the solemn meeting between the Jewish high-priest, arrayed in his sacred vestments, and the Macedonian conqueror, it may at least be taken as strikingly typical of a wholly new order of events. Henceforth, Judaism faced in another direction, confronted a civilization whose power it would feel to its very centre. It had unlearned among its Assyrian neighbors only the outward form of its mother tongue. But the new forces that now begin to operate are at once so winning and so intense, that it soon forgets the very mother tongue itself, and institutions and customs that had been gaining strength through two centuries of comparative rest, are tested by conflicts such as hitherto the world had never known. 2. The Grecian Period. Judaism had now had sufficient time, since the Exile, to collect itself and gather strength to meet the whirlwind of political change that was again approaching. Still ^^^ ^^^ more, it had brought to a certain degree of ripeness those deep-lying ethical prin- factors in ciples which were to become the germs of a universal religion. But if there is ' ^' any lesson that human history teaches more than another, it is that development, social and moral as well as physical, is never in straight lines. It is the result of forces that to a greater or less degree are antagonistic. Hence the spiral is its aptest representative. The political necessity that brought the Indo-Geruianic races into living contact with the Semitic was but the sign of a higher moral nectssity. What represented widely different tendencies, what had been wrought out in widely different spheres, was now to meet, to interpenetrate, and by a subtile interaction produce results that neither in itself would have been capable of achieving. Where, indeed, could have been found a greater contrast than between the ordi- nary currents of thought, the social plane, the manner of life, of the Hebrew and the Greek? What could have been more unlike the deep religious spirit of the one than the pervasive worldly spirit of the other? So, too, the Semitic mind was serious, slow to act, eminently conservative; held tenaciously to the past; was deeply reverent, almost fatalistic, indeed, in its regard for that which was. The Greek, on tlie other hand, was proverbially quick in thought and movement, sprightly, idealistic, admitting perfection in nothing, striving always for the new, bold even to recklessness, and ready to confront, sword in hand, the gods them- selves in defense of an ideal right. Especially was the radical dissimilarity of the two peo- ples stamped on the languages they used. The one was simple and picturesque ; the other, cultivated and refined to the higliest degree of art. " The Semitic tongue was the symbol, the Greek the vesture, of the spirit." ^ Now, from the conjunction of two such gigantic moral forces great results, under the present circumstances, were justly to be expected, par- ticularly in the direction of developing a religion for man which, like man himself, must be cosmopolitan, above the question of climates, able to adapt itself to the popular life every- where, and show its harmony with all the higher and purer forms of human culture. 1 CI. Is. XlT. 1, 7. a HoltzmaDO, Die Apolc. Biicfier Einleit., p. 6 (found also iu liuusen's Bibeitoeriit. 14 THE APOCRYPHA. The way had been prepared for the entrance of Greek civilization into A«ia by the great Persian expeditions of the previous century. But with the triumph of the arms of Alexander, who extended his empire from the Adriatic to the sources of the Ganges, and from the Danube to the cataracts of the Nile, the entire Orient was thrown open to the philosophy, art, language, and social usages of this classic land, and they swept over it like a flood. If these peoples, for the most part, especially those living east of the Euphrates, showed in their subsequept history but faint traces of any such refining influ- ence, retained to the last their Asiatic and barbaric character, it but serves to enhance, by contrast, the remarkable changes that were elsewhere produced, especially in the valleys of the Orontes and the Jordan, and along the banks of the Nile. How much of truth is mixed with the fabulous and legendary in the accounts of Josephus and the Talmud ' concerning the visit of Alexander to Jerusalem, it is impossible to say. But there can be no reasonable doubt that either during or subsequent to the siege of Tyre and Gaza (b. c. 332) he re- ceived a delegation from Jerusalem, who tendered him the unconditional homage of the Jew- ish people. It is also clear that, for some reason, never perhaps to be wholly explained, the youthful conqueror treated them with a magnanimity and friendliness that they had not before experienced since the days of Cyrus. This conciliatory spirit had its natural effect. Alexander took his place henceforth, in the sacred list of heroic worthies who were honored by the Jewish nation. His name was coupled with that of Solomon, and became its synonym in the later history. And when his victorious army began its march southward for the con- quest of Egypt, not a few Jews voluntarily entered its ranks. The founding of the city that still bears his name, one of the most brilliant capitals of antiquity, the commercial, moral, and social metropolis of both the Occident and Orient, for centuries the highest representative and nurse of civilization and learning, and especially the arena where Grecian philosophy and the Hebrew religion were at once to meet ami discover what common grounds of interest might justify their going henceforth hand in hand, — this was the most memorable result of Alexander's expedition to the land of the Pharaohs. Not many years after (b. c. 323), in the midst of vast unexecuted military plans, his voracious appetite for conquest still unsated, he died at the age of thirty-two years and eight months. The last words of Alexander on being asked to whom he bequeathed his kingdom are said to have been; " To the strongest." ' AVhen one considers the training to which iuccessore. t's generals had been subject, and the spirit that had ever ruled in the breast of rhe Dia- their leader, the consequences of such a legacy, conveyed in such a form, were easy to predict. In fact, the body of their chief was not yet buried before the struggle for supremacy began among his generals. Perdikkas, however, whom Alexander had distinguished by leaving him his signet ring, was, by way of compromise and until the expected birth of an heir to Alexander, made administrator of the realm. The armistice really proved to be of short duration. Less than two years after the death of Alexander, in a battle with Ptolemy, whom he had made satrap of Egypt, Perdikkas lost his life. And this was but the first act in a bloody tragedy, lasting more than a score of years, in which the family of Alexander disappeared, bis generals slew one another and thousands upon thousands of their subjects, and the great empire, so lately acquired, destitute of any sub- stantial bonds of union, went hopelessly in pieces. " The living political question at the time of the Diadochi, namely, whether and how the empire of Alexander could be maintained in itB unity, after every possible solution of it, every possible form, every substitute had been tried in vain, finally disappeared. The impossibility had been demonstrated, politically speaking, of uniting in one kingdom, one universal monarchy, the people of the East and the West; irrevocable judgment pronounced on what Alexander had desired and sought to achieve. That alone which he, daring and doing with reckless idealism, had meant should serve as the means and support of his work still remained, ceaselessly propagated itself in ever increasing waves of influence, — the introduction of Greek life among the Asiatic peo- ples, the production of a new civilization made up of that of the Orient and the Occident, the unity of the historic world in Hellenistic culture." ■* : Cf. on the general subject : Droysen, i -iil. ; Flathe, ii ; Stark, pp. 355-423 ; Ewald, OtsMchtc, iv. 274-286 j and foj briefer Rominariea the historiea of Oraetc, Hitzig, llenfeld, and Uoltzmaim, idem. 2 Stanley, iii. 237-249; Jos., Anlii/., xi. 8; Spiegel, Dte Aitiandtrsngr, etc.; and HcnnrichBen, Stud . «. JMl 1871. 3 See Grnte. xii 254, « -1 Drojsen, U. (2), 358. GENERAL INTHOUUCTIUN. 15 Notwithstanding his obscure origiu Ptolemy I. Soter, known also as the sou of Lagus, is one of the most conspicuous figui'es of the period next succeeding Alexander. It was a sagacious choice that secured to him, as one of the latter's most success- mies.i ful officers, the satrapy of Egj'pt, where, in a measure apart from the quarrels of his fellow generals, he might lay the foundations of the empire which he projected. While skillfully avoiding conflict, as far as possible, he knew how to defend himself when attacked, as against Perdikkas in B. c. 321, and more than once against Antigonus, until the decisive battle of Ipsus, B. C. 301. He assumed the title of king in B. c. 305. The bounds of his empire he extended by uniting to it Cyrene on the East, and, after B. c. 301, Palestine and Coelc-Syria on the West. The island of Cyprus, too, came at this time into the permanent possession of Egypt. The native Egyptians he left in the undisturbed enjoyment of their social and religious customs, but admitted none of them to the ruling class, which was distinc- tively Macedonian. His relation to the Jews, and the influence of Greek civilization under him and his successors, will be later considered. Apparently in order to guard against any possible dispute over the succession, Ptolemy I. Soter, two years before liis death (b. c. 284), abdicated in favor of his youngest son, Ptolemy H. Philadelphus. The second Ptolemy was perhaps the most distinguished of the name. Less hindered than his father had been by the necessity of defending the empire against the ambi- pjoiemv II tious designs of the Syrian rulers, he was able to devote himself with all the im- Phlladel- mense resources at his command to the object of making liis capital the brilliant, ^ "*' undisputed centre of literature and of commerce for the entire civilized world. Alexandria became at this time, in fact, intellectually and commercially what Rome became two centu- ries later politically, — the world's metropolis. Its magnificent lighthouse, which gave its name to all subsequent structures of the kind ; its world-renowned museum and library, the depository even during the present reign, it is said, of 700,000 papyrus rolls; the home of artists and scholars from every land, among whom history mentions a Stilpo of Megara, Strato the Peripatetic, Theodore, Euclid, Diodorus, Theophrastus, and Menander; the breadth of its culture, which found room for every kind of human learning and furnished us the first translation of the Hebrew Scriptures, — tliis was the most fitting tribute which the successors of Alexander could have paid to his grand tlesigns, the most splendid monument they could have reared to bis memory. Ptolemy III. Euergetes, as eldest son, succeeded his father on the throne of Egypt (b. c. 246-221). Under him the empire reached the hishest pitch of its prosperity. During a brilliant campaign against Antiochus II. of Syria he pushed his way as Eu°r^tM far as Antioch and Babylon, securing in the latter place some of the trophies ^n* •!'» which Cambyses had carried away from Egypt three hundred years before, and received, in consequence, from his grateful subjects the surname of ■' Benefactor," which he ever afterwards bore. Under Ptolemy IV. Philopator, the next monarch (b. c. 221-204), the period of degeneration set in. He preserved, indecil, the integrity of the empire, signally defeating in the noted battle of Raphia (b. c. 217) the skillful and enersretic Antiochus HI. the (ireat, but in his private life was effeminate and sensual in tJie extreme, and by oppres- sive measures provoked among his Egyptian subjects the first rebellion that had broken lut since the Greeks had begun to rule. His only son, Ptolemy V. Epiphanes, a child of five years, succeeded him. Antiochus III. the Great now found the opportunity for which be had been waiting, to retrieve the disaster of Ra])hia. Joining his forces with those of Phili|> in. of Macedon he attacked those of Egypt under Skopas in the Valley of the Jordan near Paneas (b. c. 199), and won a victory by which Phoenicia and Coele-Syria, with Judaea, passed out of the hands of the Ptolemies into those of the Seleucidae. "In this world's debate," as Stanley ^ calls the series of couHicts between the kings of Syria and Egypt, " Palestine was the principal sta'.'c across which ' the kings of Affairs in the South,' the Alexandrian Ptolemies, and 'the kings of the North,' the Seleu- Palestine. 1 Cf. Letronne, Reckerckes pour servir d VHistoire -if VEsypJf, etc. ; Lepetus, Kcinigsbnefi drr nlten JE^ypttr ; Geier, Dt Ptolemai La^idtE Vita ; Champollion-Figeac, Annai^s lies lyv^idts, and review of the same by St. Martin ; Nouveltes Re- cherches sur i'Epoque de la Mort d' Alrxantire el sue la ^hrimnlogie dei Ptolcvlees ; Parthey, Das Alej^andrinische Museum, also, Ptoleindus Lagi^ der Gtunder der 32sten asyptiscken Difnastie ; Hitachi, Die Ale^andiinisekeii Bibliothtken; Sharpe, Hittory of Esypl from the Earliest Times ; Bernhardy. Grimdriss der Griechischen Litteratur. So too the various clasaeal writers of the period, and the exceedingly interesting records of the monuments. English translations of the Ajsyrian and Egyptian monuments have been published by Bagster and Sons, under the title Records of the Past, ot which eleven vols, have already appeared. See, especially, vol. viii., pp. 81-90. ■i iii 24.3. 16 THE APOCRYPHA. cidsB from Antioch, passed to and fro with their court intrigues and their incessant armies, their Indian elephants, their Grecian cavalry, their Oriental pomp." Coele-Syria, including Judaea, on the partition of Alexander's empire, had been assigned to Laomedon. It was taken from him by Ptolemy I. Soter, in the year following his victorious campaign against Perdikkas (b. c. 320), and the walls of Jerusalem, which he entered on the Sabbath, were razed to the ground. At the same time, if the historians of the period are to be trusted, as many as a hundred thousand Jews were carried off to Egypt,* becoming permanetit settlers there, a part in Alexandria, and others in Cyrene, Libya, and even more distant districts of Africa. But the wooded heights of Lebanon and the sea-coasts of Phoenicia were a prize too much coveted to be left uncontested in the hands of Ptolemy. They were wrested from him by Antigonus in the year B. c. 314, to be won back in the great battle of Gaza, two years later, which period (b. c. 312), moreover, was rendered still more memorable as the begin- ning of the Seleuciau era. Singularly enough, Seleucus himself was at this time a fugitive in the camp of Ptolemy, where he served as one of the royal guards. The latter's triumph, in turn, was of short duration. Demetrius, who had been defeated at Gaza, having united his forces with those of his father, succeeded in driving the Egyptians once more from the de- batable provinces, and retained possession of them until the eventful battle of Ipsus (b. c. 301), from which time, for the next hundred years, dates the permanent rule of the Ptolemies in Palestine. It was a fearful scourge to which this little land had been exposed during the twenty-two years of almost incessant war between the forces of Syria and Egypt. It does not surprise us to learn that in addition to those who were forcibly removed, great numbers of Jews voluntarily exiled themselves from their native land. Ptolemy II. Philadelphus manumitted 130,000 who, as the result of the wars under the previous reign, had been brought as slaves into his empire. It was no less an act of political sagacity than of human- ity. As loyal and useful subjects of Persia and of Alexander the Jews had proved their worth as a support to the throne. Alexander himself had accorded them equal rights with the Macedonians as citizens of Alexandria.'' They were known as a people that could safely be trusted. They had the fear of God before them, and their moral purity and steadfastness were something that, as elements of political strength, even an Oriental monarch knew how to appreciate. In Palestine during the entire reign of the Ptolemies the people were left, for the most part, in the uninterrupted enjoyment of civil and religious freedom. Their pecul- iarities of belief and social usages seem to have been carefully respected. The high priest remained undisturbed in his more than royal prerogatives. If the twenty Syrian talents of silver appointed as yearly tribute were regularly paid, the rest was a matter of comparative indifference. The following is a list of those who held the high priest's office in the period extending from the death of Alexander to the reign of Antiochus IV. Epiphanes: Onias I. T'!e^^'gl> (b. c. 331-299); Simon J. the Just (b. c. 299-287); Eleazer (B.C. 287-266); ""'^ ■ Manasse (b. c. 266-240); Onias II. (b. c. 240-227); Simon IL (e. c. 226-198); Onias HI. (b. c. 198-175); Jason. Under Onias I., was made the treaty of the Jews with the Lacedemonians, an account of which, in an embellished form, is given in 1 Mace. (xii. 20- 23). During the term of ofBce of the next high priest, Simon I., nothing of note occurred. It was under Eleazer that the translation of the Septuagint was undertaken in Alexandria. Onias II., who seemed, at least in his later years, to have represented the Syrian as over against the Egyptian party in Palestine, came near having serious difficulty with the latter country. For once, the usual tribute was refused. The energetic measures of his ambitious nephew Joseph, who himself coUecteil the money and carried it to the Egyptian court, alone averted the catastrophe. After the battle of Raphia, Ptolemy IV. Philopator, elated by his victory, entered the temple at Jerusalem, and not only offered sacri6ces there, but in spite of the remonstrances of the priests, and the consternation and tears of the entire peo- ple, forced his way into the Holy of Holies. What actually took place there in consequence it is not possible to learn, the account in 3 Maccabees (i. 9, ii. 24) being wholly legendary. But it is certain that he left Jerusalem, inllamed with the deepest hatred towards the Jewish people, and proceeded to vent the same on their innocent brethren in Egypt. A similar case occurred under Onias HI. Palestine being at that time alrendy joined to Syria, Heliodorus, the treasurer of Seleucus IV. Philopator. inspired by the hope of booty, also made an at- tempt to force his way into the Holy of Holies, but, as we are informed, was miraculousl* 1 Jo«., Antiq., lil. 1, } 1. - J"-, Contra Ap . ii 6. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. struck down on the threshold as Ptolemy had been, and at last owed life Itself to the friendly intercession of the high priest on his behalf.' Grecian colonization had been one of the controlling ideas of Alexander. Aristotle wrote a book concerning him which he entitled, " Alexander, or about Colonies." ^ And a marked peculiarity of Alexander's colonies, as of Greek Ufe in general, as it de- Greek cul- veloped itself in foreign lands, was the city. In this it particularly distinguished f"™ '? itself from that of the Asiatics. The one was distinctively ethnic (efcos), the other polite (Wais, »oAi't7)s), to use the word in its etymological sense. An old Ephesian inscrip- tion of the Roman period reads : 'E(tiicrlwi' q $ov\ii koI 6 5fj/jos xa! twv SaXojv 'EA.Ai)>'»i' oi eV rp Atria KayoiKomai w6\eit Koi ri e8«). It was in this way also, that the Greek civilization extended itself in Palestine. Perdikkas, who wore the signet ring of Alexander, showed his loyalty to the memory of his chief by engaging at once in the rebuilding and Grecizing of Samaria. Dan, to the extreme north, received the name of Paneas in honor of the god Pan, to whom also a temple was built on the neighboring slopes of Hermon. Bethshean, west of Jordan, became Scythopolis, under which name it is known in the second book of Maccabees (xii. 29). On the other side of the river sprang up new cities, with such names as Hippos, Gadara; and further to the soulh, Pella and Dion; forming with some others, the Decapolis of Josephus and the New Testament, and all being, as is evident from their names, of Macedo- nian or Greek origin. In honor of the second of the Ptolemies, the place known as Rabbath Amnion was changed to Philadelphia, and the ancient capital of the Aloabites, Ar-Moab, received at about the same time the more euphonious title of Areopolis. Along the Phoeni- cian coast, the evidences of Greek life were still more marked. Old cities were rebuilt and repeopled, and new cities founded with a zeal and rapidity unknown before in the Orient. Straton's Tower, — afterwards known as Caesarca on the sea, — Gaza, Dora, ApoUonia, An- thedon, were some of the many seaports which sprang up during these eventful years, and drew to them aci'oss the blue Mediterranean, a swarming, adventurous population fi'om the fatherland. In all these places Greek life dominated, the Greek language was spoken, the morals and the immorality of Hellas practiced with but little change. Of the whole of Pales- tine, Judaea alone remained, as yet, comparatively free from the transforming influence of Greek ideas. There was but little in its thin soil to tempt cupidity, and its people were not of the sort to take kindly to an influx of strangers. Still it was completely girdled with the new civilization. It could not shut wholly out, if it would, the silvery tones of the Greek tongue; it could not remain insensible to the charms of Greek art ; it might even have its weak side for the feasts, games, and holiday extravagances of its neighbors from the West. It was, at least, a question whose answer could not long be delayed. It is, however, by no means to be supposed that Judaism was confined to Judaea. We have already seen that as a result of the fearful devastations to which Palestine was continually subject under the successors of Alexander, large numbers of Jews Ife^xfudril" were forced to seek an asylum in other lands. Of all the peoples of the Orient '^'"1 "l^e- naturally the most seclusive and exclusive, they came, at last, by the mere force of circumstances, that is, the force of divine Providence, to rival the Greeks themselves in their capacity for diflFusion and their cosmopolitan character. If we had reason to wonder that 60 many of them, two centuries before, firmly declined to return from their banishment in Persia and Babylon, much more is it now an occasion of surprise that they voluntarily leave their homes — it is true that emigration was also sometimes compulsory — to go forth as merchants, bankers, artisans, but always as Jews, into every part of the inhabited globe, and that in all the great cities of Syria, Asia Minor, Greece, and Italy, they make their homes side by side with the teeming colonists of Hellas and Macedon. The higher explana- tion is found in the fact that Judaism had something to give as well as to receive. We are *<)0 likely to forget, in contemplating the magnificent service which the Grecian language and philosophy did for the Jewish faith and people, the still more magnificent and beneficent ser- vice that a developed and transformed Jewish faith did for Greece and for all mankind. Especially in Alexandria did the Jewish influence make itself felt. The first colonists had been particularly favored with the friendship and patronage of Alexander and the early Ptolemies. If many went, at first, unwillingly into the land of their former bondage, a larger number soon followed them of their own choice. All departments of industry were open to Ihem. While devoting themselves principally to trade, some also rose to eminence as soldiers, 1 Bee 2 Mace. iii. 4-40 2 Cf. 8a»ke, p. 449, and Droyseu, iii. (1), 32. 2 18 THE APOCRYPHA. (tatesmen, and men of learning. In tlie practice of their religion and the observance of their national customs they were, for a Ions; time, unmolested. To such an extent did they thrive and increase that at the time of Philo they numbered a million souls, and two of the five wards of Alexandria were exclusively occupied by them. Not only were the Alexandrian Jews the most numerous of the Dispersion, they were also the most influential. Of this en- tire class, indeed, wherever they might be. Alexandria was the intellectual and spiritual centre, as was Jerusalem for the Jews of Palestine. It is a significant fact, on whatever ground it may rest, and looked at either from an Egyp- tian or Palestinian point of view, that in the ancient, sacred city of Heliopolis itHfliopo- a rival temple could be erected (b. c. 160?), and that henceforth, until the time of Vespasian, it should continue to uiainlain its service and have its own priests, Levites, and landed property. No better evidence of the relaxing influence of Greek civiliza- tion could be desired than this willingness to accept a dilapidated shrine of heathenism aa the basis of a temple to Jehovah, or of the growth of a now method of Scripture interpreta- tion such as afterwards culminated in the writings of Philo, than the ability to twist the poetic language of Isaiah so that it should be made to contain a direct approval of this more than doubtful undertaking.' It was regarded with distrust in Palestine, and although having no very deep or permanent influence in Egypt was still a marked symptom of the divisive spirit that charncterized the later Judaism. Already under Ptolemy W. Philopator. the Jews ill Egypt, for reasons not difficult to conceive, had begun to lose favor alike with prince and people. Some envied them their prosperity. More hated them on account of their ex- clusiveness, their extravagant assumptions as an elect people, and especially, their ill-con- cealed disgust ;it the ignorant idolatry that prevailed about them. Hence, the favor of the court lieing withdrawn, the proverbial lawlessness of the Egyptians broke forth into open and hitter persecutions, some faint reflection of which has been preserved in the fabulous stories of the Third Book of Maccabees. We have already alluded to the brilliant constellation of learned men, who, from the times of the Ptolemies, for hundreds of years made Alexandria the acknowledged literary TheSeptua- metropolis of the entire world. Until the second century after Christ the most renowned physicians, philosophers, astronomers, philologists, and even theolo- gians, received here their training. The first five librarians, Zenodotus, Callimachus, Eras- tosthene.s, Apollonius, and Aristophanes the Byzantine, were as distinguished for their culture as for the high position which they occupied. Two of the Ptolemies themselves did not think it beneath them to be reckoned with Manetho as writers of history. Among the poets may be mentioned Aratus, Nicander, and Theocritus. The astronomers of Alexandria were the first to reduce the science to a system, introduced the improved calendar at the time of Julius Ce- sar, and gave the names and divisions to tlie fixed stars, which they still bear. Naturally, all this literary activitj' could not but make a deep impression on the hundreds of thousands of Israelites who had their home in the Egyyitian capital. And among them too, at this period, sprang up a literature of no inconsiderable proportions, fragments of which still remain. They had their own historians : Demetrius. Eupolemus, Cleodemus, and Jason of Cyrene; and their own poets: the dramatist Ezekiel, Philo the elder, and Theodotus. Aristobulus, at the same time a Jewish priest and a disciple of Aristotle, as also a teacher or counselor to the king, even made the attempt to Hebraize the entire literature of Greece, inaugurating a movement whose best known representative before the Christian era was the younger Philo and whose culmination was in the Neo-Platonie ]ihllosophy of Ammonius Saccas in the third century after Christ. In the midst of this intellectual ferment it is scarcely needful to say hat the Hebrew Scriptures, outside as well as inside the circle of those who invested them with a sacred character, attracted to themselves serious attention. That a demand arose for their complete translation into Greek, the language here universally spoken, was a necessity of the case. And the demand was not confined to Egypt. Greek colonization, in whose quick steps a Jewish colonization almost as extensive had followed, had gone into all lands to mark the favored spots for new life and prepare the way for it. Commerce with its thou sands of wliite-winged messengers awaited its orders under the friendly shadow of the Alex- andrian Pharos. The time was, evidently, already ripe for the first beginnings of the move- 1 Cf. Stanley, iii. 251-254 ■i Cf. Bohl ; Frankel's Voniudien : Frilische in Heraog's Real-Evri/k.^aai in Schenkel's Bib. Lex., ad voc. ; and SmilW Bib. Diet., Art. " Septuagint.'' GENEUAL INTRODUCTION. 19 ment in whose ciowuing issue an apostle Paul afterwards found the goal and glory of his earthly life. Thei'e are stories enough concerning the origin of the LXX., but their utter untrustworthi- ness, in many respects, can easily be proved. They sprang from a natural desire to give to the translation the character of an authoritative, inspired work. It is, P"'^^ji perhaps, the wisest course to reject them all, in their details, and to fall back on the simple necessity that ruled the hour. The work was doubtless begun as early as under Ptolemy II. Philadelphus, and was essentially complete when the son of Sirach came to Egypt in the reign of Ptolemy VII. Physcon.' That the translators were exclusively learned men, invited from Palestine to Egypt for this purpose, is incredible, almost as much so as that each one of the Seventy, witliout collusion with the others, made precisely the same version. The feeling in Palestine concerning it is better represented by the words used to signalize the day when it was first introduced into the synagogues of Alexandria and Egypt: " The Law is Greek! Darkness! Let there be a three days' fast!" Among the Jews of the world- capital, on the other hand, the event was greeted with every expression of joy. Unlike their brethren of Palestine, they looked forward rather than backward and ex[)ected only the best results from a closer comparison of Moses with Pythagoras and Plato. Of the criti- cal value of the version of the LXX. this is not the place to speak. ^ And we reserve also, until a later period, a description of the various woi'ks of a mixed Jewish and Greek char- acter, which followed close upon it and of which it was the more or less direct occasion. It is now time to return to the political history of the Jews of Palestine, which we left at the point where, subsequent to the battle of Paneas (b. c. 19'J)i '' W "''^1' Phoe- jij^ s^ieuci- nieia and the whole of Coele-Syria into the hands of Antiochus III. the Great. '^- Antio- This change of rulers well accorded with the wishes of the masses of the people, and Seicu- especially after the lirst mild treatnunl of the Syrian king led them to contrast ''"^I^- it favorably with that to which they had more recently been subjected. But the satisfaction experienced was of short duration. Under Egyptian rule Palestine and especially Juda;a, as we have seen, had been left, for the most part, to itself, except when the exigencies of the unceasing conflict with Syria called timiporarily into it the armies of its rulers. So it could not remain under the Seleucidae. Greek infiiience had already become too deeply rooted on every side. The social and commercial as well as geographical connections with Antioch and Damascus were other than those with Alexandria had been. From the first transfer- rence, therefore, of political allegiance from the kingdom of the South to that of the North, a strong Syrian party showed itself at Jerusalem. A Syrian party, it may be called, for that was the special direction which it took, although it aimed at nothing less than a radical mod- ification, if not the total abolishment of that which had hitherto separated the Jews from their heathen neighbors, in short, a thorough Ilellenizing of Judaism in its stronghold.' What the immediate results would have been, if the sagacious Antiochus III. had been free to foster in the beginning this movement having its origin in a deteriorated popular taste, it is impossible to say. But his attention and entire resources were soon absorbed in the great campaign against the Romans under the two Scipios, which ended so disastrously for him at Magnesia (b. c. 190). And being now compelled to purchase a peace at the most extrava- gant pecuniary cost, he did not hesitate to lay his hands on the needed treasures wherever in his kingdom he could find them. He lost his life, in fact, whUe engao-ed in pillan'intr a tern- pie (b. c. 187). The policy of his son, Seleucus IV. Philopator, significantly called in the book of Daniel (xi. 20) a " raiser of taxes," was not, on the whole, of such a nature in its relation to the Jews as to strengthen the hands of a Syrian party in Palestine, but quite the contrary. It was his treasurer, Heliodorus, of whom we have before spoken as having made an unsuccessful and humiliating attempt to secure for his master the supposed untold sums that were concealed in the temple on Mount Moriah. A short time subsequently (b. c. 1 76) the king perished at the hands of this same Heliodorus, after an unimportant reign of eleven years. It was during the sovereignty of his successor and brother, the unscrupulous Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, that affairs in Judaea reached the fearful crisis towards which they had long beeu tending. The importance of this reign in its bearings on the whole subsequent history of Ju- 1 Cf. remarks in Intrnd. to Enclesiaaticus, under Date. t Cf. Euenen, iii 214-216 ; tlie works of Fraiikol cited in tlie Tndei of AaChori'jes, and Thierscli, Di Ftntalciuki, ata. » Bee 1 Mace, i, 11, B. 20 THE APOCRYPHA. daism wiO justify our dwelling more at length upon it. Such a character as that of Antiochus tntiochus Epiphanes it is difficult to comprehend, much less to describe. It is marked by the IV. Epiph- most startling contrasts, well illustrated in the double name the people gave him: Epiphanes, the illustrious, and Epimanes, the madman. Personally brave, gener- ous, at times, even to prodigality, a lover of art, spending immense sums on the erection of magnificent buildings, he was, at the same time, possessed of an ineffable self-esteem, a self- esteem which did not keep him from the most abominable vices, and never rose to the dio'- nity of true self-respect. While treating the noblemen about him with the utmost haughti- ness, arrogating to himself both the title and the prerogatives of deity, he was, at the same time, on familiar terms with the lowest of the people; offered himself as a candidate for petty offices; went tooting about the streets in the character of a strolling musician, and shared with the actors at the theatres in their lewdest scenes. The historian Polybius (xxvi. 10) deemed some of his eccentricities worthy of record. He says of him: "Just as though, at times, he had slipped away from the servants of the palace, he made his appearance, here and there, in the city, sauntering about in the company of one or two persons. Quite often he might be found in the workshops of the gold and silver smiths where he chatted with the molders and other workmen, and gave them to understand that he was a lover of art. Then again, he gave himself up to confidential intercourse with the next best fellows among the people and chaffered with strangers of the common sort who happened to be present. When, how- ever, he learned that young people, somewhere or other, were having a carousal, without waiting to be announced, he came marching up with horn and bagpipe in revelling style so that the majority of the guests, horrified at the strange spectacle, took themselves off Intelligent people, therefore, did not know what to make of him. Some thought he was a simple, unaffected man; others, that he had lost his wits In the sacrifices which he caused to be offered up in the cities, and in the honors which he paid to the gods, he was sur- passed by no other king. Of this the temple of Jupiter at Athens and the statues about the altar at Delos are proof. He used, also, to frequent the public baths when they were quite full of common people, at which times, moreover, lie had brought to him vessels of the most costly ointment. A person once said to him: ' How happy are you kings that you can have such ointment, and exhale such delightful odors V ' Thereupon, on the following day, with- out having said anything to the man, he went to the place wliere he bathed and had a huge vessel of the most precious ointment, the so-called atacte, jioured over his head. Upon this all got up and plunged in, in order to bathe themselves with the ointment. But on account of the slipperiness of the floor they fell down and excited laughter. The king himself, also, was one of them." Such was the kind of man that the people of Judaea now had over them. The throne he had got by treachery, and began his reign by a war against Egypt in defense of an injustice. In the first campaign he was successful, and in the beginning IV. Epipha- °f '^s second also, but being finally compelled to retreat, he vented his discomfi- ■""' ture on the temple at Jerusalem. Four times in as many successive years (b. c. 171-168), his armies marched the now familiar road to the land of the pyramids. The last time it was the Roman legate, Popilius Lasnas, whom he was obliged to face, and who drawing a circle around him in the sand, bade him decide before he crossed it, for peace or war with the great empire of the West. With gnashing of teeth Antiochus betook him- self homeward, letting out the full flood of his ungovernable passions, as once before, on the people of Judsea and Jerusalem. It was his conduct at this time, that was the direct occasion of the so-called revolt of the Maccabees. Immediately on his accession, had begun at Jerusa- lem the struggle between the sympathizers with Greek customs, and their determined oppo- uents. For one hundred and fifty years, Greek civilization had been developing itself on every side. It had made startling progress in the very centre of the Israelitish religion. The moral nerve was beginning also here to lose its tensity. It was a sad omen for the future, that about this time, under one pretense or another, an embassy could be sent from Jerusa- lem to witness the heathenish games in honor of Hercules at Tyre.' Onias HI. was now high priest, and a firm and courageous representative of the ancestral faith. An own brother, Jason, who had become Hellenized, as it will be seen, of'the'high even to his name, stood at the head of the opposing party, and persuaded the priMt'i of- Iting to transfer by force, to him, the sacred office held by Onfas. Once in powef he used all the influence at his command to induce a wide-spread apostasy among 1 Cf 2 Mace. iT. 9-20. GKNERAL INTRODUCTION. ' 21 the people. Among other devices he caused to be erected close beside the temple-mountain, a, irymnasium, after the Greek style, and invited to its frivolous sports, not only the youth of Jerusalem, but found means also, to seduce even the priests from their duties at the altar, that they might be present at its thronged entertainments. But as Jason had unjustly possessed himself of the high priesthood, so he lost it through injustice. Menelaus, another devotee of the new ideas, simply offered Antiochus a higher tribute than Jason was jiaying, and got the office. The latter, however, did not leave him long in peace. AVhile the king was absent on his second expedition against Egypt, he took possession of Jerusalem for a time with his retainers, and compelled his rival to flee to the citadel. Antiochus professing to look upon this act of Jason as a rebellion on thi! part of his Jewish subjects, on his return took fearful vengeance on temple and people. But their cup was not yet full. Two years later, as we have said, after his humiliating rencontre with the legate of Rome, he came back to give full proof of the intensity and demoniacal depths of his passionate nature. The Jews seem to have "iven him no new occasion for fresh complaints. But it was quite unnecessary. He was in one of his hellish moods. Before the eVraCfla 0ou\fiou of the Roman power he had been compelled to give way. Here, at least, „ Abomina- were those who were weaker than he ; they should feel the weight of his iron hand, tion of deso- Besides, Judaism had never had the opportunity of showing to him, as to Cyrus and Alexander, its better side. Perhaps he would have been incapable of appreciating it, if he had seen it. If unusual moral stamina, and a rare industry and prosperity were developed within it, the one might have served simply to challenge his hostility, and the other have been a temptation to his cupidity and chronic impecuniosity. AVhat he had seen most of, the ambition of a Jason, and the meanness of a Menelaus, were certainly not of a nature to en- courage him to prosecute his inquiries. Enough tliat be who began by despising Judaism, had now come bitterly to hate it, an» XPVti^^'iTepo:' oiiSfu itrriv iv &irance of I ^ ' . such hope. and eternal kingdom of Israel. Why should it shut out the idea of the Messiah if it was still entertained? Hengstenberg ^ held that it was due to a fear, on the part of the apocryphal writers, of giving offense to the heathen among whom they dwelt. Tliis view, however, is wholly inconsistent with the attitude which some of these books assume as over against the oppression and idolatry of the heathen. It is more reasonable to suppose with Grimm, Oehler, and others that the Jews, at the time when the present books were written, h.ad ceased to feel the need of the coming of a personal Messiah. The Messianic hope in the Old Testament is always united with that of deliverance. As deliverance in a political sense this would not have been desired for a long time subsequent to the Maccabaean struggle. And as far as it referred to a deliverance from sin the later Jews seem to have lost all conscious- ness of the want of it. The law in its two parts, as written and oral, was looked upon as suffi- cient for all needs, the complete revelation of God not only for the Jews but for the whole world. With the Captivity the worship o/ idols was given up in order to make an idol of their own institutions, particularly of the Mosaic Code. This is especially seen to be the case 1 Cf. particnlarly. Oehler, in Heraog^s Reai-Encyk., art. " Messias ; " Langen, Das Judenthum, etc., pp. 891-461 J Bchenkel, Bib. Lex., art. " Mesaias ; '' Schiirer. pp. 663-599; and Drammond, Tlie Jewish Messiah, % Ev. Kirchen-Zritung, 1863, p. 567. 48 THE APOCRYPHA. In the Book of Wisdom, where the conception of wisdom is carried to such a point of deTel- opment that there is absolutely no room left for any adequate idea of a Messiah alongside of it. If it does not include it, — which cannot be supposed, — it excludes it of necessity. We, therefore, agree in the main with Drummond, who says: " An argument from silence is al- ways more or less doubtful; but we can hardly help inferring, from their total silence on the subject, that the authors of these works had no belief in the coming of a Messiah. It cannot be said that their subjects did not lead them to speak of this belief; for the above references show how fully they shared the prophetic aspirations after the future glory of their race; and when they describe the magnificence of the Jerusalem that is to be, or dwell upon the cove- nant made with David, or picture all nations turning from their idolatry to the fear of God, it is inconceivable that they should omit the central figure through whose agency every bless- ing was to come, if such a personality really entered into their belief. We cannot of course conclude that the belief had entirely died out of the hearts of the Jewish people ; for as we observed in the writings of the prophets that the person of the Messiali advances and recedes, as we turn from one to another, so a difference of opinion may have prevailed in the later time of which we are treating. But from the little, and in part doubtful evidence that re- mains to us, it would seem that in the period between the Captivity and the rise of the Mac- cabees the Messianic hope resolved itself into vague anticipations of a glorious and happy future, in which the presence of God would be more manifest, but of which a Messiah would form no essential feature.' In addition to what has just been said respecting the almost total ignoring in the apocry- phal books of that which forms the central figure of the later canonical Scriptures, ^u°fonB.™°' attention should perhaps be called, in our estimate of the relative value of the former, to other points of dissimilarity. In very many respects, in fact, these books, so far from representing the continuity of the divine revelation and of the kingdom of God as set forth in the Old Testament, misinterpret and interrupt it. There is found in them, in- deed, a further development of Old Testament ideas, but, at the same time, such lines of de- velopment are rather interesting than valuable. Tliey are mostly abnormal, and hence, un- healthy growths. They connect themselves with the superficial, variegated life of the peo- ple rather than with the deeper currents of religious thought that show themselves in the Scriptures.' A direct line from Malachi to John the Baptist is not taken, but, on the con- trary, a path which, if pursued, would lead away from the manger of Bethlehem. Hence there seems to be no justification for the theory of Bleek (1. c. p. 317), which recognizes in these works only a somewhat lower grade of the same kind of divine revelation and inspira- tion that are found in the canonical Scriptures. On the contrary, false beacon lights are kindled by them such as those by wliich the Samaritans sought to confuse and mislead the Jewish colonists in Assyria. Judith glories in an act which was bewailed and denounced by a patriarch (ix. 2; cf. Gen. xlix. 5). In Tobit and Ecclesiasticus the idea of righteousness degenerates into simple mercifulness, and that mercifulness is mainly manifested in almsgiving. In the Maccabees, in addition to the disappearance of the accuracy and simplicity to be ex- pected in works of this character, we find a naive parade of legends, the most obvious anach- ronisms, the angelology of the Old Testament travestied and new doctrines taught which are utterly without Scriptural support.* The Israelitish history, in fact, is everywhere depicted on its worldly side, and the great moral goal of the same obviously lost sight of is, indeed, replaced by something else. There were, as we know, some, when Christ came, who were waiting for the " consolation of Is- rael " (Luke ii. 25), but they were, evidently, those whose thoughts had been busy with what Moses and the Prophets had written and not the admirers of the pliilosoi)hy of Pseudo-Solo- mon, or such as had sought to mould their lives or stimulate their hopes by the precepts of the Son of Sirach. Here and there are to be found, it is true, feeble imitations of prophecy, but it was a true instinct that led Luther to say of the best specimens of it: " It is not credible 1 ITw Jewish Messiah, pp. 198, 199. 2 See works of Keerl, Stier, KUige, Ebrard, Scheele. and others, as given in tlie Index of Autliorities and articles by Hengetenberg in the Evangel. Kirchin-Z-Mimg, 1833, 1854 ; Bleek in Slud. u. Krit., 1853, pp. 267-364 ; NitZBch in the Deutsche Zeilsehri/l, 1850, Nos. 47-49 ; the introduction to Echhorn's Einleil. in die Apok. Schriften ; and Llgen, Die Gescliichle TtihVs, Vorretie, iii.-xxiii. 8 So NitZHch, ulern, p. 375 : " Djis.s sie aber, und die vorzUglichst^n am entschiedenfiten, die iilteete Erscheinung de» •chul- und pektenni;i.''sit;en und von d:ilier wieder dem A'olksleben Bich mehr Oder minder beimisclienden Judenthum bergaben, kann niclit bezweifclt werden." 4 See, for example of the latter, 2 Mace. xii. 39^6 ; and the remark applies especially to 2 and 3 Mace. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 49 that the servant of Jeremiah should not have had a higher and richer spirit than this Ba- ruch." ' We look in vain, moreover, for any traces of the sublimity and power that dis- play themselves in the poetry of Job and of the Psalms, and especially for that fineness of conception, modesty of coloring, and general excellence of literary taste that always charac- terize the rhetorical figures of the Old Testament.- And, finally, there is an extraordinary narrowness of spirit, as well as the process of its growtli from stage to stage, exhibited in the apocryphal books with respect to the Jewish people, their place in history, their relations to Jehovah, and their future destiny, that, in no sense, fairly represents the teachings of the Old Testament, but is rather a caricature of them, and that serves not a little to prepare the way for the Pharisaic bitterness which afterwards uttered itself against the One true Interpreter of the ancient faith and Founder of the universal religion in the contemptuous words, " Away with him! Crucify him! " Still, one should not be blinded by any of these reasons to the fact that the Old Testament Apocrypha have a value, as we have before shown, quite independent of any questions of canonicity. They are witnesses that cannot be overlooked, if not in all respects such as we might desire. They have a value as witnesses, moreover, in what they fail to say as well as in. that which, with no little confusion and contradiction, they do say. At least, as a foil they serve to set off in a clearer light the unrivaled dignity and worth of the writings with which they are associated. And as reflecting, too, in all its various phases the popular life of the Jewish people in the period when they appeared, they can never be otherwise than im- portant. It was one of the most eventful of epochs in the history of Israel. During it they came in more or less direct contact with every civilized people of the earth; achieved, in the most heroic of struggles, and lost again their national independence; determined the canon of the Sacred Books; evolved the order of the Scribes and the worship of the synagogues; began the so-called hedge around the law which still exists in Mishna and Gemara; devel- oped in bitter strife over points of interpretation and precedent the later parties with their sharp antagonisms — and the present books are a kind of cross-section of the period by means of which, in the way of example, all this political and moral activity is reproduced before us. Besides they are the repository of not a few philological and grammatical treasures, furnish many a terra and form employed by Christ and his Apostles as the vehicle of the grandest revelations, so that no thorough student of the New Testament can afford to overlook or de- spise them. And there is good in them too, of another sort. No one can help being at- tracted and charmed by the picture of wisdom drawn for us by the Alexandrian Solomon; and there are succinct, well-worded proverbs to be found here and there in the Son of Sirach that shine with the beauty and speak with the power of the deepest moral truth. It is re- lated of John Bunyan,8 that being greatly comforted by a certain passage which occurred to him, he was nevertheless perplexed that he could not find it within the four comers of the Bible. It was this: " Look at the generations of old and see; did ever any trust in the Lord and was confounded? " He says in regard to it: " Then I continued above a year and could not find the place ; but, at last, casting my eyes upon the Apocrypha books I found it in the tenth verse of the second chapter of Ecclesiasticus. This at the first did somewhat daunt me; because it was not in those texts that we call holy or canonical. Yet as this sentence was the sum and substance of many of the promises, it was my duty to take the comfort of it, and I bless God for that word, for it was good to me. That word doth still oft-times shine before my face." 3. History of the Old Testament Apocrypha. The Apocryphal books of the Old Testament, either as a whole or in part, were never admitted by the Jews into connection with what is known as the Hebrew canon, ji^st ^^^. They became associated with the Scriptures, at first, solely through the Septua- nectionof gint version. The Jews speaking Greek who made use of that translation, hav- pha with the ing laxer views than their brethren of Palestine concerning inspiration and canon- ScnpturBS. icity, and, at the same time, regarding it simply as a version of the Scriptures, did not hesi- tate to connect with it, for ecclesiastical use, such other moral works of Jewish authors as from time to time appeared, with but little discrimination as to their real merits. Josephus gives the number of books of the actual canon in his day as twenty-two (c. Ap. i. 8), and, 1 Cited by Keerl, Das Wort Sofffs und die Apok., 1853, p. 10. 2 Of. my art. in Coii^e^ationai Review for January, 1870, " The Rhetorical Figures of the Old Testament " 8 See Stanley, iii. 265. 4 50 THE APOCRYPHA. as the Jews in the time of Origen (Euseb., Ec. Hist., vi. 25) and Jerome (Prol. lo Bookn of Sam.) were accustomed to reckon the books of our present canon at that number, it is douhtless true that Josephus included in his Ust simply and solely the books of our present canon. 1 This testimony of Josephus is the more important because, as we know from hia writings, he was well acquainted with several of the apocryphal books and used them freely. Further, it seems clear that the Jews nei;er had any other canon of the Scriptures than that which is known as the Hebrew, and which, according to Josephus and other witnesses, was composed of the books that make up our present Old Testament Scriptures. It has been sufficiently proved by Oehler 2 and Frankel « that the Jews, even at Alexandria, did not at- tach the idea of canonical authority to the Septuagint, much less to the additions that were made to it, and that the notion of a separate Alexandrian canon of the Scriptures, as distin- guished from a Hebrew canon, never prevailed among them. It may also be true that the Alexandrian Jews did not hold to the idea of a canon, in its Properly Strict Sense, at all, but adopted principles rather that were antagonistic to it. speaking Still, SO far as they held to the notion of a canon, it was not to a canon of their there was no . *^ Alexaniirian Own as over agamst that of their Palestinian brethren, but one that was repre- canon. sented in the original Hebrew Scriptures as current in their native land. As their Egyptian temple at Leontopolis never rose to the first place in their esteem, as they re- ceived all higher judicial decisions and their most authoritative teachers from Palestine,* so it is clear that their Greek version of the Scriptures could not have been regarded by them, at least at first, as holding any other than a subordinate place, as anything more, in fact, than a temporary expedient for supplying themselves, as far as possible, with the sacred literature of their people. And the fact that they permitted other works like Judith, Tobit, and the Story of Susanna to be associated with this version points to such a conclusion even more directly than to the one that their notion of the canon altogether was a very loose one. The legends that were invented and the various efforts that were subsequently made to give the version currency and authority were the natural consequence of the spirit of distrust and jeal- ousy that existed between the Jews of Egypt and those of Palestine, a spirit whose bitterness shows itself in the well-known utterances of the Palestinian party: " He who studies the un- canonical books will have no portion in the world to come." " He who introduces into his house more than the twenty-four (i. e., our twenty-two) introduces confusion."' Kuenen, also, has recognized the fact, that the Septuagint version, in itself, had in no sense for the Jews of Ale.xandria and the Dispersion the force of an authoritative standard. Speaking of the criticisms of the same by the grandson of Jesus ben Sirach, he adds: " Thus, either the whole of the Old Testament which we now possess, or, at any rate, by far the greater part of it, was then translated, but — as it also follows from the words just quoted — as yet had no manner of authority, and was tested by the original by any one who had the power and the inclination to do so." * It is not to be disputed, however, that the Jews of Alexandria and of the Dispersion gen- erally, on the orrounds above given, received to their collection of the sacred Tc6 AdociT" o ' phaandthe books as contained in the LXX., those also which we now designate as the Old New Testa- Testament Apocrypha. But it is a most interesting fact, that notwithstanding that the New Testament writers in citing the Old Testament make use of this Greek translation, they do not, in a single well-accredited instance, quote any of the apocry- phal works that were connected with it.' And even certain supposed reminiscences and latent references to them which have been noticed by scholars are of an uncertain character, and may better be referred to a general traditional source of historical material from which these writers in common with others drew.* This remarkable circumstance can scarcely be explained, with Schiirer, considering the extent and miscellaneous character of the Apocry- 1 Cf. Schurer in Herzog's RecU-Eruyk. (2to Aufl.), art. " Apokryphen des A. T." ■i Heraog B Rtal-Enryk., art. " Kanon.'' 8 Vorstuditn, pp. 56-61. * Piirst, Dtr Kan des A. T., p. 142. 6 Cf. Faret, idem, pp. 140-150. « iii. 1'3. 1"4. 7 See, on the general subject, Kuinoel, Ob^ervaiiones, etc. ; Bleek in Stu/t. u. Krit., 1853. p. 325, ff. ; Stier, Keerl, and Nitzsch. 1. c. ; Fritzsche in Schenkel's Bii. Lex., art. "Apok. des A. T. ;" and Schurer in Herzog'a Real-Encyk. (2t« iufl.), idem. 8 So Nitzsch, 1. c. : ('DemuDgeacht«t bleibt ee vollkommen denkbar, dass Christuji und die Apostein als Zeugen der Offenbarung, zwar unabliissig beschiiftigt mit (iesetz, Propheten und Psalnien, sogar von den wichligeren Apokr> phen keine Kenntni.-w nahmeu, datw sie durch keine Rede Oder schriftliche Aeusserung eine Hinwei.*ung auf djeselben beabsici> tigten, und allenthalbeD. wo ein so nahes Zusammentreffen beider Seiten in Worten und Gedanken stattfindet, bci'le von tinandtr unab/tiin^ aus den gemeinsamen Vorstellungskreiseo testamentischer Religion schopfen." GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 51 pba and the number of times the Old Testament is cited in the New, on the ground that the Apocrypha belong to that special category of Old Testament writings which are seldom, or not at all quoted, but must be considered as, to some extent, the natural — not to say super- natural— result of the well-known relation in which these books stood to the canon, and also of the fact, noticed under the previous head, that they lay outside the direct line of the divine revelation of redemption in Jesus Christ. Hence, the assertion of some Roman Catholic theologians is false, that the Apostles gave a Bible containing the .\poc-rvpha to the churches established by them. On the contrary, the most thit can be said is that the Apostles used a version of the Old phaan'd^he" Testament which contained the Apocrypha, but with so careful an avoidance of Christian the latter that it cannot with certainty be affirmed that in all their writings they make a single direct allusion to them. It was otherwise, however, with their successors. The so-called Apostolic Fathers, without making any positive citations from these works, undoubt- edly show acquaintance with them. Clement of Rome, for instance (c. Iv.), alludes to Judith as an example of heroism on the part of a woman. In the Epistle of Barnabas (c. xix.), there seems to be a reference to Ecclesiasticus (iv. 31); at least, the two passages have a certain similarity of thought. In a fragment of the Second Epistle of Clement (xvi. 4), which ap- pears in the edition of the Apostolic Fathers by Gebhardt and Harnack (Lips., 1875), is a possible reminiscence of a passage in Tobit (xii. 8, 9), although the resemblance is only in general coloring. And Justin Martyr (ApoL, i. 46), evidently made use of the Additions to Daniel, hut not in such a way that it can properly be inferred that he regarded the book as a legitimate part of the Scriptures. The first actual citation of the Apocrypha among Chris- tian writers occurs in Irenseus, who quotes from Baruch as from a composition of Jerendah {Adv. Hcer., v. 35; of. iv. 20). Clement of Alexandria, too, cites Baruch as ri fle/o ypaipi] {Peed., ii. 3; cf. Strom., iv. 16.) Tertullian, also, refers to Ecclesiasticus with the usual formula of citation from Scripture, sicut scriptum est {Ex. Cast., c. ii. ; cf. Adv. Valent., c. ii., and De Cullu Fern., i. 3). And Cyprian makes use of a number of the apocryphal books, introducing cita- tions with the words: sicut scriptum est and scriptura divina dicit. It would not, however, be putting the matter in just the proper light to say, with some, that Christian writers of the first centuries made no essential distinction between the hooks of the Hebrew canon and those of the Apocrypha. They found in their cited care- Greek Bibles the Apocrypha connected with the books of the Hebrew canon, and, ''""'y- as it would seem, solely through ignorance or inadvertence, at least with no intention of liv- ing them a theological significance and indorsement which should be valid for subsequent times, made use of them, although far less proportionably, than of the canonical Scriptures. It does not seem, moreover, quite fair to say, that, in the early church, cases of dissent from the validity of the apocryphal writings were simply sporadic and the result of learned inves- tigation, wiihout representing any general view. For, apart from these incidental efforts at actual e.xamination, there was nothing that could be characterized as intelligent opinion on the subject. It was simply drifting. The mere fact that these works were found in the Bible n common use, was enough, in itself, as we know from similar results still, in places where :he Apocrypha are circulated in connection with the canonical Scriptures, to account fully for the esteem in which they seem to have been held. And it is as remarkable as significant a fact, that in instances where special investigations with reference to the matter were made, as in the case of Melito of Sardis (Euseb., H. E., iv. 33), and Origen {idem, vi. 25) the line was unhesitatingly drawn which excluded all this later Jewish Uterature from the canon of Scripture. That Origen was so inconsistent as to cite the Apocrypha as Scripture, notwith- standing his deliberate judgment respecting their relative value, and even to defend them as such, in the heat of discussion {Epiit. ad African., c. xiii.), shows simply the power of fixed habit. In his commentary on Matthew he candidly remarks: '• It is the part of a great man to hear and fulfill that which is said, ' Prove all things; hold fast that which is good.' Still, for the sake of those who cannot, like ' money-changers,' distinguish whether words are to be held as true or false, and cannot guard themselves carefully, so as to hold that which is true and yet abstain from all evil appearance, no one ought to use for the confirmation of doctrines any books which are not received in the canonized Scriptures." ' There can be no doubt, further, that, as a result of investigation on the part of men of learning, a gradual change was introduced in Christian public sentiment, so that, while the I See Wastcott, Bib. in Churck, p. 137. 52 THE APOCRYPHA. practice of different writers was various, the theory that came to prevail among the principai leaders of thought demanded that a decided difference should be made between the tion'pro^' books of the Hebrew canon and the subsequent additions. By Athanasius, foi dnced a. instance, the apocryphal works were assigned a separate place under the title ot "ecclesiastical books" (Epist. Fest., 39). On the other hand, Cyril of Jerusalem, Gregory of Nazianzus, and Amphilochius, give lists of the Old Testament Scriptures, in which the Apocrypha do not at all occur. These books, in fact, as a whole, were never adopted into any catalogue of the Scriptures recognized by an early general council. It has been affirmed that three synods — all African and under the dominating influence of Augustine — formally sanctioned the Apocrypha along with the canonical books, putting all in the same rank.i But this is saying quite too much, such recognition referring to ecclesiastical use only. Moreover, Augustine himself repeatedly makes a distinction between the Hebrew canon and tlie Apocrypha, admitting that the latter are not of unquestionable authority. Against the Donatists, who cited a passage found in 2 Maccabees (xiv. 37), he denied the soundness of the argument, on the ground that the book was not admitted into the Hebrew canon, to which Christ bore witness, although " it had been received by the church not unprofitably, if it were heard or read judiciously." ^ Of the Greek church generally it may be said, that as early as the fourth century, under Origen's influence, the Hebrew canon was accepted as properly fixing the limits of «nd S?* tbe Old Testament Scriptures, even the reading of the Apocrypha being in some Western cases forbidden. And this position the Greek church — the same is also true of the older Syrian church — has maintained, with but a slight wavering of individ- ual fathers, to the present day. At the Reformation this church, in harmony with the en- tire body of Protestants, reaflirmed its decision that the books of the Hebrew canon, alone, are to be held as authoritative, although more recently, through the probable influence of the Romish church and in opposition to Protestants, there has been an apparent weakening in this respect.* In the Latin, or Western church, also, such fathers as Jerome, Hilary, and Rufinus, took a position of greater or less opposition to the Apocrypha. The latter declared (^Expos. in Si/mb. Apost., c. 26) of the books of the Hebrew canon that they were the "in- spired Scriptures," " Ex qiiibusjidei nostrce assertiones constare sotuerunt." Besides these there were others that were " ?ion canonica sed ecdesiastica a majoribus appellati sunt." The pro- nounced attitude of Jerome, also, is well known. After enumerating {Prol. Galeaius to the books of Samuel), the works of the Hebrew canon, he says: " Quidquid extra hos est, inter Apocrypha esse ponendum." And in another place (Ep. ad Lwtam), he speaks very dispar- agingly of the Apocrypha, saying that there was much evil mixed up with them and that it required great skill to seek out the gold in the mud: " multaque his admixta viliosa, et grandia esse prudenticB aurum in luto qucerere." Still, it is to be admitted, that Augustine's uncertain position (cf. De Doctr. Christ., ii. 81), together with the thorough hold of the popular miud which the Apocrypha had gained by theu- early use in the Old Latin versions, and the incon- sistent practice of nearly all those Fathers who theoretically condemned such indiscriminate use, prevented, notwithstanding the weighty opposition mentioned, a full and just settlement of the matter. And it remained an unsettled question down to the time of the Reformation, a goodly list of Christian scholars refusing to be bound by the opinion of Augustine as over against that of the more learned and accurate Jerome, although the former had the sanction of the Roman bishop. Gregory the Great (a. d. 590-604*), for example, apologizes for ad- ducing a proof text from 1 Maccabees, since it was not a canonical book {Moral, in Job, xix 17). So Anastasius Sinaita (fA. D. 599), Venerable Bede (cir. A. D. 672-735), Notker, Abbot of St. Gall (a. d. 830-912), Hugo of St. Victor (a. d. 1140), Hugo Carensis in the thirteenth century, Antonius, Archbishop of Florence in the fifteenth, and the Cardinals Ximenes and Caietan in the sixteenth century, among many others,* adopted, for substance, the opinion of Jerome, which excluded our apocryphal books from the list of canonical Scriptures. Until that of Trent (a. d. 1545-1563), no general council of the church, either in the first The Council Centuries or in the Middle Ages, had ever given any decision on the question of of Trent.' the limits of the canon or the contents of the Holy Scriptures. It was the criti- 1 Daviiison'fl Introil. to O. T., iii. 348. 2 Cf. Westcott, idem, pp. 186, 189. 8 See Bleek's Innod. to O. T., ii. 336. 4 See a full list of such scholars in Keerl (ed. of 1852), pp. 140-144 ; and cf De Wette, p. 64 ; Reuss, GesMcJite de. /v. r., ii. 54 IT. ; and Westcott, Eib. in Church, chap. is. 6 Cf Delitzsch, Lehrsyslem der Romischrn Kirchi, pp. 385^13; Credner, Geschirhle der N. T. Kan., p, 332 £f. ; Buck tey, Hill. !•/ C. of Trim, paasim ; and Hase, Oturch History, p. 454, with authorities there cited. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 5:3 cisms of Protestants, particularly of Erasmus and Luther, on the loose practice of Roman- ists respecting the Bible, that led to a consideration of the subject at this time. From the writings of the latter reformer which had been spread before the council were selected cer- tain expressions, in which he had declared his approval of the books of the Hebrew canon alone, exclusive of the Apocrypha, and his rejection of the so-called antilegomena of the New Testament. In the discussion that took place over them the same difference of opinion showed itself among the assembled ecclesiastics that had always ruled in the church, since the times of Jerome and Augustine. Some advised that the course of Gregory the Great and Caietan be pursued, and that two distinct classes of books in the Scriptures be recognized, arguing that Augustine, also, had really been of this opinion. Others held that there were rather three classes of writings embraced in the Bible: the acknowledged, the disputed, and the apocryphal, and that whatever decision was made one should take account of this fact. Still others considered it unwise to attempt any decision of the perplexing problem, and pro- posed that the council should content itself with giving a bare list of the books of Scripture and leave the question of their relative worth open. But against these several views a fourth party, which contended for the position that all the books usually included in the Scriptures should be pronounced of equal canonicity and authority, finally prevailed. Although this fact is denied by some Romanist theologians, the form of the decree itself places the matter be- yond a doubt. It is as follows: "The holy, oecumenical and general council of Trent .... following the example of the orthodox fathers, receives and venerates all the books of the Old and New Testaments .... and also traditions pertaining to faith and conduct .... with an equal feeling of devotion and reverence." The list of the books then follows, including the Old Testament Apocrypha, in the following order: " Esdrae primus et secundus, qui dicitur Nehemias, Tobias, Judith, Esther, Job, Psalterium Davidicum centum quinquaginta psal- morum. Parabolic, Ecclesiastes, Canticum Canticorum, Sapientia, Ecclesiasticus, Isaias, Jere- mias cum Baruch. The two books of Maccabees (duo Macbabaeorum, primus et secundus) were placed at the end of the Old Testament after the Minor Prophets. This order is wor- thy of special attention, since, contrary to an earlier resolution of the body which had deter- mined on the arrangement found in the Augustinian canon, where all the apocryphal books are placed at the end of the Old Testament, and so in a comparatively subordinate position, they are here mixed up with the rest in the same manner as in the Greek Biblc.i Following the list of the books of the Old and New Testaments the decree goes on to say : " If, how- ever, any one does not receive the entire books with all their parts, as they are accustomed to be read in the Catholic church and in the Old Latin Vulgate edition, as sacred and canonical, let him be anathema." The concluding sentence of the decree, moreover, serves to show in what sense the Triden- tine ecclesiastics meant the words " with an equal feeling of devotion and rever- ence," as applied to the books of Scripture, should be taken: "Let everyone liow to be therefore know what principle the synod in the establishment of the creed and '"'«'■?■■«'«''• the restoration of the usages of the church makes use of." That is to say: all these books, in like manner, and in an equal degree, are to be regarded as sources of Christian doctrine and practice. In fact, no consistent Romish theologian has the right, in view of the decisions of this council, to allow that there is any essential difference of authority among the books thus pronounced " sacred and canonical." It is true that some of them still continue to speak of works " canonical " and '• deutero-canonical," meaning by the latter the Apocrypha. Bellar- min even distinguishes three classes of Scriptural writings, reckoning the Apocrypha among those whose authority, notwithstanding their prophetic and apostolic origin, has not always been undisputed. But no theologian of this church, at the risk of being charged with heresy, is permitted to doubt that all of these works are to be esteemed as a part of the inspired Word of God, and that they are legitimate sources from which Christian dogmas may be de- rived. The declaration that the text of these books as found in the Vulgate is the alone authentic and authoritative, the same having been hastily and most imperfectly prepared by Jerome, a notorious opponent of the Apocrypha, and the attempt to support their action in general respecting the books of Scripture on the basis of previous conciliar decisions, as those of Laodicea, of Carthage, and of Florence, show in what a fatal network of contradictions the Roman Catholic divines at Trent involved themselves. The decision of the first council was of a directly contrary nature, wliile those of the other two, if indeed that of Florence i-especting the Scriptures can be considered genuine, had an entirely different scope. 1 See EauleD, GesMchle drr Vulgala, p. 389, cited by DeliUsch, iJem, p. 392. Si THE APOCRYPHA. And it is obvious that this important step was taken by the Council of Trent for other than simple historical reasons. Without doubt one of these was to emphasize, as much Reasons for it. as possible, the differences existing between themselves and the Protestants as represented by their two trreat leaders, Erasmus and Luther. In fact, this pur- pose was openly announced by Cardinal Polus.^ Another reason is to be found in the weighty circumstance that the apocryphal books might be found very useful, if not, indeed, absolutely essential in defending certain peculiar dogmas of the Romish church, as, for instance, that of the intercession of angels (Tob. xii. 12) and of departed saints (2 Mace. xv. 14; of. Bar. iii. 4), of tlie merit of good works (Tob. iv. 7 ; Ecclus. iii. 30), its teaching concerning purgatory and the desirability that the living pray for the dead (2 Mace. xii. 42 ff.). Tanner ^ candidly acknowli'dges, indeed, that the Apocrypha were pronounced canonical because the "church found its own spirit in these books." Still fiu-ther, it was a matter of no little interest to maintain at all hazards the dignity of the Vulgate, and this would have been greatly imper- iled if, on the authority of a general council, so large a part of it as was contained in the Old Testament Apocrypha was declared to be of interior value. But if none of these rea- sons considered separately, or when taken togetlier, could be regarded as sufficient to deter- mine the action of the council with reference to the Scriptures, there is anotlier whose wei^lit cannot be disputed. It is the principle that then dominated and must ever dominate in such a system as the Romisli church represents, namely, that there are no distinct periods of di- vine revelation, but that it is an uninterrupted process going forward in and through the church. " When therefore the Catholic church insists with special emphasis on the full and equal canonicity of the Apocrypha, its interest in them, before all, declares itself for the reason that by their means the gaps in the inspired literature are filled up and that continu- ity [" solid .aritiit "] of canonical development restored, which, in turn, forms the innermost idea of the dogma of tradition." ' Karlstadt, one of the early friends of Luther, was the first in the Protestant church to give Writer.^ on particular attention to the subject of the Canon.* While placing all the so called the Protes- Apocrypha outside the same, he made tlie distinction among them of apucryphi la- wn affiograpJn et plane apocryphi virgis censoriis. To the first class belonged Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Tobit, and the two books of the Maccabees. In the first complete original edition of Luther's version of the Bible, the Apocrypha were placed at the end of the Old Testament as an appendix, with the title, " Apocrypha — that is, books that are not held as equal to the Holy Scriptures and yet are good and useful to read." It may be said, in general, that the opinion of Luther on this subject became the prevailing one in the church which he represented. But such a statement should not be made without limita- tions. Luther's view was a too subjective one to be made the platform of an important branch of the Christian church. Personal feeling more than historical evidence, or gram- matical criticism, he made the test of canonicity. He did not liesitate to admit that the Scriptures contained many imperfections and logical errors. He sometimes took the liberty of explaining passages from the Old Testament in a way different from that in which they are explained in tlie New Testament. Of Paul's symbolical interpretation of the history of Ha- gar and Sarah, for instance, he declared that it was " too weak to hold." ^ Hence, it does not surprise us that besides excluding the Apocrypha of the Old Testament from the Bible he distinguished in the New Testament the antilegomena from the other books by assigning tliem to a subordinate position. The leader's influence was so far felt in the Lutheran church that the matter of the canon was left in its standards, for the most part, an open question. Like the doctrine of inspiration, the fact of the existence of a canon of Scripture was rather some- thing that was assumed than made a distinct dogma. Still, in the so-called Form of Concord which, on the 25th of June, 1580, the fiftieth anniversary of the publication of the Augsburg Confession, was solemnly promulgated by the Elector of Saxony, and for a large part of the Lutheran churcli had the force of a creed, it was declared that the Prophetical and Apostoli- cnl Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments constitute the oidy rule of faith, and that no oher writings have equal authority.^ Moreover, the position and title which had been given :o the Apocrypha in the German Bible, in that of Ziirich and Strassburg of 1529, as well as 1 Delitzsch, i'lrm, p. 395. 2 Ueb'r dii kalkotische Traditions und das Protestantische Sc/iri/iprincip, p. 127. 8 iloltzmann, Kaiuin und Tradit.. p, 431 f. 4 De Cannniris Scriplvris Libelliis. 5 See Herzog's Rfot-Encyk., yi. 64*6. 6 See \rt. " Concordien-Fonnel ■' in Herzog's Real-Encyk.^ iii. 87 ff. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 55 Luther's of 1534, in the absence of a distinct article in the Confession respecting them, served as a guide in the formation of opinions. And subsequently, a number of distinguished Lutheran theologians, as Chemnitz, Hollaz, and Gerhard, drew a sharp line of distinction in their writings between the books qui in codice quidem sed non in canone biblico exstant, and those which immediato Dei afflatu scripti sunt. Yet, not only in theory but also in practice, the Reformed church took a more pronounced position with respect to these works than the Lutheran. The Helvetic Confession declares unequivocally : " Credimus Scripturas canonicas sive prophetarum et Apos- ^ church™' lolorum utriusque Testamenli ipsum esse verbum Dei." As Westcott has said: " The Lutherans, or more strictly Luther, judged the Written Word by the Gospel contained in it, now in fuller now in scantier measure, to which the Word in man bore witness : the Calvinists, accepting without hesifcxtion the Old Testament from the Jewish Church and the New Testament from the Christian Church, set up the two records as the outward test and spring of all truth, absolutely complete in itself and isolated from all history." i The French Bible of 1535 says of the Old Testament in the title to the same, that it is made up of the books translated from the Hebrew, and gives the Apocrypha in the form of an appendix with the heading: " The volume of the Apocryphal Books contained in the Vulgate translation which we have not found in the Hebrew or Chaldee." This may be taken as expressing the deliberate judgment of Calvin, who was the responsible editor of the work. In the Confession of Faith made at Basle (1534) and in the two Helvetic Confessions (1536, 1566), as well as in the Genevan Catechism (1545), the references to the Scriptures are all of a positive character, but no express list of the canonical books is given, the same being generally understood to be conterminous in the Old Testament with the Hebrew canon. The Belgian Confession (1561- 1563) mentions the books by name, both those of the Old and of the New Testament, and adds : " These books alone we receive as sacred and canonical non tarn, quod ecclesia eos pro hujusmodi reci/jial et ap/irobet, quam imprimis quod spiritus sanctus cordihus nostris lestatur a dec profi'ctos esse compriibationemque in se ipsis liabeant." In the Confession of the French Re- formed church (1561), art. 4, the Apocrypha are apparently comprehended under the title : " Alii libri ecdesiastici, qui ut sint utiles, non sunt tamen ejusmodi, ut ex iisconstitui possit aliquis Jidei miiculus.'^ ^ The discussions that were held on the subject of the canon at the synod of Dort are of much interest, and seem worthy of a more extended notice.' According to the olHcial records published at Leyden in 1620 (Acta Synodi Dordrechtanae), in the ^^ ° ninth sitting (1618-1619), the following result was reached: " Since it is clear that the apocryphal books are mere human writings, some of them spurious and disfigured by Jewish legends and inventions, as, for instance, the books of Judith, Susanna, Tobit, Bel and the Dragon, and particularly the third and fourth book of Ezra; since some of them, also, in doctrinal and historical points contain contradictions to the canonical books; and since they neither in the Jewish or early Christian church were added to the codex of the Old Testa- ment : it was consequently discussed whether these books were even worthy of a special translation, and further, whether it were best that they should be bound up in the same vol- ume with the sacred codex, inasmuch as such a connection in the course of time might, as in the papal church, expose to the danger that mere human productions would finally come to be esteemed by the ignorant as canonical and divine. The matter having been considered for a long time, and the most diverse and weighty grounds adduced on both sides, further time was desired in order to give said grounds riper deliberation." " In the tenth sitting, Gomarus and Diodati (of Geneva), together with other pastors, presented their views in written form, and the opinion of those from Tubingen having also been heard, the majority voted : ' The Apocrypha should be translated into Dutch, but it did not seem necessary to bestow the same careful attention upon them as is demanded in the translation of the canon- ical books.' " It was further resolved to continue to permit the Apocrypha to be bound up with the other books, but only on the condition that they be separated from them by a suit- able space, and be marked by a special title in which it should be emphasized that they were purely human, — in fact, apocryphal books. They were to be printed in smaller type, differ- ently paged, and the places where they differed from the canonical books indicated on the margin, particularly the passages cited by the Papists in support of their peculiar dogmas. 1 J3i'6. in Church, p. 248. 2 See Herzog's Real-Encyk. vii. 266. « See Zeilschrift/Ur hisloriscke Theologie, 1854, pp. 645-648. 56 THE APOCRYPHA. And finally, they were assigned a place, not as usual, between the Old and New Testaments, but at the end of the whole Bible. In the sixth of the Latin Articles of 1562 of the Anglican church, translated into English the following year, the Old Testament Apocrypha are enumerated, with the ex- England, ception of Baruch, which, however, was doubtless meant to be included in Jere- miah, under the title of " other books," that were to be read for " example of life and instruction of manners," but were not to be used for the support of doctrines (ad exein- pla vita el fonnandns snores, illos tamen ad dogmata confinnanda non adhibel). lu the Articles of 1571, ratified by Parliament in their English form, the Book of Baruch is mentioned by name as well as all the rest usually found in the list. In practice, however, the Anglican forms an exception in some respects to the otherwise universal rule of all branches of the Reformed church. Passages from Tobit and Wisdom are quoted in the Homilies as Scripture; Baruch is called a prophet; and quotations from the Book of Tobit are also still retained in the Com- munion Service (Tob. iv. 8, P). A proposition in Convocation to substitute for these refer- ences others taken from the canonical Scriptures was made in 1689, but was voted down by a majority of the members.' The same general position as that taken in the English Articles with respect to the Apocrypha was also adopted in the Irish Articles of 1615. They declare that the books commonly called Apocrypha are not inspired, " and therefore are not of suffi- cient authority to establish any point of doctrine ; but the Church doth read them as containing many worthy things for example of life and instruction of manners." In the various trans- lations of the Bible that were made for use in England, from that of Coverdale in 1535 to the Authorized Version of 1611, the Apocrypha were invariably found, but in a subordinate po- sition, and usually prefaced by a note characterizing them as " Apocrypha," or more fully, as writings without dogmatic authority. Coverdale, in his first edition, put Baruch among the canonical books, but in the second (1550), among the apocryphal. In Cranmer's Bible of 1540 the term Hagiographa is strangely employed instead of Apocrypha as a title, and in later editions even this is omitted. The Westminster Confession (1643) treats of the Scrip- tures in its first five articles. The third is as follows: " The books commonly called Apocry- pha, not being of divine inspiration, are no part of the canon of Scripture ; and therefore are of no authority in the Church of God, or to be any otherwise approved or made use of than other human writings." Although under cover of a supposed hereditary right the Apocrypha had found a place, if _ . .an inferior one, in the English Bible, it was destined soon to lose the same. As Subsequent j n i history of early as in the edition of 1629 (" Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and phlfnth?" Joh° B'll- Printers to the King's Most Excellent Majestie "), the apocryphal English books began to be omitted. In 1643, Dr. Lightfoot, in a sermon from Luke i. 17, delivered before the House of Commons, denounced them as the " wretched Apocrypha," a " patchery of human invention," by which the end of the Law was divorced from the beginning of the Gospel. Again in 1645, in the same place, he pleaded for " a review and survey of the translation of the Bible," and that Parliament as a body would "look into the oracle, if there be anything amiss there and remove it." Providentially, it was not left to the government of England to interfere in the matter, but without any special official act these books came, as by common consent, to be omitted from new editions of the Authorized Version. During the present century two important conflicts have sprung up over the Apocrypha, both occasioned by the demand of Protestant Christians on the continent ol flfc'tT "° Europe that these books be bound up and circulated with the canonical Scrip- tures. From its first organization in 1804, the British and Foreign Bible Society had been accustomed to give aid to similar societies on the continent, the so-called Cansteiii Bibles containing the Apocrypha being made use of for circulation there. After a few years considerable opposition to the measure began to manifest itself among some of the auxiliary societies, particularly in Scotland. As early as 1811, consequently, a request was made ot the European beneficiaries by the parent society, that they leave out the Apocrypha from the Bibles whose circulation was promoted by the same. So much feeling, however, was awakened by it, and the fact became so obvious that there was no probability of its being tomplied with on the continent, that, after two years, it was withdrawn. From this tims 1 Cf. Macaulay, Hiil. of En?., lil. 387, 388. New York, 1850. 3 Cf. An. Reports of Brit, and Foreign Bib. Soc, and Histories of that Society by Owen and Brown respecUrely. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 57 until the year 1819 there was a continual discussion of the subject in the pulpit and press of Great Britain, all parties, on the Protestant side, admitting that the Apocrypha were un- inspired writings, but without being able to agree on the point of their relative worth and the propriety of circulating them with funds contributed to a Bible Society. Assistance given in the year 1819 toward publishing a Roman Catholic version in Italian, Spanish, and Por- tuguese, brought matters to a crisis, the Edinburgh branch characterizing the action as a breach of previous contracts. The parent society, after long deliberation, resolved (1822) to retrace its course, deciding that henceforth its funds should be used only for the distribution of the canonical Scriptures, and that whatever was done by auxiliaries toward printing ■■wd publishing the Apocrypha should be done at their own expense. Such a middle course, how- ever, served rather to enhance than diminish the difficulties of the situation. An appropri? tion of five hundred pounds made, under these conditions, to Leander Van Ess to aid him i« the public.ition of his Bible, he agreeing to provide independently the necessary means for in- cluding the Apocrypha with the same, called forth the most vigorous protests. It was asserted that the society would thereby be condoning a serious fault, and, in effect, lending its influ- ence to give the color of inspiration to books that were full of errors, even below the level of many human writings, and that contained not a few actual contradictions of the canonical Scriptures. The consequence was that in December, 1824, the directors of the society voted to rescind the action taken about three months before, and now declared that they would aid in the publication of Bibles containing the Apocrypha only in case the same were printed as an appendix to the canonical books and not distributed among them. The excitement, however, already ran too high to be allayed by such a measure. It was argued that it was the duty of the society not only not to give the least encouragement to the circulation of the Apocrypha, but to discourage it and bear witness at every opportunity to the true limits of the Biblical canon. Under the powerful leadership of the Edinburgh branch, the opposition made itself felt to such an extent that, in the following year, all action taken with reference to the Apocry]>ha since 1811 was stricken from the records of the parent society, and in 1827 the following positive ground assumed, which, as far as Great Britain was concerned, put an end to the controversy : The principles of the society excluded the circulation of the Apocrypha. Persons and associations, therefore, receiving aid from it must bind themselves not to circu- late them. Further, bound Bibles alone should be put into the hands of auxiliaries, and that only to the extent that pledges were given to circulate the same unchanged. And finally, auxiliaries circulating the Apocrypha must place a sum corresponding to the value of the Bibles granted them to the credit of the London society. In the mean time, the commotion excited in Great Britain by these discussions had awak- ened a corresponding one on the continent of Europe. Nitzsch writes, with , , • , n- , r T^ 1 1 , , ■ . ,. The conflict some humor,' concerning the ettorts made irom England to learn the opinions of on the con- various scholars at the continental universities on this subject. As long as the '""'°'- London society, however, on which all the continental societies were more or less dependent, permitted the publication, with funds furnished by it, of the Apocrypha in any form, the dis- cussions going on in Great Britain awakened but little interest in the rest of Europe. But when by the resolutions of 1826 and 1827 all further cooperation on this basis was rendered impossible and, in addition, the brethren of the continental churches were advised to make a bonfire of the troublesome books,- the storm that sprang up was unprecedented. The Bible Society of Basle, in a communication addressed to that of London (May, 1826), endeavored to dissuade it from the measure resolved upon, and on receiving an unfavorable response, sought to unite all the auxiliaries of the continent, more than fifty in number, in an effort in the same direction, and in ease of its failure to induce them to form a union for carrjang on the work as hitherto.^ The connection between the London society and its continental auxil- 1 Deutsche Zeitschri/l, No. 47, p. 370 ; " Dies geschah in den zwanzigen Jahren unsers Jahrhunderts. Ich erinnere micb, das der Beauflragte schon in Basel, Tubingen, Heidelberg, auch in Frankfurt a. M. angefragt hatte, als er mir in Bonn dieses Zutrauen erwies. AUe batten begreiflicher Weise fiir die Mitverbreitung der Apokrypben und gegen die schottiscben Antrage gestimmt. Was mau ihm von Graden der Inspiration gesagt hatte, schieu ibu am meisten zu iuterefi- eiren, aber wenig zu erbauen." 2 See Metzger, Gescftirhte der deutschen Bibel-Uebersetzung, p. 326. 8 One of the resolutions of the paper thus communicated is worthy of special notice. It reads : '' In Erwiigung. das3 das Merkmal christlicher Universalitat den Grundcharacter einer Mnttergesellschaft bildet, und in der gerechten Besorg- niss, dass die Bibelgesellschaft in London dtirck Missverstdndniss zii. ihrer Verfiigung wider iliren Willen g^niilhi^t irorden ist, erklaren wir hiermit, dass wir ibr mit unausldslichor Dankbarkeit zugethan bleiben und uns alsbald bereitwiUig aD flie, als die Muttergesellschaft, anschliessen, wenn sie dem Character der Universalitat fortdauernd huldigen wird." 58 THE APOCRii'iiA. iaries was finally broken off October 27, 1827. The discussions called forth in Enropeac circles by these events were, for the most part, of a superficial character, with the exception of certain works by Reus;, Moulinie, and Stier,' which helped prepare the way for the more radical and decisive conflict that took place twenty years later. The renewal of the strife in Germany in 1850 was no insignificant symptom. " Ortho- doxy," as Fritzscbe somewhat sarcastically remarks, " had powerfully gained in velopmenr Strength, and now began to show its horns."* As a matter of fact, the question could not rest where it had been left in the previous discussions, especially as over against the now pronounced position of the British and Foreign Bible Society, and a more thorough treatment of it soon became an absolute necessity. The immediate occasion of the opening of the controversy was the offering, by a society in Carlsruhe, 1851,^ of a prize for the best work on the character and worth of the Apocrypha. The first prize was won byKeerl in a treatise entitled: " Die Apokryphen des Alten Testaments" (Leipz., 1852); and the second, by Kluge: " Die Stellung und Bedeutung der Apokryphen " (Frankfurt a. M., 1852), the latter being in the form of a dialogue and of an eminently popular cast. Keerl followed up his first work by three others (1853, 1856), in which he defended it against at- tacks, especially those of Stier and Hengstenberg, and showed more fully the errors and con- tradictions of the Apocrypha in their relation to the Scriptures. Other more fugitive com- positions on the same side, that is, against the Apocrypha, by Wild, Schiller, Schroder, Sutter, Ebrard, Kraussold, whose full titles we give elsewhere, appeared at about the same time, and the contest was now fairly entered upon. As champions, on various grounds, for the retention of the Apocrypha in published editions of the Bible, appeared persons of no less distinction and weight than Rudolph Stier,* Hengstenberg, ^ and Bleek.^ The discussion was conducted with great warmth on both sides, Stier particularly placing himself through an often misdirected zeal in weak and dangerous positions. And even Hengstenberg was be- trayed into intimating that the opponents of the Apocrypha were too much influenced in their efforts by the wish to share the pecuniary resources of English Christians, and that it might be better to give up the circulation of the Bible altogether, than to submit to the latter's nar- rowness.' The views of Bleek were undoubtedly most free from bias, but being, at the same time, based on a theorv of inspiration which destroys the essential distinction between works canonical and apocryphal, they did not have the influence which, in other respects, they de- served. One practical result of the discussion was that the so-called Bergische Bibelgesell- schaft passed a resolution to the effect that no more Bil)les containing the Apocrypha would be circulated by them gratis, or at a reduced rate, but that (" auf ausdriickliches Verlangen," '•on sjiecial request ") such Bibles would be issued, at the full cost price, to those wi^hinj them on those terms.* And a still more important result was, that the attention of leading scholars on the continent was now directed to the matter of subjecting these works to a crit- ical and exhaustive study, the fruits of which have greatly enriched the theological literature of the last quarter of a century and contributed not a little towards harmonizing the opinions of all Protestants on this hnportant question. It may serve as a sign of the change that is taking place in Christian public sentiment that scholars appointed in Switzerland (1857-58) for the revision of the German Bible, in a report subsequently made,^ expressed their regret that it had not been permitted them to leave out certain of the Apocryphal books not found .n the Lutheran translation, namely, 1 and 2 Esdras and 3 Maccabees, and declared that, al- totrether. thev had found their labor on these writings dreary and unsatisfying. They gave the Apocrypha, moreover, a new and separate paging as better corresponding to their acknowledged position relative to the canonical Scriptures. As we speak circumstantially of the Greek text and the old translations in connection with the several separate introductions, it remains for us here simply to characteriz*- The Greek (his text in seneral in its published form, and describe the various manuscripts that are supposed to be represented in the respective books. All other editions of the Septuagint, including the Apocrypha, are based on four principal ones, namely: the Com- 1 See Index of Authorities below. 2 Schenkel's Bib. La., art. "Apok. des A. T." 8 " Verein (Ur iDnere Mission Angsb. Bekenntnisses, im Grosshereogthum Baden." 4 Dif Apok. (1853). 6 Er. Kirchenzeitiing, 1353. 1864. 0 Sliul. u. Krit., 1853. ' See Keerl (ed- of 1853), pp. 45, 46. 8 Ev. Knrhnztiluns. 1854, p. 680 9 Metzger, p. 379. 10 Cf Smith's Bib Did.. Att. "Septuagint;" Rosenmiiller, HandiiKA, ii. 262-3M; Frankel, roMdidien, pp. 242-25* Bchiirer, in Heraog's Rial-Encyk. (2l« AuB ), 1. 494 f GENERAL INTRODUCTION. C9 phitensian Polyglot (•' in Comphitensi universitate," 1514-151 7); the Aldine (" SaciEe Sorip- tur£e Veteris Novteque omnia," 1518); the Roman (" Vetus Testamentum juxta Septuaginta ex auctoritate Sixti V. Pont. Max. etiitum," Romse, 1587); and Haher's facsimile ,o^ the Codex Alexandrinus (1816-28). An edition of the latter was also published by Grabe (1707- 1720), but its critical value is far below that of Baber's. The text of the Roman edition, be- ing mainly that of the Vatican MS. (1209.), is much superior to the others, and as most of the later editions of the LXX. are founded upon it, the ordinary printed text is an unusually good one. The entire Greek Apocrypha (('. e., 1 Esdras, Tobit, Judith, Additions to Esther, Wis- dom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, Epistle of Jeremiah, Additions to Daniel, and 1, 2, and 3 Mac- cabees), are found in all these editions, except that 1 Esdras is wanting in the Complutensi:i:i Polyglot, while Codex Alexandrinus contains in addition 4 Maccabees and the Prayer of .Man- asses. The most important subsequent edition of the Greek Bible in the order of time was that of Holmes and Parsons (5 vols. 1798-1827, Apocrypha in vol. v.), which is accompanied by a great number of valuable readings of MSS. and previous editions. The Vatican MS. (1209. named here II.) was collated for only a part of the Apocrypha (1 Esd., Additions to Esth., Jud., and Tob.), it having been, during the progress of the work, put out of the reach of the editors. In the year 1850 appeared the first edition of Tischendorf's " Vetus Testamentum Greece juxta LXX. interpretes " (Lips., 5th ed. 1875). He gave the readings of the Codex Alexandrinus and, so far as known at the time of publication, those of the Sinaitic MS. (Friderico-Augustanus) and of the palimpsest of Ephraim the SjTian. Further, in 1869, was published, by Mr. Field at Oxford, an edition of the LXX. (" Vetus Testamentum Grasce juxta LXX. interpretes, recensionem Grabianam denuo recognovit "), on the basis of the Codex Alexandrinus, manifest errors of transcription being corrected by the aid of other MSS. The apocryphal books are separated from the canonical, and the order of the latter is that of the Hebrew Bible. Other minor editions are those of Bos (Franeq., 1709), Breitinger (4 vols., Turici, 1730-32), and several by Bagster. The last has also published a separate edition of the Apocrypha in Greek (text of the Roman edition), with the English in parallel columns (Lond., 1871). The Apocrypha in Greek, moreover, have been published in a separate form by Fabricius (1691, 1694), Augusti (1804), Apel (1837), and Fritzsche (1871). The last work, with its rich and well-arranged critical apparatus, is far superior to any that has preceded it, but is itself so far imperfect that, for some of the books (Ecclus., Bar., Ep. of Jer., and Additions to Dan.), no collation of the Vatican MS. (II.) was made, while for the remaining, the collation of Holmes and Parsons was followed, except in the Book of Wisdom, for which Fritzsche made use of the faulty transcript of the MS. by Cardinal Mai (Romje, 1857). In view of the recent appearance of this famous Codex in a far more cor- rect form in the edition of Vercellone and Cozza (Romse, 1868-1875, vols, i.-v; vol. vi., jontaining the critical apparatus, was promised for the year 1878), and the new photo-litho- graphic edition of the Syriac Hexapla by Ceriani (Mediol., 1874), a new edition of Fritzsche's otherwise most excellent and satisfactory work would seem to be called for. Editions of single books of the Apocrypha have appeared at diflferent times, as follows: by Linde, Ecclesiasticus (1795); the same by Bretschneider (1806); of Esther, by Fritzsche (1848); Wisdom (1858) and Tobit (1870), by Reusch. The uncial MSS. containing a greater or less portion of the Apocrypha are comparatively numerous. (1) The most important and valuable of these is Vaticanus 1209. by Holmes and Parsons, whose nomenclature Fritzsche follows, called No. II. It 2"""^ '"*''• Udci^Ia originated, as is supposed, in the fourth century, and contains the following Apoc- ryphal books: 1 Esd., Wisd., Ecclus., Additions to Esth., Jud., Tob., Bar., Ep. of Jer., and Additions to Daniel. (2) Codex Sinaiticus, likewise of the fourth century, is the next uncial in age and rank. It is kept at St. Petersburg. The name given it by Fritzsche, as including the MS. Friderico-Augustanus, an earlier discovered fragment of the same preserved at Leipsic, is X. It contains the Additions to Esther, Tobit (i.-ii. 2 in Frid.- August.), Jud., 1 and 4 Mace, Wisd. , and Ecclesiasticus. (3) Codex Alexandrinus (III.) is of the fifth century, ind now to be found in the British Museum. The Apocrypha have in it the following order: Bar., Ep. of Jer., Additions to Dan., Additions to Esth., Tob., Jud., 1 Esd., 1, 2, 3, 4 Mace, Prayer of Man., Wisd., Ecclus. (4) Codex Ephraemi rescriptus (C.) is preserved at Paris, and is thought to have originated in the fifth century. It has considerable fragments of Ecclus. (cf. Tischendorf's ed. of LXX., Prolegom., p. Ixxxiii.) and Wisdom (viii. 5-xii. 10; xiv. 60 THE APOCRYPHA. 19-xvii. 18; xviii. 24-xix. 22). (5) Codex Venetus is found at the library of St. Mark's, Venice. It was falsely numbered as a cursive MS. (23.) by Holmes and Parsons. It ap- parently originated in the eighth or ninth century, and contains all the Apocrypha here treated except 1 Esd., Additions to Esth., and the Prayer of Manasses. (6) Codex Basili- ano-Vaticanus 2106. (XL) is from the ninth century, and contains of our books : 1 Esd. (ex- cept viii. 1-6; ix. 2-55), and the Additions to Esther. (7) Codex Marchalianus, or Vati- canus 2125. (XII.), is from the sixth or seventh century, and contains of the Apocrypha: Bar., Ep. of Jer., and the Additions to Daniel. (8) Codex Cryptoferratensis, of the seventh century, was published by Cozza, at Rome, in 1867 (2 vols., vol. iii. 1877), and has frag- ments of Baruch. of the Ep. of Jer., and the Additions to Daniel. It seems not to have been collated hy Fritzsche. (9) There remain, moreover, yet to be collated two palimpsests of Ecdus. and ^\'isd., discovered by Tischendorf and now preserved at St. Petersburg. 'J'liis scholar had reserved them for volume viii. of the Monumenta sacra inedita, which did not appear. The following cursive MSS. also, the most of them first collated for the edition of the LXX. by Holmes and Parsons, are noticed in the critical apparatus of Fritzsche's " Libri Apocryphi V. T. Graece," and for convenience may be here more particularly described : For 1 Esdras were used 44. (Cod. Zittaviensis, e codd. biblioth. senatus Zittavis ascribed to the 15th cent.); 52. (Cod. Liguriensis, Florence, parchment, of the 10th cent.), 55. (Cod. Vat. n. 1, parchment, some say from the 10th, others from the 12th cent.); 58. (Cod. Vat. n. 10, parchment, c. 13th cent.) ; 64. (Cod. Parisiensis n. 2, parchment, c. 11th •cent.); 68. (library of St. Mark's, Venice, n. 5, parchment); 71. (Cod. Par. n. 1, paper, i.e. fharta bombycina, c. 13th cent., carelessly transcribed); 74. (Cod. Marcianus, at Cloister of St. Mark near Florence, c. 12th cent., lacks vi. 4-30, written by different hands); 106. (Cod. Ferrariensis, paper, c. 14th cent., found at library Garmelitarum Calceatorum ad div. Paulum, Ferrarae) ; 107. (Cod. Ferrariensis, paper, had same copyist as 106., dated 1334); 119. (Cod. Par. n. 6, parchment, 13th cent.); 120. (Cod. Venetus n. 4, parchment, 11th or 12th cent.); 121. (Cod. Venetus n. 3, parchment, probably of the 11th cent.); 134. (Cod. Mediceus, e codd. biblioth. Mediceo-laurentianas, Florence, parchment, 10th cent.); 236. (Cod. Vat. n. 331, parchment, 10th cent.); 243. (Cod. Coislinianus n. 8, 10th cent., especially rich in read- ings from Aquila, Symmaehus, and Theodotion); 245. (Cod. Vat. n. 334, parchment, date before 10th cent.); 248. (Cod. Vat. n. 346, paper, c. 14th cent.). Additions to Esther: 55.93 b. (see 93. below) 108a. (see 108. below); 249. (Cod. Vat., parchment); 52.64. 243. 248. 44. 68. 71. 74. 76. (Cod. Par. n. 4, parchment, apparently of 12th cent.); 106. 107. 120. 236. Additions to Daniel. 26. (Cod. Vat. n. 556, parchment, c. 13th cent.), 33. (Cod. Vat. 1154, parchment, 10th cent., is mutilated at the beginning and has only five verses of Bel and Dragon) ; 34. (Cod. Vat. n. 303, parchment, c. 12th cent.) ; 35. (Cod. Vat. n. 866, c. 12th cent.); 49. (Medicean Lib., 11th cent.); 87. (Cod. Chisianus, 9th cent.); 88. (Cod. Chis., has both texts) ; 89. (11th cent.); 91. (Cod. Vat. n. 452, parchment, 11th cent.); 130. (Cod. Cajsareus, Vienna, parchment, 10th or 12th cent.); 148. (Cod. Vat. n. 2025, parchment, c. 12th cent.); 149. (at Vienna, parchment, c. 13th cent., contains of additions only Bel and Dragon); 228. (Cod. Vat. n. 1764, parchment, c. 13th cent.); 229. (Cod. Vat. n. 675, 14th cent., closes with ver. 2 of Bel and Dragon) ; 230. (Cod. Vat. n. 1641, parchment, c. 12th cent.) ; 231. (Cod. Vat. n. 1670, parchment, 11th cent.); 232. (Cod. Vat. n. 2000, parchment, c. 12th cent.) ; 234. (Cod. Mosquensis); 235. (Cod. Vat. n. 2048). Prayer of Mananses : T. (Cod. Turicensis, a MS. of the Psalms at Zurich). Baruch: 231. 96. (Cod. of the Hexa- pla in the collection of Moldenhauer, at Copenhagen); 49. 26. 198. (Nat. Lib. at Paris — formerly Colbert, n. 14. parchment, apparently of 11th cent., contains i. 1-ii. 19); 229. 33. 70. (belongs to lib. of Church of St. Agnes, Augsburg, parchment, lOth or 11th cent.) ; 86. (lib. of Card. Barberini, Rome, very old but corrected from Hexapla) ; 87. 88. 91. 228. 239. (Cod. of lib. S. Salvatoris, Bologna, n. 641, parchment, dated 1046). The Epixtle of Jeremiah is found in the same MSS., in general, as Baruch. In 231. verses 54 to the end are wanting, and the MSS. 70. 96. 229. do not contain the Epistle. Tobil : 44. 52. (from iii. 16 on, wanting), 55. 58. (lacks xiii. 7-14), 64. 71. 74. 76. 106. 107. 236. 243. 248. 249. Judith : 52. 55. 64. 243. 248. 249. 44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 107. 236. 1 Maccabees: 44. 52. 55. 56. (from x. 16 on, wanting), 62. 64. 71. 74. 106. 107. 134. (begins with xi. 33), 243. (lacks xi. 63-xv. 4). S Maccabees: Is found in the same MSS. generally as the first book, except that it fails in 134. ; 66. (begins with v. 11, and ends vi. 7); 64. (lacks x. 13 to end of chapter); 243. (ends GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 61 with xiv. 23). S Maccabees : 55. 74. 44. (lacks ii. 5-8, 13-15), 71. (is fragmentary, wanting ii. 3-19; iii. 28, 30 ; v. 11-13 ; vi. 4-15, 25, 26, 34-36, 38-40; vii. 2), 19. 62. 64. (ends with vi. 13), 93. Ecdesiasticiw: : 55. 68. 70. 106. 155. 157. (ends with Ii. 21), 248. 253. 254. 296. (wants xviii. 18-xix. 3; xxiii. 3-16; xlviii. 12-xlix. 15, and chap. Ii), 307. (Cod. Monacensis n. 129, paper, 14th cent., lacks xxi. 3-xxvi. 20, and all after xlii. 33). Wisdom: 55. 68. 106. (lacks xi.x. 18, to the end); 155. (Cod. Meermaiii, end of 12th cent., vi. 23-xv. 19 is wanting); 157. (Basil. B. vi. 23); 248. 253. (Cod. Vat. n. 336, parchment, 14th cent.) ; 254. (Cod. Vat. n. 337, parchment, apparently 13tli cent.); 261. (Medicean Library n. 30., 14tli cent., end fails as in 106., and in other respects like: "oninino genielli sunt," Fritzsche) ; 296. (Cod. Vaticano-palatino-heidelberg. n. 337, parchment, 13tli cent.). Fritzsche also gives for this book the readings of several Paris MSS. collated by Thilo, designated respectively by the letters A. Aa. (fragment i.-iv. 7, connected with A.), B. C. D. E. F. G. H. I. The following codices belong, according to a recent discovery of Paul de Lagarde ' and Mr. Field, 2 to the recension of the martyr Lucian, made in the third century: 19. (Cod. Bibl. Chigianae, Rome, 10th cent., containing 1 Esd. ii. 16-ix. 36, and .\dd. to Esth., Judith. 1, 2, and 3 Maccabees) ; 93. (Cod. Arundelianus, British Museum, contains 1 Esd., Add. to Esth., 1, 2, 3 Maccabees); 108. (Cod. Vat. n. 330, paper, 14th cent., contains 1 Esd., Add. to Esth., Tobit, except x. 8 ff.); 36. (Cod. Vat. n. 303, parchment, c. 13th cent., contains Baruch, Ep. of Jer., and Add. to Dan.); 48. (Cod. Vat. n. 1794, parchment, 11th cent., con- tains same books) ; 51. (Cod. of Medicean Lib., parchment, 11th cent., same books); 62. (at Oxford, 13th cent., same books and in addition 1, 2, 3 Maccabees) ; 90. (Cod. Bibl. Lau- rentianae, parchment, c. 11th cent., has Add. to Dan., Bar., and Ep. of Jer.) ; 147. (Bodleian Lib., 13th cent., same books); 233. (Cod. Vat. n. 2067, 12th cent., same books); 22. (Brit. Mus., 11th or r2th cent., has Baruch) ; 308. (Vienna, contains the same parts of Ecclus. as 296., and lacks in addition xlv. 15-xlvi. 12). Other characters used by Fritzsche in his critical apparatus and adopted in the present vol- ume, are as follows: Co., Complutensian Polyglot; Aid., the Aldine edition of the LXX. ; H., Hoeschel's Codex Augustanus; HF., the edition of Tobit in Hebrew by Fagius; HM., the edition of Tobit in Hebrew by MUnster; Syr. P., the Peshito Version; Syr. Ph., the Philoxen- ian version; Ar., Arabic ; Vet. Lat., Old Latin; Vulg., Vulgate, and to be distinguished from vulg., by which the texlus receplus is sometimes designated. The translators of the English version of the Apocrypha, incorporated with the Bible of 1611, have not left us wholly in doubt respecting the authorities made use of by them. By means of the marginal notes and references, as well as by comparing ^"^fu"*-',. the readings adopted with the critical works known to have been in their hands, used in the a tolerably correct judgment of their method of procedure may be obtained, len'.s"" Next to the Latin translation of the Apocrypha, by Junius, they depended mainly on the Complutensian Polyglot (1517), and the Aldine edition of the LXX. (1518). For 1 Esdras, the last was their principal authority (cf. ii. 12), as that book did not find its way into the work of Cardinal Ximenes. And for the Prayer of Manasses there seem to have been no Greek authorities at hand, the same not appearing in the Polyglot of Walton till 1657, and the Alexandrine Codex first reached England in the year 1628. But the Roman edi- tion of tlie LXX. (1587) was also in their hands, as is evident from direct references to it (cf. margin at 1 Esd. v. 25; viii. 2; Tob. xiv. 5; 1 Mace. ix. 9), although it seems to have ex- erted no preponderating influence. Sometimes the Aldine copy was followed in preference to the united testimony of the Roman edition and the Complutensian Polyglot (cf. Jud. iii. 9; viii. 1; Ecclus. xvii. 31; xxxi. 2; xxxvi. 15; xxxix.l7; xlii.l3; xliii.26; .xlvii.l; Bel and Drag., ver. 38; 2 Mace. i. 31 ; viii. 23; xii. 36; xiv. 36). And again the Roman edition was fol- lowed as against the other two (cf. 1 Mace. iii. 14, 15, 18, 28; iv. 24; v. 23, 48; vi. 24, 43, 57; vii. 31, 37, 41, 45; viii. 10; ix. 9; x. 41, 42, 78; xi. 3, 15, 22, 34, 35; xii. 43; xiii. 22, 25; xiv. 4, 16, 23, 46; xv. 30; xvi. 8; 2 Mace. viii. 30; xv. 22).* It looks somewhat suspi- cious, however, that so many of the latter passages are to be found in one book of the Apoc- rypha, and it makes the impression, by itself, that simple convenience may have been too much consulted in the matter. 1 Sm Theotog. Literaturztitung, 1878, col. 605. 2 Idem, col. 179- i Cf. SoriveQex, Tfu Cambridgt Farasraph BibUy Introd., pp. zxrii., xxviii. 4 ScriTener, idem, p. xxvii., DOte 4. THE FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS.' INTRODUCTION. The title which this book bears in the English Bible was first given to it in 1560, by the translators of the so-called GeneTan Tersion. The church of England, however, in its article of religion relating to the Scriptures, promulgated two years later, and again in 1571, following the usage of the Vulgate, calls it the " Third Book of Esdras " ; our present canonical Books of Ezra and Nehemiah being known, respectively, as "First" and " Second Esdras." ^ In the Old Latin, Syriac, and Septuagint versions, on the other hand, it was designated as the '-First Book of Ezra," and held a corresponding position in the order of books. This was doubtless due to the nature of its contents, which include a somewhat earlier period of history than the books with which it is associated, and not, as Movers ' and Pohlmann * strangely conjecture, on account of its superior age. The Codex Alexandrinus and some MSS. of the LXX. name the work i Upeis, — Ezra being regarded as a priest ^aj- excellence ; while Jerome, in his Prologus Galeatus, reckons the work among the "apocryphal" books of the Old Testament, under the name of " Pastor," and is followed, in this respect, by some writers at a later period (Petrus Comestor, cir. a. d. 1170). On the basis of this fact it has been asserted, even by so sagacious a critic as Credner, that Jerome classed the well- kuown Paxtor Hermes with the Old Testament Apocrypha.^ By Isidore of Seville {Origq., vi. 2) the book is entitled the " Second Book of Ezra" ; Nehemiah and the canonical Ezra being regarded as the First Book. In times still more modern, writers have inaccurately applied to it such titles as the " Pseudo-Ezra," and the " Apocryphal Ezra," which might easily lead to confounding the work with what is known in the English Bible as " Second Esdras." A fit title, both as it respects convenience and definiteness, would be the "Greek Ezra"; this distinguishes the book alike from the canonical Ezra with its Hebrew original, and from the "Apocalypse of Ezra," which is extant in a Latin text only. I. Contents and Scope. The contents of the book are as follows: Chap. i. agrees in general with 2 Chron. xxxv., xxxvi. ; ii. 1-15 agrees in general with Ez. i. ; ii. 16-30 agrees in general with Ez. iv. 7-24; iii.-v. 6 is of unknown origin; v. 7-73 agrees in general with Ez. ii.-iv. 6; vi.-ix. 36 aorees in general with Ez. v.-x. 44; ix. 37-55 agrees in general with Neb. vii. 73-viii. l.S. Different opinions prevail respecting the aim of the work. DeWette ^ says, that no object of the "characterless compilation" is discoverable. Ewald, Fritzsche, Keil, and others, however, agree that the object aimed at seems to have been to give a history of the restora- tion of the temple. The Old Latin version, indeed, led the way in this opinion, having given as the subject, De reslitutione templi. In the language of Bertholdt (Einleit. in d. All. Test., p. 1011), " He [the compiler] would bring together from old works a history of the temple from the last period of the legal cultus to the time of the rebuilding of the same and 1 This iQtroduction, excepting a few changes and additions, appeared as an article in tlie BStiiotheca Sacra for April, 1877. ••i Of. Cosin, Scholast. Hist, of Can., p. sx, and Woetcott, BibU in Church, pp. 281 ff. 8 Kirchfn-Lfxicon, art. " Apok. Lit.,"' and Loci quitlam HistorifE Can. Vet. Test., p. 30. 4 Tui. Theolog. Quarlalschri/I, 1859, p. 257 ff. 6 G'trhichte d. N. T. Kan., pp. 273, 312, 313. Cf. Bertholdt, Einleil., p. 1006, and Diestel, OoMehte d. Htm IkM. HI d. Christ Kirchf, p. 182. • Eitiltit in d. AU. Test., p. 665. THE FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS. 63 the restoration of the appointed service therein." To this it should, perhaps, be added, that special and undue emphasis is put upon the generosity of Cyrus and Darius in their relations to the rebuilding of the temple, apparently as furnishing a fit example for other heathen rulers. 1 II. Arrangement of Materials. With this supposed aim of the book the arrangement of its matter, so far as it can be said to have any arrangement, appears to agree. In the first chapter, the author places the account of the celebration of the Passover under Josiah, and carries the history forward to a period just previous to the Babylonian Captivity. He then passes over in the second chapter to the reign of Cyrus, giving an account of the return of the Jews under the leader- ship of Sanabassar [Zerubbabel], the attempt at rebuilding the temple, and the prohibition of the work by Artaxerxes. In chaps, iii.-v. 6 comes the only independent portion of the work, in which it is narrated that, after a great feast given by Darius, three young men, who formed his body-guard, held a discussion in his presence on the question, " What is mightiest?" Zerubbabel is represented as one of these three young men (?), and secures the victory in the contest. He is able, consequently, to obtain the king's consent to the return of the Jews. Then follows, ch. v. 7-73, a list of the families that returned (in the time of Cyrus!), an account of the resumption of work on the temple, the opposition encoun- tered, and an interruption for two years (!) until the time of Darius (!). Chaps, vi.-vii. continue the history to the completion of the temple and the restoration of its service, which took place under the direction of Zerubbabel, and during the reign of Darius. Then follows, viii.-ix. 36, a narrative of the return of Ezra at the head of a colony, the history of his dealings with those who had married foreign wives; and, at the close, ix. 37-5.^, the public reading of the law. By placing the order of the history in the related parts as found in the canonical books side by side with that adopted by our author, the evident confusion of the latter will be still more apparent. Order of Canonical Books. ■ 1. Return under Zerubbabel. 2. List of those returning. 3. Efforts to rebuild the temple, and opposition of the Samaritans. 4. Cassation of work by order of Artaxerxes. 5. Resumption and completion of the work by Zerub- babel in the reign of Darius. 6. Return of Ezra with a caravan. 1 Esdras. 1. Return under Sanabassar [Zerubbabel]. 2. Attempt to rebuild the temple, and opposition of the Samaritans. 3. Cessation of work by order of Artaxerxes. 4. Resumption of work by permission of Darius. 5. A list of persons who returned with Zerubbabel [in the time of Cyrus !] 6. Resumption of work on the temple, which the Samar- itans cause to cease. 7. Completion of temple by Zerubbabel during the reign of Darius, who uses against the opposing Samaritans a decree of Cyrus. 8. Retiu-n of Ezra with a caravan. Naturally, the difficulties presented to the critic by this arrangement have been among the most perplexing of the book. Indeed, the palpable contradiction and absurdity of repre- senting, among other things of a similar character, that the Samaritans effectually opposed the rebuilding of the temple under Zerubbabel after his return from Darius with plenipoten- tiary powers, and that such opposition continued until the time of Daritis, when it was overcome by appealing to a decree of Cyrus, are so gross that most writers make no attempt at explanation. De Wette (Einleit., p. 566) characterizes this arrangement as false and nonsensical. And Hervey, in Smith's Bible Dictionary (art. "1 Esdras"), holds that efforts " to reconcile the different portions of the book with each other and with Scripture are lost labor." Josephus, who made considerable use of the book, sought in vain to bring its several parts into chronological order. He made a series of suppositions to which, although they are evi- dently suppositions only, he did not scruple to give the form and force of historical statements. He represented, for instance, (1) that Zerubbabel returned to Babylon from Jerusalem; and, as a matter of personal friendship, was made one of his body-guard by Darius; (2) that the Samaritans were refused permission by the Jews to participate with them in the rebuilding of 1 Cf. Ewald, Oese/tichte^ iv 164; Keil, Einleit.^ p. 708, and Zotenberg's tianstatiCQ from the Peman of the History )/ Daniel in Mcrx's ArcMv, 1869, pp. 397-399. 64 THE APOCRYPHA. the temple, on the ground that the latter had received their permission from Cyrus and from Darius; and (3) that the disappointed Samaritans then complained to Darius, not that the Jews had aijain begun to rebuild, but that the looi'k was proceeding too fast (^Antiq. of the Jews, xi. 3, 4). Josephus did not seem to consider that the age of Zerulibabel must have dis- qualified him from being one of the " young men " (vtavlnKot) mentioned (iii. 4; cf. v. 5), or that his other explanatory statements fall far short of covering the ground of our author's difficulties. For a notice of additional misplacements of the facts of this history by Jose- phus, see Ewald (Geschichte, iv. 167). There can be little doubt that the immediate occasion for the series of contradictions in which our author involves himself, is to be sought in the narrative of the debate before Da- rius. This seems to have been with him a principal point of attraction, and its false glitter blinded him to the deficiencies of his work in other partiS. Fritzsche supposes that the orig- inal hero of this part was not Zerubbabel, but his son Joakira (cf. v. 5), and that the former name, as the more illustrious, had been substituted (iv. 13) previous to the compilation of our present book. But, ingenious as this suggestion is, it seems to us less probable than that the name of Zerubbabel was originally introduced into the legend under the mistaken impression that the Sanabassar, elsewhere spoken of as conducting the first company of captives from Babylon, was some other person than Zerubbabel. This critic's theory for explaining the confused arrangement is as follows : After the author had given an account of the return in the time of Cyrus, he passes at once, in order to come without delay to the history of affairs under Darius, to the offici.al prohibition to build by Artaxerxes. Then, since according to his text in the original fragment, the historical position of Zerubbabel had been changed, in that he was understood to have conducted a subsequent caravan to Jerusalem during the reign of Darius, he first relates this fact, and then, without being conscious of the anachro- nism, takes up the list of those returning in the time of Cyrus (cf. Einleit., p. 6 f.). But it may well be questioned whether any supposed haste of the compiler to get forward in his narrative to the time of Darius could have been the occasion for his omitting, in its proper place, so conspicuous and closely-connected a part of the history as a long list of names which lie deems of importance enough to justify its subsequent introduction. Herz- feld's effort to support the forced supposition of Josephus, that Zerubbabel went a second time to Babylon, by appealing to Zech. i. 7; iii. 8, 9 ; vi. 13, cannot be regarded as success- ful.! 3. Author, Time, and Place nf Compilation. As helping to a decision of the question, who the compiler of our book was, and when and where his work was done, the original portion, chap. iii. -v. 6, appears to be of special im- portance, both on account of its own peculiar character and the interest with which, as we have seen, be himself regarded it. That the writer of this portion of the book did not live in the time of the Persian kings, seems evident from the fact, that he uses the phrase, " Medes and Persians," and " Persians and Medes," interchangeably;^ that he lived in Egypt ap- pears probable from his allusion (iv. 23) to " sailing upon the sea and upon the rivers " for the purpose of " robbing and stealing; " ^ that he wrote after the period of the reception of Esther and Daniel into the canon, is indicated by the language chap. i. 1, 2 ff.; cf. also, iii. 9, with Dan. vi. 3. But was the compiler of the book himself the author of this independent portion? It is scarcely to be supposed ; and the idea is entertained by no considerable num- ber of critics. Still, the fact that he came into possession of it at all, and used it with so much esteem, while it bears in contents and form so evidently the stamp of the Alexandrian school, cannot be without its weight. The evidence to be gained from other parts of the work on the points before us is less de- cisive. Fritzsche's opinion that the author was a Hellenist living in Palestine, which he supports only by a single doubtful reference to the book itself (v. 47), can hardly pass for a probable conjecture. On the other hand, Dahne's argument,^ which Langen ^ ably supports, 10 prove an Egyptian origin for the entire work from certain marked peculiarities of its lan- guage, seems to be entitled to more weight than Fritzsche (See Nachlrage in his Com.) is willing to allow it. It might also be added, that while no lack of interest in the contents of such a book could be predicated of the Jews of the Dispersion, there would natur.ally be far more need felt for a Greek translation of this kind in Egypt than in Palestine. 1 Gesdiichtc, i, 321-823 ; cf. Keil, Einlfit., p. 706, and Fritzsche, Einleit., p. 7. 2 Uitzig, Geschichte, p. 277. > Cf. Oraete, iii. p. 39 f., and Qutmann, EittUil., p. 214. * ii. 116 ff. 6 Das Jiidrntkum, etc., p. 176 t THE FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS. 65 After what has been already said, it will be evident that the date of the compilation can- not be fixed with any degree of definiteness. The acknowledged use of the book by Josephus furnishes a limit in one direction. Most critics, iu fact, agree in assigning it to the first or second century before Christ ; Fritzsche deciding for the former period as the more probable. Grimm finds in its language evidence of a late origin. Cf. Com. on 1 Mace. i. 43; ii. 18; iii. 46 ; X. 18, el passim; also, my notes at iii. 14 ; vi. 7. 4. Sources of the Work and Character of the Text. Even a cursory comparison of the text of our book with that of the canonical writers in parallel passages, will at once disclose the fact that, while there is a general agreement, there are, on the other hand, in detail, not a few cases of variation and disagreement, for some of which it is difficult, with our present information, satisfactorily to account. These devia- tions, which formerly led Biblical students to the too hasty conclusion that the book was quite valueless, have, in later times, by a natural but e.xtreme reaction, been regarded by some as evidence that the author used another recension of the Hebrew text, and one, in more or fewer instances, superior to the Masoretic. An overwhelming majority of the diverse read- ings of our book, however, may undoubtedly be referred to the acknowledged fact, that its author sought, as a matter of primary importance, to make his work smooth in language and clear in thought; and that to attain this object he did not hesitate to use whatever text he may have had before him with the utmost freedom. And since this is admitted to be the fact, it would appear to be a more reasonable course to seek an explanation for the really very few instances where a supposed belter reading is followed in the general spirit and drift of the work, than in the bold theory of another recension of the original text. Ninety-nine one hundredths of all the passages which disagree with the extant Hebrew original may probably be classed under the following heads: ' (1) Passages in which the author seeks to avoid hard Hebraistic expressions, viii. 6, cf. Ez. vii. 9 ; (2) where he shortens, for the take of smoothness, to avoid repetition, or for other reasons, i. 10, cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 10-12; ii. 16, cf. Ez. iv. 7-11; vi. 3, 4, cf. Ez. v. 3, 4; (3) jnakes changes or omissions in superscrip- tions to letters, ii. 15, 16, cf. Ez. iv. 7-11 ; v. 7, cf. Ez. ii. 1 ; (4) gives different lists of articles, viii. 14, cf. Ez. vii. 17 ; viii. 20, cf. Ez. vii. 22; (5) omits names from lists, v. 5 ff., cf. Ez. viii. 1 ff. ; (6) makes additions for the sake of clearness or completeness, i. 56, cf. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 20; ii. 5, cf. Ez. i. 3; ii. 9, cf. Ez. i. 4; ii. 16, cf. Ez. iv. 7, 8; ii. 18, of. Ez. iv. 12; V. 46, cf. Ez. ii. 70; v. 47, cf. Ez. iii. 1; v. 52, cf. Ez. iii. 5; v. 66, cf. Ez. iv. 1; vi. 18, cf. Ez. V. 14 ; vii. 9, cf. Ez. vi. 18; vi. 9, cf. Ez. v. 8; v. 41, cf. Ez. ii. 64 ; (7) makes an ex- planation, ii. 17, 24, 25; vi. 3, 7, cf. Ez. iv. 8, 13, 17 ; ii. 19, cf. Ez. iv. 13 ; ii. 20, 26. cf. Ez. iv. 14, 19; ix. 38, cf. Neh. viii. 1 ; (8) changes on doctrinal grounds, i. 15, cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 15; i. 28, cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 22; (9) would honor the temple, i. 5, cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 4 ; ii. 18, cf. Ez. iv. 12; ii. 20, cf. Ez. iv. 14; (10) makes a mistake, ix. 49, cf. Neh. viii. 9; (11) substitutes an equivalent, v. 36, 37, cf. Ez. ii. 59 ; (12) changes the form of proper 7wmes, v. 69, cf. Ez. iv. 2; vi. 3, cf. Ez. v. 3; viii. 41, 61, cf. Ez. viii. 15, 31; v. 8 ff., viii. 26 ff., cf. Ez. ii. 2 ff., viii. 2 ff.; (13) introduces changes for no reason now apparent, but not of such a char- acter that they can be accepted in preference to the Hebrew, i. 34, cf. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 1 ; viii. 24, cf. Ez. vii. 26; viii. 69, cf. Ez. ix. 1. With respect now to the question of the immediate sources of the book, the opinions of critics may be divided into two general classes : those who hold that it is a direct translation from the Hebrew, and from a te.xt in some instances superior to that which has come down to us; and those who hold that, with the exception of the independent portion, iii.-v. 6, it is simply a free, and somewhat altered, working over of a former Greek translation of the canonical books, either the LXX., as Keil maintains, or a different one, as maintained by Ewald, Diihne, Langen, and others. Ewald formerly advocated the first theory, but in the latest edition of his history fully abandons it.^ It still has the support of such critics as Michaelis, Trendelenburg (and Eichhorn), Bcrtholdt, Herzfeld, De Wette, and Fritzsche. It is to be said, however, that some of the last-named scholars content themselves with justify- ing this view either by a single citation or two fi'om the work itself, or, as is quite common, refer to the results of Trendelenburg's critical study of the same (/. c. pp. 178-232).' 1 Cf. KeU, Einleil., ad loc, and Trcndeleuburg, Eiclihorn's A'l^. Bihliolh'lc da Bib. Lit., i. 177 f. 2 Geschicltle, iv. Ifi6. 8 Eichhorn adopt.s without chsinge this work of TruinJeleiiburg's in hi.s Eiiil. in d. Apolcr., pp. 835-377. 36 THE APOCRYPHA. Miehaelis makes the sweeping declaration, that the readings of the Greek Ezra not seldom appear to him to be preferable to those of the canonical books, and that now one, and now the other is to be followed. ' But in the course of a somewhat thorough study of the entire book before us, in which we have taken continual counsel of Miehaelis' able and useful work, we do not find that his assertion is by any means borne out by his own use of the apocryphal author. Bertholdt adduces a single passage. Herzfeld makes no citations where he treats of this point, but promises to note passages which are pertinent as they shall incidentally occur in the course of his history. De Wette, who is content to hold the theory of a differ- ent recension of the Hebrew text without maintaining that it is a superior one, directs at- tention to the investigations of Trendelenburg. Finally, in the nearly seventy pages of Fritzsehe's work, including Introduction and Commentary to our book, we cannot discover on actual examination that he is ready to maintain in more than about a dozen instances that it has readings superior to the traditional text, and these include the entire numlier of pas- sages cited by Trendelenburg, and adopted by Eichhorn, as supportiu'^ the same theory, with the exception of two of minor importance. We may, therefore, conclude that if there is any real ground for this opinion, whose bear- ings are so important, it will be found in these passages. But, at the outset, we make the discovery that in some of them our author, in departing from the current Hebrew text, es- sentially follows the LXX. version of the same passages in the canonical books. Hence, in the face of an alternative theory that the book itself is a compilation from the LXX. version, they cannot fairly be used as evidence to support the theory of a Hebrew original, and much less of one with a text superior to the Masoretic. These passages are as follows : (1) i. 43; cf. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 9. In the Hebrew it is said that Jchoiachin was eight years old when he bean to reign. But it is obviously an orthographical mistake, since in 2 Kings xxiv. 8, his age is given as eighteen at this time. Cf. also Ezek. xix. 5-9, where the same fact is pre- supposed. Hence we are not surprised that the best authenticated te.xt of ihe apocryphal book has the reading SiKooKTii. (2) v. 69 ; cf. Ez. iv. 2. The question here is between the reading sb and lb in the Hebrew. If there is really any difference of meaning in them as here used, and the former is not simply a less common form of writing the latter, then our books agree with the LXX. in giving the preference to the latter. (3) viii. 32; cf. Ez. viii. 5. In the Hebrew a name has probably fallen out. The LXX. agrees with the Greek Ezra in supplying it with Zae6vs. (4) viii. 36; cf. Ez. viii. 10. Here the same fact occurs. The two latter authorities supply a name that is wanting and are essentially agreed in its form, BaWas (LXX., Baavi). (1.) Of the remaining passages the first is i. 27 (cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 21). Our author translates as follows: ^irl yip rov EvpdTov i Tr6\eti6s fioi eVri, " for my war is upon the Euphrates." The Hebrew, at this place, literally translated is: " but against the house of my war; " i. e. " the family with which I wage war," " my hereditary enemy " [" have I come out this day"]. It ie maintained that the author of the Greek work before us must have found in his Hebrew text, and read, n~lS, instead of ri'S of the present text; and that it is a better reading. The Hebrew, as it stands, is pronounced " hard and unnatural "; while 2 Kings xxiii. 29 is cited as a parallel passage, where it is declared that the war mentioned was actually on the Euphrates. But to this it may be replied first, that the LXX. does not translate this passage in 2 Chron. at all ; thus leaving our author, on the supposition that he might otherwise have been influenced by its rendering, to his own devices. And secondly, the passage as it is found in the Greek Ezra has every appearance of being a paraphrase, and the supposition that it is such would be in entire harmony with the usual course of this book in instances of " hard and unnatural " Hebraisuis. Moreover, the passage cited from 2 Kings would seem to favor the theory of a paraphrase by our author, quite as much as any other. Again, if the Hebrew be here " hard and unnatural," light is shed upon it from other parts of Scripture where a similar Hebrew expression is found: cf. 1 Chron. xviii. 10; 2 Sam. viii. 10, where tniin of Ihe wars of Tou, means the man who wagt'S war witli Tou. And finally, the text as it stands is .■•ufriciently clear; while, historically, it is far more significant than that which it is proposed to substitute for it. The latter point is well illustrated by Miehaelis.^ (2.) The second instance is i. 3.'i (cf. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 3), nal tmeaT-naiv aSnhv 0ainKevs Aiyiiir- Tov rov fiii 0airt\fvfii' iv 'IfpouaaK-fi/j.. The translation of the Hebrew here is as follows: "and the king of Egypt put him down [removed him] at Jerus.alem." It is supposed that the 1 Anmerk. zum Ez., p. 40. 2 VA Anmerk. zu?n 2len Buck d. Oironik, p. 296. THE FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS. t)7 word ?[bSiJw has fallen out from the present text, but was to be found in that used by our author. It might be granted that the passage would read more smoothly if this word were to be admitted; and also, as is maintained, that it is ordinarily found in connection with similar expressions in the Scriptures. But, on the other hand, these two reasons would, nndoubtedly, have had great weight with the author of our book to lead him to introduce the word into the text if he did not find it there, while the exceedingly faulty rendering of the immediate context shows that he did not scruple to make any changes which seemed best to him. Still more to the point is it, however, that the LXX. has interpolated in the preceding verse in 2 Chron. a passage from 2 Kings xxiii. 33, which ends with the very expression be- fore us, namely, tou /*)) $a] was before it, rather than that of the extant text Tf^"! DtT- Its translation is koI avKiaSth ejcei, "and remained [lodged] there." It must be ad- mitted that the two Hebrew words have a very close resemblance, and might easily be mistaken for one another; also that by substituting the former for the latter, a smoother sentence would be secured. On the other hand, the current text of the LXX., which translates tlio Hebrew by (tal iiroiifiBi) tKil, might easily have suggested to our author the iilea, especially as the very same wonl, i-aopeie-ri, occurs in the preceding line. At least the immediate repetition of the same thought in the Hebrew, supposing its present form to be genuine, would furnish I Com. ad toe. 2 Cam. zum 2len Biuti <1. Clironitc, ad lot. 8 flic GcKhicM. Buchtr d. Ail. Tesl., p. 183. 68 THE APOCRYPHA. an occasion not likely to be left unimproved by our author for exercising his talent for con- traction, or making a paraphrase, and the context might easily suggest to him the form which he has adopted. Still, the repetition of a thought in this manner would be no sufficient reason for distrusting the genuineness of the passage (cf. vers. 5, G, and 1 Sam. ii. 14). De Wctte's rule for determining the true reading where the MSS. of the New Testament dififer, is certainly quite as applicable in many of the cases of variation found in the present book. He says, " That reading to which the origin of the others may be traced, is the original. The more obscure and difficult reading is to be preferred to the clearer and easier; the harder, elliptical, Hebraizing, and ungrammatical, to the more pleasing and grammatical the sliorter, to the more explanatory and wordy.' (7.) The next passage cited is ix. 16 (cf. Ez. x. 16). It is held that our author read ib bi:;-"!, koI fTrtAe'loTo eaur^, instead of !lb"T3*1. Undoubtedly the extant Hebrew is corrupt. But only the copula 1 is wanting before the word CK'^S to restore what seems to be tlie correct reading ; and since all the old versions, with the exception of the Syriac, supply this copula in rendering the passage, it is quite unnecessary to resort to the theory proposed. (8.) Once more, it is said by Fritzsche, in his Introduction to this book (p. 7), that the readinn- in Neh. viii. 9, where Ezra and Nehemiah are represented as prosecuting a common work in Jerusalem at the same time, is historically improbable; and he would, therefore, adopt the reading found in 1 Esd. ix. 49 as the correct one. But, in the first place, the read- ino' of our book is not such that the statement made in the book of Nehemiah is denied; nor is another statement made which is irreconcilable with it. In the Greek Ezra the whole pas- sage is not given. The title of the satrap of Syria is given, but not, as in the canonical book, the name of the person who held the office. From this silence of our author it would seem to be too weighty an inference which Fritzsche would draw. And secondly, to characterize as historically improbable the opinion that the work of Ezra and Nehemiah in Jerusalem was for a certain period of their lives contemporaneous is allowing too little weight to a theory which, according to Nagelsbach (Herzog's Real-Encyk., iv. 173), is held by a majority of Biblical students.'' We adil a few more examples of a supposed superior text in 1 Esdras, which liave been noted by Bertheau. At Ez. viii. 3, this critic would punctuate as at 1 Esd. viii. 29, by which the phrase ''of the sons of Shechaniah " is connected with Hattush, and forms the conclusion of ihe second verse. This is also the view of the Speaker^s Com., it being based on 1 Chron. iii. 22, where a Hattush is mentioned, who is the grandson of Shechaniah. But in order to make the latter passage of value for this place, it should state that Shechaniah was "of the sons of Hattush," which it does not do. He is said to be " of the sons of Shemaiah." See on the contrary, the other cases in verse second. It is more probable, as Fritzsche and others suppose, that a word has fallen out of the Hebrew text, and the arrangement in 1 Es- dras is simply an effort to smooth over the difficulty. At Ez. iii. 3, again, Bertheau would alter the Hebrew to conform with the text of the apocryphal work (v. 48 f.), which represents that enemies came upon Israel while they were erecting an altar, but that the latter were able to carry out their intention because a fear of the Lord fell upon the heathen. In the Hebrew it is represented that the fear was on the part of the Israelites, a fear of the heathen round •ibout them, this causing them to hasten their work. But it is plain, as Fritzsche, Keil, and others have shown, that it was simply a failure to understand the Hebrew that led our com- piler to make this change.^ Still further, at Ez. vi. 15 we read according to the Hebrew text, " And this house was finished on the third day of the month Adar." With this the LXX. agrees. Our book on the other hand (vii. .5), has " on the twenlij-third day of the month Adar." The latter, as Bertheau maintains, is the original reading. His reasons are that it is not likely that the compiler of this book would change the number 3 to 23, because it might seem to him better to suppose th.at the feast of dedication lasted eight days (cf. 1 Kings viii. 60; 2 Chron. xix. 18), and he would thereby just fill out the last eight days of the Jewish year. Bat just that is most likely. It accords perfectly well, in character, with other changes that are made by the sompder in different parts of the work and with the spirit of the whole. 1 Inlroit. to New Test. fFrothingham'fl trans.), pp 80, 81. 2 Cf. on the subjwt, Winer's Renlwurtert. art. " Neh." ; Hiirernick, Einleit., ad loc. ; Henfeld, ii. S5 ; Vaihiogei Slud. !/. Kril. 186J, p. 122 S ; Ebrard, Ulud. u. Kril. 1847, p. 679 f. ; Bwald, GesMc/it- it. 188-213. 8 Cf Kos A. V. : spake unto (see Com. in loc.]. 6 the holy ministers (Old Lat. — MS. Colbert. — sacrLi serins) of Israel, that (A^y should. ^ to set (see Cotii.). Ver. 4. — ^A. V : the ark (Old Lat. — Cod. Colbert.^ Ec dixit : Non portabitis arcam in humeris). « now there- fore (Gr., icai vvv, but yvv ovv, 108.). ^ prepare you (Gr. erot/ido-aTe). *" kindreds (Gr., to? ifruAas). Ver. 5. — " A. V. : as David the king of Israel prescribed (Gr., Kara ttjv ypa'f>^t', etc.). ^ several dignity of the fam- ilies of you (see Com.}. ^ who minister — offer the passover in order. The words ev rdfei should be joined to what precedes and not to Bvaare. Ver. 7. — "A. V. : was found there (see Com). ^^ of the king's allowance {see Com.). ^o as he promised (Gr. Kar' iwayytKiav), to the people, to the priests and to the Levites (44. 74. al. Aid. read rots AevtVais). Ver. 8. — " A, V. : Uelkias. ^8 For Su^Ao?, XI. 65. have HtnnjA ; II. III., Hot^jjAos- Ver. 9. — " A. V : Jeconiaa and Samaias. ^ Assahias. 21 captains over thousands. Ver. 10. —22 A. V. : when these things were done. The Codd. III. XI. 62. and many others, with Co. and AM , hav« fovTiAiv yfvofi.9tm¥ for TavTa To. ■y«fd^te»'a. See Com. ^ A. V. : in very comely order (Gr., cvirpen-i? ; 64., evrpen-wt) 1 ESDRAS. tribes,^ and according to the order of fathers' families,^ before the people, to offer to the Lord, as it is written in the book of Moses ; and thus did they in the morn- 12 iug.' And they roasted the passover with fire, as is fitting;^ and the sacrifices 13 they boiled^ in brass pots and pans with pleasant odor,^ and carried out to' all the people. And afterwards they prepared for themselves, and for the priests their 14 brethren, the sons of Aaron. For the priests offered the fat pieces ^ until night ; and the Levites prepared for themselves, and the priests their brethren, the sons of 15 Aaron. The holy singers also, the sons of Asaph, were in their allotted place,^ according to the appointment of David, and ^^ Asaph, Zacharias, and Eddinus," who 16 were appointed masters of song by the king.'- And '^ the porters xvere at every gate ; it was not necessary " for any to turn aside from his daily service," for their breth- 17 ren the Levites prepared for them. And the service of sacrificing to the Lord 18 was brought to a conclusion on " that day, that they might hold the passover, and offer sacrifices upon the altar of the Lord, according to the commandment of king 19 Josias. And " the children of Israel who '* were present held the passover at this " 20 time, and the feast of unleavened* bread seven days. And such a passover had not 21 been ^' kept in Israel since the time of the prophet Samuel. And no king of Israel had held"- such a passover as Josias, and the priests, and the Levites, and the Jews, 22 held with all Israel that were found dwelling at Jerusalem. In the eighteenth 23 year of the reign of Josias was this passover kept. And the works of Josias were 24 iijiright before his Lord with a heart full of godliness. And also what relates to him was ^^ written in former times, concerning those that had sinned,^ and been ungodly towards -^ the Lord above every other '■"' nation and kingdom,'^ and grieved him exceedingly ; and "'' the words of the Lord were fulfilled upon ^ Israel. 25 And ^° after all these acts of Josias it came to pass, that Pharaoh the king of Egypt came to make "' war at Charcamys on the ^- Euphrates ; and Josias went 26 out against him. And ^ the king of Egypt sent to him, saying. What have I to 27 do with thee, O king of Juda;a ? I am not sent out from the Lord God agamst thee, for my war is upon the'''' Euphrates; and now the Lord is with me, and^^ the Lord who is with me is a hastening Lord. Stand aside «« and be not against the 28 Lord. And ^^ Josias did not turn himself on his chariot,''* but undertook to fight with him, not regarding the words of the prophet Jeremias from ^ the mouth of the 29 Lord, but joined battle with him in the plain of Mageddo ; ^ and the princes came 30 down to ■•' king Josias. And the king said *- unto his servants. Carry me away out of the battle, for I am very weak. And immediately his servants removed hhn 31 from the line of battle." And he mounted " his second chariot, and being brought 32 back to Jerusalem died, and was buried in his fathers' sepulchre. And throughout Ter. 11.— lA.V. : kindreds (cf. Ter. 4). ^ seTeral dignities of the fathers. » The Tersion of 1611 has in the margin, as an altematiTe translation, instead of " and thus in the morning," " and so cf the bullocks," -|,"53 being read for ~)pil. Cf. the Heb. at 2 Chron. xxxt. 12, and the Com. below, in loc. Ver. 12.-«A.V.: appertaineth (Gr. «afl^«€0. " M for the sacrifices, they sod them. • with a good savour Imarg., with good speed, or witlingltj; Old Lat., cum benevokntia). Ver. 13. — 7 A. V. : set them before (Gr., airtiveyKav). Ver. U. — »A. V. : fat(Gr.,Ti', etc-). Ver! 17. — w A. V. : Thus were the things that belonged to the sacrifices of the Lord accomplished in Ver. 19. — " A. V. : So. "which. '« that (Gr., tovtu). m sweet. Ver. 20. — ^' A. V. : was not (see Com.). Ver. 21. — " Tea, all the kings of Israel held not. Literal, excepting " Yea," but stiff. Ver 24 — »A V. : As for the lAin«-s that came to pass in his time, they were. M thai sinned (see Cbm.) "did wickedly against (see Com.). =« all. >' people and kingdoms. "■' and how they grieved him exceedingly, so that [see Com.). 2e rose up against (see Com.). „,.,„, .n ... j >u — Ver. 25.— »A. V.: Now. 3i raise. '« Carchamis upon E. Kapxaiivt, XI. 44. 64. 71. |4. and others. Ver. 26.— ss A. v.: But. ^ ^ ^^ , r^ s Ver. 27. —^ A. V. : omits the. "■ yea. »« the Lord is with me hasting me forward : depart from me (see com.). Ver! 28! —s' a! V. ; Howbeit. '« back his chariot from him (see Com.). se jeremie spoken by. Ver. 29. — « A. V. : Magiddo (see Com.). *' came against (see Com.). Ver. 30. — « A. V. : Then said the king. " took him away out of the battle (Gr., iirb Ttfi irapnTafeiut). Ver 81 — « A V. : Then g»t he up upon. That II. also, as Fritzsche's apparatus (following Holmes and Parsons! Slates! with XI. (by a second hand) 44. 58. and others, supports the reading {eiirtpo^ instead of Sevrsoio^ is not shown by the/ae-aif/ii/e edition of this MS. by Vercellone and Cozza. 74 THE APOCRYPHA. Judaea ' they mourned for Josias ; and Jeremias ^ the prophet lamented for Josias, and the chief ryien with the women made lamentation for him unto this day ; and it was ordered that this should become a perpetual observance for all the race ' 33 of Israel. But these things* are written in the book of the histories^ of the kings of Judah. and every one of the acts that Josias did, and his glory, and his understanding in the law of the Lord, and the things that he had done before, and the things now recited, are reported in the book of the kings of Israel and Judah." 84 And they of the nation ' took Jechonias * the son of Josias and declared ' him 35 king instead of Josias his father, when he was twenty and three years old. And he reigned in Israel ^^ and in Jerusalem three months. And then the king of Egypt 36 deposed him from reigning in Jerusalem. And he set a tax upon the nation " of an 37 hundred talents of silver and one talent of gold. The king of Egypt also declared *^ 38 king Joacim his brother king of Judsea and Jerusalem. And Joacim bound the 39 nobles and seized Zaraces his brother, '' and brought him out of Egypt. Five and twenty years old was Joacim when he was made king of Judsa and Jerusalem ; " 40 and he did evil before the Lord. But '^ against him Nabuchodonosor the king of Babylon came up, and bound him with a chain of brass, and carried him unto Baby- 41 Ion. Nabuchodonosor also took some of '" the holy vessels of the Lord, and carried 42 them away, and deposited them '" in his temple ^' at Babylon. But those things that are related of him, as well of liis vmcleanness as his impiety,'' are written in the chronicles of the kings. 43 And Joacim his son reigned in his stead ; indeed, when he was appointed he 44 was ■^ eighteen years old. And he reigned ^' three months and ten days in Jerusa- 45 lem, and did evil before the Lord. And ^'-^ after a year Nabuchodonosor sent and brought him unto ^° Babylon with the holy vessels of the Lord, and declared Sede- 46 cias ''* king of Judaea and Jerusalem, when he was one and twenty years old. And 47 he reigned eleven years ; and he did evil also in the sight of the Lord, and cared not for the words that were spoken tmto him by the prophet Jeremias ■^ from the 48 mouth of the Lord. And notwithstanding that -^ king Nabuchodonosor had made him swear by the name of the Lord, he forswore liimself, and rebelled ; and harden- 49 ing his neck, and his heart, he transgressed the laws of the Lord God of Israel. And the leaders -'' also of the people and of the priests did many ungodly deeds, even beyond all the pollutions of all the heathen, and defiled the holy temple of the 50 Lord, in -* Jerusalem. And '■^ the God of their fathers sent by his messenger to 51 call them back, because he showed indulgence to them and his tabernacle.^" But they had his messengers in derision ; and in the day that the Lord spake,^' they 52 made a sport of his prophets, so far forth, that he was wroth with his people on account of their ungodliness, and determined to bring the kings of the Chaldees ^* Ver, 32. ^' A. v. : in aU Jewry. - yea, Jeremie. ^ this was given out far an ordinance to be done continuaUy in all the nation of. Ver 3.3. — ^ A. V : these things. ^ stories. 8 Judea. Ver 34. — ' A. V. ; And the people (Gr., ol e/c tov, etc.) « Joachaz (so 44. 52. and others, with Aid. ; m., Ioaxas}. ^ made (Or., ai/tSei^ai'). Ver. 35. — ■" A. V. : Judea. Uod. III. with some others, has loiiSa tor Iing the spelling of proper names, simply to give them a form in English correspondinL^ as closely as possible to that wliich they have in the Greek text which we follow. ( )n"the general subject of the proper names of the English version, "ee interesting remarks by Light- foot, A Fresh Revis., etc., p. 146. — Chiliarohs. The word x'^'ocx"' i* probably to be understood here in the general sense of leaders, chiefs. Ver. 10. A. V. : 'When these things were done, TaCro ra y(ii6iuva. Nominative absolute (si'e Winer, pp. 181, 574), and to be construed with what precedes; or better, taking account of the article, with what follows : and this is what took place. — Kal olJtojs rh irpoi'iv6v, and thus in the morning, that is, thus they offered sacrifice in the morning; or iAonauTtuyna is to be supplied after TTpwiv6y, and thus [th^^ij offered) the inorninej sacri- jice. Gaab would translate, and so — that is, after these arrangements — appeared the morning ; meaning the morning of the day on which the paschal lamb was to be eaten. Ver. 12. In brass pots. More likely copper or bronze (xa^K^y KiKpap.4vos) , a compound of copper and tin. See art. " Metalle " in Schenkel, Btb. Lex. — Mer' (ua>S(a!, with pleasant odor. Trendelenberg (Eichhorn, Einleit. in d. Apok., p. 364) and others think the translator mistook the Hebrew word, and that the proper rendering would have been, with joy. Fritzsche dissents. Cf. Text. Notes, Eph. v. 3. Ver. 15. Sons of Asaph; i.e., sons with ref- erence to employment. — Eddinus. In the A. V. this word is improperly rendered by the corre- sponding one at 2 Chron. Doubtless the same person is meant. He was master of song in the tabernacle, along with Asaph and Hemau, at the time of David. See 1 Chron. xxvi. 1 ; 2 Chron. v. 12. Our text, moreover, has Zacharias where we should have expected Neman. Gaab (Com., ad loc.) suggests the ]iossibility that one and the same person had both names. It is quite as likely to have been a c;ise of careless writing, Zacharias having been suggested by I Chnui. xv. 20. But cf. 1 Chron. xv. 19. — AVho were (appointed masters of song) by the king. See, for a similar construction of the (ireek ol wapa rtiv &ain\fu>s, 1 M;tcc. xv. 15; xvi. 16; and cf. Winer, p. .365. .See also 2 Chron. xxxv. 15. Ver. 17. 'Axfl'i'"'!, that they might hold. — The infinitive can be used as geuitive, both with and without the article. See Winer, p. 326 ; and cf. Buttmann. pp. 261-266. Ver. 19. Cf. Luke xxii. 1 : ri (oprri tuv a^vfiav. Ver. 20. See Winer's remark on the use of the aorist for the pluperfect, p. 275 ; Buttmann, p. 199 f. Cf. Luke vii. 1 ; .John xi. 30. Ver. 21. 'El' rp KaroiKriiret. The phrase is to be construed as in apposition with iu 'Ifpoua-aX'fiii. The political distinction, moreover, indicated by 01 'lovSaiot as over iigainst ttos 'l(rpo^)\ is not to be overlo<3ked, the latter meaning the remnant of the ten tribes. Ver. 23. 'Ey Kupil^ irX'qpei, with a heart full ; i.e , his heart being full, or, in that his heart was full. Ver. 24. Been ungodly towards. See ver. 49. With the Greek cf. 2 Pet. ii. 6 ; Jude, ver 15. — Xlapa TrSi' eSi'os, above every other nation. Cf. Luke xiii. 2, ami Winer, p. 404. — The com- mon text has Kal & (Kmr\(Tav, and concerning the things which grieved. With Fritzsche, however, following IL and 44. we have omitted the relative. — 'Avfo-TTicai', rose up against ; i. e., were fulfilled upon. See 1 Kings xiii. 2 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 16. So the LXX. at Gen. iv. 8 renders bs raJ7. Cf. Mark iii. 26. Wahl (Clams, ad voc.) comments: " De minis divinis quce, dum rates fiunt, surgere dicuntur enl 'l(Tparj\." Ver. 25. iiapadc. This is a Coptic word, and signifies king, and was the usual title for the rulers of Egypt. The Hebrew at this point has properly left out the word, giving only Necho (■133). Manetho calls him Nechao ; Herodotus, Neco : and the monuments, Neku. See Rawlin- son, Histor. Ev., p. 125. — Charcamys. This seems not to be the Cercusiura of the Greeks, as most authorities bold, but a place situated higher up on the Euphrates, and occupying the site of the later Hierapolis. Its importance was due to the fact that it commanded the passage of the river at this point. The name signifies " the Fort of Chemosh," Chemosh being the well-known deity of the Moabites. See Rawlinson, Ancient Hon., ii. 475 ; and Schrader, Keitinschriften, p. 250. Ver. 26. 'What have I to do with thee ? Lit., What is to me and to thee? Cf. 2 Sam. xvi. 10; Matt. viii. 29. Ver. 27. Sent out from the Lord God. It is not likely, as Keil supposes, that he means Je- hov.ah, unless he spoke from the point of view of Josiah. The Egyptians also, to a certain degree, acknowledged a single supreme being who in- spired their actions. An inscription, supposed to have been made b. c. 750, ascribes the following language to Piankhi, one of the Egyptian kings : " Didst thou not know that the Divine shade was over me 1 I have not acted without his knowl- edge. He commanded my acts." See Bib. Com. at 2 Chron. xxxv. 21 ; Rawlinson, Histor. Ev., p. 147 f. ; and Hitzig, Geschichte,-p. 268. — 'Eirl ylip Tov Ev(l>paTou, upon the Euphrates ; i. e., against the Babylonian forces on the Euphrates. For further explanation, see our Introd. to this book, under "Sources of the work," etc. — Is hasten- ing ; or, is a hastening Lord. The Greek is : Kal Kvpios fji^r' 4fj.oii eTrth the difficulties of the passage, to some extent, by the translation given above. To make it, however, at once iutelligible and historically credible seems, under present circumstances, a hopeless task. See Josephus (Antiq., x. 5, § 2), who says that Jehoahaz died in Egypt ; also, Ewald, Hist, of Is., iv. 251 ; 2 Kingsxxiii. 34; Jer. xxii. 10-12; Ezek. xix. 4. It h/is been sug- gested that tIij' a.Sf\(p6i' is repeated through mis- take from the preceding line, and that Ziiraces is a corruption for Urias, the well-known prophet of this period, whom Jehoiachini did bring back from Egypt and put to death in Jerusalem. See Smith's Bib. Diet., i. 945; cf. Jer. xxvi. 20-23. Ver. 40. Against him, fifr clutSv. This is an unusual meaning for/iera in prose. Cf., however, Horn., //., V. 152; xvii. 460. Other MSS., it will be observed, have e'lr/, which corresponds with the LXX. at 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6. — Nabuohodono- sor. This spelling better represents tlie oriiriual Hebrew than the common one The mo.st correct form, however, according to Ewald, is N'abuehod- rozzor. Hist, of Is., iv. 256, note. — With a chain of brass. See ver. 12, above. For a simi- lar u.se of the preposition iv, see LXX. at Jer. Hi. 11, and Ecclus. x.xviii. 19. Respecting the state- ment made, cf. 2 Kings xxiv. 6; Jer. xxii. 19, xxxvi. 30; Ezek. xix. 8,9. The most probable supposition is that Nebuchadnezzar did not fulfill his intention of carrying the captive king to Baby- lon, or, if he did so, afterwards restored him to Jerusalem ; where, on account of a subsequent rebellion, he was put to death, and his remains ignoniiniously treated by the Babylonians, though afterwards interred in the burying-place of Ma- nasseh. But see Ewald, Hist, of Is., iv. 262. Ver. 41. In his temple at Babylon. See Dan. i. 2. Probably the magnificent temple of Bel us, whose ruins still remain, is meant. Ver. 48. Joacim, i.e., Jehoiachin. — Eighteen years old. The text, rec, with II., has okt<<1. In 2 Chron. xxxvi 8, it is also said thiit Jehoiachin was eight years old at this time. But it is plainly an or- thographical error. The age is given as eighteen at 2 Kings xxiv. 8 ; and his character as described at Ezek. .xix. 5-9 clearly shows that he was some- thing more than a mere boy. Ver. 44. Three months and ten days. It will be noticed that our book follows the more definite account of 2 Chron. xxxvi. 9, instead of that in 2 Kings xxiv. 8, which gives the round number as three months. Ver. 45. After a year. The Hebrew is : at the return (or turn) of the year ; i. e., in the spring, when military campaigns were usually en- tered upon. Michaelis translates : at the end of the year, but says that he does not see clearly what is meant. He thinks, however, it means, after the summer heats were over. Ver. 46. Sedecias (Zedekiah). In the pas- sflge in 2 Chron. xxxvi. II we read: Zedekiah, his brother; i.e., brother of Jehoiachin. He was really his uncle. Michaelis thinks a word is missing from the Hebrew, and that the passage originally reai father's brother. But such a man- ner of speaking is not strange to the Bible. See Gen. xiv. 14. Indeed, the word "brother" is 8 THE APOCRYPHA. applied to any kinsman, — even to a husband, to one of tlie same tribe, to an ally, and to a fellow- roan. The occasion for the title here may have been that he wita of the same age as Jehoiacliin. Ver. 47. By the prophet Jeremias. See Jer. i. 8. Ver. 48. On the interch.tnffe of !nr6 and aW, see Winer, p. 370, note; Buttmann, p. 325. On the rebellion of Zedekiah, cf. Kwald, Hist, of Is.. iv. 264 ff. — Our translator renders by rif 6v6pMTi Kvpiov, in,stead of with the LXX. at 2 Cliron. xxxvi. 13, kutA toS Beov. Cf. Ezek. xvii. 12, 13, 18-20; xxi. if>. Ver. 49. UoWa rfo-f'^Tjo-av. Cf. ver. 24 : 7)cre- ^Tj/fdro)!/ els. Ver. 50. His messenger. Perhaps carelessly nsed for the plural, since the prophets are doubt- less intended ; or, the singular is to be understood collectively. Pellican thinks Jeremiah is espe- cially meant. Cf. Dahne, ii. 122, who is of the ojdnion that the text is corrupt. Ver. 51. 'EKTToi^oi/Tey toi/s irpoip-^ras. This verb usually governs the dative, which probably accounts for the reading tois irpo(f>i\rais found in some MSS. Cf. Gal. vi. 7. Ver. 53. 'Ei' (iof.i.(paia, with the sword. This preposition is often used in the LXX. and New Testament with the dative as denotinf; instru- ment or means, wliere in ordinary Greek writers the dative alone would be employed, through the influence of the Hebrew 3. See Winer, p. 388 ; Buttmann, p. 181. The reading TrapfSoiKai', which we find in our text, notwithstanding Fritz.sche's defense of it, there seems sufficient reason for changing. See ver. 56. Ver. 54. Tas ki^wtovs, the treasure chests, and hence, inferentially, the treasures. The Syriac and Old Latin (followed by the A. V.) versions understood the word to mean " ark of the covenant;" while the MSS. III. XI. 52. 58.64. and otliers, with Aid., have changed the text itself to harmonize with this erroneous view. Ver. 55. Kal iKvaav to tc^xt?, and demolished the walls. For this force of the verb, sec Horn., //., ii. 118; John ii. 19; Eph. ii. 14; and cf. Lange's Com., on Matt., ]). 110 ; Rev., p. 92. Vers. 57, 58. By the mouth of Jeremias. This prophet predicted seventy years of desola- tion. SeeJer.xxv.il; xxix. 10. According to the usual reckoning they were sixty-eight ; which is sufficiently exact, if we regard seventy its a round number. The idea which is here incorpo- rated with the prophecy — an indirect and distant, with a definite and near, prediction — comes from Lev. xxvi. 34. The meaning is that, inas- tnuch as the Hebrews, through the non-observance of the Sabbaths and sabbatic years, hiid deiirived the land of the rest intended for it by its Creator, this should now, by the banishment of its people, be .secured to it. We are not to demand (with Bertheau, Michaelis, and others) an exact chrono- logical coincidence. See Keil's Com. at 2 Chron. xxxvi. 21. It is the theological, not the chrono- logical, idea that predominates. That, however, the law of the sabbatical year had been violated, since the days of Moses, not far from seventy times, is quite likely. The edition of 1611 has in the margin : " or, h-ep snhhath." It is with refer- ence to the Hebrew and Greek at 2 Chron. xxxvi. 21, the latter being: r^v yriv ra cajS^ara oijttjs (ra/3/3aTiVai. The Old Lat. (by MS. Colbert.) has: *' dntipc separaret bene terra in sabbatis suis, omni tempore desolationis suae quo sabbatizavit, ad im- plelionem Ixx. annorum." Chapter II. 1 In the first year of Cyrus king of the Persians, that the word of the Lord might 2 be accomplished, that he had promised by the mouth of Jeremias,' the Lord awak- ened '^ the spirit of Cyrus the king of the Persians, and he made proclamation in 3 all his kingdom, and at the same time * by writing, saying, Thus saith Cyrus king of the Persians, The Lord of Israel, the most high Lord, hath declared ^ me king 4 of the whole world, and commanded me to build him a house at Jerusalem in 5 Judfea.^ If therefore there be any of you that are of his people, let his Lord ' be with him, and let him go up to Jerusalem that is in Juda2a, and build the house 6 of the Lord of Israel, for he is the Lord that dwelleth in Jerusalem. As many now, as dwell scattered in single places, each one of these let the people of his place 7 help ' with gold and with silver, with gifts, with horses, and with cattle, together with the rest of the things ^ which have been set forth by vow, for the temple of the Lord at Jerusalem. 8 And the chief of the respective families of the tribe of Judah and of Benjanain Ver. 1. — * A. V. : Jeremie. Ver. 2. — *A.V,: raised up. s through (Cod. II. omits ei/ before oAji ttJ j5.). * also (Gr., a/ia). Ver. 3. — » A. V. : made (Or., aviiei^e). Ver. 4. — " A. V. : Jewry. Ver.6. — ' A. V. : the Lord, efen his L. (a second itupiot is added by III. XI. 62. 248. Aid. and the Greelt Bibles of 1541 (Basle) and 1597 (Franllfort)). Ver. 6. — 8 A. V. : AVhoHoever then dwell in the places about, let them help him (those, I my, that are hi^ neighbors) Eee Cam. Codd. III. XI. 44. 248. and others, with Aid., omit the article before ron-ou?. Ver. 7. — "A. V. : and other t/iin^s (Or., oiiv roU oAAois toU, etc.). 1 ESDRAS. 79 resolved * — the priests also, and the Levites, and all they whose mind the Lord 9 had awakened,- to go up, and to build a house for the Lord at Jerusalem ; and they that dwelt round about them, helped with^ all things, with silver and gold, with horses and cattle, and with very many consecrated gifts * of a great number 10 whose minds were awakened.^ King Cyrus also brought forth the holy vessels of the Lord, which ^ Nabuchodonosor had carried away from Jerusalem, and had deposited 11 in the temple of his idol.' Now when Cyrus king of the Persians had brought 12 forth these things,* he delivered them to Mithridates his treasurer; and by him 13 they were delivered to Sanabassar the governor of Judasa. And this was the num- ber of them : A thousand golden cups, and a thousand of silver, censers of silver twenty nine, vials of gold tliirty, and of silver two thousand four hundred and ten, 14 and a thousand other vessels. And all ° the vessels of gold and of silver, which 15 were carried away, were five thousand four hundred threescore and nine. And they ^^ were brought back by Sanabassar, together with them of the captivity, from Babylon to Jerusalem. 16 But in the time of Artaxerxes king of the Persians, Bel emus, and Mithridates, and Tabellius, and Rathumus, and Beeltethmus, and Semellius the secretary, with the rest who were associated " with them, dwelling in Samaria and the other ^'^ places, wrote unto him against them that dwelt in Judaea ^' and Jerusalem the fol- 17 lowing letters :'^ To king Artaxerxes oj^r lord. Thy servants, Eathumus the chroni- cler,'' and Semellius the scribe, and the rest of their council, and the judges '^ 18 that are in Coelesyria and Phoenice." Be it now known to the lord the king, that the Jews that came up from you to us, have come to Jerusalem and build the re- bellious and wicked city, repair the marketplaces, and ^' the walls of it, and lay '* 19 the foundation of the temple. Now if this city be built and the walls completed'^ 20 they will not only refuse to give tribute, but also rebel against kings. And since the building of the temple is now going on,-' we think it meet not to neglect such 21 a matter, but to speak unto our lord the king, to the intent that, if it be thy pleas- 22 ure, it may be sought out in the books of thy fathers. And thou wilt ■'- find in the chi'onicles what is written concerning these things, and wilt -^ understand that that 23 city was rebellious, troubling both kings and cities ; and that the Jews were rebel- lious, and caused always sieges therein, for which very cause -■* this city was made 24 desolate. Wherefore now we do declare unto thee, O lord the king, that if this city be built again, and the walls thereof set up anew, thou wilt'^° from henceforth have no passage into Ccelesyria and Pho-nice. 25 Then the king wrote back to -" Rathumus the chronicler,^ to Beeltethmus. to Semellius the scribe, and to the rest that were associated, and dwelt "^ in Samaria 26 and Syria and Phcenice, after this manner : I have read the epistle which ye have Ver. 8. — lA. v. : Then the chief of the families of Judea and of the tribe of Benjamin stood up (see Com.) * moved (i)y«ip*, as at ver. 2). Ver. 9. — 3 A. V. : and helped tkem in. * free gifts (Gr., euxais). ^ were stirred up thereto. Fritzsche has inserted cai before KTr/veat, with III. XI. 58. and others. Ver. 10. — ^ A . V. : vessels, which. ' set up in his temple of idols (MS. Colbert., in templo idolorum). Ver. 11. — 8 A_ Y^ ; them forth. The support of II., cited by Fritzsche for Mi0pi6oT7), is con-ect as far as the spelling Mi9pt5. but a rko has been inserted, doubtless by mistake, thus : MtflpiipaTTj. At ver. 16, however, there was first written MtSpa5aTT)!, and as a correction some one has written an iota over the alpha, Ver. 14. — 0 A. V. : So aU. w Ver. 16. — • A. V. : These (8< overlooked). Ver. 16. — "A. v.: others that were in commission (Gr., ot AoijtoI oi — (rui/Tao-trojuiei'oi). ^ and other. ^3 Judea. " these letters following. For the common reading [naTiypa^av) II. III. 44. 55. have the singular, which Fritzsche alsc •dopts. Ver 17. — "■ A. V. : story-UT/ier. lo See Com. The words Ka\ Kpirai are not omitted in II., as stated in Fritzsche's •pparatus (following Holmes and Parsons), but only the (cat ; as also in 19. and the Old Lat. " Coelosyria and Fhe- nice. I shall hereafter change the spelling, as above, without further remark. Ver. 18. — 18 A. V. : are come — being come into J (that rebellious and wicked city ) do build the marketplaces, and repair. '» do lay. Ver. 19. — 20 A. V. : Now if tiiis city and the walls thereo/he made up again (Gr., ovvreXeirB^). Ver. 20. — 21 A. V. : forasmuch as the things pertaining to the temple are now in hand. It is literal, but not cleaj. Ver. 22. — =2 A. V. : Shalt. » ghalt. Ver. 23. — '^ A. V. : and raised always wars (Gr. woAtopifias avvLtrrafievoi. etc. ; see Com.) therein ; for the which cause even. Ver. 24. — ^ A..\.: up anew thou shalt. Ver. 25. — 2» A. V. : back again to. " storywriter. The Greek here is somewhat different from that at ver. 16, but the meaning is the same : "P. r^ -ypai^oiTi ra TTpoa-irtVTo».Ta (ver. 10 ; o Ta irpoffTriVTorTa). ^ A. \.: that were in ■ommission, and dwellers. 80 THE APOCRYPHA. sent unto me. Therefore I commanded to make diligent search, and it hath been found that that city was from ancient times acting in opposition to ^ kings ; 27 and that ^ the men therein were given to rebellion and war ; and that mighty kings and fierce were in Jerusalem, who reigned and exacted tributes in Coelesyria and 28 Phoenice. Now therefore I have commanded to hinder those men from building the city, and that care be taken that nothing take place contrary to this cominand,^ 29, 30 and that the evU * proceed no further to the annoyance of kings. Then Rathu- mns and Semellius the scribe, and those who were associated with them having read the letters of Artaxerxes,^ removing in haste towards Jerusalem with a troop of horse and foot ^ in battle array, began to hinder the builders ; and the building of the temple in Jerusalem ceased untU the second year of the reign of Darius king of the Persians. Ver. 26. — i A. V. : from the beginning practicing against {see Com.), Ver. 27. — ^ ^ y „mits that. Ver. 28. — * A. V.; heed be taken that there be no mor« done in it {Gr., KiLt, wpofojj^x'ai ona^ iir^hev Trapa TaCra yejTp-ai). Ver. 29. — * A. V. : that those wicked workers. Ver. 30. — ^ \. V. ; Then king A., his letters being read, Rathumus, and Semellius the scribe, and the rest that were in commission with them. * horsemen and a multitude of people (marg. : a great number of soldiers). The Greek if oxAov, and as joined with iTTTrou there can be no doubt of its meaning. Cf. Xen., Cyrop.^ v. 5. 4. Chaptek n. (Cf. Ez. i. 1-15; iv. 7-24.) Ver. 1. First year of Cyrus. His first year at Babylon is meant. — By the mouth of Jeremias. Cf. .ler. xxT. 11, 12 ; xxix. 10. It will be noticed that this verse and the two ne.xt following are to be found both at the end of 2 Chron. and at the beginning of Ezra, a fact which favors the theory that the two books were originally united in one. Ver. 3. The IJord of Israel, the most high liord. It is possible that in the Hebrew transcript of the Persian original of this document (Ez. i. 2), the name of Jehovah was substituted for that of Orm-izd. See Rawlinson, Ancient Man., iii. 348, where the language of this passage is compared with the oft-recurring formula of the Persian in- scriptions. Our translator, however, follows nei- ther the LXX. nor the Hebrew, at this point. Cf., also, vi. 31 ; viii. 19, 21, where he introduces the game change in the divine name. Dahne finds in this fact evidence that he was influenced by the Alexandrian philosophy. " Sehr angemessen be- dient sich unser Verfasser dieses Ansdrucks, ihn vorziiglich hervorhebeud, nur dann, wenn Aus- lander von dem Gotte der Israelitcri mit Verehrung redend eingefiihrt werden." ii. p. 121. Cf., how- ever, Fritzsche, Com., " Nachtrage." Ver. 6. Each one of these, let the people of his place. The Hebrews are particularly meant, but possibly also, others, since they miglit be ex- pected to sympathize, to some degree, in this noble enterprise of Cvrus. See Ewald, Geschichte d. Volk. Is., iv. 103. Ver. 7. Set forth by vow. This transhition seems intended to be explanatory. The original has only, with free-will offerinqs. The perfect par- ticiple is used to show that these things had been previously devoted to such a purpose. Ver. 8. KaTa<7TT]fTavT€s (III. XI. 64. : Karaardv- Tcs). Fritzsche would give to the word the sense of (hrldf'd, determined on. Only a part of the Jewish people embraced tlie opportunity offered by Cyrus. Josejihus {Antii/., xi. 1) says it was be- cause they were unwilling to relinquish the prop- erty which they had acquired in their banish- ment. Most of those who returned belonged to the tribes of Judali and Benjamin. See 1 Chron. ix. 3. Ver. 9. 'fls irXflffTait. On the force of is with the superlative, see Crosby's Greek Gram., p. 339, and Kriiger, xlix. 10. — cvxah, rendered free gifts in the A. V. ; better, consecrated gifts, offerings. See Horn., Od., x. 526; Acts xviii. 18; and cf. Trench, N. T. Sgn., Pt. 2, p. 1. _ Ver. 10. 'Ev ti} elSaXfltf auToZ. See 1 Mace. i. 47 {elSa\(7a, rendered in the A. V. "chapels of idols"), and 1 Cor. viii. 10, where we have in €iSw\eitfj KaraKfifievoy, '* sit at meat in the idol's temple." Ver. 11. Mithridates, i. e., given by Mithra. The Speaker's Com. (Ez. i. 8), finds in this name an indication that the worship of the sun by the Persians dates back at least to the time of Cyrus. Cf. also Gesenius, Heb. Lex., ad mc Ver. 12. Sanabassar. Doubtless this is a cor- rupted form of the Persian name of Zerubbabel. See Ez. i. 8; v. 16; Zech. iv. 9. Such a change of names was common, as is seen in the case of Daniel and his companions. The MSS. give dif- ferent forms of the word, an interchange of letters being a common fault of transcribers. See Frau- kel, Vorstud., p. 97. Ver. 13. A thousand golden cups. The word used to translate the Hebrew for cu])s is trirofSera, i. e., cups for drink offerings. The LXX. has tfnjKTTipei, " wine coolers." In Kz. i. 9 the trans- lation is " chargers." The Hebrew word occurs nowhere else. Ewald ( Geschichte d. Volk. Is., iv. 102) would render it by xipTaWos. This was a kind of basket, pointed at the bottom, and covered with network to let the smoke through. — Cen- sers, duiiTKat. At Ezra i. 9, the same Hebrew worcl is translated in the A. V., " knives." Ac- cording to Gesenius, it means a slaughter knife, .and was used for killing victims for sacrifice. The idea of gliding, passing through like a knife, char- acterizes the root. — Vials. At Ez. i. 10, the ren- dering is " basins." Cf. 1 Chron. xxviii. 17. Probably a larger kind of cup or bowl is in- tended. Ver. 14. On the discrepancy between the num- ber as here given and that given in the canonical Ezra, see remarks in our Introduction to the pres- ent book. Ver. 16. 'Ev Se tois ^irl 'Apra^fp^au. On the force of i-irl, in sucli a con.structiou, see Winer, p 392. — Fritzsche, with others, refeiring lo Jo- sephus {.\nliq., xi. 2. § 1 ), supposes that Cambyse» 1 ESDRAS. 81 must be indicated under this title, although ordi- narily pseudo-Smerdis is so called in the Book of Ezra. We must think, however, that Josephus is mistaken. In the preceding verse in Ezra (iv. 6), Ahasuerus, who is doubtless Cambyses, is men- tioned, while the second kinir named after him (iv. 2+) is Darius Hystaspis. Hence, the interven- ing one of the present verse, with a different title, should be, properly, pseuiio-Smerclis. The Per- sian kings often had several names. It is a strong incident:il support of this view that this pseudo- Smerdis, alone of the kings here concerned, was au opponent of the pure Persian religion, and it would not therefore be strange to find him ready te put a stop to a work of this kind at Jerusalem. — Belemus (Ez. iv. 7, Bishlam). In the LXX. Arabic and Syriac versions this was not regarded as a proper name, but translated in pt^ace. Rath- umus, the Rchuin of the Hebrew. — Beeltethmus. This word was misunderstood by the translator, and is rightly given at Ez. iv. 9, as the title of Kehum. This fact is noticed in the margin of the version of 1611. It means, literally, "lord of judgment," or " chancellor." The LXX. version makes the same blunder. Cf., also, vers. 17, 25 of this chapter, where our au t bor, curiously enough, escapes from his difficulty only to fall into it again. Josephus [Antig., x. 2), who generally follows the a[iocrvphal book, does not do so in this case. — SemeUius (Shimshai, Ez. iv. 8). He was the sec- retary of Rehum, the governor. By comparing our book at this point with the parallel account in Ezra, one of its most marked characteristics will be plainly observed, namely, its avoidance of cir- cumlocutions and difficult combinations for the sake of greater simplicity and clearness. This might certainly be regarded as a good trait in an author, yet scarcely to be commended in a trans- lator. But, obviously, the making of a transla- tion, good or bad, waa not the principal thing aimed at in our book. Ver. 17. The translation "judges" is falsely given here to a Heorew word which means Dina- ites. They were colonists from Dayan, a country on the borders of Cilicia and Cappadocia, often mentioned in the Assyrian inscriptions. See Ez. iv. 9. Ver. 18. From you to us. To be taken in a geographical sense. A proper pointing of the Greek requires that the words, that rebellions ana wicked city, should be made the object of oIko- 5o/ioii(ri. — Marketplaces. These were public places where things were exposed for sale, corre- sponding to the modern bazaar. See Winer, Real- wiirterb., under " Stadte." Ver. 20. Misled by a Chaldaic word, which might mean either palace or temple, the translator at this point has wandered far from his text, in order to make his version consistent with itself. Ver. 2 1 . Books of thy fathers. The Persians were accustomed to keep such records. See Diod. Sic, ii. 32 ; and Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., ii. 264 f. The word " fathers " must be used in a figurative sense, meaning " predecessors," espe cially if addressed to pseudo-Smerdis. Ver. 2.3. Caused always sieges {■7ro\iopittas). Their conduct, they would say, had been such that sieges from foreign powers had been contin- ually necessary. See ver. 27, and cf. 2 Kings xxiv. 1. Ver. 26. Acting in opposition to. This verb — ai/TiirapaTatrcrw — means to put one's self in a hostile attitude. It is meant that they had acted in a hostile spirit against kings. See 2 Mace. xiv. 29. Ver. 30. Removing, ava^fi^afTes, i. e., having yoked up again. The word is often used of armies. Herod., ix. 41, 58. Cf. viii. 61 of the present book, and 1 Mace. xi. 22. — Xlapara^is means some- times the line of battle, and sometimes is used in the more general sense of battle. The latter meaning seems preferable here. Cf. i. 30 ; Judith V. 23; vii. 11 ; Thucyd., v. 11. Chapter in. 1 And king Darius ' made a great feast unto all his subjects, even ^ unto all his 2 household, and unto all the princes of Media and Persia, and to all the governors and generals ' and toparchs * that were under him, from India unto Ethiopia, in the * 3 hundred twenty and seven provinces. And they ate, and drank, and being satisfied, went home. But * Darius the king went into his bedchamber, and slept, and awoke.' 4 Then the three * young men that were the king's body guard ^ spake one to an- 5 other, Let each one of us mention one thing that is mightiest and unto hitn whose sentiment^" shall seem wiser than the others, imto him shall the king Darius give 6 great gifts, and great tokens '' of victory : as, to be clothed in purple, and '- to drink in gold, and to sleep upon gold, and a chariot with gold-studded bridles,^^ and a 7 tiara of byssus," and a chain about his neck ; and he shall sit next to Darius because Ver 1. — >A.V.: Now when Darius reigned, he («a'i Poo-i'Aeviro! A., 64. 243. 24S. Aid.). > and («ai epexeget.). Ver. 2. — 8A, V. : captains. ^ lieutenants. ^ of an (Qr., ei* toIs). Ver. 3, — 8 A. V. : And when they had eaten (ical ore ttttayov, XI. 62. 58. with others, and Aid.) and drunken, and being satisfied were gone home, then (t6t€, XI. 52. 58. 248. Aid.). ' soon after awaked. The text. rec. has tauToO ifter KOiTuiya, but it has not the support of II. III. 44. 58. Ver. 4. — 8 A. V. : Then three. ^ of the guard that kept the king's body. Ver. 5. — *" A. V. : every one of U8 speak a sentence (Gr., Koyov, but here used ir.jefiuitely) : he that shall overcome, and whose sentence. n things in token. Ver. 6. — ^ A. \. omits and. '^ bridles of gold. " headtire of fine linen (Ql , pvcrcrtViji'). I thought it better to tansfer the word, as it refers to a certain kind of linen R 82 THE APOCRYPHA. 8 of his wisdom, and shall be called Darius's kiustnan.' And then each one wrot« 9 his sentiment,- sealed it, and laid it under king Darius's' pilloiv : and said,^ A^ hen the king is risen, one shall ^ give him what is written ; ° and of whom ' the king and the three princes of Persia shall judge that his sentiment ' is the 10 wisest, to him shall the victory be given, as agreed.^ The first wrote. Wine is 11 the strongest. The second wrote. The king is strongest. The third wrote, 12 Women are strongest; but above all ihivgs truth beareth away the victory. 13 And '° when the king was risen up, they took what was written,^' and delivered 14 it unto him, and he read it.'- And sending forth he called all the princes of Persia and Media, and the governors, and the generals,'^ and the toparchs,'* and the 15 chief officers, and seated himself in the council chamber ; and what was written 1 6 was '° read before them. And he said, Call the young men, and they themselves 17 shall make known their sentiments. And '^ they were called, and came in. And they " said unto them. Tell us concerning what is written. And the first began,'* 18 who hail spoken of the strength of wine ; and he spoke '^ thus : O ye men, how ex- 19 ceeding strong is wine ! It causeth all men to err that have drunk -° it. It maketh the mind of the king and of the fatherless child one mind ; -' both that of the bond- 20 man and of the freeman, of the poor '^' and of the rich. It turneth also every mind 21 towards ^ jollity and mirth, and one -* remembereth neither sorrow nor debt. And it maketh every heart rich, and one ^ remembereth neither king nor governor ; and 22 it maketh a man speak all things by talents. And when they are in their cups, 23 they forget to be friendly to friends ^° and brethren, and a little after draw their 24 swords. And when they have ^ risen from the wine, they remember not what they have done. O ye men, is not wine the strongest, seeing that it ^ enforceth to do thus ? And when he had so spoken, he held his peace. Ver. 7. — 1 A. V. : Darius his cousin. See Com, Ver. 8. — 2 A. V. ; every one wrote his sentence. ^ narius his. * said thai. Ver. 9. — ^ A. V.: is risen, some will. 6 the writings. 'whose side. 8 sentence. ^ was appointed- The •£ before 6 Aoyos is omitted by the Codd. XI. 44. and many others, with Aid. For cckos XI. 58. 64. 248. Aid. have vLktiilil. Cf. ver. 6, kiriviKiO.. Ver. 13. — '"A. V. : Now. u their writings. ^ the77i unto him, and so he read them. Ver. 14. — "A. V. : captains. i* lieutenants. The article of the text. ree. before o-arpairas is omitted in 11. III. XI. 65. The two following words, Kal uTpaniyovi;, are not found in 11. Ver. 15. — ^'•A. v.: sat him down in the royal seat of judgment (marg. : council); and the writings (ra ypaft^ara, 108.) were. Ver. 16. — " A. V. . they shall declare their own sentences. So. Cod. HI. and some others have tavrSiv for avruv after Ver. 17. — 1' A. V. : he (so 119. 243. 245. 248. Aid.). ^8 Declare unto us your mind concerning the writings. Then began the first. w said. Ver. 18. — =0 A. V. : drink [nCvovra^, instead of iriovra^, is supported by III. XI. 64. 24S. and others, with Aid.). Ver. 19. — =* A. V. ; to be all one (Gr., -n^v Sdvoiav fj.Cav]. 22 poor man. Ver. 20. — ^ A. V. : thought into. -■* so that a 7nan. Ver. 21. — -' A. V. : so that a man. Here and in the foUowing verse we find in n. for fiefivi]vTai the singular of th« same. Ver. 22. — -^ A. V. : their love both to friends. Ver. 23. — -" A. V. : but when they are. The reading yelTjeitnl' was adopted, but cannot be admitted, although sup- ported by some good authorities : III. XI. 44. 64. 71. 24S. and others, with Aid. Ver. 24. — M A. V. : that (Or., ori). Chapter III. (Cf. Josephus, Antiq., xi. 3 ff.) Ver. 1. And he made a great feast. We [ " But, after that he [Darius] had rested a little have the Greek e.N:ictly re)irofiuced in Luke v. 29 : ' part of the night, he awoke, and, not being able ^iro/Tjffe Soxhy fiiydXtjv. — Tuts o'lKoyfvfatv, house to tleep any more, he h'W into conversation with servants. Lit., those horn in the iiousf. Th' second Ka/ should lie taken epcxcgetically ; and in- deed, namely f even, Ver. 2. From India unto Ethiopia. Cf. Esth. 1. 1 ; viii. 9 ; Dan. vi. 1. Ver. 3. And awoke. Schlensner {Lex., ad voc.) and r-onic (jtliers wouM translate the words Ka\ e^vTTVos tyiveTo, and slept pTofoundly {in pio- fnndinn somnmn incidit). But, while this meaning might suit the context, it is not the natural and usuai meaning . 32. Vcr. 5. 2o(pu>T€pov Tov erepou. Lit., wiser than '.he other. The comparative is used for the super- lative. See Winer, p. 240; Buttmann, p. 8.3. Ver. 7. Darius'a kinsman. It is simjd)- au honorary title. See 1 Mace. x. 89; xi. 31; 2 Mace. xi. 1, 35; 3 JIaec. v. 39. Ver. 9. Three princes of Persia. Sec E^th. i. 14 in the Septuagiut virsiou ; also, viii. 11, he- low. There were seven leading princely families in Persia; tlie heads of which, a.s it is supi'O-ed, formed the council of the king. See Kawlinson, Ancient Hon., iii. 223. Either our tran.^l:uor knew of onlv three such princes, or this numlier m:iy have been selected in the present case with refer- ence to the number of contestants. Ver. 10. 'O els. Lit., the one. See, on this construction, Winer, p. 116; Buttnianu, pp. 30, 102 ; and cf. Matt. vi. 24 ; xxiv. 40 f. Ver. 14. Chief officers, viraTous. The terra was used by Latin writers (Polyb.) to designate consuls and prefects. Graetz (iii. p. 445, note) thinks that it furnishes a key to the time of the composition of the book. Vei'. 17. The reading is (tvay, the plural, and not the singular as rendered iu the A. V-, the spectators being meant. See Te.tt. ^nles. Ver. 18. Tiif Sidmav. We connect with what precedes, agreeable to the jjointing of Fritzsche's text: // seduces {deceives) the mind o J' every man icho drtnks it. Ver. 19, Fatherless child. Lit., orphan. It is used figuratively for what is weak, in contra- distinction to the king. Ver. 20. Cf., on the sentiment of the verse, Ps. civ. 15; Eccles. X. 19; Wisd. ii. 9; Ecclus. xiii. 8. Ver. 21. And it maketh a man speak all things by talents, Kai irdpTa Sia. Ta\di/Twv Trott; \a\e7v, i.e., causes that a person speak ;is though he had to do only with talents. Wahl remarks; " Efficit vinum, ut cujuscun(|ue condltionis homo loquatur pertalenta ; i. e., talentorum possessorem sese jactans = wie ein Miilionar." (C'lavis, p. 116.) Ver. 23. Bisen from the [sleep produced by] wine. See Text. Notes. Chapter IV. 1 And ^ the second, that had spoken of the strength of the king, began to speak.^ 2 O ye men, do not men excel in strength, that bear rule over sea and land, and all 3 things in tliem ? But ^ the king is more mighty, and is their lord,* and hath domin- 4 ion over them ; and whatsoever he commandeth them they obey.* If he bid them make war the one against the other, they do it ; and " if he send them out against 5 the enemies, they go, and demolish ' moimtains, and * walls, and towers. They slay and are slain, and transgress not the king's commandment ; if moreover, they get the victory they bring all to the king ; and if they plunder also, all the rest.' 6 And as many as are not soldiers,'" and have not to do with wars, but practice '^ hus- bandry, when they have reaped again that which they had sown, they bring it to 7 the king, and compel one another to pay tribute unto the king. And ^- he is only 8 one '* ; if he command to kill, they kill ; if he command to spare, they spare ; if he command to smite, they smite ; if he command to make desolate, they make deso- 9 late ; if he command to build, they build ; if he command to cut down, they cut 1 0 down ; if he command to plant, they plant. And the whole of his people '■* and his 11 armies obey him. Furthermore he reclineth,'" he eateth and drinketh, and taketh his rest, and these keep watch round about him, neither may any one depart, and 12 do his own business, neither disobey they him.'*' 0 ye men, how should not the king be mightiest, seeing that he is so ^'' obeyed ? And he was silent.'* 1 3 And '^ the third, who had spoken of women and the truth (that is Zoroba- 14 bel*) began to speak. O ye men, Is not the king great, and men many, and wine mighty ? -' Who is it, then, that ruleth them, or hath the lordship over Ver. 1.— ' A. v.: Then. ^ say. Ver 3. — 3 A. V ; But yet. * for he is lord of all these things (II. XI. 62. 64. and others, with Aid., read navjutv for attriv). " do (see Com.). Ver. 4. — " A. V. omits and (60- * break down (see Com.). 8 omits and. Ver. 5. — ^ A. V. : if they get the victory they bring all to the king, as well the spoils as all things else. The last tlause (Kai Ta oAAa jraira) might be rendered ; " and with respect to the rest they bring all." For Kai eav in the last clause but one, III. XI. 52. 61. and others, with Aid., offer Kac oo-a edv. Ver. 6. — ^^ A. V. ; Likewise for those that are no soldiers («ai oo-oi oy orpaTevovTat). " use. Ver. 7. — ^ A. V. : And yet. ^^ but one 7nan. The Greek is, Kai avrb? cU ^ofos iarCv. Ver. 10. — " A. V. : So all his people (Gr., Kai n-ds 6 Aaos aicov). ^ lieth down. Reclining at table is clearly meant 'avoKeiTatj. Ver. 11. "^ A. V. adds in any thing. Ver. 12. — •" A. V. : when (Gr., Srt) in such sort he is. la held his tongue (Or., eViyijcrev). Ver. 13. —"A V.:Then. ™ women and o/ the truth (this was Z.). Ver. 14. — 21 A_ V. : it is not the great king, nor the multitude of men, neither is it wine that excelleth. The Greek iS, ay&pei (III. 64- 248. Aid. prefix Si], ov /xeyos o ^acriAtvs, etc., with an interrogation at the end of the list. Junius haa " 0 viri, non Rex maximus, noo hominum multitudu, noii viuum est fortiesimum." 64 THE APOCRYPHA. 15 them? Is it not' women? Women gave birth to'' the king and all the people 16 that bear rule by sea and land. Even of them were they born;^ and they brought up the very planters of * the vineyards, from whence the wine cometh 17 These also make the garments of the ^ men; and these bring glory unto the 18 men ; ^ and without women men cannot exist.' If moreover, they ' have gathered together gold and silver, and any ' goodly thing, and they see one woman comely 19 in form and featm-e,'° letting all those things go, they have a great desire for her, and with open mouth they gaze at her ; and all 7nen prefer her rather than 20 silver or gold, or any goodly thing.'' A man leaveth his own father that brought 21 liim up, and his own country, and cleaveth unto his wife. And he remains by his 22 wife until death,'- and remembereth neither father, nor mother, nor country. By this also you should '^ know that women have dominion over you : do ye not labor 23 and toil, and give and bring all to women ? '* And '^ a man taketh his sword, 24 and goeth forth on a raid,'^ to rob and to steal, to sail upon the sea and upon rivers ; and looketh upon the " lion, and goeth in the darkness ; and when he hath 25 stolen, and spoiled, and robbed, he bringeth it to his love. And '* a man loveth 26 his wife better than father or mother. And '^ many there be that have lost^ 27 their wits for women, and become servants for their sakes. Many also have per- 28 ished, and -' have erred, and sinned, for women. And now do ye not believe me ? 29 is not the king great in his power ? Do not all lands "^ fear to touch him ? I saw him '^ and Apame, the king's concubine, the daughter of the admirable Bar- 30 tacus, sitting at the right hand of the king, and taking the crown from the king's 31 head, and setting it upon her own head ; she also struck -* the king with Iter left hand. And furthermore,^ the king gazed -^ upon her with open mouth ; if she smQed upon him, he laughed; and if she took any displeasure at him, he flat- 32 tered her, that she might -' be reconciled to him again. 0 ye men, how can it be but that women are '•'* strong, seeing they do thus ? 33 And then -^ the king and the princes looked one upon another ; and ^° he began 34 to s]3eak of the truth. O ye men, are not women strong ? Great is the earth, and '*' high is the heaven, and '■ swift is the sun in his com-se, for he turneth in the 35 circle of the heaven and returneth '^ again to his own place in one day. Is he not great that doeth '^^ these things? And '^ great is the truth, and stronger than all 36 things. All the earth calleth the '" truth, and the heaven blesseth it ; and '' all 37 works shake and tremble at it,^" and with it is no unrighteous thing. Wine is un- righteous, the king is unrighteous, women are unrighteous, all the children of men Ver. 14. 1 are they not. Ver. 15. — • A..V,: have borne {Bee Com.). Ver. 16. — 3 A. V. : came they. * nourished them that planted. The context requires the idea of *' to bring up from a child," and it is found in the Terb i^iSpe^av. Ver. 17. — £• A. V. : garments for. « these bring (so Junius) .... unto men. ' be. Ver. 18. — 8 A. V. : Yea, and if men. ^ or any other. i" do they not love a woman which is comely in favor and beauty ? (III. 68. 64. 119. 243. 248. Aid. read oix' ayairiirii' for jtul ISuo-i). Ver. 19. — " A. V. : And letting all those lliings go, do they not gape and even with open mouth fii their eyes fast upon her; and have not all 7nen more desire unto her Ctl.ytvavTJj) than unto silver or gold, or any goodly thing what- Boever. The reading Kai at the beginning of the verse is found in II. XI. 243. 245. Aid., but not in the text. r«., and li obviously out of place. Ver. 21. — '- A. V.: He sticks not to spend his life with his wife (see Com.). Ver. 22. — '3 A. V. : must. " the woman. Ver. 23. — ^^ A. V. : Yea. w and goeth his way. Cod. II. also, as well as the authorities cited by Fritzsche (III 44. 64. 74. 106. 108. and others), omits the article before avdfmitoi. For €ioS€ve^v kcu III. XI. 68. Aid. have «U cfofit'ov old Lat. (MS. Colbert.), obsidere in viam. Ver. 24. '^ A. V. : a. Ver. 25. — '^ A. V. : Wherefore. Ver. 26. — '^ A. V. : Yea. 2o run out of (marg. : grown desperate). The Greek is, a.iT€vQi\&r\iTav Toi« i5toK fitoroiais. Ver. 27. — " A. V. omits and. Ver. 28. — « A. V. : regions (Gr., xip^O- Ver. 29. —^ A. V. : Yet did I see. For ^opraKov, Josephus (Anliq., xi. 3, § 6) has "PoPefcucov, and the Syriac 'ApraKou 'p^"1t.^) suggesting ArtachaeuB, a general of Xerxes. Ver. 30. — " A. V. : Strooke. Ver. 31. — 2« A. V. : yet for all this (marg. : hereat). The Greek is jrpb? tovtois, as at ver. 10. 20 a. V. • gaped and lazed. " if Bhe laughed upon him, he laughed aUo ; but if she took any displeasure at him, the king was fain to flatter ■hat she might be, etc. For n-pofryeXaaT], II. 66. have the less appropriate yeAacrjj. Ver. 32. — ^ A. V. : but women should be. Ver.33. — 2S A. V. : Then (71. omits «ai). ™ 80. Ver. 34. — " A. V. omils and. " omits and. >' for he compasseth the heavens round about, and fetcheth bk SOUFBe. Ver. 35. ^^ A. V. ; niaketh (see Com.]. ^c therefore. Ver. 36. "■ .^ V. : upon (marg. : praiseth, Bee Com.) the. " omits and. " at it. 1 ESDUAS. 85 are unrighteous, and all their works are unrighteous,' — yea, all things that are such, 38 and truth is not in them ; and through their unrighteousness they perish.^ Yet tha 39 truth abideth, and is for ever strong ; and it livetb and ruleth ^ for evermore. And * with her there is no accepting of persons and no making of distinctions ; ^ but she doeth the things that are just, arid refraineth from all unjust and wicked things ; 40 and all men take pleasure in ' her works, and there is nothing unrighteous in her judgment.' And she is the strength, and the * kingdom, and the ' power, and the " majesty, of all ages. Blessed he the God of the " truth. 41 And he ceased speaking.'" And thereupon all the people shouted, and then said,'' 42 Great is the " truth, and mighty above all things. Then said the king unto him, Ask what thou wilt above what is in the writings,'^ and we will give it thee, accord- ing as '^ thou art found wisest ; and thou shalt sit next me, and shalt be called 43 my kinsman." Then said he unto the king. Remember thy vow, to build Jerusa- 44 lem which thou didst vow on '^ the day when thou earnest to thy kingdom, and to send away all the vessels that were taken away out of Jerusalem, which Cyrus re- moved,'^ when he vowed to destroy Babylon, and vowed ■'" to send them away ^' 45 thither. Thou also hast vowed to build up the temple, which the Edomites -^ burnt 46 when Judsea was made desolate by the Chaldees. And now, O lord the king, this is what I desire of thee and what I request of thee, and this is the great honor from thee : I pray, now, that thoii make good the vow, which with thy mouth thou hast 47 vowed to the King of heaven to perform.^ Then Darius the king stood up, and kissed him, and wrote letters for him unto all the treasurers and toparchs "■* and gen- erals '^ and governors, that they should give escort to ^^ him, and all those that went -' 48 up with him to build Jerusalem. He wrote letters also unto the toparchs "* tliat were in Ccelesyria and Phoenice, and unto them in Libanus, that theif should bring cedar wood from Libanus unto Jerusalem, and that they should build the city witli him. 49 Moreover he wrote for all the Jews that went out of his realm up into Juda;a,-'' con- cerning their freedom, that no officer, no governor, no toparch, nor treasurer, should 50 hostilely approach ^ their doors ; and that all the country which they came into pos- session of '' should be to them ^'^ without tribute ; and that the Edomites should give 51 over the villages of the Jews which '^ they held; and'* that there should be yearly 52 given twenty talents toward '^ the building of the temple, until finished ; "" and other ten talents yearly, to maintain the burnt offerings upon the altar every day (as they 53 had a commandment to otfer seventeen) ; and that aU they that went up '' from Baby- lon to build the city should have liberty,'* as well they as their posterity, and all the 54 priests that went up.*^ And he wrote also concerning the expenses,*" and the priests' Ver. 37. — ^ A. V. has " wicked ■' for " unrighteous " in all four instances (see Com.). Ver. 37. — "^ k. V.: and such art all their wicked works; and there is no truth in them; in their unrigbteousneBS also they shall perish. Fritzsche receives woKra after aiiTui' from II. III. 55. Sjr. Ver. 38. — ^ a.. V. : As for the truth, it endureth, and is alwa.vs strong ; it liveth and conquereth, etc. The Codd. m. 44. 71. 74. 106. 119. 120. 121. 134. 243. 245. withAld., have r, Seat the heginning for «ai ij, but it is probably a correction. Ver. 39. — * A. V. otnils And. c or rewards (see Com.). « do well like of. Ver. 40. — 'A. v.: Neither in her judgment is any unrighteousness. ^ omits and the. » omics and the 10 omits the. ii omits the. Ver. 41. — '^ A. V. : And with that he held his peace. is And all ... . then shouted and said. i* omits the. Ver. 42. — i^ A. V. : more than is appointed (Gr., n-Aeiu Twy yeypantiivuv). ii because (Gr., hv rpiinov ; see Com.). " cousin. Ver. 43. — i^ A. V. : which thou hast vowed to build J., in. Ver. 44. — ^ A. V. : set apart (Gr., efex'^P^'^^ i s^e Com.). 20 omits vowed. 21 again. Fritzsche omits itat before eicn-efii/fai , with III. XI. 44. Aid. We have retained it with the other authorities. Ver. 45. — 22 xhe singular reading "louSaLot for '\Zovtt.o.loi is found in II. Cf . Judith i. 12, where the same word.-< are exchanged in this MS. Ver. 46. — 23 a. V. : is that which I require, and which I desire of thee, and this is the princely liberality proceeding from thyself : I desire therefore that thou make good the vow, the performance whereof with thine own mouth thou hast vowed to the King of heaven. For o o-e i^iu, at the beginning, II. has o(Ta a^tu, but it is corrected to correspond with the text. rec. Ver. 47. — 2* A. V. : lieutenants. 26 captains. 26 gafely convey on their vfay both {Gr., irpoir€fi4iuttriv , etc.). " go. Ver. 48. — 28 A. V. : lieutenants. Ver. 49. — 29 a. V. : Judea. so no ru*;r, no lieutenant .... should forcibly enter into, etc. The Greek is, iii} intktvv€{r€aL iiri, etc. Lit., go against ; cf . I Mace. viii. 4, in the Greek. Ver. 50. — si a. V. : hold (Gr., Kparovcrtv). S2 should be free, etc. (Gr., oif»opoAoY^TO»' avTots uTrap^et;'). For icpaTot)(r-', [I. has KpaHiiTovatv, and 'I6ou/iatoi for XoASatot. S3 aV : which then. Ver. Bl. — s* A. V. : yea. »« to (Gr., eJs). s» the time that it were built. Ver. 63. — S7 a. V. omits up (Gr., npo here an inaccurate repetition of the comparative, the translator having forgotten the former wlien he wrote the latter. If the latter word, howe\er, had not been .so far removed from the former, there would piohably have been no qucslion rc.sjacting its force. See Winer, p. 240; ant! iifjKin.'inn, Lex., imder fj.uK\ov. Wahl's Claris remarksiin this passage, nniler/unAAo:/ : " Additnm tomparativo alius adjcctivi augeudi vim habet." Cf. 4 Mace. xv. 4 ; Xen., Cyr., ii. 2, 12 ; Herod., i. 31. Ver, 26. Become servants. The case ol Jacob, who served for Kachel, was probably in mind. See Gen, xxix. 20. Ver. 29. At the right hand. See I's. xlv. 9 : "Upon thy right hand did stand the queen in gold of Ophir." Ver. 32. Be reconciled to him. The margin of the A, V, has ; or, be friends with hijn. Tlie Greek word is the same one as that employed at Matt. V. 24 : Trpihrov SiaW(iyT}6t t&j aSeAcJ)^ trou. Ver. 33. Princes, ij.eyiaTaves. t'f. A. V. at Rev. vi, 15, where this word is rendered "great men." — Looked one upon another, t^Kf-nov efs Thf 'irepov. The peculiarity of this construction has caused some variation in the MSS. Ver. 35. Is he not great that doeth these things? i.e., the sun. The idea that (iod, the Creator, is intended, seems excluded by tlie use of the present tense. See, however, Dahne, ii. 122 ff — Stronger than all things, luxfl"" ipa itafu TrafTCL. Prepositions are thus used after the com- parative, to give it additional force. .See Winer, p. 240; Buttmann. p. 339. But Fritzsche would allow to the jireposition in such cases only the force of ^, or of the genitive in the .same ]iosition. Ver. 36. CaUeth {ita\e7) the truth. The margin of the A. V. has : " or, praiseth the truth. Athanasius." Bnt it means rather " calleth " in the sense of " inviteth." Ver. 37. Wine is unrighteous (itSiKos). The Last word is u.sed in contradistinction to i,\Ti64s Cf. V. 40; Hcb. vi. 10. Ver. 39. Ataipopd, making of distinctions ; lit., distinetion, dijfirence (III. XI lOS. al. read Siaipdapa, " corruption") The eonunon texts ac- cent Sidtpapa, neut. pi. Fritsche and Wahl make it singular. — Ta SiKaia Troiet anh irdvTwv riiiv aSiKtiit Kai TrofT^paif. The sense is not clear. Schlensiiet and Giuib agree, in the main, with our A. V. But Friizsche is inclined to think that some Hebrew formula was floating before the translauir's mind, and that he would say : she jiractices riijhl {requiring 1 ESDRAS. it] from all tfie umighteoiis and wicked, Bunseirs Bibehcerk translates : but dfials righteously with all the unrighteous and evil. So also Bretschneider, Systemat. DarstelL, p. 199. Ver. 40. And she is the strength and the kingdom. See 1 Chron. xxix. 11 : 'Thine, O Lord, is the j^reatuess, and the power, aiid tile glory, and the victory, anil the majesty, " etc. — Blessed be the God of truth. Cf. Ueut. xxxii. 4. Fritzsche thinks that it i.'f clear from this doxology that the author is not seeking to identify the truth with God, as some suppose. " The author took in this just the standpoint of his time. To the learned, for example, the idea of God had become so spiritualized, and removed out of the ordinary range of thought, that they sought hy separating it into its individual characteristics, and by a wider development of the same, to render it more objec- tive. Thereby such characteristics appeared to thera not as dead abstractions, hut through theii' fiery phantasy they came forth as the most living realities. Thus, for instance, the v TpSwov. The accu- sative is used adverbially. Cf. Matt, xxiii. 37 ; Luke xiii. 34; Acts i. 11; see Winer, p. 463 ff. ; Buttmann, p. l.'iS. Ver. 44. Which Cyrus removed. Cf. i. 41 ; ii. 10 ; vi. 18, 19, and verse 57. Ver. 45. Edomites, )'. e., Idumaeans ['iSovfiaioi), the descendants of Esau. Asa reward for tlieir ser- vice at the time of Nebuchadnezzar's siege of Jeru- salem (Ps. cx.xxvii.) they were allowed to occupy a part of the depopulated country, which, for the most part, they retained for several hundred years, or till the time of the JIaccabees. That the Idu- maeans themselves actually burnt the temple is no- where else stated {cf. Ezek. xxxvi. 5 ; Obad. vers. 10, 11 ), and no more may here be meant than that thev participated with others in this act. Cf. ver. 57.' Ver. 46. King of Heaven. See ver. 58, and cf. Dan. iv. 37 ; Tub. xiii. 7, U. Ver. 47. All the treasurers. See ver. 49. and cf. Rom. xvi. 23 : ''EpaffTos u qIkoi'S^os t^s Tr(i\€ws. Ver, 48. Kal Httws otKoSofj.-^iTw(Ti, and that they shovild build. The construction is changed from a verb in the infinitive which precedes. See Wi- ner, p. 567 tf. Ver. 50. What is said of the Idumteaus only took place to a limited extent. Ver. 52. To maintain the burnt offerings. The translation would run more literally thus: That upon the altar burnt offerings, presented as fruits, might be daily sacrificed — as theij had com- mandment to offer seventeen — should other talents, ten yearly, he given. It is not clear where our com- piler gets his information that every day seventeen burnt offerings were to be sacriticed. See Ex. xxix. 38 ; Numb, xxviii. 3 ff. Ver. 54. Wherein they minister, Iv rivt \a- rpevovatv 4v avTjj. This is a marked Hebraism. Cf. the LXX. at' Ex. xii. 30. Ver. 56. Dwellings, KK-npovs. The A. V. has in the margin : Or portitnis of land. Cf. the LXX. at Dent x. 9 : oiiK iffri rois Aevirais /x€pls Kal K\ripoi iv Tois h.'&iK A. V. : for unto them said Nehemias and Atharias that they should not be partakers of the holy Ikingt (Gr., Tttiv aviuif, but the rendering i.': not clear). " doctrine (see Com.). Ver. 41. — « A. v.: and upward (wanting in II. III. XI. 55. 53. 64. 119. 243. 245. 248. Aid., Old Lat. Syr.), they were all in number forty thousand, besides men servants and women servants two thousand three hundred and sixty. Ver. 42. —" A. V. : forty (so Aid. ; see Com.). Ver. 43. —" A. V. : seven thousand (see Com.). ■» beasts used to the yoke (marg., asses). Ver. 44. — '« A. V. : their families. " to set up (Gr., iyelftiu ,. i» in Ms own place (eVl toC rdirou avrou). Ver. 45. — IS .4. v.: to give into the holy treasury of the works. '» o;niM and (so 71.). Ver. 46. — " A. T. : so. = omits some of (ot e« toO, etc.). » omits themselves (as III. XI. 44. 68. 64. 71. 248- Aid.) » in the country (see Com.). » and. ^ omilsTesprctive. Ver. 48. — " A. V. : Then stood up ,T. Ver. 50. — 2« A. V. : his own. Instead of avTuv after tottou, III. XI. 44., and otherc with Aid. Syr. have avTov. * because all the nations of the land were at enmity with them, and. 90 THE APOCRYPHA. that had made aiiy vow to God began to offer sacrifices to God from the first day 54 of the seventh month, and ' the temple of the Lord was not yet built. And they 55 gave unto the masons and carpenters money, meat, and drink.'^ Unto them of Sidon also and Tyre they gave cars,^ that they should bring cedar trees from Libanus. which should be brought by floats * to the haven of Joppe, according as it was commanded them by Cjtus king of the Persians. 56 And in the second year mid second month after his coming to the temple of God at Jerusalem began Zorobabel the son of Salathiel, and Jesus the son of Josedec, and their brethren, and the priests, the Levites,^ and all they that had * come unto 57 Jerusalem out of the captivity ; and they laid the foundation of the house of God in the first day of the second month, in the second year after they were come to Ju- 58 da?a ' and Jerusalem. And they appointed the Levites from twenty years old over the works of the Lord. And Jesus arose,' and his sons and brethren, and Cadmiel h!s brother, and the sons of Emadabun,' with the sons of Joda the son of Elia- dud.^" with their sons and brethren, all Levites, to encourage the work and aid in the building of the house of the Lord ; and ^' the workmen built the temple of the 59 Lord. And the priests stood arrayed in their vestments with music -"^ and trumpets ; and the Levites sons of Asaph having cymbals sang^' songs of thanksgiving 60 and praised " the Lord, after the manner of ^* David the king of Israel.'^ And they 61 praised the Lord with psalms," because his mercy and glory is for ever in all Israel. 62 And all the people sounded trumpets, and shouted with a loud voice, singing songs 63 of thanksgiving unto the Lord for the rearing up of the house of the Lord. Also the elders from the priests, Levites and the chief of their respective families,'* who had seen the former house came to the building of this with weeping and great cry- 64 mg. And many made themselres heard with trumpets and great shouts of joy, 65 as the people did not discern the trumpets '^ for the weeping of the people ; for ^^ the multitude sounded marvellously, so that it was heard afar off. 66 And '" when the enemies of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin heard it, they 67 came to know what that noise of trumpets should mean. And they perceived that they that were of the captivity did build the temple unto the Lord God of Israel. 68 And they came up to '^'^ Zorobabel and Jesus, and to the chief of the respective ^ 69 families, and said unto them, We would -'' build together with you. For we like- wise, as you, do obey your Lord, and do sacrifice unto him from the days of As- 70 bacaphas -^ king of the Assyrians, who brought us hither. And -^ Zorobabel and Jesus and the chief of the respective '^ families of Israel said unto them. It is not for 71 us and you to build together a house unto the Lord our God ; for we -* ourselves alone would '-'' build unto the Lord of Israel, according as Cyrus the king of the 72 Persians hath commanded us. But the heathen of the land lying heavy upon the 73 inhabitants of Judaja,"" and beleaguering them,^' hindered their building ; and by mis- Ver. 53. —1 A. V. : although. Ver. 54. — 2 A. V. adds with cheerfulness (Junius, cum oleo ; the Basle Greek Bible of 1545, and that of Frankfort, 1597, ^era x. — Clothed vrith light and truth, tV STiAaiffiJ' Kal tV aATiSiiav. The Urim and Thummim are meant. In the LXX. the latter is represented by i.Ki)Beia three times, and once by Tf\fiw{Tis. According to Hody, the former rendering is a proof of the Alexandrian col- oring of the early part of the LXX. It is said that Egyptian magistrates wore a carved sap|ihire stone about their necks which was called a\-n6fia. It seems to have been supposed that the Urim and Thummim would be restored. See Wahl's C/avis, under 'AXiiSeio ; Thiersch, De Pentiiteiichi, «tc., p. 37 ; Winer, Realuorterb., ad i-oc. We learn from ver. 41, that the sum of these numbers should be 42,360. The three accounts, to our agreeable surprise, all alike state this. But since the sum of the numbers in no one of the lists amounts to so much, by far, we must, while in- ferring a common original for the three lists, also, conclude that the documents from which they were severally made as now found, were corrupt. It is to be remembered, too, that mistakes of copy- ists in such long lists of names and numbers were almost inevitable. But there remains still the in- teresting and not unimportant inquiry why our translator in certain places gives names which are not found in either of the other two lists and vice versa. Does not, in fact, the peculiarity of the variations in these lists furnish valuable hints for the explanation of other differences of the apocry- phal book from the canonical ? It is, at least, not to be denied that in the catalogue before us where the same number is recorded, the apocry- phal book agrees with one or the other of the canonical books against the remaining one oftener than they agree together against it. Moreover, it will be seen thunder- stood the text, and rendered falsely. — Brought by floats, /. e., rafts. This is |irobably an addi- tion made for the sake of elucidation, and sug- gested by 2 Chron. ii. 16. Ver. 57. Laid the foundation .... in the first day of the second month. It is maintained by Schrader(.SfHrf. H. Krit.. 1857, pp. 460-504) that this is a mistake, and thnt the building of the tcmiile did not icr/m until the time of Darius. But his reasons are not such as will carry great Height fi>r the majority of minds. Ver. 58. From twenty years old. Origin- ally the age fixed for the Levites to enter upon their full service was thirty. This seems after- wards to have been changed by David (see 1 Chron xxiii. 24 : cf. Num. i. 3) lo twenty years, |]iciliably ill vi. w of the lighter service required oi 1 ESDUAS. 93 them in connection with the temple. In the cor- responding passau'e in Ezra there are but three classes of families of Levites mentioned. Our book seems to lia\e erred in representing the *' sons of Joda " (.Jtidah) as a distinct class. Cf. Ez. ii. 40, iii. 9 ; Xeh. vii. 43. Ver. 59. And the priests stood. At Ez. iii. 10: They set the priests. Accordirij; to the pres- ent book there was found in the originiil Tl^syi i according to Ezra, IT'^V^I. The former read- ing is supported by a considerable number of JISS., vet may have easily originated in a de- .-ire to avoid a harshness of expression. The LXX. agrees with the Greek Ezra in this case, and it is probable that the latter was influenced by the former in adopting the reading. — • 'Eo-to- KuTfiivoi- At i. 2, the same Greek word is ren- dered by the A. V., " being arrayed in long gar- ments " ; and here, "arrayed in their vestments." The original word means simply " clothed ; " but the context supplies the idea of ofBclal robes. See Mark xii. .38 ; xvi. 5. Ver. 63. Had seen the former house. It was destroyed fifty-three or fifty-four years before. According to Hag. ii. 3, there were men living even at the time of Darius Hystaspis who had seen the glory of the former temple. These elderly people wept because the contrast was so great between the glory of the first edifice and that of the present one. Vers. 64, 65. The translator has given quite a false coloring to the thought. The idea prob- ably meant to be conveyed by the original was that the cries of rejoicing on the part of the multitude were ,so loud that one oould not dis- tinguish them from the weeping, or vice veraa. The impression was simply that of a mighty shout. Ver. 66. Bnemies. A people whom the As- syrian king, E.sarhaddon, had planted in the land See ver. 69. They became enemies. Ver. 69. Since the time spoken of they haa I worshipped Jehovah. ('. e., for about one hundred and thirty year:?. Cf. 2 Kings xvii. 24-28. This j is one of the p.assages which Treiidelenherg (Eich- horn, Einleit. in d. Ajmlc. Script., p. 358) adduces as showing that the Greek Ezra, in some in- j stances, follovped a better original text than the canonical books. But the A. V. has forestalled Uhis objection, in adopting at Ez. iv. 2, with the LXX. and Vulgate, the alternative reading "w of some MSS. ; or in regarding the ^^7 of the original as a rare form of 1 . , and hence not to be rendered, as in Luther's translation, by " not," but by " to him " (aurij;). Cf. Ex. xxi. 8. Vers. 70, 71. The answer implies that the claim to participate in the building of the temple on the ground that thev also recognized Jehovah ns God. was not regarded as valid. " We our- selves alone will build unto the Lord of Israel." Ver. 73. For the space of two years. On the contrary, it was about fourteen years. The mistake probably arose from the translator's casu- ally thinking of the second year of Darius, when the building of the temple was resumed. So the margin of the A. V., " until the second year of Da- rius, Ez. iv. 5, 6 ; vii. 24." Chapter VI. 1 Now in the second year of the reign of Darius, Aggaeus and Zacharias the son of Addo, the prophets, prophesied against ^ the Jews in Judaea '^ and Jerusalem in 2 the name of the Lord God of Israel, even against ' them. Then arose * Zorobabel the son of Salathiel, and Jesus the son of Josedec, and began to build the house of the Lord at Jerusalem, the prophets of the Lord being with them, and helping them. 3 At the same time came imto them Sisinnes the eparch ^ of Syria and Phoenice, 4 with Sathrabuzanes and his companions, and said unto them. By whose order * do you build this house and this roof, and finish all the rest ? ' and who are the work- 5 men that finish " these things ? And * the elders of the Jews had '° favor, because 6 the Lord had visited the captivity ; and they were not hindered from building, until the matter had been brought to the attention of Darius " concerning them, 7 and an answer received. A '^ copy of the letter which he wrote and they sent to Darius : Sisinnes, eparch of Syria and Phcenice, and Sathrabuzanes, with their companions, rulers in Syria and Phcenice,^' Ver. 1. — ^ ^ A. V. : Aggeua .... unto (Gr., €jri)- ' Jewry. 3 which was upon (see Com.). Ver. 2. — < A. V. : stood k/>. Ver. 3. — f* A. V. : governor. But it is not the same word which ifl elsewhere rendered " governor." At ii. 12, it \a ■•poiTTiTTit (cf. Ecclus. .xlv. 24 ; 2 Mace. iii. 4) ; at iii. 21, o-arpim)!. Here it is hrofixK, and it seemed best to transfer the word to avoid confusion. Cf. also ver. 29 ; vii. 1, 27. Ver. 4. — " A. V. : appointment. ' perform all the other things. * perform. Fritzsche receives from HE. 19. 44 the article before oUoSo^oi. To these authorities II. may be added. Ver. 6. —"A. v.: Nevertheless. >» obtained (Gr., Jirxixriii'). Ver. 6. — n X. v. : such time as significatioL was given unto Darius (Gr., a.Tioa-i]iJ.avSrix-ai A.J. Ver. 7. — ^2 A. V. : The. " letters which Sisinnes, governor .... and Sathrabuzanes .... wrote and sent unto Darius. Instead of aire'trTetAav, III. XI. 53. 64. 248. Aid. have sought to avoid the awkwardness of the construction by patting this verb in the singular. Other MSS. (19. 108.) make the other verb plural. 94 THE APOCRYPHA. 8 To king Darius, greeting. Let all things be known unto our lord the kinj,-, that having ' come into the country of Juda>a, and entered into the city of Jerusalem^ we found in the city of Jerusalem the elders '^ of the Jews that were of the captiv- 9 ity, building a house unto the Lord, great and new, of hewn stones, mid costly 10 timbers laid in^ the walls, and these operations rapidly advancing,'' and the work going ^ on prosperously in their hands, and with all glory and diligence brought to 11 completion.^ Then asked we these elders, saying. By whose order' build you 12 this house, and lay the foundations of these works? Therefore to the intent that tve might make known to thee, and note down for thee* the chief actors, we also 13 required^ of them the names in writing of their principal men. But'" they gave ua 14 this answer, "We are the servants of the Lord who '^ made heaven and earth. And' as for this house, it was builded many years ago by a king of Israel great and 15 strong, and was finished. And ^- when our fathers provoked God unto wrath, and sinned against the Lord of Israel who ^^ is in heaven, he gave them over into the 16 power of Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon, of the Chaldees, who pulled down the 17 house, and burnt it, and carried away the people captives unto Babylon. But in the first year that king Cyrus reigned over the country of Babylon, Cyrus the king 18 wrote to build " this house. And the holy vessels of gold and of silver, that Na- buchodonosor had carried away out of the house at Jerusalem, and had deposited '* them in his '" temple, those Cyrus the king brought forth again out of the temple at Babylon, and they were delivered to Zorobabel and to Sanabassarus the eparch.^'' 19 And it was required of him and he carried away all these vessels ^' in order to put them in the temple at Jerusalem ; and that the temple of the Lord should be built 20 on the '^ place. Then that -" Sanabassarus, having '^' come hither, laid the founda- tions of the house of the Lord at Jerusalem ; and from that time to this being still a 21 building, it is not yet finished."' Now therefore, if it seem good unto the king, let 22 search be made in the depository of archives "* of king Cyrus in Babylon -^ ; and if it be found that the building of the house of the Lord at Jerusalem hath been done with the consent of king Cyrus, and if our lord the king be so minded, let him inform us concerning these things.^ 23 Then commanded king Darius to seek among the archives deposited ^° at Baby- lon ; and "' at Ecbatana the castle,^* which is in the country of Media, there was found a roll wherein the following was ^ recorded. 24 In the first year of the reign of Cyrus, king Cyrus commanded that the house of the Lord at Jerusalem should ^° be built again, where they do sacrifice with contin- 25 ual fire ; whose height should be sixty cubits, and the breadth sixty cubits, with three rows of hewn stones, and one row of new wood of that country ; and the ex- 26 penses thereof io be given out of the house of king Cyrus ; and that the holy vessels of the house of the Lord, both of gold and silver, that Nabuchodonosor took out of the house at Jerusalem and brought to Babylon, should be restored to the house at 27 Jerusalem, and be deposited " in the place where they were before. But ^^ he com- Ver. 8. — ^ A. V. ; being. ^ ancients. Ver. 9. — ' A. V. : and costly stones and the timber already laid upon. Ver. 10. — * A. V. : And those works are done with great speed. " goeth. " is it made {Gr., avtTeAov^iei-a). Ver. 11. — ' A. V. ; commandment (Gr., Trpocrra^ai'Tos — Ter. 4, trvvTa^. — order, commission). Ver. 12. — ^ A. V. : give knowledge unto thee by writing {Gr., yvwpitrat troi «ai -ypai/fat o-oi). * we demanded of them who were the chief doers, and we required. Ver. 13. — » A. v.: So. "which. Ver. 16. —i^ A. V. : But. "which. Ver. 17. — " A. v. : build vp. Ver. 18. — is A. V. : set. "« his own. " ruler. Ver. 19. — i^ A. V. t with commandment that he should carry away (for Kal an^jryice, XI. 52. 58. 64. and others with Aid. have airei'e'-yKavTi ; 19. 108. have the verb in the inflnitivc) the same vessels, etc. i» in his (Gr., iirX roii toitou ; 44. 58. 71. 106. 120. 121. 134. 236. add avTov). Ver. 20. — -» A. V. : the same (Codd. III. XI. 19. 44. 248. with Aid. have the demonstrative pronoun after the proper name. " being. ^^ fully ended. Ver. 21. — 23 A. V. t among the records, etc. (marg., rolls ; Gr., et- toi? ^amKtKoU j3t^Xio*> /"urMcr question. i' be. — 18 A. v.: offerings (Gr., (jTrorSai; so, too, marg. of A. V., " drink.offerings "). — 12 A. V. : And he commanded that whosoever should transgress, yea, or make light of any thing afore written, oat of his ovm hoit^^e should a tree (Gt., ^yAoc) be taken, and he thereon be hanged, and all his goods the king (Gr., etvat fiatrtKiKd ; 19. 108., eis firiTewrei'- For the jpeculiar- ity of the augment, see Winer, p. 71. Cf. also, Matt. xi. 13; Jiide 14. — Against the Jews, eV! Tovs *lov5alous. The preposition has the force of the Hebrew ^'J in a hostile sense. — 'Eirl T(fl oi'6- IW.TI. For the force of the preposition, see Wi- ler, p. 394 ; Robinson's Lex. under ovojw. ; Butt- mann, pp. 18.3, 184, 330, 337. Ver. 3. Sisinnes. The LXX. has Thanthanai anil the Hebrew (Ez. v. 3), Tatnai. — Of Syria and Phcenice- The description is more definite than that of the canonical book, and is but one of many illustrations of onr compiler's partiality for explanation. Ver. 5. Had visited, eiri(7KoirT}y yevon4vTi$. Cf. Luke i. 68, in the Greek and the A. V. Ver. 7. Which he wrote and they sent. On such a change of subject, see Winer, p. 632. Cf. Textual Notes. Ver. 9. The dividing, not the main walls, are meant. Keil understands by it the beams for the floors. Ver. 15. Provoked God, iropairiKpai/oin-et. The word is not elsewhere found in the Apocrypha, .^ut occurs at Heb. iii. 16, did provoke (A.'V.). So also in the LXX. at Vs. Ixvi. 7 ; Ixviii. 7, forlHl: iind at Ps. cvi. 7, 43, for n"~\:. Ver. 18. Following most of the MSS and old translations we render " Zorobabel and Sanabas- sarus," although obviously only one person can have been meant. See Ez. v. 14-16 and vers. 27, 29, below. Probably the word Zorobabel was first introduced as a gloss on the margin, and after- wards through an inadvertence found its way into the l:ext. Cf. v. 40. Ver. 23. Hcbatana. It was the capital of Cyrus and occupied as a summer residence by the Persian kings after his time. Cf. Xen., Ci/r., viii. 6, 22 ; Anah., iii. 5, 16 ; Winer's RfalwSr- terb. : Schenkel's Bib. Lex., ad voc. ; and Rawlin- son's Ancient Mon., ii. 262-269. — A roU. This was probably from parchment. At Jer. xxxvi. 23, it is said that a knife was necessary to destroy the roll there spoken of. The reading of t'odd. III. 44. harmonizes better with the context and with the Hebrew, and the mistake of writing T(firo! for To/ios might easily have been made by a copyist. Ver. 24. They sacrifice, eTrtdvomrt. The force of the present, in this case, is to indicate a future action as something as good as already present. See Winer, p. 265. Ver. 25. With three rows of hewn stones and one row of new wood. The idea seetns to be that to every three rows, or courses, of stune there was one of wood. The Hebrew word trans- lated liere and in the LXX. S6iios (Tf373) occurs nowhere else in the Bible. By some it is rendered stories, thus making it refer to the height r ither than the thickness of the walls. Ver. 27. But he. /. < ., Darius. Iii the 11. '.v 'v the narrative is at this point e!i..nged fiu.n t.ie 96 THE APOCRYPHA. indirect to the direct. The decree of Darius was, perhaps, thought of as inchided in that of Cyrus, or else the translator carelessly hurried along, without noticing that the subject had changed, nntil he came to the following verse. In the lat- ter case he is guilty of .in anachronism, since, if Cyrus had given these directions to Tatnai and his companions, why were they making such in- quiries ? Ver. 31. Pray for their lives. It is a fact that subsequently offerings were made on behalf of the king. See 1 Mace. vii. 33 ; xii. 1 1 ; Jos. Aritiq., xii. 2, § 6. Ver. 32. The reading irpotreTa^fV probably . arose from the supposed difficulty of the con- struction. But the compiler seems to have brought along the force of ^ireraja of ver. 28 to this point. — Hanged. The Hebrew word ^pT might properly be translated crucified. It was a common punishment among the Persians. In- stead of Kpe^affBrjvai, the LXX. has Tr\riyi\iTirtt.t. But the reading iroy^o-eTai is also well supported. Chapter VII. 1 Then Sisinnes the eparch ' of Coelesyria and Phoenice, and Sathrabuzanes, with 2 their companions, following the orders ' of king Darius, more earnestly encouraged ' the holy works, assisting the elders * of the Jews and governors of the temple. 3 And so the holy works prospered, through the prophesying of the prophets Aggteus 4 and Zacharias.^ And they finished these things by the commandment of the Lord God of Israel, and with the consent of Cyrus and ^ Darius and Artaxerxes, kings of 5 Persia. And thus was the holy ' house finished in the three and twentieth day of 6 the month Adar, in the sixth year of Darius king of the Persians. And the chil- dren of Israel, and' the priests, and the Levites, and the rest' that were of the captivity, who had joined them," did according to the things written in the book of 7 Moses. " And for " the dedication of the temple of the Lord they offered an hun- 8 dred buUocks, two hundred rams, four hundred lambs ; goats for the sin of all 9 Israel, twelve in number, according to the twelve tribal chiefs of Israel. ^'^ The priests also and the Levites stood arrayed in their vestments,^' according to their trihes, prepared for " the services of the Lord God of Israel, according to the book of Moses, and the porters at every gate. 10 And the children of Israel that were of the captivity held the passover the four- teenth day of the first month, after that '^ the priests and the Levites were sancti- 11 fied. They that were of the captivity were not all sanctified together; but the 12 Levites were all sanctified together.'** And so they offered the passover for all 13 them of the captivity, and for their brethren the priests, and for themselves. And the children of Israel that ca)7ie out of the captivity did eat, even aU they that had separated themselves from the abominations of the people of the land, and sought 14 the Lord. And they kept the feast of unleavened bread seven days, with joy " 15 before the Lord, for that he had turned the counsel of the king of Assyria towards them, to strengthen their hands for the work '* of the Lord God of Israel. Ver. 1. - ' A. V. : governor. Codd. III. 19. 44. 66. 64. 71. 74. 106. 108. 119. 120. 121. 134. 236. 245. 248. Aid. have the article before eirapxw- ^ A.V.: commandments. Ver. 2. 2 A. V. : did very carefully oversee {Gr., eireerraToui' .... iirtfjieXiirrepov). * ancienta. Ver. 3. — B A. V. : when Aggeufi and Zacharias the prophets prophesied. Ver. 4. * A. V., omits and. Fritzsche adds to the verse, ews tov cktou ctous Aapelov pairtXeiijt nepo-wf, from III. XI. 52. al. Syr. Old Lat. Cf. ver. 8. Ver. 5. ' A. V. : The words 6 ayio? are omitted by II. 19. 44., and some others, with the Old Lat. Vulg. Ver. 6. — ' A. v., oiniuand. » other (Or. o'l Aoiiroi). '° that were added unlo M^m (Or., irpouTeSti/res). Ver. 7. — "A. v.: to. Ver. 8. — " A. v. : and twelve goat* for the sin of all Israel, according to the number of the chief of the tribes ol Israel. For en toii- ^uXipxiui', 19- 108. Old Lat. and Vulg. read rii' ^uAir, and were followed by the Bishop's Bible, but not by the edition of 1611, which seems to have taken here the Aldine (and Rom.) edition of the LXX. as guide. In the margin it recognizes the existence of such a reading (Or, tribes). I have connected irp« ipiBiiov with x'/iapovi according to the pointing of Fritzsche's text (see Com.). Ver. 9. — " A. V. : in their vestments (not italicized). " according to their kindreds, in. Ver. 10. — 'f' For ore, 111. XI. 44. 24S. Aid. have ori. Ver. 11. — " Fritzsche omits the whole of this verse excepting " together with these (A. V., ' for all them ') of the •aptivity " separating the same from ver. 10 only by a comma. The passage is doubtless corrupt The thought is no» found in the Hebrew original (see Com.}. Ver 14. — " A. V. ; making merry. '^ in the works (Or., eiri ra epya). 1 ESDRAS 97 Chapter VII. (C£. Ez. vl] Ver. 4. And Artaxerxes. The person meant, as is indicated Ijy the order of words, is the king wlio reigned a£ter Darius, that is, Artaxerxes LouL'imanus. But, as the temple was completed before his accession to the throne, how can it be said to have bet-n done by his commandment ? It might be held, with Michaelis, Fritzsche, and others, that, inasmuch as lie contributed by his edicts (cf. viii. 9 f., and Ez. vii. 13-20) to the subsequent beautifying of the temple, there was no impropriety in the introduction of his name. Ver. 5. Month Adar. It con esponded nearly with the present month of March. The Hebrew has the third, instead of the twenty-third. It is likely that tlie compiler made the change because it seemed to him more fitting to presuppose that the festival of the dedication should la.st eight days (1 Kings viii. 66 ; 2 Chron. xxix. 17) ; and fo, too, the last eight days of the year be filled ^ut. \Ve are indebted to Beitheau for this sug- gestion, although he was led by the same reason to just the opposite conclusion ; namely, that on these grounds the translator would not have made the change from three to twenty-three, and hence the latter must be regarded .as the oriqiual date. Ver. 7. And for the dedication. For the theological significance of the word 4yKmpl(ui, see Cremer's Lex., ad voc. He gives as its meaning, " to do something new with something new." De- litzscli on Heb. ix. 18 explains it as follows : " sol- emnly to setforth something newas such, and to give it over to use, to cause it to enter into operation." Ver. 8. Goats for the sins of all Israel, twelve in number, according to. The construc- tion of the Greek is somewhat peculiar : ^tfj.dftovs i/TTep a^iaprias navrhs Tov "I SwS^Ka. nphs api&fiitp, fK Twv (pvKapxt^v, etc. Trendelenberg ( Eichhorn's /Cinlf^it, in d. A/>ok. Schrifl., p. .306) would strike out the eV, and make ruv A. V. : The words, " thou shalt set before thy God," are omitted in II. III. 44. Old Lat. Syr. We retain them, however, with Fritz.sche,and strilie out simply " in Jerusalem," with which the verse in the A. V. closes. It was probably repeated by mistake from the previous line. Cod. II. omits also nearly all of the eighteenth verse (see Com.). Ver. 19. — "> A. V. : omits moreover. Fritz.-che receives St (for ISov ) from III. XI. 19. 44. Old Lat. Syr. =' have %1bo. " send for (Or., 'iva oua tav an-OffreiAjj = 'iva otja. av aTroo-TGt'Art? at-rriirg). 23 A. V. : with speed (Gr., eirl/ieAwt). Ver. 20. — 24 A. V. ; even to. 2C pieces. -'' other things. For aAAa, of the text, rec, we adopt oAo from 106 •.21. 134. 236. Old Lat. Cod. II. had this also in the original text, but later a second A was introduced. Ver. 22. — " A. V. : I command you aLso that ye. 2« Fritz-whe adopts tn-i^oA^ from 246. Syr. Old Lat. Vulg. Th« uzt. rec. has .VipovX^'. Ver. 23. — 2» A. V. : ordain (Or., ayiSeiiovj. 1 ESDRAs. ys) Phoenice all those that know the law of thy God ; and those that know it not thou 24 shalt teach. And whosoever shall transgress the law of thy God, and of the king, shall be punished promptly and rigorously/ whether it be by death, or other pun- ishment, either^ by fine or imprisonment.' 25 And Esdras, the scribe, said. Blessed alone be the Lord * God of my fathers, who hath put these things into the heart of the king, to glorify his house that is in Jeru- 26 salem ; and hath honored me hi the sight of the king, and his counsellors, and all 27 his friends and nobles. And I was ° encouraged by the help of the Lord my God, and gatliered together out of Israel men ^ to go up with me. 28 And these are the cliief according to their father's houses ' and family divisions,' 29 that went up with me from Babylon in the reign of king Artaxerxes : of the sons of Phinees, Gerson ; of the sons of Ithamar, Gamaliel ; of the sons of David, 30 Attus the son of Sechenias ; of the sons of Phoros, Zacharias, and with him were 31 counted an hundred and fifty men ; of the sons of Phaath Moab, Eliaonias, the son 32 of ZanBas, and with him two hundred men ; of the sons of Zathoes. Sechenias the son of Jezelus, and with him three hundred men ; of the sons of Adin, Obeth, the son 33 of Jonathas, and with him two hundred and fifty men ; of the sons of Elam, Jesias 34 son of Gotholias, and with him seventy men ; of the sons of Saphatias, Zaraias 35 son of Michaelus, and with him threescore and ten men ; of the sons of Joab, Aba- 36 dias, son of Jezelus, and with him two hundred and twelve men ; of the sons of Banias, Salimoth, son of Josapliias, and with him an hundred and threescore men ; 37 of the sons of Babi, Zacharias son of Bebai, and with him twenty and eight men ; 38 of the sons of Astath, .Joannes son of Acatan, and with him an hundred and ten men ; 39 of the sons of Adonicam, the last, and these are the names of them, Eliphala sun of 40 Jeiiel, and Samoeas, and with them seventy men ; of the sons of Bago, Uthi the son of Istalcurus, and with him seventy men. 41 And these I gathered together at '* the river called Theras, where we pitched our 42 tents three days ; and I inspected '" them. And " when I found ^- there none of the 43 priests and Levites, I sent^^ unto Eleazar, and Iduelus, and Maia," and Masman, 44 and Alnathan, and Samaras, and Joribus, and Nathan. Eunatan, Zacharias, and 45 Mosollamus, principal men and learned. And I bade them go '^ unto Loddieus, 46 who was chief at "* the place of the treasury ; and gave them commission to ar- range with Loddieus," and with " his brethren, and with '^ the treasurers in that place, to send us such men as might execute the priests' office in the house of the 47 Lord. And by the mighty hand of our Lord they brought unto us instructed '^ men of the sons of Modi the son of Levi, the son of Israel, Asebebias, and his sons, and 48 his brethren, who were eighteen. And Asebias, and Annuals, and Osreas .his 49 brother, of the sons of Chanun*us. and their sons, were twenty men. And of the servants of the temple whom David and the principal men had appointed -^ for the service of the Levites, to wit, the servants of the temple, two hundred and twenty ; 50 the catalogue of all their '■'- names was shown. '^^ And there I vowed a fast unto the young men before our Lord, to desire of him a prosperous journey both for us and 51 them that were with us, for our children, and cattle; '" for 1 was ashamed to ask of the king footmen, and horsemen, and escort for safety -^ against our adversaries. 52 For we had said unto the king, that the power of our Lord would'" be with them 53 that seek him, to support them in all their ways.-' And again we besought our Lord as touching all -" these things, and found him favorable unto us. Ver. 24. — * A. V.: diligently (eirineAws). This rendering did not seem sufficiently strong to suit the context A. V. omits either. ^ by penalty of money or by imprisonment (see Com.). Ver. 25. — * A. V. : Then said Eydras the scribe, Blessed be the only Lord. Ver. 27. — ^ A. V. : Therefore was I. ^ men of Israel. Ver. 28. — ' A. V. : their families (Or., ras irorptas aurwi'). ^ several dignities (tols /xepiSopx^as ; cf. Com. at i. 5). Ver. 41. — » A. V. : to. lo th^n I surveyed. Ver. 42. — " A. V. : But. 12 had found. " then sent I. Ver. 43. — •* A. V. : The words " and Maia "' are omitted by II. III. XI. and A. V. (see Com.]. Ver. 45. — -'■ A. V. : that thet/ should go. J^ L. tlie capt^iin who was in. Ver. 46. — " A. V. : commanded them that Ihei/ should speait unto Daddeus. 18 to 18 to. Ver. 47 — 20 ^_ y. : skillful (Gr., cn-tffr^fxoi'a?, rendered " learned " in ver. 44). Ver. 49. — ^ A.\.: had ordained, and the principal men. — whose. 23 shewed. Ver. 50. — -* A. V. ; for the cattle. Ver. 51. — -^ A. V. : a.sk the king .... conduct for safeguard. Ver. 52. — 211 x. V. : the Lord our God should. ^ Gr., eis rria-ai' ^jravopOioaLV. It might be rendered also, " for aU restoration."' Ver. 53. — ^ A. V. omits all. For jrdi^a III. XI. 44. and othera with Old Lat. Vnlg. Aid. have Kard 100 THE APOCRYPHA. 54 And ' I separated twelve men from the chiefs of the families of the priests,'' 55 Eserebias, and Assamias, and ten men of their brethren with them ; and I weighed them the silver and the gold, and the holy vessels of the house of our Lord, just 56 as the king, and his counsellors,' and the princes, and all Israel, had given. And having weighed it, I delivered unto them six hundred and fifty talents of sil- ver, and silver vessels of the worth of an * hundred talents, and an hundred talents 57 of gold, and twenty golden vessels, and twelve vessels of brass, ei-en of fine brass, 58 glittering like gold. And I said unto them, Both you are holy unto the Lord, and the vessels are holy, and the gold and the silver is an offering ^ unto the Lord, the 59 Lord of our fathers. Watch ye, and keep them till ye deliver them to the chiefs of the families of the priests and Levites, and to the principal men of the families of 60 Israel, in Jerusalem, in * the chambers of the house of our God. And ' the priests and the Levites received * the silver and the gold and the vessels that had been in Jerusalem, and brought them ^ into the temple of the Lord. 61 And from our leaving the river Theras '" the twelfth day of the first month, until we came to Jerusalem by the mighty hand of our Lord, which was over us,^' he delivered us from the attack of every enemy ; and so we came to Jerusalem. 62 And when we had been there three days, the gold and silver was weighed and '•' delivered in the house of our Lord on the fourth day unto Marmothi a '^ priest 63 the son of Urias ; and with him was Eleazar the son of Phinees, and with them were Josabdus the son of Jesus and Moeth the son of Sabannus, Levites ; all was delivered 64 them by number and weight. And all the weight of them was recorded '* the same 65 hour. Moreover they that had come out of the captivity offered sacrifices '^ unto 66 the Lord God of Israel, eveyi twelve bullocks for all Israel, fourscore and sixteen rams, threescore and twelve lambs, goats for a peace offering, twelve ; all of them a 67 sacrifice to the Lord. And they delivered the king's commandments unto the king's stewards, and to the eparchs '* of Ccelesyria and Phcenice ; and they honored the nation and the temple of the Lord." 68, 69 And ^' when these things were done, the rulers came unto me, and said, The nation of Israel, and ^^ the princes, and -" the priests and the Levites, have not put away from them the strange nations of the land, nor their ^ pollutions; they have not separated themselres from the Gentiles, to wit, from ^'■' the Chananites, and Chettites, and Pheresites, and ^ Jebusites, and Moabites, and Egyptians,-'' and 70 Edomites. For both they and their sons have married with their daughters, and the holy seed has become mixed with the strange nations '^ of the land ; and from the beginning of this matter the rulers and the great men have been partakers of 71 this iniquity. And as soon as I had heard these things, I rent my clothes, and the holy garment, and plucked out '-'^ hair from my head -' and beard, and sat me down 72 sad and very heav}-. And all -* they that were at any time ^ moved at the word of the Lord God of Israel assemWed unto me, whilst I mourned for the iniquity ; 73 and I remained sitting^" full of heaviness until the evening sacrifice. And having risen up '^ from the fast with my clothes and the holy garment rent, I bowed my °* 74 knees, and stretching forth my hands unto the Lord, I said, Ver. 54. — ^ A. V. : Then. - of the chief of the priests (Gr., tUv ^vKipxtav — cf. vii. 8 — Toiv lepiaiv). Nearly bU the MSS., including 11., have 5c'*(a instead of SwSeKa in the last clause. Ver. 55. — a A. V. : which (For a of the Uxl. rec. we have adopted, with Fritzsche, ovtidc ws. II. III. XI 44. 52. and eight others, with .\ld., read oiJTws, after which ws seems to have fallen out) .... his council. Ver. 56. — * A. V. : when I had weighed .... vessels an. Ver. 58. — f" A. V. : w a vow (Gr., rux^). Ver. 59. — ^ A. V. ; chief of the priests .... into (see ver. 54 and vii. 8). Ver. 60. — 'A. V.: So. ^ who had received. ^ brought them unto .Terusalem into the temple of the Lord (see Ctim.). The Greek is, to. trKfvr] to iv 'I. tia-rii'fyKav eis, etc. The Codd. II. 55. 19. 108. leave off the preposition from the verb. The Codd. 19. lOS. have, instead of this arrangement, ei? 'Up. after the verb. Ver. 61. — '" A. V. : from the river T. we departed. ^^ U"e have, for the sake of clearness, reconstructed the verse, the A. V. being : first month, and came to J. by the mighty hand of our Lord which was with us : and from the beginning of our journey the Lord delivered us from every enemy, etc. Ver 62. — '- A. V. ; that was weighed was. '3 .Mammoth, the. Ver. 64. — " A. V. : written up. Ver. 65. — '= A. V. : were come .... sacrifice Ver. 67. — " A. V. : governors. "' people and .... God (Ssov, 64. 248. Aid.). Ver. 68. — '« A. V. : Now. Ver. 69. — '" A. V. omits and. » 07nits and. " people of ... . nor the. =» of the Gentiles, aA^$. Ver. 76. — ^ A. v.: For ever since. ^ we kave been and are. Ver. 77. — * A. V. : up unto. Ver. 78. — ^ A. V. : some {Gt., Kara it6itoi' ti ; see Com.). ^ For tou icvpt'ou tcupiov of the text. rec. we adopt, with Fritzsche (and A. V.), from III. XI. 44. 52. 248. Aid. Syr. Old Lat. Vulg., n-opd aov Kvpte. ^ A. V., and to discover ... to give. Ver. 80. — * A. V. : Yea, when we were in. Ver. 81. — ^ A. V. : that they have given us a sure abiding in Jewry. Ver. 83. — i" A. V. : that the land (ori simply introduces the words of another, and is not to be translated). . . . pollutions. Ver. 84. — ^i A. V. : Therefore now shall ye not join your .... shall ye take. Ver. 85. — ^^ a. V. : moreover you .... the inheritance of the land (Gr., (caTaKAT7poi'Ofi^(T7jre}. Ver. 86. — ^ A..\ .: is befallen. '* is done unto us for. is Lord, didst make our sins light (in. XI. 19. al. AM. Syr. Old Lat. Vulg., read eKoiJ^iffasj. Ver. 87. — " A. v.: And didst (so III. XI. 19. 64. 74. 106. 108. al. Aid.). l" but we have turned. "again to (19. 108. 121.,r}Vc^< 5e TraAif). l» and to mingle ourselves. Ver. 88. — -** A. V. : Mightest not thou be (Gr., ovxl topyiV^t ; marg. of A. V., "Be not angry, /ijj opvto^s ") " till thou hadst left. Ver. 89. — ^^ A. V. : for we are left a . . . . for we cannot stand any longer by, etc. Ver. 91. — 23 X. V. : flat upon the ground. 24 children (Gr., veaviai. ; see Con},), Ver. 92. — 25 \_ v_ ; Then. 26 omits and. Fritzsche places a Kot before (rvvtaKi(Ta.ii.ev on the authority )f nearly all the Codd. with Syr. and Old Lat. 2' A. V. : aloft (marg., " exalted ; '' see Coin.). Ver. 93. — 28 A. V. : omits in this matter (Gr., iv toiVu, with 19. 108. 121). Ver. 5^4. — 2* A. V. : like as thou hast decreed (Gr., ilis e»cpi(?7) (rot). Ver. 95. —s" A. V. : do valiantly (Gr., lax^" "ot.Iv). Ver. 96. — ^i ^ y. : So. ^2 omits the families of (Gr., tovs ii)u),apxous). ^ $0 they sware. 102 THE APOCRYPHA. Chapter VIII. (Cf. Ez. viii.-x. 6.) Ver. 1. Artazerxes, The Persian Artach- shaBta. This Artaxerxes, as there can be little doul)t, is the same who is mentioned in tlie pre- vious chapter, ver. 4, and as is generally snpposed is Artaxerxes Longimanus. Keil thinks that the references in Nehemiah (Neh i. 1 ; v. 14 ; xiii. 6) are decisive on this point, especially the last, •which speaks of the thirty-second year of a con- temporary king of this name while Nehemiah iiiu\ Ezi'a were also contemporaries for a time, at least, in the work at Jerusnleni. Moreover, Longi- maiins was a contemporary of .Jeshna the high- priest, and Jeshua still held his office in Nehe- miah's time. — The genealogy of Ezra as here given is not complete. Twelve generations (in Ezra X.) are made to cover a period of more than athon.sand years. Cf. 1 Chron. v. 2-8 ; vi. 7-10 ix. 11. It was not uncommon in such geiiealogi- <'al tables to give only principal natnes. By com- paring other lists twenty-seven generations can be made otit. Ver. .3. As a scribe. Not a mere secretary, as the word often signifies in the earlier books of Scripture, but .a representative of a new class of literal! among the Jews, which though not originat- ing, took on new glory at about this time. Cf. Jer. viii. 8 ; art. " 8chriftgelc,hrte," in Schenkel's Bib. /.ex., iLBil Herzog'sReal-Encyl:., respectively; also, llixusriith,2^eitgeschifhte,\.93&.,Sinii Schiirer, pp. 4.'!7-463. Ver. 6. The language in Ezra (vii. 8, 9) is clearer. The journey, according to him, lasted exactly four months. The distance was from 500 to 900 miles according to the route. The longer route was the one usually t.aken by large bodies of men- — 'Ett' avr^,on his [Esra's] account. This prep- osition used figuratively denotes generally the foundation on which an action or state rests See Winer, p. .392 ; Buttmann, p. 327. Ver. 7. Esdras had much skill. Schleusner would translate this word {(TrtaTTjfnj), by curam et dlliyeutiam. It means rather insiijht, knowledge, or, as the A. V. h:is rendered it, ^l-Hl. Ver. 8. Commission, irpoardyfjiaros. The A. V. has in the nnirgin " decree." In vers. 67 and 82 it is rendered by " commandment, ' as also at 2 Mace. vii. 30. — 'AvayfwaTrii', reader. Cf. ix. 41. This was the title given to the person in the early church whose duty it was to read the Scriptures at public services. See Herzog's Real-Encyk., viii. 268, and Sophocles' Lex., ad voc. Our translator deviates from the Hebrew and LXX. , probably with reference to the passage cited, which relates X) the reading of the law by Ezra. Ver. '.I. The epithet "king of kings" applied to Artaxerxes in the Hebrew and in the LXX. is here omitted. Ver. 10. The Ka[ a.1 the beginning of this verse seems to imply that something had preceded on wliicli what is now to be spoken lias a dependence. Fritz.sche thinks that it was a visit of Ezra to the king (ver. 4), in which he had liiid a petition before hini which is now granted. See on this point the introdiii'iion to the book, under the lieadirig "Ar- langemeut of Materifils." — Willing and desirous. The original is translated by une word in tlii' f^XX., namely, iKovaia^4fjL(i'os. vVnd aipsTit^oi'ras in our passage being without the article can .scarcely be «0 related to tovs ^ovhofMfvous as it would appear to be from the translation of the A. V. A better rendering might be : " that such of the nation of the Jews as are willing should go up with thee to Jerusalem, namely, such as choose it from among the priests and Levites, and also, from the people of our realm, " alpeTt^oyTas being taken as in apposition with roi/s ^ovKoiihovs. Or, if the comma is left after the former word : " that such of the nation of the Jews as are willing should go up with thee, as choosers {i. e. as preferring it), also, of the priests and the Levites," etc. Ver. II. Seven friends the counsellors. Cf. i. 14. Herod., iii. 81. These were seven principal families among the Persians, as Herodotus states, and the heads of these families are probably meant. See art. " Perser," by Dillmaun in Schenkel's Bib. Lex., and under" " Cyrus " and " Darius" respectivclv, in Herzog's RealEncyk. Ver. 16. With the sUver. In the Heb. (Ez. vii. 18) it is " with the rest of the silver," etc., a fact which is noticed in the margin of the A. V. Ver. 17. Holy vessels. Cf. Ez. viii. 25-28. The king and his counsellors gave in addition to money, vessels of gold, silver, and copper. That the last part of this verse and the first part of the following does not appear in some of the most impoitant MSS., and hence was omitted from the Roman edition of the LXX., was probably due, at first, to the carelessness of a transcriber. Ver. 20. A hundred talents of silver. About fifty-seven English pounds. The cor was between eleven and twelve bushels, and the measure of wine, about nine gallons. Ver. 22. The command is given to the Persian officials. Ver. 23. The wisdom of God. The Hebrew adds : that is in thy hand, i. e., that thou possessest. — Judges and justices, Kpixas /ca! SiKoiTTaj. Ver. 24. Ti^upia. In classical usage the vindica- tive character of the punishment is the predom- inant thought in this word. It corresponds to the Latin ultio. This meaning, moreover, is its ety- mological one- See Trench, iV. T. Si/n., pt. I. p. 46. In the New Testament and LXX. it is used for punishment generally. See Wisd. xii. 20; Acts x.xii. 5; x.xvi. II. In the present jiassage its meaning seems to be determined by what im- mediately follows. — 'A7ra7cuyj), imprisonment. .Most of the old translators render by banishment. It is indeed possible that both ideas are included, i. e., being led away to imprisonment. Cf. Matt. xxvii. 31 ; Acts xxiii. 10. The reading of II. 55., p.T] iapyvpitp)ioT ^ [upyvpiK^] puts quite a different thought into the pass.age, namely, that nothing so light as fine or imprisonment would be vi.sited on transgressors. Ver. 29. Son of Sechenias. It is generally supposed that a name has fallen out. It would appear from 1 Chron. iii. 22, that Hattush was really the grandson of S. Ver 32. Zathoes. This name is wanting in the Hebrew, but is found in the LXX. Vers, 34, 35. Fur differences in the numbers as found in our text and in the Hebrew, see accom panying tables. Ver. 41. River Theras. This seems to have been .an incorrect translation of the original He- brew word. At Ez. viii. 15, we Iiave Ahara. It is supposed to be the modern Hit on the Euphrates. Josephus docs not f(dlow the reading of our book, as usual, but employs the general designation : ei \ ESDRAS. 103 rh irrpav tov Zvcppdroij. But Hitzig I Geschichte, i 2S2) holds that, the fjathcrinp;-place was really on the river Theras, and cites Pausanias, x. 10, 8. Vers. 43, 44 Maia and Mosman. Probahly a corru)ition for Saniieas, which liavinjj been left riut at this point, is improperly introduced in the following verse. Ver. 4'). In the place of the treasury. In the Hebrew it is : at the place Casipliia ; in the LXX. : eV apyvptca tov tottov. Onr compiler seems to have explained in the sense of the LXX. ratlier than translated. Such a place as Casiphia, on the route between Babylon and Jerusalem, is at pres- +rnt unknown. Ver. 47. Son of Levi. Rather i/ranrfson. The whole number of Levites, as given in this and the following verse, was Iiut thirty-eight. See ali). Ver. 14. — 22 A. V. : Then Jonathan. -^ We introduce at this point the proper names of the A. V. which have been changed in the present chapter in accordance with Fritzsche's text : (ver. 14) .\zael, Ezechjas, Theocanns, Mosol- 1am, Sabbatheus ; (ver. 19) Matthelas, Eleazer ; (ver. 21) Zabdeus, Eanes, Sanieius ; (ver. 22) Elionas, Ismael, Ocidelus, Talsas ; (ver. 23} Jozabad, Semis, Patheus ; (ver. 24) Eleazurus : (ver. 26) .Sallumus : (ver. 26) Eddias, Eleazar, Asibias. Baanias ; (ver. 27) Ela, Hierielus (A. V. omiVs and Joabdius), Aedias ; (ver. 28) Elisimus, Sabatus, Sardeus ; (ver. 29( Johannes, Jozabad, Amatheis ; (ver. 30) Jedeus, Jasael ; (ver. .31) [..acunus, Matbanias, Manasseas ; (ver. 32) .\nnas, Aseas, Sabbeus, Chosameus ; (ver. 33) Altaneus, Matthias, Banuaia ; (ver. .34) Maani, Momdis, Omaerus, Pelias, Carabasion, Bamis, Ozora, Zambis ; (ver. 36) Zabadaias, Edes, Banaias ; (ver.43)Balasamu8 ; (ver. 48) .\nuF, Adinus, Sabateus, Autea. Maianeafl, Joazabdus, Biatas. We adopt, with Fritzsche, the reading 0 in. Ver. 41. — ^ A. V. ; holy porch (see ver. 38). * heed unto. Ver. 42. — ^ A. V. : was made /or that purport. Ver. 44. — " A. V.: and N. (omitting Z.). Fritzsche cites II. as agreeing with III. 44. in the reading 4aA5aIoc (A. V.: PhaldaiuB), but II. has ^oAaSaiof . Ver. 45. — " A. V. : Then took E. (Gr., ical i-vaXafiiv) the book of the law. After fiiffKiov, III. 44. 62. 64. al. Aid. Byr. Old Lat. have tov I'li^ov, but it is probably a correction. '^ for he sat honorably (see Com.). Ver. 48. — " A. V. : opened (see Com.). i< So. Ver. 48. — "> A. V. 077iir3 and. i^ omi'is and. ^'' omits &uA. ^^ omits aud. l° making them wl dial to no ieratani it (see Com.). The preceding clause is omitted oy 44. 52. 58. 64. 248. al. Aid. as in A. V. Ver. 49. — «» A. V. : Then spake A to all, saying. Ver. 60. — " A. V. : for (Gr., tai, which mis;bt be left untraui-lateJ). 106 THE APOCRYPHA. jl all wept when they heard the law). Go then, and eat the fat, and drink the sweet, 52 and send gifts to them that have nothing, for the day ' is holy unto the Lord ; 53 and be not sorrowful, for the Lord will bring you to honor. And - the Levites ex- horted all ^ the people, saying. This day is holy to the Lord ; be not sorrowful. 54 And they went * their way, every one to eat and drink, and make merry, and 55 to give gifts ^ to them that had nothing, and to make great cheer, because ^ they were inspired by the words in which they were instructed. And they assembled themselves ' — Ver. 51. — 1 A. V. : part (Gr., aTroo-ToAas) . . . this day. Ver. 53. — ^ &..\.: So. ^ published all tkings to. The order in n. and the sense is the same : exeXevof tu £^/iu navTO. ^fyovre^. But in our Greek text we have ; eKe'AruoK wavrl tw fiij^w Aeyot-rfs. Ver. &4. — * A. V. . Then went they. -^ part. Ver. 55. — ^ A. V. : For oTt yap^ III. 58. have the former alone ; II., ori koi ; 52. 64. 243. Aid., Ire yap (see Com.) ' A. V. : understood the words wherein they were instructed, and /or the which they had been assembled (see Com.). Chapter IX. (Cf. Ez. x. 6-44 ; Neh. yii. 73-Tiii. 13.) Ver. 1 . For a discussion of the question who this Joanan was, see Keil's Com., at Ez. x. 6. Ver. 2. And lodged there, Ka\ ai/Aio-flels tVei. The Hebrew here is Tf^'1 i for which our trans- lator, in the opinion of Clericus, Eichhorn, Ber- theau, Fritzsche, and others, read ]V''1, which, indeed, f;ives good sense. It is also the reading of the Peshito Version. But his rendering was prohalily suggested to the translator bv the LXX., which has the word inopeiSn for av\i' a/xapria! (Heb. i.\. 26). 3. KaraAAaTT) {reconriliutiii) iudiciites the result effected by Chri.st's sacrifice and nicdiatiou, — the remoia. 1 ESDRAS. 107 pf the enmity between mankind and God (Rom. V. 10), the establishment of peace tirl 77)5; eV aydpwwots eliSoKia (Luke ii. 14)." Vers^ 18-35. It will br seen by the table be- low that, accordin;; to 1 Esdi-as, the number of priests who were guilty of marrying foreign wives was sixteen ; while according to tlie canoni- cal book it was seventeen. The number of Le- vites in both lists is the same, namely, ten. But the number of lay Israelite^ is given as ten more in Ezra than in 1 Esdras. Four of the offenders were of the high priest's family. None of the division of priests who had returned with Zerub- babel had kept themselves free from this sin. No sufficient means are at hand to justify an attempt to bring the names of the two lists into harmony. Concerning the superior value of the one or the other, opinions will differ. But it should be remembered, that, while the account in Ezra is based on an extant Hebrew text, the current text of the LXX. is also in closer agree- ment with it than with our apocryjihal book. Ver. 36. The Hebrew at tliis point, if the best reading be adopted, gives : and some of the wives had given birth to children. Our translator characteristically adds to this fact what one might suppose would Lie the natural result of such a Btate of things, — the children were to be put away with the wives. Bertheau would emend the Hebrew to correspond with our book. But the Hebrew, as it stands, gives a good sense, and presents the difficulties of the matter in even a stronger light by suggesting instead of definitely stating the case. Thorough and solemn as this public and judicial separation of one hundred and thirteen men from their families must have been, it seems not to have been sufficient entirely to root out the evil, Erom twenty-five to thirty years afterwards, Nehemiah, on the occasion of his second return to Jerusalem, found that other Israelites had intermarried with Ashdodites, Ammonites, and Moabites, had children that spoke the languages of these people, and that even a son of the high priest had allied himself in this manner with a daughter of Sanballat the Horonite. See Neh. xiii. 23 ff. Ver. 37. In their (respective) dwelling-places (/taToiKiais). The A. V. has in the margin villafies. But the Greek here is not the same as at ver" 46 {Kui/iais), where we have that rendering. See ver. 12. The Hebrew, however, is in both instances Ver. 38. Our translator says the gathering was at the cast gate of the temple. In the canon- ical book it is said that it took pl.ace before the " water gate." In fact, it was probably between the two ; a little east from the one, and a little west from the other. Ver. 40. The allusion made in the original Hebrew to the youth who came together is here omitted. Ver. 41. According to the Greek, the trans- iMtor says, most indefinitely, before the sacred (/ate {irph TOO iipou TTuA-wvos). It is pi'obable, however, that be carelessly omitted the article before irvKH- yos, and meant to say : before the gale of the tem- vle. Michaelis so translates. Cf. vers. 6, 38. Vers. 43, 44. There are thirteen names given of persons who stood by Ezra while he read ; seven on the right hand, and six on the left. In the Hebrew there are also thirteen names given ; bnt the seven are on the left of Ezra. Fritzscne thinks that one name too many has crept into each of the accounts, supposing that they were intended to represent thetwelve tribes. Michaelis, on the other hand, supposes that thirteen tribes were meant to be included, Levi being reckoned in with the others. But Keil would supply one more name to the Hebrew text; since, in his opinion, it is more likely that a word has fallen out, — the one given in our apocryphal book, for instance, — tlian that more persons stood on one side of Ezra than ou the other. As the LXX. agrees with the Hebrew text, and the number seven on each side would be quite in harmony with Israelitish ideas of propriety, the last theory is perhaps the best. Ver. 45. Conspicuously, emSi^m. Wahl's Claris translates by " full of dignity ; " Bret- schueider, with Schleusner, " insigniter. gloriose." But we must believe that it is Ezra's position as elevated above the people that is referred to. So Michaelis : " Nachdem er vorhin vor ihnen alien die vornehmste Stelle eingenommen," etc. See Neh. viii. 5. This is implied, also, in the reading of II. III. 58. 64. al. Aid. (irpofKadeTo yip). Ver. 46. Opened the law (A. V.), si/ tQ \va-ai rhv i>6)jiov. Schleusner would give to the verb the meaning of interpreted. So also the Old Latin. But in addition to the fact that this rendering would not be in harmony with the context, or be expected with the aorist, the word is better ren- dered by unfastened. That is, before he began to read, Ezra, as was natural, undid the fastenings of the scroll, and unrolled it. Ver. 48. Here, again, we find thirteen names ; and, although there is considerable variation in the spelling, it is not difficult to find in them the same persons who are spoken of in the corre- sponding account in Neh. viii. 7. The LXX. — probably for the sake of brevity — has only the first three names. These per.soiis, being inclose contact with the people, re-read and interpreted to them what was most difficult to understand. Mi- chaelis supposes that they recited the words with Ezra, and that through "their united voices they were able to roach all the people. This is not probable. It is not to be supposed that Ezra read, uninterruptedly, the entire time, i. e., for six hours. But, after reading a certain part, this part was interpreted, as far as necessary, to the people. The word iixipuaiw {ifi(pv(Ti6a) is used also in John (xx. 22). Schleusner would give it in one passage the force of explico; and in ver. 55 of the present chapter the meaning of exhilaro. The rendering in the latter case would seem from the context to be correct ; but in the former it is too weak. The English word itfase or instill seems better to express the earnestiiess with which the Levites sought to impress the sense on the minds of the ]ieople. Ver. 49. Attharates. In the Hebrew this word is given as the official title of Nehemiah, in the sense of giwernor. He receives another and the ordinarv title for governor — Pechah — at Neh. v. 14, "15, 18. Cf., above, v. 40, and Neh. X. 1 . The text of the Greek Ezra at this point deviates in other respects from that of the canoni- cal book, and apparently without good ground. See remarks in our Introduction to the present book, ad loc. .Ver. 55. "On 711^. This is an e.xtraordinary collocMtion of particles, and sufficiently accounts for the variations in the readings. — The clause koL e'mns of Pnrosk : Eiamiah, Jeziah, Malchiah, Miarain, Eleazar, Malchijah, Benaiah. Sons of Elam ; Mattaniah, Zechariah, Jehiel, Abdi, Jerenioth, Eliah. Sonsof Zaiiu: Elioenai, Elia- shib, Mattaniah, Jeremoth, Zabad, Aziza. Sons of Btbni: Jehohanan, Hananiah, Zabbal, Athlai. S(ms of Bani : Me- shullam, Mallucb, Adaiah, Jaahub, Sheal, Ranioth. Sons of Pakath-monb : Adna, Chelal, Benaiah, Maaseiah, Mat- taniah, Bezaleel, Binnui, Manasseh. Sons of Hnrim : Eliezer, Ishijah, Mal- chiah, Shemaiah, Shimeon, Benjamin, Malluch, Shemariah. Sons of Hashum : Mattenai, Mattathah, Zabad, Eliphelet, Jereraai, Manasseh, Shimei. Sons of Bdjii : Maadai, Amram, Uel, Benaiah, I^eiah, Chelluh, Vaniah, Meremoth, Eliashib, Mattaniah, Mattenai, Jaasau, Bani, Binnui, Shimei, Shelemiab, Nathan, Adaiah, Machnadebai, Shashai, Sharai, Azareel, Shelemiab, Shemariah, Shallum, Amariah, Joseph. Sons of Nebo : Jeiel, Mattithiah, Zabad, Zebina, Jadau, Joel, Benaiah. THE BOOK OF TOBIT. INTRODUCTION. The name generally given to the Book of Tobit in the Greek MSS. is simply lafftr; while in the Vulgate it is Liber Tobice, and in the two Hebrew texts Sepher Tobi. The ChaUiaic MS., recently discovered by Dr. Neubauer, has as title the " History of Tobiyah " (rriait na?^!:). Some Latin MSS., apparently on the ground that the son holds as important a place in the history as the father, give as superscription : Tobit et Tobias, and Liber utriiisque Tohia ; in the latter of which titles, it will be noticed, the same name is applied to father and son, — a usage which is supported by none of the Greek MSS. In the oldest Greek authorities, however, the name of the father does not always appear in the same form, although the spelling Toi^iV is the most common. The Vatican MS. (II.) has Toi/Selr; and the Sinaitic, Tw/SelS. The etymology of the word is not clear; but it is likely that the final letter has been added for the sake of euphony, as is the case with many Hebrew words found in the Greek Bible (NafopeV, rEWTjirapeV) ; and that the original word was "^itO, " mygoodness," being itself a shortened form of n'Zlit2, " goodness of Jehovah," or " pleasing to Jehovah." The latter name, which in our book is given to the son, was not an uncommon one in Jewish history after the period of the Exile. The Different Texts. There could, perhaps, be no better evidence of the charm which this simple story had for all classes of persons in the earlier times than the numerous texts in which it was put in circulation, and the various embellishments it received, in detail, in passing through different hands. f)f texts more or less perfect, there exist in printed form, and have been collated, three Greek, three Latin, two Hebrew, a Syriac, and a Chaldaic. To dett-rmine the essential character of these different existing texts and their relative value, is naturally of the highest importance in any really critical study of the book. Which of them is, in all probability, the oldest'? Is the same the original of the others, and the first original? or, are all but translations of a Chaldaic or Hebrew work no longer extant? The most common opinion among scholars of all scliools may be said to be, that the work was composed in Hebrew; but, until recently, this theory has been supported on grounds which were rather conjectural than real. The recent discovery by Dr. Neubauer, in the Bodleian Library at Oxfonl, of a Chaldaic text of the book, which he supposes to be the one used by Jerome in his version, has given to the matter a somewhat altered aspect. Jerome, in his preface to the translation of the work as it appears in the Vulgate, says : " Exigiiis, ut lihrum Chaltlmo sermone conscriptum ad Lalinum stilum traham, librum ulique Tobice Feci satis desiderio vestro Et quia vicina est Chaldeeorum lingua sermoni Hebraico. ulriusque lingum peritissimum loquacem reperiens unius diei lahiircm arrifiui, et quidquid ille mild Hebiaicis verbis exj)ressit, hoc ego accito notario sermnnibus Latinis exposui." Since Jerome's time until now, there have been discovered no traces of the Chaldaic text, of which he here speaks. Dr. Neubauer, however, is quite confident, and on grounds that must be allowed great weight. that he has found the same amongst the treasures of the Bodleian Library.^ The MS. was bought by the library from a bookseller in Constantinople (No. 2339 of Neubaucr's catalogue). 1 See the Alhitta-iim for November, 18T7, p. 630 : the Armhmy of the same clnt«, p. 468 ; Schiirer in the Tlu-olo^ Lileralurzeilung, 1878. No. i., col. 21, and No. xiv., cols, SSl-aa") ; Dickell Ztitselmfi fur Kallt. T/teol., 1878, pp. 216-222 •Bd the text itself published by Dr. .\eubaiier, Tlie Brink Tohii, etc., Oxford, 1878. THE BOOK OF TOBIT. Ill It contains a collection of compositions of the nature of the jMidrash, of which the Book of Tobit is the fifth in number, it beinw given as commentary to Gen. xxviii. 22. The grounds on which it is maintained that it is nearly related to the Chaldaio te.xt used by Jerome, if not identical with it, are first and principally, that both, in the first two chapters and part of the third, employ tlie third person in speaking of Tobit, while all tlie other texts make use of the first person, that is, suffer Tobit to speak for himself. In addition to this, the two texts — that of Jerome represented in the Vulgate, and the newly discovered Chaldaio — have the same general form throughout, with the exception of the closing chapters, which are incom- plete in the latter. There is the same abridgment of the narrative in the several parts in both, and the same general habit of giving in a freer, independent form the contents of the story. It is true there are differences, also, between them, both in order and in words; in some of which the Clialdaic agrees better with some of the other texts than with the Vulgate. But these differences, as Dr. Neubauer thinks, can be sufficiently well accounted for by the fact that the Chaldaic had to be adapted to the Midrash, in which it was found ; while there can be no doubt that Jerome's version lias inaccuracies owing to his haste, and his method of proceeding in other respects, and was at the same time greatly intlueneed by the Old Latin, which he also had before him. But now, if it be admitted that the newly discovered Chaldaio text is essentially that used by Jerome, it would not by any means follow that this text is the original one or even the best extant representative of the original. Jerome himself lays no such stress upon the value of this particular text as to lead us to suppose that he regarded it as the original. He admits that he spent but a day with his Jewish interpreter and his amanuensis upon it, and his work shows everywhere the most marked influence of the Old Latin. Moreover, it is evident that the text is given in a fuller and more complete form in the Greek than in the Chaldaic, the latter being throughout of the nature of an abridgment. But it seems to us conclusive on this point, that the Chaldaic text, as we have before stated, instead of representing, in the opening chapter, Tobit as speaking, mentions him only in the third person. This, as Neu- bauer and Bickell admit, cannot have been the original form of the composition. That is found in the Greek MSS., which represent him as giving his own history up to chap. iii. 7 ff., where the account of Sarah is introduced, and where the third person is necessary, and from that point it is continued through the book. The good Semitic diction in which the Chal- daic is written, and on which the two last-named scholars lay much stress, inferring that it must arise from the fact that a Hebrew original lies at the basis of it, might just as well be the result of the very free way in which the translation is made, as well as the Hebraizing character of all the texts, the best of the Greek not excepted. Under these circumstances, the opinion of Schiirer seems best worthy of support, who says : " So much is quite probable, that an older Chaldaic, or at least Semitic text preceded our present Chaldaic, in which, in chaps, i., ii., the first person was preserved. For the Hebrew of MUnster, that has retained the first person, indicates such a model, and the same, as above remarked, is otherwise nearly allied to our Chaldaic text. We are ready, too, to concede the possibility that the book of Tobit was originally written in Hebrew, and that from this Hebrew original our Chaldaic text has come. But it remains a bare possibility. And, in any case, the Chaldaic, with its arbitrary abridgments and free reproduction of the thought, is much farther removed from this supposed original than any one whatever of the Greek recensions." • The two existing Hebrew te.\ts are acknowledged to be of recent origin. The one gener- ally entitled Hehraus Munsteri was first printed in Constantinople, in 1516, and at Venice in 1544, 1608. Sebastian Miinster, whose name it bears, received it from Oswald Schrcckc^n- fuchs, of Memmingen. He regarded it as a libellus vere aureus, and had it reprinted at Basle, with a Latin translation, in 1542 and 1549. It was also published in 1563, 1566, 1570, and 1576. On its first appearance, opinions were much divided concerning it, some holding it for a work of Miinster himself, and otliers for the true original. The edition of 1556, which appeared after the death of Miinster, was subsequently incorporated, together with the lat- ter's translation, in the London Polyglot. In this same work of Walton, moreover (vol. iv.), is to be found the other Hebrew text, which, for the sake of distinguishing it from the for- mer, is called Hebraus Fugii, Fagius having published it from a Constantinople copy of 1517,2 in connection with his edition of Sentenlioe. Morales Ben Syrce (Isnae, 1542), under the litle : Tobias Hebraice cum versione Latina e regione. There is no exact agreement of opinion 1 Thtolog. Literaturzeitttng, 1878, No. 14, col. 335. 2 Zunz, Vortrdge, p. 126, gives the date iis V,\:>. 112 THE APOCEYPHA. respecting the time when these two Hebrew versions were made. Fritzsche and Reusch fix the date of that named Hebrtgus Fagii, in the eleventh century; llgen a century later, while Sengelmann vacillates between the two. It is for the most part a free translation, or para- phrase, of the Greek as found in the Roman edition of the LXX. The other belongs to a recension of the text, which, as we have said, is otherwise represented by the Chaldaic and the Old Latin. The Hebrew version of the Old Testament apocryphal books by Frankel (Lips. 1830) was made from the Vulgate. There is said to be, in the Vatican library at Rome, a Latin translation of a Hebrew codex of the Book of Tobit, made by Bartolocci, but nothing further is known of it. Of the three Latin texts of the Book of Tobit, two originated before the time of Jerome, and are variously named " Old Latin," " Itala," " Itala I.," " Itala H.," etc. They were pub- lished by Sabatier.^ He used, principally, for this purpose, three MSS., Codex Regius, n. 3564., which contained the whole book, and belonged to the eighth century; a second, from the library of S. Germanus a Pratis, n. 4., of the same age, but defective in certain passages; and added various readings from another belonging to the same library, n. 15. The last was of inferior value on account of its mutilated character, although not younger than the first two. Sabatier, in his notes, gives readings from a fourth important MS., which had formerly be- longed to Queen Christina of Sweden, but which, at that time, was in the Vatican Library, n. 7. Although of unknown age, its text is of such a character, and differs so much from that of the three MSS. just mentioned, as to seem to justify the theory of another recension. Unfortunately, however, this codex contains only chaps, i.-vi. 12. From its purer style, and the fact that the quotations from Tobit found in the Fathers agree better with the other recen- sion, it is thought to be of a somewhat later date. The Latin version of Tobit contained in the Vulgate was made, as we have already noticed, by Jerome. Of the three translations in this language, it is, undoubtedly, the least valuable. Pellican, as quoted by Sengelmann {Ei/ileil., p. 56), was of the opinion that some other per- son must have done the work and published it under the name of Jerome, in order to give it the more currency. But the confession of this father (unius diei laborem arripui), and his known method of proceeding, as given in the preface to his version of Judith (see Introil. to that book), are a sufficient explanation of most of its deficiencies. Unfortunately, the author- itative position of this text as the one, especially since the Middle Ages, ecclesiastically used and sanctioned, has given to it an importance which it in no sense deserves. Many translations into modern languages have been made from it, and not only Roman Catholics, but Protes- tants have, until a recent period, given it the preference before all others. What seems to be still another Latin text, sometimes named " Itala III." is extant in an old MS. whose read- ings have been given by Mai in vol. ix. of his Spicilegium Romanum Vaticanum. As only a few fragments, however, remain, it is impossible to classify it, relatively to the others, with any great degree of certainly. Cf. Reusch, Com., p. xxvi. In the Polyglot of Walton the Book of Tobit appears also in a Syriac translation. That it is a translation is evident from the exactness with which it follows its still extant Greek original (Greek A.). It is, indeed, announced in the superscription : " SequUur Liber Tobit; ipse aulem ponitur secundum traditionem LXX. inlerpretum." But the agreement with this recension of the Greek text extends only to vii. 10. For Walton's work two MSS. were used. On the margin of the first appears at this place, in Latin, the following note : " Up to this point we have copied from a codex which was translated from the LXX. Since, however, this was mutilated, and we could not make it out any further, we find ourselves obliged to transcribe the remainder from another codex. Igitur gum hinc adjinem libri, ab edilione alia sunt." (Land. Pol., vol. vi., p. 43.) The latter part of the book, then, — that is, from vii. 11 on, — represents another recension of the Greek text, and, as it is generally aoreed (so Fritzsche, Reusch, Sengelmann, and others), that which is known as Greek B., found in the Sinaitic MS., to which the Itala and the Chaldaic of Neubauer are closely allied. The text of this Syriac version is given in vol. iv. of the Polyglot ; but the readings, which are not numerous, in vol. vi. Bernstein has made a few emendations in the Zeitschrift der deutschen Morgentand. Gesellschaft (iii. 400.) ; but they are not of great importance. The extreme literalness of the first of the two above-mentioned MSS. makes it of consider- able importance, as far as it goes, in a critical study of the work. As already noted, the Greek text appears in three different recensions, named «ever. 1 Bibliorum Stmrontm Latintz Vfrsiones Antiqwx, Tom. i. THE BOOK OF TOBIT. 113 ally A. B. and C. The last is represented by three MSS. (44. 106. 107.), and is the same as that found in the Syriae version from VII. 11. These MSS., however, are not of one recension throughout. From the beginning to vi. 9 they have the common texf, from V. 10 to xiii. 18, the recension named C. According to Bickell,' this recension is also found from v. 9 to vi. 18 in a Vatican MS. of the Itala edited by Bianchini.^ Tlie matter is by no means yet fully decided to which of the other two recensions — that principally repre- sented, on the one side, by the Vatican MS. (H-), or that, on the other, by the Sinaitic and Old Latin (Greek B.) — is to be given the preference. Bickell pronounces that known as Greek A. as the oldest of the three Greek recensions, and the source of the other two, they being revisions of it, made with the help of the Hebrew original {sic). Gutberlet, since all the texts, in bis opinion, have received more or less canonical recognition by their use in the church, Uiinks the matter is not one of the greatest importance, but chooses Greek B., which is preferable in a literary point of view, as the basis of his Commentar)-. Greek A., as he acknowledges, would have the preference on ssthetical grounds, while the Latin Vulgate surpasses all others in dogmatical importance.' Obviously, the question is not to be thus settled. Fritzsche, in the Prolegomena to his edition of the Apocrypha in Greek, as well as in his Commentary, maintains with the utmost confidence, as against Ewald * and Reusch,^ the superiority of the text of the book usually followed. It is the text supported by much the largest number of MSS., and is the most quoted by the Greek Fathers. It is less diffuse than the other, and less smooth in its style of composition. On the other hand, as has been recently shown by Scbiirer,^ it is not to be denied that there are instances where A. seems to have a text less worthy of confidence than B., if indeed it has not been revised from it. See, for instance, i. 4, 19, 20. He holds that although there are cases where B. has been doubt- less emended, and A. has a preferable reading (as at i. 1 ; i. 4 : the tou uiJ/iVtou of A. being undoubtedly correct, while the Sinaitic has tou fleou; i. 14, the name 'Pdyois is wanting), still there is nothing in the way of holding that, in general, it has the original text rather than A. The greater diffuseness of B., he thinks, is scarcely ever of the sort that it should be looked upon as an enlargement in the way of paraphrase ; but that it would appear, on the contrary, as though its more circumstantial account had been generallj' abridged in A. This opinion of Schiirer has the more weight since it represents his deliberate judgment after critical e.K- amination, he having previously accepted Fritzsche's view.' In the present volume we have taken the " received text " as the basis of comment, but at the same time have given a translation of that known as Greek B. The former is found in the edition of the LXX. by Holmes and Parsons, together with the readings of eighteen MSB., whose comparatively few variations testify to the purity of form in which it has been transmitted. It has been best preserved in II., with which .52. (i.-iii. 15) and 108. gener- ally agree. The remaining MSS., according to Fritzsche, arrange themselves as follows : HL 58. 64. 243. 248. 249. 55. on the one side, and 23. 71. 74. 76. 236. 44. 106. 107. and the Syriae version as far as vii. 9, on the other. Codex Alexandrinus (HI.) has a mixed text, but ordinarily agrees with the former series. Has the Book a Basis in Facts f It is a question which has been much discussed, whether the Book of Tobit is to be con- (Sdered as veritable history or romance. The majority of critics favor, with more or less of limitation, the latter view. And if the construction of tlie story and its relation to the canonical books be carefully considered, it must be held to be the correct one. For nstance, the two characters of Tobit and Sarra are drawn with too much similarity of oloring to suppose that they were actual historic personages. They were both at the same time treated to vituperation and reproach ; at the same time betook themselves to prayer, and prayed for precisely the same thing, namely, that God would relieve them of their troubles by removing them from the world. And they are represented as similar not only in their fortunes, but also in their mental and moral characteristics: in their honesty, in their innocence of crime, although it was charged upon them ; and in the nameless charm of virtuous souls. 1 Ztitschrift fur Kntol. Theol., p. 218. 2 VindicitB Canonicarum Scripturarum VuIgat€B Editwnn. p. 350. Cf. Reusch, Libel. Tob.y Prsefat., p. iv. 8 Page 19. 4 JaJirb. d. Bibl. Wissmschaft, \i 191. 6 Com., p. iii. 6 Idem, col. 333. 7 Idrm, 1878, No. 7, col. 161. 8 114 THE APOCRYPHA. Again, no one can read the work without being continually reminded of a certain other Scriptural personage, whom Tobit resembles in the sad fortunes of his earlier life, as also in the restful and fruitful experiences of its closing years. The writer had doubtless " heard of the patience of Job," and " seen the end of the Lord ; " for " the Lord is merciful and compassionate." Tobit is represented as being like Job, — rich, of high standing, benev- olent towards the poor; like Job, notwithstanding his moral worth, he bi-came poor, sick, and miserable. Both alike are mocked in their misfortunes by their wives, on whose support they are similarly dependent. Both long for death to release them from their sufferings. Both are healed in a surprising manner, and come in subsequent life into a position and attain a prosperity which far surpass those of their former most prosperous days. In both cases it is Ihe special interposition of Jehovah which turns the scales in their favor when the period of their discipline is ended. Still further, the allusions in chap. .xiv. 10 to the Book of Esther, — if they are admitted, — and the seeming effort to construct the story so as to correspond, in some degree, with that of tliis favorite book, is much more suggestive of fiction than of real biography. ^Vhatever theory may be adopted in the explanation of this difficult passage (cf. Com., ad loc), the feeling must still remain, that the writer seeks to enhance the glory of his more or less sup- posititious hero by associating him, not only with Job in his trials and his triumphs, but also with this earlier favorite of the Persian court. In view now of what has been said, but one opinion res[)ecting the composition of the book seems tenable : it is a work of the imagination. Where the narrative is interrupted by outbursts of prayer, praise, or supposed prophetic utterance (as in chap, xiii.), there is the clearest evidence of attempted, though unsuccessful, adaptation of borrowed expressions to the circumstances of the story. It is indeed possible that a real family history lies at the basis of the narrative ; but it seems far more probable that the author set out with certain moral ideas to which he wished to give utterance, and which he has clothed in this garb of quasi, or, to some extent actual, history, as the one or the other best suited his purpose. At least, it would appear that not the history, but the moral teaching, was the matter which lay nearest his heart. Historical Difficulties. That the Book of Tobit presents some peculiar historical difficulties is generally acknowl- edged, although there is by no means the same unanimity respecting the importance to be »ttached to them, or the manner in which they are to be explained. Hengstenberg (Eu. K. Zeitung, 1853, p. 54), who, in the controversies on this subject twentj' years ago, argued in favor of the publication of the apocryphal l>ooks in connection with the canonical, wrote : " The Book of Tobit is charged with containing many geographical, chronological, and his- torical, blunders, as well as some opinions which are improbable and worthy of suspicion But the author had no intention of avoiding them, since he did not write history but a didac- tic story. To judge these [deficiencies, then,] according to the standard of a historical com- position, is quite a mistake. He that would defend the historical character of the book will undoubtedly involve himself in the strangest jierplcxities." But this is just what the most thoughtful and scholarly of the Roman Catholic defenders of the work — like Welte and Reusch — do. It will not be a work of supererogation, therefore, to make investigations con- cerning the nature and extent of these alleged faults. First, then, in chap. i. 2, we find the statement that Tobit was carried away as captive from Thisbe, in Galilee, in the time of Ennemessar (Shalmaneser, cf. Com. below). But, ac- cording to 2 Kings XV. 29, it was Tiglatli Pileser who made this deportation of captives to Nineveh. The usual explanation of this apparent contradiction is that Tobit may have been taken indeed, with the captives in the time of Tiglath Pileser. and afterwards, en route, made his (•sca|)e (Dereser, Scliolz, Welte), and returned to Palestine to be subsequently removed to Nineveh by his successor, the Shalmaneser above mentioned ; or, that he was not inclucivd at all among those at first (le[)orted (Reusch), but in the number of those removed by Shal- maneser, as noticed in 2 Kings xvii. 3, 6. But it is a fatal objection to the second explana- tion that it was not Slialmnnescr. but Sar^'on, according to the Babylonian inscriptions — and tlie account in the passage from the Book of Kings is not out of harmony with it — who took Samaria, and In- did not carry liis cai>lives to Nineveh, where Tobit was carried, but placed them in " Ilalah and in Ilabor [by] the river of Gozan, and in the cities of the Ah'des." Cf. Bill. Com., ad loc. ; Transactions, 1873, p. 328 ; Rawlinson, Herod., i. 477 f., and .Incitiil Mon. THE BOOK OF TOBIT. 115 ii. 152. And with respect to the first explanation, our answer to the second is valid also against it, — that Sargon was the Assyrian monarch who actual!)- captured S;imaria, while the theory that so important a family as that of Tobit could have been in the two deporta- tions of Tijlath Pileser (cf. Bib. Com. at 2 Kings xvi. 9) overlooked, or thnt, with the rigor with which prisoners of war were then guarded, he made his escape from the victorious Assyrian army, has too much the appearance of a subterfuge to require sober investigation. The writer of the book was evidently misled by the apparent statements of 2 Kings xvii. 3-6, xviii. 9-11, and by not comparing them with that of .xv. 29. Bosanquet (Transactions, 1874, i. pp. 1-27) maintains tliat Tiglath Pileser, Shalmaneser, and Sargon were all on the throne together; at first, the first two, tlien the three, " by some state arrangement which has not yet been explained." If this were to be admitted, it might still be regarded, at least, as highly imiirobable that Tiglath Pileser being still on the throne, an event of so much import- ance should have been spoken of as taking place during the reign of his associate and in- ferior. A second discrepancy in dates occurs in chap. i. 4. It is there said that Tobit was a vounw man (veairepov fxov ivTos:) when his tribe Nephthali fell away (with the ten tribes) from Judah. But this occurred, if as seems necessary (see Com. ad toe), the political separation is referred to, a couple of centuries before the Babylonian captivity, while according to the received Greek text (xiv. 2, 11) Tobit reached only the age of 158. On the other hand, if we follow the other texts, the discrepancies are found to be no less perplexing. Another error is found in the fifteenth verse of the same chapter. Sennacherib is repre- sented as both the son and successor of Ennemessar, i. e., Shalmaneser. But it is now suf- ficiently well established by the Assyrian inscriptions that Sennacherib was the son of Sar- gon. Cf. Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., ii. 155; Herod., i. 481, and Schrader, Die Keilin!:chriften , p. 169. Bosanquet (Transaction.'!, 1874, p. 27) would explain by supposing either that Sen- nacherib suppresses the name of his father, Sargon, because he wishes to be regarded as descending from the legitimate line of kings, or that he became the son of Shalmaneser by marriage. Both suppositions, however, are simply conjectures. Also, in the twenty-first verse, it is said that " not fifty days " passed (the Sinaitic MS. says " forty days "), /. e., as is evident from the connection, after the return of Sennacherib from his disastrous campaign in Palestine, " before two of his sons killed him." But from the account in 2 Kings we learn that he returned to Nineveh and dwelt {^'il)'^) there. The idea of a considerable time is undoubtedly involved in this word. Moreover, the same fact is clear from the inscriptions (cf. Schrader, Die Keilinschriften, p. 205 f.), according tu which he conducted no less than five more or less important campaigns against his enemies after this event. And Rawlinson says (Ancient Mon., ii. 169, 170) : " The murder of the disgraced Sennacherib, ' within fifty-five [ ?] days ' of his return to Nineveh, seems to be an invention of the Alexandrian Jew who wrote the Book of Tobit. The total destruction of the empire, in consequence of this blow, is an exaggeration of Josephus, rashly credited by some moderns. Sennacherib did not die until B.C. 681, seventeen years after his misfortune; and the empire suffered so little that we find Esarhaddon, a few years later, in full possession of all the ter- ritory that any king before him had ever held, ruling from Babylonia to Egypt, or (as he himself expresses it) ' from the rising up of the sun to the going down of the same.' " Still, again, in the last verse of the book, it is said that Tobias heard, before his death in Media at the age of one hundred and twenty-seven (the other texts give, Vulg., 99 ; Sin., 117) of the destruction of Nineveh by " Nabuchodonosor and Assuerus." Now, if we com- pare the date of the period fixed for the beginning of Tobit's captivity (i. 2) with the further date of his blindness, and of his death (xiv. 2), and of the marriage and death of Tobias (x. 10; xiv. 14), it will be evident that our author has made other chronological blunders. First, there is not a sufficient interval between the alleged deportation of Shalmaneser and the destruction of Nineveh for the events narrated in the book. Second, supposing Tobias to have been twenty-seven years of age when he returned with his wife to his father's house — Tobit was sixty-six — then, instead of moving into Media, and living to a good old age, after his father's death, he must have died, according to the book, very soon after. Or, even if he were less than twenty-seven at the date of his marriage, the representation of the book (xir. 12-14) would be an exaggeration. Moreover, third, as we have shown below in eonnection with the commentary, there can be no depender.-e placed on the statement of 116 THE APOCRYPHA. the same verse that " Nabiichodonosor and Assuerus " took Nineveh. Saraeus was at this time king of Assyria, with his capital at Nineveh. One of his ablest generals was Nabopolas- sar, whom he sent to Babylon to operate against the Susianians, while he retained the bulk of his forces to engnge the Medes, who also had assailed his empire from another quarter. Nabopolassar, however, instead of continuing to support the waning fortunes of his monarch, proved faithless, made terms with Cyaxares, king of the Medes at that time, on the condition that his son should be betrothed to the king's daughter, and both of them turned their united forces against Nineveh, which fell before them at about B. c. 625. This is Niebuhr's date. Later authorities place the date of this event at B. c. 609-607. Rawlinson (Herod., i. 502)i says B. c. 610. Cf. Anciejit Mon., ii. 231, 232. This alliance seems to be noticed in a pas- sage in Herodotus (i. 106): " They took Nineveh — I will relate how in another history — ■ and conquered all Assyria, except the district of Babylonia." It is plainly stated by Aby- denus (Euseb., Chron., i. 9): " Sed enim hie, capto rebellandi consilio, Amuhiam Asty- agis Medorum principis filiam nato suo Nabucodrossoro despondebat; moxque raptim contra Ninum, seu Niniveni, urbem impetum faciebat." The same also is supported by Polyhistor, through Syncellus (Chronograph., ad loc.) and by Josephus, Antiq., x. 5, § 1). The latter says, " Now Neco, king of Egypt, raised an army and marched to the river Euphrates, in order to- fight with the Medes and Babylonians, who had nrerlhroion the dominion of the Assyrians." Hence, while it is possible that Cyaxares may liave also borne the name " Assuerus," it seems reasonably certain that the introduction of " Nabuchodonosor's " name is an anachro- nism. Sengelmann {Com., p. 118) also cites a Hebrew work of the second century which gives to Nebuchadnezzar the credit of subjugating Nineveh. But the influence that his betrothal with the daughter of Cyaxares had on that event was so important, and his name was so much more distinguished than that of his father, that such a statement is not to be wondered at. This may have been the occasion also for what is said in the present book. Other Improbabilities. In addition to these historical discrepancies, there have also been urged against the credi- bility of the Book of Tobit, and as it would appear justly, certain other improbabilities of the narrative. Since these, however, have been for the most part noticed where they occur in connection with the following commentary, we need only, with the utmost brevity, refer to them here- In chap. ii. 9, Tobit is represented as sleeping in the court of his liouse, instead of the house itself, because he had become ceremonially unclean by coming in contact with a dead body. But just before (ver. 4), on the same day, by his own admission, he had handled this very body, and immediately afterwards returned home and partaken of food, apparently without a thought of its impropriety. Again, while lying by the wall in the court, it is said that sparrows " muted warm dung into his eyes " (ii. 10), i. e., into both his eyes at the same time, and he became blind in consequence. The utter improbability of any such thing tak- ing place in this manner needs only to be suggested. Further, in iv. 12, Noah is represented as one who married a wife from among his own kindred. The illustration is, to say the least, " far-fetched," besides, we have no information from the canonical books of Scripture con- cerning whom Noah married. Again, there seems to be no good reason for the introduction of Tobit's dog into the nar- rative (v. 16 ; xi. 4). To say (with Dereser, Seholz, Com., ad loc.) that it was in order that, on the return of the son and his angel guide, the dog might run ahead to announce their com- ing, is to say what is quite insufficient, while it lacks the support of the Greek text, accord- ing to which it is simply said: & kvwv rnnadty ainwy. It is true tliat the dog was much esteemed in Egypt, and often appears on the monuments of that country (cf. Transact., iv. 172 ff.), and also, as used for the chase, on those of Assyria (Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., i. 234) and Media (idem, ii. 301) ; but the present is the only known instance where a Jew is represented as treating a dog with anytliing like familiarity. He was employed by them as a watch for guarding flocks (Job xxx. 1; Is. Ivi. 10), but, on the other hand, the term " dog " has always been among them an expression of utter contempt, as it still is throughout the East (see Van Lenneji, Bible Lands, p. 278). It is a fact worthy of notice that in both the Chal- daic and Hebrew (Miinster) texts all mention of the dog is left out. Still further, the young Tobias has a remarkable experience with a fish on the first evening of his journey (vi. 3). He went down to the river Tigris to bathe, and " a fish leaped out ot the water and would have swallowed him. But the angel said unto him, ' Lay hold of the THE BOOK OF TOBIT. 117 fish.' And the young man got possession of (mastered, ixpirnffe) the fish, and drew it to land." And in the following verse it is said that the two travellers, after roasting the fish, ate it. Did tlicv eat all of it? It is elsewhere said (.\ii. 19) that llie angel only "appeared" to eat. And what sort of a fish was it that thought to have made a meal of Tobias but was made a meal of by Tobias V And where was the dog during this startling episode ? In chap. viii. 9, we read that Raguel, after suffering Tobias — and being all too easily persuaded, one might say, considering the circumstances — to marry his daughter, goes out and digs a grave with the expectation of burying his son-in-law there without any one's know- inff it, except his wife. But he afterwards (ver. 18) allows his servants to fill the grave, who would thus learn for what purpose it had been intended. (In the Chaldaic text the account is somewhat different.) Had he disposed of the bodies of seven previous sons-in-law in this manner? How was it possible for him in such a case to escape an investigation on the part of his own brethren, if not of the government of the country? In chap. ix. 1-6, it seems to be represented that Raphael, with camels and a servant, made the journey from Ecbatana to Rages in Media and returned in two days. The distance between the two places must have been nearly or quite two hundred miles, which supposition, moreover, agrees well with the statement of Arrian that the army of Alexander required eleven days to travel it in one direction. Cf. Rawlinson, Aticient Man., ii. 272 f. Further, in chap. xi. 7,8, Raphael is said to have counseled Tobias to greet his blind father, on his return, with- out any previous preparation, by rubbing the pungent gall of the fish on his eyes. The author, in aiming at special picturesqueness here, ceased to be natural. The Syriac fitly represents the father as saying in astonishment : " What hast thou done, my son? " The conduct of the new-comers was truly sensational in more than one respect. Once more, what are we to think of a holy angel, of Raphael's pretended rank, who not only acts in general the part of this angel of the book of Tobit, in connection with a simple family history, hut tells deliberate falsehood, even on the slightest occasion ? He told Tobias (ver. 6), " I have lodged with our brother Gabael; '' he declared to the father (ver. 12): " I am Azarias, son of Ananias the great." It is no sufficient justification of such conduct to refer to the sins of the patriarchs in this respect, as some have done, since no one attempts to justify these sins, much less to hold that angels should take the patriarchs as their examples. To say, with Reusch (Com., ad loc.), that since the angel had assumed the character of Azarias, son of Ananias, therefore, it was only a natural consequence that he should act accordingly, is simply to seek to justify one act of dissimulation by another. Doctrinal Teaching. A variety of opinions exists respecting the aim of the author in the preparation of his work, and it may arise from the fact that no one object was particularly prominent in his mind. Cramer's theory seems as well as any to meet the circumstances of the case. He says (Dar- stell. d. Moral, etc., p. 14): " In the Book of Tobit, various moral doctrines and truths are in the way of example set forth, without one's being in a position to pronounce exactly which the leading idea is Only so much can with certainty be affirmed, that Tobias and Sarah play the principal part in them. The lea. 383 ; Dillmann, Henoch, p. 97; same by Hoffmann, p. 123; Gfrorer, i. 11; Herzog's Real-Encyk., under " En^el"; Langen, Judenihum, etc. p. 297 ; Ilgen, Einleit., p. Ixxxiii. ; Stud. u. Krit., 1833, pp. 772, 1163; 1839, p. 329. According to the Book of Tobit (xii. 15), further, it is one of the duties of these superior angels to present to God, in the way of mediation, the prayers of his people. In this respect, too, it stands outside the sphere of Biblical teaching among works that are acknowled'.'ed to be apocryphal. Some passages from the Scriptures have been cited, indeed (Job xxiii. 33 ; Acts X. 4 ; Rev. viii. 3), as having a similar meaning. But in none of these passages is it, by any means, taii^ht, that angels are actual intercessors for men. The Book of Tobit has taken its coloring, it is clear, from traditional opinions, which are represented in a still more definite form in other similar works. The Book of Enoch, for instance (ix. 3), contains the following address to certain supposed archangels: " And now, to you, O ye holy ones of heaven, the souls of men complain, saying, 'Obtain justice for us with the Most High.' " At xl. 6, again. Gabriel is s[ioken of as " petitioning and praying " for those who dwell on earth. In the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, in connection with a description of the seven, heavens, the writer savs (" Test. Levi," iii.): " In the fifth are the angels of the f)resi'nce ot God. wbii Miinister and make propitiator i/ nfferinr/s to the Lnnl." Again, in cliaii. v. of th< THE BOOK OF TOBIT. 119 same Testament an angel is made to say : " I am the angel who intercedes for pardon with respect to the nation of Israel." Cf. Fabricius, Codex Pseudep., i. pp. 546, 550. Still another peculiar feature of the angelology of the Book of Tobit is the plain intimation that anjels may become enamored with women of the human race, and enjoy with them unhal- lowed sexual intercourse. There is no other reasonable explanation of the relations said to have been sustained to Sarra by Asmodieus. But on what is such an idea based ? It can only be based on a false interpretation of the well-known passage in Genesis (vi. 2), where the " sons of God " are spoken of as intermarrying with the daughters of men. This view was widely accepted, at first, in the synagogue and the church, and may have been shared also bv the translators of the Septuagint, since the MSS. are divided between the reading viol Ton &eov anil S776\oi t. 0. Two important apocryphal works, in addition to the Book of Tobit, contain the teaching, — the Book of Enoi-h, and the Book of the Jubilees, or the Little Genesis. It is not necessary to say that in our day there are scarcely any commenta- tors of note who o-ive it the least countenance as the real meaning of the passage cited from (Jenesis. Again, the canonical Scriptures give no countenance to the views of the Book of Tobit (vi. 16) respecting the exorcism of demons. These views, however, are in complete harmony with practices which were common among the Jews and other nations before and after the time of Christ. On one of the Babylonian monuments occurs a singular instance of the use of the magic knot (itoToSeo-^os) for the purpose of exorcising demoniacal spirits. The inscription is as follows : — " Go, my son! Take a woman's linen kerchief, Bind it (?) round thy right hand : loose it (?) from the left hand ; Knot it with seven knots : do so twice; Bind it round the head of the sick man; Bind it round his head and feet, like manacles and fetters: Sit down (?) on his bed: Sprinkle holy water over him : The gods will receive his dying spirit." ' Many allusions in the New Testament itself show how prevalent the use of extraordinary means for exorcism was at that time (Matt. xii. 27; Acts xix. 13, 16). Joscphus, also (^Antiq., viii. 2, § 5), gives an account of an instance even more extravagant in some of its features than that used against Asmodieus. And Justin Martyr (Dial, cum Tnjph., c. 85) puts the inquiry, whether a Jew could exorcise a demon by using the name of the God of Abraham. Isaac, and Jacob. That the power exercised so wonderfully by Christ, and before and after his ascension by his disciples, over the powers of darkness, was of quite another sort, and employed in quite another manner, needs no proof. To none of these instances would the term ''exorcise," in its usual signification, be at all applicable. A second important particular in which the Book of Tobit separates itself in its doctrinal teaching from the canonical Scriptures is the emphasis which it lays on the matter of fasting and almsgiving. A careful examination will show that the opinion expressed by Westcott (Smith's Bible Did., art. " Tobit ") on this point is somewhat too favorable. He savs: " There may be symptoms of a tendency to formal righteousness of works; but as yet the works are painted as springing from a living faith. The devotion due to Jerusalem isunited with definite acts of charity (i. 6-8), and with the prospect of wider blessings (xiii. 11). The giving of alms is not a mere scattering of wealth, but a real service of love (i. 16, 17; ii. 1-7; iv. 7, 11, 16), though at times the emphasis which is laid upon the duty is exaggerated (as it seems) from the special circumstances in which the writer was placeil (xii. 9; xiv. 10, 11)." With respect to fasting, it is well known that among the Jews it was looked upon quite ilifferently at tlie time of Christ from what it had been up to the period when the canonical books of Scripture were gathered. How much stress the Pharisees laid upon the observance is clear from many allusions in the New Testament, and is proved also from other sources. Cf. Schiirer, p. 505. Now, the tendency to exaggerate the duty and the merit of fasting seems to have begun soon after the cessation of prophecy. Some signs of it, indeed, are manifest in the warnings of the later prophets (Is. Iviii. 3-7 ; cf. Zech. vii. 5). But in the various apocryphal books, including the present one, it is seen in rapid development. Cf. 1 See Transact., ii. 54. 120 THK APOCKVPHA. Jud. viii. 6; 2 Esdras vi. 31, ix. 23, x. 4. The writer of Tobit does, it is true, teach that prayer is to be united with fasting (xii. 8) ; but the whole tenor of the book shows that this prayer, too, in liannony with the spirit of the time, was but another form of the opua npera- tum by which it was hoped to win ri;;hteonsness before God. It is the advocacy of fasting as a regularly recurring, and in itself meritorious, observance that divides these apocryi)hal teach- ings from that of the canonical books. It is the false spirit that breathes in them, and that finds its unmistakable utterance at last in the words: "I fast twice in the week; I give tithes of all I possess," etc. (Luke xviii. 12). We have, indeed, not to go very far back before we find the veritable prototype of this familiar character. Tobit says (i. 3) : " All the davs of my life I have walked in righteousness and truth; " " The whole house of Nephthali apostatized," but I stood fast (i. 6). " All my brethren partook of the bread of the lieathen," but I did not (i. 11, 12). But particular emphasis is laid, in our book, on the duty of alrfisgiving. In fact, to such an extent is this the case that some critics have regarded it as one of the leading objects of the composition to inculcate the duty. Tobit is represented as taking particular credit to himself for having given alms so freely (i. 3, 16). He enjoins the same earnestly upon his son (iv. 7, 8). He declares that such giving of alms is an ayaSSv, and to be ranged with fasting, prayer, and righteousness (xii. 8). He even hoWs that it saves from death (iv. 10), purifies from all sin (xii. 9), and imparts the fullness of life (xii. 9; xiv. 10, 11). Is this in harmony with the teachings of the canonical Scriptures? No doubt, they inculcate the same duty. But do they ascribe to its right performance the same relative importance, and especially do they expect from it the same extraor- dinary results? The question needs only to be asked. That we do not mistake the real purport of these passages from the Book of Tobit will appear when they are examined in the original. It teaches that " almsgiving saves from death " (ixeriixoaivrt ix eavirov pvirai) "purifies from every sin" (aTToKaSapii'inacTav afiapTiav), and to those practicing it imparts " the fullness of life [ol TroioCfTts SiKaiotriiraj irX-riaB-haovTai fojjjs). There can be little doubt that the word eivaros is here used in its general sense as denoting the punitive consequences of sin ; and so including not only the death of the body, but all other evil effects of transgres- sion. This would appear, not only from the well-established meaning which the term had already acquired (see Cremer's Lex., ad voc, and Sengelmann, Einleit., p. 33), but also from the connection in which it is employed, and the striking contrast into which it is brought (xii. 9) with the idea of purification from all sin and the fullness of life. In fact, it would have been difficult at that time to have expressed the idea of deliverance from eternal death with more exactness or definiteness. It is quite a different thought that rules in such pas- sages as Ps. xii. 1-3; Prov. x. 2, xi. 4, xix. 7; Dan. iv. 27; Matt. xxv. 31 ff.; Luke xi. 41, xvi. 9 ; and many others. In none of them do we find anything that brings any real support to the teachintr that " almsgiving /Juri/Te.'i from every sin,^' and rescues one from the destruction that sin has caused. It is the teaching alone of the Book of Tobit, with other associated apocryphal books (of. Ecclus. iii. 31; xxix. 12), and of that perverse rabbinism which did not hesitate to make void the law of God through its traditions. Indeed, it is easy to see just where our book steps aside from the safe path. It is where it takes a single and sub- ordinate element of a virtue, and exalts it above the virtue in its complete form. This, in fact, is characteristic of all heresy {a1p((ns. Cf. Trench, Syn. of the N. T., 1st ser., p. 239). The writer of the Book of Tobit exhibits, only in a superior degree, the marks of a tendency which ajipears in the translation of the LXX. when they give iKerifuKTwri as the rendering for np"T?. They took a part for the whole. He went further, and took almsgiving for Actj^oo-wt), — ^the outward act for the inward feeling, — and ended by ascribing to it a power which no one .should have dared to give even to righteousness, except in its highest form. As it is, we meet already, in this pre-Christian document, the denial in advance of the central truth of Christianity: " But if ye walk in the light, as he is in the light, we have fellowship one with another, and the blood of Jesus Christ, his Son, cleanseth us from all sin." See 1 John i. 5. Author, Place, and Time of Composition. The author of the Book of Tobit was undoubteilly a Jew, as is sufficiently proved by its language and spirit. That he wrote in Palestine, however, by no means follows. He is cer- Uinly not un.acquainted with the countries with which the Jews after the Captivity wer« brought in contact — Egypt, Babylon, and Media. It is indeed most proliable, consid-ring THE BOOK OF TOBIT. 121 especially the form of the narrative throughout, that the opinion of Ewald is correct, who holds that the book was wi'itten in the far East. He bases his opinion not only on the author's accurate knowledge of the places where the scene of the book is laid, his use of proper names then and there common, but also on what he considers the special aim of the work itself. (See Geschichte d. Volk. Is., iv. 269.) The same critic dates its orii;in at the end of the period of the Persian dominion (victory of Alexander at Issus, B. c. 333). But this is evidently too early. Eichhorn could not make up his mind that it was even a proiiuct of the pre-Christian era. Hitzig holds that it was written after the capture of Jerusalem by the Romans. Graetz, Koliut, and Neubauer refer it to a time when the burial of their dead was prohibited to the Jews. There are two such periods known in Jewish history: the first at about A. D. 2.50, under the Guebres in Persia, at which time Kohiit fixes the date of the composition. But this supposition overlooks the fact that the work is cited by Clement of Alexandria. Hence, Graetz and Neubauer decide upon the time of Hadrian, "after the fall of the famous fortress of Bether, so valiantly defended by Bar Kokhba. The Talmud men- tions in fact that the benediction after meals — ' Blessed be he who is good and doeth good ' — was instituted after the dead bodies round Bether were allowed to be buried." (See Neu- bauer, The Book of Tobit, p. .xvii.) Hilgenfeld and Vaihinger, with Fabricius and others, maintain that it was composed in the first century (b. c.) ; while even Scholz does not accept Ewald 's date, but decides for the earlier part of the period of the Grsco-Macedoiiian rule. In the mean time, there are certain facts of importance bearing on the question. These are, (1.) The composition of such a book as the present one by a Jew, in Greek, or its trans- lation into Greek, if it were first written in Hebrew; (2.) its doctrinal bearings, especially the form which Judaism here assumes with respect to the outside world, its governments and its own hopes. These show a much later origin than that supposed by Ewald. On the other hand, there ia no sufEcient reason for fi.xing the date at so late a period as that assigned by Hitzitj, or even by Vaihinger and Hilgenfeld, while it might be urged against their view that the work bears clear marks of an earlier age. " It is simple in tone. There is wanting in it that rhetorical pathos which was, at this later period, so much liked. And its contents are not so artificially arranged or composed in a manner to excite wonder, as was the custom of the later time." (Fritzsche, Einleil., p. 16.) On these grounds, it seems on the whole most likely that the composition had its origin, as the latter critic, Keil, Herzfeld, and others suppose, near the close of the Maccabasan wars. History. There is no allusion to the Book of Tobit in the writings of either Philo or Josephus. The supposed references of the New Testament, as for example at Matt. vii. 12 (cf. Luke vi. 31), 2 Cor. viii. 12, to Tobit iv. 16, iv. 9, respectively, are quite too general and uncertain to claim attention. It is doubtful whether Polycarp {Ep. ad Phil., x.), in the words : " Elee- mosyna de morte liberat," would cite Tob. iv. 10, or Ecclus. xxix. 12 (cf. iii. 30), where es- sentially the same expression occurs. The first undisputed citation is that of Clement of Alexandria {Strom., vi. 12; see also, ii. 23), who quotes from the Greek text the words of Tobit xii. 8 : 'Aya6hv vT\ar(ta ya-ra. wpoaivxhi, and accompanies them with the usual formula of citation from Scripture. But as he is the first so is he also the last important writer of the Greek church who assigns to it this position; since Origen, however inconsistent his practice may have been, rested the authority of the work simply on the usage of the church, declaring that the Jews rejected it along with Judith (Ep. ad Afric, xiii.). So also Athanasius, who in his formal list reckoned it definitely among the apocryphal books, but still recommended its use to those " desirous of being instructed in the rules of piety," and used it himself, and at times even as though it possessed canonical authority (see Apol. c. Arian., xi. ; cf. Tobit xii. 7). That this was the attitude of the entire ancient Greek church as a body is evident, among other reasons, from the fact that in the reaction of modern times it has been niaiu- tained by them (cf. Herzog's Real-Encjjk., vii. 268). The work was included in no one of the three important catalogues of the Biblical books by Cyril of Jerus.alem, Gregory of Nazi- anzus, and Epiphanius respectively. The same is true of the list of Melito of Sardis, and of the 8oth of the Apostolical Canons.' Apparently, through the African church, where we find Lucifer of Cagliari (f A. D. 371) making use of the Old Latin translation of the book, and Augustine (a. d. 354-430) recom- 1 Cf. Smith's Diet, of ChrUi. Antiq., art. " Apostol. Can;" 122 THE APOCRYPHA. mending it as among the books " received by the church," — i. e., the Latin African church — it passed into that of the West. At first, however, it was not received without hesitation, Ruffinus (f A. D. 410) classing it among books " ecclesiastical," rather than " canonical," while Jerome (a. d. 329-420), as is well known, held it, together with the other apocryphal productions which had been added to the Hebrew canon, to be unauthoritative. The influ- ence of Augustine, the controversialist, seems, however, to have finally preponderated over that of Jerome, the scholar, since the councils of Hippo (a. d. 39.S), of Carthage (a. d. 397), and of Carthage (a. d. 419), in all of which he took part, fixed the canon according to his list in De Doct. Chr., ii. 8. But, as a matter of fact, the views of Augustine himself were far from being clear on the subject. In practice he, too, admitted a distinction between the books of the Hebrew canon and the apocryphal (cf. Westcott, Bib. in Ch., p. 187), and was no doubt much influenced in his general position by a high regard for the LXX., possibly, also, for his spiritual father, Ambrose, who seems to have been a warm admirer of some of the apocryphal books, especially of Tobit, whom he calls a prophet. In the history of the book, as of the Apocrypha in general, subsequent to the time of Au- gustine and Jerome, the influence of both of these fathers is clearly observable, though in different directions. While the majority held by the opinion of the former, as sanctioned by the early councils, there were not a few writers of note, even up to the time of the council of Trent, who as firmly defended, or at least conformed in practice, to that of the latter. An African bishop, Junilius (cir. a. d. 550), not only distinguishes the apocryphal from the other books of Scripture, but in his list makes no mention of Tobit wJiatever. Gregory the Great (f a. d. 604) apologizes for quoting from 1 Mace, and cites Tobit (Horn, in Ezech., Ix.) as something which " pier quendam sapientem dicitur." Venerable Bede (f A. D. 735) wrote a commentary on Tobit (//( librum B. Patris Tobice explanationis allegoricm de Christo et Ecclesia, lib. i.), but did not regard the work as of canonical authority. Nicolaus de Lyra (f a. d. 1340), in his Prcsfat. in Libr. I'obice, says: " Veritas scripta in lil>ris canonicis prior est tempore quantum ad plura, et diguitate quantum ad omnia, quam sit ilia quEe scri- bitur in non canonicis." In more modern times, the history of the book has not been peculiar to itself, but, in general, has corresponded with that of the other works of its class. In the Anglican church, however, it attained in very early times to an extraordinary position, which it holds to this day. Not only was the judgment of Luther and other continental Protestant leaders confirmed that it was a work " useful for Christian reading," but it was quoted in the Second Book of Homilies as the teaching of " the Holy Ghost in Scripture," and several passages were introduced from it into different parts of the Book of Common Prayer. TOBIT. Chapter I. 1 Book * of the history of Tobit, the son of Tobiel, the son of Ananiel, the S07i of 2 Aduel, the soti of Gabael." of the seed of Asiel,"* of the tribe of Nephthalim,^ who in the time of Enemessarus king of the Assyrians was led captive out of Tliisbe, 3 which is at the right hand of Cydis of Nephthalim ^ in Galilee above Aser. I To- bit walked " all the days of my life in the way of truth and righteousness,' and I did many almsdeeds to my brethren, and my nation, who had come together with me 4 into the land of the Assyrians, to Nineve.* And when I was in my country, in the land of Israel, being young,' all the tribe of Nephthalim '■" my father fell from the house of Jerusalem, which was chosen out of all the tribes of Israel, that all the tribes should sacrifice there, and the temple of the habitation of the jMost High 5 had been consecrated there, and built " for all ages. And '- all the tribes which together revolted, and the house of my father Nephthalim,^^ sacrificed unto the 6 heifer ^^ Baal. And I alone went often to Jerusalem at the feasts, as it was prescribed unto all Israel '° by an everlasting decree, having the first-fruits and tenths of increase, with that which was first shorn ; and them gave I for ^^ the altar 7 to the priests the children of Aaron. The tenth " part of all increase I gave to the children of Levi,'" who ministered at Jerusalem ; and the second tenth '^ part I 8 sold,'-* and went and spent it every year at Jerusalem ; and the third I gave unto them to whom it was meet, as Debbora ^ my father's mother had directed,'-- because 9 I was left an orphan by my father. And '■" when I became -* a man, I married 10 Anna who was of my kindred,-^ and of her I begat Tobias. And when I was carried away captive -" to Nineve, all my brethren and those that were of my nation '-'' did 11, 12 eat of the bread of the Gentiles; but I kept myself so that I did not eat,-" be- 13 cause I remembered God with all my soul.-'' And the Most High gave me agreeable- 14 ness and beauty of form"" before Enemessarus, and"' I was his purveyor. And I went into Media, and left in trust with Gabaelus, the brother of Gabrias, at Rages "^ 15 a city of Media, ten talents of silver. And "" when Enemessarus was dead, Sen- nacherim his son reigned in his stead ; and his ways were unstable and I was no more 1 6 able to "■* go into Media. And in the time of Enemessarus I did many almsdeeds "* Ver, 1. — ' A. v. : The book. ^ nrords (marg., arts ; Gr., Xoycuv) of T. son of T. the son of A., Iht son of A. the son of G. 3 Asael (as 64. 106. a48 Co. Aid.). ■■ Nephthali. Fritzsche adopts here and in the following verses from II. III. 58. and most of the other authorities, N€(fi0aAei/i. Ver. 2. — 5 A. v. : Enemesaar [as everywhere] king .... that city which if called properly Nephthali (marg., Eedes of Nephthali in Galilee). For 'Ersfietr. the Old Lat. Vulg. Syr. [IF. IIM. and Chald. have " Salmanassar." Ver. 3. — •* A. V. : have walked (Gr., eiropevi/iijr). ^ justice {.lunius, ;k,«c). 8 came (better, crvtnropevdelcn, from 23. 55. 68., etc., with Co. and Aid.) .... to N., into the land of the A. Ver. 4. — » A. V. : mine own country .... but young. i» Nephthali. " where the temple of the habitation of the Most High was consecrated and built. Ver. 5. —12 A. V. : Now. is Nephthali. " For SaniAei 248. Co. have Swii^ti, which the version of 1611 notices in the margin, as also the " Bahali deo " of Junius (see Com.). Ver. 6. —15 A. V. : But I was ordained unto all the people of Israel (so 23. 58. 64s 243. 248. Co. Aid.). is at. Ver. 7. — " A. V. : first tenth (so 64. 106. 243. 248. Co. Aid. and Junius). is sons of Aaron (so Junius). The reading 'Aapiii' for Aevi is found only in the less important MSS. (68. 64. 243. 249.)with Co. and Aid. I write " children of L." for uniformity ; cf. ver. 6. i» A. V. : another tenth. -« sold away (see Com.). Ver. 8. — 21 A. V. ; Debora (so Junius). -- commanded me. Ver. 9. —23 A. v. : Furthermore. ^ I was come to the ago of. '■■ of mine own kindred. Ver. 10. — =» A. V. : we were .... captives. Fritzsche receives ^jxtLaXwritre^v from III. 44. 62. and others, with Co ►nd Aid. Cod. n. agrees with the text. rec. in giving [)x^oAuiTi)(ie>'. •' A. V. 1 kindred (Or., tov yeVovj (xou). Ver. 11. — 2a A. V. : myself from eating (see Com.). 29 heart (Gr, i/fuxn)- Ver. 13. — 31 A. V. : grace and favor (Junius, gratiam decoremque). 8i so that. Ver. 14. — S2 A. V. : Qabael. The Aldiue text has ev a-ypois for ev 'Payois ; A. V. : marg., in the land or country of M Ver. 16. — 33 A. V. : Now. s* Sennacherib .... whose etaa^e (Junius, rationes) was troubled that I could not, etc Ver. 18. — " A. V. : gave many alma. (Cf . ver. 3.) 124 THE APOCRYPHA. 17 to my brethren, mid gave my bread to the hungry, and clothes to the naked ; and if I saw any of my nation who had died and been cast behind the wall ' of Nineve, I 18 buried him. And if tlie king Sennacherim slew '■' any, when he came as fugitive from Judiva,^ I buried them privily (fo" in his wrath he killed many) ; and * the bodies 19 were not found, when they were sought for of the king. And one^ of the Nine- vites went and informed the king of me,* that I buried them, and hid myself; and' understanding that I was sought for to be put to death, I withdi-ew myself for fear. 20 And " all my goods were forcibly taken away, neither was there any thing left me, '21 besides my wife Anna and my son Tobias. And there passed not fifty ^ days, be- fore his two '" sons killed him ; and they fled into the mountains of Ararat.'' And Sacherdonus '" his son reigned in his stead ; and he '^ appointed over the whole business of accounts of his realm and over the entire administration," Achiacharus, 22 my brother Anael's son. And Achiacharus interceding •'° for me, I came '* to Nineve. But Achiacharus was cupbearer, and keeper of the signet, and steward, and ac- countant ; " and Sacherdonus " appointed him to be second in rank ; '^ and he was my brother's son. Ver. 17. — 1 A. T. : my clothes {as 23. 44. 58. 64. 74. al. Co. Aid.) .... dead, or cast about the walls. The reading iiri (.luniii^, ad) for oirio-w is found in III. 23. 64. Aid. Co., but it is obTiously a correction. The A. V. has in the margin behind the waits. Ver. 18. — - A. V. : Sennacherib [as everj'wherej had slain. For airtKreivev (instead of offeVrewe) Fritzsche citee the authority of III. 55. 71. 74. 76. 249. To these II. can be added. The form of the king^s name in II. is always dxilpciA (for axTjpei^) the transcriber having, apparently, left off the prefix 2 A. V. : Sarchedonus " who. and over all his affairs. Ver. 22. — lo A. V. : entreating. " returned. i' Now A. was . " Araratb {text. rer. andll.). Fritzsche adopts " his father's (as 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.) accounts, . . . overseer of the accounts. " SarchedonuB. »o next unto him. Cod. n. with the Syr. supplies uid? before « SeuTcpac. Chapter I. Ver. 2. Snemessar. See ii. 15. Uudoubt- edly Shalmaneser is meant. Whether the pres- ent form of the word is a corruption (a.s Grotius supposes), or simply another name for the same person (as others think), cannot with certainty be determined. Kawliuson adopts tiie former view. He ^ays ihe first syllable S)uil has been dropped (in Abydenus we find Bnpalns.sor for Nabopolassar), and the order of the liquids m and n reversed. With respect to the historical statement of the present verse, the same autlior remarl^s that the writer follows the appnrfut nar- rative of the Book of Kings (2 Kinfjs xvii. 3-6 ; xviii. 9-1 1). See, further, the Introduction to the pre.sent book, under "Historical Diflieulties." — Thisbe- There was a place of this name in Gilead, where the prophet Elijah was born, and, for a time, lived. Hence, perhaps, the definite- uess of the description in our passage. Winer {litdUvorte.ib., ad voc.) and some others maintain the identity of the two places. According to 2 Kings XV. 29 (cf. xvi. 9), the people of this region were made cajitives by Tigbith-Pileser. Ver. 3. For remarks on aKiiBeta, see 1 Esd. iv. 40. — ^tKaioavvT} ^= " that relalionship to the 5i/c^ which fulfills its claims." See Cremer's Lt:r., ad voc. Did many almsdeeds. Cf. with the Greek Acts ix. 36. Ver. 4. 'HytdtrBri .... tfKoSofi'fidri. The aorist is sometimes used in narrative for the pluper- fect. See Winer, p. 275 ; Buttmann, pp. 199, 200. It is here said that Tobit was a young niiin at the time of the falling away of the tribe of Neph- thalini from Judah. The Chaldaic text agrees wiih this represectation : " And when he was but young in the land of Israel, all the tribe of Naph- thali rebelled against the kingdom of David, and refused to go to Jerusalem." Hence Tobit must have been at least two hundred years old at the time of the Assyrian captivity. But, according to a later statement of the book (xiv. 11), he only lived to the age of one hundred and fifty-eight years altogether. It might be said that not a political, but a spiritual, falling away is meant. Still, the explanation can be hardly regarded as suflicient. The Vulgate, while using different dates, is no less inconsistent. According to it Tobit was carried away with the capiives removed in the third year of the reign of Hoshea (2 Kings xvii. 6). He is represented as knowing of the destruction of the temple (Viilg., xiii. 11, 12), which took place one hundred and thirty years later, while elsewhere (xiv. 2) he is said to have reached only the age of one hundred and two years- Ver. 5. Tj? BdoA rrj 5ajuaA€i, to the heifer Baal, I. e., the idol Baal which was worshipped in the form of a heifer. Both the masculine and leminine genders are used in the LXX., in speak- ing of this deity. Ver. 6. This statement that Tobit went alone (^6vos' Sin., fjLoyunaros) to Jerusalem to sacrifice does not agree with one found at v. 13. — Often. Three times a year was prescribed. See Ex. xxiii. 17. Vers- 7-9. Respecting tithes, see Numb, xviii. 21, 24-32. On the second tenth, see Dent. xii. 17 f . ; xiv. 22. — I sold, aTriwpaTt^6/n}v. It was sold on account of the difficulty of transportation, and so to save expense. This (ireek word is said to be nowhere else found — The third. See Dent. xiv. 28, 29; xxvi. 12. — Of my kindred. It was at that time, and is still, regarded ir ths TOBIT. 125 Orient ns praiseworthy to marry among one's own kindreil. Ver. 10. Bread of the Gentiles, i. e., food that was foibiddiii by the law of Moses. Cf. Judith X. 5; Acts x. 14. Ver. 1 1 . ^vvfTTipriaa ttjv ^uxv^ f^ov. Most of the old eommentators (as A. V.) hold that the substantive simply represents the personal pro- noun. But it nii^'ht also be taken in its usual sense. It was the soul that needed to be kept ; since it was not a matter of eating or not eating, in itself considered, but of observing the Mosaic law. Ver. 14. It is not meant that he went on only "lie occasion into Media, but that he was accus- tomed to go thither {ewopcvSfirii'}. See next verse. — Rages. An old city of Meilia, and of consid- erable importance. It is twice mentioned in the Book of Judith (i. 5, 15, Rdfjau], but nowhere in the Hebrew Scriptures. According to Arrian it wiis ten days' journey distant from Ecbatana ; according to Ptolemy, two thousand furlongs. Ver. 15. Ten talents of silver. The Jewish talent contained about niiiety-tive English pounds. See Ex. xxxviii. 25, 26. — Sennacherim. He reigned, according to Rawlinson {Ancient Hon., iii. 43), from 2.3-24 years, and was then mur- dered. — His ways were unstable. This is to i)e understood either of his own conduct or of the fate which overtook him. His reign wa.s during a stormy |)eriod, and made uncertain through the wars which he waged. Our book is wrong in representing hira as the sou of Shalmaneser. See Introduction, under " Historical Difficulties." Vers. 16-18. Some commentators call atten- tion to the high Christian standard of Tobit's conduct, ** Prope accedebat ad evangelicam perj'ec- tionein " (see Grotiiis, Annot. ad loc). But, un- fortunately, it was only one part of the Xew Testament morality that Tobit seems to have recognized. He was certainly ignorant of the virtue that lets not the right hand know what the left hand does, and so falls, after all, into the condemnation of the Pharisee in the para- ble.— I buried them privily. It was regarded among the .Jews as the greatest disgrace that one's body should be left unburied after death. (See 1 Kings .xiii. 22; xiv. 11.) — As fugitive. 'The memorable defeat of Sennacherib before the walls of Jerusalem, through the special inter- position of divine Providence, is probably referred to. It is often noticed by the later Jewish writers. See 1 Mace. vii. 41 ; 2 Mace. viii. 19; 3 Mac(t. vi. 5 ; ]';cclus. xlviii, 21. Cf. Rawlinson, Jnci'e»( Man., ii. 168. Ver. 19. Koi (KpiBn"- If this word is made dependent on ^Jxt, like Ba-mu, we may suppose a hendiadys (flaTrrw Kpu/SSyji') ; or with Eritzsche translate : " that I bury them and am concealed," ^. e., that I am the unknown one who buries them. Ver. 21. Oy 5ii)\0oi/ Tifj.fpas {rj^fpai) TreyTTjKOfra. This verb is sometimes used with the accusative of time in the sense of pass, yu by. But the read- ing of riiiipai (II. III. 23. 58. 64.) is sufficiently well sujjporteil. — His two sons. They w'cre called Adrammfleck and Sharezer. See U.awlin- son's Ancient Mon., ii. 169. This author says that the murder of Sennacherib " within tifty-five [the reading of 23. 58. 64, at Aid.] days " of his return to Nineveh is an invention of our book. He " did not die till seventeen years after his misfortune (B.C. 681)." See 2 Ivings xix. 36. Cod. II. has fifty days; the Vulgate, with the Old Latin and Chaldaic, forty-five days; HE., nineteen ; Outberlct, following Rensch, would un- derstand the time after the confiscation of the goods of Tutiir, and not after the monarch's re- turn from .Tudrea. But we cannot see how that helps the matter, as, from the te.xt, it would seem that this took place at about the same time with the other event. — Sacherdonus = Esarhaddon. Ver. 22. The position of the " keeper of the signet " was next to that of the king. See Esth. iii. 1(1. This part of the history is apparently at imitation of that of Joseph, Daniel, and Neh« miah. as it respects their elevation to high offiov in a foreign state. — 'i,la.S(Ktpos is a late word, and not elsewhere found in the LXX., except in the present book. There is commonly used with this meaning the word avp\ii6s. Chapter II. 1 And when I came ' home again, and my wife Anna was restored unto me, witn my son Tobias, at" the feast ^ of Pentecost, which is the holj feast, of the seven 2 weeks, there was a rich meal prepared for * me. And ^ I sat down to eat. And when I saw abimdance of food,'' I said to my son. Go and bring what poor man soever thou shalt find out of our brethren, who is mindful of the Lord ; and lo, I 3 tarry for thee. And ' he came again, and said. Father, one of our nation has been ' 4 strangled, and cast out ^ in the market-place. And ^" before I had tasted anything," I sprang ^- up, and took him up into a room until after ^' the going down of the sun. 5, 6 And I returned, and washed myself, and ate my bread ^* in heaviness. And I called to mind the '^ prophecy of Amos, how '" he said. Your feasts shall be turned 7 into mourning, and all your mirth into lamentation. And " I wept ; and after the Ver. 1. — 1 A. V. : Now .... was come 2 \^^ 3 nein-jjaocnT? before eoprij is omitted in III. 248. Co. Aid. The article before the latter word, as in III. 24S. Co. Aid., would matte it iu appositiou with the former. * A. V. : good dinner prepared me. With e-yei^^ it was hardly neceasarj- to put the word " prepared '■ in italics, as iu the A. V. ^ A. v., in the which. Vera. 2-7. — ■' -i. V. : meat. ' But. ^ is. For erTpayyaAwfieVos of the text. rec. III. 55. offer corpayyoATjfteVos as also II. as a correction j 44. 106. : carpoyyaAnj/itVo?. ^ A. V. ; is cast out. i'> Then (Junius, Turn). ^ of any meat, ^ start. 13 omits after (Gr., eus ou eSu, etc.). " Then (Jun., Deinde) .... meat ^^ Remem- bering that. " aa. " Therefore. 1-26 THE APOCRYI'IIA. 8 going down of the sun I went and made a grave, and buried him. And ' my neigh- bors mocked me, and said, He is no longer afraid of being ^ put to death for this matter ; he has been even a fugitive,^ and yet. lo, he burieth the dead again. 9 And the same night * I returned from the burial, and slept by the wall of mif 10 courtyard, being unclean,^ and my face was uncovered ; and I knew not that there were sparrows in the wall ; and mine eyes being open, the sparrows muted warm dtiny into mine eyes, and white spots ^ came in mine eyes ; and I went to the phy- sicians, and' they helped me not; but * Achiacharus nourished* me, until he'* went into Elymais. And my wife Anna wove wool in the women's rooms ; ''■ and she sent it to its owners and '- they paid her the "* wages, and gave her also besides a kid. And when she returned home, it" began to cry ; and '* I said unto her. From whence is this kid? It is not stolen, is it? Return '* it to the owners, 14 for it is not lawful to eat cmy thing that is stolen. But she replied," It was given as ■■* a gift more than the wages. And " I did not believe her, and ''" bade her re- 11 12 13 turn ^' it to the owners ; and I was indignant " at her. But she replied to ^ me. Where are thine alms and thy righteous deeds ? known. Behold, aU thy works -* are Vers. 8-10. — 1 A. V. : But. ' This man is not yet afraid to be. In 23. 44. 52. 64. 108. Co. Aid. oCtos is inserted irfter i^o^etTai (Jun., nnn amptiiis tnetuit iste inierjici). ^ A. V., who lied away. * The same night also. * polluted. "^ a whiteness (marg., white jUms\. ' A. V. : but. 8 moreover. ^ did nourish. '*• I. Fritzsche has changed cTropeu^p', notwithstanding the authority of the MSS., including II., to ^iropcL^, as "clearly re- quired by the context."' Junius has pro/ectus esset^ and remarks, in a foot-note : Stc resCituimus ex conjectura subUzta titera una. The Vulg., HM., and Chald. omit the clause. Vers. 11-13. — '^ A. V. : did take women's work to do (marg., was hired to spin in the women's rooms). For iv Tois yvfaiKcioic, llgen would read epyotq y. (see Com.). ^- A. V. : and when she had sent them home to the owners ^ ovnts the. " it was in mine house (Gr., ore Se TJAfle trpis ^€) and. " omits and. i^ is it not stolen ? render. Ver. 14. — 1" A. V. : replied «/JOn me. ^^ for. i9 Howbeit. 20 but. 21 render. 22 abashed. Fori^pvdptwr ("became red"), llgen would substitute i)ftl9€vov ("served"), but without sutlicient reason. 23 a. V. ; upon ** thou and all thy works The Greek is i5oi' yvtutrroi rravTa. fieri cov ; hence the italics ( thy works) are not needed. The A. V. has in the margin, " Or, lo all things are known to thee,^^ which rendering is admissible, but does not so well suit the context as the other. Junius, Eece spectata sunt omnia apud te ; Old Lat., Ecce guce pateris omnibus nota sunt. Chaptee n. Ver. 1 . Feast of Pentecost. From tliis p.is- sage we learn that such a feast was .at this period ceK'br;itepi^aios (= K\otrtfjia7os). A lat« word, and, according to Fritzsche, here first found TOBIT. 127 Cf. Sophocles' Lex., ad roc, who gives citations from the Fathers, showing its use. Ver. 14. "Was indignant, lit., became red. '* Excandesceham adverstis lllam, ad verbnm : san- quineo rubore {prie ira) sujf'undebam contra illain.'^ Wahl's Clains, ad voc — Where are thine alms ? i.e., Where are the good results which might have been expected from them if they had been ])roper]v given. " They nre not to be found." " We are in distress." — All thy works are known. She means, apparently, th;\t it is easy to see from the misfortunes into which he had fallen that they amounted to nothing. Cf. Job ii. 10. Chapter III. 1, 2 And I being grieved wept/ and in my sorrow prayed, saying, O Lord, thou art just, and all thy works and all thy ways are mercy and truth, and thou judgest 3 truly anJ justly for ever. Remember me, and look on me ; punish - me not accord- ing to ' my sins and ignorances, and t/ie sins of my fathers, which they * sinned be- 4 fore thee ; for they obeyed not tliy commandments. And thou deliveredst ^ us for a spoil, and unto captivity, and unto death, and for a proverb of reproach to all 5 the nations among whom we are dispersed. And now thy many judgments are true in that thou dealest ^ with me according to my sins and my fathers' ; because we 6 have not kept thy commandments, neither have walked in truth before thee. And now ' deal with me as seemeth best unto thee. Command " my spirit to be taken from me, that I may be dissolved,' and become earth ; for it is proiitable for me to die rather than to live, because I have heard false reproaches, and have much sor- row. Command therefore that I may now be delivered out of t/iis distress, and go into the everlasting place ; turn not thy face away from me. 7 It came to pass the same day, that in Ecbatana ^^ a city of Media, Sarra ^^ the 8 daughter of Raguel was also reproached by her father's maids, because that she had been married to seven husbands, and AsmodiBus the evil demon killed them '■'- be- fore they had lain with her. Art thou not clever,'^ said they, that thou hast strangled thine husbands ? Thou hast already had seven, and wast not named " 9 after any of them. Wherefore dost thou beat us ? '^ If they died,^" go " after 10 them, let us never see of thee either son or daughter. When she heard these things, she was very sorrowful, so that she would '' have strangled herself. And she said, I am tlie only daughter of ray father, and if I do this, it will '^ be a re- 1 1 proach uuto him, and I shall bring his old age with sorrow unto Hades.^" And ^' she prayed at '-- the window, and said, Blessed art thou, O Lord, my God, and blessed is thy holy and honorable name -^ for ever ; let all thy works praise thee 12 for ever. And now, O Lord, I have directed ^* min- eyes and my face toward 13 thee. Command to '^ take me away from the earth, that I may hear no more re- 14, 15 preach.-" Thou knowest, Lord, that I am pure from all sin with a man,"' and that I did uot pollute "" my name, nor the name of my father, in the land of my captivity ; I am the only daughter of my father, and there is no son '^ to be his heir, neither any near kinsman, nor atiy son of one ^ alive, for whom '^ I may keep my- Verfl. 1-5. — I A. V. : Then 1 . . . . did weep. ^ por iKSiKricrni, which Fritzsche adopts from III. 58- 64. and many other MSS , the lext. rec. (with II.) has eicSiKn^. ^ A- V. : for {see Com.}. * who have (Gr., a TJ^oprei'; but III. 55. 64. and pome others with Co. Aid. have o'i ; Junius, qui). ^ wherefore (Codd. II. 44. 106. omit the connective ; Jan., quemnbrcm) thou ha..it delivered. « thy judgmentsare many and true, deal, etc. (so Junius}. Fritzsche justly strikes out the connective before oKriS^vai, with II. III. 23. 44. Aid. ; cf. Co»i. Vers. 6,7. — 'A. V.: Now therefore (a very common rendering of Ka\ vvv in the A. V.). ^ and command. * iaa,Tg., dismissed, OT delivered. ^^' Kcbacane. " Sara. Ver. 8. — 1- A. V. ; whom Asmodeus the evil spirit had killed (Jun., occiderat). The form of this proper name in 11. is everywhere Acrfiwfiaus. ^^ A. V. : Dost thou not know. For ov truvtel^, llgen, with Schleusner, thinks nil . ' A. V. : or. 8 follow not, etc. ((.Jr., /iij nopevSjjs TaZ<; Wots). " deal truly, thy doings shall prosperously succeed to thee (cf. the Greek). i" neither. Cod. II. supplies Kai before firj aTroprti. 11 A. V. : any poor. Vers. 8-12 : i- For ujrapxet, instead of vTidp)^0L, may be cited with Fritzsche not only III. 44- 74., but also II. ^^ For ia elueXetEtu, II. has edirei iKdeti' {Oldljut,, non pntilur ire in tenelf'as) ^* A. V.: gift (see Com.). The Codd. III. 23. 65. 74. 76. 236. omit yip at the beginning. w a. V. : all. i» chiefly. " and take (the Codd. III. 68. 64. with Co. Aid. have the connective). '* woman to wife, which. *' the children of the prophets, . . Abraham .... Jacob; ^o remember .... that our fathers .... erc« that 21 own kindred. Vers. 13, 14. —22 A. v.: Now, therefore. =» despise not in thy heart, -'* in no« taking (as 106.). 25 trouble (Gr., axoTatrratrta). -" lewdness is decay .... lewdness. -" which. -" wrought for tht-e. The Codd. 64. 243. 248 , with Co. Old Lat. and Aid., add 0v}TW(7ai/). s mind (Gr., Kopfiias). * signify tAu to «h«e, that I committed ten talents to Gabael. ^ son (marg., cli. i. 14, tlu brother). ^ are made poor : for. Chapter IV. Ver. 4. In one grave. Cf. 2 Sam. i. 23. Ver. 7. Give alms. The Greek is iroUi i\e- rmoavirrfv, lit. do almsdeeds ; but the oonte.xt shows that they were meant to take the form of gifts. — Thine eye be envious, i. e., penurious, sparinr/. Cf. Ecclus. xiv. 9, 10; Matt. xx. 15; and ver. 16, below. Ver. 10. On the doctrine of this verse and its relation to the teachings of the canonical Scrip- tures, see Introd., under " Doctrinal Teaching." Ver. 1 1 . Offering, Swpoi/. In Matthew we find this Greek word used several times for a sacri- ficial offering, and in Mark the Hebrew Corban (T3"lp) is rendered by the same. In the LXX. it is quite frequently used for the latter word, as also for nP3!2 (iu thirty-two places), and for ^^t^. in the Epistle to the Hebrews it is em- ployed side by side with dvaia. Hence the trans- lation which we have given it, which also seems best to agree with the context. Ver. 12. A strange woman. A woman of another naticm (slc Kz. x, 2 f.), aud here also including those nut belonging to the same tribe. Noah is reckoned among those who married wives " of their own brethren." But where did the author learn this facti Nothing is said of it in Genesis. Ver. 13. 'Axpdrns. I render by " dissolute- ness," as seems to be required by the context. Its literal nieauiiig is *'uselessness." But a useless life generally becomes something much worse than that. Cf. a passage from Aulus Gellus in Sfepli- ens' Thes(nn-u:i, under &xp^to^- Sophocles {Lex., ad voc.) would give it here the meaning of "lazi- ness." Ver. 14. Tarry with thee, av\i Taipov TtJov diKaloip- Among the ancient Greeks the meal at a burial was called Tii A. v.: for(Qr., «aO. 2 Then. ' till I tell my father. Old Lat. (from MSS. Germ, and Reg.), donee inlrem, etc. Codd. III. 23. 44. 64. 71. nl. Co. Mi. read (lou. ■■ k. V. : Then. « So. » which. ' Then ... be (the word iirriv is supplied after jtiotos in lU. 23. 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid.). » So. Vers. 10-12. — » A. V. : Then. "> or. " Then. '= kindred. '3 the son (to ytVos is found before 'Af. in 44. B8. 64. Co. Aid.) " Then Tobit said (Gr., itai dirtp avr<^ ; Toj^. is added in 23. 44. etc., Co. Aid. Jun. ; air<3, omitted in 44. 64. 106. Co. Aid.). ^^ be not now. lo have inquired. '' Fritzsche states, in his critical apparatus, that II. (with III. 5.3. 6S. 64.) omits trov after iraTplav. In II. aov is found, but dotted. ^^ a. V. : for. '^ an honest (for fcoXTJs, III. 55. 58. 64 71., etc., with Co. AM., have jaeyoAT]?). 20 ttnow (Gr., ^Treyrwcritoc). 21 gons of that great Sa- maias. The reading of II. is not (as Fritzsche states), with III., Sefteiov but Sc^e'ou ; text, ree , Se^et ; Old Lat. Setneiee. Vers. 14, 15. — '^- A. V. ; wdt thou a drachm. -^ and thiii.ss necessary (53. 64. Co. Aid. omit trot) as .... to my own. 21 Yea. 2,-, omits and sound. The Greek word here used {iiyiaivoi^fi} means more than simple safety, and may well be rendered by our common expression "safe and sound." Ver. 16. — •" A. V. : So they were well pleased (Gr., iv56Kiiaav). The sense obviously is that they accepted each other's terms. 27 a. V ; Then said he. 2S Q^d send you (Gr., evoSwfieiijre). It is a glaring fault of the A. V. that in such instances it introduces without necessity the name of the divine being. 29 A. V. : And when his son had pre- pared aU things. »» o?ni« And. 3i said, Go ... . this. Cod. II., with III. 44. 55. 58. 71., omits toutou. '■ A. V. : which. 33 the angel of God (so &4. Co. Mil. and Junius). » So. Ver. 18. — ^" A.\ . : Be not greedy to add. For apyiipioc Tcp apyvpi'w ^ij i^^ciffoi, lit. " let not money come to money,*' Grotius would read apyiipioi/ apa utw ^T) arl)arism. Fritzsche explains by sup]io>ing that either SiSii^'ai was a slip of the pen for StSovs, or that the writer gave ((rofxai for tiTToi fioi. — A drachma a day. Among the Jews and Romans in the New Testament times, the drachma was equal to the denarius, whose value was about fifteen cents. Ver. 16. And the young man's dog with them. It is not so easy to see why the dog is intro- duced. It plays no important part in the narra- tive. It is not again mentioned until the return home (xi. 4). Wherever else the dog is spoken of in the Apocryphal books, it is with disrespect (cf. Eeclus. xiii. 18; xxvi. 25). It is well known that the animal was regarded as unclean by the Jews (Is. Ixvi. 3) ; and the terms " dog," " dead dog," etc., were often used as epithets of reproach or of humility among them. In fact, this feeling with respect to dogs has not yet died out in the Orient. That the jiresent mention is no more than a humorous addition to the story by some later hand, it would be easy to credit were there any external evidence in its support. According to Winer (Heahvorferh.,(idvoc.), dogs were seldom, and not till a late jjeriod, kept for pleasure rather than use, and then only exceptionally. He refers, in addition to the present passage, to Matt. xv. 27. Cf. ///«f/, xxiii. 173; Of/j/s., xvii. 309. Ver. 18. This passage has given great diffi- culty to commentators. But adopting the read- ing, and giving it the translation above, seems on the whole the best. It is supported by Se.ngel- maim, Schleusner, Wahl, Fritzsche, and others. In translating jrepi'ifTj/ia " refuse " (cf 1 Cor. iv. 13, "tilth "), the A. V. ailopted the literal mean- ing of the word. But it had also sometimes the figurative meaning of " ransom," which certainh' agrees better with the context. In the LXX. at Proverbs xxi. 18, we find rrfpiKaOapfia used to render the Hebrew '^^.3, " ransom." " Tradunt Siiidas ei alii Grteci lexicograpki sub h. v. : ' Athaii- eases ad avertendas publicas calamitates quotannis /n mare prcecipitasse hominem sceleratum, qui Posei- doni sacn'Jicii loco qfferretur ; hinc apyvpiov .... TTfpi^i/Tjfia Tov TTttiSiou i)pLOiv y^voiTo, {quasi) piaculum Jiat jilii nostrif i. e., pro servanda Jilii vita abjectum et couteintum nobis sit.'" Grimm, A^. T. Lex., ad voc. Sophocles {Lex., ad voc.) gives " ransom " as the original meaning of the word, referring to the present passage ; and " offscouring " as a second- ary signification. The A. V. has in the margin : •' Gr., Let not money be added, but be the offscouring oj* our son." Ver. 20. Sister. Like "brother," simply an expression of tenderness, of which usage this book furnishes several examples. Chapter VT. 1 And as they went on their journey, they came in the evening to the river Ti- 2 gris, and they lodged there. And ' the young man went down to wash himself, 3 and ^ a fish leaped out of the river, and would have devoured him. And ^ the angel said unto him. Lay hold of * the fish. And the young man mastered the fish 4 and cast it upon the ^ land. And the angel said to him,^ Open the fish, and take 5 the heart and the liver and the gall, and put them up safely. And' the young man did as the angel commanded him ; and liaving roasted the fish, they ate ' it. 6 And" tliey both went on their way. till they drew near to P^cbatana." And" the young man said to the angel, Brother Azarias, for what is ^'^ the heart and the liver 7 and the gall of the fish ? And he said unto him, Toiichinq the heart and the liver, if a demon " or an evil spirit trouble any one, he " must make a smoke thereof before 8 the man or the woman, and he will '° be no more " vexed. And as for '" the gall, it is good to anoint a man that hath white spots '^ in his eyes, and he shall be healed. 9, 10 And when they drew '" near to Eages, the angel said to the young man, Vers. 2-4. — 'A. v.: And when. 2 omils and. ' Then. « Take (Gr., eiriXagov). ^ laid hold of (Gr, ■KpaTTjo-e) the fish and drew it to (marg., cast it upon, aLV€$a\ev). " To whom the angel said. Vers. .'>-7. — ' A. V. : So. » when they had .... did eat. » then. '" Ecbatane. The o5 of the text, rec, «fter;(u!,iB omitted in II. III. 44. 66. 74.,andb.v Frit7.,sche. " Then. " to what use is (Gr., ti to-ni'). " devil >* any, we. '^ the pftrty phall. l'^ For jU7j(ce'Ti, II. 55 have ov iitjk. ; 64. S4.3. Aid-, oii fiij cti ; III. 23. 58. 71., ou«T n (iij. Ver». 8,9. — " A. V. : ^.i/or (St is omitted by 44. 107. .lun.). '» whiteness. " were. TOBIT. . 133 Brother, to-day we shall lodge with Ragiiel, who is thy kinsman ; ' he also hath 11 a '^ daughter, named Sarra ; ^ I will speak concerning '' her, that she may be given thee for a wife, for to thee doth the inheritance ^ of her fall,^ and thou art the only 1 2 one of her race ; ' and the maid is fair and intelligent.' And now * hear me, and I will speak to her father ; and when we return '" from Rages we will celebrate the marriage ; for I know that Raguel cannot marry her to another according to the law of Moses, or'' he will'- be exposed to '^ death, because it is fitting that 13 thou shouldst receive the inheritance rather than any other person." Then the young man answered the angel, I have heard, brother Azarias, that this maid hath 14 been given to seven men and that they'^ all died in the marriage chamber. And now I am the only son of my father, and I am afraid, lest, if I enter it, I die," as also the former ones ; '" for a demon '* loveth her, who '^ hurteth nobody but those who approach her. And now I ^° fear lest I die, and bring my father's and my mother's life, because of me, to their ^' grave with sorrow ; and -- they have no 15 other son to bury them. But'^ the angel said unto him. Dost thou not remember the precepts which thy father gave thee, that thou shouldst marry a wife of thy race '^* ? And now '^ hear me, 0 my brother, for she shall be thy ^^ wife ; and make no account " of the evil spirit, for this night "* shall she be given thee in 16 marriage. And when thou enterest ■'' into the marriage chamber, thou shalt take the ashes of incense,^" and shalt lay upon them some of the heart and liver of the 17 fish, and shalt make a smoke with it. And the demon will" smell it, and flee moay, and never come again.'^ But when thou comest ^ to her, rise up both of you, and pray to God who is merciful, who will save you, and have pity on you ^*. Fear not, for she was '^ appointed unto thee from the beginning ; and thou shalt preserve her, and she shall go with thee ; and ^ I suppose that she will ^ bear thee children. And °' when Tobias had heard these things, he loved her, and his heart was exceedingly attached '' to her. Ver. 10. — * A. V. : cousin. - one only. The Codd. III. 23. 58. 64. etc., with Co. Aid., add fioroyen}; to Ovyarnp. > A. V. : Sara. Ver. 11. — • A. v. : for {we omit kox before ort, with II. III. 23. 55. 58. 64. 71.). ^ for .... right (marg., inher- itance). * appertain (Gr., cTripoAAet). ^ seeing thou only art of her kindred ; Junius : quia tu solus es ex genere itlitis. Vers. 12, 13. — ^ ^. v. ; wise. ^ now therefore. i^ Cod. II. has uTroarpei/fw^ei/ .... n-oi^o-wfiei' instead of the future. '^ A. V. : but; Cod II. substitutes (cai for ^. '^a.V. ; shall. '2 gu^ity Qf_ m the right of inheritance doth rather appertain to thee than to any other (cf. the Greek). ^^ who. Ver. 14. — '1 A V. : go in unto her, I die. i' as the other before (Gr., oi n-porepoi ; 68. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid., oi npvTtpov), ^s wicked spirit. ^^ which. 20 which come unto her : wherefore I also. ^i the {Gr., auTwc). -2 for. Vers. 15, 16. — ^ A. V. : Then. ^ thine own kindred. 25 wherefore (Jun., ergo]. ^ given thee to (Gr., 5a) night. 29 ghalt come. ^ perfume. Ver. 17. — ^^ A. V. : devil shall. ^^ again any more (Jun., neque amplius). ^ shaltcome. ^ which is ... . have pity on yoK and save you. ^5 jg. s" Moreover. 3* shall. ^ Now. S9 gfjectually (marg., vehemently) joined Cod. III. has Ke«6AATjTo (for iKoXKijQi)) omitting the following avr^. Chapter VI. Ver. 1. To the river Tigris. Niueveh, from if it were a fancy, for our Tobias to indulge 'J which they started, lay on the Tig:ris. Witliwhat We would have given him credit for more sense propriety, then, thi.s stati'ment ■? Fritzsche con- 1 after all his previous travels, jectures that ;m arm of the Tigris, Zab, is meant, 1 Ver. 5. Did they eat the whole (i.-ihl .''engel- and refers to Xcnophou {.4»a^^., ii. 5) and Herod-jmaun quotes Djile {De Orig. Idol., p. 167) as otus (v. 52) in its support. Reusch, however, ' follows : *' Qnem si totuin devorarunt^ videntur sane holds that there is no need of such a theory, \'n-\J'aisse homines perquam voraces ac guhsi, saltern asmuch as the place wliere they lived may have not been directly on the river ; or, if it wKTa. '^ A. V. : But (Jun., f«ro) .... another. R. said. Then. Ver. 12. — >» A v.: manner (marg, /aw; Gt., rriv Kpiini' , see Com.) '^ ior {&€ ; it is omitted in III. 248. 249. Co.) ** cousin. '2 thine. 23 omits will. '* good success in all tAi'n^s (Gr., euofiwcrci v^ic ri *toAAi(jTa). See Com. Ver. 13. — 2" A. V. : Then. =« Sara ; and she came to her father. We have, with Fritzsche, omitted this adde^ tlause, as wanting in most of the better authorities. It is found in 23. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. Jun., and the ar«el eiblcs of 1545 IBaiile) and 1597 (Frankfort). rOBIT. 135 be wife to Tobias, saying, Behold, take her after the law of Moses, and lead her 14 away to thy father. And he blessed them. And he ^ called Edna his wife, and 15 took paper, and wrote a covenant ; " and they ^ sealed it. And * they began to eat. 16 And ^ Raguel called his wife Edna, and said unto her. Sister, prepare the other" 17 chamber, and bring her into it.' And she did" as he had bidden her, and" brought her in thither ; and she wept ; and she received ^^ the tears of her daugh- 18 ter, and said unto her. Be of good comfort, my chUd ; the Lord of heaven and earth give thee joy '' for this thj' sorrow ; be of good comfort, my daughter. Ver. 14. — 1 A. v. : omits he. - did write an instrument of covenants (Gr., eypai//e avyypa-fr^i'). 3 he. For « A. V. : Then (so Jun ; jtai totc, 106; er cj: i7/a Aora, etc., Old Lat. from MSS. Reg. and Germ.). * A. V. : After (Postea, Jun.). « another (Gr., to ETcpof; see Com.). ' in thither. Ver. 17. — ^ A. v.: Which when she had done. '•* she. ^^ her thither .... received. De Wette renders *' wiped away ; " but that, as Fritzsche remarks, would require awe/io^aTo for aireSe^aro. In the margin of the ed. ol 1611 the alternative rendering is " licked.'' The two Old Latin MSS., Reg. and Germ., read : et extersit lacrymas. Ver. 18. — " A.. V. : my daughter .... joy. Instead of X"P*''i l^S. 343. 3i8. Co. Aid. offer xp-pav ; Junius, Imtu tiam pro tristitia. Chapter VII. Ver. 2. Eaguel, "friend of God;" Edna, " delight." Ver. 5. Tlie Syriac and Vulgate omit what is here said with respect to Tobit's health, probably on account of his blindness. Ver. 6. Raguel's weeping for joy and weeping for sorrow follow each other pretty closely. See following verse. Ver. 7. 'O toO KaXov, etc. The nominative for the vocative, as in the classics. Cf. Winer, p. 182 ; Buttrnann, p. 140. Ver. 8. "Edvaaf Kpihv irpoSiTav. This verb has obviously here a derived meaning. The He- brew word ny^, however, whose first meaning is to slaughter, is generally rendered by Bvci and Sucnaicii in the LXX. This may have led Bret- Schneider to give macto as the original meaning of the Greek verb in his Lexicon of the New Testament. But in classical Greek the njeauiiig to sacrifice is the original. Cf. Lexicons of Gnnini, Jiobinson, and others. — Then said Tobias to Raphael, .\ccording to the Itala, Vulgate, Chal- daic, and Hebrew of Miinster, it is Tobias who introduces the subject of a marriage with Sarra. But the Greek is not only in much lietter taste, but corresponds better with the supposed relation of Raphael to the young man. Ver. II. "Eojs i.v trriiinfTe koI araOrire trpSs fjLe (cf. I Mace. xiii. 38 : oa-a kaTijKa^ev wphs v/j.as «o-T7)K6). The verb may here have the meaning of promise: until you have promist-d vie (i. e.. to give Sarra as wife), and conjirnted it. Others sup- ply auT-i}v with (nfitjrin, and refer aTadrJTe to the position which the parents took at the betrothal : till yon have placed her and yunrselves stand before me. So De Wette, and Buusen's Sibelwerk. Ver. 12. Aooording to the law, Kari t^v Kpiaiv (cf. ver. 12, Kara riv v6ii.oii M. ; and ver. 13). The former expression occurs in the LXX. at Neh. viii. 18 (A. V., " according to the manner "). It is also found in the LXX. at 2 Chron. xxxv. 13, as the rendering of l25C*;. Ti KoAAnrra, the highest prosperity. The adjective is used ad- verbially. Cf. Winer, p. 463 ; Buttmann, p. 82 ff. Fritzsche thinks that the figure called brachy- logy is employed, and would render : " And the merciful God will conduct you well, .and give you the highest good (das Sehonste, Deste)." Ver. 13. On the L'ener.al subject of marriage in the Orient and the various ceremonies attend- ing it, see an excellent articK' in Smith's fii'6. Diet., ad voc. ; and Van Lenuep, Bib. Lands, pp. 548-554. Ver. 14. A covenant, iTuyypa.if>i]v. The con- tract was always witnessed and signed. Both the Hebrew texts here make mention of the presence of witnesses. The Chaldaic runs : " And Reuel called Kdnah, his wife, to bring paper to write thereon the deed of marriage to his daughter, and she did so ; and they wrote the deed, and wit- nesses signed it." According to Fritzsche, writ- ten marriage contracts are of late date among the Jews. He claims that tliis passage is the oldest example of such a practice. Ver. 16. Til eVepoj- Ta/icroi/. Probably some room other than the ordinary one is meant. Sen- gelmann takes rafi^iov in the sense of 6s is inserted before €ts by III. 58. ^ A. V. : utmost parts (Gr., rd ofuiTaTa). Vers. 4-6. — « A. V. : And after that. ■ out of the bed ... . that God (©eot, 23. 71. 74. 76. 108. 236.) would. * Then began T. ^ of them came mankind (Gr , eic Tovrtuv ^eyrfdri to av^puininv trniptia). '" unto. " an aid (the same word in the Greek is rendered " helper "' in the previous verse). Vers. 7-11. — ^2 a. V. : therefore mercifully ordain that we may become aged together (Gr., iirlTa$ov iXerjirai ^€, etc.) I have rendered freely, but this seems to be the force of iTTiTdaatu here. '^ So. " that (Gr., rijr yvxra) night, I'* I fear lest he also (Gr., /it») Ka't oJto?) be. ^^ But when R. was come. *' he. Ver. 12. — 1« The reading IShujaav, of the text. rec. (also of II.) is found as iSerw in 108. 236. 248. Co., and as yviartA in III. 58. 64. and others, both of which latter are doubtless corrections, although the plural was first written through oversight, the last word, and not ^cai*, having been in mind. ^^ A. V. otrtits and. Vers. 13-17. — -" A. V. : So. -i omits she. "- Then. ^ therefore (Gr., Kal). 24 The icai before Troi'Te? is omitted by II. 55. 74. -^ A V. : that is not come to me which (Gr., ovk iytvfT6 ti-oi KoButs) .... hast dealt with me (Gr., |Li60' ijfi.uii'). 26 Qf two that were the only-begotten children of their fathers. Vera. 18-21. —2: A. V. : Then Raguel .... to fill. 2a he kept the (Gr., imiriirev aiinw yai±oy). 29 omits of "0 For (Gr., Kal). si marriage. ^- R. had said. ^ and then .... the half of .... in safety. ^ should have the rest. 35 be. Chapter VIII. Ver. 2. The ashes of the incense (A. V. ; " pcrfumt'S "). The article is lu-re used, thou}:h not ill vi. 16. The OrientuLs make great use of perfumes. Tlie Hebrews emjiloyed for this pur- pose spices imported from Arabia, or aromatic plants which grew in Palestine, These plants were sometimes worn in their natural state about the person (CiUit. i. 13) ; or boiled down, and aiixed with oil {.John xii. 3) ; or reduced to a powder, which mipht be carried in a smelling bottle (Is. iii. 24) ; or used for fumigation (Cant. iii. 0). Cf. Smith's Bib. Did., art. ' Perfumes." The object in the present case, however, was luit to make a plcasiint impression on the deiiiou, but a di»iigreeable one. It is better, therefore, to transhue BuniafjLaTuv incense. A fesirful smell must indeed have been caused by burning the h.alf-deeayed heart and liver of the fish in the manner described. The wonder is that it did not drive the young Tobias and his bride away, as well as the demon ! Ver. 3. Upper parts »f Egypt. This piace is mentioned because, on account of its desolate- ness, it was supposed to be the peculiar resort of the demoniacal powers. Cf. Matt. xii. 43 ; Rev. xviii. 2, with the introduction to the present book by Sengelmiinn, sect. 3. But whiit is to be under- stood by the binding? Welte {Eitileil., p. 94) says it is not to be taken literally ; that the limita- tion of his power over Tobias alone is meant tij be inilicated. But Krirzseiie properly character- izes this ojiinioji of Welte as gro.ss arbitrarines.s Undoubtedly, llie bindiie.:' is to be taken literally as much as the remaining portion ot' llie narrft TOBIT. 137 live. Some Roman Catholic commentators, how- ever, regard the whole transaction as symbolical, or consider the outward means used for tiie ex- orcism simply as a medium for the exercise of snpernatural power on the part of the angel, and as having no special virtue in and of themselves. It is represented in the Vulijate that the angel made the passage through the air, from Ecbataua to Upper Egypt, wiih the demon, in one night, and bound him there so fast that he was never more able to le ive the region. According to HM. and the Chaldaic the smoke was made " under Sarah's garments," which would seem to carry the idea that the demon was wholly invisi- ble.' Vers. 5-9. The relation between husband and wife, as here represented, is worthy of attention as indicating tlie general views of the period among the Jews touching this subject. Cramer says, that the description of the mutual relation of husband and wife in our boolj appears to be based on the principle that the marriage relation was to be inspired more by a pure, sincere, and hearty brotherly and sisterly affection than by mere sexual passion ; that often Tobias is named the brother of his wife, and Sara the sister of her husband. See Moral der Apoc, p. 194 f. But it is also to be remembered that these words " brother" and "sister " were favorite expressions of endearment in other relationships as well, and that in the case before us the exigencies of the story demanded a more than ordinary control of the sexual impulse, and, at the same time, would naturally require unusual expressions of attach- ment from persons so peculiarly situated. In another part of the book (ii. 12-14) we find that there were also at that time at least some ex- ceptions to the general prevalence of domestic felicity. Ver. 8. And she said with him, Amen. It was the custom in the early Christian church also, in public prayer, for all those assembled to unite in the closing Amen. Ver. 9. Arose, and went and made a grave The account of Raguel's conduct with respect to the grave here, and in verse 18, has a suspicious appearance. Had he buried the seven unfortu- nate previous husbands in this clandestine man- ner f He does not wish that any man should know it, if he is obliged to bury Tobias in the grave that he has made. Yet he allows the ser- vants to fill it up, and they must have known for what it was intended. Cf. art. " Burial " in Smith's Bib. Diet. In the Chaldaic the matter is somewhat differently represented : ■' Now it came to pass in the middle of the night that Reuel arose, and bade his servants dig a grave in the night, saying to them, ' If the young man die, we will bury him in the night, so that no man know it, and there will be no reproach to us.* .... Then his servants came, and he said to them, ' Cover the grave before any man perceive it.'" Ver. 19. Made for them a wedding feaat of fourteen days, i.e., double the usual time. Cf. Gen. xxix. 27 ; Judg. xiv. 12 ; and xi. 19 of the present book. Ver. 20. Before the days of the marriage were finished. It would seem from ix. 1-6 to have been near the beixiiuiing of the marriage festival. — Mtj f^f\6elv. The infinitive involves the idea of permission. lie would not be permitted to depart. Cf. Phil. iii. 16, and Winer, p. 316. So Buttmann, p. 273 : '* And that consequently the simple infinitive often includes the ide.a of obli'ja' tion, nect-ssift/, permission. This is especially the case after such predicates as contain a wish, re- quest, or summons," etc. This usage is well known in classic Greek. Ver. 21. When I and my wife are dead. The change from the direct to the indirect address is also common in the classics and the New Testa- ment. See Winer, pp. 545, 379 ; Buttmann, p. 385. Chapter IX. 1, 2 And^ Tobias called Raphael, and said unto him, Brother Azarias. take with thee a servant, and two camels, and go to Rages of Media to Gabael, and bring me 3 the money, and bring him to me '^ to the wedding, for Raguel hath sworn that 1 4 shall not depart. And ' my father counteth the days ; and if I tarry long, he will 5 be sorely distressed.^ And ^ Raphael went on his way," and lodged with Gabael, and gave him the written document ; ' and he ' brought forth the ' bags which were 6 sealed up, and gave them to him. And early in the morning they went forth to- gether," and came to the wedding. And Tobias blessed '^ hia wife. Vers. 1, 2. — ' A. V. : Then. > omits to me. The pronoun is wanting in m. 23. 55. 58. 64. 60. Aid. Old Lat. Ver8.4,5.— 3 A. V. : But. » very sorry (Or., oSuvTiSijo-eToiAioi'). For jieya (after x/x»"' A. V. ; Then. ' at. The Greek is irpb? tt) iniAi) (m. 23. 65. 68. 71. with Co. : irpbt ttjk nvKiiy). ' A. V. : which. * had received his sight (Qr., e^Ael/(€ ; 58. al. ffi^ene). ^ But. « him (Gr., avrout; avrovt ill. 64. 71. al. with Co. Aid.). ' he. » Sara. » which. i» which. " great joy. Chapter XI. Ver. 1 . In Fritz.«iche'8 text the first part of this verse, as far as the period, is found at the end of chap. X. Ver. 3. The other texts have mentioned the place where Raphiie! and Tohias left the rest of the company to hasten on before. The Vulgate names it " Haran," or " Charan ; " the Syriac. " Basri," or, as IJeusch has it, " Kasra ; " the Greek B., Kaio-aptia ; The Hehrew of Miinster and the Chaklaic Ahris. The Vulgate, moreover, says that this point was reached on the eleventh day. These places have not been identified. Ilgen, on account of readings of certain manu- scripts of the Old Latin, conjectures that the 'ApuKTrifTi of Stralio is meant. Ver. 4. It is said that the dog went " after " them. There is no ground, then, in this text for the opinion of Dereser and Heusch that he is introduced into the story that he may go on in advance to signify the return of the son to the anxious parents. Cf. v. 16. The tbllowing state- ment of the Vulgate (xi. 9) is an obvious embel- lishment : " Now, the dog which had accompanied them on the journey ran on ahead, and, as a messenger coming up, fawned, and wagged his tail." Both I'ritzsche and Sengelmann call at- tention to the fact that the dog is quite super- fluous in the narrative. It is not grammatically allowable, with Ilgen and others, to refer ouriir in verse 6, " espied him coming," to the dog, while the context is equally agaiu.st it. Ver. 9. 'Anh tov vvv cnroBavov^ai. This is a remarkable use of the future. It is likely that some word is to be understood as in the text ; the expiessiou being proverbial, and so of the briefest character. Vers. 10-12. Roman Catholic commentators are not agreed among themselves with respect to tlie healing of Tobit. Some hold it to be miracu- lous, and others aa the result of the use of natural remedies. According to Reusch (Com., p. 103), the analogy of the other cure spoken of in this book would lead us to regard it as miraculous. The Syriac introduces a very natural addition, and makes the father ask the son, after his strange way of greeting him : " What hast thou done, my sou? " In fact, we cannot help thinking that it would have been far more respectful, and in the end quite as useful, if the father had been previ- ously informed of what it was proposed to do for his benefit. Vers. 16, 17. Ilgen holds that what is here said of Tobit's rejoicing and praising God is an interpolation. He seems to think that it is repre- sented that the thankful man went through the streets of Nineveli shouting out his thanksgiving before all the people ; and says that when we think of what Nineveh was, and of the circum- stances of Tobit, it is simply ridiculous. But this is to put a meauing into the text, and not to take its natural meaning from it. — Tlphs t^ iruAp. Cf. Luke xix. 37 : "Eyyt^ovro^ .... ^5?; nphs rij Kara- $as fiuo kpvtttws) both .... God, praise. ' honourably (marg., with honour) to show forth. The Greek here is ti-riVw?, Aonori^cff, " giving him honor." 8 A. V. : therefore. Vers. 7-10, — » A. V. : but it is honourable (Or., evS6(m ; Codd. 71. 236. 248. ai9. Co. read ei-Sofoi/) to reveal .... Do that tvhich is good, and no evil shall .... A little. ^^ ^_ y. : for alms (the yap is omitted in II. 55. 74. 236.) .... and shall (avTT) is omitted by 44. 106.). *' exercise alms. i- to. Ver. 11. — " A. V. : For I said. The Codd. III. 65. 64. 74. 76. 243. 248., with Co. and Aid. have 6e here instead of S^. 1* It is good .... but that it was honourable (Codd. 74. 76. 248. 249. Co., eif&o$ov) to reveal. Vers. 12, 13. — "• A. V. : Now therefore. 18 Sara .... prayers. i" In addition to the authorities cited in Fritzsches Cril. Ap. for the reading trviinapiinTif (III. 68. 64. 71. oV. —which are 76. 236. 243. 248. 249. Co. — ), II. may be cited. The text. rec. has (rv^irapjJy^Tji'. '^ A. V. : dinner (Qr., as ii. 1. apurrov). ^^ omits thou and (contained in the Gr., ovk iXadt^ fl€ ayadoiroiaif). 20 was. Vers. 14-16. — =' A. V. ; hath sent. '^ Sara. » which. " which. 2= Then. =» troubled (Gr. erapix^'"^'') The rendering is weak. Ver. 17. — -'^ A. V. : But 28 for it shall go well with you ; praise God therefore (Gr., eipijtnj vfjuv ecrrai • rot. 5e Behy riiKoyflre eis rbv atoji-a ; the last three words, however, are omitted in 23. 64. 71. 74. 76. 236. 249. Co. Aid.). Vers. 18-20. — 29 A. V. : of any. »» The Codd. II. and III. have v/xii. instead of ^(lii. of the text, rec; Old Lat., vobiscum. Codd. 44. 68. 106. 249. omit rifxiliv. si A. V. : I did appear. The addition seems necessary for clearness. ^2 A. V. : but I did neither eat nor drink. 33 Now therefore. ^ but. ^5 are done. Vers. 21, 22. — ^^ For ovkcti II. 65. offer ovk ; Old Lat., et non potuerunt ilium videre. 3' A. V. : Then they confessed the, etc. 38 great and wonderful works of God, and, etc. The reading followed by the A. V. (dav^aora toO Bern koI m) Is supported by III. 23. 55. 58. 71. Co. Aid. 3= Cod. H. omits the article. Chapter XII. Ver. 1. "Opo, see, in the sense of " have a c^re," " look ont for it," like the verb €7ri/ueA.eo;uai. This meaning is also given to the word in the classics. See Buttmann. p. 243. Ver. 2. B\a!rTO;nai, disabled, weakened. The meaning is that he would liave enough left, so that he would ne emhurnissed. Ver. ^. 'Ay-fjox^ f'U- ay^)xe, instead of tlie usiiai ^X« as perfect of Syoo. The former is .i late word. The intimation of Tobias in this verse with respect to his wife is anything bnt compli- mentary. But it is doubtless a slip. He refers to her deliverance from the influence of the demon. Ver. 5. Go away in safety. The meaning is not clearly expressed. Tol^it wishes him simply 142 THE APOCRYPHA. a happv jouruey. As the Germans say : " Eine gliickliche Reise ! " " A pleasant journey ! " Ver. 7. KaKi»' olix evpriion with the preceding ayaOSf through the general nature of the thought. " Evil shall not find (reach) you." Ver. 8. Prayer is good with fasting and alms. For remarks on the doctrine of fasting and almsgiving, as taught in this book, see Intro- duction. The Hebrew word npT" is rendered by eXeifiioaivT] in the Septuagint at Deut. xxiv. 13 ; Dan. iv. 27. In fact, there are at least thirteen passages where a similar rendering is given. The lesson, on which no little stress is laid in Scripture, would thereby be taught by the translators of the LXX., " that mercy toward our fellow-men is the grand token of righteous- ness in the sight of tliat God who manifests his own righteousness especially by showing mercy and goodness." Girdlestone, 0. T. Syn.. p. 261. Ver. 9. According to the text. rec. the angel .nakes no effort to reconcile the theoretical prin- ciples which he lays down with what was practi- cally true in the case of the much-suffering but righteous Tobit. The Vulgate, however, puts into the former's mouth the words ; Et quia ac- ceptus eras Deo, necesse Jiiit, lit tentatio probaret te. — Doth deliver from death, and it shall purge away all sin. Attention should be called again (see Introduction) to the unmistakable and start- ling import of this declaration. The giving of alms shall purqe away all sin and deliver from {spi7-itn(il) death .' How important to study the grounds on which the authenticity and genuine- ness of such a composition are supported, whose teachings are so obviously in contradiction to the letter and spirit of the canonical Scriptures ! Vers. 1 2-1 5. I brought the remembrance of your prayers. This idea that angels presented pravers before God is also found in the book of Enoch (xv. 1). See remarks of Hoffmann, orf/oc. < )thers have erroneously adduced pas.sages from the canonical Scriptures of the Old Testament (.IS Job xxxiii. 23 : Zech. i. 12) in support of the same doctrine. Cf. Introduction, under " Doc- trinal Teaching," and the various commentaries on Rev. viii. and ix. Ver. 20. For I go unto him that sent me. Strangely enough, some Protestant commentators h.ave been driven to such straits in their attempted justification of the opinion that the Apocryphal books ought to be retained as a legitimate part of the Bible as to cite this passage as suggesting to our Saviour his words in John xvi. 5. Keerl well replies : " Let him understand it who can under- stand it ; I confess that such statements appear to me, in my 'foolishness,' too strange, too pro- found." Die Apokryphenfrage (ed. 1855), p. 109. Chapter Xm. 1 And^ Tobit wrote a prayer of rejoicing, and said, Blessed he God that liveth for ever, and blessed be his kingdom. 2 For he doth scourge, and hath mercy ; He leadeth down to Hades,'^ and bringeth up again ; Neither is there any that shall escape ^ his hand. 3 Confess him before the Gentiles, ye children of Israel, For he hath scattered us among them. 4 There declare his greatness. Extol him before every living being,^ For he is our Lord and God, He is our Father for ever. 5 And he will scourge us for our iniquities, And will have mercy again, and will gather us out of all nations, Wherever ye have been scattered among them.^ 6 If you turn to him with your whole heart. And with your whole soul, to deal ^ uprightly before him. Then will he turn unto you, And will not hide his face from you. And see what he will do for you,' And confess him with your whole mouth, And praise the Lord of righteousness,* And extol the everlasting King. In the land of my captivity do I confess him. And declare his might and majesty to a nation of sinners.' Te» 1,2. — > A. V. : Then. ' Hell. » can avoid (iK^cv^srat.). Vers. 4,6.— « A. v.: And (bo 64. 106. 243. 248. Co. Aid.) extol hta before all the living (Or., iraiT*! <5itos). For he U onr Lord, And he is the God, our Father. I have changed the order of the wordp to correspond better with that of the Greek. ^ among whom he hath scattered us (Or., ofl iav aK0pTniT9fiTe ev avToi<; ; 243. Co., ov BUaneipef rifLat). Vcr. 6. — "A. V. : mind and deal {koX jroiij}s Sui'ttixewv, with Co. ; .luD., a potentissimo). '• praise hini .... sinful nation. For tBvei 11. and III. hav« TOBIT. 143 0 ye sinners, turn and do justice before him ; Who knows but that he will accept ^ you, And have mercy on you ? 7 I will extol my God, And my soul shall praise the King of heaven, And shall rejoice in his greatness. 8 Let all men speak, and let all praise him in Jerusalem.' 9 O Jerusalem, city of the Holy One, He scourges thee for thy children's works, And will have mercy again on the cliildren of the righteous.* 10 Give praise to the Lord in uprightness And bless ^ the everlasting King, That his tabernacle may be built ^ in thee again with joy, And he make joyful in thee ° those that are captives. And love in thee for ever' those that are miserable. 1 1 Many nations shall come from far to the name of the Lord God, Having ' gifts in their hands, even gifts to the King of heaven ; Generations of generations shall render thee jubilant praise.' 12 Cursed are all they who'" hate thee. And blessed shall all be who ^^ love thee for ever. 13 Rejoice and be glad for the children of the just. For they shall be gathered together, and shall bless the Lord of the just. 14 O blessed are they who '^ love thee, /o?- they shall rejoice in thy peace ; Blessed are they who '' have been sorrowful for all thy scourges ; For they shall rejoice for thee, when they have seen all thy glory, And my soul shall " be glad for ever ; 15 Let it bless '^ God the great King. 16 For Jerusalem shall be built up with sapphire, and emerald,^" and thy walls with '' precious stone ; And thy towers '* and battlements with pure gold. 17 And the broadways '^ of Jerusalem shall be paved with beryl and carbuncle and stone of Suphir.'^'' 18 And all her streets shall say. Alleluia ; And they shall praise him, saying. Blessed he God, Who ^' hath exalted thee '-- for ever. Ver. 6. — * A. V. : can tell if he will accept, Vcr. 8. —2 A. V. : for his righteousness (ii/ 5i«iiio4. n. 76. 236. 243. 248. Co. Aid. See Com.) .... He w ill scourge (the future, but better rendered as present, as it repre- sents a general truth, and one which the Israelites were even then experiencing. The margin of the A. V. has, more literally, '' lie will lay a scourge upon the works of thy children '').... sons of the righteous (cf. ver. 13). Ver. 10. — •> A. V. : for he is good ((. ?., ort aya66^, as 248. Co.), and praise. Cod. II. has dyadwy (as text, rec.) by the first hand, and there is not, as stated in Fritzsche's apparatus, a correction to ayaSiZ ; III. has tw ayadiZ. ^ A. V. : builded. « let him make joyful therein (eitei is found in III. 23. 64. 249. Aid.). ' Lit., unto all the generations of the aeon. Ver. 11. — 8 A. V. : with (Gr., exovre-i). c All generations shall praise thee with great joy (Gr., 7ei'6al yeveCjtf 5* A. V. : Thy walls and towers. w the streets. ^o stones of Ophir (Gr., 2ou0£ip). Ver. 18. — 2' A. V. : Which. ^ extolled it. Fritzsche would emend the text. rec. vi/niio-e, whlcb la also the read- ing of the Codd. (HI. adds eU) to vt/zuire ere eU. 1. is probable that the pronoun was overlooked on account of the end- ing of the verb. The direct address se«ms to require it. Chapter XIII. Ver. 1. This "prayer of rejoicing" is made up mostly of expressions of prayer and praise Which are familiar to Old Testament readers, and has but little adaptation to the peculiar circum- stances of the case before us. Sengelmann sug- gests that it may have been separately compo.seJ 144 THE APOCRYPHA. by some person whose name was Tobit, and after- wards included in the present book. But that is scarcely probable. Ver." 5. As in verse 9, so here, the ftftnre {/laffTtyiiffei) is used for the present, as denoting both what has taken place and what will be in the future. Cf. Winer, p. 279 f. ; Buttmann, p. 311. Ver. 6. See Deut. xxx. 2-4. — The everlast- ing King, Thy Paat\ia tuv aidivay. Cf. Ps. cxlv. 13. Some would improperly give to aluivuv the sense of " worlds," as intended to magnify the creative power of God. The same expression is found in 1 Tim. i. 17 : "Now unto the king eter- nal," etc. In Heb. 1. 2, however, 5i' ov koI roiis alavas iwoiria-ft', the above-mentioned render- ing would seem to be applicable. — A nation of sinners. Grotius thinks the Assyrian people is meant. But the connection seems to require that the reference be to the Israelites, and there is sufficient justification in their idolatry for their being thus stigmatized. In fact, the following sentence appears to he conclusive on this point : " who knows but that he will accept." Ver. 7. T^j ffaaiXfl rod oupavov. The dative ia here used prohablv through the influence of the following iloiioXoyeiaSaaav, which was already in the writer's mind. Kritzsche thinks the expres- sion " King of heaven " is nowhere else found (except in verse 11 ) in the Old or New Testament. But m the LXX., at Dan. iv. 34, we have rhy j8a A. V. : thereof. Vers. 6-9. — '" A. V. : nations (Gr., irivra. ri c«n)). The context seems to demand the above rendering. " A. V. • Bo fihall all nations (see preceding verse). " which. '" that those things .... shall (Ur.,iroi'To« t(n-oi) It renden navTti by " Burely." 20 a. V. : show thyself (Gr., yevou =z H^^n) • TOBIT. 145 10 thee. And bury me decently, and thy mother with me; and' tarry no longer at Nineve. See,'' iny son, how Aman handled Achiacharus that brought him up, how out of light he brought him into darkness, and how he rewarded liim ; and God saved Achiacharus,' but the other had his reward, and he himself went down * into darkness. Manasses gave alms, and escaped the snare of death which one ^ 1 1 set for him ; but Aman fell into the snare, and perished. And now, my children,' see ' what alms doeth, and how righteousness doth deliver. And while he was saying this,* he gave up the ghost in the bed ; and he was ° 12 a himdred and fifty-eight '" years old ; and he'' buried him honorably. And when Anna died,'- he buried her with his father. But Tobias departed with his wife 13 and his sons '^ to Ecbatana '^ to Raguel his father-in-law. And he '^ became old with honor ; and he buried his father and mother-in-law honorably, and he in- 14 herited their substance, and his father Tobit's. And he died at Ecbatana in 15 Media, being a hundred and twenty-seven '^ years old. And " before he died he heard of the destruction of Nineve, which was taken by Nabuchodonosor and Asuerus ; '* and before his death he rejoiced over Nineve. Ver. 10. — 1 A. V. : but. * Remember (Gr., t6e). ^ again : yet Achiarchus waa saved (icol 'Axiax*po5 f-^v eo-w^, III. 23. 65. 58. at, mult. Co. Aid.) * for he went down (Gr., leol aurbs jcaTepTj). ^ snares .... chey had. The Godd. 23. 64., with Co. and Aid., have the plural iivfi^av for the sing. The proper name is written as 'Afia^ in II. 66. 106; ' A5w^, in 44. ; Acab in the Syr. ; Nadab, in the Old Lat. Ver. 11. — 5 A. V. : Wherefore now, 7?iy son (Jun., Nunc ergo JUi ; Trai&iov, 23. 55. 58. 64. 71. etc., with Co. Aid.). ' consider (Gr., ISctc). * When he had said these thi7igs. ^ being. ^^ an hundred and eight and fifty. The Codd. 44. 106. 55. give the number as fifty, instead of fifty-eight. " In addition to III. 68. 74. 76. 248., cited by Fritzsche as authority for tdatfiev, II., the Greek Bible of 1697 (Frankfort), and Jun. may be mentioned. Fritzsche re- tains the plural form. Vers. 12, 15. — ^ A. V. : his mother was dead (Gr., ore anddavev 'A.wa ; the addition is found in 71. 76. 236. 248. Co. Jun.). *3 and children. " Ecbatane. '^ Where he, etc. (Jun., Ubi consenuit honorate). '^ Ecbatane .... an hundred and seven and twenty. *' But (Jun., autem). ^^ Assuerus. 'Ao-ct-oi/tjpos (Fritzsche says, 'Ao-ouijpos, but this is not the form given in Holmes and Parsons' notes) in 23. 63. 64. 76. 248. Co. Aid. {text, ree., 'AcnJTjpo?) ; III., 'Atrovripos Chapter XIV. Vers. 1, 2. According to ver. 11 Tobit died at the age o£ one hundred eight and fifty, that is, ninety-two years after the restoration of his sight. The figures of the Vulgate are quite dif- ferent, according to which he became blind at fifty-six; was restored four years later, and died at one hundred and two. The impossibility of arriving at any satisfactory adjustment of the dates of the book, as they relate to the life of Tobit and his son, will appear from the great diversity that rules in the MSS. and old versions. For instance, the Old Latin, Hebrew of Fagius, and the Peshito, agree with Greek A. in giving Tobit's fifty-eighth year as the time when he became blind ; while the codices 4-1. and 106. give fifty ; the Vulgate, fifty-si.x ; Cod. Sinait., si.xty- two ; Cod. Ale.x., eighty-eight. His entire age is given by Greek A. as one hundred and fifty-eight ; by the Vulg.ate and the Peshito as one hundred and two ; the Old Latin, Sinait., Arab., and one MS. of the Vulgate, a-s one hundred and twelve ; codd. 44. 106 55., as one hundred and fifty. The period of blindness lasted, according to Greek A., eight years ; the Peshito, seven ; Vulgate, Old Latin, Sinait. (ii. 11.), four. He lived after this, according to the Vulgate, forty-two years; the Peshito, thirty-seven ; and the Old Latin, fifty-four years. Ver. 3. 'Eyfipaus. the evil demon, killed them be- 8 fore they had been with her as the custom is [to bi 1 with women. And the maid said to her, Thou art the one that killest thy husbands ; behold already thou hast been 9 wedded to seven men and wast not named after one of them. Why dost thou chastise us for thy husbands, because they died V Go thou with them, and let us see of thee neither 10 son nor daughter for ever. On that day she was grieved to the soul and wept, and having gone up into the upper room of her father she would have hanged herself ; and again she considered with herself and said. They might reprsach my father and say to him. Thou hadst one beloved daughter and she escaped her misfortunes by hanging herself, and I bring my father's old age with sorrow to Hades. It is better for me not to hang my- self, but to pray to the Lord that I may die, and no longer hear reproaches in my life. 11 At this juncture she spread out her hands toward the window, and prayed, and said, Blessed art thou, O merciful God, and blessed is thy name for ever, and let all thy works 12, 13 bless thee for ever. And now I have lifted up my face and my eyes unto thee. Com- 14 mand that I be released from the earth, and that I no longer hear reproaches. Thou 15 knowest, O Lord, that I am free from every impurity with a man, and that I have stained neither my name nor my father's name in the land of my captivity. I am an only child of my father and he has no other to be his heir, nor has he brother at hand, or relative, that I should keep myself for him as wife. Already my seven [husbands] have perished, and why should 1 live any longer? And if it seem not good to thee, O Lord, to kill me, look now upon my reproach. 16, 17 At this point the prayer of both of them was heard before the glory of God, and Raphael was sent to heal both : to relieve Tobith's eyes of the leucoraa in order that he might behold with his eyes the light of God, and as to Sarra the daughter of Raguel, to give her to Tobias, the son of Tobith, as wife, and set her free from the evil demon Asmo- daeus, because by inheritance she fell to Tobias rather than any of those who wished to marry her. At that point Tobith returned from the court into his house, and Sarra, the daughter of Raguel, she also descended from the upper room. Chapter IV. 1 On that day Tobith bethought himself of the money which he had deposited with 2 Gabaelus in Rages of Media ; and he said in his heart. Behold, I have asked for death ; 3 why not call Tobias, my son, and inform him of this money before I die? And he called his son Tobias, and he came to him; and he said to him, My child, when I die, bury me respectably; and honor thy mother, and leave her not all the days of her life; and do 4 what is pleasing in her eyes, and grieve not her spirit in any single thing. Be mindful of her my child, because she experienced many dangers in her womb on thy account; 5 and when she is dead, bury her beside me in orr-i tomb. And all thy days, my child, remember the Lord, and do not choose to sin, and to transgress his precepts. Practice 6 righteousness all the days of ;hy life, and walk no in the ways of unrighteousness. For 7 those who practice truth will have prosperity in what they do. And to all who practice righteousness^ give alms of thy substance, my son, and do not turn thy face away from any poor man, and so will it come to pass that the face of God will not be turned away 8 from thee. According to thy ability, my son, give alms : if thou have abundance, give the more alms from it; if thou have little, from that little itself communicate; and be not 9 anxious, my son, when thou givest alms. Thou wilt lay up for thyself a noble reward 10 against the time of need ; for alms free from death, and do not suffer one to come into 11, 12 darkness. A good gift is an alms to all who bestow it, before the highest God. Keep thvself, my son, from all fornication. As wife take the nearest from the seed of thy parents, and marry no strange wife who is not of the tribe of thy parents. For we are sons of the prophets, who prophesied in truth in the former times. Noe prophesied in the early days, and Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, our fathers from the beginning of the world. Call to mind, my son, how all these married wives of the race of their fathers, and were blessed in their sons ; and the seed of their sons shall possess the heritage of the 13 earth. And thou, my son, love thy brethren, and show not such proud spirit towards the daughters of the sons of thy people that thou wilt accept no one of them ; for pride 14 is destruction and great unsteadiness, and luxury is poverty and great impiety. Give his 1 From this verse to ver. 19 incIusiTe, Fritzsche has emended Cod. X., which is incomplete, from the Old Lat., and ban given the whole text as there found. Reusch has supplied a text from the Alexandrine Codex. 150 THE APOCRYPHA. wages the same day to everv man who shall have worked for thee, and let not the wages of a man remain with thee; and thy wages shall not be diminished, it tlioii serve God in 15 truth. Give heed to thyself, my son, in all thy works, and be wise in all thy utterances; and what thou hatest thyself, that do not to another. Drink not wine to drunkenness, and 16 let no iniquity whatever fasten itself upon thee in thy whole life. Give of thy bread to the hungry, and clothe the naked with thy garments. From thy abundance of everv sort, 17 my son, bestow alms; and let not thine eye look when thou givest an alms. Pour out 18 thy wine and thy bread over the tomlis of the just, and give it not to sinners. Seek 19 counsel of a wise man, and do not despise it ; for all counsel is useful. On every occasion bless God, and entreat of him that he direct thy ways and all thy paths, and that thy purposes may turn out well, for other nations have not a worthy purpose. Whom he will, he elevates: and whom he will he brings low. even down to the underworld.^ And so, uiy child, be mindful of these precepts, and let them not be blotted out from thy heart. 20 And now, my child. I inform thee that I entrusted ten talents of silver to Gabaelus, the brother of Gabri, at Rages in Media. And fear not, my child, because we have become impoverished. Thou hast many good things, if thou fearest God, and fleest every siu and dost practice what is good before the Lord thy God. Chapter V. 1 Then Tobias answered and said to Tobith, his father : All things which thou hast 2 enjoined upon me I will do, father ; but how can I receive it from him, when he neither knows me, nor I him? What token can I give him that he may recognize me and have confidence in me so as to give me the money? And the roads into Jledia — I 3 do not know the way of getting there. Then Tobith answered and said to Tobias, his son. His written obligation he gave nie, and I gave a written obligation to him ; and I divided it into two parts, and we took each a piece, and I laid it along with the money. And now, behold, twenty years are gone since I deposited this money. And so, my child, seek for thyself a trust}' ma-n who shall go with thee, whom we will ])ay after thou 4 hast returned, and get from him this money. And Tobias went out to seek a man who should go with him into Media, one acquainted with the way; and when he went out he found Raphael, the angel, standing before him, and he knew not that he was an angel 5 of God. And he said to him. Whence art thou, young man? And he said to him. From the sons of Israel, thy brethren, and I have come hither to get employment. And he 6 said to him. Dost thou know the way to go into Media? And he said to him. Oh, yes! I have been there many times, and have experience, and am acquainted with all the roads. I have often gone into Media, and lodged with Gabaelus, our brother, who lives at Rages in Media ; and it is a definite journey of two days from Ecl)atana to 7 Rages; for it lies in the mountain, Ecbatana in the midst of the plain. Ami he said to him, Wait for me, young man, until I go in and inform my father; for I have need of thee 8 to go with me, and I will give thee thy wages. And he said to him, Behold, I wait; only do not stay long. And Tobias went in, and informed Tobith, his father, and said to him, Lo, I have found a man from our brethren, of the sons of Israel. And he said to him. Call the man to me, that I may learn of what race he is, and of what tribe, and 9 whether he is sufficiently trusty to go with thee, my child. And Tobias went out and called him, and said to him. Young man, my father would see thee. And lie went in to him, and Tobith greeted him first. And he said to him, Much joy be unto thee ! And Tobith answered and said to him. What joy remains to me more? I am even one who has no use of his eyes, and see not the light of heaven, but sit in darkness as the dead who no more see the light; I am alive among the dead; I hear the voice of men, and see them not. And he said to him. Be of good courage: to heal thee is near with God; be of good courage. And Tobith said to him, Tobias, my son, wishes to go into Media, if thou canst be his companion and guide; and I will give thee thy wages, my brother. And he said to him, I shall be able to go with him, and I know all the ways ; and I have often been going into Media, and passed through all its plains and mountains, and I am 10 acquainted with all its roads. And he said to him. My brother, of what fandly art thou, 11 ane, while he does not injure her, he kills him who has a mind to come near to her. I am my father's only child, [I am afraid] lest I die and bring down the life of my father and my mother, with grief on my account, to 15 their grave ; and they have no other son to bury them. And he said to him, Dost * The Greek is vib? aptrrjv. 2 The last clause is omitted by Reusch, following the best Latin MSS. l52 THE APOCHYl'HA. thou not recall the injunctions of thy father, that he bade thee marry a wife from the house of thy father? Anti so hear me, my brother, ami be not anxious about this 16 demon, and take her. And I know that this ni^ht she shall be given thee as wife, .-^nd when thou enterest into the marriage chamber, take some of the liver of the fish, and the heart, and place it on the ashes of the incense, and the smoke will issue from it ; and the 17 demon will smell it, and will flee away, and no more appear in her neighborhood forever. And when thou art about to have connection with her, rise up first, both of you, and pray and entreat the Lord of heaven that mercy and salvation may come upon you. And fear not; for she has been apportioned to thee from eternity, and thou wilt save her, and she will go with thee ; and I suppose that thou wilt have children from her, and thev will be to thee as brothers ; have no anxiety. And when Tobias heard the words of Raphael, and that she was his sister, from the seed of his father's house, he loved her very much, and his heart cleaved to her. Chapter Vii. 1 And when he arrived at Ecbatana, he said to him, Brother Azarias, take me a direct course to Raguel, our brother. And he took him to the house of Raguehis, and they found him sitting by the door of the court, and they saluted him first; and he said to them, Many welcomes, my brethren! And I hope you come in the best of health! And he led 2 them into his house; and he said to Edna, his wife. How like is this young man to 3 Tobith, my brother! And Edna asked them and said to them. Whence are 3'ou, my brethren ? And they replied to her, We are of the sons of Nephthalim, of the captivity 4 at Nineve. And she said to them. Do you know Tobith, our brother? And they 6 answered her, We know him. And she said to them. Is he well ? And they replied to her. 6 He is alive and well. And Tobias said. He is my father. And Raguel sprang up, and 7 kissed him tenderly, and wept. And blessing him he said, A blessing be upon thee, my child, who art the son of a noble and good man! O the wretched misfortune, that a righteous man and a giver of alms should become blind! And falling on the neck of 8 Tobias, his brother, he wept. And Edna his wife wept for him; and Sarra, their daughter, she also wept. And he slaughtered a ram from the flock, and entertained them heartil}-; and, after they had bathed and washed and sat down to eat, Tobias said to Raphael, Brother Azarias, Speak to Raguel that he give me Sarra, my sis- 9 ter? And Raguel heard the remark, and said to the young man, Eat and drink and 10 be men-y this night ; for there is no man who can properly marry my daughter, Sarra^ except thyself, my brother. And moreover, likewise, I have no power to give her to any other man, except thyself, because thou art my next of kin. And [yet] verily I will 11 make known to thee the truth, mj' child. I have given her to seven men of our brethren, and they all died the night when they entered in to her. And now, my child, eat and drink, and the Lord will show you mercy. And Tobias said, I will not eat here at all, nor 12 drink at all, until thou hast arranged these matters with me. And Raguel said to him, I will do it, and she shall be given thee, according to the ordinance of the book of Moses ; and it has been fixed in heaven that she is to be given to thee. Receive thy sister. From now on thou art her brother, and she is thy sister; from to-day and for ever she is made over to thee. And the Lord of heaven prosper you, my child; this night, also, 13 may he bestow upon you mercy and peace. And Raguel called his daughter, Sarra, and she came to him; and, taking her hand, he gave her away to him, and said, Receive her according to the law, and according to the ordinance written in the book of Moses that she is given thee as thy wife, and keep her, and lead her away to thy father in health 14 and the God of heaven give you prosperity and peace. And he called her mother, and bade her bring paper ; and he wrote a certificate of marriage, and that he gave her away 15 to him as wife according to the ordinance of the law of closes. After that they began '6 to eat and to drink. And Raguel called Edna, his wife, and said to her. Sister, make >.7 ready the other sleeping-room, and lead her in there. And she went into the sleeping- room, and put the couch in readiness, as he had bidden her, and led her in there, ami 8 wept over her; and, when she had wiped away the tears, she said to her. Be of good cheer, my daughter; the Lord of heaven give thee joy for thy sorrow; be of good cheer, my daughter. And she departed. Chapter VIIL \ And when they were through with eating and drinking, they wished to go to sleep, * and they led away the young man and conducted him into the sleeping-room. And Tobiae recalled the words of Raphael, and he took the liver and the heart of the Csb ox' THE BOOK OF TOBIT. 153 of the little sack where he had kept them and laid them on the ashes of the incense 3 And the odor of the fish was a check to the demon and he ran away into the upper parts of Egypt, and Raphael went and fettered him there and bound him forthwith.' And they 4 went out and shut the door of the sleeping-room. And Tobias arose from the couch and said to her, Sister, rise up, let us pray and entreat our Lord that he will bestow upon us i> mercy and deliverance. And she rose up, and they began to pray and entreat that they might find deliverance; and he began, saying. Blessed art thou, O God of our fathers, 6 and blessed is thy name for ever ; let the heavens bless thee, and thy whole creation for ever. Thou didst make Adam and niadest for him a helpful support, Eva, his wife, and from both sprang the race of men. And thou didst say. It is not good for man to be alone, 7 let us make for him a helper like himself. And now, I take not this my sister for the sake 8 of lust, but in truth. Command that mercy be shown me and her, and that we become old 9 together. And they said with one another, Amen. And they slept through the night. And Raguel rose up and called his servants with him, and they went and dug a grave; 10 for he said. He may perhaps have died and we become a laughing-stock and reproach. 11 And when they were through digging the grave, Raguel went into the house and called his 12 wife and said, Send one of the maids and let her go iu and see if he is alive; and if dead, 13 that we may bury him, so that no man know it. And they sent the maid, and lighted the lamp and opened the door; and she went in and found them at rest and asleep to- 14 gether. And the maid came out and told them that he was alive and that there was no 15 trouble. And they blessed the God of Heaven and said. Blessed art thou, O God, with 16 all pure blessing; let them bless thee for ever ; and blessed art thou that thou hast made me glad, and it has not happened as I suspected, but thou hast dealt with us according 17 to thy great mercy. And blessed art thou that thou didst pity two only-begotten children. Grant them, O Lord, mercy and salvation, and bring their life to a close with 18 joy and mercy. Then he ordered his servants to fill up the grave before the dawu should 19 appear. And he bade his wife make much bread. And going out to the herd he brought two bullocks and four rams and ordered that they should be made ready, and they began 20 to prepare them. And he called Tobias and said to him, Under fourteen days thou shalt not stir a step from here, but remain in this place eating and drinking with me and 21 making glad the soul of my daughter, that is cast down. And of my entire property take hence half and go in health to thy father, and the other half is yours when I and my wife are dead. Be of good cheer, my child, I am thy father and Edna thy mother. And we are with thee and thy sister from this time forth for ever ; be of good cheer, my child I Chapter IX. 1, 2 Then Tobias called Raphael and said to him, Brother Azarias, take with thee four ser- vants and two camels, and go to Rages and visit Gabaelus, and orive him the written obli<»a- S tion and get the money and bring him with thee to the wedding. For thou knowest that 4 my father will be counting the days, and if I delay a single day I shall grieve him sorely. 5 And thou seest how Raguel has sworn, and I cannot disregard his oath. Antl Raphael, with the four servants and two camels, went to Rages of Media and stayed over night with Gabaelus ; and he delivered to him his written obligation and told him about Tobias, the son of Tobith, that he had married a wife and that he invited him to the weddincr. And he rose up and counted out to him the little sacks with their seals and they laid them € together. And they arose earlj- in the morning together, and started out for the wedding; and they came into the house of Raguel and found Tobias reclining at table. And he sprang up and embraced him, and wept and blessed him and said to him, A noble and good man, sou of one noble and good, righteous and merciful, art thou; may the Lord give thee and thy wife heaven's blessing, and to thy father and the mother of thy wife. Blessed be God that I have seen Tobias, my cousin, a picture of him.^ Chapter X. 1 BoT Tobith reckoned day by day the number of days it would require for him to go 2 and to return. And when the days cauie to an end and his son did not appear, he said. Has he perhaps been detained there? Or is Gabael possibly dead and no one de- 3, 4 livers to him the money? And he began to be sorrowful. Ami Anna, his wife, said, My son has perished and is no more among the living. And she began to weep and la- 5 ment for her son, and said. Woe to me, my child, that I let you go away, the light of my * Reusch has for ttie last clanee «al eTrtirrpe\f/tv rrapavrUa, " and returned immediately." ' 'Ofioiov avTf^ Reusch would emend to ort elSov ReuBs adopts for eVti'fltTO oiSeW from " C, ■■('•<•, ^- 1U6. 107.), e-ycviraTo ovJeyoi. J Rmsoti would substitute lioi for o-oc, and put the verb in the optative instead ol the subjunctive. C. has -yttoirj KOI Tiiiii- r'ov TTtyBtpov Mou, etc. ; Old Lat., " Iiijiinclum e.« mihi a Domino honoran vos omnibus dithus mla vestrir. ' » KeuBch writes from conjecture XaAojj ; tin- (ild Lat. has Otaram; the Codd. named by Reusch " 0.," Xaio-opcio. * 'Hv y ipxovrat.. lleusch, ews epxfai ojriVaj t^i^ujv. THE BOOK OF TOBIT. 155 house in health, in blessing and joy enter in, my daughter. On this day there came joy 18 to all the Jews who were in Nineve. And Achicar and Nabad, his cousins, were present to rejoice with Tobith. Chapter XII. 1 And when the wedding was over Tobith called his son, Tobias, and said to him. My child, see that thou trivest his wages to the man who went with thee and give him more 2 than the wages. And he said to him, Father, how much as wages shall I give himV I shall not be harmed if I give him half of the property which he brouL^ht here with me; 3 he has guided me prosperously, and my wife he has cured, and the money he has brought in my company, and has healed thee : how much additional as wages shall I give liimV 4 And Tobith said to him, It is right for him. my child, to receive half of all that he brought. 5 And he called him and said. Take half of all that thou didst bring as thy wao-es, and 6 go in health. Then he called the two aside and said to them. Bless God and acknowl- edge him before all the living for the good things he has done in your case that you might bless and praise his name; declare the works of God to all men with honor and 7 be not slow to acknowledge him ; to conceal a secret of a king is well, but to acknowledge the works of God and reveal them [is also well]; and [so] acknowledge him with honor.* 8 Practice the good and evil shall not find you. Prayer is good with truth, and alms with righteousness better than wealth with unrighteousness ; better is it to give alms than hoard 9 up money. Almsgiving delivers from death and it cleanses from every sin ; those who 10 give alms shall be filled with life ; those who practice sin and unrighteousness are enemies 11 of their own souls. I will make known to you the whole truth and conceal from you nothing. Already I have shown you and said, A secret of a king it is well to conceal, 12 and to reveal with praise the works of God. And now, when thou and Sarra didst pray I brought the memorial of your prayer before the glory of the Lord, and when thou didst bury 18 the dead bodies likewise, and when thou didst not delay to rise up and leave thy meal and 14 go and bury the corpse, then I was sent to thee to prove thee and at the same time God 15 sent me to heal thee and Sarra thy daughter-in-law.^ I ain Raphael, one of the seven an- 16 gels who stand in waiting, and go in before the glory of the Lord. And the two were in 1 7 consternation and fell down on their faces and were afraid. And he said to them, Fear not ; 18 peace be to you! Bless God for ever. I, when I was with you, was not with you by my 19 favor but by the will of God, bless him for ever; praise him. And you observed me that 20 I ate nothing, but it was a vision you saw. And now bless the Lord on earth and acknowl- edge God. Behold I ascend up to him that sent me ; record all that which has happened to 21, 22 you. And he ascended. And they arose and could see him no more. And they blessed and praised God and gave him thanks for all these his great works, that an angel of God had appeared to them. Chapter Xm. 1, 2 And he said, Blessed be God who lives for ever and blessed be his kingdom, for he chastises and shows mercy, he leads down to Hades, in the lowest [lart of the earth and he brings up from the great destruction and there is nothing which shall escape his hand. 3, 4 Confess him, ye sons of Israel, before the nations, for he scattered you among them, and there he showed you his greatness ; and exalt him in the sight of everything that lives, since 5 he is our Lord and he is our God and he is our Father and he is God fur ever. He will chastise you for your unrighteousness and will have mercy on you all ^ out of all peoples 6 among whom you may have been anywhither scattered. VV'hen you turn to him with your whole heart and your whole soul to practice truth before him then will he turn to you and 8 will no longer hide his face from you. And now observe what he has done with you, and confess him with thy whole mouth and bless the Lord of righteousness and e.xalt the eternal 10 King.* And again, thy tabernacle shall be set up in thee with joy, [and he will turzi] to make 11 glad in thee all the captives and lo love in thee all the wi-etched even for ever. A clear light shall shine to all the ends of the earth ; many nations shall come to thee from far and dwellers in the uttermost parts of the earth to thy holy name, yea having their gifts in their hands. To the King of heaven generations of generations shall give praise in thee and [carry V 12 the] name of the chosen one to eternity.* Cursed shall be all they who speak a harsh word, cursed shall be all they who destroy thee and cast down thy walls, and all who overturn thy towers and set fire to thy dwellings, and blessed shall be for ever those who 13 fear * thee. Then go ' and rejoice before the sons of the just, for all shall be gathered ^ Beuss has emended to ; ra St epya rov Qeov efofioAoyetcrtfai ivrifUK, omitting Koi avoKaXvirreiVf Kol efoftoAoyeiij^e. * The Greek is, ttji' wfifbi^v trov- 3 We follow the Sinaitic Cod-, with Fritzsche ; Reusch supplies from other MSS. koI ovfo^ei um«- * The next three verses are wanting in .\. s Reusch's text reads, to byofid (Toy eVXeKTOK * Reusch adopts, from the Old Latin, oi«o5ououi/Tes for if)oflou^e»'oi of the Sin. ' Reusch has ;^dp7jfli, which is the reading of II. 156 THE APOCRYPHA. 14 together and shall bless the everlasting Lord. Happy are they that love thee and happy are they that shall rejoice over tliy peace, and happy are all the men who shall grieve for thee on account of thy chastisements, for they shall have joy in thee and shall see all thy 15, 16 joy for ever. My soul blesses the Lord, the great King, for in the city of ' Jerusalem shall be built his house for ever. Happy shall I be if the remnant of my seed survive to behold thy glory, and to give thanks to the King of heaven. And the gates of Jeru- salem shall be built with sapphire and emerald, and all thy walls with precious stone ; the towers of Jerusalem shall be built with gold and their bulwarks with pure gold ; the 17 broadways of Jerusalem shall be paved with carbuncle and stone of Suphir. And the 18 gates of Jerusalem shall utter songs of praise and all her dwellings say, Alleluia, blessed be the God of Israel. And blessed ones shall bless the holy name for ever and aye. Chapter XIV. 1 And the words of Tobith's thanksgiving were ended, and he died in peace, one 2 hundred and twelve years old, and was buried with honor in Nineve. And he was sixty-two years old when he became blind; and after he saw again he lived in good 3 circumstances, and practiced almsgiving. And still more he praised God, and confessed his greatness. And when he was dying he called Tobias, his son, and charged him, 4 saying. My son, take away thy children, and hasten into Media, for I believe the word of God against Nineve which Nahura uttered : that all things shall be and shall come upon Assur and Nineve; and what the prophets of Israel have spoken, whom God sent, all will come to pass, and nothing at all will fail from all the predictions ; yea, all will take place in their time ; and in Media there will be safety, rather than in Assyria and in Babylon. [Go] for I know and am assured that all things which God has spoken will be fulfilled and will be, and not one word of his utterances fail. And our brethren who dwell in the land of Israel will all be scattered, and carried away captive from the good land, and the whole land of Israel will be desolate, and Samaria and Jerusalem will be 5 desolate, and God's house in it will also be burned until its time. And again God will have mercy on them, and God will return them to the land of Israel; and again they will build the house, yet not as the first, until the time when the period of the epochs has been fulfilled. And afterwards all will return from their captivity, and will build Jerusalem gloriously, and the house of God will be built in it, according as the prophets of Israel 6 have spoken concerning her. And all the nations which are in the whole earth will turn, and fear God truly, and all will forsake their idols, which seduced them to their false 7 ways, and will bless the eternal God in righteousness. All the sons of Israel who are saved in those days, remembering God in truth, will be gathered together, and will come to Jerusalem, and dwell for ever in the land of Abraam in safety, and it will be given over to them; and they that love God in truth will rejoice, and they that practice 8 sin and unrighteousness will cease from the whole land. And so, my children, I enjoin it upon you : serve God in truth, and do that which is pleasing in his sight, and enjoin it upon your children to practice righteousness and almsgiving, and that ihey be mindful of God, 9 and praise his name at every opportunity in truth, and with their whole strength. And 10 now, my child, do thou go away from Nineve, and remain not here. On the very day on which thou shalt bury thy mother by my side, stay not over night in her borders; for I see that there is much uin-ii;liteousness in her, and much guile comes to fruit in her, and they are not ashamed. Behold, my child, what Nadab did to Achicarus, who brought him up: was he not brought down alive into the earth V And God paid back the dishonor to his face; and Achicarus came out into the light, ivhile Nadab went into the eternal darkness, because he sought to kill Achicarus. Because he practiced almsgiving in my case he escaped the snare of death which Nadab laid for him ; and Nadab tell into the snare of 11 death, aud it destroyed him. And now, my children, see what almsgiving docs; and what unrighteousness does — that it kills. And, behold, my spirit is departing. And they laid 12 him on the bed, and he died, and was buried with honor. And when his mother died Tobias buried her by his father, and he and his wife went away into Media, and dwelt 13 in Kcbatana with Raguelus, his father-in-law; and he cherished them honorably in their old age. And he buried them in Ecbatana, of Media, and inherited the house of Raguelus 14 and that of Tobith, his father. And he died with honor when he was one hundred and 15 seventeen years old; and he saw, before his death, and heard of the destruction of Nineve; and he saw her captives led to Media, whom Asuerus,* the king of Media, led captive. And he blessed God in all which he did to the sons of Nineve and Assur, and he rejoiced before his death over Nineve; and he blessed the Lord, who is God for eve* and ever. Amen ! 1 Beusch has adopted TraAiv for t-jJ TrdXei of the Sin. i Beiuch has 'Axia;^apof, which ia the original reading of X. ; Old Lat., Achicar. THE BOOK OF JUDITH. INTRODUCTION. The Book of Judith, which Luther for some reason not yet explained places at the begin- ning of the apocryphal books in his translation of the Bible, in the English Bible comes fourth in order, being preceded by 1 and 2 Esdras and Tobit. Its contents are, in brief, as fol- lows : An Assyrian king, called Nabuchodonosor, residing at Nineveh, wag carrying on, in the twelfth year of his reign, a war against a certain Median king named Arphaxad. After five yciirs of conflict, the latter was defeated and slain, and his capital, Eebatana, destroyed. In this war the neighboring peoples had allied themselves to the one side or the other, as their own prejudices or interests dictated. The war being over, and his victory having been duly celebrated by Nabuchodonosor, he determined to take vengeance on such nations, in- cluding the Jews, as had refused to become his allies against Arphaxad. Operations against the latter people were undertaken by Olophernes, the general of Nabu- chodonosor, at first in connection with a certain fortified place called Betulua, situated some- where in the mountains of Judah. He laid siege to the place, and after a period of thirty- four days bad brought the inhabitants into a condition of the deepest distress. They despaired of deliverance, and, with the hope of saving at least their lives, wished to surrender to the Assyrians. Ozias, however, one of the "governors" of the city, counseled delay for five days longer, expressing the hope that within this time Jehovah would in some way interpose for their deliverance. At this point Judith, a rich, pious, and beautiful widow, presents herself before the elders of the city and declares her readiness to engage in an enterprise for the rescue of her people, but is unwilling to communicate the details of her plan. She is allowed to go forth on her perilous undertaking, and reaches in safety the Assyrian camp, attended only by a single maid. Here, after three days, she succeeds in so far winning the confidence of Olophernes and his officers that she is allowed to remain alone in the former's tent while he is in a state of beastly intoxication. With his own sword she sunders the head of this redoubtable general from his body, and under cover of the darkness makes good her escape with the bloody trophy. Arrived in Betulua, she advises that the head of Olophernes be suspended over the walls, and that a feint of attacking the Assyrians be made at the break of day. Her counsel being followed, the Assyrians are utterly routed and are pursued by the Jews as far as Damascus. Thirty days are consumed in plundering the Assyrian camp, after which great honors are paid to Judith by the high priest and the entire nation. She dies at the age of one hundred and four years, and is publicly lamented for seven days. During her lifetime, subsequent to the defeat of the Assyrians, and for a long period after her death, Israel had peace. Is the Book a History or a Romance f With the exception of Wolf and Von Gumpach, those who in modern times defend the story of Judith as a veritable history are found almost exclusively within the bounds of the Roman Catholic church. How serious a task these persons have taken upon themselves, and how far short they have come of its successful execution, we shall endeavor to show. It is seen, in the first place, in the widely divergent theories proposed by them in accounting for the origin of the work. Some would assign the events narrated to a period just previous to the Babylonian captivity, others, with equal assurance, to that just after the return, while by gtill others they have been located in almost everj- subsequt/nt century down to the time of Christ. Naturally, the difhculty of dispo.sing of Nabuchodonosor is one of the greatest, and there is scarcely an Assyrian, a Babylonian, Persian, or Seleucian king with whom, at one 158 THE APOCRYPHA. time or another, he has not been identified, — Cambyses, Xerxes, Esarhaddon, Kiniladen, Me- rodach Baladan, among them. There is a like want of unanimity among its defenders respect- ing the authorship of the work. Some maintain that it was Judith herself. Others fi.ic upon Joacim, the high priest. Wolf will have it that it was no other than Achior the Am- monite. The geographical problems which the remarkable campaign of Olophernes force upon the careful reader are no less productive of differences of opinion among the supporters of the credibility of the history. No one seems able to trace this general's line of march in a man- ner satisfactory to his co-l.iborers. Such a state of things is, in itself, calculated to awaken doubt even in the minds of those naturally inclined to accept the supposition of a real his- tory. But when the actual facts of the case are known, the misstatements, the anachro- nisms, the geographical absurdities, the literary extravagances of the book considered, it is- difficult to see how any unprejudiced reader can hesitate in his decision that, whatever slight basis of truth or worthy aim it may have had, it is essentially a work of tlie imagination. In harmony with this view, Luther speaks of it as a kind of allegorical, didactic, passion-play (Passionsspiel) ; Grotius, as an allegorical work intended for comfort and encouragement ; Buddeus, as a drama; Niebuhr, an epic; Babor, an apologue; Jahn, a didactic poem; Movers and Ewald, a legend ; Eichhorn, a worthless [?] fable of an ignorant Jew; Bertholdt, purely a work of the fancy; Keil and Gutmann, a free, poetic working over of a traditional, and dur- ing its transmission much changed historical saga ; Fritzsche and De Wette, a poem with patriotic and moral aim ; Vaihinger, a prophetico-poetical nariative ; Westcott, historical fiction. This line of opinions which, under various forms of expression, is essentially one, finds its support in the following among other similar characteristics of the book. First, the impossibility of reconciling its historical statements and presuppositions with one another or with universally acknowledged facts. In the earlier chapters of the book, for ex- ample, we read that an Assyrian army marclied against the Jews. This could have happened only before the Exile, while in the later chapters the entire representation is of a period sub- sequent to the Exile. It is distinctly stated, in fact, that the people had but just returned from the Cajitivity, and that the temple, which had been destroyed, was again restored and consecrated (iv. 3; v. 18, 19). They had no longer a king, but were politically united under a high priest by the name of Joacim, who ruled in connection with the Sanhedrin (iv. 6, 8; XV. 8). After the heroic act of Judith, the country is said to have had peace for a long time (xvi. 25). It is as impossible, from these historical data, to fix the period covered by our narrative soon after the Captivity as immediately before it. Still, this has been the usual course of those attempting to defend its credibility. Nabuchodonosor, for instance, is assumed to be some Persian king. Gutschmid sought to identify him with Artaxerxes Ochus, who is known to have had a general by the name of Olophernes. But while meeting this compara- tively trifling condition of the problem he became involved in a network of more serious diffi- culties, from which he found it impossible to extricate himself. He was obliged, among other things, to explain how it was possible for Nineveh to be still in existence at that period, and how such a campaign as the one described could then have been undertaken against Israel. Those, on the other hand, like Wolf and Niebuhr, who have preferred to take the bull boldly by the horns, and to locate the history where its opening chapters place it, have shown a no less astounding temerity in the character of their suppositions and logical combinations. Fritzsche (Schenkel's Bib. Lex., s. v.) says of these critics: " That history knows nothing of a Nabuchodonosor, as king of Assyria in Nineveh, or of a Median king Arphaxad, who built the walls of Ecliatana, troubles them not. By the latter mentioned they understand, at one time, Deioces, the builder of Ecbatana (Herod., i. 98 [according to Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., ii. 383, there was really no such person]; at another time, and more commonly, his son Phraortes. Here, truly, there was something to hold to, that this person, in the twenty-second year of bis reign, was overwhelmingly defeated by the Assyrians (Herod., i. 102). The difference in •_ame could indeed be explained, and that the task of building Ecbatana had been entrusted to him by his father might be considered as a pardonable error of representation. But diffi- culties multiply as we advance. At the very start, the Nabuchodonosor wanted cannot be found. On the basis of certain vague dala these critics proceed to guess : it is Esarhaddon, it is Saosduchinus, or Kiniladen. They even lix on the Babylonian Merodach Baladan, and Nabopolassar, but without exi)lainiiig how any one of them came to bear the name " Nabu- >;hodono8or." They lose themselves in labyrinthine speculations in order to bring this period THK BOOK OF JUDITH. ,15& mto harmony with the condition of the Jews as described. Since no Jewish king is mentioned, and yet there must be one, so it must have been the time when Manasseh was in prison at Babylon, or, just then, had little authority, or when king Josiah was under guardianship. The captivity of the people and their return from the same is left unexplained. Has the temple, according to v. 18, been wholly destroyed — it is only a desecration ! The high priest Joacim was Eliakim, represented in 2 Kings xviii. 18 to be an important personage under Hezekiah; or, as Von Gumpach supposes, the high priest Hilkiah under king Josiah (2 Kings xxii. 4). And finally, tc adduce but a single other circumstance, the beautiful Judith executed her bold undertaking, according to this theory, in somewhere .about the sixtieth year of her life!" Again, the geographical difficulties encountered by those who would defend the authenticity of the book are as hopelessly numerous and embarrassing as the historical. Let us notice, for example, some of the places mentioned in connection with the campaign of Olofernes, and see what light one of the most learned commentators of our book has been able to shed upon it. According to chap. ii. 15, Olophernes started from Nineveh with an army of 120,000 infantry and 12,000 cavalry. After a march of three days (ver. 21) the army came to the " plain of Bsectilaeth." Wolf supposes this to have been " Malatia " (Melitene), which was more than three hundred miles from Nineveh to the northwest. Since this place could not really have been reached in the time stated, he conjectures that they must have reckoned from some other nearer place (p. 91). From there the army marched " into the hill country and de- stroyed Phud and Lud and spoiled all the children of Rasses." By "Phud," this critic thinks the Cholcians are meant, a people more than another three hundred miles to the northeast of Malatia ; by Lud, the Lydians, double that distance to the west ; while by the " children of Rasses," the inhabitants of Tarsus, or Cilicia, are supposed to be meant, to reach whom the army must march back a couple of hundred miles or so, in a southeasterly direction. Then the " children of Ishmael " were subdued, inhabiting the country "to the south of the land of the Chellians." These Ishmaelites, Wolf thinks, were to be found directly to the east, inhabiting a part of Mesopotamia. Another long march of from two hundred to three hundred miles must be made, and the river Euphrates crossed, to reach them. The Euphrates was then recrossed, and the fortified places, " high cities," on the river "Arbona," — supposed to be " Chaboras " — destroyed. But, according to Wolf's theory respecting the Chellians, the army was already on the right side of the river for this purpose, and he is there- fore obliged to suppose that after bringing these Ishmaelites into subjection they had gone over to the south side again, and carried on operations, of which our book says nothing. The next point of attack was the " borders of Cilicia," the very land and people from which they had but just come, and which, one might suppose, had already been sufficiently punished by this agile and insatiable general of Nabuchodonosor. From Cilicia the line of march is to the " borders of Japhet," by which, our critic thinks, the high table-land in the vicinity of the mountain range Hauran is meant. From thence they compassed " all the children of Madiam," and " went down into the plain of Damascus." Was there ever another army, in ancient or modern times, that could march with such rapidity as this, or that has been led by a general who conducted his campaigns on such a singular plan ? If Olophernes had no mercy on his soldiers, that he put them through this shuttle movement, back and forth over plains and mountain ranges indifferently, we should suppose that the question of forage and supplies for such a multitude would have led to a different course. Our book gives us but slight indications resj)ecting the time consumed in this remarkable scries of military operations ; but Wolf, who seems never to be at a loss for theories, would have us understand that Olophernes left Malatia with his army in the " middle of September, J. C. 638," and reached Damascus after passing over a distance of two thousand miles, more or less — as one may readily compute for himself from the data given by this critic, — fighting many battles, and reducing a large number of fortified places " at the end of May, B.C. 037," i. e., in eight months, the rainy season included! See Wolf, Com., pp. 91, 108. In addition to these geographical and historical objections to the supposition that the work before us is to be interpreted as fact, its structure in oiher respects is equally against it. Many of the proper names, for instance, seem to have been selected with special reference to the characters they represent in the story. Such are Judith, " Jewess ; " Achior, " brother of light;" Betulua," virgin of Jehovah;" and Nabuchodonosor, as a common designation for a dreaded, hostile sovereign. The descent of Judith, too, is obviously for a special pur- pose traced back to Simeon', to which tribe also her husband belonged, as well as the eldurs 160 THE APOCRYPHA. of Betulua. Moreover, the plan of operations of the Assyrian army, in its attempt to reduce Betulua (ihap. vii. passim) is wholly inconsistent with the supposition of an actual case. So, too, the delineation, in many of its features, of the principal character of the book, Judith. Her conduct is especially noticeable for its unnaturalness after her return from the Assyrian camp, where, like another Jael, she had made a striking display of heroic patriotism, but at the expense of all womanly instincts. The scene where Achior swoons quite away (xiv. 6) at the sicrlit of Olophernes' head, is as highly colored as that where the heroine, like a queen, summons him into her presence with the words: " Call me Achior, the Ammonite! " The whole representation of Judith's proceedings in the hostile camp presupposes an amount of stupidity and carelessness on the part of Olophernes and his chief officers that can only be paralleled by their operations in the attempted capture of Betulua with its handful of de- fenders. Probable Dale of the Composition. The possibility of dating the origin of the book at or near the time of the Babylonian Cap- tivity beincr, as we have already seen, from the nature of the case, out of the question, there are but two other theories touching the time of its composition which seem to demand con- sideration : that which would assign it to the period of the Maccabees, or thereabouts, and that which sees symbolically depicted in it the relations of the Romans to the Jews during the time of Hadrian or Trajan. Hitzig, who first suggested the latter theory, fixed upon the insurrection under Barkochba or Simon, during the reign of the former emperor (a. d. 132), as the event symbolized (cf. his work, Ueber Johannes Markus unci seine Schriften, p. 165). But Volkmar, who, in a number of shorter articles, and especially in his Handbook of Intro- duction to the Apocrypha,^ has been its principal supporter, advocates the view that the insur- rection brought to a close at the beginning of the reign of Hadrian, A. D. 117, is meant. Graetz in the fourth volume of his Hiitory of the Jews, accepts in a somewhat modified form this position of Volkmar, while others, as Lipsius, Hilgenfeld, Derenbourg, Schiirer, Ewald, and Fritzsche are unable to find any sufficient ground for it. The theory of Volkmar, in brief, is this : " The book is a poetic narrative of the historic victory of Judith (i'. e., Judaea) over the leo-ate of the new Nebuchadnezzar (Trajan) after his victorious campaign against the apparently invincible new Median (Parthian) empire. This book of imaginary history was composed under the veil of the language of the Old Testament, to celebrate the day of the victory of the Jews in March {des Adar), after Trajan's death, particularly to celebrate the 'day of Trajan,' from A. D. 118, at the end of A. D. 117, or the beginning of A. D. 118, not earlier, and also not later. According to this, by Judith is meant Judtea; by Nabuchod- onosor, Trajan; by Assyria, Syria; by Nineveh, Antioch; by Arphaxad, a Parthian king Arsaces; by Ecbatana, a new, immense citadel of the later Medians, Nisibis, or the smaller BatnsE, or both together, but especially the latter ; by Olophernes, a barbarian general, Lusius Quietus. Joakim means '• God raises up; " Achior, " friend of light ; " Bagoas is the name for the office of eunuch in general. The temple was destroyed by Titus. The return from Exile followed either under Trajan or Hadrian." Cf. Fritzsche, in Scbenkel's Bi6. Lex., ibid. One of the o-reatest difficulties which this bold but ingenious and ably defended theory has to contend with is the serious doubt whether Palestine was at all concerned in the insurrec- tion in question. Lipsius, Schiirer, and others dispute it, and, as it would seem, with good reason. Those who advocate the affirmative are obliged to rely principally on a single ex- pression in the biography of Hadrian by Spartianus, where it is said that Palestine, at the becinnintf of the emperor Hadrian's reign, was rebelliously inclined: " Lycia denique ac Pales- tina rebelles animos efferebant." Cf. Schurer, p. 353, note 6. The rabbinical tradition makes mention, indeed, of a war by this Moor, Quietus, but probably refers to that carried on in Mesopotamia. Still further, Volkmar is obliged, in order to insure safety to his theory, to deny the genuineness of the first epistle of Clement of Rome, where our work is quoted (Ep. i. 55). But the question of the date and authorship of this epistle is a far less doubtful one than that concerning the Book of Judith. And it is much more reasonable to accept the "ormer as evidence to reach conclusions touching the latter than to reverse the process. Cf. Zeller's Jahrb., 18.i6, iii., and Donaldson, Apostol. Fathers, p. 135. Moreover, the fact that the book is quoted in the first epistle of Clement of Rome may be taken as weighty evidence in support of the view that it had its origin in a much earlier period. Hence, even were the lupposition to be accepted that the Clementine letter did not originate until after A. D. 118 1 Handbuch der EinUit. in die Apoknjphen. THE BOOK OF JUDITH. 161 still the balance of probabilities would be in favor of a considerably earlier date for the Book of Judith. How imperfectly, too, in general, the events of the supposed rebellion in tho time of Hadrian would be symbolized by those narrated in the work before us may be seen in the careful comparison made by Fritzsche and the otlier critics before alluded to. There are besides not a few minor particulars in which the argument seriously halts. Volkraar, for instance (Einleit., p. 14), asserts that the " Arphaxad " of the Book of Judith is the Old Testament designation for the later Medes, or Parthians. But in the genealogical tables of Gen. X. 2, " Arpliaxad " is the name given to a Semitic branch of the human family, while the Medes belonged to the Japhetic. There are also noticeable, occasional examples of ex- travagant and arbitrary interpretation, an overstraining of the symbolism, and an unauthor- ized interchange of the letters of words indicating numbers, in apparent subserviency to a preconceived adjustment of the history. The principal theory remaining respecting tlie origin of the Book of Judith, that it was written during tlie first or second centuries before Christ, or more definitely, at or near the Maccabaean period, does not lack the support of scholarly pens. The grounil for such a theory is, of course, to be sought in the work itself, and necessitates the previous supposition that it contains at least some more or less trustworthy historical data. Ewald, for example (Ge- fchichie, iv. 618), and essentially Vaihinger (Herzog's Keal-Encyk., s. v.), refer it to the pe- riod of the campaign of the Seleucian king Demetrius II. against Egypt, B. c. 131-129. He had escaped from his imprisonment among the Parthians, been again elevated to the throne, and now breathed vengeance against all those who hail made war upon him, the Jews under John Hyrcanus included. Vaihinger, indeed, thinks the work could not have been composed eariier or later than the year B. c. 128. Hilgenfeld (Novum Testamentum, etc., Fasc. L, p. 89), on the other hand, fixes on the period B. c. 147-145 for the date of its composition. Movers (Bonner Zeitschnft, H. 13, p. 47) would not put it so far back. To him the work suggests events in connection with the war of Ptolemy Lathurus against Alexander Jannsus, b. c. lO.i. His argument is based on the theory that the author purposely transferred the geographical relations of his own time to an earlier period. These relations could only have existed, he thinks, from the time of John Hyrcanus to that of the invasion of Judtea by Pompey. But his reasoning is far from conclusive. Cf. Ue Wette, Einleit., p. 579. According to Keil the probable historical groundwork which the author of the Book of Ju- dith made use of in his composition is to be found in a notice contained in the tliirty-first book of Diodorus Sicnhis; where a campaign of Artaxerxes Ochus against Egypt is mentioned, in whicli campaign a certain Cappadocian prince, by the name of Olophernes, gi-eatly ilistinguished him- self. In this campaign, moreover, this monarch invadeil Palestine, taking and destrovin" Jericho. Still further, according to Sulpicius Severus (ii. 14), there was a eunuch by the name of Bagoas in his army, and that writer, as more recently Herzfeld (Geschichte, ii. 118), seems to think that it was some special event of this campaign in which the author of the Book of Judith found the materials for his composition. Keil, then, holds that the work originated in the first decade of the second century before Christ, believing that a liundred and fifty years must have elapsed after the occurrence of the events before they were narrated in our book. His principal reasons for this opinion are : (1.) That tliere are to be found in the work no evi- dences of the religious persecutions which the Jews suffered under Antiochus Epiphanes. (2.) That it is there stated that after the defeat of Olophernes the Jews enjoyed peace for a long period, which might well refer to that preceding the reign of Antiochus. Cf. Einleit., pp.'727, 729. Both of these arguments of Keil, however, might be used with equal propriety as applica- ble to a time somewhat subsequent to the Maccabaean wars. In fact, the Jewish people were so often in the condition presupposed in the present narrative, and the geographical, histori- cal, and other data were obviously, to such an extent, chosen for the express purpose of dis- guise, that it is no wonder that the date of composition has been made to oscillate between such extreme points. " The poet intentionally makes his sketch in a period long past, and carefully veils the dangerous names of the present, while he, in fact, depicts the more clearly and thoughtfully, for such as could understand it, the actual affairs of his own period." (Ewald, GeKcMchle, iv. 619.) And since this really seems to be the case, it is perhaps best to leave the question of a more exact designation of the date of our book unsettled. It is enough that a. great majority of its allusions, direct, and especially indirect, such as its point of view touching the Mosaic law, its exaggeration of particular features of the same, the blood- n 162 THE APOCRYPHA. thirsty spirit it breathes, the representation of the Jewish people as for a long time oppressed, references to the prominent position of the Sanhedrin, to the observance of the day before the Sabbath and the new moons, and the stress laid upon the circumcision of proselytes, have led most unbiased critics to think of the later centuries before Christ, and generally to fix upon some part of B. c. 200, for the date of its origin. The influence of the later Hellenism on the composition are numerous and marked. Cf. iii. 7; xv. 13; xvi. 7. This view is also strongly supported by Jewish traditions. According to Zunz (^Vorlrage, p. 124), the book of Judith " stands in a double relation to the Maccabasan period: On the one hand, it gives us the sao'a of a deliverance and of a supposed public festival. On the other hand, in the Inter rab- binical teaching, Judith is represented as daughter of Jochanan, or of Mattathias, and heroine of the time of the Hasmonaean dynasty. This tradition is found in a form which differs very much from the Greek, in the collection of the rabbinical histories, and at the same time Jerome mentions that Judith in the Aramaic language was not regarded by the Jews as a canoni- cal writing but as a history. It might be (juite possible that in a Palestinian city a festival was observed in honor of some heroic deed of a woman, and after the true occasion had been for- gotten and had given place to a much enlarged and embellished legend, a narrative was com- posed in honor of Judith, and probably before the destruction of the temple." The rabbi Gutmann, also (Die Apok., etc., p. 172), in support of his theory that the narrative has its basis in some actual occurrence, adduces incidentally further evidence for fixing its date near the Maccabsean period. He says that the story is quite clearly referred to in a prayer which was used for the first Sabbath of the festival of the dedication of the temple, beginning: 3trm ^2 TIDSS ""3 ^T "IS, and occurring in connection with a reference to the religious perse- cutions under Antiochus. The names Judith, Achior, Olophernes, are distinctly given. How far back the composition of this prayer dates is unknown. Literary and Moral Character. As a purely literary work the composition before us is certainly not to be reckoned among the least worthy of the Old Testament Apocrypha. We can hardly accord to it, however, the praise of which Fritzsche — possibly as a kind of indemnification for his thoroughly unfavor- able judgment in other respects — sees fit to give it. "The narrative," he says (Einlek., p. 127), "contains nothing tedious, pompous, strained, but is brief, simple, natural, and shows, also, originality. Similar things may be found in the older literature, but not in the degree that one can really charge it with imitation. It is the spontaneous fruit rather of the author's own sphere of education, or, at least, he makes use only of a reminiscence here and there in the pursuit of his aim. Appropriate, and sometimes, most appropriate are his deline- ations of single points and characters. The representation of Nebuchadnezzar brings before one the image of an insatiable conqueror who, in his presumptuousness, desires to know that he is recosnized as lord of the world, yes, even as Goil himself. Thatof Holophernes, the success- ful o-eneral, who, proud of his good fortune, imagines himself safe, and therefore falls so easily a victim to thoughtlessness and self-indulgence. The Jewish people, just now couscious of freedom from heinous sin, especially its traditional sin of idol-worship, ought to have con- fronted this danger without fear, but in its weakness, proved itself unequal to the emergency. It gives up, and chooses rather to submit itself to the will of the enemy tban to perish heroically while doing the utmost. The rulers, indeed, are not to the same extent wanting in confi- dence in God, still, are so weak as to yield to the threats of the people, gaining thereliy only a brief respite before the surrender should take place, — which, in fact, was nothing less than a temptint; of Providence. This people sat down in despair, whose history had made such a powerful impression upon even a foreigner, like Achior, that he, at this very time, ]iredicted to the haughty foe the worst consequences, if Israel were now free from heinous sin! But one man, no — a woman, a Jewess, a widow, beautiful and rich, despaired not. The men having become women she became a man, a master, the ideal of the genuine Jewess. In the strengtli- nin" con.sciousness of the strictest observance of the law and unsullied chastity, her confi- dence in God is not to be shaken. She undertakes with manly resolution, through one bold act, to deliver her people and the temple of her God, or to yield herself as a sacrifice for them. But she is withal a woman, and as such, knows full well how to employ deception and dissim- ulation also." Did Fritzsche need, as in these closing words, to slander the whole of womankind, in orde» THE BOOK OF JUDITH. 163 to find fitting words in which to describe this old-time heroine? Or did he think, in thus seek- ing to put Judith on a supposed level with all other women in this one matter of a capacity for cunning and dissimulation, to weaken the force of one of the principal objections against this character as here portrayed ? To our mind it is one of the chief literary faults of the author of our book, that he was unable to sketch this idealJewish woman, without making her something else and something less than a true woman; or without representing her, according to Fritzsche's judgment, as a man in boldness, and a woman only in craft! The character, moreover, is not simply objectionable from a literary point of view, but even more so from a moral stand-point. The question needs only to be asked : What would be the natural, yes, inevitable influence of this story of Judith on the mind of one considering it, not as a calm critic, but with all the reverence and loving prepossessions of one taught to regard it as a part of the true, inspired Word of God? Could it be otherwise than most harmful? This Judith tricks herself out in all her finery, with bracelets and anklets and pnint in order to captivate Olophernes through the beauty of her person and find opportunity to take his life. Her way is strewn with deception from first to last, and yet she is represented as taking God into her counsels and as having bis special blessing in her enterprise. Having succeeded in reaching the Assyrian camp and inflaming the heart of Olophernes with unhallowed passion, she assents to his request to take part in a carousal at his tent and to spend a night in his em- brace (xii. 14). " Wlio am I," she says, " that I should gainsay my lord? Surely whatso- ever pleaseth him I will do speedily and it shall be my joy unto the day of my death." In fact, it would seem to have been a mere matter of chance that Judith escaped an impure con- nection with Olophernes, and something which she could by no means have counted on as cer- tain — not to say probable — when she went to his tent. Indeed, her entire proceeding makes upon us the impression that she would have been willing even to have yielded her body to this lascivious Assyrian for the sake of accomplishing her purpose. That God by his providence interposed to prevent such a crime, cannot relieve her of the odium attaching to her conduct. It would, in truth, have required of her a faith greater than that of Daniel confronting the lion's den, to suppose that in thus rushing uncalled into temptation she could rely on the divine interposition at the nick of time. And she exposes herself in this manner to sin, simply for the present purpose of gaining the confidence of a weak slave of his passions that she may put him to death. If the conduct of Jael, in .seeking on the ;.pur of the moment the life of a sleeping guest and fugitive who had confided himself to the protection of her tent, is worthy of reprobation, there are elements of moral turpitude in the character of Judith even more reprehensible. Hers was a deliberately planned assassination. It was attempted at the imminent ri.sk of sacrificing her own purity. It was carried out by a series of deceptions which would do credit, not to a woman, but to a master of finesse and falsehood. God's blessing was invoked not only on the enterprise in general, but on the deceptions themselves. " Smite," she says (ix. 10), " by the deceit of my lips the servant with the prince." And again (ix. 13) : " Make my speech and deceit to be their wound and stripe." An old commentator (Calovius, Bib. III., in loc.) remarks: "Petere enim a Deo utfaveat deceptinni est Deum in sociela/em sceleris co- care, ut promoveal opus Satanm, et innuere deceptionem aliquam Deo gralain esse posse: petere a Deo, ul inspire! deceptionem, est statuere Deum esse auctorem peccati, i. e. Deum negare esse Deum." That the doctrine of the present book should give no ofi^ense to that class of theolo- gians, one of whose recognized principles is that " the end justifies the means," is not sur- prising. It is, however, matter of surprise that distinguished Protestant theologians like Rudolph StitiT {Die Apok., etc., passim), and others, should find nothing in it deservino- of special censure. It breathes throughout the spirit of that condemned Pharisaism which while straining out a gnat swallows a camel. Dissimulation, revenge, an indecent coquetry, an abuse of prayer and the divine Providence, are here no more sins; but to fail of the observance of the ceremonial law in the least particular, that is the greatest of offenses. In fact, some of the most solemn and divinely sanctioned lessons of Jewish history must be unlearned in order to accept the moral stand-point of the present narrative. Judith, for instance, proudly traces her descent back to the patriarchs. It is Simeon, who, no doubt with direct reference to the vengeance he took on Shechem, the nolator of Dinah's chastity, is assigned to her as ances- tor. And yet the dying Jacob found in that very act of Simeon occasion for loathing and dread : " O my soul, come not thou into their secret; into their assembly, mine honor, be not thou united; for in their anger they slew a man Cursed be their anger for it is fierce, and their wrath for it is cruel." Gen. xlix. 6, 7. 164 THE APOCRYPHA. Author and Original Language. The author of the book of Judith was probably a Palestinian Jew, and wrote in the Hebrew language. Both of these views are accepted with considerable unanimity by scholars of all confessions and shades of philosophical opinion. The conjecture of Wolf, that Achior the Ammonite composed it, he supports by a long array of learned and ingenious arguments, but they are not such as carry particular weight for other minds. (Cf. his Cnm., pp. 188-196.) Eichhorn, on the other hand (Einleil., p. 322 if.), ascribes the work to the pen of a Christian who lived in the first century, and wrote in Grvek. With him, as far as the language is con- cerned, agree Capellus, Fabricius, Jahn, Dahne, and Von Colin. The principal fact which has weight in determining the place of composition, is the definite knowledge shown by the author concerning the geography and history of Palestine, while in the case of other lands coming under notice he expresses himself only in the most general terms. The writer, however, seems not to have lived at Jerusalem, but as it would appear, at some point in the neiijhbor- hood of the real, or fictitious, Betulua, where the principal scene of the narrative is laid, i. e., somewhere in the mountains that overlook the plain of Esdraelon. Most of the grounds for maintaining that the work was originally written in Hebrew must be sought in the composition itself. Jerome does, indeed, as in the case of the Book of Tobit, speak of having used a " Chaldaic " text in the preparation of his Latin translation (Vulgate) of Judith, but there is little probability that this text was the original. (Cf. Prcef. ad lib. Judith.) In apparent contradiction to his testimony, Origen affirms (£/). ad African.), that the Jews made no use of the work even as apocryphal, as he had learned from themselves. Just what he means by this, is uncertain. It is said by some that the remark had its ground in the fact that the "Chaldaic" original at this time had been so far supplanted by the Greek text that it e.xisted in only a very few copies, and that hence it was unknown to the Jews with whom Origen conferred about it. But it seems far more likely that this so-called " Chaldaic " text may have been simply a translation of the work into the language prevalent in Palestine at the time of Christ. At least, so far as his work is to be taken in evidence, Jerome could have made but very little use of any " Chaldaic " te.xt, the " many codices" of which he speaks being doubtless but different MSS. of the Old Latin, by which, as matter of fact, he was chiefly influenced. Cf. below, under " Different Texts, Vulgate." But the proofs of a Hebrew original furnished by the book itself, even in its Greek dress, are quite sufficient. They consist not alone in examples of Hebraisms occurring here and there, but in the entire form and coloring of the composition from beginning to end: its lexicography, its syntax, and its style. Among other things, the infrequent use of Greek particles is quite noticeable. No other book of the LXX. can compare with it in this respect. In chapters i., iii., iv., xi., the particle S4 is wholly wanting; oAAo, in iii.-v., vii., ix.-xi., xiii., xv.; n€i/ occurs only at v. 20; S^, only at xi. 2, 15, xii. 4, xiv. 2. The particles re, oSi/, and Spa, are not found at all. On the other hand, the expression, so com- mon in Hebrew, e'v rais fifiepaa, occurs ten different times; and a65pa (IS"), about thirty times. There are also many apparent examples of failure on the part of the Greek trans- lator to understand the original, — easily to be explained on the supposition that the original was Hebrew. For instance, at chap. iii. 9, we have toC irpiovos, instead of to5 ircSfou, as in chap. iv. 6 ; because in the first case the translator probably read "liS^Q, instead of "iiJl"C' At chap. i. 8, he evidently read "'0^2 instead of ■'^^2, and hence translated 4v rois tSveat instead of Iv Toii n6\euin ex cerbo cei-bum transfer ens), he adds, ut simply given the sense [sensum e sensu), and that in a condensed form, hoping tlms the more easily to overcome the diflicidty ari.sing from the many variations in the [l^atin] MSS., and get at the meaning of his " Clialdaic " copv (mulloruni cndicum varietatem vitiosissimam anwutavi, sola ea, qum intelligentia Integra in verbis C/ialdceis invenire potui, Lalinis expressi). 166 THE APOCRYPHA. There is no evidence that Jerome made any use, in his superficial work, of Greek MSS., or much use of the " Chaldaic " of which he speaks. De Wette {Eiideil., p. 576) says there is but one apparent instance of the hitter. In chap. xvi. 3, he has in mullitudine fortitudinis su(e, while the Greek is ^v /ivptain SvfdfKas auTov, D"; having seemingly been read instead of 127. In this chapter, elsewhere, his translation conforms almost Uterally to the Old Latin, while throughout the entire book parts of verses, peculiar constructions, noticeable words, furnish the unmistakable proof that his chief reliance was on his Latin MSS. Fritzsche mentions, indeed, as convincing evidence in this direction, the fact that quite a number of Latin forms and expressions are found in this translation of Jerome, which occur in none of his other works, and which may be traced directly to his Latin authorities (Einteil., p. 22). Some critics even doubt whether Jerome really had the book in a " Chaldaic " text before him at all. In addition to the positively adverse testimony of Origen, already noticed, it is thought that this father might have made the assertion — -as he seems not to have been above doing in other instances — simply for effect. (Of. Volkraar, iim/ciV., p. 9.) Such a supposi- tion would be, at least, scarcely less probable than that of Nickes, that the passan-e cited from Origen is an interpolation; or that of Scholz and Wolf, that a distinction is to be made between a " Chaldaic " and a " Hebrew" text, and that Origen speaks simpiv of not knowing of the existence of one of the latter kind. But the recent discovery of a Chaldaic text of Tobit, which may have been used by Jerome in his translation of that book, is in- directly corroborative of this father's assertion, and it will probably be no longer disputed. Ecclesiastical Recognition. By virtue of its connection with the other books of the Old Testament in the translation of the LXX., the work before us, like Tobit and the remaining apocryphal compositions, found its way into the Christian church. It seems to have been held in no little estimation, and to have been widely used. The fact that Josephus makes no reference to it has been improperly urged by some as certain evidence of late origin. It is first cited by Clement of Rome (i. 55). Clement of Alexandria, also, quotes it with respect. Jerome and Oritren, however, as we have seen, were too well informed to concede to it canonicity. The unsup- ported assertion of Jerome, that it was used at the Nicene Council in numero Scripturarum, must not be taken for more than it is worth. Melito of Sardis does not place it in his list of the books of the Old Testament, which was that of the Palestinian LXX. , i, e. , the LXX. as revised from the Hebrew. The Apostolic Canons have been impro|)erly cited in its favor (cf. art. " Apostol. Can.," in Diet, of Christian Antiq., p. 113). It was rejected by Cyril of Jerusalem and Athanasius, and Nicephorus placed it among the books '' disputed," in his Slichometry . Hilary speaks of some who sought to make out twenty-four books in the Old Testament, corresponding to the number of letters in the Greek Alphabet, ''by the addition of Tobit and Judith " (t. e., in place of Ruth and Lamentations). This may be taken as plain evidence that the work was sometimes assigned to an undeserved place, simply through the lack of knowledge and investigation. (Cf. Westcott, Bib. in Ch., p. 180). Rutlinus enumerates it among the books called "ecclesiastical," in distinction from "canonical." That now, notwithstanding so much uncertainty, and on the part of some decided oi>position, the Book of Judith attained to the rank of a canonical work in the Western church, was evidently due not to the essential merit of the composition itself, or a knowledge of its history, but to the want of discrimination and conscientiousness on the part of those having to do with it. And that the Council of Trent should finally set its seal, not only on the book as such, but on Jerome's so-called translation of the same, as from that time to be and to be treated as of inspired authority throughout the Roman Catholic church, did not alter its essentia. character in any respect, or reverse the true verdict of history respecting it. JUDITH. Chapter I. 1 In the twelfth year of the reign of Nabuchodonosor, who reigned over the As- syrians ' in Nineve, the great city, in the days of Arphaxad, who ^ reigned over the 2 Medes in Ecbatana,' and built at Ecbatana and round about it walls of hewn stones * three cubits broad and six cubits long, and made the height of the wall 3 seventy cubits, and the breadth thereof fifty cubits, and set the towers thereof upon the gates of it, an hundred cubits /ligk, and laid the foundation of them to the 4 breadth of ^ threescore cubits, and made ^ the gates thereof, eren gates that were raised to the height of seventy cubits, and the breadth of them was forty cubits, for the going forth of his mighty armies, and for the setting in array of his footmen ; 5 even in those days the Idng Nabuchodonosor made war with king Arphaxad in the 6 great plain that is on ' the borders of Ragau. And there allied themselves with * him all they that dwelt in the hill country, and all that dwelt by the ^ Euphrates, and the ^ Tigris, and the ^ Hydaspes, and in '" the plain of Arioch the king of the Ely- majans ; and many ^^ nations assembled themselves against the sons of Cheleud.^'" 7 And Nabuchodonosor the king of the Assyrians sent unto all that dwelt in Persia, and to all that dwelt westward, and to those that dwelt in Cilicia, and Damascus, 8 Libanus,'^ and Antilibanus, and to all that dwelt upon the sea coast, and to those amongst the nations " that were of Carmelus, and Galaad, and the upper '° Galilee, 9 and the great plain of Esdrelom, and to all that were in Samaria and the cities thereof, and beyond the ^'' Jordan unto Jerusalem, and Betane, and Chelus," and Kades, and the river of Egypt, and Taphnas,"* and Ramesse, and the whole '^ land of Gesem, 10 until you come above-" Tanis and Memphis, and to all tlie inhabitants of Egypt, 11 until you come to the borders of Etliiopia. And-^ all the inhabitants of the whole earth -^ made light of the commandment of Nabuchodonosor king of the Assyrians, neither went they with him to the battle, for they were not afraid of him, but -^ he • was before them as one man ; -^ and they sent back -^ his ambassadors from them 12 empty,-" and with disgrace. And '" Nabuchodonosor was very angry with all tliis country, and swore -* by his throne and kingdom, that he would surely -"^ be avenged upon all the borders ** of Cilicia, and Damascus, and Syria, that he would slay with his sword also all '^ the inhabitants of the land of iloab, and the cliildren of Am- mon, and all Judaja, and all that were in Egypt, till you come to the borders of 13 the two seas. And he put his army '- in battle array against king Arphaxad in the Vers. 1-3. — ^ A. V. : omits over the Assyrians ( ■ Aa-avptoji', iu nearly all the authorities, but not in 52. 64. 249. Co. Aid.). 2 which. 3 Ecbatane. ^ in Ecbataue walls round about of stones hewn (c'tt' 'E. koX kvkK^^, etc. The connectiTe fails in HI. 44. 64. 74. 106. 236. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid. ; 19. 108., " built Ecbatana and enclosed it with walls, etc.) 5 the breadth thereof in the foundation. Fritzsche would emend the text. Tec. by substituting avTuiv for avrijc, after irAaro?, since the towers and not the city must be referred to. So, too, in Ter. 4. Vers. 4-8. — » A. V. : he made. ' king N which is the plain in. (III. X. 62. 64. 243. 248. 249. Old Lat. Co Aid. supply Trefii'o*'. The text. rec.hiLS simply Toi)Ti eariv.) ^ came unto (Gr., ovt^iTTjtrai' irpo? avT6fi see Com.}. 8 omits the. i^ omits in. ^ Elymeans and very many. We omit atfioSpa. after jroAAa, with II. III. X. Old Lat. ^ A. V. : of the sons of Chelod, assembled themselves to battle (see Com.). For the reading xe^eoiiS are III. 23. 44. 58. and many others. The form of the word in the text. rec. {and II.) is ;^€Xeou\. i3 A. V. : Then N. king .... and Libanus. III. 19 58. 64. 74. 76. 108. Co. Aid. prefix (cat. ^* Instead of Tois edvein, which probably arose from a mis- translation (see Com.), raU TriAeo-tf should probably be read. ^^ A. V. : Carmel .... higher. Vers. 9-11.— 10 A. v.: oOTi'ls the. " Chellus (II. III. « a/., XeAoiis). i» Taphnes. » aU the. =» beyond (Or., iTravui). 21 j5ut. -~ land (text, rec., TTatrav Tr)v •yrjt' ; 19. 23. 58. 64. at. with Co. Aid. omit TTatraw). 23 yea (Gr., oAA"). -^ With Fritzsche, we adopt el? after (i? avrfp, from III. X. 19. 23. 52. and others, instead of lo-os of the texi. Tec. (with II.). -■^' A. V. : away. 2fi w-ithout effect. Vers. 12-16. — 2^ A. V. : Therefore. 26 sware. 20 Fritzsche receives for ei itrjv of the text, rec, ^ /itjV. He sus- pects, however, that the true reading of the text. Tec. was el nj]. 30 \. y. : those coasts. 3i and (106. 108. OO-) that . . . the sword all (108. Co.). ^2 Then he marched . . with his pow-er. The Greek might also be reniered : Kis THE APOCRYPHA. seventeenth year, and he prevailed in his battle, and put to flight the whole army ' of Arphasad, and all his horsemen, and all liis chariots, and became lord of his 14 cities ; and he " came unto Ecbatana,* and took the towers, and spoiled the streets 15 thereof, and turned the beauty tliereof into its shame. He took also Arphaxad in the mountains of Ragau, and smote him through with his spears,'' and destroyed him 1 6 utterly that day. And ° he returned with them * to Nineve, both he and all his mixed troop,' behig a very great multitude of men of war ; and there he took his ease, and banqueted, both he and his army, an hundred and twenty days. attacked with his army etc. [jraperofaTO kv Tfl fiura^ei avToO Trpbs 'A.). 1 A. V. : for he overthrew all the power. ' omits he. 3 Ecbatane. ^ into (44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 236. omit avrris) shame .... darts (Gr.. ^t^yi-ais). ^ So. ^ after- ward. The words tier avriav — probably on account of the difficulty of translating them — are omitted in 19. 108. Old Lat. Syr. Of. Com. ' A. V. : company of sundry nations t(nJtJ.fiiKTCK). Chapter I. Ver. 1. This Terse is left incomplete on ac- count of a long parenthetic statement beginnintj with verse second, the natural course of the nar- rative not being resumed till verse fifth. — In Nitieve. Rather, in Babylon. Cf. Introduction, under the first heading. — Arphaxad. A person of this name is mentioned in the canonical Scrip- tures (Gen. X. 22, 24; xi. 10) as the son of Sliem and .nncestor of Elier ; and it is an interesting fact that Josephus held him to be the ancestor of the Chaldse.ans (Aidiq., 1, 6, §4). The Median king who is here so called is thought by some to be identical with Deioces, by others with his son, Phranrtes; while Niebuhr regards the word as but anotlier form of Astyages (Aslidahak), a com- mon title of the rulers of Media. Cf. Winer, Realicorterb. ; Schenkel's Bib. Lex., ad voc. Vers. 2-4. Eobatana. There were two Ec- batanas : one in the north, the other in the south, of Media. The latter is douhtle.4). ^* so that 'heir slain (Gr., Tpau/iariat ; see Com. at 1 Mace. i. 18). >."' the river shall be filled with their *Wd tUlit 170 THE APOCRYPHA. 10 lead tlieir^ captives to the utmost parts of all the earth. But go thou ^ forth, and take beforehand for me all their frontier ; ' and if they will yield themselves unto thee, thou shalt also watch them closely ^ for me till the day of their punishment. 11 But concerning them that rebel, let not thine eye spare, to deliver^ them to 12 slaughtei' and spoil in all thy land. For as I live, and by the power of my kiug- 13 dom, I have spoken, and I will do these things'' by mine hand. And thou more- over " transgress none of the commandments of thy lord, but accomplish them fully, as I have commanded thee, and defer not to do them. 14 And ^ Olophernes went forth from the presence of his lord, and called all the chief 15 men ^ and the generals, and officers '" of the army of Assur ; and he mustered chosen '^ men for battle,^- as his lord had commanded him, unto an hundred and 16 twenty thousand, and twelve thousand archers on horseback. And he ranged them 17 as a great army is set in battle array .'^ And he took camels and asses and mules ^* for their baggage,^^ a very great number ; and sheep and oxen and goats without 18 number for their sustenance ; '^ and plenty of victuals" for every man of the army, 19 and very much gold and silver out of the king's palace.^* And he and all his power went forth ^' upon the way to go before king Nabuchodonosor,^ and to cover all the face of the earth westward with their chariots, and horsemen, and their chosen foot- 20 men. The great mixed troop also went °' with them like locusts, and like the sand 21 of the earth, for the multitude of them ^ was without number. And they went forth from "^ Nineve tliree days' journey toward the plain of Boectilaeth,'" and pitched from B»ctila3th -* near the mountain '-* which is at the left hand of the upper Cilicia. 22 And he took all his army, the footmen, and the horsemen, and his chariots,"^ and 23 went from thence into the hill country. And he put to flight '■" Phud and Lud, and spoiled all the children of Rassis,-" and the children of Ismael, who ^ were before '" 24 the wilderness at the south of the land of the Chella'ans.*' And '' he went over the "^ Euphrates, and went through ]\Iesopotamia, and destroyed all the fortified ^* cities 25 that were upon the river Abrona,^^ till you come to the sea. And he took the borders of Cilicia, and put to flight ^° all that resisted him, and came to the borders of Ja- 26 pheth, which were toward the south, over against Arabia. He compassed also all the children of Madiam,'' and burnt up their tents,^* and spoiled their sheepcotes. 27 And ^^ he went down into the plain of Damascus in the time of wheat harvest, and burnt up all their crops,'"' and destroyed their flocks and herds, also he spoiled their cities, and utterly wasted their flelds,^' and smote all their young men with the edge 28 of the sword. And *' fear and dread of him fell upon all the inhabitants of the sea coast, who *^ were in Sidon and Tyrus, and on ^'' them that dwelt in Sur and Ocina, and all that dwelt in Jemnaan ; and they that dwelt in Azotus and Ascalon *^ feared him greatly. overflow (Gr. TrOTOjaog ejrtKKv^uJV rots ceKpois aiiTuc 7rATjpu)0^pri). 3 coasts. * ehalt reserve them. ^ them; but put (Gr., SoCfai). o the slaughter, and spoil them wheresoever thou goest .... whatsoever (as 52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.) I have spoken, that (ra, 55. 74. 77. 2.36. will I do. Vers. 13-18. — ^ A. V. : take thou heed that thou (Gr.,ifat aii 5e ; but 71. Co. omit Kai). 8 Then. » governors (fiufooras). ^f and captains, and the (19.) officers. '^ the chosen. ^^ the battle. (For eice'Aevo-ef X. III. 19. 62. 58 have TrpotTeTa^ev.) ^ ordered for the war (Gr., 6y rpoiroi' jroXeVo^ ttA^Aos trvvTonrafTat). '* omtts and muiea (with 52. 64. 71. 74. 76. 106. 243. 248. Co. Aid.). « carriages. i« provision. " victual. ■» house. Vers. 19-22. — i** A. V. ; Then he went forth and all his power. 20 to go before king N. in the voyage. 21 ^ gr^at multitude also of sundry countries came. ^^ omits of them (avTwi'). ^ of. ^^ Bectileth, jSeKreAefl, is found iu in. 23. 65. 64. 243. 28. Co. Aid. 2= After opous, 58. has 'Ayriou ; Old la.t., Agge [Coi. Corb. as Vulg., ^ng-e). ■"A. V. : Then .... his footmen, and horsemen, and chariots. Vers. 23-25. — 2' A. V. : destroyed (JieKoi/ze, lit., " cut through "). " Rasses. We find 'Poo-o-ei'i in II. HI. 23. 64. Aid. ; X. has 'Poao-o-eis ; Old Lat., Tkiras et Rasis (Cod. Corb. and Vulg., Tharsis, t. e.. Tarsus). 29 a, v. : whicli « toward. 2' Chellians (Fritzsche adopts from X. III. XeAeniv ; II. 108. 58. 19. Syr., XoAJaiui-). ''- Then w omits the. ^* high. ^^ Arbonai. Thiw form is supported by 64. and some other MSS., with Co. Aid. The 014 liat. has Eeccon (Cod. Corb. and Vulg., Mambre). =« A. V.; killed (Gr., KareKoJ/e). See ver. 23. Vers. 26-28. — '^~ A. V. : Madian. This is the form found in the text, rec, but Fritzsche properly adopts Mojici^ from II. i;l. X. 23. 58. 71. =» A. V. : tabernacles (Gr., OTTji/iinaTa). =» Then. •" Belds (tovs iypout ; right, but better here " crops "). *^ countries (Gr., TrcSi'a ; cf. preceding). *2 Therefore the. The article is wanting before th« words *' fear " and " dread " respectively, in II. X. 23., while X. has avTov after the former, instead of the latter word u In the text. r«e. " A. V. ; coasts, which " omits on. " After Ascalon, X. 68. Syr. Old Lat. add "and ii JUDITH. 171 Chapter II. Ver. 1. The first month. The month Nisan, — or Abib, as it was called before the Exile, — answering nearly to our April. Ci. Beilage i., Schiirer's Neiilest. Zeitqeschichte, p. 669. As the campaign was to be carried on in a mountainous region, it could not have well begun before this time. See, however, verse 27. Ver. 2. His secret plan, {. e., the resolution which he had privately made. Ver. 4. Olophernes. The form of the word in the Vulfjate is Holofernes. In the Old Latin it is " Olofernes," which conforms better with the Greek. Its meaning is uncertain. It occurs also in Cappadocian liistory a!x)Ut B. c. 350. Ver. 7. Make ready earth and water. These were the symbols of a full and unconditional sur- render. VI. Herod., vi. 48, 49; l.iv., xxxv. 17. The speech of Nebuchodonosor is intentionally clothed in the most boastful language, in order to enhance the moie the greatness of the delivery which Israel experienced. Ver. 12. °Oti (a>v, for by my life. An excep- tional .employment of the participle. Winer (p. 354) calls it a Hellenizing of the Hebrew infini- tive absolute. Cf. Thiersch, De Pentateuckl Ver. Alex., p. 164ff. Vei". 14. The word translated "governors" in the A. v., by us " chief men," is Svud/rras, and refers, it would seem, to the rulers of the differ- ent provinces. The other officers mentioned are of inferior rank. Cf. ix. 3; Wisd. v. 23, viii. 11 ; Ecelus. iv. 27, vii. 6, x. 3, 24, xi. 6, xdii. 9, xxxviii. 33, xli. 17 ; 2 Mace. ix. 25; 3 Mace. vi. 4. Ver. 15. An army of one hundred and twenty thousand infantry and twelve thousand cavalry would not seem to be an extravagantly large one, but quite in keeping with the circumstances. Ver. 16. Sy the twelve thousand *' archers on horseback," Wolf thinks Scythians are referred to. But the bow was the usual Oriental weapon, rtorical facts, accepting the read- ing of the Old Latin, regards Thiras (Thars) as but another name for Tarsus (Cilicia), while Rassis (Rosos) is Rhosus, situated on the (Julf of Issus ! It would seem to be a sufficient objection to this supposition that any part of Cilicia is meant, that in verse twenty-fifth it is spoken of as having been subsequently overrun and ravaged by the Assyrian general. Cf. arts. " Rasses " and "Rosh" in Smith's Bib. Diet,, and "Ros" in Schenkel's Bib. Lex. — Sons of Ismael, Bedouins of Northern Arabia, to the south of Babylon. — Of the land of the CheUseans. — A few MSS. only (including II.) read XaKSaiuv for XeWoiW [XiWiwv, XiKiiav). It is doubtless a correction. And that it restores the true reading of the origi- nal is very questionable. The word seems rather to point back to the Chellus (Chalutza, Elusa) of i. 9, and the people must be sought for in the vicinity of Kades. Ver. 24. Went over the Euphrates. He recrossed it to go into Southern Mesopotamia. — The river Abrona. Possibly the river " Chabo- tas," as Grotius and others suppose. The con- jecture of Movers, that it was not a proper name at all, but stands for "IHSn "12V, bei/ond the river, i. e., the Euphrates, has little to support it. Ver. 25. Borders of Japheth. Here still we must venture forwards uncertainly. Possibiv the borders which separated the Siuaitic and Japhetic peoples are meant. Wolf thinks that he is able to fix the place exactly, and indicates the high table-land in the vicinity of the mountain range Hauran. Ver. 26. Madiam, i. e., Midian. Ver. 27. In the time of wheat harvest. Thii came generally in the month Abib (April); but, its Wolf supposes, it may have been somewhat later than in Palestine, but hardly so late as June. He thinks that Olophernes set out on his expedi- tion in April, and bad his headquarters in the 172 THE APOCRYPHA. plain of Malatia (Bfectilseth) until September, and made the rest of the campaign to Damascns between September and June. But the text gives US no other indications of the time which had elapsed than the 22d day of the first month in chapter ii., and the fact of its being the time of wheat harvest when the victorious army reached Damascus. — Utterly wasted. Cf. Luke xx. 18 : KiKfxT) A. V. : carriages. Chapter IIL Ver. 4. 'AwttvTav, deal with. This is a later meaning of the word. Cf. 2 Mace. vii. 39 ; 3 Mace. iii. 20. Ver. 8. Cut down their groves, !. e., The sacred proves in which the idols of the people were to be found. Cf. 1 Kings xii. 10 ; xv. 13 ; 2 Chron. xiv. 3. Ver. 9. Near Dotsea (Dothnn). See Gen. xxxvii. 17. 'I'his plMce still bears its ancient name. It is slinated four or five miles south of Jenim and but a short distance from the plain of Esdraelon. — Over against the great saw of Judeea. The word TT[>iuv, sair, is thought to be a mistranslation iif "1'ici"'!;, p/di'n, for wliich the translator read ~I1U?0. It was for a long time a great puzzle to scholars, both on account of the corruption of Dotsea into "Judea" and the singular word Ttpioms found in the text. It was Reland who first suggested the idea of a mistaken transla- tion. Ver. 10. Qsebee and Scythopolis. The first place has been thought by some to be Gilboa (Fritzsche), by others, " Geba," on the road be- tween Samaria and Jenim. Scythopolis. "city of the Scythians," is given as the synonym of Beth- shean or Bctbshan in the LXX., and is the place now known as Beisaii. It was the largest of the ten cities and the only one west of the Jordan. JUDITH. 173 Chapter IV. 1 And the children of Israel, that dwelt in Judaea, heard of ' all that Olophemes the chief general ^ of Nabuchodonosor king of the Assyrians had done to the nations, and after what manner he had spoiled all their temples, and brought them to nought. 2 And ' they were exceedingly afraid before * him, and were troubled for Jerusalem, 3 and ybr the temple of the Lord their God ; for they had but just come up ^ from the Captivity, and all the people of Jud.iea had been ^ lately gathered together, and the 4 vessels, and the altar, and the temple sanctified from ' the profanation. And * they sent into all the border of Samaria and villages,'' and to Boethoron, and Belmen, 5 and Jericho, and to Choba, and JEsora, .ind to the valley of Salem, and possessed themselves beforehand of all the tops of the high mountains, and walled about the villages on ^^ them, and laid in provisions as a preparation for ^' war ; for 6 their fields were of late reaped. And Joacim, the high priest, who '- was in those days in Jerusalem, wrote to them that dwelt in Betulua, and Betomesthaem,'' which 7 is over against Esdraelon before the plain ^* near to Dothaim, charging them to occupy ^^ the passages of the hill country, for by them was the entrance ^^ into Judaea ; and it was easy to stop them that were coming up," because the passage 8 was strait, for two men at the most. And the children of Israel did as Joacim the high priest and the council ^' of all the people of Israel, who '* dwelt at .Jerusa- 9 lem had commanded them. And '■" every man of Israel cried to God with great 10 fervency, and with great fervency ^"^ did they humble their souls, both they, and their wives, and their little ones,-*-' and their cattle ; and every stranger and hireling,^ 1 1 and their servants bought with money, put sackcloth upon their loins. And -* every man and woman of Israel '^ and the children that dwelt in "° Jerusalem prostrated themselves '■" before the temple, and cast ashes upon their heads, and spread out 12 their sackcloth before the Lord, and put-* sackcloth about the altar. And they ''^ cried to the God of Israel all with one consent earnestly, that he would not give their little ones ** for a prey, and their wives for a spoil, and the cities of their inheritance to destruction, and the sanctuary to profanation and reproach, 13 an object of sport to the nations.''' And the Lord heard their cry,'- and looked upon their atfliction.^ And "* the people fasted many days in all Judaja and Je- 14 rusalem before the sanctuary ^ of the Lord Almighty. And Joacim the high priest and all the priests that stood before the Lord, and they who °^ ministered unto the Lord, their loins being ^ girt with sackcloth, offered '* the daily burnt offerings, 15 with the vows and the free gifts of the people. And they ^ had ashes on their mitres ; and they '"' cried unto the Lord with all their power, that he would look upon all the house of Israel graciously. Vers. i-4. — ^ A. V. : Now .... heard. ^ captain. 3 Therefore. •• of. ^ were newly returned {Gr., n-pocr- ^Tws ^aav afa^e^TjitoTes). ^ were. ' house sanctifled after. * Therefore. ^ coasts .... the villages. Frit«- Bche adopts Kuiti.a^ {Cexi. Tec, Kwi'as, as proper name) from 111. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid. ; 68. has eU rac ku^. ; II. 44.. Kuva ; X KwAa ; 19. 108., icetAa. ^ X. V. ; BethoroD .... Esora .... and fortified the villages that were in. Vers. 5, 6. — ^^ A. V. : up victuals for the provision of, etc. (Gr., eis Trapao-Kevijf iroXfVou). ^- Also .... which. 13 Bethulia and Betomestham. Uere II. has the form ^airovAova, like the other Codd., though commonly the form in this MS. is ^atTvAova ; X., ^atrovAia. i^ A. V.: toward the open country (marg., p^m). Vers. 7, 9. — ^ .4. V. ; keep (Gr., SioxaTatrxet*'). **^ there was an entrance. ^^ that would come (7^po(7■^al^'ol'Tas), " high priest had commanded them with tbe ancients (marg., governors). The Codd. 44. 71. oi. insert TrpooTji'^aro before ^ ycpoua-i'a. i*-* A. V. : which. 20 Then. 21 vehemency. (For cKTej-t'^, near the close, 19. 58. Old Lat., oiler injoTti'o ; cf . Ps. xxxv. 13. The change was probably due, however, to the fact that iKTevi(^ occurs just before. Cod. X. omits the whole phrase.) Vers. 10-12. — -2 A. V. : their children (cf . ver. 12.) 23 instead of the article before iLiirBttiTo^ (as text. rec. ), Fritzsche Adopts Kdi, as found in III. X. 19. 23. 66. 68. 64., etc., with Syr. Co. Aid. « A. V. : Thus. 25 omits of Israel (so £2. 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid.). =« little children (Gr., n-oi6ia, but see ver. 12, -ri vrima.), and the inhabitants of Fritzsche would strike out the «oi', with II. 58. 74. 108. 248. Old Lat. Syr. 27 a. V. : fell. -> the face of thn Lord ; also they put. 29 omits they. 30 children (see preceding ver.). 3i and for the nations to rejoice at. Vers. 13-15. — 22 A. V. : So God (64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.) .... prayers. » looked upon their aflUctiona (II. has «crei3Ei', with an &> over the first letter, i.e., ws eiSer). ^ for. ^ Cod. X. supplies ^mcrov before Kara Trp6» Then said. " captain. >= omits said to him. " declare unto The Codd. III. 19. 23. 52., and othen with Co. Old. Lat. supply toiJtov after Aaou, and we let it stand, although not found in Fritzsche's text. 1* A. V. : dwelleth near thee and inhabiteth the hill countries. Literally, the Greek would be rendered, " which inhabiteth thk hill country, inhabiting near thee.'" Vers. 6-8. — "> A. V. : descended of. '•■ they sojourned heretofore (Gr , to npitTtpov). ^'' Chaldea. i** For. JUDITH. 176 the God of heaven, a God ' whom they came to know.'^ And ' they cast them out from before * their gods, and they fled into Mesopotamia, and sojourned there 9 many days. And ^ their God commanded them to depart from the place where they sojourned, and to go into the land of Chanaan.^ And ' they dwelt there,' lU and were increased with gold and silver, and with very many cattle. And because ' a famine covered all the land of Chanaan,'" they went down into Egypt, and so- journed there, as long as " they found nourishment ; '- and they became there a 1 1 great multitude, and there was no numbering of their race.'^ And " the king of Egypt rose up against them, and they overreached them in work and in brick and 12 brought them low,^^ and made them slaves. And ^^ they cried unto their God, and he smote all the land of Egypt with incurable plagues ; and '" the Egyptians cast them 13, 14 out from before them.'* And God dried up '^ the Red Sea before them, and brought them on the way to Sina, and Cades-Barne ; and they cast forth -'" all that 15 dwelt in the wilderness. And ^' they dwelt in the land of the Amorites, and they destroyed by their strength all them of Esebon, and passing through the Jordan they 16 possessed all the hill country. And they cast forth before them the Chanaanite, and the Pherezite,'''^ and '■^ the Jebusite, and the Sychemite, and all the Gergesites, and 17 they dwelt in that country many days. And as long as -^ they sinned not before their 18 God, they prospered, because God who "^ hateth iniquity was with them. But when they departed from the way which he had ^^ appointed them, they were destroyed in many battles for a very long time,^ and were led captives into a land that teas not theirs, and the temple of their God was cast to the ground, and their cities were 19 taken by their ^' enemies. And now, having-'' returned to their God, they came'" up from the place where they were scattered, and possessed Jerusalem, where their 20 sanctuary is, and '^ settled down "^ in the hill country ; for '' it w.as desolate. And now, 7)11/ ^* lord and master,'^ if there is error in this people, and they sin against their God, we will look to it what this offence among them is, and will 21 go up and *" overcome them. But if there is no transgression in their nation, let my lord now pass by, lest their Lord and their God defend them,*' and we shall be a reproach before all the earth.'* 22 And it came to pass when '^ Achior had finished these sayings, all the people standing round the tent and round about murmured. And the chief men of Olo- phernes and all that dwelt by the sea side, and in Moab, said ** that /le should kill him, 23 For, say they, we will not be afraid before the children of Israel ; for lo, it is a 24 people that have no strength nor power for a strong orderly battle.*' Now there- fore, lord Olophernes, we wUl go up, and they shall be food for *'' all thine army. Vers. 8-10. —> the God (no article in the Gr.). '- knew (Gr., i-irsyxcoo-av). » so. * the face of. » Then. 3 Canaan. ' Where ^ om//s there. ^ very much .... when (Gr., yap ; 74. 76. 236 , 5e'}. " Canaan. " while. " were nourished (seeCom.). " and became .... so that one could not number their nation. Vers. 11-14. — " A. V. : Therefore. >» dealt subtillr with them, and broiight them low with labouring in bri'-k (Gr., Kareo'cxfuiTai'TO auToiJs eV K^vt^ — X. 58. thjAw ; cf Ex. i. 14 — Ka\ TikivQM, »cal kT(nviivtiirra.v aWTOu?. A. V. read KaTeo-oiiVaTO . . .. eTan-eiWire;' .... c^ero, with III. X. 19. at.). l'' Then. '^ so. ^^ of their si?ht (Gr., airb Trpoffti- jTouauTuf. See ver. 8). '^ o»iir5 up (Gr., Karef^pafsi/ ; preposition is omitted by 44. 71. 106). 20 to mount (In 54. 58. 64. Co. and Aid. opos is read for 656i', as well as by .Junius. The A. V. has in the margin : Gr., into the way of the wildeme.ss 0/ Sina) . . . and cast forth (efe'PoAe 52. 64. 248. Co. Aid. at.). Vers. 15-18. —21 A. V. : So. -• over J Canaanite, the P. -^ ornits aud. 24 whilst. *fi the God that (the article is found in 23. 44. 68. 74. 249. Co. Aid.). 26 omit:: had. « Tery sore (Gr., e'lr'i woKii injioSpa). » the. The force of the preceding possessive pronoun is to be brought along to this point. Vers. 19, 20. — -^ A. V. : But now are they (aorist participle). 3" and are come. 3i places where .... have possessed .... is and are. 32 are seated, 33 por ort X. has ore. 34 Xow therefore my (19., ^ou). 3.^ governor. 3« be a/iy .... let us even consider that this shall be their ruin, and let us . . . . we shall. Veis. 21-24. —3: A. V. : be no iniquity .... Lord defend l/iem, and their God be for them (Gr., /i^irore uirepomr.'in) 6 ■lipios aiiTwv Koi 6 6fh<; avritiv ij-nkp ovToic). 38 a. V. : become .... all the world. 39 j^mj when (e'ye'ceTO : 44. 71 106. omit). « round about the t«nt murmured .... spake. ■" afraid of the face of .... a strong battle The Greek is eis n-apdToftj' ttrxvpai*. See remarks in Com. at 1 Esd. ii. 30; cf. also vii. 11, xvi. 12; Wisd. xii 9 *• A. V. : a prey to be devoured of (Gr., ets xard^pw^). Chapter V. Ver. 1. "XKCLvhaKov. Tnis word referred o'-igi- Tially to the trap-stick on which the bait was fas- tened (cf. LXX. at Josh, xxiii. 13 ; 1 San., xviii. 21) ; then, generally, anything against which one strikes or stumbles (cf. Wisd. xiv. 11 ; Ecclus vii. 6 ; xxvii. 23 ; 1 Mace. v. 4.) Ver. 2. The princes (&pxovTas) of Moab, and the generals [uTparriyovs] of Ammon, and all the governors (o'arpaTras) of the sea-coast. Ver. 3. Sons of Chanaan, Really applicable only to the inhabitants of the sea-coast. Ver. 5. Achior has a great deal to say about 176 THE APOCRYPHA. his speaking the truth, probably because it was scarcely to be expected from him under the cir- cumstances, and possibly, too, because he would be obliged to say what might be considered by Olophemes as offensive. Ver. 6. Of the Chaldaeans, i. e., through Abra- ham. Ur is commonly supposed to have been in Mesopotamia, where also Stephen, by impli- cation (Acts vii. 2, 4), fixes its locality. See, how- ever, a full discussion of the matter in Smith's Bib. Dirt., art. "Ur;" and Wolf, Com., ad he. Josephus (Antiq., i. 6, §5) says: "Now Terah hating Chald«a on account of his mourning for Haran, they all returned to Haran, of Mesopo- tamia." Ver. 8. God of Heaven. An expression fre- quently found in the later books of Scripture. In Josephus (I. c.) we are told how Abraham came to his peculiar views about God for which he was driven out by the Chaldfeans. Ver. 10. As long as they found nourish- ment, fifxpis ov Si^rpd(p7jaav. This appears to be the correct translation, although several other renderings are given. Dereser : " till they again found sustenance ; " De Wette : " till they re- turned." Ver. II. Overreached them. The same word, KuTiuroipl^oimi, is rendered by the A. V. at Acts vii. 19 as here. But the meaning seems to be better expressed by overreach, circumvent. See the Hebrew at Ex. i. 10 ; and cf. Jud. x 19 (A. v., "deceive"). — ACtous «i'ece(Ies does not contain the leading idea, and the following itai serves to give a greater prominence to that which it introduces. But it is scarcely translatable. It is a species of anacoluthon. Cf. Winer, p. 438, and, below, verse 22; vi. I ; x. 2, 7, 14; xi. 11 ; xiv. 11. — Ruin (A. V.),(r(t({i'SoAo>'. Better here, q^ense. The plural of the same word is rendered by "impedi- ments" in verse I. Cf. its use at Wisd. xiv. 11 (A. v., "stumbling-blocks "), and see remarks at verse 1, above. Chapter VI, 1 And when the tumult of the * men that were about the council ceased,'^ Olophernes the chief general * of the army of Assur said unto Achior before all the foreign peoples, and to all the sons of Moab,^ 2 And who art thou, Achior, and the hirelings of Ephraim, that thou hast prophe- sied amongst us as to-day. and hast said, that we should not make war with the race of Israel, because their God will defend them ? And who is God but Nabucho 3 donosor ? He will send his power, and will destroy them from the face of the earth, and their God shall not deliver them ; but we his servants will smite ^ them as one 4 man ; and they shall not withstand ° the power of our horses. For with them we will overrun them,' and their mountains shall be drunken with their blood, and their plains shall be filled with their dead bodies ; and not by one step shall they with- stand ' us, but ' they shall utterly perish, saith king Nabuchodonosor. the '" lord of 5 all the earth ; for he said it ; '' his words shall not '- be in vain. But '' thou, Achior, a hireling of Ammon, who " hast spoken these words in the day of thine iniquity, shalt see my face no more from this day, until I take vengeance on the race '* 6 that came out of Egypt. And then shall the sword of mine army, and the spear '" of them that serve me, pass througli thy sides, and thou shalt fall among their 7 wounded,'" when I return. And '* my servants shall carry thee away '' into the 8 hill country, and shall set thee in one of the cities of the passages ; and thou shalt Vers. 1-4. — 1 A. v. : omits the. ^ was ceased. ^ captain. ^ A. and all the Moahite? before all the company of other nations. {We place as in the text, in conformity with the order of the Greek.) 6 people of I destroy. 0 for they are not able to sustain ((Jr., Ka\ ovx v-irotrrfitTOvTai ; cf. 1 Mace. V. 40 ; vii. 25, and the immediate context of the present verse). ' tread them under foot. (We adopt KaraKKvaoix^v, with Fritzsche, from 19. 55. 74. 108. 236. in place of (caTaKautrojuev, we will hum (them in them, i. e., their cities) of the text, ree. The Codd. 52. 64. 248. 249., with Co. and Aid. (as A. V.) liave Ka.ja.naTrjiTQii.ev.) ^ fields .... their footsteps shall not be able to stand before. (Sea Com.) ' for. "> omits the. " said. " jjone of my words (64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. have fiov). Vers. 5-8. — ^^ A. V. : And (Or., (jv 5e'). '* which. Cod. .X. offers here instead of the relative, ur. JO of thU nation. " multitude. Fritz.^che adopts xajjio^ (for Aao? of the text, ree.). Old Lat., lancea. The Codd. give Aais without exception. But it would seem to have been an early corruption of x that waited in ... . Bethulia. ^ So. ' they went {Gr., awripav \ 44. 106., ?iXQov]. ^ Bethulia. » omits on the top of the mountain (so 58.). ^0 hill. ^^ kept them from coming up by casting of stones against (Gr. , iie^tpanio-ai' Tf)v avdfiatrii' ain^v Kal l^oAov eV \iQot<; in). ^3 Nevertheless having gotten privily under the hill, they bound {tcaX viToSv Then. " „nto. Chapter VI. Ver. 1 . By the " sons of Moab " are meant, apparently, the people east of .the Jordan, in dis- tinction from the remaining peoples, who were gathered from the coast of Palestine and Syria. Ver. 2. After the separation of the ten tribes, the tribe of Ephraim preponderated to such an extent over the others that the kingdom of Israel was often called Ephraim. But in employing this title Olophernes shows that he was not so ignorant of the history of the country as he pre- tends to be. — And who is i @e6s 1 i. e., here, " the true God." Ver. 3. His power, i. e., his army, as very frequently in this book and the books of the Mac- cabees. Ver. 4. Lit., and the step of their feet shall not withstand. Not by a single footstep forward would they be able to with.staud them. Ver. 5. Race that came out of Egypt. An allusion to the fact of their former enslavement. 12 Ver. 7. Cities of the passages, i. e., a city that lies in the way of the ascent to the moun- tains, one of the nearest fortified cities of the enemy. Ver. 9. Let not thy countenance fall. " Don't be worried," as we sometimes say ironically. — AiatrliTTeiv ( ^^3), to Jail to the earth, come to nought. Cf. Gen. iv. 6. In ecclesiastical Greek it means " to backslide." Cf. Euseb., H. E., v. 2. Ver. 15. Gothoniel, cf. Judg. i. 13 (Othniel) ; Charmis, cf. Gen. xlvi. 9; Josh. vii. 1 (Carmi) ; Melchiel, cf. Gen. xlvi. 17 (Malchiel). Ver. 17. CouncU, (TufeSp^as. The same word is used of this assembly at verse 1, and at xi. 9. The word translated "assembly" in verse 16, on the other hand, is ixxKriaia, i. e., an assemblage of the people. Cf. verse 21, vii. 29. xiv. 6; Ecclus. XV. 5 et passim; 1 Mace. ii. 56 (with Numb, xiii. 31). 178 THE APOCRYPHA. Ver. 19. 'Eirl t4s uircp7)cf)apeios. The plural is emphatic, great pride. Cf. Winer, p. 177. — Those that are sanctified. The whole Jewish people are meaut. Dereser would connect on (tV) lAis day with 4iTi0\e^oy. Ver. 21. Feast, irdroi/. IaI., a drinking ; then, a drinking in common, a /east. The unsuspecting confidence which is here accorded to this Gentile Achior — as afterwards on the part of the Assyri ans to Judith — is scarcely natural. Chapter VII. 1 The next day Olophernes commanded all his army, and all his people who had come to help him, that ihey should move against Betulua, and take beforehand the 2 mountain passes,^ and to make war against the children of Israel. And every mighty man of them marched '" that day, and their force of ^ men of war was an hundred and seventy thousand footmen, and twelve thousand horsemen, beside the baggage, and the* men that were afoot ^ amongst them, a very great multitude. 3 And they camped in the valley near unto Betulua,* by the fountain ; and they spread ' in breadth over Dothaim ' as far as Belbaem,^ and in length from Betulua '" 4 unto Cyamon, which is over against Esdraelon. And ^^ the children of Israel, when they saw the multitude of them, were greatly troubled, and said every one to his neighbor, Now will these mew lick up the face of the whole earth ; ^^ and '' neither 5 the high mountains, nor the valleys, nor the hills, will " bear their weight. And every man took up his weapons of war, and having ^^ kindled fires upon their 6 towers, they remained and watched all that night. But on ^^ the second day Olo- phernes brought forth all his horsemen in the sight of the children of Israel who " 7 were in Betulua,'* and examined the passages up to their city, and searched out their fountains of water, and took possession of them,-" and set garrisons of men of war over them ; and he himself departed to -" his people. 8 And there -' came unto him all the chief -^ of the children of Esau, and all the leaders ^ of the people of Moab. and the generals -■* of the sea coast, and said, 9, 10 Let our lord now hear a word, that there be no disaster ^ in thy army. For this people of the children of Israel do not trust in their spears, but in the height of the mountains wherein they dwell, because it is not easy to come up to the tops of 11 their mountains. And now, our lord,*^ fight not against them in orderly battle,-" and 12 there shall not one man of thy people fall.-* Remain in thy camp ; keep every man^ of thine army ; and let thy servants get into their hands the fountain of water, 13 which issueth forth from ^ the foot of the mountain, for all the inhabitants of Betu- lua '^ have their water thence ; and thirst will consume ^ them, and they will ^ give up their city ; and we and our people will '* go up to the tops of the mountains that 14 are near, and wUl camp upon them, to watch that none go out of the city. And'' they and their wives and their children will "'^ be consumed with famine, and before the sword come against them, they will be laid low " in the streets where they 15 dwell, and thou shalt " render them an evil reward, because they rebelled, and met thee not with peace.*^ • Vers. 1, 2. — * A. V. ; which were come to take his part that they should remove their camp against Bethulia to talte aforeband the ascents of the hill country. ^ Then their strong men removed their camps in. 3 the army of the. * othfr. 6 For Tre^oi, 68. has jrapf^oBevTai ; Old Lat. , cum eis comitanles. The force of infantry is given as 8,000 in Cod X. Vers. ;i-7. — "A.V.: Bethulia. ' s^re&A themselves. * over Dothaim (marg., /rom i}oiAaim, Junius ; Gr.,e'Trt A.). The form of the proper name [text, rec, t^mBatp.) Ai»9aei> is found in II. III. X. » A. V. : even to (Fritzsche omits «oi with III. X.a/.) Bolmnim. For ^eA^aiV are II. III. 65. » A. V. : Bethulia. "Now. >= the earth (Gr., -rfis -yil! irii(r>)s; the last word is omitted by 44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 2.36.). "for. "are able to. (The verb is in the future tense.) ^ Then .... when they had. ^'' in. >■ which. " Bethulia. '» viewed (Gr., eireo-iceifiaTo) the passiages up to the city (Gr., rts ara^a^eit ttjs it. a\)7!i>v), and came to (Gr., «0ii{fvQQ.vtiv eV fii'i/zi]. 2(1 ,^_ y. : will. -' that. 2S may. 29 and not see ... . before otix eyes .... children to die (Gr., eKAeiTTOuo-as ras '^vxa.'i avTwv). »" which. ^' Then. ^2 ^^s great weeping with one consent. ss Then <(aid 0. ^ yet endure .... the which space. Vers 31,32.-35^ V.; And .... word. ^o jt.jry one to their own charge (Gr., eU ■nji' tairroi irapeji^oA^i-) '^ unto (Gr., irri). ^® and towers (58.) .... and sent (Fritzsche adopts aweorctAei' — text, rec, ^fajretrreiAe — from II. X. 65. 19. 108. ; 111. 23. 44 ajritnetXtw) the women and children. ss yery low brought. Chapteb VII. Ver. 2. The army had been increased then, I fifty thousand infantry. Cf. ii. 15. The Syriac over and above all its losses since its start, by [and Codex Ger. 15 of the Old Latin has one hnn- 180 THE APOCRYPHA. dred and seventy-two thousand ; another Codex of the Old Latin (Corh.) and the Vulgate, one hundred and twenty thousand. And for twelve thousand horsemen, the Syriac, Old Latin, and Vulgate have twenty-two thousand. — Amongst them. Some would make this refer to the bag- gage, which is meutioued just before. It can, however, with equal propriety refer to the array ; these persons being the unarmed, mi.\ed multi- tude of which we read in ii. 20. Ver. .■?. Belbaem. Cf. Belmaen, iv. 4, with note. — Cyamon. Possibly the place now known as Tell Kaimon, on the eastern slopes of Carinel. This would answer the description, if Esdraelon be regarded as Jezreel. Eusebius knew the place under the name of Ka/jL/juDya, and Jerome as Ci- mana. Cf. .Smith's Bib. Diet., ad voc. The A. V. has in the margin "Beanficld," which is the nieauing of the word. Ver. 4. Lick up, iKXel^ovirtv (Lat., flingo). Cf. Bar. vi. 20, where it is also employed ; and Numb. xxii. 4, where it is used in the LXX. of cattle, for T[n'^. — Bear their weight. Their wants with respect to sustenance would be too great for the country to supply them. Ver. 7. Garrisons, Trapfij.0o\is. It is other- wise rendered at verse 17. Cf. note there. Ver. 8. The children of Esau, i. e., the Edom- ites, inhabiting the country to the southeast of Palestine. Ver. 1 0. IlewotBav, trust in. Cf . on this word, ■with the dative after eVf, Winer, p. 214. — "Wherein they dwell, 4v oh auTol fvoiKovcriy 4v avrois. This redundancy in the Greek is caused by au effort to conform to the Hebrew idiom. Cf. Winer, p. 148 ; also, v. 19, x. 2, xvi. 4, of the present book, for further examples of the same usage. Ver. 1 1 . Kadws 7(V erai tt6K€^os wapaT^etos, i. e,, as regular "warfare is carried on. The last word was Used of a« annij in arrai/, a line of battle. It was employed also for the battle itself, as in 1 Esd. i. 30, where Josias was cai'ried back from the line of combatants to the rear. Cf. also 1 Mace. iii. 26, iv. 21 ; 2 Mace. viii. 20; Diod. Sic, iii. 70. Ver. 12. Eichhorn remarks on the conduct of Olophernes at this point {Einleit. in d. Apok. Schrifi., |). .306) : " He comes at last to Bethulia, an insignificant place, and lies for months inactive, just as though it were the most unconquerable lortress, for whose siege one should make im- measurable preparations. And what prepara- tions does he make '. After lung inactivity, he seeks at last to do what among the ancients was always the tirst thing in surrounding a city, — cuts off its water supply And the inhab- itants of the city do not hinder it ! " And we may add : This victorious general docs not seem to know enough to imdertake this simple matter of himself, but must be advised to it by some of the least estremed of his allies. - Ver. 15. Met thee not with peace. They did not come to liim witli ])roposals for peace, in- stead of resisting as they were then doing. Ver. 16. They resolved. The verb is plural (see Text. Notes), and probably refers to Olo- phernes and his officers. They concluded, resolved, to do as the Edomites had advi.sed. Ver. 17. Detachment .... departed. The word translated " detachment " is TtapefiffoKii It means: 1, an insertion beside or among others 2, a distribution of men in an army ; 3, the body of men so distributed ; 4, like o-TpaTciireSov, a camp. In this sense it is Macedonian. A still further meaning is a fortified place. It has here the tiiird meaning, and refers to the body, detach- ment of Edomites. In verse 12 it has the fourth of these meanings. Cf. Grimm at 1 Mace. iii. 3, in which book the word occurs with great fre- quency. Ver. 18. And the children of Ammon, t. e.^ those who remained. A part had already gone in another direction. See previous verse. It is not needful to say that the word rendered " children " here and elsewhere, so frequently, is vioi. We have not thought it necessary to give it its literal meaning of " sons," as the expression has become, in connection with the A. V., in a certain sense technical. — Egrebel. The Peshito version has- Ecrabatj which seems to indicate Acrabbein, — a place mentioned by Eusebius. It is the pres- ent Akrabih, lying about six miles southeast from Shechem. — Chus. By some identified with the present IJshurish. — The brook Mochmur. Probably the Wady Makfuriyeh. — Made an encampment with many camp followers, kot€- (TTpaToirfSevaaf iv ox^V TfoWtfi, etc. We have so translated, making 6x^<>^ refer to camp- followers in distinction from the regular army. Bunscn's Bibelwerk renders ; " was extended with many people." De Wette : " was extended in great masses." The following clause seems to favor our rendering, in which the entire army appears to be referred to : " and they amounted to a very great multitude." Ver. 20. It might well be asked how this re- nowned and successful Assyrian general, with his immense army, can spend so much time before this insignificant place, of which neither sacred or profane history has a word to s.ay. And it would also be interesting to know how, without opposition, the army of Olophernes came into such close proximity toBetulua as to po.ssess itself of all their water-supply? Had not the command* of the high-priest, Joacim (iv. 6), that the different avenues of approach to the city be occupied, been complied with? Cf. above, verse 12. — The cis- terns. They were for rain-water. Ver. 21. Drink by measure. Grotius: " Con- venit cum aliarum gentium historiis, apud quas in obsessis oppidis aqua ad dimensum distributa est." Ver. 22. Fainted, i^iKmov. It is a somewhat free but allowable rendering. Cf. xi. 12 ("fail");. Luke xvi. 9 (^(tAiVp, "fail"); Wisd. v. 13 ("dis- appeared ") ; Ecclu's. xl. 14 (" come to nought "). Ver. 25. Hath sold. The figure is taken from the treatment of slaves. They would say : " It is God's purpose that we should become the slaves of the Assyrians, and it were better so than that we should liere perish from thirst." Ver. 27. For a spoil. Here ei's Siapira-pir [i.e., "plunder"). In ver. 26, however, eis npo- voiJii\v (i. e., " to forage upon "). Vers. .'iO, 31. Ozias hoped, it would seem, for rain during this time. Cf. viii. 31. The rainy season, in Palestine, lasts from October to March In April and May there are rarely any showere. JUDITH. 181 Chapter VIII. 1 Ann ' at that time Judith heard thereof, daughter " of Merari, son of Ox, son of Joseph, son of Oziel, son of Elcia, son of Ananias, son of Gedeon, son of Raphain, son of Achitob,' son of Elias, son of Chelcias, son of Eliab,* son of Nathanael, son of 2 Salamiel,^ son of Sarasadai,^ son of Israel. And Manasses, her husband, was of her 3 tribe and her kindred ; and he had ' died in the barley harvest. For while he had the oversight of them that bound the * sheaves in the field, the hot wind ^ came upon his head, and he took to his '" bed, and died in his city of Betulua ; '^ and they buried 4 him with his fathers in the field between Dothaim and Balamon.''^ And Judith was 5 a widow in her house three years and four months. And she made her a tent upon tlift roof ^' of her house, and put " sackcloth upon her loins, and wore ^^ her widow's ap- 6 parel. And she fasted all the days of her widowhood, save on eves of sabbaths," and sabbaths," and eves of new ^* moons, and new ^^ moons, and feasts,-" and festival 7 days ^' of the house of Israel. She was also of a goodly figure," and very beautiful to behold. And her husband Manasses had left her gold, and silver, and menser- 8 vants, and maidservants, and cattle, and lands ; and she remained upon them. And 9 there was none that gave her an ill word, for she feared God greatly. And she heard of '^ the evil words of the people against the ruler ^'' because ^^ they fainted for lack of water ; and ^^ Judith heard of all ^ the words that Ozias had spoken unto them, and that he had sworn to them '^ to deliver the city unto the Assyrians after 10 five days. And-'' she sent her waiting-woman, that had the oversight*" of all her 11 affairs,'^ and called Ozias and Chabris and Gharmis, the elders °^ of her *' city. And they came unto her, and she said unto them. Hear me now, O ye rulers of the inhabitants of Betulua,'^ for your words that you have spoken before the people this day are not right ; and you have established the oath which you have uttered between God and you,*" and have promised to de- liver the city to our enemies, unless within these days the Lord turn to help you.^*" 12 And now who are you that have tempted God this day, and set yourselves above'' 13 God amongst the children of men? And now search out" the Lord Almighty, 14 and ^ you shall never find out " any thing. For you cannot find the depth of the heart of man, neither can you grasp *^ the thoughts of his mind ; and ■*- how can you search out God, that hath made all these things, and know his mind, and ^^ com- prehend his purpose ? Nay my brethren, provoke not the Lord our God to anger. 15 For if he choose not to help us within these five days, he hath the power to defend in 16 what days he will, or also ■" to destroy us before our enemies. But do not you force *^ the counsels of the Lord our God, for God is not as man, that he may be threatened, 17 neither is he as the son of man, that he should be wavering.*" Therefore let us wait Ver. 1. — 1 A. v. : Now. ^ uihich was the daughter. There is no article in the Greek, as is the case also before " flon " in each instance in the present verse, although the A. V. has " the.'" * Fritzsche adds here, " son of Ananias, son of Qedeon, son of Kaphain, son of Achitob '' from III. X. 23. 52. Old Lat., Syr. They are found in the A. V. al- ready (with Junius) except that the last two words are spelled as I{aphaim, Acithoh. * A. V. : Kliu, son of Eliab 6 Bamael (so Aid. ; marg., Samaliel, with 248. Co.). * Salasadai. Vers. 2, 3. — ' A. V. : And M. was her husband, of her tribe and {19. 71. 108. omit aiiTTJc) kindred, who. ^ aa he stood overseeing them that bound. For ^n-i tou Seerfteuorros, III. X. 19. 44. 65. 64. put the last two words in the plural and III. X. 19. 63. 64. the following words (to fipdy^ia). " A. V. : heat (Gr., 6 Kaui'). 22 countenance (Gr., TcjJ eiSei). "•* Now when she heard. ^ goveraoT {Qv., tov apxovTa). 2.', that. -" for. 27 had heard all. ^a had sworn. Cod II. has OS for d,s. The A. V. puts all between " for Judith " . . . . *' five days," inclusive, in a parenthesis. Vers. 10, 11. — 2" A. V. ; then. =" government. =' (/iing.s that she had. =2 to call .... ancients. *'the(Gr., OVTTJ5). ^ governors .... Bethulia. '^^ touching this (III. 19. 23. al. Co. Aid.) oath which ye made and pronounced ((coWoTTja-aTe Tov opKovov i\a\TiijaT€) between God and you. ^"^ Instead of t]fj.iv of the text. rec. II. III. X. 249., with Aid., give vfiiv, and the A. V. may therefore be regarded as correct. According to Holmes and Parsons, II. has rjfiiv. Vers. 12-16. — B7 a. V. ; stand instead of (Gr., larofffle vnep tov 6.). Fritzsche, following Holmes and Parsons, cites II. as supporting (with III. X. 65. et al.) the reading i'o-TttTe, but II. has iiTTOTai. 3» A. V. : try (Gr., i^eTo^ert}. IB but. **> know (Gr., iniyyJiiTeiT^e). *i ye perceive (Gr., SiaA^i/zeo-ee ; so Fritzsche, with III. 19. 44. 55. 64. ai.). fi things tiiat he thinketh : then. « qj.. a will not help . ... us when he will, even every day, or. 52. 64. 74 76.. etc., with Co. and Aid., have for ijiieaai^, Kai jTdrp46»iA(ls ^oth-). » because. (This seems not to be just the force of KoJd6Tt here.) ^o do unto them as we have spoken. The position of ovTot? after MaA^o-aftev Is against such a construction. 3i A. V. : Therefore. ^2 xhen said .ludith .... throughout all generations .... oation. 33 declare. (The Codd. III. X. 19. 52. read ii'ayyeAi (for epi of the text, rrc), 62. 243. Co. Aid., airayyfAil) '» Then said 0. and the princes. 23 t^, it jg better to retain the force of the preceding verb, Tropei'ov. 3« go •' wards. Chapter VIII. Ver. 1. Only the most inijiortaut of tlie an- cesioi's of Judith are iiieutiunvd, as is evident from the fact tliat an interval of six hundred years lies hetween Sara^adai and Jacob. Other MSS. increase the number of ancestors to seventeen VuTf;ate ; wfaiie ulov lu/ieti:' is added, probably with reference to the statement of verse 2 and ix. 2. Even the principal personage of Betulua is said to have been deseemled from Simeon. Cf. vi. 15 Ver. 2. It was regardid as praiseworthy t« Sarasadai fails in the Syriac, Old Latin, and I in:irr.\ among' one's own kindred. Cf. Toh, JUDITH. ISJ Ver. 3. Solomon had a vineyard at Baal- hamon, which may possibly be the same place :is the one here mentioned. The fact that Manasses was buried " with his fathers," in a special place outside of the city, is evidence of the importance of his family. Ver. 4. The law of Moses laid no restriction on the marriiij^'e of a widow, e.xcept in case she was left cliildless, when the brother of the deceased husband had the right to marry her. Vers. 5, 6. The usual ]>eriod of special mourn- ing was for a widow one month. The fact that Judith is represented as intermittiuc; her fasting on the day before the Sabbath and the new moon, is regarded by Herzfeld as evidence of a late period for onr book (i. 319 ; cf. also Bertholdt, Einh'it., p. 2563; iahn, Einleit, p. 921). Wolf thinks that what is here said of the " eves of sabbaths," etc., is an interpolation of the Greek text (Com., p. 25). It is not, however, at all likely, although the words are omitted in the Syriac and 58., while the Old Latin gives for it pneter cirmim puram, and leaves out (e.xcept the Codex Germ. 15.) the w'ord Trpoyou/xTit/twi/. Cf. Mark xv. 42 : '6 cVti irpocra^BaToy. Ver. 7. After the word " Manasses," the Old Latin gives a table of his progenitors ; but it is obviously taken from verse 1. Ver. 10. Her waiting woman, rh" affpav ainris, Cf. remarks, Add. to Eslh., v. 2. Ver. 14. Cf. Job xi. 7 ; Jer. xvii. 9 ; Rom. xi. 33, .34. Ver. 16. 'Ei/exupaC". This word means liter- ally to take si'curity from ant/ one. Cf. Job xxiv. 3, in LXX. Here the meaning is " to use force," that is, attempt to compel God to adopt a certain conrse of action. We have accepted, n ith Fritzsche, the reading SiaprTjA^rai, to be deceived, or in sus- pense. Probably the author had the LXX trans- lation of Numb, xxiii. 19, in his mind. Some critics, retaining SiaiTijflS'"". would derive it from Siaireu {i.e., Sia aiVe'ai) with the meaning " to he entreated." Others derive it from Siairaw, with the signification " to be judged," or "called to account." The rendering of the A. V., " be waver- ing," is based on the re:i(ling5iapT7i65vai, this being one of its metaphorical mi*aniugs. Vers. 18, 19. The statement made is irrecon- cilable with any theory that assiiins the author- ship of our book to a perind previous to the Babylonian cajjtivity. Ver. 23. Directed to favor. Asunder Cyrus? Ver. 27. That come near. The Orientals speak of one as being near the king when he has his confidence, and stands in somewhat intimate relations with him. Ver. 28. With a good heart. The meaning is ; t/iou hast meant well. Ver. 29. KoflciTi. Lit., ('n wAut manner; but the context seems to require the meaning given above. Ver. 30. We will not break. Even the un- necessary oath could not be broken. Cf. Josh. ix. 19, 20. Ver. 32. This language of Judith has a cer- tain undlsguisable post facto coloring, and the whole transaction lacks the ordinary marks of probability. Ver. 33. Waiting woman, a/3pos. Cf. verse 1(X It is used for naS at Ex. ii. 5, and for mVS at Gen. xxiv. 61, by the LXX. Chapter IX. 1 But ' Judith fell upon her face, and put ashes upon her head," and uncovered the sackcloth which she was wearing ; ^ and it was just when * the incense of that even- ing was offered in .Jerusalem in the house of God.^ And "^ .Judith cried with a loud 2 voice to the Lord,' and said, O Lord God of my father Simeon, into whose hand* thou gavest a sword to take vengeance on ^ the strangers, who deflowered a maid to her defilement,^" and uncovered ^^ the tliigh to her shame, and polluted her womb ^" to her reproach; for thou saidst. It shall not be so, and yet they did so ; 3 wherefore thou gavest their rulers to be slain, and their bed, which was ashamed of their deception, to be bathed in blood,^* and smotest servants with their lords, 4 and lords " upon their thrones ; and thou gavest ^^ their wives for a prey, and their daughters to be captives, and all the booty to be the spoil of '^ thy dear children, who also " were moved with thy zeal, and abhorred the pollution of their blood, Ver. 1. — 1 A. V. : Then. 2 After these words Cod. 58., with the Old Lat. and Syr,, have the addition Kol Siepfnj^e rbv \tTliiya avTfi^ which was doubtless meant as an explanation of what immediately follows. ^ A.\.: wherewith she was clothed. * about the time that (Gr., apn). ^ the Lord (so III. 55. 68. 64. Co. Aid.). ° omits And. ^ omits to the Lord, Trpbs Kupiof (so 52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.}. Ver. 2. — » A. V. : to whom (agreeing with 52. 64. 243. ai8. Co. .41d.). » of. '» loosened the girdle of ... . (Or., iA.ua-ai' /iiiTpav irapdevov) to deiile iter. For eKvaav, 19. lOS. read IKvp-^vavTO (" maltreated ; " cf. Am. i. 11 ; 4 Maco. vviii. 8). n A. V. : discovered. ^- her virgiuity (Gr., /i^rpai' ; 24S. Co. napflefiai'). Ver. 3. — ^3 A. V. : so that they dyed their bed in blood, being deceived. The pronoun after oTptDjui^r is omitted by III. X. 44. (U. Cod. 248. with Co. reads ijpSeiiVaTo (dpSe™, to water), 23. 64. 243. Aid., i/SeviraTo (to wet, soak), instead of aSetraTO of the text. rec. Fritzsche conjectures that the word may originally have been TjSvvaTO (sweetened). His text cads : Kal ttji* tnptuiJLinjv ainOiv ij TjSufaTO Tqv anaTriv avTujv eis at^ia. For awaTriv avTtiiv, the Codd. III. 52 (34. and others uave aTTa-n)dtl(ra.v , while II- X. 19. 23. 44. 55. and others read the latter without omitting the former, except that X leaves out tihe pronoun. ^* A. V. : the servants .... the lords. Ver. 4. — ^ A. V. : and hast given. "■ their (so 19.) daughters .... their [avTtiiv, 19. 64 74. oi. Co. Aid.) spoils to be divided amongst. >' which. 184 THE APOCRYI'HA. 5 and called upon thee for aid. 0 God, O my God, hear me also, the ' widow. For, thou hast wrought the former things, and these, and those that followed and present things ; and what will be thou hast thought of,^ and what thou hast thought of has 6 come to pass ; ' and ■* what things thou didst determine were ready at hand, and said, Lo, we are here. For all thy ways are prepared, and thy judgment is in ^ fore- 7 knowledge. For behold, the Assyrians are multiplied in their power; they are ex- alted with horse and rider ; ^ they glory in the strength of footmen ; they hope ^ in shield, and spear, and bow, and sling, and know not that thou art Lord, deciding ' 8 battles. Lord ^ is thy name. Throw down their strength in thy power, and bring low '" their force in thy wrath, for they have purposed to defile thy sanctuary, and " to pollute the tabernacle where thy glorious name resteth, to strike off with the '^ 9 sword the horns '^ of thy altar. Behold their pride ; send down " thy wrath upon 10 their heads ; give into mine hand, the '^ widow's, the power that I have conceived ; smite by the deceit of my lips servant ^* with prince, and prince with his servant ; 11 break down their stateliuess by the hand of a woman. For thy power standeth not in a '" multitude, nor thy miglit in strong men ; but '* thou art a God of the lowly,^' a helper of the oppressed, an upholder of the weak, a i)rotector of the forlorn, a 12 saviour of them that are without hope. Verily, verily,-" O God of my father, and God of the inheritance of Israel, Lord of the heavens and the earth. Creator of the 13 waters. King of aU thy creatures,*^ hear thou my prayer, and make my speech and deceit to be their wound and stripe, who have purposed cruel things against thy covenant, and thy hallowed house, and against the top of Sion, and against the 14 house of the possession of thy children. And make thy whole nation and every tribe fully recognize and know that ^'" thou art the God of all power and might, and that there is none other that protecteth the race ^ of Israel but thou. Vers. 4-6. — ' A. V. : a. 2 for thou hast wrought not only those things, but also the things which fell out before, and which ensued after ; thou hast thought upon the things which are now, and which are to come. 3 xhe clause, and what thou hast thought of, etc. («at iyfvriejiaav a ivtvoridri^), is omitted bj 52. 243. 2i8. Co. Aid. * A. V. : Yea. 6 judgments are in thy. Tor ij KpiViy, III. 64. 248. Co. Aid. read cd icptVeis ; 58. Old Lat. Syr., ai KritrtK. Vers. 7, 8. — ♦^ A. V. : man (Gr., avafiarri). '• their footmen .... trust. 8 the Lord that breakest the (Gr., wvrpi^tiiv, but here better rendered by " deciding ; " cf . xvi. 3). ^ the Lord. '^ down ^' and (Fritzsche receive.^ a koli from X. 19. 44.). 12 and to cast down with. {The Kai here the same critic rejects as not appearing in II. III. X. 44. 55. 58. " Strike off " would seem to be a better rendering for Kora^aX^iv than that given in the A. V., if the context is considered.) '3 horn. It should be rendered as plural. Cf. Com. Vers. 9-14. — ^^ A. V. : and send. ^^ which am a widow. i^ the serrant. (The A. V. has the article also before each of the three following substantives, although not found in the Greek.) " omits a. ^^ for (Gr., oAAd) 19 affiicted (Gr., rutriivuiv). 20 i pray thee, I pray thee (Gr., va^t. vox). 21 and earth .... every creature (Gr., n-aoiff KTiVedjf aov. The pronoun is omitted by 44. 58. 74. 76. 106. 236.). 22 gyery nation and every tribe to acknowledg* that. The Gr. of Fritzsche's text is TroiTjaof in\ wafTOs eflvous o-ov koX Tratnj? ^vKr^s- The text. rec. (with X.) has ^m n-ai- rb idvoi. The Codd. III. 58. 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid. write the first clause as in the former instance, excepting o-ov, Which they omit — aU but 64. 243. ■^ people (Ifltout, 52. 68. 64. aJ3. 248. Co. Aid.) Chapter IX. Ver. 1 . Uncovered the sackcloth. She wore it tmder her mouming garments. See viii. 5. — Incense of that evening. Cf. Ex. xxx. 7, 8. Ver. 2. She prays to the God of her f;ither Simeon. See viii. 1. This invocation would seem to be scarcely in place when we consider .hat Jacob highly disapproved of the conduct of jis sons which is here applauded. Cf. Gen. xxxiv. 30, and xlix. 5-7. It is, in fact, but another evi- dence of the later origin of our book, when alone one would have ventured so to reverse the verdict of this patriarch. An intense hatred of "the leathen," as at the time of the Maccabees, might .veil be the immediate cause of this change of sentiment. Denser (Com., p. 166) rem.trks : "If Judith, who sprang from Simeon, looked upon that event from another point of view, one is not per- mitted to hold her private opinion for a declara- tion of the Holy Scriptures." (!) — 'Who de- flowered, etc. The word iiiirpav Grotius would change to filrpav. But the former has the support of nearly all the MSS. Ver. 4. Pollution of their [the Israelites'] blood, i. e., through the shameful act of the She- chemites. Ver. 7. Multiplied in their power. They have an immense military force. Ver. 8. Kepas. It is used doubtless in a col- lective sense. Cf. Kx. xxvii. 2. Ver. 10. The Old Latin has ex labiis s!/a.*»'>"/« 7ne(E. Codex Corb. reads cfiaritatis for suasionia. They are evident corrections. — StateUness, ayatr- TTfiia. The same word is used of Israel at .\ii. 8, " raising up," /. e., elevation. It is the earlier form of avatTTfixa (from cit'tVTTj^ui)- Ver. 13. My word and deceit, i. e., my deceit- ful, misleading words. The following words are added as a justification of this petition. — The top {Kopv» lumps (cf. 1 Sam. xxv. 18 ; xxx. 12, where the same word in the LXX. is rendered in the A. V. " cakes ■'). " fine (Gr., KaBapdv). It was pure in a ceremonial sense. This word is omitted by 44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 236. Old Lat. Syr. but it is doubtless genuine. " A. V. : so she folded all these things (marg., wrapped or packed). The Greek is n-epieSiVXaxre iravra Ta ayyeta. Cf . Com. Vers. 6-9. — "A. V. : Thus. » Bethulia. =' there .... ancients. == A. V. : that (itiiO her (see Com.). * was changed. ^i repeats the God. (The second 6 Om is not found in II. III. X. 44. 55. 58. 71. 74. 76. 106. 236. 249 old Lat.) 25 enterprises (Gr., ^TrtTrjSeu/AoTa ; cf. si. 6, where it is rendered '* purposes," and xiii. 5, where it is trans- lated as here). 20 glory. =' Then they (23. 44. 52. 55., etc., with Co. Aid. have the plural). -' gates that I may. » So. » she (sing, found in III. X. 64. 74. Co. Aid., and with the addition avrois in 19. 108. ; cf. viii. 35). Vers. 10-12. — 81 A. V. : when they had done so, Judith »• was. ^3 and (Co.). ^ omits they. 3^ Thus, 'o forth. " the first watch, etc. (Gr., aiivrivrriaev .... n-pocJuAasij. Cod. 58., with the Old IvKaK-rjv). ^ took (Gr., (Tvre'Aapoi/). ^9 woman (Gr., fluyarrip). *o am fled. *^ for. Ver. 13. — '- A. V. : coming. " captain. « declare words of truth. « can. (The verb is future, and might b« better so rendered in this place.) '« without losing the body or life of any one of hia men. The translation Is not absolutely incorrect, but lacks the force of the original (trdpf txia. ov5i nvevp-a t'uiTJy, etc.). Vers. 14 —"A V.: Now. 186 THE APOCRYPHA. hasted to come down to the presence of our lord. And now ^ come to his tent, and 16 some of us will - conduct thee, until the}' have delivered thee to his hands. And if so be ' thou standest before him, be not afraid in thy heart, but report that which thou 17 hast spoken,* and he will treat ^ thee well. And^ they chose out from them- selves ' an hundred men, and they accompanied ' her and her maid and brought " 18 her to the tent of Olophernes. And there was a concourse in all the camp, for her coming was noised among the tents ; and they came and encircled '" her, as she stood 19 without the tent of Olophernes, till they told him of her. And they wondered at her beauty, and admired the children of Israel because of her, and every one said to his neighbor, Wlio will ^' despise this people, that have among them such women ? It '* is not good that one man of them be left, who being let go could '^ deceive the whole 20 earth. And they that kept guard by " Olophernes went out, and all his servants, and 21 they brought her into the tent. And Olophernes rested npon his bed under the mos- quito net, which was woven with purple, and gold, and emerald,'^ and precious stones. 22 And '^ they told ^^ him of her ; and he came out into the front part of " his tent, 23 and silver lamps were borne '' before him. And when Judith came ^'' before him and his servants, they all marvelled at the beauty of her countenance. And she fell down upon her face, and did reverence unto him. And his servants took her up. Vers 15-17. — A. V. ; i now therefore ^ shall. ^ when (Gr., idv). * shew unto him according to thj word. ''entreat, 6 Then. ' of them. 8 to accompany {muTg., and they prepared a. cha.not /or her\. The Greek is koI rrapd^ev^av aiiTj). At XT. 11 we find e^ev^e Tas afia^a^ aiiTTj^^ rendered in the A. V. by " made ready her carts." At 1 Kings xviii. 44, we have in the LXX. ^ev^ov to apfia o-ou ( A. V. ; Prepare thy chariot), as rendering for a Hebrew word meaning " to bind." But here the .'orce of the preposition is to be noted. Literally, the verb means to yoke beside, to couple, i. e., they joined themselves to her as an escort. * A. V. : they brought. Vers. 18-23. — lo A. V. : Then was there throughout .... about. " would. ^2 surely it. (See Com.} 13 might. " lay near. ^^ Now .... a canopy (see Com.) . . . emeralds (68.) w go, ^t shewed (Or., iv^yytiKai'). 18 before (Gr., eis to wpocrKrivtov. The A. V. gives the impression that he went outside of his tent, but It was into what was called in Latin the proscenium = \oyflov of Polyb. xxx. 13, 4). ^* with silver lamps going, w And when J. was come. Chapter X. Ver, 2, Kal o^eVr?). Cf. on the force of the connective the note at v. 20. — 'Airb tTjs TrTciafois. Tills word means simply "fall," and refers only to Judith's prostrate position, and not at all (as im- plied in the A. V.) to the place where slie was. See ix. 1. — Precious ointment. Different kinds of oil were used for ihis purpose : olive oil, oil of myrrh, and of the castor bean. Here it is called uvpof, and its valuable quality indicated by de- Bcribing it as thick, nix"^- — li which she passed. Cf. viii. .5, 6. Ver. 3. A turban, fjiWpav. The A. V. has in the margin, " Gr. mitre;" but it is a different word which is so remlered at iv. 15 (K(5apis). Cf. xvi. 8, where also we find the present word ren- dered " tire " in the A. V. It seems better to render by "turban," as the word " mitre " has a technical meaning in connection with the dress of the priests. Ver. 4. Sandals were not worn in the house. Great attention was bestowed on them by the female sex, the thongs with which they were bound on being often richly embroidered. — XXtSiufat, anklets. This word is used by the LXX. to trans- late n"T^!i. It means a going, marching, and in the plural step-chains. They were short chains attariied by females to the ankle-band of each foot, so as to compel them to take short steps, go " mincingly." See Is. iii. 30. It may mean here " bracelet " or " anklet ; " but probably has the latter significiiiion, as another word for " bracelet,'' ^(\ia, immediately follows. Ver. 5. In this scrupulosity of Judith with resjiect to what she ate there is evidence of a late authorbhip for our book. She would not eat even the ordinary bread of her own people, she says. It must be Ka8ap6s. This word, however, is prob- alily meant simply to distinguish the Jewish prep- aration from that of the heathen. Cf. >:ii. 1,2. — The word n€piSttr\6oi, fold together, wrap up, !.•» said to be found only here. Judith was afraid these vessels, to be used in cooking, might ccme in contact with something ceremonially unclean. Ver. 7. On Koi in a secondary clause after a Ijarticle of time, cf. Winer, p. 438. The clause liegiuning " and her countenance was altered," with the one next f(d]owing, are parenthetic, be- ing the ground of the following assertion. Ver. 8. She worshipped God. This prob- ably refers to a siiuple bowing or kneeling. Some susjiect, however, a failure in tritiislation, and think that Judith bowed herself before the elders. Ver. 10. 'AmcrK6tTetjov, looked after her. The word contains the idea of looking down from above. The ending euu for eai is of late origin. Cf, Winer, p, 92, Ver. 13, J^ta^iavioj. It means, first, to sound apart, to he out of harmony. At a later period, however, it received other derived meanings : ( 1 ) to be trantinp, to be missed; (2) to perish. Kither of the l.i.st two meanings would be proper in the ])resi'nt case. Ver. 14. For the construotion where xal intro- ducing the principal clause is left untranslated, cf. verse 7, above, and v. 20, Ver. 1.'5. "Will conduct, TrpoTreVi^oufTi. The first meaning of the verb is to dismiss, send forth. Seft Wisd. xix. 2. ; Xen., Cf/r., ii. 4, 8. A secondary meaning, as here (cf. Acts xv. 3), is to accompany Cf. 1 Ksd. iv. 47 ; 1 Mace. xii. 4. JUDITH. 187 Ver. 17. The number of men sent as escort to Judith and her maid to the tent of Olopherues seems, from our point of liew, somewhat hirge. Ver. 19. "Oti, rendered "surely" in the A. v., appcirs designed to introduce the remark of some oilier person, and may be omitted in the translation. Ver. 21 . KuyaiTveToi'. It was a couch with cur- tains used to jirotect one from mosquitoes, and the name was derived from Ktivutfi, a gnat (Lat. culex). Cf. Herod., ii. 95. Here the reference seems to be simply to the curtains: iv T(f xoivot- TTfiS. Cf. xiii. 15"; xvi. 19. Other forms of the word in use in ecclesiastical Greek were KOifoh- irecliv and Kuvwiriwv. Ver. 22. The lights were necessary, inasmuch as it was still night (xi. 3). She had gone forth in the night, probably in order to make it seeni more likely that she wasafugitive (viii. 33). But the sentinels and the men of the camp — how could tliey have discovered, then, that she was so extraordinarily beautiful ? See verses 14, 19. Chapter XI. And Olophernes said unto her, Woman, be of good comfort, fear not in thine heart, for I never hurt any that was willing to serve Nabuchodonosor, king ' of all the earth. And now - if thy people that dwelleth in the mountains had not set light by me, I would not have lifted up my spear against them ; but they have done these things to themselves. And ' now tell me wherefore thou didst flee * from them, and didst ^ come unto us ; for thou dost ^ come for safety.' Be of good com- fort, thou shalt live * this night, and hereafter ; for none shall hurt thee, but treat * thee well, as they do the servants of king Nabuchodonosor my lord. And " Judith said unto him. Receive the words of thy servant, and suffer thy handmaid to speak in thy pres- ence, and I will report '^ no lie to my lord this night. And if thou wilt follow the words of thine handmaid, God will bring the thing perfectly to pass by thee ; and my lord shall not fail of his purposes. For as Nabuchodonosor king of all the earth liveth, and as '- his power liveth, who hath sent thee to put in order '^ every living thing, not " only do men serve '^ him by thee, but also the beasts of the field, and the cattle, and the fowls of the air, shall live by thy power under Nabuchodonosor and all his house. For we have heard of thy wisdom and the subtle devices of thy spirit ; ^'^ and it is reported in all the earth, that thou only art clever " in all the kingdom, and mighty in insight, and admirable as army leader.^" And now ^" as concerning that which Achior said-" in thy council, we have heard his words ; for the men of Betulua "' saved him, and he informed them of "^^ all that he had spoken unto thee. Therefore, O lord and governor, disregard'^ not his word ; but lay it up in thine heart, for it is true. For our race is not punished,^* neither does the 11 sword prevail-'^ against them, except they sin against their God. And now, that my lord be not driven out '•'^ and so become unsuccessful,-" and that death may fall -* upon them, sin -^ hath overtaken them, wherewith they will provoke their 12 God to anger, when they do '" that which is not allowed ^^ to be done. For since victuals failed ^■^ them, and water of every kind was scant, they have determined to fall ^' upon their cattle, and purposed to consume all those things, that God by his 13 laws hath forbidden them to eat."^ And they have ^* resolved to consume '"^ the first- fruits of the grain, and the tenths of the " wine and the ^^ oil, which they had reserved 10 5 art. « As Vera. 1-7. —1 A. v.: Then said Olofernes .... the king. ^ Now therefore. = But. < art fled. • art. ' safeguard. • For iriou). ^^ Now. 20 the matter, which Achior did speak. -' Bethulia. 23 declared unto them. ^ reject (Gr., n-ape'A^s). 24 nation shall not be punished (Gr., ou .... «5i«aTai) 25 can . . prevail (ouSe Ko.Tt religious. " day and night (as 19. 44. 106. 108. 236.). " now therefore. 'a by night (Gr., «aTa vitKTa, i. «., night by night). i* teU. (Fritzsche adopts avayy^Kel from III. 19. 62. 58. 64. Old Lat. instead of epet of the text, ree.) " then. Fritzsche adopts Kai here from III. 23. 44. 55. 58. 71. 74. 76. Co. Aid. It is wanting in the text. Tec. ^^ A. V : shall be ... . shall. ^' so viuch as open his mouth. Literally, it would be, *' mutterwith his tongue." " A. V. : were told me (marg., have I spoken, iKaXrf^ y.0K ; cf. Luke i. 45 ; .\cts. il. 6 ; ileb. is. 19). 13 declared .... am sent (Gr., aireerroATjv). Vers. 20-23. — ^ A. V. : Then. ^^ both for . wisdom of words. Fritzsche adopts the reading ef icaAA» n-potrwirov from 19. 44. 52. 64. Old Lat. Syr. But II., with III., has kv koAw n-poo-wini*. The text. rec. agrees with the latter, excepting the preposition. 22 _a,. v. : Likewise. 23 and. ^ both he&atiful. ^a countenance (Or., eifiei). =6 witty in thy words. The word rendered " witty " is ayad6s, whose generic meaning is " good." But it means good in its kindf and hence may be used as an epithet for all sorts of nouns as opposed to koxos, bad in its hind. See Liddell and Scott'i Lex.f ad voc. The context here determines, as at ver. 8, the particular meaning to be attached to it. ^^ house. Chapter XI. Ver. 2. Set light by me, ('ou? in III. 19. 44. 55., etc., with Co. Aid., and \aov in 58. The first word, however, would have been quite proper in the mouth of Olophernes. Vera. 4-7. — **A. V-: Then said Judith. "> thine handmaid shall not spend. "Then. ^ when il was towards. 13 command that thine handmaid may . . . Then. i* kis guard (Gr., rot? i'Aa^i). '" stay. ^^ thus. *' in the. For Kara vvKra, 19. 23. 44. 55. and others read ttjc iniKTa (Jun., nof/»), but it does not agree so well with the context. Cf. xi. 17. ^^ A. V. : BethuUa. i^ in a. 20 by_ xhe words iv TJj n-ape^poAjJ are omitted in 58. Old Lat. Syr., but obviously with design, in order to spare Judith. Vers. 9, 10. — 2' A. V. ; So. ^^ omits so {which seems necessary to complete the sense). -^ did eat her meat at. 2* And in (Gr., ryeVero ev ; the verb is omitted by 44. 71. 106.). 25 omits that. ^6 own servants .... called none of the officers to the banquet. See Com. For xprftri-v (roy ttotou being understood) of the text, re.c, III. 19. 23. 44. 62. 58. and others, with Co. Aid., have kA^o'i*', which is probably correct, and we have rendered accordingly. Vers. 11-13. — -' A. V. : Then said he. ^ this. '» which. s» that jAe. ^' it will be. The copula is wanting, and what we have substituted seems more suitable. ** A. V. : shall (future with the force of the subjunctive). 3* her company (Gr., o^iA^o-ai'Tes ayTJj, here used technically of sexual intercourse). ^ draw (Gr., ^jrtpav8ri, for eucppafBr}, occurs a few times in the LXX. Cf. Lam. ii. 17. — In her, iir' ouTTJr. Cf. LXX. at 2 Chron. xx. 27. The l)re])Osition ex is also used with the genitive in this sense. See the LXX. at Prov. v. 18. Some cursives read €V aurp. Cf. vii. 12 ; xiv 18. The preposition is probably used to render the Heb. ]'::, and indicates the source from which his joy proceeded. JUDITH. 191 Chapter XIII. 1 Now when the evening came on,^ his servants made haste to depart. And Bagoas shut his tent from - without, and shut out ^ the waiters from the presence of his lord ; and they went to their beds, for they were all weary, because the feast had 2 lasted quite long.* And Judith was left alone in the tent, with ° Olophernes who had 3 fallen forward ^ upon his bed, for he was filled with wine. And ' .Judith had bid- den ' her maid stand outside ' her bedchamber, and wait '° for her coming forth, as on every day, for she said she would go forth to her prayer." And she spake to Ba- 4 goas to '" the same purpose. And '^ all went forth from her presence,^'' and no one '^ was left in the bedchamber, little or ^^ great. And " Judith, standing by his bed, said in her heart, 0 Lord God of all power, look at this time '" upon the works of 5 mine hands for the exaltation of .Jerusalem. For now is the time to help thine in- heritance, and to execute my purpose to the destruction of enemies who rose '* 6 against us. And she went''" to the pillar--' of the bed, which was at Olophernes' head, 7 and took down his sword ^ from thence ; and approaching the bed, she ^ took hold 8 of the hair of his head, and said. Strengthen me, O God '•'* of Israel, this day. And she smote twice upon his neck with all her might, and she took away his head from 9 him, and rolled his body -^ from the bed, and removed the mosquito net ^* from the pillars ; and shortly '" after she went forth, and gave Olophernes' '•^^ head to her maid ; 10 and she put it in her provision-sack.^ And they two went out *" together, accord- ing to their custom, unto prayer, and having passed through the camp, they compassed that valley, and went up the mountain of Betulua,'*' and came to the gates thereof. 11 And Judith cried from far*'^ to the watchmen upon the gates,^^ Open, open now the gate ; God, our ^* God, is with us, to shew his power yet in Israel,** and his 12 might '" against the enemy, as he hath also *' done this day. And it came to pass "' when the men of her city heard her voice, they made haste to go down to the gate 13 of their city ; and they called the elders of the city. And they ^ ran all together, small *" and great, for her coming was unexpected to them ; and *^ they opened the gate, and received them ; and they *" made a fire for a light, and stood rouud about 14 them. But *^ she said to them with a loud voice. Praise God, praise ; praise God, who'" hath not taken away his mercy from the house of Israel, but hath destroyed 15 our enemies by mine hands this night. And '"' she took the head out of the bag, and shewed it, and said uuto them. Behold the head of Olophernes, chief general *'' of the army of Assur, and behold the mosquito net," wherein he lay ■" in his drunk- 16 enness ; and the Lord hath smitten him by the hand of a woman. And as'' the Lord liveth, who hath kept me in my way that I went, my countenance hath de- ceived him to his destruction, and he committed not ^° sin with me, to defilement Vera. 1-3. — ' A. v. : was come (Gr., iyivno). ^ omits from (Gr., cfu^fv). s digmisseil. The Codd. 23. 44. 64. aX. Co., read arreXvo-e ; Aid., aneKvtrav \ Old Lat., dimisii. But they are all doubtless corrections, and weaken the force of the original, aTreKAeio-e. * A. V. : had been long (Gr., Sia to inX iT\etov yeyovdvat), ^ and (icai, but here better rendered by " with ''). ^ lying along (Gr., TrpoTreTrrtDKuis). ' Now. 8 ^ad commanded (the tense is aorllt, but with a pluperfect sense). " to stand without. lo to wait. ^^ she did dnily {Qt., KoddtrffucoB' rjfiepav) ... . prayers. 12 spake to ... . according to. Vera. 4, 5. — '^ A. V. : So. " omits from her presence. After TrpotTwffov, III. 23. 62. 71. and others, with Co. Aid. (Fritzsche), read (lvttis ; 58., 'OAoi^epfou : 44. and others, ai^roii ; text, rec.y the word alone. ^^ A. V. : none. ^'^ neither little nor (lit., " from little to," cf. Jer. vi. 13). 1' Then. '^ present (Gr., wp'eches which tliey I and great," to meet the returning heroine. Nona make to one another, all secnis to have; been could have been more interested in the matte" 13 194 THE APOCUYPHA. than he. But to have him called in this way makes the scene more dramatic. Ver. 6. Is this the Achior who is elsewhere called " the leader of all the sous of Ammon " (v. 5), and who dared to tell the dreadful Olo- phernes to his face the truth about Israel, who now swoons at the sight of Olophernes' head ■? Ver. 7. Achior seems somewhat too forward with his commendations of Judith, before he has even heard a word of explanation as to the man- ner in which the people have come into possession of the bloody trophy, which one of them holds. Ver. 10. Through circumcision Achior be- came a full proselyte, in distinction from a " pros- elyte of the gate," who simply bound himself to adhere to certain outward regulations. Cf. Schiirer, pp. 646 f. ; Winer, Realii-orterh., art. " Proselyt. ' — Unto this day. Wolf insists {Co7n., ad loc.) that this must refer to the time when the present book was written, which with his theory that Achior himself is its author would be a very simple matter. But it does not by any means follow from this expression that Achior was alive at the time of the composition of the book. It might refer to his Jewish descendants. Grotiussays: '^ Hebr(ei posteritatem omnem nomine primi parentis comprehendunt, quasi {parens poster- ique ejus) una persona essent.'* And the Vulgate : " Appositus est ad popidum Israel et omnis successio generis ejus usque in hodiemum diem. " Ver. 13. For the slaves. Some have though! that the Greek translator read ClDiTt, the slaves, when he should have read C'~'2i'n. the Hebreu-s But the close connection of the two words in verse 18 is against it. Ver. 14. "Went in. The tent may be sup- posed to have had several compartments. Cf. x. 22. Ver. 15. 'EttI ttJs ;^€Aa3;'i5oy. This word, from XfAwi'TI, tortoise, has several derived meanings. 'I'he most common interpretation given it here is door-sill. But this is hardly allowed by the cir- cumstances. It probably means /boistoo/. Schleus- ner says {Lex., ad woe.) : " Alii xeAoii'/So intelligunt de scabello, quo in ledum ascenderat. Certe apiid Hesychium xeAt"'''? erponitur t6 inrow6Sioy." This meaning is also given to the word by Sextus (a. d. 205). See Sophocles, Lex., sub voce. Cf. also Fritzsche, Com., ad loc. Ver. 18. Dealt treacherously, -fiae'TTjo-oc. The word from its etymology would mean to set aside, disregard, as a treaty or oath. It is followed in Polyb. by irla-ny (viii. 2, 5). It has this meaning at 2 Mace. xiii. 25. In the present case the ren- dering is suflBciently exact. Something like " what they promised " is to be understood, i. e., they " have acted perfidiously." Cf. the LXX. at Judg. ix. 23 ; Jer. iii. 20. — House of king N., i. e., the people of N. (cf. Gen. 1. 4) ; or, the royal name, prestige. Chapter XV. 1 And when they that were in the tents heard it ^ they were astonished at that 2 which had taken place ; ^ and fear and trembling fell upon them, and ' there was no man that remained longer * in the sight of his neighbor, but rushing ^ out all to- 3 gether, they fled upon every ^ way of the plain, and of the hill country. And they ' also that had camped in the mountains round about Betulua * fled away. And ' then the children of Israel, every warrior among them, rushed out upon them. 4 And Ozias sent to Bfetomastha'm, '" and to Bebai,'^ and Chobai, and Chola, and to every border ^'^ of Israel, such as should tell the things that had been '^ done, and 5 to command " that all should rush forth upon the enemy to destroy them. Now when the children of Israel heard it, they all fell upon them with one consent, and smote" them unto Choba. Likewise also they t/iat came from Jerusalem,^'* and from all the hill country, — for tiien had told them what had taken place " in the camp of their enemies, — and they that were in Galaad, and in Galilee, outflanked '* them 6 in a great defeat," until they were past Damascus and the borders thereof. And the residue, that dwelt at Betulua,^" fell upon the camp of Assur, and spoiled them, 7 and were greatly enriched. But ^^ the children of Israel thai returned from the slaughter took possession of '^- that which remained ; and the villages and hamlets,''^ in the mountains and in the plain, got many spoils, for there was a very great qu.antity.^'' Vers. 1,2. — ^ A. V. : omits it. 2 the thing that was done (Or., ejrl to yej'oi'd?). 3 go that. * there was no man that durst abide (Or., Ka'i oiiK t/w ii'Spaiirm (leVcui- .... In. The particle In is omitted In 68). ^ For Uxveimet 19. 52. 64. 108. Aid. gives the less picturesque and forcible €K\vdevTes. ^ A. V : into (Gr., ctti) every. Ver. 3. — ' A. V. : They. « Bethulia. » omits And. This connective is omitted in III. X. 23. 58. 64. 71. 243. 248. Co. Aid. But the text. rec. is probably genuine. The Codd. 19. 44. 74. 108. have •caX olvtoC, etc. Ver. 4. — '» A. V. : Then sent 0. to Betomasthem. " Fritzsche adopts | from III. 243. with Co. and Ald.)»ai firifiai, which is not found in the text. rec. 12 A. V. : Cola, and to all the coasts. " were. '• omits to command. Vers. 5, 6. — 1* A. V. : their enemies .... slew. i'* Instead of " from («f) Jerusalem," X. 68. Old Lat. have e** 'I., making the phrase limit the subject rather than the predicate. *' \. V. : things were done. " chased (marg., tvercame ; cf. Com., arf/otf.). i» with a great slaughter (Or., ttAt^ ^ryoAij. See Com.) 2*^ Bethulia. Ver. 7. — 21 A. V. ; And (Or., Se). 2= had (Or., «itvpirv(rai'). -' the cities that were (Or., iiravMi^). Cod. Ill ha« oi jr6\eit, while X. 19. 23. 58. 64. 243. Old Lat. .Svr. Co. Aid. agree, except in oSering an additional oi alter th* atter word. ^ A.'V.: gat .... the multitude was very great. JUDITH. 195 8 And ' Joacim the high priest, and the council " of the children of Israel that dwelt in Jerusalem, came to behold the good things that the Lord had done for ' Israel, 9 and to see Judith, and to speak approvingly to * her. And when they came unto her, they all blessed her ^ with one accord, and said mito her, Thou art the exaltation of Jerusalem, thou nrt the great glory of Israel, thou art the great rejoicing of our 10 race.^ Thou hast done all these things by thine hand; thou hast done good' to Israel, and may God be pleased ' therewith. Blessed be thou of the Almighty 11 Lord for evermore. And all the people said. So be it. And alP the people spoiled the camp for '" the space of thirty days ; and they gave unto Judith Olo- phernes' " tent, and all the silver vessels,'- and the beds,'** and the drinking " ves- sels, and all his stuff. And she took it, and laid it on her mule, and put animals 12 to '^ her carts, and packed it '' thereon. And " all the women of Israel ran to- gether to see her, and blessed her, and made a dance among them for her ; and she 13 took branches in her hands," and gave " to the women that were with her ; and she and those that were with her crowned themselves with the olive."" And she went before all the people in the dance, leading all the women ; and every man of Israel followed with weapons,''' with garlands, and with songs in their mouths. Vers. 8, 9. — i A V. : Then. * ancients (Gr., ^ -yepouo-itt). 3 God (343. 248. Co. Aid. ) had shewed to (Gr., eiroiirtre). ♦to salute. (See Com.) 6 they blessed (as 68. 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid. |. Fritzsche adopts the reading 'lepoviraA^ia (text. rec. 'Icrpoi^A) from II. in. X. 23. 44. 68. 108. Co. Aid. Old Lat. Syr., and it is undoubtedly correct. « A. V. : na- tion. Vers. 10, 11. — ' A. v.: much good (Gr., ri iyoSi (leri, and might be rendered "excellently for'"). » God is pleased (Gr.,evSoioi(rai .... i Seos ; evSciioicrcv.etc., III. 19 23.52.55. 64. Old Lat. Co. Aid.). » omiM all. It is omitted bylll.X. 55. 58. 64. 108. 248. Co. Aid. Old Lat. Syr. >" A. V- omi"(j for. " Olof ernes his. u Ais plate. " <,miij the. " omtts the drinking (Gr.,T« o\«io). « made ready (Or., Ifevfe Tisi)i<>^«5). '« laid them (to-iiprvo-ji' avri). Vers. 12, 13. — " A. V. : Then. »» hand. '» gave also (64. 106. 248. Co. Aid., y€t from 11. III. X. 19. 64. for i'n-e A. V. : the torrents. " have covered the hill-s. •- bragged that he would. ^ the sucking (as 64. 243. Co. Aid.). » make (Gr., Siiaeiv). "' But («a.', 58. 248. Co.) the .... hath disappointed. >« the (as 64. 243 248. 249. Co. Aid.) mighty .... fall by the, " the sons. " the Titans. " high. '» the daughter. Vers. 8-10. —^' A. V ; those that were. - And. -^ tire .... sandals .... eyes. '* Her (icaiis omitted by 71.). 3f mind. ^ And the fauchin (cf. xiii. 6). 37 daunted, marg., ronfounded. The reading tpfid\9T]i7av of the text. rec. is supported by II. and 56. ; III. 19. 23. 52. have iTapix^' ; 'he same, with «oi prefixed, 44. The word word is omitted in 58. Old Lat. ami Vulg. The text. ret. is probably genuine. Cf . x. 8. The variations appear to have been caused by the fact that the word found in the text did not seem to be quite suitable, while the other was a natural substitute. ^ A. V. : hardiness (Gr., flpao-os) Vers. 11, 12. —=» A. v.: afflicted. ■'» hut. ■" a.stnnished. The Greek is here JirTi)ij9>i(rai'. Codd. X. 248. hav •trrdriiray ; 19. 23. 66. 108., j)rTi9r|s). >» the Lord (so 44. 71. T4. al. Co. Aid.) .... as soon as ... . their gifts (so III. 55. 71. 76. 2.36. 249.) «» canopy which she had taken (Gr., o eKa^ev €a.vTjj, the Codd. II. III. X. all writing the last word in this form ; text, rec, aunj. Fritzsche would prefer av-rq). 21 x. V. : for a gift (cf. 2 Mace. ix. 16 ; Luke xxi. 5 : in both oases, as here, ii/a^Tj^ia, |nd rendered *' gift ■ '). Vers. 20-25- — -^ A. V. : So. ^ continued feasting (lit., were joyful ; ^v . , . , ev(bpat.v6ti.evQ%). 24 omits But (5c). ** own inheritance .... went to Bethulia. 28 ju jj^r own. ^ honourable. ^ but none. -^ was dead (Gr., offe'floz'e). ^ But she increased more and more in honour (Gr.,,}»' T^po^oll'ov(^a [ttji' rjKt,KLav'\ fi€ya\rj ei. See Textual Notes. The latter word means literally to ontcn/, i. e., to ?ry 80 loud as to drown the cry of some one else. Here we have rendered : "tu aiug very loud." Ver. 2. Naturally some word is to be supplied after " Begin," like "to sing," " to praise." The timbrel here mentioned was a kind of tambourine, the Hebrew H^- ^^ read of its use in very early times (Gen. xxxi. 27, " tabret "). It was. played chiefly by women, as an accompaniment to the song and dance. The " cymbal " among 198 THE APOCKYPHA. the Hebrews was of the same general charaeter as that employed in modern orchestras. — 'Evapii.6(eiv means to adapts to suit. The passage rendered literally would be : " adapt unto him a new song." The Vulgate and Old Latin have modulamini, which the A. V. seems to have followed. Ver. 3. The camp of Jehovah is here poeti- cally given for his power and watchfulness. This camp is everywhere where his people are to be found, and in it they are safe. Cf. Ps. xxxiv. 7 : " 'J he angel of the Lord encampeih round about them that fear him, and delivereth them." Ver. 4. Out of the mountaiiis from the north, i. f ., the mountains of northern Palestine. — Ten thousands, fivpiain. De Weite (Einleit., p. 99) thinks he discovers here a failure in trans- lation ; supposing that HI, multitude, was the orig- inal word, for which the translator read 1^1, ten thousand. But the latter word may also be taken in an indefinite sense as meaning a great number. — Stopped torrents. Wolf would refer this to the fact that the Assyrians took possession of the water supply of Betuhia ! Ver. 5. Dash sucking children to the ground. Such cruelty is not infrequently mentioned in the Old Testament. Cf. Ps- cxxxvii. 9 ; Hos. xiii. 16; Nah. iii. 10. Ver. 7. Sons of the Titans .... tall giants. Some see simply a reference to Greek mythohigy, and an evidence that our book was originally composed in Greek. The LXX., however, has once rendered the Hebrew word CS2"^, by Ti- tans, TiTaves (cf. 2 Sam. v. 18, 22), although usually by r^yoyrts. That the rendering adopted by the LXX. had some reference to the mythol- ogy of the Greeks is indeed evident. — Daughter of Merari. Cf. viii. 1. Ver. 9. It is worthy of remark how condensed and artistically composed this song of Judith is. The temptation to diffuseness and high coloring which the subject naturally brought with itself Was properly resisted. Ver. 10. The Persians quaked. The repre- icntation would seem to be that Persians and Medes were serving as auxiliaries in the army of Olophemes. The order in which these words occur is noticeable. The Persian revolt which ended in the overthrow of the Median kingdom took place in B. c. 558. And Nebuchadnezzar had died in B. c. 561, three years' previous. Phraortes, on the other hand, whom most identify with the Arphaxad of our book, fell in a battle with the Assyrians B. c. 633. May not the order in which the names of the,»-e two great peoples of antiquity consequently are used be a strong incidental evi- dence of the late origin of our book ? Cf. Hitzig, Gescliic/ite, i. 277. Ver. 11. They were astonished, i. e., the As- syrians. The subject is suddenly changed in con- sequence of the rapid transition of the thought. Ver. 12. Sons of damsels, /. »., very young men. It is meant to indicate the comparative weakness of the Israelites — Fugitives' children. It is not clear what is meant. The idea that as " children " it was not difficult to put them to death is plain. Possibly the remaining tliuught is, that as one spared not even the children of fugitives, so much less could they be spared. Gaab {Com., ad loc.) thinks the reference is to the children of deserters to the enemy, which were out of revenge put to death. Bunsen's Bihelwerk rendere by " fleeing servants." — 'Eie irapaTo|€ws. To translate t'x in the sense of vTr6 here, as in the Authorized Version, would be scarcely allowable. They had placed themselves before the " embattled host " of the Lord, and in consequence perished. Tbii phrase was, in fact, used in the classics (Thucyd., v. 11) as meaning in regular battle. Ver. 16. Every sacrifice. An evident rem- iniscence from Is. xl. 16, but falling far short of it in beauty and power. Ver. 17. Fire and worms into their flesh. Cf. Is. Ixvi. 24; Ecclus. vii. 17. To leave the body unburied, or to burn it, was regarded as the height of disgrace among Orientals. Fritzsche says of the words ewt alSivos that they are to be under- stood rhetorically, and not literally, since to take them literally thoroughly contradicts the Hebrew mode of thought at that time. But cf. the teach- ings of the Book of Wisdom, and an article of mine on the Eschatology of the O. T. Apocrypha, in the Bibliolheca Sacra for April, 1879 Ver. 18. People were purified. The neces- sity for purilication arose from their recent deeds of blood. Ver. 20. For the space of three months. The Syriac says " one month." Ver. 24. Seven days. This was the custom- ary period. The Vulgate adds that a festival in honor of this victory over the Assyrians was added to the holidays of the Jews, and that the Jews celebrated it " to the present day." The Old Latin and Syriac do not contain the addition. It cannot be genuine. Wolf thinks that the book originally ended with verse twenty-second. ADDITIONS TO ESTHER.^ INTRODUCTION. The Book of Esther, as found in the LXX., contains, as is well known, a considerable amount of matter which does not appear in the Hebrew. This supplementary matter, however, has been so skillfully interpolated as to make no interruption in the history. It seems, in fact, to have been designed to supply certain of its supposed deficiencies and to make the ■work complete. The first addition, which was meant to serve as a sort of introduction for the book, is an account of an alleged dream of Mardoch^us (Mordecai). It foreshadows the principal points of the entire history. The second interpolation, shrewdly inserted between the 13th and 1 4th verses of the third chapter, is the decree of Haman respecting the destruc- tion of the Jews and the confiscation of their property. The third interpolation, which immediately follows the fourth chapter of the Hebrew text, is made up of the prayers of Esther and Mordecai for the prevention of the proposed massacre. The fourth and fifth are a continuation of the third, and, further, describe in detail how it was that Esther succeeded in the dangerous experiment of appearing unbidden in the presence of the Persian king. The sixth addition is the edict which the king sent forth through Mordecai, recalling that of Haman, and is naturally placed directly after verse 13 of the eighth chapter, where such an edict is mentioned. The seventh, apparently designed to form a proper conclusion for the narrative, contains an earlier dream of Mordecai, the announcement of the establishment of the feast of Purim, and a statement (deemed by some of much importance) respecting the time when a translation of the book was brought to Egypt. The absurd order in which the Additions to Esther appear in the version of 1611 is due to the fact that the latter blindly adopted, without alteration, the arrangement of the later editions of the Latin Vulgate. As originally inserted in the Vulgate by Jerome, these interpolated portions had a distinct place assigned them immediately after the translation of the Hebrew book, but with preliminary remarks stating to what parts of the main work they were to be assigned. They began, however, not with the dream of Mordecai, but with its interpretation, which in the LXX. follows the last chapter of the Book of Esther, and ends with the statement concerning Dositheus. This part Jerome had suffered to remain In its original position, and, as though it formed the conclusion of the real Book of Esther, pro- ceeded from it to give the other additions, uiiturally beginning with what in our English Bible is the second verse of chapter .xi. In process of time the whole of Jerome's ex- planatory matter disappeared; and this collection of fragments came to be looked upon as so many additional chapters of the Book of Esther, and were so numbered. The confusion thereby occasioned could scarcely have been greater. The order of introduction and con- clusion is exactly reversed. And the first verse of the so-called chapter xi. is placed where it is with no more propriety than there would be, 'or instance, in inserting the subscription to 1 Corinthians at the beginning of the eleventh chapter of that epistle. Extant Text. The Greek te.\t of the Additions, like that of the book itself, is extant in two distinct recensions. The first, named A. by Fritsche, is the well-known text of the Hexapla of Origen, and is the one usually followed. The other, named B. by the same critic, is repre- eented by only a few MSS. It was first published by Usher, in the seventeenth century, 1 1 haTe adopted this title, rather than " The Rest of the Chapters of Esther," etc. (of the A. V.), which might Tnislaad. ;:00 THE APOCRYPHA. from MSS. 93a. 936., and, iiore recently, with a full critical apparatus containing the read- ings of 93a. 19. and 108i. by Fritzsche. There can be little doubt that the opinion entertained b_v the latter, with the majority of critics, that the second te.xt is a somewhat later altered form of A., is correct. Tlie general scope of the narrative in both is the same, and not infrequently there is literal agreement. The principal differences seem to have been caused, either by a misunderstanding of the meaning of the text, or a desire for greater conciseness, clearness, and precision. Sometimes the original form is contracted; and sometimes, especially for the sake of e.\planation, enlarged. But the changes are always clearly recognizable as such, and, by a careful comjjarison, the reasons which might have suggested them generally discoverable. It is impossible to say how much younger the second text is than the first. The opinion of De Rossi ' and some others, that it is the work of Theodotion, is quite untenable. It was, however, used by the translators of the Old Latin version. But it would be incorrect to assume that it did not originate much before that version. Langen ^ even attempts to show that Josephus in some instances followed it rather than A., and thinks that the style furnishes some evidence that it originated in the Macedonian period. His reasoning, however, is far from conclusive. Josephus seems to have been acquainted with other enlargements of the Book of Esther than those contained in either of our two texts, while the Macedonian coloring is a common feature of both of them. With respect to the text A., it cannot now be determined with certainty whether it is in its original form, or is a more or less perfect reproduction of the same, at the hands of some reader.' The style is ornate, and even stilted; but, while naturally varying with the char- acter of the matter, is essentially uniform. There is in the former respect a marked differ- ence between it and that of B.; the same being much simpler, and written more in conformity with the principles of the Greek language. From the LXX. the Additions passed over into the various translations that were made from it ; namely, the Latin, Coptic, jEthiopic, Syriac, Armenian, Georgian, Arabic, and Slavonic, and held in them the same relative position. The translation of the Additions as found in the Vulgate seems not to have been made by Jerome,^ but by an earlier hand. It is so free as to appear less like a translation than an original. Tlie text of the Old Latin we have only in an incomplete and badly corrupted form. It was derived mostly from A., but con- tains also unmistakable marks of having been influenced by B. The form of the original is some- times recast, while matter is both added and omitted. The Syriac and Arabic versions of the Additions have been published in connection with the London Polyglot. Of a Chaldaic version, on the basis of which a startling theory concerning the origin of the Book of Esther, inclusive of the Additions, has been founded, we shall speak particularly below. An old Italian translation mentioned by Fritzsche, made from the Vulgate,^ contains but a single chapter of the Additions, and concludes with the following somewhat unexpected remark: "Immediately after what here apjjears comes other matter concerning Mardochaeus, which, in effect, amounts to much the same thing. They are recorded by the [Greek] translator of the book, for he found them already existing in the Greek language. It is not in harmony with my plan to repeat them : it would be both superfluous and useless. ' ' Origin of the Additions. With respect to the origin of the Additions, critics range themselves in two distinct classes: (1) those who hold that they were composed as Additions, in the Greek language, at a time considerably subsequent to the composition of the Hebrew work ; and (2) those who maintain that they are a translation from a Hebrew or Aramaic original, which antedated the canon- 'cal Esther itself. Unfortunately for the latter theory, it is supported, with scarcely an !xception, by Roman Catholic writers alone, and that by no means with unanimity. Indeed, .he suspicion is scarcely to be resisted, that the decision of the Council of Trent declaring the Additions canonical has had far too much influence, both in the matter of the origination of this theory by Bellarmin,' and its subsecjuent support, without special variation of opinion, by De Rossi, Scholz, Welte, Scheiner, Langen, Reusch, and others. In fact, Fritzsche doe» 1 Specimen Variorum Leelionum Sacri TeTtus, ad he. 2 Tiib. Quartalschri/i , 1860, 262 t I flee Reins In Schenkel's Bib. LtT., art. " Esther." 4 Cf. Jalin, Einleil., iv. 889. ( Libri di Tobia, di Giuditla, t di Esler, elx. Venezia, 1844. « Dc Vtrbo Dei, I. 7, J 10. ADDITIONS TO ESTHER 201 not hesitate to say:* " Since that time [the Council of Trent] it has been the disagreeable duty of [Roman] Catholic theologians to justify, as far as possible, this decision against the fundamental principles of criticism, both external and internal." It is but just to mention, however, as an exception to this mortifying ecclesiastical division, although almost a solitary one on this side, that Julius Fiirst ^ was also of the opinion that the Additions formed a part of the original Book of Esther. On the other hand, following the decided course of Jerome, together with Cardinal Hugo, Nicolaus Lyrensis, Dionysius Carthusianus, and others, the famous Roman Catholic writer, Sixtus of Siena (a. d. 1520- 1569), under the patronage of Pope Pius V., wrote a work ' for which subsequently another pope, Benedict XIV., became sponsor, — the same bemg dedicated to him without objection, — in which be maintained the apocryphal character of the Additions, even imputing their authorship to Josephus. Sixtus maintained that the Tridentine Council did not intend to give canonical authority to the Additions, but only to the work as it appears in the Pales- tinian canon. The added matter, however, he included, with 1 and 2 Esdras and 3 and 4 Maccabees, among apocryphal writings of the better class, concerning which the Fathers had not ventured to decide positively, and which therefore, while worthy of being read, ought not to be used for the support of any doctrine. Jahn seems to have regarded this fact concerning Sixtus as evidence that the Tridentine check on free opinion had been at least partially removed; for, while venturing no decided judgment himself on the subject of the Additions, he vigorously contests that of his ecclesiastical brethren, and declares that any one is at liberty to think what he pleases about it: " Jeder mag hieriiher denken, wie er esjxir gutjindel."* Since, now, these two conflicting opinions concerning the origin of the Additions are, as over against each other, so sharply defined, and the matter, moreover, is one of so great import- ance, it will perhaps reward our effort to look more in detail into the history of that which we have just been considering. The decree of the Council of Trent, after giving a list of the books of the Old Testament, including Esther, had declared: " If, however, any one does not receive the enlire books, with all their parts, as they are accustomed to be read in the Catholic church and in the old Lalin Vulgate edition, as sacred and canonical, and knowingly and wit- tingly despises the aforesaid traditions, let him be anathema." It will be noticed that, with respect to the book before us, the troublesome clause is that which declares that it is to be received in all its parts as read in the Catholic church and in the old Latin Vulgate edition. That is, the Additions to Esther to be found in the Vulgate, in the confused condition which we have above described, were to be held in equal estimation with the remainder of the book. No other inference could be justly drawn from the language. So Scheiner: ^ " The canon- icity of these additions is through the judgment of the Catholic church (Cone. Trident., Sess. iv., De Canonicis Scripturis) guaranteeil, which properly supports itself on the united testi- mony of Christian antiquity [?], that recognized the canonical rank of the Book of Esther, with all its Additions as they had come over into the church through the text of the LXX." But it was not long before it was discovered that something more than a conciliar enactment was needed to give to the Additions to Esther universal canonical acceptance. Jerome, who had placed them in the Vulgate, had, at the same time, in the most unequivocal manner, both by the position he had assigned them and his own unmistakable language, distinguished them from the remainder of the book: '' Librum Esther variis translatoribus constat esse vitiatum: quern ego de archivis Hebrceorum relevans, verbum e verba expressius transtuli. Quern librum editio vulgata laciniosis hinc inde verborum sinibus [al., funibus] trahit, addens ea quae extempore did poterant et audiri ; sicut solitum est scholaribus disciplinis sumpto Ihemate excoqi- tare, quibus verbis uti potuit, qui injuriam passus est, vel qui injuriam fecit." * Hence we find Bellarmin (f 1605) resorting, in his work De Verba Dei (lib. i. 7, § 10), to the theory of two Hebrew originals for Esther, which were the sources respectively of the two recensions, — the one with and the other without the Additions. But it was this same Bellarmin to whose well-known diplomacy must be imputed the device by which the gross errors of the edition of the Vulgate, made under the patronage of Pope SLxtus V., were characterized as simple "printers' blunders," and who designated, on a second title-page, the following corrected and improved edition of Clement VIII. as ''jussu Sixti V. recognita atque edita." ' i EiiUeit., p. 74. » Der Kan. d. A. T, p. 140. 8 Bibllotkeca Sancta, etc. 4 EiiUcil., iv., 890. 6 Kucken-Ux., art. " Esther." 6 Prxf. in L. Esttur. 7 Cf. Hefele in Kirchen-Lex., art. " Bellarmin," who saja that it was this fiut that prevented this scholar from being made a saint. 202 THE APOCRYPHA. To the distinguished critic De Rossi, however, is due the credit of the full development of 'his theory, although in a somewhat altered form, and of attempting to support it by manu- script authority. According to him, the Book of Esther was originally written liy Mordecai, in the Chaldaic language, and in the general form in which it now appears in the LXX. ; while what is known as the '' Hebrew Book of Esther " is only an extract from the principal, original work. This opinion he sought to support by maintaining, first, that the work in its present Hebrew form is incomplete; second, by that passage (ix. 32) of the book where it is said: " And the decree of Esther confirmed these matters of Purim, and it was written in the book;" and, third, he appeals to certain Hebrew MSS. in which a part of the Additions to Esther appear in Chaldaic, and in the same order in which they are found in the LXX. ; leading, as he supposes, to the conclusion that the original Chaldaic text was still extant when these MSS. were copied. On so precarious a foundation rests the bold hypothesis of this scholar; and yet it is accepted, with but minor differences of view, by Welte, Scholz, Langen, Reusch, and others of the more liberal and unprejudiced class of Roman Catholic scholars. Let us now examine more closely the grounds on which the theory rests. (1.) With respect to the passage chap. ix. 32: It should by no means be assumed, on the basis of this verse, that the matter contained in the present Hebrew text of the Book of Esther might be expected to be found in a fuller form elsewhere. The author may have meant simply to refer to his own book, where, in fact, the whole matter, for substance, was to be found.* Or if it were to be conceded that some other book is meant, and some particular book, as the Hebrew word ~)~3n might be thought to imply, still the theory of De Rossi is the last one to be resorted to. It micht, in that case, have been a special decree on the subject of the Purim feast, as Bertheau and KeiP suppose; or, still more hkely, it might have been the "Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Media and Persia," so often referred to by the author of Esther (ii. 23; vi. 1; x. 2). (2.) With regard to a fancied lack of completeness in the Book of Esther without the Additions, it might justly be replied, that the Book of Esther is not alone in this respect. It is just as true of many other Old Testament books. And, in the case before us, it is an argument which proves too much. If the form of our book, as it appears in the LXX., is the original, in which nothing is suppressed, why are the two proclamations of Mordecai and Esther, respectively (ix. 20, 29), relating to the most important of all matters referred to in the work, — the establishment of the feast of Purim, — entirely omitted? And, further, how is it that we do not find the royal edict concerning the degradation of Queen Vashti (i. 19, 22), or the so-called " second letter of Purim " (ix. 29), or, as we might certainly have had reason to expect, something more definite with reference to the manner of celebrating the feast? (3.) But what are the facts respecting the present existence of some part of the Additions in the Chaldaic language in connection with Hebrew MSS.? These Chaldaic fragments were first published by Stephan Evodius Assemani, who at one time, as successor to his uncle of the same name, was librarian at the Vatican.' It was not, however, until forty years afterwards that their presumed importance as witness for the eriginal text of the Book of Esther was discovered by De Rossi. The Hebrew MSS. in which they are found are clearly of late origin.* The Additions found in them according to their titles are: " the Prayer of Mordecai," " the Prayer of Esther," and " the Dream of Mordecai." In " the Pr;tyer of Esther" a peculiar epithet is applied to the Roman empire. It is called " Edom." According to Michaelis,^ who finds also other traces of a comparatively recent origin in these Chaldaic fragments, this word was never so used until after Rome became the chief city of the Christian church. Further, it is maintained by Zunz that these Chaldaic fragments are products of the Gaonian period (a. d. 600-1000); and there would seem to be but little, if any, room for doubt that they are a translation, made with extreme literalness, from the arst three chapters of the second book of a work ascribed to Jusipon ben Gorion, or that they were taken by him, together with some other additions to Esther, directly from the LXX. itself.* 1 So Bertholdt, EinUil., p. 2461. 2 See their commentaries on this book, ad lor. Cf. Bertholdt. (. c. » Catalogiu Codicum MSS. Bibliotluca Valicana. Befele says that he assisted his uncle in the work. Kirchen-l** md «oe. i Cf. Zonz, p. 121. 6 Orimtatischt Bib., Th. 21, p. 104, f. « Ot BertbeMi, CVml zum B. Bittr ; also, Sohuls, in LAnge'i Bibetwak, Introd. to this book, ii. 687. ADDITIONS TO ESTHER. 203 But, again, tlie subscription to the book as found in the LXX. is urged, especially by Scholz,' as weighty evidence of a Hebrew or Aramaic origin. It reads: " In the fourth year of the reign of Ptolemy and Cleopatra, Dositheus, who said he was a priest and a Levite, and Ptolemy, his son, brought the present epistle of Phurim, which they said was the same [" of which they said it was extant," Michaelis ; " which they gave out for it," De Wette] ; and that Lysimachus, the son of Ptolemy, that was in Jerusalem, had interpreted it." Scholz thus reasons: " According to this evidence, the epistle concerning Purim was a trans- lation. Now, as it is allowable in this case to infer of the whole what is said of a part, the remaining additions may also be regarded as a translation." But allowing to this subscrip- tion all the weight that is here claimed for it, although it does not appear in the Old Latin or in text B., still the word iwtaToKri would be quite inapplicable to a part of the Additions. If, then, it relates to but a portion of the entire work, that is probably to chapter ix. of the Hebrew text. But, as a matter of fact, it is rather to be maintained that it does relate to the Greek translation of the main composition as it appears in the Hebrew. Whether it ' can be interpreted so as to include the Additions also is not clear. Fritzsche answers in the negative. Still, it would seem that the entire production as it appears in the LXX. mitrht have been loosely — though incorrectly — characterized as a translation, since by far the greater part was actually such.^ It is also contended by Scholz that the language of the Additions shows that they are a translation. He does not attempt, however, to prove any instance of a false rendering, noi is he able to point out many examples of marked Hebraisms ; still, as he thinks, the lattet are sufficiently numerous to justify the conclusion he draws. He calls attention, for instance to the fact that alveTv is used both with the dative and the accusative, like the Hebrew bbn or ^^i^ l that the same is also true of TrpoaKwfiv. Moreover, the expression, pmai iv xf'Pl aov, is found, and an exceedingly frequent use of the conjunction koI. But, as Fritzsche has remarked,* these examples of a Hebraizing tendency only serve to show that the author of the Additions was a Jew, by no manner of means that he translated from the Hebrew. Not only do the Additions show no signs of being a translation, but they are so written that in many passages it would be exceedingly difficult to clothe the thought in a tolerably literal Hebrew version. Still further: it would seem to be decisive against the theory of a common Hebrew or Chaldaic original for both the Hebrew book and the LXX., with its Additions, as well as proof of the unauthentic character of the latter, that these Additions abound in contradictions of the history as contained in the Hebrew ; have an entirely different religious tone ; %nd betray, both in spirit and style, the characteristics of the Alexandrian Jews. The contra- dictions are such as these: According to the Additions, Mordecai became a great man at court in the second year of the king, but according to the Hebrew not till after the seventh year ; in the Additions it is said that Mordecai himself, in the Hebrew that his ancestor Kish, was one of the prisoners that Nebuchadnezzar carried away with Jechoniah from Jerusalem ; in the former the cause of Haman's dislike of the Jews is said to have been Mordecai's discovery of the conspiracy against the king, in the latter it is the refusal of Mordecai to do reverence to Haman. Other discrepancies relate to the time of the elevation of Haman to power; his nationality, where the Greek Additions are also in disagreement with themselves; the time when his sons were put to death ; the date fixed for the massacre of the Jews; the fact that an edict of the Medes and Persians is said to have been recalled, etc. As it respects the religious tone of the Additions, there is the most marked contrast with the Hebrew book. It has even been made a ground of objection to the latter that the name of God does not once occur in it. But in the Additions it is freely used, and the Jewish ideas of religion are emphasized even to bigotry. And, finally, the whole form and spirit of the fragments proves their later, Alexandrian origin. Their style is bombastic, and the Greek in which they are written cannot date back to the time of the origin of the Hebrew book. There are not a few expressions, scattered here and there, which are quite out of harmony with their surroundings. In both of the letters of Ahasuerus, " the month Adar " is mentioned; Haman is made a Macedonian, and his object is said to be to transfer the kingdom to his own people; the enemies of the Jews were to "descend by violence into Hades; " Esther declares that she has never eaten " at the table of Haman," nor drunk I MimUU., U. 687. 3 See Bbhl, p. 41. » Einleit., p. 71 ; of. KeU, Einieit., p. 731. 204 THE APOCRYPHA. " the wine of libations;" Ahasuerus, on the other hand, is represented as calling himself her "brother," and as speaking of the Jews as the "elect nation." Indeed, a thorough comparison of the Greek Additions with the Hebrew original must serve to enhance one's sense of the immense superiority of the latter in every respect. With Baumgarten: "One learns, through the legendary design and wordiness of these Additions, properly to recognize and appreciate the modesty and objectivity of the canonical representation, which is as noble and pure as it well could be." ' The theory of the origin of these fragments, then, which has most to commend it is this: They are a later enlargement, in the Greek language, but by the hand of a Jew, of the canonical Esther. They were occasioned, in addition to the living interest taken by this everywhere oppressed people in the facts of their own history, and their acknowledged readiness, particularly at Alexandria, for work of this sort, especially by a desire to stamp the present book with a character more decidedly national and religious. In fact, there is sufficient evidence extant to prove that the compositions before us are but single examples, though perhaps the earliest, of many attempts of the same kind. In Josephus, for instance, as we have already seen, we meet with variations in the history which suggest textual sources not now at hand ; while the same is true of the Old Latin Version, the two Targums, and the Midrash of Esther, and of several MSS.'' Dale and Author. The text named A. must have had, as we have shown, a different author from B. The question whether the former is the work of the translator of the original book is somewhat discussed. While there may not be enough difference in the mere style of the two, in view of the circumstance that one is to be considered as a translation, while the other is an original work, to prove that they had different authors, still the fact of numerous and obvious contra- dictions between them, and the total lack of evidence of the supervision of one mind through- out, seems decisive on the point. That Josephus used the Additions after the recension A. is universally acknowledged. How much previous to his time did they originate ? In seek- ing to answer this question, the subscription appended to the book by a later hand should be allowed some weight, although there is danger of attaching too much importance to it. The possibility that it was written subsequent to the Additions, and with the intention of forming a sort of credential for the work in this form, together with its own extremely indefinite character, must detract not a little from its value as a witness. Keil does not hesitate to declare that it lacks genuineness. Dositheus "gave himself out " for a priest. He and his son brought to Egypt this epistle (?) of Phurim, " which they said was the same " (It iipaaav (Ivai), and [which they said] Lysimachus of Jerusalem had translated. Dositheus was a common name in the history of this period. The one here mentioned can scarely be identi- fied with the person of the same name spoken of by Josephus (^Contra Ap., ii. 5), as has been attempted by Scholz ' and others. The Ptolemy meant is generally held to be Ptolemy Philometor, whose government (it is well known) was friendly to the Jews, and during whose reign (b. c. 181-145) a translation of the Book of Esther may indeed have been brought to Egypt. By far the most common opinion, in short, among those who maintain the apocryphal character of the Additions, is that they are the production of an Egyptian Jew skillful in the Greek language, and that he wrote about the time of the Ptolemies, or not long after. Canonical Estimation. In addition to what has been already said, little need to be added concerning the history of the Additions in the Christian church. They naturally obtained early and general circulation through the LXX., and such translations as were founded upon it, including (notwithstanding Jerome's well-meant efforts to resist it) the Vulgate itself. And they seem, as a general rule, to have been held in equal estimation with the rest of the book.* With respect to Origen, it has been maintained by not a few critics, in addition to Sixtus of Siena, that in his well-known letter to Africanus he meant to dispute the full canonical authority of our Additions, together with those found in the LXX. in connection with Daniel. And it would seem to give color to this view that Bellarmin thought it necessary to give a false rendering to this letter, in order to make it yield a meaning supposed to be more favorable to the 1 Uerzog'8 ReaUEncyk., art. "Esther." 2 Cf. Herzfeld, Geschichit, i. 365 f.; and Fritzsche, Einieil., ad tec « Einlei:., ii. 540. 4 Cf. Clement of Rome, Ad Cor., i. 65 ; and Clement of Alexandria, Strom., It. 19. ADDITIONS TO ESTHER. 205 decision of the Council of Trent. There seems to be little doubt, in fact, that theoretically this was the position of Origan, although as a matter of quotation and general use he acted usually out of harmony with it.^ Further, it has been suggested as probable that the failure of Melito of Sardis and Athanaeius to admit the Book of Esther into their catalogues of the books of Scripture was due, to a greater or less extent, to the presence of these Alexandrian accretions. At least, Jerome's protest did not remain wholly inoperatire. Considering the comparatively low estimation in which the book as a whole was held, and its little use in the church, the objections to the Additions specifically were quite as numerous as could have been expected. The decree of the Council of Trent on the matter of the canon of Scripture, which was ratified by fifty-three prelates, of whom Westcott ' says that " among them was not one German, not one scholar distinguished for historical learning, not one who was fitted by special study for the examination of a subject in which the truth could only be determined by the voice of antiquity," has naturally had its influence in increasing the estimation in which the Additions are held, but an influence which has been far from universal even in its own ecclesiastical circle, and happily is not increasing. Luther spoke with mildness, but decision, of the Additions to Daniel and Esther as " corn- flowers," which he had taken out of the books in which they stood in the Latin text, but had afterwards placed in a separate bed that they might not wither, because there was much good in them. In the Reformed churches generally, including that of England, the Additions to Esther shared the fortunes of the other books usually reckoned among the Apocrypha. 1 I«iig«i, DnOcrolcan. Stiick; •!«., p. 1. 1 BA. in C&., p. 3B}. ADDITIONS TO THE BOOK OF ESTHER. Addition I. (in the Greek introducing the hook).* 1 In the second year of the reign of Artaxerxes the great, on ^ the first dai/ of 2 Nisan,^ Mardochjeus * the son of Jairus, the son of Semeias, the son of Kisaeas, of 3 the tribe of Benjamin, a Jew, saw a vision ; he dwelt' in the city of Susa, a 4 great man, being a servitor in the king's palace.' He was also ' of the captivity,^ which Nabuchodonosor king ' of Babylon carried from Jerusalem with Jechonias 5 the king of Judtea.'" And this icas his vision : ^' and behold voices and uproar, thun- 6 derings and earthquake and confusion on the earth.^- And behold, two great dragons 7 came forth both ready to fight. And their mighty cry arose ; " and at their cry every 8 nation prepared itself to battle, that they might fight the nation of righteous ones.'* And lo, a day of darkness and obscurity, tribulation and anguish, aflfliction and great 9 confusion,-'^ upon the earth. And the whole righteous nation was troubled, fearing their own evils, and prepared themselves for destruction ; '' and " they cried unto 10 God. And from their weeping,'^ as it were from a little fountain, sprang a great 1 1 river," ei^en much water. And light and the sun ^^ rose up, and the lowly were ex- 12 alted, and devoured the glorious. And ^' Mardochajus, who had seen this vision,^- and what God had determined to do, awaking kept it in his heart, and untU night was 13 desirous to comprehend it in every particular.^ And Mardochaeus slept in the pal- ace with Gabatha and Tharra, the two eunuchs of the king, who watched in -* the 14 palace. And he heard their devices, and searched out their anxieties,-' and learned that they were making ready ^' to lay hands upon Artaxerxes the king. And he in- 15 formed -' the king of them. And -^ the king examined the two eunuchs, and having ® 16 confessed they were punished.^" And the king wrote a memorial of these things; 17 MardocliEeus also '^ wrote thereof. And the king commanded Mardochaeus to serve > I have adopted, exceptionally, in view of the exceedingly confuped arrangement of the Additions as found in the A. v., the order of chapters and verses aa given in the Greek text edited by Fritzsche. At the beginning of each chapter of the Commentary, however, will be found a citation of the chapters and verses of the A. V. included in it. Vers. 1, 2. — 2 ^, y. : in. (Fritzsche strikes out pacnKfta^ after iJLeydXov, as wanting in most MSS., including ni. X. XI. It is found, however, in II.) ' the month Nisan (so 19. — Adar N. — and Old Lat. by Cod. Corb.). * Mardo- cheus. (Hereafter I shall write as above, without further notice in the notes.) Vers. 3, 4.— = A. v.: Semei .... Cisai .... had a dream; wko ««.< a Jew, and dwelt. « court (Gr., avKfj. See Com.j. "also one. ^ captives. » the king. w J. King of Judea. It does not seem needful to indicate further that I adopt throughout in the text the spellLng Judiea, as above. The article is omitted before powriXe'ojs by 44. 52. 248. Co. Aid. Vers. 6-8. — ^ A. V. : his dream (Gr., ivvTrviov, as in ver. 2). " behold a noise of a tumult, with thunder, and earthquakes, and uproar in the land. (The Km' at the beginning is omitted by 19. For the following teal Sopi/jSot, III 52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. have Bopv^ov, which is thus made to limit ifiaji-a;. Before ripaxo? a icoi is found in III. X. (by a corrector) and many other MSS. with the Old Lat. and Vulg. Co. Aid., and it is received into his text by Fritzsche). " their cry was great (Gr , itai eyeVfro avTui/ i()iu>T) /iryiA,;). " cry all nations were prepared (Gr., TJj ijiaifji avro» 17x01- fia(r^ wav eSvo^) .... against the righteous people. i" uproar. Vers. 9, 10. — "■' A. V. : were ready to perish (Gr., ^JTOifiitreijiroii' iiroXeirfliii) " Then. " and upon their cry (Or. ano &i riii fiofi^ avToiv. The context requires this rendering). >^ was made (Gr., cye'vero) .... flood. Vers. 11, 12. — » A. V. : The light and the sun. (The itai found in the text. rcc. befoie it>m is omitted in II. as v*ll as in X. 19. 93b. 249. Vulg., and it might well be dropped.) 21 Now when. ^- dream. ^ was awake, he bare his dream in mind, and until night by all means was desirous to know it (Gr., itai iv vavrX AiSyw ffifktv H^yvuiva.L airb eu? T^ n;«TOT). Cod. II., with 55. 93 6. omits o before «u.po«M. The Codd. 111. 52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. have for aJri ftfter eTx***! ^° iyvTTVtoy touto, and are followed, as will be noticed, by the A. V. Vers. 13-15. — " A. V. : took his rest in the court .... and keepers of. " purposes (see Com.). '" about (Or tmiiaiovai). " so he certified. " Then. " after that they had. so strangled (see Com.). V.r. 16. — s* A. y. ; made a record .... and M. also. ADDITIONS TO THE BOOK OF ESTHER. 207 18 in the palace ; ' and for this - he rewarded him. And Aman son ' of Amadathus, a Bugaean,* was in great honor with the king, and^ sought to injure' Mardochaeus and his people because of the two eunuchs of the king. Vers. 17, 18. — ' So ... . court. ' Codd. XI. 44. 64. al. Co. Aid. have tovtou for toutui' (Vulg., pro delatione). The change may have heen made in the interest of definiteness, the latter word having a possible reference to the eunuchs ; bat it probably refers to the report {K6yot). ^ Howbeit Aman the son. * the Agagite (see Com.)^ who. ^ omits and. ^ molest (Gr.^ KaKonoiijcrat). Addition I. (Chap. xi. 2-12, in the A. V.) Ver. 1. In the second year. There is a discrep ancy of five years between this date and that of the Hebrew, as we have already shown in our introduction to the present book. — Artaxerxes The te.xt B. h.as 'Ao-utjpos, which is also the form of the word in the Hebrew. While there is a difference of opinion respecting the person in- tended, he is generally supposed to be Xerxes. See Eichhorn's Repertorium, 1784, xv. 1-38. — Tp fiia. A Hebraistic use of a cardinal for an ordinal. Cf. Winer, p. 248. — Mardochaeus. The word is of Persian origin (see ii. 5, in the Greek), and means " worshipper of Merodach." Cf. Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., i. 134. That Mor- decai had access to the harem .shows that he was a eunuch. In 2 Mace. xv. 36, the 14th of Adar, when the Feast of Purira was celebrated, is called " M:irdochseus' Daj'." If this Mardochaeus be really one of the captives whom Nebuchadnezzar carried away from Jerusalem at the time stated in verse 4, he is much out of place here. It would make him, at least, one hundred and twenty-five years old. Cf. Esth. ii. 2; 2 Kings x.\iv. 12; Neh. vii. 7. Fritzsche suggests that in verse 4 only the family of Mardochaeus is meant. In anv case the genealogy as here given is imper- fect. Ver. 3. Susa [Shushan]. It was the capital of the country known in Scripture as Elam, and one of the most important cities of the East. It was long the residence of the Persian kings, and maintained its grandeur up to the time of the Macedonian conquest, when Alexander is said to have carried away from it in treasures what would be equal to twelve million pounds sterling, besides the royal regalia. See Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., ii. 209, 474; iii. 270, 317, 437. — A great man. This has reference simply to the estimation in which he was held at court. — Servitor. The Bame word is used in the A. V. at 2 Kings iv. 43. — Court. (A. V.) This was one of the mean- ings given to the Greek word av\i] in the later times {ol irepl r^v avKriv, the courtiers) ; but here the palace seems to be clearly referred to. Ver. 6. Dragon. According to Scripture usage, this term is applied to any great monster, whether belonging to the sea or land. Cf. Dent, .xxxii. 33; Ps. xci. 13; Is. xxvii. 1. Ver. 7. AiKaiwv efli/os. The Jews are meant, as also in the 9th verse. It is noticeable that the arti- cle is omitted before the latter word. Cf. Winer, 119 ff. ; and for other examples of such epithets as applied to the Jews, Wisd. ix. 4, 7 ; x. 15; xi. 1 ; xii. 19; xv. 2, 14. Ver. 8. The similarity of sentiment to that of Joel ii. 2 will be observed. Cf. also the Greek. .— Tribulation and anguish. The same Greek as at Rom. ii. 9 ; viii. 35. Ver. II. Iiight and the sun. The return of happy days is thus symbolically set forth. Ver. 12. The Chaldaic fragment published by Assemani and De Rossi (.see Introd.) adds to this verse that Mordecai told his dream only to Esther, to whom he also said : " Now is the dream come to fulfillment which I related to thee in thy youth [?]. This is the trouble concerning which I spoke to thee. Pray now to Jehovah, the God of our fathers," etc. Chap. xi. of the A. V. ends with this verse. Ver. 13. In the palace (ouAp). Probably the harem is meant, where also the king was. Cf. Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., iii. 216. According to Esther ii. 21-23, it was Bigthan and Teresh who made the conspiracy. It is likely that these are only different forms of the same names that occur in the Additions. This is the first verse of chap, xii. in the A. V. Ver: 14. MepiV^as, anxieties. Their anxiety was with reference to the success of their plans. Ver. 15. 'ATriixSriaai', were punished. This word was used as a law term in Attic Greek, and meant to bring before a magistrate and accnse, and then, as a result of the process, to lead away to ]mnishment. The A. V. seems to have read with Co. awTiyxOri'^'"'' Cf. the Hebrew text, ii. 23. On the possible punishments inflicted by the Per- sians, see Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., iii. 246 f. Ver. 1 6. The custom which prevailed among the Persians of recording matters of this sort in the annals of the kingdom, is noticed by Thucyd- ides (i. 129, 3): "So says the King Xerxes" to Pausanias, — ' the sending back of the men whom thou hast saved for me from beyond the sea in Byzantium will be reckoned in thy favor as a good deed in our house, for ever.' " Ver. 17. Tlepl tovtchh. The neuter is used, referring to the whole matter of Mardochaeus' conduct. Text B. makes no reference to the presents received by Mardochaeus, but speaks more particularly of the service assigned to him. Ver. 18. Aman .... a Bugsean. Cf. I Sam. XV. According to tradition, at the celebration of Purim the passages of Scripture relating to the Amalekites were read. See Ex. xvii. 14 ff. ; Dent. XXV. 17 ff. The Greek word here, however, is Povyaloi. Is it to be regarded as meaning the same as the Hebrew "'-DSn of the Book of Es- ther (iii. 1)1 So the A. V. seems to have thought. But Michaelis says that he is unable to explain the word, (irotius : " proprie ila dicti eunuchi ; " and Ills opinion is accepted by Schleusner {Lex., ad voc). In text B. the name is changed to yiaKeS6va, and at iii. 1 to ruiyatov. It is on the whole most probable, as Fritzsche supposes, that the word arose from a careless rendering of the Hebrew. No corresponding name of a family occurs to help us out of the difficulty ; while to render, with Dereser (and Scholz) the word as an adjective, " the braggart," would scarcely be justified by the facts relating to Haman made known in the canonical Scriptures. 208 THE APOCRYPHA. Addition II. (In the Greek after chap. iii. 13 of the Hebrew). 1 And this is the copy of the letter : ^ The great king Artaxerxes writeth these things to the princes and toparchs '^ that are under him from India unto Ethiopia, 2 in an hundred seven ' and twenty provinces. After that I became lord over many nations, and had dominion over the whole world, not lifted up with presumption of my authority, but carrying myself always * with equity and mildness, I purposed to establish for my subjects continually a quiet life,^ and making my kingdom habit- able,^ and open for passage to the utmost borders, to renew the ' peace, which is de- 3 sired of all men. But on my asking the ' counsellors how this might be brought to pass, Aman, that excelled in prudence among us, and was approved by^ his constant good will and steadfast fidelity, and had obtained ^^ the lionor of the second place 4 in the kingdom, shewed us, that among all the races '^ throughout the world there was scattered a certain malevolent '•' people, that had laws contrary to every nation,^^ and continually despised the commandments of kings, so that our worthy 5 aim to secure a stable government for the united kingdom was impossible." Seeing then we understand that this nation quite alone '^ is continually in opposition unto all men, differing in the strange manner of their \a.vis, and evil disposed towards our affairs, bringing to pass the most shameful things, indeed, so that the kingdom can- 6 not be firmly established : ^^ therefore have we commanded, that they that are indi- cated through letters unto you by Aman, who is appointed over affairs," and is next unto us, shall all, with wives "and children, be utterly destroyed by the swords ^' of their enemies, without any ^° mercy and pity, the fourteenth day of the twelfth 7 month Adar of the '"■ present year ; that, they who of old and now also are malev- olent,^^ may in one day with violence go into Hades, to the end that perpetually, in the future, our affairs may go on securely and peacefuDy.'-*" Ter, I. — 1 A. v. : The copy .... letters was this. ' goTemors ((rarpaTrtug 19. 93a. 1086. ; satrapis. Cod. Corb.). ' and SBTen (III. 936., one hundred twenty and seven ; 93a., one hundred and twenty-seven ; or, seven and twenty). Vers. 2, 3. — * A. V. : alway. ^ to settle (Gr., KaTatnTJo-at ^iov$, etc. ; 71. 76. 248. Co., fiiov) .... in a quiet life. • peaceable (see Com.). ' coasts, to renew. 8 Now when I asked [nvBofiivov Be iiov ; Codd. III. X. (from a corr.) 936. read iTvv6avofA€vov Se fiov) my. » wisdom among ui . . . . for. i" omits obtained (Gr., inevriveyiMfVo^ j antweyKi^tvot, III. X. 19. 93. 1086.). Ver. 4. — *i A. V. : declared unto .... in all nations. ^ malicious. i^ contrary to all nations (Gr., avriteiov — III. X. 936., avrtTvirov — irp'oi irav edvos). " 80 as the uniting of our kingdoms, honourably intended by us, cannot go forward. See Com. Ver. 6. — ^ k. V. : people alone (Gr., fiokwroTOc), etc. " affected to our state (Gr., toi? ^juerepotc irpdy^iuri), work- ing all the mischief they can (Gr., ra xeipicTa awitkovv — oria-eAovKTaK, 71. 74. 76. — xojca, etc.), that {koX) out king- dom may not be firmly stablished. See Com. Ver. 6. — " A. V. : all they .... signified in writing unto you .... ordained over the affairs. >* tktir wives. 1» sword (plur. in the Gr.). ^o all (Or., ,rairr<«). 21 n,-,. Ver. 7. — 23 X. V. : malicious (see ver. 4). 2* the grave (Gr., etj rbr f 5t)v), and io ever hereafter cause our affiiira to be well settled, and without trouble (Gr., eit rbv ^eTc'ireira xpovov €vara0TJ koX drapaxa irapexutriv ^^if fitcl tc'Aovv r& irpdiy/jiara}. Additiok II. (Chap. xiii. 1-7 of the A. V.) Ver. 1. The occasion of this addition seems to I Ver. 2. 'EirieiKeVrepoi'. On the force of the have been the mention made of an edict by King comparative in such a connection, see Winer, Ahasuerus in Esth. iii. 14. The Persian method p. 242 f. It is not infrequently used when the of carrying letters is described by Herodotus (viii. object with which the comparison is made is to 98). Cf. also Kawlinson, Ancient Mon., iii. 426 f. be understood. See John xix. 1 1 ; Acts xviii. 20 ; — In Dan. vi. 1, one hundred and twenty satrap- 2 Cor. viii. 17. Here it is meant that the Iting ies are spoken of. Mithaelis thinks that here, at ruled with more mildness than it was natural or least, one too many is given ; Egypt having fallen usual to expect. The A. V. seems to have read aw.ay from the government of Artaxerxes in the (as III. XI. 52. 5.5. and others), with Co. Aid., fifth year of his reign, while it is evident that ^peiuoc, "peaceable," instead of iiyuepoc, "civilized," the kingdom did not extend as far as Ethiopia, i " habitable." Cf. Greek at 1 Tim. ii. 2. Text But, according to the style of ancient edicts, even ! B. has SxP' for fiixp'- — The lordship over all lost provinces were reckoned as belonging to a | nations here claimed by the Persian monarchs ,_•- I fe il_. 1_ ._ - - e ... ?_... ..1 , 1 _£ : .. I......!.^-. C!.-ril r^n *\^ r. l.m.t.. kingdom, if there was hope of recovering them again. And, in this large number, prohalily sub- ■atrapics are included. Cf. Bil>. Com. at Esth. i. 1, and Rawlinson, Anrient Mon., iii. 417 f. — The ^eat king. A common title of the Persian mon- archs, given them even by the Greeks. was only one of imagination. Still, on the basis of it they laid their commands on the peoples which owed them no allegiance. For instance, they forbade the Carthaginians to eat the flesh of dogs. Ver. 3. The second place in the Idngdon^ ADDITIONS TO THE BOOK OF ESTHER. 209 £., he was prime minister. The plural riiy $a(T- kXcioii' is used for the singular, the idea of tlie con- Btituent parts of the kingdom beiug so expressed. Vel*. 4. Xlphi Tb /u.^ KararlQeaSai t^v u(p' fffiuy KaTivQvvofxivov a/if'/xTTTaJs (Tvvapx^o-V' De Wette translates: " .So that the government blamelessly managed by us cannot exist." Michaelis ; " And do not submit themselves to the common govern- ment and constitution proposed by us." Bunsen's Bibelioerk : " So that the government blamelessly managed by us cannot attain to peace." We have adopted a somewhat free rendering above. Cf. Gr. at vi. 14. Ver. 5. "Efvi^ovtrav napaWdtj-ffov. Codd. X. (from the first hand) IIL 936. read TrapaWa^i:' (alternation). Fritzsche supposes that in place of this word there originally stood Trapavyfv . . ite'iTj). ^ away. ^ all tile places of iier joy . . . torn ilair {see Com.). and others eirXijo-e for ivin^ijae. Vers. 4-6. — * A. V. : desolate woman, which (Or., TJj fi6vxi Kal). ^ danger (literal, but it lacks clearness ; seeCom.) 8 from my youth up (Or., e(c yefcTTJs ^ou). ' among all people .... predecessors (Gr., npoyofuv). Vers. 7,3. — ' A. V. : therefore hast thou. " Nevertheless (t^y is omitted by 44. 106.). '"> that thiy will u mouth .... of thine altar. (Fritzsche has received 0v(ria.trrriptov, in place of the genitive of the same, from II. Ill X. 62. 64. 984.) " to ut forth the praises of the idols (see Com.). " be nothing (Or., (xi) o5o-i ; Jun., nihU sunt). ADDITIONS TO THE BOOK OF ESTHER. 211 9 against us. Remember, O Lord, make thyself known in time of our affliction, and 10 give me boldness, O King of the gods, and Ruler of every government.' Put'' eloquent speech in my mouth before the lion, and ' turn his heart to hate him that fighteth against us, that there may be an end of him, and of them ■* that are like- 11 minded with ^ him. But deliver us with thine hand, and help me who am alone and 12 have no other, O Lord,^ but thee. Thou knowest all things, and knowest' that I hate the glory of the unrighteous, and abhor the bed of the uncircumcised, and of 13 every alien.' Thou knowest my necessity, that ° 1 abhor the sign of my high es- tate, which is upon mine head in the days wherein I shew myself ; I abhor '" it as 1 4 a menstruous rag, and I wear '' it not in the days of my rest.'*^ And thy ser- vant " hath not eaten at Aman's table ; and I '^ have not lauded '' the king's feast, 15 nor drunk the wine of drink offerings.'' Neither has" thy servant taken'* joy since the day that I was brought hither to this present, but in thee, O Lord God of 16 Abraham. O God who art the Mighty One above all,'^ hear the voice of the for- lorn, and deliver us out of the hand of the evil doers,^ and deliver me out of my fear. Vers. 9, 10. — • A. V. : of the nations (eo 74. 76. 120. 236. 243. 248. Co. Jun.), and Lord of all power (Gr., irixnfi apx>is wucfM-T^v). 2 Qiyg ^^c (tho coDtoxt seomB to require the rendering " Put," for 5os here). 3 omits and. * alt. » to. Vers. 11-13. — ^ A. V. : that am desolate (see ver. 4), and which have no other helper. Kvpte is connected with what follows (as in the A. V.) by XI. 52. 76. 934. 106. 108a. 120. 236. 248. 249. Co. Cod. II. has a fuU stop after « the drink off eringi. iJ had. 18 thine handmaid any. ^ 0 thou mighty God above all. 20 hands of the mischievous. Addition IV. (Chap. xiv. 1-19 of the A. V.; Ver. 1. 'El/ a-yufi 9ava.Tov. The version of Aquila has: Iv aywvlf (so 71. 74. 76. 93a. 106. 120. 236.) eavdrou. C'f. 2 Mace. iii. 14, 16; xv. 19. The former word is found in Polyb., iv. 56, 4 ; Iren., i. 2, 2. Ver. 2. Glorious apparel, i. e., her royal robes. — Humbled her body greatly. This seems to refer to what had just been said. She deprived her body of its usual ornamentation. — llivTa tSxov K6(rtiou ayaWid/jjiTos aiT^i. The second genitive may be used adjectively. C£. 2 Cor. iv. 4; Winer, p. 190; and Buttmann, p. 161. In what follows, the luxuriance of Esther's hair, as well as the evidence of her self-humiliation, is skillfully indicated. The text of B. gives better sense : •' And every sign of her ornamentation and joy on her braided hair she filled with humili- ation." It seems to be in closer harmony with the context to suppose that in text A., also, the words Trii'Ta t6wov refer to the head of Esther, and the upper part of her body, where she ordi- narily wore ornaments. I have translated ac- cordingly. Ver. 4. In mine hand. " In manibus dicitur esse id quod facile elabi potest." Grotius. Cf. Ps. cxix. 109. By metonymy, "danger" (A. V.) is used for " life." Ver. 5. Heard in the tribe of my family. Instead of this, text B. has the remarkable expres- sion : iyii St ifiKovm.}. i' Then. " who in a fear. ** 07nils he. ^o though our . . . general. Vers. 11-14. — =' A. V. : »o he held up hie .... Speak unto me (Gr.,XaA7|(7-6i/)iot). Then said she. •'for. •• Aad. ** down for (Fritzsche receives avrijt after ^kAvo-cw; from X. XI. 52. 56. and many others, with Co. and Aid., but it ifl ■carcely translatable). ^ Then. Addition V. (Chap. xv. of the A. V.) Ver. 1. T^s Bepairelas. The word Bfpairda means : ( 1 ) such service as is paid by the servants of a king; or refers (2) to the nurture of soul or body; or (3), as here, to anything done to gain the "favor of God or man. Cf. Thucyd., i. 55 ; or (4) to the care of the sick. Cf. LXX. at Gen. xlv. 16; 2 Kings x. 20; and see Matt. xxiv. 45, Luke ix. 11, for illu,stratiuus of the diffeient uses of the word. — Put on. The reading repie- piXfTO (tej-l. rrc, irepie3o\A(To) is supported, not only by 52. 108a. 249. 74. (cited in Fritzsche's Ap/iaratus), but by II. III. X. 93a. 106. 120. Co. Aid., and hence has the better claim to recogni- tion. Ver. 2. T4s Siio Sj3par. The article is used, perhaps to distinguish these two attendants from the remaining five of the seven that had been ■aiifiied to the queen. See Esth. ii. 9. The word a.$pa, — Lat., delicata, — a favorite slave, ia usually derived from a$p6s, delicate, gentle ; but there is a difference of opinion respecting it. It was a common epithet with the Asiatics. Ver. 6. Eiae\Oov(Ta ndiras tos 6vpa^. Thia verb, in Greek prose, is usually construed with the preposition els, when used in a local signification; and with riyd rtvl, with reference to desires, thoughts. As here used it is seldom found, ex- cept in tlie poets. See Winer, p. 427, note. — Before the King, eyiimov tov $a(ri\eas. Cod. X., by a corrector, has the stronger KaTfyuirioy (right opposite); so also 936. — Ath xp^^°^- ^ some- what loose employment of this preposition. The idea would have been more accurately expressed by ix. But cf. 1 Esd. vi. 9. Ver. 7. Very fiercely. Text B. has ii ravpos, which is more striking than elegant. Micbaeli* ADDITIONS TO THK BOOK OF ESTHER. 213 remarks that it is difficult to say why the king should put on such a look of rage ; but that pretty much all that is done by this Ahasuerus or Arta- xerxes, whatever he may be called, is wanting in common sense. — KaTeTr(Kv\pev, — compounded of Kari and iiriKvirTw, — bowed herself. The word is said to be found nowhere else. Ver. 8. In fear, iyaviicra? (marg. of A. V., in an agony). The meaning of the verb is (1) (o be in an aywf (== aywyi^ofiat) ; (2) to be distressed, anxious. Cf. Add. ir. 1 ; Polyb., v. 34, 9. — ' AyeTT'^SrjtTev iirh Tov dp6vov avTou. Cf. Tob. vi. 2, for a similar construction. Verbs compounded with avi, in a local sense, are usually construed with €15, npSs, or ewl. See Winer, p. 428. After the grandiloquence of the preceding verses, the present one seems almost like an anii-climax. The Vulgate translates : Quid habes? Michaelis, De Wette, and Bunsen's Bibelwerk : " Was ist dir, Esther?" — Thy brother. " Quasi fraler. Ilate amo quasi sanguine essem proximus." Grotius. Cf. Songa of Sol. viii. 1. Ver. 10. For our commandment is mutual (A. V. marg., as well mine as thine). Michaelis thinks that something has been lost from the text like : " Still, it does not concern thee I " Josephus so renders or par.tphrases the passage. The Vulgate and Luther similarljf : " Non enim pro te, sed pro omnibus lex hccc constUuta est." Gro- tius paraphrases thus : " Omnia nobis sunt com- muiiia etiam dicta quae facio, quasi tua kabenda sunt, non ut in te scripta." Bunsen*3 Bibelwerk: " For from both of us goes forth our command." Text B. has : " For our matter is a common one and the threatening is not against thee." Ver. 12. As an angel of the Lord. This is not so extravagant an e.xpression as it might seem to our Western ears. It is used with reference to the quality of goodness at 1 Sam. xxix. 9 ; of wisdom, at 2 Sam. xiv. 17 ; of power, 2 Sam. xix. 27 ; and here, of majesty. Text B. has omitted this flattery, and for the phrase, " for the fear of thy majesty," has awh t^i d6^ris tov Bv^ov. Ver. 13. The text B. has : " and upon her coun- tenance was ixfTpov Ihpwros," much perspiration^ fiCTpov seeming to be used figtiratively, like reXos in similar cases. Cf. Horn., //., xi. 255, fiirpov i)/37)5, i. e., prime, fullness of youth. — Fell from faintneas. Lit., her faintness, iirb iKKiiafui aurfls. At ver. 7 we have : Hal /xeTcjSaXf rh xp^f^a abrris 4p iKhiaei. Lit., and changed her color through faint- ness. Addition VI. (in the Greek placed after chap. viii. 12 of the Hebrew). 1 The great king Artaxerxes unto the governors of an hundred and twenty-seven provinces from India unto Ethiopia, unto the other rulers of the lands and to all who 2 attend to our affairs,' greeting. Many, the more often ^ they are honored with the too ' great bounty of their benefactors, the more ambitious have they become,* 3 and endeavor not alone to hurt our subjects: — also, because they are not able' to bear abundance, they even undertake to conspire against their own benefactors.* 4 And not only do they take thankfulness ' away from among men, but also lifted up with the glorying of persons unacquainted with goodness,' they think to escape the h justice of a sin-hating God, who always seeth all things.^ And '" oftentimes also fair speech of those, that have been '' put in trust to manage their friends' affairs, hath caused many that are in authority to be partakers of innocent blood, and haib 6 enwrapped them in remediless calamities, beguiling with the falsehood and deceit of 7 their wicked disposition the innocence and indulgence '^ of princes. And one '* may see this, as we have declared,'^ not so much by ancient histories, as by taking note of '^ what hath been wickedly done right here '^ through the unworthy behav- 8 iour of them that are placed in authority." And we must take care for the time to come, so " that our kingdom may be quiet and peaceable for all men, by making use of changes and by always judging things that are before our eyes with more suitableness of response." Vera. 1-3. — i A. V. : the princes and governors (Fritzsche, ruTpan-ais (f«zf. ree. II, X. — by a corrector — 93i>., aoTpa- irei'ots) with X. Co. Aid. Old Lat.) .... hundred and seTen and twenty provinces .... Ethiopia, and unto all our faith- ful subjects {see Com.). 2 often (see Com.). 3 omifj too. * gracious princes (Gr., ei'«pY«Tov'iTi#i') the more proud they are waxen (Gr. , ftei^. t^fmvritjav ; Old Lat. — Cod. Corb. — male speranles). 5 to hurt not our subjects only, but not being able (see Com.). ^ do take in hand to practice (see Cojti.) also against those that do them good. Vers. 4-7. — ' A. V. : take not only thankfulness. ^ glorious words of lewd persons that were never good. ■ of God that seeth all things and hateth evil. ^o omits And. ^i (are see Com.}. i3 (^ei> lewd di.'tposition (see Com.) the innocency and goodness (evyvw^ooaiiojK). '■ Now ye. " See Com. ^^ A. V. : ye may, if ye search '* of late (Gr., iropd miSas). i" pestilent behaviour of them that are unworthily placed in authority (Jan., " eorum qui indigni dominatum obtinent pestUentia ; '■ cf. Com.). Ver. 8. — ** A. v. : omits so (Fritzsche has received ifrre for cIs to of the text. ret. from 62. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid., •ince otherwise there would be required for the form of the following verb irapexetv (as 936.) or napi^eiv (108a.) instead of irape{6fx<0a). ^^ both by changing our purpose and always judging things that are evident with more equal pro- ceeding. A corrector in X. has placed ov before xpwM«»'oi, which would so far bring it into agreement with III. 19. 936. lOSo 249 Codd 19. 93. 108a. substitute for roit ii.tra^o\aU, raU Jm^oAois. See Com. 214 THE APOCRYPHA. 9 For so* Aman, a Macedonian, son of Amadathus, truly an alien ^ from the Per- sian blood, and widely removed ' from our goodness, having been hospitably re- 10 ceived by * us, had so far forth obtained the favor that we shew toward every nation, as that he was called our father, and was continually honored of all men, as the next 11 person unto the king. But he, not bearing his elevation,^ went about to deprive 12 us of OMr kingdom and life, having by manifold and cunning artifices' sought' the destruction, as well of Mardochteus, our rescuer and continual benefactor, as of 13 the blameless* Esther, sharer of our' kingdom, with their whole nation. For by these means he thought, taking us in our destitution, to have transferred *" the king- 14 dom of the Persians to the Macedonians. But we find that the Jews, whom the threefold wicked wretch had " delivered to utter destruction, are no evil-doers, but live by most just laws ; and that they are children of the most high and greatest " living God, who hath arranged the kingdom both for us and our progenitors in the 15 most excellent order.''' Wherefore ye will do well to make no further use of '^ the letters sent utito you by Aman, the son of Amadathus. For he, that was the worker of these things, has been crucified '' at the gates of Susa with all his family ; the God,'' who ruleth all things, speedily rendering retribution " to him according to his deserts. 16 And ye '* shall publish the copy of this letter boldly in every place, to the effect that the Jews are to be permitted to *' live after their own usages ; ^ and that they be aided that ^' the same day, beiKe of affliction set upon them. For the Almighty "' God hath turned to joy unto ttem this day, wherein the chosen race were to -* 18 have perished. And ye shall therefore among your solemn feasts keep it as a ^' high day with every festivity,^^ that both now and hereafter there may be safety to you,'^ and the well disposed ^' Persians, but to those who ^ conspire against us 19 a memorial of destruction. But every city or country as a whole,*" which shall not do according to these things, shall be destroyed wrathfully *' with fire and sword, and shall be made not only impassable '■' for men, but also most hateful "^ to wild beasts and fowls in all time to come.'* And let these copies be posted up before all eyes in the entire realm, and all the Jews be ready on the said day to fight against their enemies.'* Vera. 9-11. — ' For (19. 93a. 1086. omit cut). 2 the son of Amadatha, being indeed a Etranger. ' far distant. * and aa a stranger received of. ^ hijt great dignity (Jan., tantam prtzstantiam). Vera. 12-14. — "^ A. V. : deceits (see Com..). ' souglit of its. * who saved our life and continually procured our good as aiso of blameless. ^ partaker of out. ^^ finding us destitute of friends to have translated (instead of \afiuiv, Cod. X. — from a corrector — has Aa^eti', and supplies re after ttji' {ratv Uepiruv) which is also supported by m. 936.) " Ihis wicked wretch (Gr., Tpio-aAtTTjpIou) hath. " they be ... . and most mighty (Or.,firyirrov). w ordered the k unto us . . . to our .... manner (see Com.). Vers. 16-16. — i* A. V. : shall do well not to put in execution. " Amadatha .... is hanged. ^^ God. i^ ven- geance. 1* Therefore ye. i* letter (see Com.) in all places that the Jews may freely (Jun., Uberi ; the words fifxi wapfiT)t5j epVifioui. Naturally some such word as iplKwv is to be supplied. Fritzsche calls attention to the fact that at the time when this Dook pnrpoTts to hare been written the Mace- donian kingdom was of little significance, and that consequently the writer is guilty of an an- achronism. Indeed, the passage seems to show that the author of the Additions lived at a period subsequent to the transfer of the Persian king- dom to the Macedonians. The explanation that nothing more is here meant than a change of dynasty, is excluded by the words, eiy Touy Mafce- S6vm. Cf. Rawlinson,.4«C('c/i( Mon., iii., chap, vii Ver. 14. Ou KaKovpyov^, no eTil-doers. For remarks on the force of this negative with parti- ciples and adjectives, see Winer, p. 485. It nega- tives without qualification, ,ind hence is especially found with predicates relating to definite persons. — Children .... of God. See Wisd. ii. 18. In text B. God is called the " alone " and " true " God. — Arranged the kingdom. The Greek is TOO Kurtudwoi'Tos TifJiiy .... T^v $a(Tt\eiaf. In the margin, the A. V. renders the participle by " prospered." At Add. ii. 4, we have the same verb rendered in the A. V. by " go forward " (niarg., " be settled "). It mean.s, as the etymol- ogy shows (1), to make straight, set right; then (2), as intransitive, to go straight for, or, meta- phorically, to go right. Ver. 15. Here, also, is an evident anachronism. Cf- the following verse, and Estb. iv. 19. The word navotKta is somewhat rare, though used once by Philo. The dative, employed adverbially, is more frequent. Josephus Juis /ieri rns yeveas. Cf. Herod., vii. 39, viii. 106 ; and tlie LXX. at Gen. 1. 22. It was a Persian custom to visit, not only the gnilty person, but also his whole family, with punishments. Cf. Dan. vi. 24. Ver. 16. The connection of thought is made very loose by the employment of eV^e^rcy. Text B. substitutes iKTee-ffro. — The thirteenth day. Cf., above, ii. 6. Ver. 18. 'Ev rais fTTuvvfiois v/xwif iopTois. Au- thorities differ with respect to the meaning of this phrase. Grotius, with whom Fritzsche agrees, says : " Puto scriptum fuisse olim ev rais i-nrnvvfiois KKiipav ioprais, id est, in festo quod a fortibus Purim nomi/mtur." So also Bunsen's Bibelwerk : "At your Purim feast." — If, with Fritzsche, v^7v be read instead of viiiy, which should scarcely be the case (see authorities), it would follow that the edict was not meant for the whole Persian em- pire. But, even with such a concession, the entire production shows the hand of a .Jewish writer who was not sagacious enough to conform his work to the natural requirements of subject and circumstances. — There may be safety. While the common rule — " The subject of a proposi- tion may be known from its having the article " — is not always safe to follow, stiU the corre- spondence apparently required in the two parts of the present verse would seem to leave but little room for doubt in this case. Hence the transla- tion given above. Ver. 19. 'Oayus. This word as ad- verb appears for the most part only in the LXX. and other Greek translations of the Scriptures. See the LXX. at Esth. viii. 13, and the version of Symmachus at Is. Iii. 8. Of., also, Sophocles' Lex. ad voc. 216 THE APOCRYPHA. Addition "VTI. (found in the Greek as conclusion for the entire book). 1, 2 And ' Mardochasus said : God hath done these things. For I recalled the vis- ion ^ which I saw concerning these matters. For ' nothing thereof hath failed. The * 3 little fountain which ^ became a river, and there was light and sun and much water : 4 the ° river is Esther, whom the king married, and made queen ; and the two dragons 5 are I and Aman. And the nations : those ' that were assembled to destroy the 6 name of the Jews. And my nation, — that is Israel,* which cried to God and were saved. And ' the Lord saved ^^ his people ; and the Lord delivered " us from all these '^ evils. And God wrought the signs ^^ and the great " wonders which 7 had not taken place before among the nations. Therefore he made two lots, one 8 for the people of God, and another for all the nations.^^ And these two lots came at [or. And the two came at the lot and at] the hour, and time and day of judg- 9 ment, before God among all nations.^* And ^' God remembered his people, and 10 justified his inheritance. And '* those days shall be unto them in the month Adar, the fourteenth and fifteenth ^' of the same ™ month, with an assembly and joy and with gladness before God from generation to generation '■'' forever, among his peo- ple Israel. ^^ In the fourth year of the reign of Ptolemseus ^ and Cleopatra, Dositheus, who said he was a priest and Levite, and Ptolemaeus '* his son, brought the present ^ epis- tle of Phrurae, which they said it was,''' and that Lysimachus, son of Ptolemaeus,^ that was in [or, who were of ^'] Jerusalem, had translated ■^ it. Vers. 1-B. — i A. V. : Then. ^ remember a dream (lit., concemiDg the vision, irepi toO iivirviov ; see Com. ; irepi is omitted by 19. 93a. ; 19. 68. 93a., read ejii^rte). "and. * A. ' omiJs which. ° thesim . . . . (Au. 'were those. Vers. 6-8. — » A. V. : is this Israel (the last word has the article in III. 52. 64. 68. 248. Co. Aid.). " for. '» hath Baved. " hath delivered. ^^ those (Qr., roi^Tiui'). i^ hath wrought signs. i* and great. ii* have not been done among the Gentiles. Therefore hath .... Gentiles. '" This verse is not in the text of II., but supplied in the margin. For itA-rjpot o^tos ei? II. III. X. 934. 108a. read koX K\i}pov koX ei? (cf. alternative rendering). See Com. Vers. 9, 10. — i^ A. V. : So. ^^ Therefore. ^^ fifteenth day. (These words are added by another hand in X.) » Fritzsche receives avrov before ii-qvos from X. XI. 19. 44. 64. 68. 71. 936. lOSa. 249. and others with Co. and Aid. This is also the reading of 11. -' according to the generations. " omits Israel (so 62. 64. 68. 243. Co. Aid.) ^ Ptole- meus. 24 ptolemeus. 25 this. 26 phurim .... was tlu same. 2t ptolemeus. 28 For rov iv 'lep. III. X. XI. and others (viz. 64. 68. 71. 243. Aid.) according to Frizsohe read Tii/ cv 'Itp. So also II. 29 a. v. : interpreted. Addition VII. (in the A. V. vers. 4-13 of chap, x., and ver. 1 of chap. xi.). 5, .560, 563 ; and Fritzsche, Ad Rom. Epist., iii. 270 f. Ver. 7. The explanation given goes beyond the substance of the vision as recorded in Addi- tion i. Ver. 8. The xal before iraai roTs (Ofein is ep- exegetical. Fritzsche conjectures, however, that Tij) \a(f aiiTov may have originally stood before it. The preposition els. as referring to time, marks a term or limit. It is omitted by 44. 106. Co. be- fore fi/ifpay. Cf. Acts xiii. 42 ; Pliil. i. 10, ii. 16 ; 2Pet.iii. 7. Codd.44.55. 108a. andothers, with Co. Aid., supply eV before irSiri ; 243. 249. omit Kal. Ver. 9. Justified, iSiKataae. The principal meaning of tliis word is to sittle, adjudge the right. In ecclesiastical Greek it was often used of the decrees of councils. Cf. Cremer's and Sopliocles' Lexicons, ad voc. Ver. 10. Cf. 2 Mace. xv. 36. — Tuv I give here a translation of the Additions according to the text found in Codd. 19. 93a. 1084. and published la Fritzsche'e Ltbri Apocryphi V. T. Cf. ibid. Prasfat., p. xii., and my Introd. to the Additions under " Text." ' Fritzsche thinks this peculiar name may have been applied to the month which was sometimes intercalated at the close of the Jewish year. Cf. JoB.^Antiq., I, 11, §§ 6, 1.3. ^ MapTvpo/ieio). Cf. Judith Tii. 28. Fritzsche conjectures that the word was orininally inep^oixevrj, or some similar word * Cf. Joel ii. 2. ^ Lit., cry of their noise. Cf. ver. 7. * Fritzsche would prefer to render; " Since M.. however, was well-intentioned." ' Kal iratrav Bvpav eiri^at'ws -nipeiv. For ^TTi^ai/ois others suggest avt^oAuc (Fritzsche) and errc^fAu^ (KreysBlg). * The text is corrupt («a'i t^MKev outuI wept TovTttiv '\fLa» "A. Mcuc. icoTd irpoauiirov tou ^a«ois. The general conduct of their lives is donbtless referred to. Of. Add. Ti. 14. 2 Lit., from the root. * Lit., in the [land] under heaven. • ■E7ri<^ai'ei«. The phrase refers to the clothing and ornamentation she wore as queen. ^ Lit., I beard my fathers' book. 8 Fritzsche would strike out this word. It is a probable gloss. ' Ei. If we did it, i. e., whenever we did it. « I adopt the suggestion of Fritzsche that irrfiaai. should be substituted for jfipai. Cf . text A. in the corrMpondint pasiage. ADDITIONS TO ESTHER. 21& that I abhor the bed of an uncircumcised person, and hate the glory of a heathen ' and 13 of every alien. Thou, Lord, knowest my necessity, that I abhor the token of pride which is upon my head, and that I wear it not save on the day when I appear in public, yea, 14 abhor it as a rag of her that sitteth apart. And thy servant did not eat at their tables along with them ; and I honored not the king's feasts, and drank not the wine of libation. 15, 16 And thy servant rejoiced not in my days of exaltation,' except in thee, O Lord. And now, thou who art mighty over all, give ear to the cry of the despairing, and rescue u8 from the hand of them who do evil against us, and deliver me, O Lord, out of the hand of my fear. Addition V. 1 And it came to pass on the third day as Esther ceased praying, she took off the garments 2 of her worship, and put on the garments of her glory. And on making her appearance she called on God, who knows and saves all, took along with her two maids of honor, and while she supported herself on the first, as one delicately nurtured, the second followed 3 after and bore up her train. And she blushed in the flower of her beauty, and her face 6 was like that of one who awakens love,' but her heart was in anguish from fear. And having passed through all the doors, she stood before the king. And the king sat upon his royal throne, and had on all his robes of state ; he was all in gold ; and precious 7 stones were upon him, and he was very dreadful. And lifting his face ablaze with glory he looked upon her like a bull in the height of his rage. And the queen was terrified, and her face was changed from faintness ; and she bowed herself upon the head of the maid 8 that went before her. And God changed the spirit of the king, and turned his rage to mildness. And in anxiety the king leaped down from his throne, and took her in his 9 arms. And he comforted her and said, What is it, Esther? I am thy brother. Take 10 heart — thou shalt not die ; for our business is mutual, and the threatening was not for 11 thee. Behold the sceptre is in thy hand. And lifting up the sceptre he laid it on her 12 neck and caressed her, and said. Tell it to me. And she said to him, I saw thee as an 13 angel of God, and my heart was melted by the glory of thy rage, my lord. And her face was covered with* sweat. And the king was moved, and all his attendants, and they comforted her. Addition VI. 1 And he wrote the subjoined edict. The great king Asuerus to the rulers and governora of the hundred and twenty-seven lands from India to Ethiopia, who mind our .affairs, 2 greeting. Many, the more they are honored by the exceeding kindness of their bene- 3 factors, the more ambitious have they become, and seek not simply to do harm to our subjects — they also, unable to bear their fullness, even undertake to plot against their 4 own benefactors, and not only take away thankfulness from among men, but also unite in^ the boastful words of those unused to suffering, imagining that they will escape the 5 evU-hating retribution of a just Judge, who has power over all things. Many times, being put over offices to manage the afi'airs of friends who confide in tlieni, they have raised to authority those who have caused the shedding ot inirocent blood and encompassed them 6 with remediless evils, they having beguiled through their deceit and faithlessness the 7 pure good-will of theu" sovereigns. But one may see from what the histories have handed 8 down to us, and even by observing what lies at our feet, the necessity, for the future, of giving due heed to the cruelty of those having power, and of rendering the kingdom tranquil for all the nations, by making no use of calumnies, but by dealing fairly by what- 9 ever comes under our eye. For Aman, son of Amadathus, a Bugajan, having been 10 entertained by us as a stranger — in fact, a stranger to the spu'it of the Persians, and widely at variance with om- kindness — to such an extent won the good- will which we show to every nation, as to be publicly proclaimed our father, and to be honored with 11 homage by all, and to win the second place on the royal throne. But not bearing his elevation he set his heart on taking away our kingdom and life, while appointing to 12 destruction, through wily plots, our perpetual deliverer, MardochiEus, and Esther his* 13 blameless partner of the kingdom, with their whole nation. For by these means lie thought to alienate from us the dominion of the Persians, so as to transfer it to the 14 Macedonians. Now we find that the Jews given up to you by this threefold wicked 1 'Avd^ou, i. «., one not yielding himself to the precepts of the Mosaic Code. ' Lit., change, transfer. 8 'Q« Trpoff«i)iA««, usually, beloved, or kindly affeetioned. * McTpof. Fritzsche would change to ^eo'Toi', and striking out the previous ejri write ^v in its place. * IlapeAdotn-e; , coming alongside of. Fritzsche suspects a tailure in transcription, and would substitute inpdiynt O tAXt A. or npotTt\66vrfi. ' TovT«v. it should be stricken out, or made to agree with 0acriAciaf . Cf. text A 220 THE APOCRYPHA. wretch are not evil doers, but regulate their lives in accordance with the most righteous customs,' and also that they are sons of the only and true God, who until now has ar 16 ranged our kingdom in the most excellent order. You will do well, therefore, not to take notice of the letters sent out to you by Aiiian, because of the crucifixion before the gates 16 of Susa of the very one who wrought such things, there having been paid back to him the quite deserved retribution of the Judge, who always sees to the bottom of all things. And post up the copy of this edict in every place, — also, to let the Jews observe their own customs and to defend them, in order that they may ward off those who in the day of 18 their affliction set upon them. And it has been decided by the Jews throughout the king- dom to keep the fourteenth day of the month, that is Adar, and to celebrate by a festival the fifteenth, because in them the Almighty wrought for them deliverance and joy, and that now and hereafter [it may be a memorial of] deliverance to the well-doing Persians, 19 but a memorial of destruction for them who lay plots. And whatever city, or country, will not do according to these things shall be destroyed wrathfully with fire and sword, ^ and be impassable not only for men, but shall be made unfit ' also for beasts and flying fowL Addition VII. 1, 2 And Mardochaeus said. These things took place from God. For he recalled the vision 3, 4 which he saw, and it was fulfilled, and he said : The little fountain is Esther; and the 5 two dragons are I and Aman. The river is the nations * that were assembled to destroy 6 the Jews. The sun and light which appeared to the Jews are a manifestation of God. This was the judgment. And God did these signs and wonders as they had not taken 7 place before 'among the nations. And he made two lots: one for the people of God 8 and one for the nations. And these two lots fell out at the hour, according to the time 9 and on the day of the rule of the Eternal, among all the nations. And God remembered his people and justified his inheritance. And all the people cried out with a loud voice and said. Blessed art thou, O Lord, who wast mindful of thy covenants with our fathers. 10 Amen. And these days shall be to them in the month Adar, on the fourteenth and the fifteenth day of the month, with the assembly, and with joy and gladness before God, from generation to generation forever among his people, Israel. Amen. ' V6iiot7. Ci- ii. 4, with note. • Lit., spear and Are. > 'E(rrio %aXofuiivTos ; the Vatican MS. (II.), 2o(f>i'o 2a\a)/iwj'os. As long as Solomon continued to be looked upon as the author, this designation was the prevalent one. After the time of Jerome, who, specially influenced by its Greek title and style (" Et ipse stylus Grcecam eloquentiam redolel." Prcef- U- Sol.), pronounced the work pseudepigraphal, it took the name of The Book of fVisdorn, which title passed over into the Vulgate and the different versions that from time to time were made from it. In some exceptional instances, as by Athanasius and Epiphanius, it was called, like Ecclesiasticus, navdperos 2o<^/a, which fact naturally gave rise to some confusion. It was also called ri 2o(f>ifa simply. Contents. This book opens (i. 1-5) with an admonition directed to the rulers of the earth to love and practice righteousness ; for only thus could they become possessors of true wisdom, which proceeds from God, and unites itself alone with pure and uncorrupted souls. It then pro- ceeds to speak of wisdom in genera! : the first five chapters being devoted to a recommenda- tion of it as the only way of securing a blessed immortality; chapters vi.-ix. treating of it in its nature and results; and chapters x.-xix. showing its benefits particularly as illustrated in the early Israelitish history. " As in the older literature touching wisdom, so here, the idea divides itself into two parts: the objective or divine, and the subjective or human, wisdom. Human wisdom is either theoretical or practical. As theoretical, it includes all human wisdom, all branches of human learning, — insight into the coherence of the structure of the universe, chronology, physics, astronomy, zoology, pneumatology, psychology, botany, pharmacy (vii. 17-21), history, art, the making of apothegms and parables and their interpretation, as well as riddles and their solutions (viii. 8), the gift of prophecy; in one word, it knows the seen and the unseen (vii. 21) as Taf ifTav yvwiTts a.'peviiis (vii. 17). As practical, it includes within itself insight into the external relations of life, the weighing and using of them to one's own advantage (vii. 16; viii. 6, 18), as also skill in preparing works of art (xiv. 2) ; while in moral and religious respects it comprehends the knowledge of God and the supernatural world (i. 2 ff., ix. 17 ; x. 16, cf. ii. 13), perception of the divine will (ix. 13, 17 f.), and its holy counsels in the leading of single, pious persons (ii. 22; x. 1-15), as of the entire sacred folk (x. 15 f., xi. 1 ff. ; -xvi.- xix.). It also embraces a way of thinking and acting corresponding to this knowledge, and so is represented as source and essence of the four cardinal virtues (viii. 7) enlarged to the general ideas of religiousness, piety, and virtue (vi. 17; viii. 7; ix. 11 f.), while THE BOOK OF WISDOM. 223 the one subject is to be presented, and that a composition must avoid all antitheses, — like speaking of skepticism and atheism on the one hand, and superstition and idolatry on the other, as over against true wisdom, in order to be free from the charge of a lack of unity, cannot for a moment be admitted. (2.) The difference in the material treated in the several portions being duly considered, there is throughout the entire work a remarkable similarity in language and style, — a language and style, moreover, which are characteristic of it, consisting of compound nouns and adjectives, of examples of playing on words, assonance, and the like, especially certain favorite expressions of the author, all of which occur to a greater or less extent in every part of the book. This will fully appear in what is remarked under the following head. We would call attention here only to the parallelisms of the later chapters, in which respect they agree with the earlier (vi. 10-17, 22, 24; vii. 7-16 ; viii. 9- 18; ix. Iff.; x. 18-21; xii. 12, 18; xiii. 1, 3, 18 ; xiv. 2, 12; xv. 11 ; xvi. 28); and to the like frequent occurrence everywhere of in and yip, — a fact denied by Bretschneider, — by means of which a thought is made dependent on what precedes (vi. 15-18; vii. 16, 22, 26, 28-30; ix. 13-15 ; xi. 9, 12-14; xii. 11-13; .\iv. 8-15 ; xv. 2-4). The integrity of the book has also been denied, but, generally speaking, only by those who have doubted its unity. Houbigant, for instance, affirmed that it contained weighty proph- ecies ; and, since no prophecy of the Old Testament had come down to us anonymously, declared that therefore there must have been, originally at least, a title to the book in which the name of the writer was given. But, in the first place, it is very little to say against the integrity of a book to affirm that it lacks a proper title; and, secondly, the grounds on which this affirmation is based in the present case are false. There are Old Testament writings — if not entire books, like the Proverbs ^ which are at least quasi prophetic, and still have no title; the second Psalm, for example. Others — as Grotius, Calmet, Eichhorn, Hasse, and Heydenreich — have maintained that the work was incomplete at its close. The principal reason urged for this view has been that the illustrations from Israelitish history do not extend beyond the escape from Egypt, and a part Of the period in the wilderness. But it may well be asked if this is not sufficient. The book has certainly an orderly conclusion in the words : " For in all things, O Lord, thou didst magnify thy people, and glorify them, neither didst thou lightly regard them, but didst assist them in every place." What had already been proved with respect to a part of the history is thus, in the way of summary, declared to have been true of the whole. Grotius and Graetz have found here and there, as they think, traces of additions from Christian hands. The latter lays these supposed additions to the charge of copyists who have thereby sought to introduce their own doctrinal views. (Gescliichte, iii. 443 ff.) The passages he mentions are ii. 24 ; iii. 13 ; iv. 1 ; xiv. 7. Of these, two (iii. 13 ; iv. 1), could only by a great stretch of the imagination be supposed to have any reference to Christian doctrine, while of the remaining two, one (xiv. 7) evidently refers to Noah's ark, and not, as it is supposed, to the cross, and the other (ii. 24), which represents that death came into the world through the envy of the devil, was also a Jewish, and not distinctively a Christian, doctrine. (Cf. Com., ad loc.) Hence we conclude that if the work be not entire, and in the main uncorrupted, exception can only be taken to minor deficiencies and the loss of a clause or two, here and there, as at i. 15 ; ii. 8. Language and Style. The entire book was, without doubt, originally written in the Greek language. The author was a Jew versed in the Old Testament Scriptures, and hence his composition contains, to some extent, Hebraistic expressions (cf., for instance, i. 1 : awKirris xapSlas ; iv. 13, irXripovv Xpivov; ix. 6, T€'\€iot ^i' uioit; and ver. 9, UpeffTov 4v o(p6aXfio7s ■rivos'), and a general Hebraistic coloring, particularly in the employment of parallelisms, and the quite general use of such connectives as Kal, 5e, 5ii tooto, yap, and 3ti. He was a Jew, as is clearly enough evinced by the fact that he illustrates wisdom only from Jewish history, and confines its possession to Jews. But along with this there is shown such a thorough knowledge of Greek, and such skill, versatility, and cleverness in its use, that his work ranks in this respect at the head of the apocryphal literature, 2 and 4 Maccabees being alone comparable with it. We have usually indicated in the commentary below any marked peculiarities occurring ia its language, and need not therefore here give more than a few examples of the abundant materials that are at command to prove its remarkable and interesting character. The vocabulary is exceed- 224 THE APOCRYPHA. ingly rich. Tlie author, as we have already seen, betrays a peculiar liking for compound words, particularly adjectives, like Tro\vxpivios , ii. 10; vpuT6TT\aoKTiSvo5, X. 3; KaK6Tfx<'ot, XV. 4; Si/o-Si^jttjtos, xvii. 1. His composition is much embel- lished, figurative, and rhetorical, sometimes even to the extent of fantastic exaggeration, in which respect he seems to have adopted the methods, while contesting the positions of his sophistical opponents who represented the atheistical philosophy of his time. (Cf., for in- stance, his manner of representing the Egyptian plagues from chap. xii. on.) There are, however, some passages of great elegance and beauty. (Cf. ii. 1 f., v. 15 ff., and particularly the description of wisdom contained in chap, vii.) Numerous examples of a play upon words, paronomasia, onomatopoeia, and oxymoron, occur (as in the very first verse, ayain}d6vcMis, vii. 13; voirovanis — €v6(rovv, xvii. 8; -niKThv — ei^TTjicToi', xix. 21). Sometimes the words are even counted off in order to give the thoughts every supposed advantage of art or cabalistic combination, as at vii. 22, 23, where the spirit that is in wisdom is characterized by just Z y, ^ predicates. (Cf., however, Brnch, p. 344.) There are also a multitude of instances where a purely Greek type of ex- pression has been adopted, to which no Hebrew original would have naturally led the way, and which certainly no translator would have been likely to make use of, at least to such an extent. (Cf. i. 11, ^eiZiaBal nvos'^ ii. 6, airoXaveiV rwv ovroiv ayaBwv'^ iv. 2, aySiva viKav'i x. 12, kymva Ppaffeveiy). The author employs, too, current philosophical terms of his time to give expression to philosophical ideas. (Cf. 1. 4, iv adimri Karixp((f afiaprias; ii. 2, ouToo-xeSius iyfv- yridTtfjLfv; so iv. 12; vii. 22, irveufia. i'oep6i' ; xi. 17, uXtj HfLopcposy xiv. 3, Trp6voia). For these rea- sons, taken in connection with the general structure and arransement of the work, its light- ness of movement, its philosophical cast, its many marks of Hellenistic culture, of which we shall soon speak more fully, the theory of an ancient Hebrew original, or of any other orig- inal than Greek, is wholly excluded. In fact, it is a point which at the present day is scarcely called in question, which at no time has been thought to require any special defense on the part of critics, and would never have been raised had it not been for the false theory of authorship to which some have been led by the traditional title. The acquaintance that is shown by the writer with the LXX. in general (as at vi. 7; xi. 4; xii. 8; xvi. 22; xix. 21), adduced by some as confirming the view of a Greek original, has little bearing on the subject, since a translator might have been equally under the influence of this version. There are, however, a few passages (a« ii. 11, cf. Is. iii. 10; and xv. 10, cf. Is. xliv. 20), which show that the Hebrew original could not well have been before the writer, as the thought in the Hebrew differs essentially from the LXX. , and would not have been at all applicable as employed by him. Author, Time, and Place of Composition. From what has already been said, it is clear that Solomon could not have written the work before us. With all his wisdom, he could scarcely have been capable of writing in Greek, and that the later Greek, much less have made references to the LXX. before it was known used philosophical terms which did not come into existence till some centuries after his death, or have made the historical allusions that are found at ii. 1-6, 8 ; xv. 4. In fact, no author is actually named in the book itself, although it is clearly enough intimated at ix. 7, 8 (cf. vii. 1 ff. ; viii. 10 ff.) that it is Solomon who spe.aks. In such an idealizing of the per- son and character of the wise king, the author adopted a well-known custom of his time. The value of a work was thought to be increased, and the importance of its teachings en- hanced by connecting it with the name of some distinguished person who was considered the best representative of the principles advocated. There may have been no original intention of deceiving in the present case. The author may have sought in this way simply to give his work a more dramatically interesting and weighty character than would have been possible if he had spoken only from and for himself. Such an idealizing of Solomon, especially as the highest representative of earthly wisdom, was no uncommon thing among the Jews, even at a comparatively early period. (Cf. Eccles., passim). There is, moreover, just as little ground, and for the same reason, for supposing with some others that Zerubbabel — through his restoration of tjie temple being recognized as a sort of second Solomon — was the author of the Book of Wisdom. Besides, the circumstances of the case do not admit of the theory o any such second Solomon. (Cf. viii. 14, ix. 1-12.) So, too, Augustine's opinion (^Doct THE BOOK OF WISDOM. 225 Christ, ii. 8), -which he afterwards himself retracted {Retract., ii. 4, 2), that the son of Sirach, ihe author of Ecelesiasticus, composed Wisdom also, is disproved by the totally dissimilar gharaoter of tlie two works in every respect except that of having a similar theme. The author was evidently a Jew, living at Alexandria, some time during the first two or three centuries before Christ. At this period, as is well known, learned Israelites gave their attention largely in that city, and elsewhere, where they came most in contact with Greek culture, but particularly there, to the study of philosophy, seeking to bring it into harmony with the Mosaic religion, and this tendency culminated in a distinct Jewish-Alexandrian svstem of the philosophy of religion, whose most distinguished representative was Philo. Definite and most pronounced traces of this Jewish-Alexandrian philosophical tendency are undeniably found in the Book of Wisdom, and it may be possible through them in connection with certain historical references that we find, to determine with a sufficient degree of defin- iteness the date of the composition. First, the abstract philosophical method of presenting truth which our author adopts offers one clear test for recognizing his Alexandrian training. No pure Hebrew, for example, un- influenced by the Greek philosophy, would ever have called God the " Originator of beauty" (k6.\Kovs 7ej'«(nopxi5, xiii. 3), or have applied to the Divine Providence the term irpSvota (xiv. 3, xvji. 2; cf. also vii. 22, \eTTT6v, and nveifia voepSv). Such an one, moreover, would never have spoken of wisdom as a " reflection of the eternal light " (arroiryao-^o if>a?T!is aiStov), " the unspotted mirror of the divine activity " and the " image of his goodness " (cf. vii. 26). There might be mentioned, also, still further in the way of example, the wholly speculative manner in which the narrative of the brazen serpent is treated (xvi. 6 f.) and the grounds given for the condemnation of the heathen (xiii. 1 ff.). Just as little, in the next place, could any one but a cultivated Hellenist have appropriated to his use terms, expressions, and ideas thMt originated in the philosophical schools of the Greeks, and are still recognized as characteristic of them. We learn, for example, that " the corruptible body presseth down the soul, anris, xix. 21). It is, further, a thought in which a mild reproduction of the Stoical philosophy is easily recognizable, when our author speaks of wisdom as stretching itself from one end of the world to the other, and of the Spirit of God as filling the universe, and so as being a kind of "soul of the world " (cf. i. 7; vii. 24; viii. 1). At least, such a representation is quite unlike the purely Jewish, in that the personality of God is thereby much too little empha- sized. The epithets given to wisdom also, in a number of places, are at once seen to be tech- nical and of a sort that often appears in the philosophical writings of the Greeks. It is said (vii. 22 if.) to have a irpfiifia vo(p6v, to be /ioyoyevh, TroXvfifph, \nrT6v, ivKtvrrrov, and to possess other characteristics to the number of twenty-one. In such a heaping up of adjectives, our author resembles Philo, without, however, going to the same extreme with him. The latter, in one instance, applies no less than a hundred and fifty different epithets to a person in order to characterize his licentiousness. (Cf. Langen, Judenthum, p. 31, note.) Moreover, the entire conception and handling of the idea of wisdom in the book is one that would have been impossible in the days of king Solomon, and if not in actual conflict with that presented in the Book of Proverbs, certainly shows in some important respects a considerable advance upon it, and approaches, to say the least, the hypostasizing of Philo in his Kiyos ivSidSeros and Trpo(popiK65. In addition to these various reasons for predicating an Egyptian and Alexandrian origin for our work, the local coloring appearing in the last part of it is also to be particularly noticed. Certain Egyptian forms of idolatry are clearly described (xv. 18), and the hatred that is manifested towards the Egyptians betrays itself as being against con- temporaries and those with whom intimate relations were sustained. On these grounds, therefore, we are forced to the conclusion that the Book of Wisdom came from the pen of a Hellenist living at Alexandria some time during the first three centuries before Christ, since only in Alexandria and its neighborhood at this period could any such combination of Biblical 16 226 THE APOCRYPHA. teaching with Grecian philosophical speculations and the other external circumstances de- scribed have been historically possible. But may not the date be more definitely fixed? It has been said that the work represents Jewish-philosophical tendencies which culminated in Philo. Was not Philo himself its author? This opinion has been entertained by not a few distinguished scholars, especially in the last century. Philo was once sent, with two other representatives of the Jewish com- munity at Alexandria, as commissioner to Rome, to make an appeal to the emperor Caliorula respecting certain alleged grievances of his countrymen. The delegation was not well received, and it has been thought that this circumstance may have been the occasion for Philo's writing the present book. But, while the work in some of its features might well fit in to this historical niche, there are certain other facts which make such a theory impossible. First, it would be at least very strange, if Philo were the author of the Book of Wisdom, that it is not mentioned in the apparently full list of Philo's writings given by Eusebius {H. E., ii. 18) and by Jerome (Calal. Script. Eccl.^, respectively. And in the next place, our book, while agreeing in some particulars with Philo's philosophical views, in others differs from them most essentially, though, generally speaking, standing in the relation to them of a system imperfect and crude to one fully developed and complete. Our author appears more as one who had taken up current philosophical ideas and expressions for incidental use, with- out having thoroughly worked them over in the laboratory of his own mind. He philosophizes, but without having any fixed philosophical system of his own. In Philo, for instance, we find Plato's idea of the human constitution as threefold fully adopted; while the pseudo- Solomon never recognizes it, although he has good opportunity for doing so (cf . i. 1 ; viii. 19 f.; ix. 15, if/ux^ ^"1*1 ''"''' • 3.nd xv. 11, i^ux^" ivepyovaiw and irvdna ((utikSv, with the remarks in the Commentary in connection with the last passage). Again, at ii. 24, it is said that death came into the world through the envy of the devil ; while the doctrine of evil spirits was unknown in the school of Philo, and death was understood to be the necessary result of the union of soul and body. Indeed, one of Philo's fundamental dogmas was that the body- is the seat and source of evil, — a dogma which he brings out with great sharpness and clearness, and one which exerts a controlling influence on his whole speculative system, while our author makes only a bare allusion to it, as though it were something to which he assented, but without understanding the fall consequences of such assent (i. 4 ; viii. 19 f.). Further, at iii. 7, 18, if by the " day of visitation " spoken of, the judgment at the end of the world is meant, as many suppose, it would be an idea also quite foreign to the works of Philo. But a chief objection to the theory of such an authorship for the Book of Wisdom is that, while wisdom is its principal theme, this la is nowhere represented as sustaining such a rela- tion to the Aii7oj as is everywhere made prominent in Philo. With him they were, in fact, identical, and represented a personal being. How, then, would it have been possible for him to have kept this thought out of sight (as at ix. 1, 2 ; xvi. 12; xviii. 15), if he had been the author of the present book? It is to be admitted that the idea of cocpla as presented in the Book of Wisdom bears a striking resemblance to that of the \6yos in Philo; but it is used in a far less comprehensive sense, and is never actually hypostasized. For these reasons, then, to say nothing of difference of style and minor discrepancies between the writings of Philo and this work of the pseudo- Solomon, — such as concerning the length of the period of pregnancy (vii. 2), the condition of souls in a previous existence (viii. 19 f.), and the punish- ment of the Egyptians through serpents (xi. 15), — ■ the theory that the former wrote the Book of Wisdom cannot for a moment be entertained. Josephus (Contra Ap„ i. 2."!) speaks of another Philo as having written about Jewish affairs. " However, Demetrius Phalereus, and the elder Philo, with Eupolemus, have not greatly missed the truth about our affairs, whose minor mistakes ought therefore to be forgiven them." Anil, inasmuch as it seemed necessary to some (Drusius, De Henocho, cap. xi.) to have a Philo for the writer of our work, and the later one does not answer to the conditions required, they have declared that "t must have been this elder one. But in the first place he was, according to Josephus, a beathen, and could not so have written of Jewish affairs fo Jews; and, secondly, we know for a certainty nothing further about him than what is found in the Jewish historian just mentioned. Besides the name of Philo, that of Aristobulus has been mentioned as the possible author of the Book of Wisdom. He was a teacher (SiSaff/caXos) of King Ptolemy VI. Philometor (b. c. 180), to whom also he dedicated an allegorical exposition of the Pentateuch. He i» THE BOOK OF WISDOM. mentioned in 2 Maccabees (i. 10) as having sprung from a priestly family, and as having been addressed in a letter of Judas Maccabaeus to the Egyptian Jews, as being their most distinguished representative at that time. The letter is indeed without date; but there can be little doubt that the well-known peripatetic Aristobulus of Alexandria, living at the time of Ptolemy VI., is meant. He was the most noted forerunner of Philo in allegorizing the Old Testament, and by means of interpolations and substitutions even attempted to make old Greek writers like Homer speak in the interests of the Jewish religion. Fragments of his writings have been preserved by Eusebius and Clement of Alexandria. But there is nothing in them that would lead one to identify him with the author of the Book of Wisdom. Moreover, his position at the J^gyptian court was such that, even if he had desired it, he could not with safety have written of kings as our author has done. But he would not have wished or been prompted to write in this manner, since during the reign of Ptolemy VI. the condition of the Jews in Egypt was most favorable, while from such passages as xi. 5 ff., xii. 23 ff., and chaps, xvi. and xix., it is evident that the present book was composed at a time when the Israelites were oppressed by their enemies. In addition to these two leading ten- dencies of modern criticism as it respects the authorship of the Book of Wisdom, there may be mentioned the theory of Eichhorn {Einteit,, p. 134), which is adopted also by Gfrorer (p. 265 ff.), Dahne (p. 170), and Jost (^Geschichte, p. 378), that the author was one of the sect of Therapeutae. The opinion is based on such passages as iii. 13 ff. ; iv. 8 f.; viii. 21; XV. 28. A Jewish sect of this sort, corresponding to the Essenes of Palestine, as has been generally maintained, existed in Egypt before the beginning of the Christian era, who were enthusiastic admirers of the teachings of Plato, held the body in great subordination, were celibates, and carried self-denial in very many respects to a foolish and wicked extreme. But the passages referred to, when properly interpreted, do not encourage the views of this supposed sect; and there is, moreover, nothing in the book that would lead us to the opinion that the author believed in, taught, or practiced the hard asceticism which was held to be its most prominent characteristic. But let us now examine more closely some of the historical allusions which appear on the face of the work itself, in the hope that some one of them, or all together, may help us to a sufficiently accurate settlement of the question of its date. The situation of things, as pre- sented in the very opening chapters, at once attracts attention. They were evil times upon which the author had fallen : " Without were fightings, within were fears." Skepticism had developed itself in some degree when Ecclesiastes and the Book of Job were written, but by no means to the extent that it manifests itself in the hard, coarse, reckless materialism of the apostate Jews in Alexandria, who are allowed to speak in our book (ii. 10, 12, 15). We say " apostate Jews," for it was on their account, against them and their influence, that our book was undoubtedly written. On any other supposition the work could hardly be under- stood, either as it respects its contents or form. These materialists denied the immortality of the soul (ii. 1-5), shrank not from the boldest blasphemy (i. 6-11), sought happiness in the wildest libertinism (ii. 6-11), and ridiculed and persecuted the God-fearing of their own countrymen (ii. 12-20). The type of unbelief which here shows itself is far more pronounced and bitter even than that of which we read in the first two books of Maccabees (1 Mace. i. 11-15, 41-61; 2 Mace. iv. 10-15), as having marked the time of Antiochus Epiplianes. Jew- ish apostates are there represented as giving up indeed the religion of their fathers for hea- thenish rites and ceremonies, but never, as in the present case, as denying all religion both practically and theoretically. But we know from other sources that many such degenerate Israelites lived in Alexandria not long before the Christian era. Philo has given a descrip- tion of them {De Confusione Linguarum, sec. 2, De Tribus Virtutibu.i, sec. 2), saying that they not only scornfully forsook the faith of their fathers, but heaped contempt upon it, and gave themselves up to a life of sensualism. But, if our book thus in its earlier chapters, by presenting one of the marked developments of Judaism just previous to the Christian era, gives us an intimation respecting the time of its composition, no less does it do so in the chapters where the external ground and occasion of such Jewish apostasy are impliedly set forth. It was the glaring discrepancy between the glorious promise of the Jewish system and its meagre results, when compared with the ap- parent success of heathenism. This ground is indeed hinted at in the first part of the book (ii. 21 f.; iii. 1-5 ; iv. 2, 5 ff.), but more fully noticed from the tenth chapter on. It is shown how the Divine Providence had I'uled fi-uni ihi- tiuK^ of Adam till Moses (x.-xii.); what, OQ 228 THE APOCRYPHA. the other hand, idolatry was in its origin ; what it had become in its highest and lowest forms; how foolish, how immoral in its tendency it had ever been, and how it had sooner or later plunged all those in misery who had been addicted to it (xiii.-xv.). Especially was all this the case with the degrading worship of brute beasts, as practiced in the hind of Egypt (xii. 24; cf. xi. 15, and xv. 18 ff.). From this point of view the transition was natural to the condition of Israel at that time. Under the veil of an exaggerated narrative, tlie events which took place on the deliverance of Israel from Egypt, in which the contrasted experi- ences of the two peoples are vividly portrayed, the writer utters his words of warning alike to apostate Israel and her oppressors, while to the God-fearing and faithful he makes promise of speedy deliverance and enlargement. Now such a state of political affairs in Egypt as the book impUes we should not look for earlier than the period (b. c. ■284-246) given as the date of the LXX. translation, on which our book shows clear, if limited, traces of dependence. Moreover, we should not look for them during the reign of the earlier Ptolemies, who, as it is well known, treated the Jews in Egypt with great favor and liberality. On the other hand, we may not, for reasons already given, especially the relation it sustains to Philo's system, that is, as holding an intermedi- ary position between it and the more objective philosophy of the earlier Judaism, give our work a date too near the Christian era, much less, for the same and many other reasons, a still later one. Hence, we are shut up to the conclusion that it must have been composed by an Alexandrian Jew some time, but not too long, after the beginning of the later persecutions of the Jews in Egypt, that is, during the reign of Ptolemy VII. Physcon (b. C. 145-117), or his nearest successors. To attempt to fix the date more exactly would seem to be as futile as it is unnecessary. Doctrinal TeacMng. A number of points by means of which the doctrinal teaching of our book might be charac- terized have been already noticed under the previous head, such, for instance, as that of a per- sonal evil spirit (ii. 13 ff.), who is identified with the tempter of our first parents; the over- mastering influence of the body upon the soul (ix. 15); the preexislence of the latter (viii. 20; cf. vii. I); and the creation of the whole world from a previously existing formless ma- terial (e'l aii6pia^ ciKii/ rjjs ayafloTTjTos Bsoi'). Sometimes Jehovah is apparently made to act from an exclusively Jewish point of view (iii. 16-18; iv. 3-5, et passim), and hence with too great severity, and perhaps a shade of injus- tice, towards certain classes. But, in general, the representation of him is Biblical. The divine personahty is made less of than would have been the case if the book had originated at an earlier period and under different circumstances, but it is not pantheistic in its teach- ing. Where this might seem to be the case (cf. (pairht aiStou, vii. 26, et passim), it is to be ascribed to the peculiar coloring given to the thought by the Alexandrian philosophy. God is a father, a God of mercy, exercises a providence over men (.\iv. 3), and hears their prayers (vii. 7; viii. 21 ff.). According to Niigelsbach (Herzog's Real-Encyk., s. v.), the idea of the Trinity even is objectively adumbrated in what our book has to say of the aoipla, Koyos, and the Trvfvfia, the last being represented as one with i> avruv), taken in connec- tion with what immediately succeeds, refers to a judgment which follows death and precedes the entrance upon one's final destiny (cf. Bretschneider, Systemat. Darstell., p. 311). It is to be remarked, however, that there fails, in the doctrine of immortality as taught in the Book of Wisdom, that which is one of its most prominent characteristics in the New Testa- ment, — namely, any distinct allusion to the resurrection of the body. Our author, moreover, knows nothing of redemption through a personal Redeemer to come. Such a thought was indeed foreign to the whole drift of his work. According to it, no other Redeemer was either possible or desirable than the iroipla. Such passages as xiv. 13, xviii. 4, that are understood by Grimm as implying a future Messianic realm, have simply a general reference. The clearly expressed predictions of the prophets from Genesis to Malachi, con- cerning one who should appear as prophet, priest, and king, and should " restore the kingdom to Israel," finds not the slightest echo in the work of our thoroughly Hellenized Israelite of Alexandria. " Salvation is with him but a purely subjective process, made possible indeed by a divine act, but this divine act not a new one to be hoped for at a later period, but an old one, the first, the act of creation. In it the ii for oxiii (i^r from III. X. 23. 106. 155. 248. al. Cf. LXX. at Job ixviii. 13. Yen. 9-11. — " A. V. : For inquisition shall be made (the verb is eorai ; on fitajSovXtoi;, see Com.). '° sound (Gr. iuco^, here message, knowledge, i. e., that which is heard). '" manifestation (marg., reproving). ^^ murmuring, which is unprofitable. ^^ there is no word so secret, that shall go for nought (see Com.). '* the mouth. Vers. 12-15. — ^ A.\.: Seek not (^t| ^TjAoilTe) death in the error iiv TT\a.tr[i). 'l pull (en-tinraff^e) .... upon your- seires. z= with iev). Fritzsche ireceives this preposition from III. 55. 106. 155. 157. al. Co. ^^ Cod. III. reads eir' iyyeAeia for en-' ajrinKeia ; Aid. has eV for eni. ^4 A. V. : have their being. ^ generations (see Com.). ^ wert " omits is. *^ the earth. For owre iJSou III. 65. 29ti. Co. have oi»5e f . 234 THE APOCRYPHA. of death ; and ^ ungodly men by - their works and words called it to them ; in that they held it for a " friend, they consumed to nought, and made a covenant with it, because they are worthy to have * part with it. Ver. 16. — * The words injustice is an inheritance of death ; and we supply with Fritzecbe from the Old Lat. It seemf necessary to complete the parallelism. Cf. Grimm, and Com. below. " A. V : with. ^ y^ when they thought to have it their, * take Chapter I. Ver. 1 . Judges. Rulers in general are meant, to whom, according to Oriental ideas, the right of judgment also appertained. Cf. vi. 4; ix. Thev are here addressed naturally from the point of view of the writer, who is represented as such himself. Ver. 2. Tempt him not. The meaning is : God will be fuund of such as do not by unright- eous dealing show that they doubt whether there be a righteous God, and .so in effect challenge him to do his worst against them. Cf. Deut. vi. 16; Acts V. 9, xv. 10; 1 Cor. x. 9. — 'ATrt(TTeTv. This word is only found here, at x. 7 ; xii. 1 7 ; xviii. 1, 3 ; and 2 Mace. viii. 1,3, in the Old Testa- ment Greek. But cf. Mark xvi. 16, and Sopho- cles' Lex., ad voc. Ver. 3. 2ko\ioI means crooked, bent, and as here applied to thoughts refers to those which do not take the tight direction, i. e., towards God. — 'EAf'yxf'i convinces, convicts, through correction. — AoKtfia(ofifyri is used, as it would seem, in the same sense as ireipdCovtriv in the preceding verse. Cf. ii. 17, 19, ill. 5 f., xi. 9 f . ; 2 Cor. xiii. 5 ; Heb. iii. 9, — where these words are also employed as essentially synonymous. Ver. 4. MallciouB, tcaKSnx^^*'- Lit., usinq evil arts. Cf. xv. 4 f. ; Horn., //., xv. 14. — Ka- rdxpfos, involved in debt. The word is used by Polybius to denote what is pawned, mortgaged. Cf. also Sophocles' Lex., ad voc. The idea seems to be that the body has come wholly into the power of sin ; is " sold " under sin, as Trfwpafifvot is rendered at Rom. vii. 14. The entire being of man is doubtless here meant to be comprehended, according to the usage of the Old Testament, in the expressions "soul" and "body." Cf. also 2 Mace. vii. 37 ; xiv. 38 ; xv. 30. Grimm sees in these statements a recognition of one of the funda- mental dogmas of Philo, that the body is the Bource and seat of moral evil, although it does not seem to us necessarily to follow from the language used. Moreover, such au idea would appear to be opposed to what the author teaches just below, verse 14, and at viii. 20; xi. 18 f. The Karixpfos aiiaprlas might refer to the body as now found, rather than as originally created. Ver. 5. "A7io>' .... irveGyua. This expression first occurs here and at ix. 17 in the Greek Bible. It often lacks the article, also, in the New Testa- ment, as well as iryivfia 06oD, the latter more seldom. — Of discipline, i.e., of education. The Holy Spirit is represented as the Spirit that edu- cates man in the highest sense, although the idea of chastisement may be also included. Grotius falsely understands by Tri/cC/ia here the human spirit: "tpsa constitutio aniini,qu(c sopientia dici- tur." — 'Will be frightened away. This mean- ing of the word ^Acyx^'J^^rai, which according to Grimm is historically well supported, seems to be at this place more apjiropriate than the one given in the A. V., inasmuch as the parallelism with the preceding <(>et/f€Toi, inavatrriiirfTai is thereby more clearly brought out. In the preceding verses the author, like Philo (cf. Dahne, i. 42 fE., 368 ff.), lays it down as a fundamental principle that moral purity is a necessary subjective con- dition to the attainment of a knowledge of the divine. Ver. 6. rip seems to refer to the entire pre- ceding section. The very fact that wisdom is a philanthropic spirit would make it impossible for it to leave sin unnoticed and unpunished in the man that seeks it ; and because it is such a spirit, therefore it would not be so difficult as one might suppose to attain to it. Ver. 7. FiUeth the world. The perfect tense (III. 157. have the aorist) denotes an existing state of things. Cf. Winer, 272 f. — OikoujueVt). Prop- erly, the inhabited earth ; then the earth in gen- eral. Here the word is used antithetically to the TO -tidyTa of the following clause. The same idea of the spirit of the universe is found in Plato. Grimm cites parallel passages, also, from Aristeas and Philo. Gutberlet, on the other hand {Com., ad he), remarks that the omnipresence, all-pervad- ing omniscience of God is so clearly set forth in theOld Testament (Ps. cxxxix.), that it is strange that so many see in this verse the Stoic or Pla^ tonic doctrine of the soul of the world. But the truth as taught in the Old Testament never takes on this precise and characteristic form, which plainly shows that it had already passed out of the domain of revelation into that of philosophy. What is here said of the Spirit of God is also said elsewhere (iii. 24 ; viii. 1 ) of wisdom, which would make them, according to the teaching of our book, identical. Cf. also verse 2 with vi. 12, 16, and Prov. viii. 17. — Holdeth together the All, !. e., sustains it, keeps it from going to pieces. This thought, which is the primary one of the verb avpexf'", is not uncommon in its present application in classical and ecclesiastical Greek. Cf. Xen., Anab., vii. 2, 8 ; Plato, Gorg., 508 A ; Iren., v. 2, 3. — 'H SIkti. It denotes right as established usage or custom, and personitied by the Greeks, is daughter of Zeus and Themis. See Acts xxviii. 4, where this personification seems to be referred to, as also in the present passage. See Schmidt, St/n. d. Griech. Sprache, i. p. 352. Ver. 9. Aia^ovXtov. A late Greek word, in use onlv since the Macedonian period. Cf. LXX. at Ps. ix. 23 ; Hos. iv. 9; Polyb. ii. 26, 3, iii. 9. Ver. 10. A noise of murmurings. @povs yoyyvtTfiuv, for yoyyv(T^6s. A case of onoma- topoeia. One of these words would have been enough to express the idea, and the former was probably suggested by the word o5s occurring just before. Ver. 11. KoTa\aAi(i. A word only found in Bib. and eccles. Greek. Cf. 2 Cor. xii. 20 ; 1 Pet. ii. 1 ; and Clem, of Rome, i. 30. — Ilopei/ircTo*. As the usual meaning attached to this word in this place by commentators, ijo away, escape, is not otherwise found, Grimm would refer it to utterauce, — what goes out of the mouth. — Keyiy, without result. Here without evil result, i. e., punishment. — Slay- THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 235 eth the soul. In what the slaving of the soul consists is shown in verses 4-6, 8, above. Schmid {Das Buck d. Weisheit, p. 134) holds that here is to be found a justification (I) of the expression "mortal sin," " peccatum mortalc" in use among Roman Catholics. But cf. Ecclus. xxi. 2. Ver. 13. Grimm has brought together at this point our author's teaching on the subject of death. (1.) God is not its autlior, verses 13, 14; he made man immortal, ii. 23 ; death came into the world through the envy of Satan, ii. 24 ; through virtue and wisdom death may be escaped, i. 15 ; ii. 22 ; vi. 18; viii. 1 7 ; xv. 3 ; and a ble.ssed life with God in heaven attained, iii. 1, 14; iv. 2, 7, 10 ; v. 2, 15 ; vi. 19 : only the godless are visited with the punishment of death, i. 12, 16 ; ii. 24 ; they have no hope, iii. 11, 18 ; v. 14; xv. 6, 10; thick darkness will cover them, xvii. 21 ; yes, they will be utterly destroyed by God, iv. 19, and their Bonis perish, i. 11. Still, they are represented as suffering pain after death (eo-oi/Toi ^v oSvini, iv. 19), while having a knowledge of the blessed con- dition of the good, V, 1 f. The apparent incon- sistency of representing death as utter and .yet speaking of lost souls as being in torment, some critics formerly explained by supposing that the writer held to an intermediate state, in which (if not all) the souls of the godless remained until the day of final judgment, when they were anni- hilated. This view has, however, according to Grimm, been generally abandoned ; since it is scarcely possible to suppose that, if the author held it, he would not have more directly taught it, that is, otherwise than by simple implication. Such a view was never held by the Jews, and the author conld not have left his readers, therefore, to infer that such was his teaching in the present case. It is probable, therefore, that he did not use the word Bdyaros as meaning total annihilation, but much as it is used in Apoc. ii. 11, xxi. 8, as referring to the second death ; that is, negatively, the kiss of heavenly blessedness, and, positively, the everlasting and painful consciousness of guilt. It was an essential tenet of Alexandrian Judaism, according to Grimm, brought about (as he sup- poses) by the influence of Platouism, that imme- diately after the death of the body the soul en- tered upon its retribution in the future world. Ver. 14. Ai yepeaeis, the productions. The word has been used in this sense since the time of Plato. Cf. xvi. S6 ; xix. 1 1 ; and xiii. 3, 5, — where God is called yevtalapxv^ ^nd yivuriov^ y6s. Ver. 15. Fritzsche supplies (as above with Grimm) from the Vulgate the part of verse 15 (the second clause) which has apparently been lost. That the verse is incomplete seems plain from the construction. The usual parallelism is wanting and there is otherwise nothing to which avT6y in verse 16 could properly refer. Ver. 16. Made a covenant with it. Cf. Is. xxviii. 15, and Ecclus. xiv. 12. Chapter II. 1 For they ' said among themselves, reasoning ^ not aright, Our life is short and sad," and in the death of a man there is no deliverance ; * and there has not been 2 known one who returned from Hades.* For we were ' born accidentally ; ' and we shall be hereafter as though we had never been ; for the breath in our nostrils is' smoke, and thinking a spark produced by the beating of our heart ; ° which being 3 extinguished, the '" body will " be turned into ashes, and the ^^ spirit will ^^ vanish 4 as thin " air, and our name will '* be forgotten in time, and no 7nan will '* have our works in remembrance ; and our life wOl " pass away as the trace of a cloud, and be " dispersed as a mist, that is driven aumy by '^ the beams of the sun, and over- 5 come by ^ the heat thereof. For our time ^' is the passing by of a shadow ; ''- and of ^ our end there is no repetition ; ^ for it is fast sealed, and ^ no man cometh 6 again. Come on, therefore, and "^ let us enjoy the good /kings that are present ; 7 and let us diligently enjoy the world " as in youth. Let us fill ourselves with 8 costly wine and ointments, and let no flower of the spring ^' pass by us ; let us crown 9 ourselves with rosebuds, before they be withered ; and let there be no meadow untrod Vers, 1-3, — ^ A. V. ; the ungodly. 2 reasoning with themselves, but (the phrase ev eaurols is obviously to be joined to elirov). The preposition Fritzsche receives from III, X, 23, 55. 106. Co. Aid. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. Arm. It is also found in II. 8 A. V. : tedious (Avmjpos ; Jun. ^ molesta). * remedy {lao-ts ; Juv. , remedia). ^ neither was there any man known to have , . , . the grave (see Com.). 8 are, ' at all adventure, ^ is as. ^ a. little spark in the moving of our heart (6 Xoyos — C. and the Greek Bible of 1597 (Frankfort) as a reading, oAtyo? as A. V. — trtnvBTjp iv jciiTJo-ei leapSiatijmii'; see Com,), ^^ our. "shall. 12 ou^ (23, 157 248, 253, Co, add w"")- "shall. ** the soft (xai)^^s ; Jun., mollis). Vers. 4-6, —« A. v.: shall. >« shall. "shall " shall be. " n-ith. =» with, 21 pritzsche, Grimm, Reusch, and others adopt Kaipin for Pi'o! from n, (by a second hand) III, (first hand) X, 68, 106, 261, Co, Aid, Old I^t. The latter word was probably written by mistake through the intluence of vers. 2, 4, 22 ig a very shadow that passetb away (Luther: " Unsere Zeit ist, wie ein Schatten dahin fahrt"'; Jun,, '* ut umbrae transitus est tempos nostrum.") *^ after. 24 returning 25 go that, 26 (yjnits and (so in,, by first hand, 155, and Jun.), 27 speedily (marg., earnestly] use the creatures like. Instead of icTiVei (supported by II, and most other MSS. with Vulg, Syr, Ar, Arm.) Codd. III. 167. A. C. D. E. F. G. H. I, with Co. read KT^o-ei, These words are often interclianged in the MSS. Fritzacha receives i? i-eiTTjTo? from III, X, A, C, D, E, F. H. {text. rec. , uk veorqTi). Reusch and Grimm prefer ws iv vemfn (ai 167. 248. 263, Co, G, Old Lat,), Cf, Rom, xiii. 13. Vera. 7, 8. — >» Fritische with Reusch read Japos for i.poi (as III, 65, 106, 167. 261. 296.). Cod X. with the lat. rat •mf pert the latter 236 THE APOCRYPHA. by our luxury,' let none of us go without having part in ^ our voluptuousness ; let us leave tokens of our joyfulness in every place ; for this is our portion, and our lot 10 is this. Let us oppress the poor righteous man, let us not spare the widow, nor 1 1 reverence the venerable ^ gray hairs of the aged. And let our strength be the law 12 of justice; for that which is feeble proves itself to be worthless.^ Let us lie in wait for the righteous, because he is an annoyance to us and sets himself against our doings ; and ^ he upbraideth us with offenses against ^ the law, and lays to our 13 charge our sins against discipline.' He professeth to have a * knowledge of God, 14 and he calleth himself a' child of the Lord. He came to be to us a rebuke 15 of our opinions.'" He is grievous unto us even to behold ; for his life is not like 16 other men's, his ways are strange.'' We are esteemed by him as counterfeits ; and '^ he abstaineth from our ways as from filthiness ; he pronounceth the end of the just 17 to be blessed, and maketh his boast that God is his father. Let us see if his words be 18 true ; and let us prove what shall happen at his end.'^ For if the just man be a '^ 19 son of God, he will help him, and deliver him from the hand of his enemies. Let us examine him with despitefulness and torture, that we may know his meekness, 20 and prove his patience. Let us condemn him to '° a shameful death ; for according to his words '^ lie will " be respected. 21 These things'* they did imagine, and were deceived; for their wickedness 22 blinded " them, and ™ as for the mysteries of God, they knew them not ; neither hoped they for the wages of piety, nor discerned a reward for blameless souls. 23 For God created man for immortality,"' and made him to be an image of his own 24 being ; -- but *' through envy of the devil came death into the world, and they that are of his class experience it."^ Vera. 9, 10. — i This sentence does not appear in the Greek, but is adopted from the Old Lat. by Frltzsche, Grimm, and others. There is evidence that it originally stood in the text in the fact that in a glossary of words occurring in the Book of Wisdom found in connection with Cod. Coi.il. n. 894, the word Xeifiw is found, and it does not occur in the present text of the book. ^ A. Y. : his part of. (The Greek of this member is, fii^SeU lifiwc {MSS. 106. 155. 261., VfjiCiv) a/xoipo9 eOTu) (X., eare ^itrrai) tt]5 Tj^erepa? ayepbi\ia^). 3 ancient. Vers. 11-U.— ' A. V. : is found to be nothing worth (ixPI'rroi' Mcyx"<")- Therefore (Se is omitted by ni. X. 106. 156. 157. 248. 261. 296., and stricken out by Fritzsche). " omlls and (so Jun.). 8 our offending. ' objecteth to our infamy the transgressions of our education (Jun., infamiam irrogat nobis peceatontm vita instituta nostrte). ^ the. • the. 1" was made to reprove our thoughts (e-yeVero iitiXv eU iKeyx.ov ivvouiiv i]fi5tv ; Jun., Facttu est nobis ad redoT' fuendum eogitationes nostras). Vers. 15-17. — " A. V. : are of another fashion (efTjAAayneVai, " aussergewoknlick, sonderbar ; in dieser Bedeutung teit Aristoteles hiiufig bei den Classikern." Grimm, Com. in loc). i= of . . . . counterfeits ; he. " in the end of him. The Vulg. adds : et sciemiis quce erunt novissima itlitis. Bauermeister thought it should be received into the text, but not so Grimm, Reusch, Fritzsche. i* A. V. : the. Vers. 20-24. — '^ a. V. : with (Jun., in). ^^ by his own saying (e(c \6ytav clvtov ; the context influenced our render- ing ; otherwise it would be, as his words [deseri'e) ; cf. Matt. xii. 37). " shall. l» Such things (tuCto). i" own wickedness hath blinded (aorist). :» omits and. =' wages of righteousness .... to be immortal (eir' ai^aapria — Ip ai,., 55. 254.) 2= eternity. Instead of iSionjTot of the text, rec, supported by II. III. 23. A. C. D., Vulg., Ar., Clem, of Alex., Codd. 106. 261. Aa. B. with Old Lat. Syr. read onoiomrot ; 248. 253. E. F. Q. H., Athanas., Method., and other fathers, aiSicmiTo^. Grimm, with Bretschneider, Reusch, and Fritzsche, decides for the first (see Com.). '^A.Y.: Nevertheless. -* do hold of his side, do find it (see Com.). Chapter II. Ver. 1. The course o£ thought is closely con- nected by yap with what immediately goes before. On the last clause, cf. xvi. 14, and Eccles. viii. 8. It is an advance on the idea expressed in the pre- ceding clause in that the one looks forward, while the other is regarded as a matter of experience. The latter thought would also, on that account, be properly expressed by the aorist iyvuKTBri. Ver. 2. AuToffxeS/cos, ex tempore. That is, without previous tliouglit, and so without aim, by mere accident. The word occurs as adverb only here. The doctrine agrees in general with that of the Epicureans. Of. Schwegler's Histori/ of Philos.. p. 148. — Kal A \6yos. The inner spiritual life makes itself manifest through thoiiglit and speech. The materiali.sts of Alexandria, however, held that thought itself was simply a material product of the beating heart. Our A. V. followed the reading 0X1705, which, however, as will be seen, has little MS. authority (Cod. C), and gives a sense which does not agree so well with the context as the one proposed. The com- mon reading, moreover, has the support of a passage in the Letter of Isidore of Pelusium (iv. 146) : Oi yap atre^eU crwti/Sripa vofilaavTis that t^" ij/uX'i*'. 6tc. Ver. 3, The representation of these free thinkers was that the principle of life was simply, as it were, a tire in the heart, from which sparks (that i.s thought and speech) and smoke (or the breath) ascended. As when the smoke and sparks cease it is a sign that the tire is out, so, they reasoned, when the breathing and thinking cease the man is wholly dead, body and soul. Ver. 4. \Vill have our works in remem- brance, fxvri(JiOViv(Tti Twv tpyojv rifxav. This verb also sometimes governs the accusative, in the sense of having present in the mind (Matt. xvi. 9 ; THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 287 1 Thess. ii. 9; Rev. xviii. 5). Cf. Winer, p. 205. Orent weight was laid in [he later Jewish writings on living in the memories of men. Cf. Kcelus. xxxvii. 26; xxxix. 11; xli. 12; xliv. 7-15.— Oitlfls. This form of the word, which is not Attic, is found unly in the New Test:iment, the LXX.. and some of the Fathers. Cf. Sophocles's Le.r.^ sub voce. Vers. 7, 8. The reference is to the custom at feasts of anointing the hody, and crowning one's self witli garlands. It was practiced also among the Israelites. Cf. Ps. xxiii. 5 ; Amos vi. 6 ; Luke vii. 46. Ver. '.>. 'Ayipttix'ta (from dye'/jcijxos) was used by Homer and Pindar in a good sense as braiv, high-minded. It took on later the idea of haw/hti- ness, fierceness. Cf. 2 Mace. ix. 7, and 3 Mace. i. 25. Ver. 10. Some suppose that by the '' poor, righteous man " the Jews in general are meant, while the free-thinkers are their heathen oppres- sors. It is doubtful, however, if the author would be so understood. Among these free-lhinkers there were probably apostate Jews as well. The later periods of Jewisli history furnished at least not a few examples of this kind. Ver. 12. Tliis verse seems to make it still clearer that apostate Jews are meant, against whom ;ilone such arguments would have any par- ticular force. Ver. 13. 'EirayyeWeTai, he professeth. This word meant originally to proclaim (Lat., edicere), and was employed for public announcements (Xen., Cyrup,, vii. 4, 2). In the New Testament, however, it is used generally in the middle voice, with the meaning : to offer oriels self, one^s services, or to announce one's self as about to do something, to promise. At 1 Tim. ii. 10, it has the sense of " professing to be something," — " professing god- liness," — after the analogy of the sophists, who offered to teach something. So also in our pas- s;vge. — Knowledge of God. That is, God's will concerning man, what He requires, what He ap- proves, and what He will punish. The whole spirit of the book, however, is against our sup- posing, with Gutlierlet [Com., ad loc), that it means much more than this, and approaclies in idea the word yivwcrKfiv as used in John's Gos- pel, ii. 24 ; v. 42 ; xvii. 3. — IlaiSa Kvpiov. The words are doubtless used simply in a general sense, as elsewhere in the present book. Cf. ix. 4, 7 ; xii. 19-21 ; xix. 6. The Syriac has: " He says, 'I am son of God.'" The Armenian: " He calls his person son of the Lord." Ver. 14. A rebuke of our opinions. He be- came that in so far as men contrasted the senti- ments of the two, and their results to the disad- vantage of the free-thinkers. Ver. 16. Els Ki^S-qKov €\oyia67iiiev our^, we are esteemed by him as counterfeits. Cf. fur- ther iii. 17, ix. 6 f. ; Acts xix. 27. The impor- tance of this verb in a theological sense is well known. " That is transferred to the person, and imputed to him, which in and for itself does not belong to him ; the expression Koyi^effdai ri rivi fU W denotes that something is imputed to the person per substitutionem.' Cremer's Lex., sub voce. Ver. 17. 'Ey 4K$daci. The meaning outgoing, i. e., end, this word has onlv in the later Greek. Cf. Heb. xiii. 7. Ver. 20. Be respected. That is, from the side of God. They meant to put the matter to the test whether God would really take any notice of him in his distress. Roman Catholics gener- ally, following the lead of several of the Fathers (cf. Tertull., Contra Marc, iii. 22; August., Contra faust., xii. 44; Lactaut., iv. 16), find in this and a few previous verses a prophecy relating to the sufferings of Christ ; and so, too, among Protestants, Calovius, while Stier ( Die Apolc., pp. 18, 46) holds it for a representation which " bor- r the highest good, physical and torture (cf. ii. 19), confession u/mn torture, iUid , spiritual. It stands here op])08ed to the mis- torture, anyuish, in general. THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 239 fortune supposed by the uugodly to be the portion of the just. Ver. 4. 'Zav KoXaaSuaiv. The sufferings of the righteous generally in the world, ending in a death similar to that of other people, seems to be meant. On the construction, cf. Winer, pp. 291, 293. — 'H 4\nU avrav. The first beginnings of Christian hope, which were already involved in the facts and predictions of the Old Testament, seem here faintly to shoiv themselves. Cf. 1 Pet. i.3. Ver. .'5. Cf. Rom. viii. 18 ; 2 Cor. iv. 17. Their suffering is not an end. but a means. — Worthy of liimself Of communion with Him. Cf. Col. i. 12. The fact does not seem to be noticed that our Heavenly Father also uses discipline for all his earthly children, in order to win them to that which is good. The confining of the good provi- dence of God in its working to worthy Jews, while towards all others He is represented as hos- tile in thought and action, is a dreadful misrepre- sentation of Him who " maketh his sun to rise upon the evil and on the good, and sendcth rain on the just and on the unjust." Grimm properly calls attention to the words KoAct^etrflai, ^^ira^itrBai, 0afxa being used for dKoKavroj/^a. Ver. 7. In the time of their visitation. This seems to refer to a time when here on earth God would visit his people for good, and on their ac- count judge the nations Others refer it to the future world ; and still others suppose that it has in view specifically the final judgment at the end of the present order of things. — Run to and fro like sparks among the stubble. The meaning is that the true Israel will destroy their enemies as the tlame the stubble. The figure is a fatniliar one in the Old Testament, and is based on the custom of burning the stubl)le and refuse matter of the fields for the purpose of enriching them. Cf. Is. V. 24, xlvii. 14 ; Joel ii. 5 ; and especially Obad. verse 18. Ver. 8. Cf. Dan. vii. 18, 22, 27, and Jer. iii. 7. — BaiTi\ev(r€i avTwv Kvptos. The A. V. follows vue Vulgate in connecting the last two words together, which, however, is not the n.itural con- struction, and it also weakens the idea of the con- text. A restoration of the theocracy in distinc- tion from the dominion of strange kings is meant. Ver. 9. The truth, i. e., respecting God's now mysterious dealings with men. — Such as be faithful in love (margin of A. V., such as hf faithful shall remain ivith him in love). It is, in fact, doubtful whether iv aydtrri is to be joined with viffToi or with irpo(7fj.€vov(ri. — We have left the clause beginning "for grace and mercy" to the end of the verse, as in Fritzsche's text on the MS. authorities above given, althoutih Grimm (especially on account of its occurring at iv. 15) suspects its genuineness, and says that if left out nothing of importance would be missed. Ver. 10. 'EiriTtfiia is used also for punishment at 2 Cor. ii. 6, and often in ecclesiastical Greek. The word in classical Greek is imrl^tov. Cf., however, Ecclus. i.x. 5 ; 2 Mace. vi. 13. Ver. 12. "Afpopes. Bretschneider (with Biel), on accoimt of what follows in the context, gives this word here the meaning of adulteress, with the remark : " Apponuntur mulieribus castis, quee non coqnoverunt koWii]v iv ■n-apaTTTwfj.aTi.^' Ver. 13. 'ETTiKarapaTos. It is used only in Biblical and ecclesiastical Greek. Like iirapaTO!, it means laid under a curse. It is the opposite of iiiKoyT]iiivos. Cf. xiv. 8 ; Tob. xiii. 12. — Sinful bed. The marriage bed of those who live in sin is meant. — Shall have fruit, i.e., shall have reward. — In the visitation of souls. At the time when God shall clear up the enigmas of life, and show things in their true light. Cf. 3 Mace. V. 42. Some Roman Catholic as well as Protes- tant commentators hold that our author means to teach the desirability of celibacy ; which, how- ever, as it seems to us, would be to give his words a meaning out of harmony with the context. He is simply showing the evil effects of sin upon one's family and posterity, " Their offspring is cursed." Better than such is the condition of those even who have no children at all, who are sterile [6.KapTTos, 6.yovQs), and by the world, therefore, are held to lie unfortunate and unhappy, but who are really happier than the wicked parents of wicked children. Moreover, the language as thus interpreted would not be at all suitable in the mouth of Solomon, the ostensible author of the work, with his seven hundred wives and three hundred concubines. Ver. 14. Natural sterility on the part of the man seems to be referred to, and not at all en- forced celibacy. Cf. Is. Ivi. 3-5, to which this passage evidently has reference. — Ttj^ irio-rews Xapts 6«AeKTT7. Some (Schmid) take TriVxis here in the sense of " faithfulness," by which a person would be enalded to hold out against all tempta- tions in his fealty to right principles. Grimm more properly understands it in the broader sense of " the firm' and joyful persuasion of the truth of the theocratic idea ami the promises attached to it." It is to be noticed that this iriVris was not; a reward of merit, but a gracious gift (xctpis). Cf. Eph. ii. 8. Ver. 16. 'AreXeffTa. Lit., incomplete. It doel not seem to refer to the earthly life in particular, but to the object for which man was created, — they fail of the final goal. Cf. iv. 5 : /cAaves oreAecTTOt. Ver. IS. '0|ews. Lit., violently, quickly; but here obviously in the sense of early, soon. There is perhaps some ground at this point, as in the fol- lowing chapter, verses 3-5, for the objection raised by Kecrl, that God is represented as ([uite too harsh in his dealings with these innocent children of adulterers. But it can hardly be regarded as anything more than a rhetorical exaggeration of the idea that the sins of parents are visited upon their children. Cf. Deut. v. 9 f., xxiv. 16 ; Eaek. xviii., passim. 240 THE APOCRYPHA. Chapter IV. 1 Better is childlessness with virtue ; for in the remembrance thereof is immor- 2 tality ; ' because it is known both ^ with God, and with men. When it is present, men take example from " it ; and when it is gone, they desire it ; and in eternity 3 it marches on in triumph, having gotten the victory in the contest * for undefiled rewards. But the fruitful multitude of the godless shall be useless and os shoots 4 from impure slips shall not root deeply nor get firm ^ foundation. For though their branches may be green ^ for a time, yet standing not fast, they shall be shaken by ' 5 the wind, and through the force of winds they shall be rooted out. Imperfect 6 branches shall be broken off round about, and their fruit be * unprofitable, not ripe to eat, yea, meet for nothing. For children begotten of unlawful intercourse ' are witnesses of vice '" against their parents in their trial. 7, 8 But though the righteous may pass away early, he shall be at ^^ rest. For honorable age is not that which standeth in length of time, nor that is measured by 9 number of years. But discernment is ^- gray hair unto men, and an unspotted life 10 is old age. He pleased God, and was beloved ; and '° living amongst sinners he was 1 1 translated. He was snatched away lest the evil ^* should alter his understanding, 12 or deceit beguile his soul. For the fascination of vice doth obscure that which is 13 good; and the intoxication of passion upsets the uncorrupted '^ mind. He, being 14 made perfect in a short time, fulfilled a long time; for his soul pleased the Lord, 16 therefore it hasted from the midst of wickedness.'* But while the people saw, they did not also understand," neither laid they up this in their minds, that grace and 1 6 mercy are " with his chosen," and his visitation with his saints.^" But ^' the righteous who is already dead ^ shall condemn the ungodly who are still '^ living ; and youth that is soon perfected the old age of many years -* of the un- 17 righteous. For they shall see the end of the wise, and shall not understand what he hath decreed concerning him, and to what end the Lord ^ set him in safety. 18 They shall see, and ridicule it;-" but the Lord shall laugh at them^ ; and they shall afterwards ^* be a dishonored -^ carcase, and a reproach among the dead 19 for evermore. For he shall plunge them speechless down headlong, and shall "' shake them from the foundation ; and they shall be utterly laid waste, and shall be 20 in anguish, °' and their memorial shall perish. At the reckoning up of their sins they shall appear with trembling ; and their transgressions shall convict '^ them to their face. Vers. 1-3. — ' A. V. : it is to have no children, and to have virtue, for the memorial thereof is immortal. * oTnits both. s at. According to Codd. III. 65. 106. 1B6. 157. 248. 264. 296. A. B. F. G. H., with Methodius, rijiicri^ shoulcl be read for tiinovvToi. But the latter is supported by 23. 68. 263. in addition to the text. ree. (with II.), the Vulg. Syr. Ar. and Ann. versions, and adopted by Grimm, Reusch, and Fritzsche. * A. V. : it weareth a crown, and triumpheth forever .... striving. c multiplying brood of the ungodly shall not thrive nor take deep rooting from bastard slips, Dor lay any fast. Vers. 4-8. — " A. V. : they fiourish in branches. ' shaken with. * The imperfect .... off, their fruit. • beds {marg., Or , sleeps ; cf. vii. 2). lo wickedness (n-otafpia?, whose sense is made clear by the context). " be prevented with death, yet shall he be in. Vers. 9-12. — 12 j^ y. : wisdom (i^potTjtris) is the. *3 of Kim so that. " Yea, speedily was he taken away {see Com.) lest that wiokedness (X. 23. 156. 167. 248. Co. have the article before Kaxia ; 65. the same, and avrou after it. Fritzsche receives the article). "■ bewitching of naughtiness doth obscure things that are honest ; and the wandering of concupiscence doth undermine ImlxTg., pervert; nee Com.) the simple. Vers. 13-17. — '" A. V. : therefore hasted he to take him away (see Com. ; 155., itriTovSairev, Nanniue suggested etr- waaev — trndui, to draw forth — but it was rejected by other critics) from among the wicked. ^^ This the people saw, and understood it not. Instead of Aaoi, III. (from the first hand) \hb. 296. read oAAoi. But cf. ii. 13 ; iii. 10. 15 A. V. : his grace aud mercy is. ^^ saints (the words " saints ■■ and " chosen "' are read in an inverse order in III. 56. 68. 106. 348. 254. 261. f'o. Aid. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. Arm. Cf. iii. 9). ™ n^t he hath respect unto his chosen (see pre- ceding note). 2' Thus (Se, omitted by 248. and Junius). 22 that is dead (Boivdiv, III. 68. 155. 167. 248. 254. 296. A. C. D. E. II. I. Co. Aid. ; Bayirif, 106. 261., and it is preferred by Thilo ; Kafidiv, II. — corrected to Bavdv — 23. 85. 264. Arm. and, apparently, Syr. Ar. See Com.). ^^-whivhave. 24 many years and old age {iroAveTes yijpa?). 25 God in his counsel hath decreed {ipovXevaavro — plur. — 2(51. Co.) of (irepi) him and to what end the Lord hath. Vers. 18-20. — *' A. V. : him and despise him (23. 263. add avrov). 27 Qod shall laugh them to scorn. " here- after. 2i» vile (aTiuoi'). 30 rend them, and cast them down headlong, that they shall be speechless, and he shall " and be in sorrow. 32 Ai,(J v^^eQ they cast up the accounts (marg., to the casting up of the account; 106. 271 tv ^oyitrnxf) of their sine, they shall come with fear : and their own iniquities (ra di'e/i)jfiara avrwc) shall convinot lMy(m to the spirit and tenor of the entire Old Testament. Ver. 2. Tiiv tuv a^uaVTwv idAcmf ayuva vikt)- aa(ra. Grimm understands 59\a (or dSKot) in the sense of single combats, cases of suffering and persecution in the great battle of life (d7w>') ; and renders: " Kampfin unbpji' cktem Streite bestehend." Other renderings are. Bunsen's Bibelwerk : " Nach- dein sie ini Kampfe Jieckenlosen Streites qesieqt hat.'* Gutmann : " Nachdem sie iin Kainpfe •jesiegt und den Preis des unbejieckten Lebens errungen hat." De Wette : " Nackdem sie im unbe/ieckten Ehrenkampfe gpsicgt hat," Gaab : " Nachdem sie den Kampf gliicklich bestanden hat, fur die unhejieckien Kampfbelohnungen" Ver. 3. 'Ek t/SBav = 6 4k vSewv. Cf. LXX. at Deut. xxiii. 2. The figure is mixed, the word being unsuitable as applied to persons. Ver. 6. "Tirvor is used in this sense also at vii. 2. Cf. Homer, Od., xi. 245. — Tlovjiplas. Here moral impurity, vice. Ver. 7. The Vulgate translates (i> avaTavan by in refrigerio, as though it were eV avcv\iv^fi ; and certain Roman Catholic commentators refer it to the lightening of the pains of purgatory through the prayers of the living, by which hopes of future deliverance are raised. Schmid, on the contrary (Com., in loc.), says, with some tartness, that the doctrine referred to is not based on this passage, and that this or that theologian or church fatlier does not make the church. He calls attention, however, to the fact that heaven, as a place, in the language of the ancient church, is locus re- 'rigerii. — It is noticeable that Bavu stands here ♦ith an infinitive, which is a rare construction, it ^eing generally followed by a participle. Ver. 9. Grimm quotes a similar idea from Philo, Menander, Cicero, Seneca, and Plutarch. Ver. 10. The reference is undoubtedly to Enoch. The word used, /ifTeTeSri, is the one commonly employed in the LXX. (Gen. v. 24), by the Alexandrian Jews, and the early church, for describing the translation of this patriarch. Cf. Ecclus. xliv. 16 ; Heb. xi. 5 ; and Clement of Rome, Ad Cor., ix. : " iSumamus Enochum, qui in obedientia Justus repertus,translatus fuit [;i6T€Te'0T]], neque mors ejus inventa est.'* The passage seems to be used to illustrate in what the death of the righteous iu general differs from that of others. It is less a death than a translation, in that they pass immediately into the presence of God, and enjoy communion with him. Ver. 1 1 . 'HpirayT). A later form for ripwiadr). This word is used in the same sense in Acts viii. 39 ; 2 Cor. xii. 2, 4 ; 1 Thess. iv. 17. Ver. 12. 'Pe^$aaij.6s. Elsewhere, confined to eccles. Greek ; ^en0d(eiv being the intensive form of l>f^d€iv, to turn about in a circle. Cf. Marc. Anton., ii. 7. — MeTaWeua. This word was used by the Greeks of digging in the earth for metals. See Sophocles* Lex., ad voc. The meaning " under- mine," given to it by our English translators, seems to be derived from this fact. But it can scarcely 16 have been the idea of the writer ; and Grimm, Gut- berlet, and others think that it was used by him as though derived from &\Xos, and in the sense of " change," /. e., change for the worse. That good Greek writers sometimes mistook, in this way, the meaning of words, by ascribing to them a false derivation, Grimm illustrates by the case of St. Mark (xii. 4), who uses the verb Ke(pa\aiovi/, recapitulate, go over the same thing, in the sense of wound in the head. — Noif, mind. This word occurs but seldom in the Apocrypha, or in the LXX. generally, and with no clearly defined meaning. Cf. Jnd. viii. 14; 2 Mace. xv. 8; and the present book at ix. 15. See Cremer's Lex., ad vvc. Ver. 13. Being made perfect. It is used in a spiritual sense : his moral training having been completed. The expression, according to Ivleuker {Halomonische Denkwiirdigkeiten, p. 203), was one used in the Mysteries. Cf. Ecclus. xxxiv. 10. Ver. 14. '1 he translation of the A. V. is based on the Vulg,ate and patristic citations, and has the support of Grotins, Luther, and others; but is not a correct rendering of the almost universally attested ((nreuaev. The passage literally trans- lated does not teach or encourage one to despise the present life. It simply shows that the soul of the righteous does not shrink from an early death, but is prepared for it, as St. Paul also teaches in many places. Cf. Is. Ivii. 1, and Horn., Od., XV. 245. Ver. 16. KcLfiiiv. Second aorist part, from Ka/xvu ; lit., through with suffering, or wearied, ivorn out. It is used for the dead (Lai., defunc- tus) very commonly in Greek, in order to soft- en the harshness of the idea. Cf. Thucyd., iii. 59. In Herod., i. 197, Kiixvovm means also the sick. — Shall condemn. He does so in that he sets a standard in his own life to which the ungodly are far from attaining. — Many years. They are mere years, without any real life. Cf. verse 9. Ver. 17. For (yip) refers back to KwroKpivii in the previous verse, and gives a reason for the condemnation of the godless. It was their be- havior on the occasion of the early death of the righteous. — Shall see. The future is used for the present, or perhaps in a sort of prophetical sense. So Bauermeister (Com., ad loc.) : " Poetico furore auctor coireptus vaticinatur." Ver. 18. nTufia. Grimm, with the A. V., and in harmony with the usual employment of this word in Greek, gives to it the signification carcase, corpse (Is. xiv. 9). But Gutberlet main- tains that the context requires the rendering ruin, which is also tliat of the Arabic and Syriac. Yet with this latter rendering the figure employed would still remain a mixed one, and the supposed unity of thought not thereby attained. In fact, the word (S^^ei (verse 19) would seem to form the point of transition from tlie idea of a ruined body to that of a ruined building. Ver. 19. 'P^{ei. This verb was employed in the later Greek to express the movement by whicli a combatant hurled his antagonist to the ground. — From the foundation. The figure U that of a building prostrated by some great con- vulsion. 242 THE APOCRYPHA. Chapter V. 1 Then shall the righteous man stand in great boldness before the face of such as 2 have afflicted him, and made no account of his labors.^ On seeing it, they shall be thrown into confusion ^ with terrible fear, and shall be amazed at the unexpected- 3 ness of his deliverance.' Repenting they shall say among themselves, — yea, because of anguish of spirit * they shall sigh and say,^ This was he, whom 4 we fools once had * in derision, and as ' a proverb of reproach. "We * accounted 5 his life madness, and his end to be without honor. How is he numbered among 6 the sons of God, and how is his lot^ among the saints! So'" have we erred from the way of truth, and the light of righteousness shone not for " us, and the 7 sun ^'^ rose not upon us. We surfeited '^ ourselves in the ways of transgression '* and destruction ; yea, we went through deserts, where there lay no way ; but as 8 for the way of the Lord, we knew it not. What hath pride profited us ? or what 9 good hath riches with our vaunting brought us ? All those things are passed away 10 like a shadow, and as a rumor that has teth ^^ by ; and as a ship that passe th through the heaving water, which having gone'° by, the trace thereof cannot be found, 11 neither the pathway of her keel in the waves ; or as when a bird hath flown through the air, there is no token of a way " to be found ; but the light air being beaten by the stroke of wings,'^ and parted with whizzing force is passed through with wings in 12 motion, and therein afterwards no sign where it '' went is to be found ; or as '^ when an arrow is shot at a mark, the air being parted is at once resolved into itself again, 13 so that one ^' cannot know where it went through : so also we, having been born, disappeared from view,-'- and had no sign of virtue to shew, but consumed our lives 14 in the midst of our -^ wickedness. For the hope of the ungodly is like dust ^ that is blown away by '^ the wind ; and -^ like thin froth ^ that is driven away by the ^ storm ; and as a smoke dispersed by the wind, ^ and passeth away as the re- 15 membrance of a guest that tarrieth but a day. But the right-eous live for ever- more ; their reward also is in '" the Lord ; and the care of them is with tlie Most 16 High. Therefore shall they receive, the kingdom of glory and the crown of beauty '^ from the Lord's hand ; for with his right hand will ^^ he cover them, and 17 with his arm will ^' he protect them. He will take his jealousy as equipment,'^ and 18 make the creation a'* weapon for the punishment*^ of his enemies. He will clothe himself with *' righteousness as a breastplate, and put on '* true judgment 19, 20 as ^ a helmet. He will '"' take holiness for an invincible shield ; and severe Vers. 1-4. — i Others : made his labors of no account. 2 x. V. : When they see it ... . troubled (the usual ren- dering of Tapa" A. V. : Therefore (apa ; Grimm, deynnarh ; Bun.^cn's Eibelwerk, Also ; Junius, Plan6). ^^ hath not Bhined unto {e^afi^iiev ; eVeXo^i/'fi', 23. 55. 106. 157. ; III. 296., eV before iit^lv}. 12 snn of righteousness (Codd. 23. 248 853., with Co., add -ri)? 6t(caiO(7viojs after ijAio? ; Old Lat., sol inteUigentix). ^^ wearied imd-vg. ^Jilled ourselves or sur- feited). '* way of wickedness (ai/o^tas). "■ have gone through .... have not known it ... . post (ayyfAt'a, Geriichty Grimm ; cf. Com.) that hasted. Vers. 10-13. — ^^ A. V. : over the waves of the iStepxofifyri Kvfiatvopievotf iJSiap) .... when it is gone. *' Aer way. * with .... her wings. ^^ with the violent noise and motion of them is passed through .... she. 20 \[]^q ^s. ^ it parteth the air, which immediately cometh together again so that a man. ^ even so we in like manner, as soon as we were bom, began to draw to onr end (for e^eXiiropitv III. 248. Co. have e^eXeiVo/xec). 23 were consumed in our own (we do not render with Grimm, Bunsen's Bibeiwerk, Osiander, Heydenreich, Schmid, Gutmann : " but were snatched ftway,'" etc.). Ver. 14-17. — 24 A. V. : dust. Fritzsche receives x»'ous {down^ or dust of chaff ; text, rec., xoi"^) ^rom 11. III. X. 23. 55. 156. ("o. Aid. ; Old Lat., lanugo : marg. of A. V., thistle down). ^s „itii. M omits and. '" a thin froth (marg. chaff). Grimm and Thilo prefer, with 157. F. G., axt^J (akin to xi-oos) ; cf. svi. 29. The former is supported by II. Ill Ar. Codd. 23. 106. have i>s ipix^v {cobweb). The Ar., iLs ipaxvij "ai trixvri. ^ A. V. : with the. ™ jjite as th« Bmoke which is dispersed hero and there with a tempest. »o with ^i a glorious kingdom {marg., *' Or. palace unless the word be taken unproperly, as 2 Mace. ii. 17 ; " cf. i. 14. The word is doubtless used by metonymy here fot leingdom, as the following StairtiJia shows), and a beautiful crown. ^2 ghaU. ^3 shall. ** shall take to him . . . for complete armour. ^^ creature his. •'*'' revenge. Vers. 18-20. —'•^'' A. V. : shall put on [ivSutrtrat.). ^^ omits put on dreptfl^creTai). ^" insleaJ of. '^ shall. THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 2-i3 wrath will ' he sharpen for a sword, and the world ^ shall fight to the end with ' 21 him against the unwise. Well-aimed thunderbolts shall go * abroad ; and J'rom 22 the clouds, as from a well drawn bow, shall they fly to the mark. And from a sling, his wrath, shall be hurled forth showers of hail ; waters * of the sea shall 23 rage against them, and rivers shall sweep precipitously over them.^ Tea, a mighty wind shall rise ' up against them, and like a storm shall winnow * them away : and so ° iniquity shall lay waste the whole earth, and ill dealing shall overthrow the thrones of the mighty. Vers. 20-23. — * A. V. : His severe wrath shall. ^ world (6 KoirtiiK ; see Com.). s shall fight [avveKTroXcfn^irei , em- phatic, — .figfii through, fight to the end) with. * Then shall the right aiming thunderbolts go. " hailstones full of wrath shall be cast as out of a stone bow (see Com.), and the water (sing, in form, but plural in sense). ^ the Hoods (iroTojuoij shall cruelly drown them [tjvyKKv(rov, sweep over. This word was used in classical Greek in the passive to mean, to be washed over by the waves (so Plutarch, ii. 206 C, and 467 D.) ; and truyKXvs was what was washed together, hence refuse, a mob. Ver. 23. A mighty wind, nvivixa huva^jaws. On account of the following comparison, Grimni would render by breath of the Almighty. The question has been much discussed as to the time of the retribution spoken of inverses 17-23 : some holding that those of the future world are meant ; others, those of the final judgment, or such as will precede that event. But it would seem that the author does not attempt to fix the time. He only announces general principles, such as govern divine providence at all times. Moreover, the writer, carried away by the grandeur of the ideas which he is seeking to express, loses sight of the free-thinkers with whom he began, and includes all the enemies of God — that is, all who are not trne Israelites — in the sweep of his {uasi-pro- phetic dennnciationa. 244 THE APOCRYPHA. Chapter VI. 1 Hear therefore, O ye kings, and understand ; learn, ye that he judges of the ends 2 of the earth. Give ear, you that rule a host,^ and glory in a ' multitude of nations. 3 For the rulership is given you from the Lord, and the sovereignty • from the High- 4 est, who shall try your works, and search out yotir counsels. Because, being min- isters of his kingdom, you have not judged aright, nor kept the law, nor walked 5 after the will ^ of God, fearfully and speedily will he come upon you ; for a sharp 6 judgment is taken on ^ them that be in high places. For the lowest is pardonable 7 through mercy : ^ but mighty men shall be mightily chastised. For he who is Lord over all will ' fear no man's person, neither will ' he stand in awe of any man's 8 greatness ; for he made small ^ and great, and careth for all alike. But a sharp inquiry ^"^ shall come upon the mighty. 9 Unto you therefore, O rulers,^' do I speak, that ye may learn wisdom, and not 10 fall away. For they that keep holiness holUy shall be judged holy ; '^ and they 11 that have learned it'' shall find a defense." Wlierefore be desirous of'^ my 12 words ; yearn for them,"^ and ye shall become instructed." Wisdom is glorious, and never fadeth away ; and '* she is easily recognized '^ of them that love her, and 13 found of such as seek her. She anticipates'^" them that desire her, that she may 14 make"' herself first known vnto tkem. He who ^ seeketh her early shall have no 15 great travail; for he shall find ^er sitting at his doors. For to meditate about ^ her 7s perfection of understanding ; ^* and he who is wakeful on her account ''^ shall 16 quickly be without care. For she goeth about seeking such as are worthy of her, and '^^ sheweth herself favorable unto them in their ■' ways, and meeteth ^" them in 17 every thought. For the surest ^ beginning of her is a ^ desire of instruction ; '* 18 and care for instruction is love for her ; *^ and love is keeping her '^ laws ; and 19 giving "* heed unto her laws is assurance ^ of incorruption ; and incorruption maketh 20, 21 us near unto God ; so a desire for'" wisdom bringeth to a kingdom. If then your delight be in thrones and sceptres, O ye rulers " of the people, honor wisdom, 22 that ye may reign for evermore. But '* as for wisdom, what she is, and how she arose,'^ I will tell you, and will not hide mysteries from you ; but wLU seek her out from the beginning of creation,^" and bring the knowledge of her into light, and will 23 not pass by *' the truth. Nor indeed will I walk *'^ with consuming envy ; for this ^' 24 shall have no fellowship with wisdom. But a multitude of wise men is the salva- 25 tion of the world ; and a discreet king is the weal " of the people. Receive there- fore instruction through my words, and it shall do you good. Vers. 1-8. — ^ A. V. : the people (see Coin.). 2 in the. 3 power (Jun., potentia; see Com.) is given you of the Lord and sovereignty. * counsel {^ovKriv). ^ horribly .... shall he come .... shall be to (see Com.). (Codd. 23. 55. 165. 2o3. 254. supply oAe^po? after uM-it'-) " mercy will ioon pardon the meanest (.see Com.). 7 tormented. For he which is ... . shall. ^ shall. ^ hath made the small. ^^ sore trial (see Com.). Vers. 9-14. — " A. V. ; kings [rvpttwoi). ^ {m3iTg. ,jujtrjierl ; seeCojTi.). ^^ have learned such things (SiSaxSeVref aura). ^* what to answer (marg., a defence). '■'' set your affection upon (rfiri^ju^traTe). '* desire them [no&ricraT€ ; aiiTOuv is to be understood). ^^ be instructed (Grimm, und so werdet iJir gebildet werden). " yea. l" seen (Wahl gives the verb here the meaning of eontemplor, i. e., " cum attenlione vel admiratione video,^^ Clavii^ ad voc. ; but the context is against it). 20 preventeth. ^^ in making. ^ \Vhoso. Instead of eVt after opSpttrai (as II. 23. 68. 157. Clem, of Alex.) Codd. III. 65. 106. 155.248. 253. 254. 261. 296. with Co. have npis, which is the more common preposition found after this verb in the LXX. Vers. 15-20. — ^ A. V.: To think, therefore (y^p), upon. " wisdom {<^por^o-ews). ^ whoso watcheth for her (5t' avT^i/ ; see CoTn.). M OTnits and. ^^ the (rai?, but with the force of the personal pronoun). -^ For vnavTa of the text. Tec. Fritzache has received anavT^ from III. X. 23. 55. 106. and Co. (see Com.). 2a a. V. : very true (oAtj- 0ecrraT7j ; see Com.). so 1.5 the. ^1 discipline (marg., nurture — TraiSetay ; of. iii. 11 ; vii. 15). ^2 the care cl discipline i> love. 23 the keeping of her. ■■*■• the giving. ^5 the assurance. ^6 therefore the desire of. For apa. 1U6. 155. 157. 263. 254. 261. 296. read yap ; 248. Co., yip ipa. Vers. 21-25. — =*' A. V. : If your delight be then .... kings. 38 omitx But. 3^ came up. *« f^gj. nativity (yeceaew? ; I render, with Grimm and Bunsen's Bibelwerk, against Wahl who gives the word here the meaning of origo 07tus ; cf. Com.). " pass over. *2 Neither will I go (oure p.r\v — avvohevtritt ; 106. 261. read p.r) for p.riv ; cf. Com.). *3 fluch a vian (oCtoc ; toioStos, 107. 263 ; see Covi. Codd. 111. 23. 55. 167. read Koi.wvei for Kotviuiri]trei). ** the mol. titude of the wise 15 the welfare of ... . wise king is the upholding ('' Wohlstand," Wahl's Ctavis, 5hA voce). Chapter VI. Ver. 1. Hear and understand. The same I farthest removed. The expression is common Greek words, aKoiftv and amiivai are connected together in the LXX. at Is. vi. 9 (cf. M.att. xiii. 14). — The " endi of the earth" are the lands also in the classics. Cf. Hom., II., riii. 4, 7, 8 Thucyd., i. 69. Ver. 2. IIA^Savs, host. So named in con- THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 246 trast with the few rulers. All earthly sovereigns seem to be meant, not excepting those of Rome, under whose rule Egypt must have been at this time. Ver. 3. The Vulp6vT}a-i5. It should not have been translated " wisdom," when the context plainly makes a dis- tinction between them. It is difficult to give its e.xact rendering. It means a proper insight into the various relations of life. It is a practical quality, and may be rendered saynciti/, insiyht, prudenc, or, as here, understanding. — He that is wakeful (a7fiuir>':^iros) on her account shall shortly be without care li./j.fpi/j.t'o!}. Ver. 16. Kal eV Trdar} dirivoia axavra aifTais. Otliers translate ; meets them with all attention, Cf. Com. of Grimm. Ver. 17. The Vulgate and most commentators join aATj^ecTTaTT; with iivi6vfxia, and translate it in the sense of most sincere ; but this does not agree so well with the context as the rendering we have given, which is also that of De Wette, Gutmaun, Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and Grimm. Ver. 18. Cf. our Lord's words, Johu xiv. 21, 24. — Laws, fii/xoi. Usually iinoKai is used in this sense in the Old Testament Greek. Cf., however, the LXX. at Jer. xxxi. 33; Ezek. v. 6; 2 Mace. iv. 17, vii. 9 : and also Heb. x. 16, where the Old Testament is cited. Vers. 19, 20. Philo (according to Dahne, 1. 331 ff.) has the same gener.al idea with respect to a blessed immortality, — that it is the fruit of virtue and the fear of God. — ■ Near to God, i. e. brings us into spiritual likeness and cominuniou with Him. — 'A(p6ap(Tta, incorruption, as at 1 Cor. XV. 42. It was used by Philo to express the idea of immortality. Here, as well as at ii. 23, 4 Mace. xvii. 12, Rom. ii. 7, 2 Tim. i. 10, it includes the thought of an immortality that is lilessed. — A kingdom. Dominion in the future world is meant, as the connection shows and the law of climax demands. Cf. Rom. v. 17; 1 Cor. iv. 8; 2 Tim. ii 12. Ver. 22. Mysteries. The Alexandrian Jews would not have thought it necessary or right to conceal, after the manner of the Greek philoso- phers, anything from their fellow-countrymen as though it were too sacred or too deep for them to understand. To them there were no initiated or uninitiated, — nothing that was simply esoteric Grimm quotes Philo, also, as saying, in disparage- ment of such a course on the part of the philos- 0|)liers; tpOSvos yap ap^ri^s Sic^Kitxrat. — Vivfirews. The A. V. would supply auTjjs. But if the refer- ence had been tu the beginning, origin of wisdom, this word would not have been omitted. Crea- tion in general is clearly meant. Cf. Mark x. 6, .xiii. 19 ; 2 Pet. ii. 4, and chap. x. of the present book. — 'Efixi'iaCeii' is used only in ecclesiastical Greek for the cbtssical ^^ixf^vetv. Ver. 23. SuvoSeltra, walk with, have to do with. Probably chosen on account of its similarity of sound to wapoSeva-a in the preceding line. Cf. Ovid's picture of envy {Metani., ii. 775 ff.) : — " Pallor in ore sedet, macies in corpore toto ; ^iisquatn recta acies ; livent rudigine denies ; Pectorafelle virent ; lingua est suffusa veneno,* etk — 2o0ia in the dative as personified after Kotvatvii- o-fi (cf. 1 Tim. V. 22), or, as Winer (p. 200) would explain it, on account of the notion of community implied in the verb. Such a construction, also, occurs not infrequently in classical Greek. Cf. Liddell and Scott's Greek Lex., sub voce. — Ovrot 246 THE APOCRYPHA. refers to envy. The Valgate, followed by the A. v., has lalis homo. The admonitious of this chapter would seem to be out of harmony with our author's ideas as expressed at v. 17 ff. and vi. 5, where he an- nounces God's judgments upon the heathen em- pires of the world, unless we consider that he there predicts what will take place in case they ihow no repentance. Grimm is of the opinion, on the other hand, that these predictions were quitt too positive to admit of such a supposition. Still, the Old Testament Scriptures furnish us an ex- ample, in the preaching of Jonah at Niueveh, where the announcement of divine judgments was no less positive ; and yet they were condi- tioned, as the event proved, on the moral attitude of the Ninevites, as over against such a proclama- tion. Chapter VII. 1 I MYSELF also am a mortal man, as all others,' and offspring ^ of him that was 2 first made of the earth, and in my mother's womb was fashioned as ° flesh in the time of ten months, being compacted in blood, of the seed of man, and pleasure * 3 that came with sleep. And on being born, I drew in the common air, and fell upon the earth, which is of like nature with all,^ and the first sound ° which I 4 uttered was crying, as is true of all.' I was nursed in swaddling clothes, and 6, 6 cares.* For there is no king that had any other beginning of being. But ° all men have one entrance into life, and the like going out. 7 Wherefore I prayed, and understanding was given me ; 1 called upon God, and 8 the spirit of wisdom came to me. I preferred her before sceptres and thrones, and 9 esteemed riches as '" nothing in comparison with '^ her. Neither compared I unto her a priceless stone,'" because all gold in respect to her is a little sand, and silver 10 shall be counted as clay beside'^ her. I loved her above health and beauty, and 11 chose to have her instead of light ; for the light that cometh from her never goeth out. But all good things came to me together with her, and innumerable riches 12 through " her hands. And I rejoiced in all,'^ because wisdom goeth before them ; 13 and I knew not that she was the mother of them. I both learned without guile,'* 14 and communicate without envy ; " I do not hide her riches. For she is a treasure unto men that never faQeth ; which they that use have provided for themselves '" a friendship with ''' God, being commended on account of gifts -'" that 15 come from learning. But me may God grant"' to speak as I would, and to think worthily of "- the things that are given me ; ^ because he is both the guide of wisdom 16 and the directer of the wise. For in his hand are both we and our words; all "17 skill '^ also, and knowledge of workmanship. For he gave me trustworthy^' knowledge of the things that are, namely : to know how the world was fashioned," 18 and the force '"* of the elements ; beginning, and ending, and midst of times ; 19 alternations of solstices, and changes of seasons ; ^ circuits of years,*" and Vers. 1-7. — 1 A. V. : man, like to all. (According to Reusch, Cod. X. is alone in omitting afflpwTros, but this is also true of II. in its original form. A coiTector has written it in a contracted form over lao?.) - the uHspring. ^ to U. < the pleasure. Instead of virviu of the text. tec. (as II. III.), Codd. X. 23. 106. 253. 261. with Vulg. Ar. Aim. read iin-i/ou. This word might be freely rendered " conception." ^ A. V. ; when I was bom .... which is of like nature (see Com.). "voice. ' all oMers do. For Triaii- tira (as II. III. 23.) X. 105. 253. 261. read iTroiriv. But this change probably arose from the objection felt to having lo-a follow bfioiav. For the same reason Grabe, Amald, Schleusner, and Gaab, would substitute ^Ka (with Co. ; 248., ^aa =: la-a, or lao) for lo-a, while Codd. F. G. left out the latter word. Grimm, Reusch, and Fritzsche follow the text. rec. See Co?n. « .\. V. : that with cares (Fritzsche re- jects iv (supported by II. 23. text, rec.) it not being found in III. X. 65. 106. 253. 254. 296.). » birth (yevtaeus ; cf. vi. 22. and Com.]. For. Vers 8-12. —'"A. V. : omi/4 as. ^ oi. i= any precious stone. For aTt/njTOc ((fa:/, rec. Aid., marg. of A. V.), 848. 263. Co. Vulg. read ri^uov. 13 a. V : of her ii as (Codd. 23. 248. 296. supply is before i(', Co. Aid. Vulg. Ar. ; marg. of A. v., God grant ; see Com.). ■■ concciveas is meet (afioi', 2G1.) for. ^ are given me (marg., are to be spoken vf: Fritzsche receives AeyojieVuv (text, rec, II. 68. 167. 248. '253. Vulg., ieio\i.ivoiv, which is preferred by Grimm and Keusch) from III. X. 23. 65. 106. 254 201. 296. A. B. D. E. 11. Syr. Ar. Arm. " a V. : leadeth unto wisdom and directeth (see Com.). '" wisdom (.<)piiiTjeris ; special meaning determined by the context). -' hath given me certain [aifitviii, trustworthy). =' made (" harmonische Organisation der Welt," Grimm ; constructio, Wahl). " operation {efefrytLav). '^ the beginning (see Com.), ending and midst of the times : the alterations of the turning of the sun ind the change of seasons (106. 26i omit Kcupuii' ; see Co?7!.). '" the circuits of years. Fritzsche receives fviavroi THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 247 20 21 22 positions ' of stars ; natural qualities of animals, and fury ^ of wild beasts ; powers of spirits,' and reasonings ■* of men ; diversities ^ of plants, and virtues ° of roots ; and all such things as are either secret or manifest, I knew ; ' for wisdom, which is the artificer ' of all things, taught me. For in ° her is an un- derstanding spirit, holy, one only, manifold, subtUe, facile," clear, undefiled, plain, not subject to hurt, loving the thing that is good, sharp, unrestrained," ready to 23 do good, kind to man, steadfast, trustworthy,^-' free from care, having all power, overseeing all things, and permeating all intelligent, pure, and most subtile spir- 24 its.'' For wisdom is more mobile than any motion ; and she also passeth " and 25 goeth through all things by reason of her pureness. For she is a breath '^ of the power of God, and a pure effluence '" from the glory of the Almighty ; therefore no 26 defiled thing falls " into her. For she is a reflection '' of the everlasting light, and an '" unspotted mirror of the efficiency of God, and image -° of his goodness. 27 And though hut ^' one, she can do all things ; and though -^ remaining in herself, she maketh all things new ; and from generation to generation ^ entering into holy 28 souls, she equippeth ^■' friends of God, and prophets. For God loveth none but 29 him that dwelleth with wisdom. For she is more beautiful than the sun, and above every position -'" of stars ; being compared with the light, she is found superior.-" 30 For after this cometh night ; but vice shall not prevail against wisdom. faom III. X. 65. 157. 24S. 25a 254. 296. Co. Old Lat. Euseb. The text. rcc. has eVcaurii- (with II. 23. 63. 106. 26L Origen, Syr. Arm.). It is not easy to decide between them, and I have retained the latter. i A. V. : the positions. * the natures of living creatures, and the furies. ^ the violence of winds (see Com.). * the reasonings. ^ the diversities. ^ the virtues. Vers. 21-24. —' A. V. : them I know (80 Gaab and Wahl | but the context requires the past, and I render accordiugly with Bunsen's Eibelwerk (became acquainted with) and Grimm (erkannte). « worker (tex"!"!). » The eV before avr;; is omitted in III. 55. 106. 167. 254. 261. 296. A. B. F. G. I. Euseb. It is supported on the basis of the other MS. author- ities by Grimm and Reusch, and retained by Fritzsche. "> A. V. ■ subtil, lively. " quick, which cannot be letted. 12 sure. " going through (see Com.) all understanding, pure, and most subtil spirits. ^^ moving (nnTjnKwTcpoc) . . . . motion ; she passeth. Vers. 25-30. — '5 A. V. : the breath. i" influence flowing (marg., stream). i^ can .... fall (Trapc^n-inTet ; more literally, /a^5 in by the way, ateals in, i. «., gets in without being noticed). ** the brightness (see Com.). ^^ the (omi(5 and). ^o power (eVep-yems) . . . . the image. ^i being ftitf (lit., but not clear). 22 0,72,75 though (neces- sary for clearness). 23 jn all ages (#caTo yeveas). 21 maketh them (»caTa(rK€vafet ; might be rendered, prepnres). 26 all the order {dtviv = Stellun^, Gaab, Wahl, Grimm and Bunsen's Bibelwerk ; it might, however, refer especially to the arraitgement of the heavenly bodies. 26 before it (n-poT«'pa ; 106. 261. B., Aa^irporepa, an obvious gloss). Chapter VII. Ver. 1. UpasToirXdaTov, &Tst made. Ci. x. I. Grimm thinks that the writer himself may have coined this word. It c;\me iuto use ouly in pa- tristic Greek, and always as referring to our first parents. Cf. Sophocles' Lex., ad voc. Ver. 2. 'E-y\v, fashioned. The word means first to hollow out, as a ship, then to en- grave or cai^ve in wood or stone. Herod., vii. 69. — 2apf, flesh, i.e., the simple material. If the organism had been referred to, awixa would have been doubtless used. On the ide:is of tlesh and spirit as found in the Old Testament, see Wendt, Notlones Carniset Spiritus, etc. (Gottingie. 1877). Cf. also Cremer's Lex., ad voc. — Ten months. Possibly lunar months of twenty-eight days are meant ; or, the months of the civil year among the Greeks, Romans, and Egyptians, be- ing one day shorter than ours up to the time of Julius Cajsar, ten months are given as a round number for nine and one-half months. It was, at least in the ancient times, a common way for designating the period of pregnancy. See VirgL (EcToq., iv. 61) : " Malri longa decern tulernut jasliciia menses." Cf. also Ovid (Fast., i. 33). The passage in 2 Mace. vii. 27 is, however, an exception. — na76is, compacted. This word is used of blood in the classics in the sense of co- agulated, and of milk as curdled. — 'With sleep, i. e., with conception. Cf. iv. 6. At Fa. cxxxix. 13-15; Eccles. xi. 5 ; 2 Mace. vii. 22, the matter is otherwise represented. Ver. 3. Which is of like nature, SfioioiraBTJ, i. e. to the man. This is also the rendering of tlie Vulgate [similiter factam terrani), Schleusner, and De Wette. Others (Gutmann, Dereaer) ren- der ; which brings similar suffering. According to Grimm, Bunsen's Bibelw., Gutberlet, and others, the idea is, rather, that he held the same relation to the earth and the air that others did : expe^ rienres the same from all ; i. e., is trodden upon, used by all alike. — Xlpurriv (pmvnv rT]v 6/xoiatf iratTiv iaa K\aivt/. Lit., the frst sound the same with all, in like manner, weeping = giving out the first sound as all do, in weeping. Ver. 5. rfi'eVeojy. 0/* origin, becoming ; but here in the sense of life, being. Grimm thinks it should have the same meaning at James iii. 6. Ver. 7. Cf. 1 Kings iii. 5 ff. ; ir. 29. It is to be noticed that special power is here ascribed to prayer. Cf. viii. 21 ; Jas. i. 5. Ver. 8. 'Ev frvyKpla^i, in comparison. In this sense in use only since the time of Alexander the (ireat. It is used as meaning "form," "mode,'' in the LXX. at Numb. ix. 3. Ver. 9. 'ATifinTOf, precious. Lit., unhonored. unprized, but here in the sense that it is above all price, inestimable. Cf. 3 Mace. iii. 23. — Clay, ir7i\6s. Perhaps here mud, for which the word was not infrequently used. Herod., ii. 5; iv. 28. Ver. 10. Above (uire'p) health. This preposi- tion with the accusative signifies bei/ond, awai, 248 THE APOCRYPHA. over See Winer, p. 403 ; Buttmann, p. 335. — Never goeth out, aKolfitiTov. Lit., never sleeping, unresting. It is used iu the classics of the ocean. Bretschneider would give it here the idea effica- ci(S nunquam intermittentis. hex., sub voce. Cf. V. 6. Ver. 11. Through her hands, by means of her. — nxouTos is rendered in the Vulgate in this passage, as often, by honesUis. Ver. 12. Knew not that she was the mother of them. He had pr.ayed for wisdom, without knowing that, if he had that, other good tilings such as are here meutioned would also be given. — TtveTis for yeveTeipa. The former seems to occur only here. Grimm calls atteution to the imperfect ^yv6ovv as showing that, long after the person mentioned had obtained earthly riches, he is represented as being unaware of the fact tliat they were really due to wisdom. This, however, is an exaggeration of our writer, made for the purpose of doing greater honor to his hero. Gut- berlet, on the contrary, thinks the imperfect may be used for the pluperfect ; and with reference to the remark of Winer, that one need never take the latter for the former, says that it would be by all means better so to use it than to asstime with Grimm that the author has said more than he ought ! Ver. 13. 'hUXas. Not diligently (A. V.), but without guile, that is, as not having a selfish inter- est therein. — Do not hide (airoKpuirTOjuoi). The present is used as showing that it was something that he was not accustomed to do, to conceal. Ver. 15. 'E/io! St. The pronoun is placed at the beginning for emphasis. — T^s abipias biriy6i. Not leader to wisdom (A. V.), but leader of wis- dom, since the koI . . . . Kai show that the two clauses, this and the following one, are parallel. Ver. 18. Beginning .... of times. The reference is apparently to astronomical chron- ology. Grotius, Gaab, and others would para- phrase : " That I may know when the fall [be- ginning of the ye.ar], the summer [the end], and the winter and spring [the middle] properly come." Others refer it to the three divisions of the Greek month. — TponUt' aWayds. These words have been variously rendered ; changes of cus- toms; changes in the revolutions [of the constella- tions[ ; changes produced by tlue. revolutions, i. e. in nature as it respects climate, etc. ; changes in nature produced by the solstices ; and changes, alter- nations of the solstices- Grimm, with Wahl and many others, decides for the last as agreeing best with the context. Cf. LXX. at Dent, xxxiii. 14 ; Jas. i. 17. The latter word is used by Justin (ApoL, i. 23) to denote "regeneration;" in the apocryphal Acts as synonymous with (rToe/iiis, " stage," a place where relays of horses were ^ken. Cf. Sophocles' Lex., ad voc. — Seasons, Katpiiv. Probably also the change of mouths, and of day and night, is included. Ver. 20. Violence of ■winds {■tTvfv/xdTQii' ^ias). This is the rendering of the Vulgate {vim venlo- rum), and of many commentators. It could mean, however, powers of spirits, i.e., good and bad angels, and the latter meaning is to be preferred as best ■uiting the connection. It was not to be expected tliAt the winds would be spoken of between ani- mals and men. Cf. also iv. 4, $las ifefiuv is used for the former idea It was the teaching of Josephus {Antiq., viii. 2, § 5|, and of the ralibins, that Solomon had power over the spirit world. — ■ Virtues, i. e., medicinal virtues. Ver. 21. The assertion here made must be taken in a rhetorical sense, since otherwise our author would make the supposed Solomon some- thing more than human. Vers. 22, 23. There are, according to the Greek text, twenty-one things ascribed by the author to wisdom, — and proliatdy with design, as twenty-one is the product of the two sacred uumbeis 7 and 3. Mucli was made of the first of these numbers in Alexandrian speculations. The different qualities of wisdom as thus described do not seem to admit of a particular classification, although the attempt has often been made. Grimm calls attentiou to the fact that what is here said of ao(pla is not to be confounded with what Philo {De Confus. Ling., sec. 28), evidently following the example of the Stoics, says of the divine \6yos, as EyyeXos TTo\vuivv^os ; and also refers to a passage in Clement of Alexandria (Pro(., vi. 72) cited by Nitzsch, which is similar to ours in imputing a long list of noble qualities to " the Good." He also agrees with Lipsius (De dementis Rom. Ep. ad Corinth. Disquisitio, p. 102) in thinking that, on the basis of the present pas- sage, the Greek Fathers, from Clement of Rome on, named Proverbs, Ecclesiasticus, and the pres- ent book Trafaperos (Toosed Solomon speaks of himself as being like others in birth, etc., there was no spe- cial occasion for mentioning the circumstance of his preexistence .as soul. Again: the assertion of Schmid, that ixaWov Se has never the force of correcting something that has been previousl- said in the sense of or rather, is obviously false. That it has not ulwags this force is true ; that it has it generally, however, cannot well be disputed. His quotation of Kph. iv. 28 .- " Let him that stole steal no more, but rather (imWov Si) let him labor," etc., as supporting his view, must be re- garded as speciidly unfortunate ; as also of Gal iv. 9. Kriiger remarks ( Griechische Sprachlehre, p. 332) : " imKKov ii entspricht unsercm oder viei' THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 251 mehr." So Liddell and Scott's Lex., ad voc, says that the expression means : " much more, or rather, to correct a statement already made." Grimm, no mean authority in matters relating to Greek grammar, afjirms that " more commonly it has a corrective force." What Schmid further says concerning the " I," as referring to irats and not to ifu^^s, is more worthy of attention. But, supposing that what has just been remarked is true, it could only refer to the latter, if the last part of the verse is duly considered. " Good," moreover, is not predicated in the first part of the verse of the boy, — the person iis a whole, made up of soul and body, — but only of the soul. He was a clever child, with a good soul. And this same distinction is also made. virtu.tUy, at i. 4, if it is taken in connection with the known teachings of the Alexandrian phi- losophy during the first and second centuries be- fore Christ, josephus speaking of the Essenes, for instance {Bell. Jud., ii. 8, § 11), says : " For their doctrine is that bodies are corruptible, and that the matter thej are made up of is not per- manent ; but that the souls are immortal and continue forever, and that they come out of the most subtile air, and are united to their bodies, as to prisons into which they are drawn by a cer- tain natural enticement." And finally, if our author meant to teach, what Schmid with Heng- stenherg and others affirm, that the soul simply worked upon the body from infancy on, to make it good he would have chosen some other words than ?i\8ov els, etc., to express so important a thought. Ver. 21. 'KyKparfis. Grimm, with many others (including Eichhorn and Wahl), would render by enthaltsam, " cODtinsnt," as at Ecclus. xxvi. 15. Cf. also Tit. i. 8, and Xen., Mem., iv. 8, 11. Others (Schleusner, Dereser, Bunsen's Bibelwerk, Gutmann, Ewald, and many more) give it the same meaning as our A. V., p6vav. Plural of dignity. Cf. verse 12, and xviii. 15. These passages are peculiar in this respect ; being according to Grimm, the only ones where the plural of this word is used for the (tingular. The thrones of Oriental jirinces were made in the form of a half circle, and provided with broad steps. Upon these steps sat the nobles, according to rank, those of highest rank sitting nearest the monarch. Ver. 5. 'EAfio-trw*', smaller, more insignijicant : viz., than those endowed with wisdom. Ver. 7. n/)0€iAa> (irpofl\ov in X. 23. 55. 106. 157.248. Co.). The preposition is not to be over- looked, and is not to be taken (with Gaab and others) simply in the sense of taking something before another thing, ('. e., choosing. Cf . for the thought 2 Sam. vii. 12 ff. — And daughters (of God). An uncommon expression, but found also at Is. xliii. 6 ; 2 Cor. vi. 18. Ver. 8. A copy. Cf. Ex. xxv. 9, 40 ; Acts vii. 44 ; Heb. viii. 5. According to Gutmann, v;e have here an allusion to the teachings of the rabbins that the temple at Jerusalem was built exactly after the model of the temple in heaven, which God had built at the beginning of human history. But it would appear, rather, that our author is simply alluding to a well-known his- torical fact recorded in the passages just cited. Ver. 9. "Was present, i. e., to help, like the Latin adesse. This usaire is classic. Cf. //., xviii. 472 ; Od., xiii. 393. — EuSe's. It is used in the LXX. for fvBv, from ivBis, right. Ver. 10. "Iva. trv^irapovaa. ^ot Kontitrr]. The clause is variously translated, but the meaning is clear : that she mag assist me in my work. The A. V. is literal, but stiff. Bunsen's Bibdwerk renders : " damit sie mir beistehend wirhe." Ver. 11. 'Ev Tp Sij^Tj. Vulgate; " in sua po- tentia." But the thought seems rather to be, that walking in the light (vii. 26) of wisdom, there would be no occasion for stumbling. Ver. 12. npoaSeKT6s (Lat., acceptus), accept- able. A rare word, occurring elsewhere as adjec- tive only in Clement of Alexandria, the Martyr, of Pol., and in the LXX. at Prov. xi. 20, xvi. 15. Ver. 15,16. The Platonic and later S toical phi- losophy held the same views respecting the body ; but both thought and language are outside the range of Scripture- — At hand, i.e., easy to be understood. Ver. 17. Counsel, as in verse 13, (SouXVjr. The counsel, will of God with respect to what men shall do, is meant. — The prayer seems to end with this chapter, since in the following one (verse 5) God is spoken of in the third person. Ver. 18. Saved through wisdom. 'The mean- ing is, that by the exercise of wisdom they were preserved from errors and sins. The persona referred to are those who lived in the earlier periods of Jewish history, as the context shows. THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 263 Chapter X. 1 She preserved the first formed father of the world, that was created alone, and 2, 3 brought him out ^ of his fall, and gave him power to rule all things. But an un- righteous one having fallen away •^ from her in his anger, he perished in the fury 4 wherewith he murdered his brother. For whose sake * the earth being flooded by a deluge,* wisdom again saved it,^ in that she directed the course of the righteous 5 man by means of a worthless piece of wood. She also,'' the nations in their wicked conspiracy being mixed together,' knew * the righteous, and preserved him blameless unto God, and kept him strong notwithstanding ' his tender compassion 6 towards his son. When the ungodly perished, she delivered a righteous man, who 7 fled from the fire which fell down upon the five cities. Of whose wickedness waste land that smoketh is still a '"' testimony, and plants bearing untimely fruits ; '^ and 8 there standeth a pUlar of salt as '^ a monument of an unbelieving soul. For regard- ing not wisdom, they got'^ not only this hurt, that tliey knew not the things which were good, but also left behind them to that generation •'■' a memorial of their fool- ishness ; so that in the things wherein they offended they could not even ^' lie hid. 9, 10 But wisdom delivered from difficulties her servants.'^ A righteous one fleeing from his brother's wrath, she guided in straight ^" paths, shewed him the kingdom of God, and gave him knowledge of holy things ; made him rich amid hardships," 11 and multiplied his possessions.'" In the covetousness of such as oppressed him she 12 stood by him, and made him rich. She preserved^ him from his enemies, and kept him safe from those that lay in wait ; and in a sore conflict she gave him the vic- 13 tory, that he might know that godliness is stronger than all. A righteous one having been sold, she forsook him not, but preserved -' liim from sin ; she went 14 down with him into the pit, and left him not in bonds, till she brought him the sceptre of the kingdom, and power over his rulers ; "- and ''^ as for them that liad ac- 15 cused him, she shewed them to be liars, and gave him perpetual glory. She delivered 16 a holy-'' people and blameless seed from the nation that oppressed Me/«. She entered into the soul of a "^ servant of the Lord, and withstood dreadful kings 17 through ^' wonders and signs. She '■" rendered to the holy -* a reward of their labors, guided them on ^ a marvelous way ; and became unto them a '^ cover by day, and a 1 8 light of stars during the night.'' She '■ brought them through the Red sea, and led 19 them through much water. But she drowned their enemies, and cast them up *^ out 20 of the bottom of the deep. Therefore righteous ones spoiled the ungodly, and praised thy holy name, O Lord, and magnified with one accord thine hand, that 21 fought for them. For wisdom opened the mouth of the dumb, and made the tongues of babes ^ eloquent. Vers. 1-5. — ' For e^ttXaro {i^ei.K6.fj.T)v , later Alex, form for e^eiXdjiiii»') 68. Aid. read e^i7€i.vev, which Schleusner and Bauermeister adopt ; but it is rejected by the later critics. ^ \.\.; when the unrighteous went awaj' (airooTa?) » perished also .... cause (for 6i' ov Codd. X. C. 106. 261. B. read Sio, i. e., Si' 5 (H., Si' Siv), which was also defended by Grotius; but it is rejected by the best critics). * drowned with the flood. ^ preserved i7. For Sic'o-uxre of the rcxr ree. Fritzsche receives iimirev from III. X. C. 23. 55. 106. 157. A. B. C. E. F. Q. H. Co. ' A. V. : and directed the course of the righteous in a piece of wood of small Talue. Moreover. 'confounded. ^ she found out. eyvw (not rfp« of II. 68. ), which has the support of the great majority of the best MSS. , and is defended by Grimm, Reusch, and Fritzsche. >* A. V. : against (marg., in. The preposition is eVi, but it does not well admit of an exact rendering. Vers. 6-10. — ^^ A. V. : the righteous man .... even to this day the waste land that smoketh is a. (Fritzsche with Rcusch — but not Grimm — read ^! en, with II. III. X. 55. 68. 106. 157. 248.253. 254. 261. 296. Co. Aid., and apparently Syp. and Ar. ; ^s iintv, 23 ; ^ ttrri, C. ; wv en, Origen ; text, rec, ols «Vt, which agrees with some Codd. of the Old Lat. {quibits in} while others have cujus in). ^ fruit that never came to ripeness. ^ and a standing pillar of salt is (106. 261. Vulg. Syr. Ar. have Kai). " gat. " the world (t^ ^iu ; cf. Wahl's Clavis). « their (so 157. 248. Co.) foolishness .... not so much as {uifii). '^ pain {ir6viiiv. The context determines its special meaning) those that attended (the present participle is to be received from III. X. C. 55. 106. 1.57. 348. 2.53. 261. 296. Co. Old Lat. for flepa- irtixravm, and may be rendered substantively) upon her. " When the righteous fled .... him in right. 'a in his travails («V (aox^oi?). '^ the fruit o/his labors (tous wocous ; kottovs, HI. X. 23. 253., but not C, as stated by Grimm), Vers. 13-16. —=» A. V. : defended (SiecJ.uXafei' ; X. 23. 248., i^iXdiev). 21 -lyhen the righteous was .... delivered (Stff<^uXa^ A. V. : in. ^ the. ^ the wilderness that uiaj not inhabited [eprnLov aoimiTOv), * places where there lay no way (e'l/ i^iTois). 6 were avenged (Tei — i/n).^ifiu = to vote with pebbles, to vote — for aiiW'««rp;^oi of the text. rec. ; cf . xii. 9). " persecuted of Vengeance. 3= scattered abroad. • la sj thou canst .... at aU times when thou wilt .... may. a» i,« as a little grain. =» the morning 256 THE APOCRYPHA. thou hast mercy upon all ; for thou canst do all things, and overlookest ^ the sins oi 24 men, that they may repent.'' For thou lovest all the things that are, and abhorrest nothing which thou didst make ; for if thou hadst hated anything thou wouldest 25 not have made it.^ And * how could any thing have remained/ if it had not been thy will ? or been preserved, if not called into existence * by thee. But thou sparest 26 all, because ' they are thine, O Lord, thou lover of souls. Vers. 23-26. — * A. V. ; winkest at (see Com.). - because they should amend (eis fLeravoiav). * hast made : foi Dcver wouldest thou have made any thing, if thou hadst bated it. * And (6e ; C, yap). ^ endured. " omiti info existence. ' for (the stronger " because " seemed more suitable). Chaptee XI. Ver. 1. This verse properly belongs to the preceding chapter, the second beginning a new gection in which wisdom is no longer the subject. — A holy prophet, ;'. e., Moses. — 'Ev x^'p'h ''^ or throufjfi the hand. Ver. 2. The fact that both the first and second verses begin with like-sounding words is worthy of notice : euu'Scitre .... SitliSfutrav. The writer meant thereby to give emphasis to the thought. Ver. .3. Adversaries. Amalekites, Aniorites, Moaliites, and Midianites. Cf. Numb, xvii.-xxxi. Ver. 4. As a matter of fact, the people did not call on the Lord : they complained rather to Moses and Aaron. Cf. Ex. xvii. 1 fl^, and Numb. XX. 2 ff. — 'AKpoT6fi.ou, flinty. The word as ap- plied to a stone means cttt off' skarft, squared. It is used by Polybius of a precipice (ix. 27, 4). It belongs to the later Greek. Cf. Jos., Aniiq., viii. 3, § 2. Ver. 5. This verse contains the theme of the remaining chapters of the book ; namely, that the Israelites in their need were benefited by that which was a punishment to their enemies. After eX^pol avraiv the Vulgate has : " a defectione potiis sui, et m eis, cum ahnndarent Jilii Israel^" etc. It was doubtless originally a gloss. Ver. 6. 'Aenyaov. This form, which is a con- Btant varia lectio for afydov, is now generally given up in classical prose. The word is derived from oel vdw, ever-Jiowwfj . — AvQpuiift {\v6pov, elSos). The former of the words in the compound, when it is used alone by Homer, always means the blood streaming from wounds ; and when used with tttfia, as here, it meant the blood and dust from battle. Medical writers used the adjective for impure blood. Ver. 7. NTjTTioitTifi'ou, to slay the infants. The word has been found only here and in Pseudo- Ignatius. Cf. Sophocles' Lex., ad voc. Ver. 8. Unexpectedly. They were in the midst of a wilderness. The reference is to the Israelites, and not to the Egyptians, as the con- text plainly shows. Ver. 11. Absent. . . . present, /. e., whether they were at home in Egypt, or pursuing the Is- raelites through the Red Sea. Ver. 13. The reading which Fritzsche adopts, (u€py€rTifj.eyovs for eu€p7€Toy/xeVous, in Grimm's opinion is a correction arising from a mi.sunder- standing of the present, which would mean that the Israelites in their wanderings were continually thus benefited. — "HtrBovTO toC Kvplov, were con- scious of, recognized the Lord, saw that the thing was of the Lord. Ver. 14. 'Eir! reAei raf ix^iaftnv, at the issue of events, namely, those recorded in Ex. i.-xvii. We do not learn from the Scriptures that the Egyptians were aware of what liap|)ened in the «rilderness, or that they ever hid any admiration for Moses as leader of the Israelites. Ver. 15. 'EpireTo. Probably not "serpents" (A. V.) alone, but also crocodiles, as the history teaches. Ver. 16. In the present case, however, it was not the animals that were worshipped by the Egyptians that were afterwards sent upon them as punishment. Cf. Ex. viii. 2, 16, 21 ; x. 4. Ver. 17. Matter without form. The word iKt] is used, which meant originally wood, but which after the time of Aristotle was used for the material out of which the world was supposed to be made, it being considered as a dwelling. The epithet formless (i.)iop in tlie sense of {■ihhriilini/ a sacrifu-ial feast from huinart Jl's/i, wliicli gives a iiuieh •mootber sentence. The word trjr\ayx''0(pdyos is said to be found nowhere else. I would also, with Grimm, connect al/xaTos with floifai'. Cf trans. Ver. 6. 'Ek fxtaou fivaradeias aov. This is the reading of the text, rec., and is the one supported by the majority of MSS. ; but the text is un- doubtedly corrupt, no such word as iwuTaBeia occurring elsewhere, while it gives with any rea- sonable etymology no good sense. The passage must therefore be reconstructed with the aid of the variations of the codices. Cf. Text. Notes. Ver. 7. 'AttoikiW. We might have expected, rather, itroiKiav, since Palestine after Abraham's time was looked upon as the fatherland of the Israelites. Ver. 8. As men. This would seem to con. firm the idea expressed above (verses 3 and 4) that a distinction is there tacitly made between men as such and their sins. — Wasps. The same word rendered iu the LXX. by a. Alirhv Tdr, even him. As weak, hnman rulers often do, and much less to do any- thing worse than this. Ver. 16. 'H yap Itrxvs 1T0V 5iKaio(7uv7js apxTj- It is not necessary to suppose, with Keerl and others, that the author would emphasize the power of God at the expense of his holiness. It may mean that God is so great that He has no (apparent) necessity to do wrong ; or it might refer to the divine power as an absolute quality which in itself presupposes the presence of other absolute qualities, holiness included. Ver. 17. In (eV) them that know it, i.e., know that God is Almighty, but do not act ac- cordingly. — 'Ef6A6'7xf '" means to search out, lest ; then to convict, expose. Ver. 18. S>i Si. Codd. 23. 106. 254. 261. 296. omit Sf, and probably on account of the difficulty of the construction, these words implying that some other person had been spoken of. The writer in fact probably had the class of whom he had just spoken (verse 17) in view. — "With clem- ency, in etrieiKela, in distinction from strict law. Ver. 19. Repentance for sins, ;'. e., oppor- tunity for repentance. Ver. 20. In the A. V. the words ital Sei)ivay=z sie kditen einsehen soUeny Wahl ; so Coverdale, "yetshulde they haue knowne ; " af. Winer, p. 310 f.). ' hath created Vers. 4-10. — ^ ^.. V. : Tirtue (Ivipyeiav) let them understand (v(iT](Ta.Tm\iL^ oAiyi)). ^^ they peradventure err. '2 seeking. ^^ omits are. " being conTersant in. ^^ fiim diligently. w belieTe r/ie/r sio-ht (see Cojn.). " Ilowbeit (6e' is omitted by 106. 261.) neither are they. ^^ could aim at {^vvtuvrat. (no\a.ffa' aiuvo. Cf. xiv. 6 ; xviii. 4. On the use of the Greek word as a rendering for the Hebrew obij?, cf. Girdlestone, p. .504 ff. Ver. 10. To show art in (A. V.), eVM'^^JW- Lit., that in tahiek one is exercised, a practice. — Work of an ancient hand. Its age, and pos- Bibly the fact that its origin was unknown, was the ground on which it was prized. Ver. 11. Saws down, ficrrpltras. Lit., saws tut, i.e., from a row of trees in a forest. — Eu- (tffTjTov. Suitable, because easili/ worked. Cf. vii. 22. — Xp-nai^ov .... ei's. In the later Greek the accusative with this preposition is often used as a circumlocution for the dative; but in the present instance it was naturally to have been expected. Cf. also Luke -xiv. 35 ; 1 Tim. iv. 8 ; 2 Tim. iii. 16. Ver. 12. Sates himself, effirXiiaSri. ISot an unimportant part of the description. The author would say by it that the idol-maker first attends 10 his bodily wants, and regards his idol only as a secondary matter. See the foUoviing verse. Ver. 13. 'Ofois o-u^Tre()>uif. The plural does nut neces- sarily ijrove that he is supposed to have had mora than one wife, but may refer to the wife's famih, or to the marriage relations in general. Cf. also xiv. 26; Xen., C'yr., viii. 4. 19. THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 261 Chapter XIV. 1 Again, one ivndertaking a sea voyage,' and about to pass through raging waves, 2 calleth upon a piece of wood more rotten than the vessel ^ that carrieth him. For 3 that desire of gain devised,' and a workman prepared * it by Ids skill. But thy providence, 0 Father, steers it through ; ^ for thou hast vouchsafed a way also in * 4 the sea, and a safe path amidst waves ; shewing that thou canst save from every- 5 thing, in order that a man may also embark ' without art. But thou desirest * not that the works of thy wisdom should be unemployed,^ and therefore do men commit their lives to a most insignificant piece of wood, and passing through '" billows are 6 preserved by means of a raft." For in the old time also, when the proud giants perished, the hope of the world directed by thy hand escaped on a raft," and left to 7 the after world'' a seed of posterity." For blessed is the wood whereby righteous- 8 ness Cometh to be. But that which is made with hands is cursed, as well it, as he that made it : he, because he made it ; and it, because, being corruptible, it was 9 called god. For the ungodly and his ungodliness are both in like manner ''^ hateful 10 unto God ; and indeed '* that which is made shall be punished together with him tliat 11 made it. Therefore also " upon the idols of the Gentiles shall there be a visitation ; because as a creation of God they became '' an abomination, and stumbling-blocks 12 to the souls of men, and a snare to the feet of fools.'^ For the devising of idols was the beginning of spiritual fornication, and the invention of them the corruption of 13 life. For neither were they from the beginning, nor"" shall they be for ever. 14 For by the vain fancy ^' of men they entered into the world, and therefore was 15 their speedy end decreed.^'^ For a father afflicted with untimely mourning, when he had made an image of a child early ^ taken away, now honored him as a god, who was already a dead person,-* and delivered to those that were under him 16 ceremonies and sacrifices. Whereupon -^ in process of time the -° ungodly custom grown strong was kept as a law, and graven images were accustomed to be wor- 17 shipped by order of rulers.-' Of those ''^ whom men could not honor in presence, because they dwelt far off, they prepared an imitation of the form ^ from far, and made a clear** imase of the " king whom Me^ honored, to the end that by their 18 zeal ^■' they might flatter him that was absent, as if he were present. And to an in- crease of idolatrous service, also, did the ambition of the artificer impel the igno- 19 rant.'' For he, forthwith desirous''' to please one in authority, forced nil his skill 20 to make the likeness as beautiful as possible.'^ But"* the multitude, carried away'' by the charm '* of the work, held him now for an object of worship, who '" a little 21 before was honored as *" a man. And this became *' an oceasion to deceive the Vers. 1-5. — ^ A. V. : preparing himself to sail (the words, ort'^Aei;' n-XoOr, were used technically for undertaking a nea voyage at the time our book was written). = The reading of III. 157. Old Lat. (Coverdale * i^nok '') Ar. ^uAov, for TrXot'ou agrees well with the context, but it can scarcely be original ; cf . ver. 5. ^ A. V. : the raging waTea verily (jtcV) desire .... devised that. * the workman built. For Texk-trrj? 11. III. 68. 157. Co. Clem, of Alex, reaa tskvIti^. The former is preferred by Grimm, Reufsch, and Fritzsche a.s more suitable to the context. The two wer« often confounded in the old MSS. ' A, V. : governeth it [itoKvfiipvi ; Scoicu^epi'iTai, 106. 261.). » made a way in (eSwicas ital Iv). ' hath in the ... . all danger: (for i« n-ai/Tds — cf. x. 12 — III. Old Lat. offer the plural of the latter; Coverdale, " in all thinges '") yea though (ica Kav ; the first is omitted by 23. 253. ; the second is read as Ka.i in III. 65. 106. 248. 261. 296. The variations probably arose from the supposed difficulty of the construction ; Coverdale, " yee though a man wente to the see without shippe '') a man went to sea. ^ Nevertheless thou wouldest. " idle (not sufficiently clear). lo passing the (SieXSoi'Tes). i^ rough sea in a weak vessel (crxeSiif , here a raft ot float) are saved. Vera. 6-13. — ^- A. V. ; governed (ituPep^Tj^eio-a ) .... in a weak vessel (^n-l ffxeSi'as). ^^ ail ages (aiii-t : II. — by first hand — X. have the article before this word ; cf. ver. 13 ; vi. 26 ; x. 1). '* generation (see Corn.). '5 whereby righteousness cometh iyiverai) . ... are both alike [tv icry). ^^ For. *' even. J^ jn the creature ... are be- come. 18 the unwise. 20 neither. Vers. 14-19. — 21 A. V. : vain glory (see Corn.). « phall they come shortly to an end (reXos has the article in III. 65. 157. 248. 254. 261. Co. ; but it is better omitted with the other authorities ; cf. Winer, p. 155 ff.). ^ hath made .... his child soon. -* which was then (m. 296. read rbv irore) a dead man. ^s jhus (tTra). =6 an. 2; were worshipped by the commandments of kings (marg., tyrant^.). -^ omits Of those. ^^ took the counterfeit of his visage. 30 an express. si a. 32 (^,-5 (/i^iy forwardness ((tttouS^s has the article except in III. 55. 106. 157. 254. 261. ; cf. xix. 2). 33 ^^o the singular diligence of the artificer did help to set forward the ignorant to more super- etltion. 3* peradventure (Jun.,/orlaMc) willing (rixa — goi/Xofm-oi). Fritzsche strikes out the article before «(k>- ToCiTi, on the authority of in. X. C. 253. 254. 261. Aid. It is wanting also in II. 36 a. V. ; forced all his (ij. and benoe " his," according to the principles followed by the A. V., should be in italics) .... resemblance of the beet fashion i-n\v ofxoi^nfra cttI to koAAioi']. Vera. 20-25. — 3« A. V. ; And Jo. 37 allured (cifcXjcoMeTOf). 3S grace. (The reading evx^P" (HI- C) for t!i\afa ;s rejected by the best criti<'s. According to Iteusch, the word itf. Thii Greek word is here employed, doubtless for a good reason, as dis- tinguishing the work of the shipbuilder from that of the idol-maker, which was mere ifiweipia. Ver. 3. Grimm calls attention to the fact that Herodotus is the first to use wp6voia. of the provi- dence of God (iii. 108); and, among the philoso- phers, Plato. Ver. 4. "Iva k^lv &v€v rfxvfjs tis itri^Tj, in order that one may embark without art ; i. e., that he may trust, instead of his art. the divine guid- ance and protection. This was true of Noah, as is afterwards shown. Ver. 5. "Works of thy wisdom. The staples of commerce are meant. The I'lay on words here to which uur author was much addicted is worthy of notice : ^^ apya flpai .... €^70. — 2x*Sfo means, first, a lit/ht boat, raft, float ; and then, any ship. Ver. 6. Seed of generation, awfpua yepeatus. That is, sied by which the generations of men were preseiTed. Others understand it in the sense of semen tjevitale. Ver. 7. For blessed is the wood. There is no evidence that this is a gloss from a Christian hand, or that it has any direct reference to the cross of Christ. The wood may be meant which in general is u.sed for a good and righteous pur- pose, or particularly that of Noah's ark. It is possible, on the other hand, that the author may have had in view the sceptre of a king, or the •taft of .Moses. Ver. 9. The sentiment expressed can scarcely be harmonized with the author's view at xi 24 ff , and is in itself unscri|itural. " Generally speaking, the positive and strong terms ahiKuv, iiatBfiv ii>6ffM Trot(7y, wbieli occur often in classi- cal Greek, are met with in Scripture far more rarely than aixapTavdv (to which atre^flv is paral- lel in Wisd. xiv. 9 ; Ecclus. xv. 20), which In the classics was far less highly ranked in its moral and religious sense. Herein is manifested, on the one hand, the far deeper religious views of Scripture which estimates " failure," or sin of omission, so seriously ; and, on the other hand, ita deeper humanity, which does not resort to the strongest terms to designate what is sinful. The words in Wisd. xiv. 9, represent accordingly an nnscriptural view." See Cremer's Lex., under acre^fu. Ver. II. 'Ev kt^o-^oti 0eoC, in a creation of God. As God's creation, they have been per- verted to what is an abomination. Ver. 12. Ilopi'e^a is here fornication in a spirit- ual sense, according to Old Testament usage. — 4>9opa (uTJs- The first word, which was some- times used for sidiiction (of a maiden), seems to have been chosen with reference to the context. It is also used in the Fathers (cf. Sojihocles' Lex., ad voc.) in the sense of " .ibortion," which like- wise would give a good sense : " an abortion of life." The latter word may be taken in its noblest sen.se as the life for and with God. Ver. 14. Kfvoio^la, vaniti/, ronceil. Here used, as the following verse shows, in the sense of vain illusion, fane//. The word is rendered by the A. V. at Phil. ii. 3, as in the present passage, by " vain glury." Ver. 1 5. Mvcrrrjpta Kal r€\€rd^ = secret services and festivals (for the dead). The mysteries, as is well known, wore certain religious solemnities, the most celebrated of which were those of Ceres at Kleusis. ]» is supposed that they consisted THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 263 mostly of scenic, mythical representations. See art. " Mysterien," in Herzog's Real-Encyk., n. 145- 150. — TfAeri^, a finishing, makinq perfect. It was osed of initiation into the Mysteries, or, in general, of the celebration of the same. Cf. Herod., ii. 171. It came afterwards to be npplied to the celebration of any rt'lie;ious rite or festival. The TiKtarT)^ was the initiator. Ver. 16. The thought is, th.it what was first a simple family observance became, in process of time, a binding custom of the State. Ver. 18. Ignorant. Those who did not know, perchance, who was meant to be represented by the image, or the circumstances uudcr which it first came to be honored. Ver. 19. 'OjuoioTTjTo, resemblance, likeness. Like a statue of marble, or a painted picture. — 'Eirl Ti KaWtov, ns heautifnl as possible. The object was to flatter the person represented. Ver. 21. 'EyevfTo r^ $i(fj eis evtSpov^became a snare to the life. Bios has for secondary meanings : manrier of life, occupation, and common life (or, the world we live in), as also a place of abode. Here the meaning seems to be that the fact mentioned was a source of danger to men. — Incommxini- cable name. Cf. Dent. vi. 4 ; Is. xlii. 8. " No- men non communicandum idolis non tribuendum." Bretschneider. Vor. 23. Kw/itos. The word means a joyful festivity, with music and dancing ; a caronsal ; especially, a festal procession in honor of Bacchus, or of a victor at the games. Ver. 24. Vifious. The plural is noticeable. Cf. xiii. 17. Here, however, it is evidently to be rendered by marriage-bed. Ver. 25. The inevitable evil effects of a wrong belief are thus vividly portrayed, especially any belief that is contrary to the pure Biblical teach- ing concerning the "divine Being. Cf. Rom. i. 28 ff. — aT/xo Koi (f>6vos. In the former case mur- der by the shedding of blood is meant : in the latter, any kind of murder. — Tapaxh. The word was used of political confusions, tumults, by Xeno- phon also. Ver. 26. @6pvSos ayaBaf. The latter word might be used as neuter. In this case tlie uncer- tainty of the tenure of property would he meant. Ver. 27. 'Avu>vvfiuit^,not to be named (A. V.). They are called " namele.ss " in the sense that they are nothing (Gal. iv. 8 ; 1 Cor. viii. 4), or that they are without glory, despicable. The for- mer agrees better with Scriptural usage. Ver. 28. Mad in their festivities. They carried .their ordinary carousals to the point of delirium. Ver. 31. napi$airii', transgression. Here sin is marked as a deviation from that which the law had prescribed. Cf. Rom. iv. 15; v. 13. Chapter XV. But thou, our God, art gracious and true, long-suffering, and in mercy rulest ' all things. For if also '' we sin, we are thine, knowing thy power ; but we will not sin, knowing that we are counted thine. For to know thee is perfect righteousness ; and to know thy power a ' root of immortality. For neither did a wicked invention of human art ' deceive us, nor an image painted ^ with divers colors, painters' fruit- less labor ; the sight whereof enticeth a fool to lust,* and he desires ' a lifeless form of a dead image.* Both they that make them and ' they that desire, and that worship them, are^" lovers of evil things, and are worthy of such hopes." For a " potter, kneading " soft earth with much labor, fashioneth each one ^* for our service ; yea," of the same clay he fashions '* both the vessels that serve for clean uses, and such as serve to the contrary, all in the same manner ; " but what is the use of each 8 one of these two,'' the potter is judge.'^ And employing himself ill,-" he maketh a vain god of the same clay, he who '-' a little before was made of earth,-'^ and within a little while after returneth to that, out of which '■^ he was taken, the loan of his 9 soul being demanded back. Notwithstanding his care is, not that he is about to give out,-'' nor that life -^ is short ; but he -* striveth to excel goldsmiths aud silver- smiths, and imitates workers '■" in brass, and counteth it a "* glory to make what is Vers. 1-5. — * A. V. : 0 God . . . ordering. 2 omiLs also (««0- ^ yea, to know . . .is the. * the mis- chievous iDVention of men {avOptimuiv Kax67€\voi cTriVota : " der Menschenkunst arge Erfindung," Bunsen's Bibtliverk; arger Menschenkunst Ertindang,'* Grimm). ^ spotted. ^ the painter's . . fools (Fritzsche receives ai^po*-* rom III.— apparently first hand — X. 55. 106. 254. 261. Old Lat. Ar. ; II. C. 23. Syr. Arm., i^poerii-) to lust after it(iU •pefiy, adopted by Fritzs.-he trom III. X. 0. 23. 55. 106. 157 24S. 253. 254. 296. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. Arm. ; uxt. rec, oi'ciSo; ; marg. of A. V., turneth a reproach to the foolish). ' so they desire. * the form of a dead image, that hath no breath. Vers. 6-9. — ^ A V. : omits and. 10 tketn and they that worship them are. ^ to have such things to trust upon " For (icai yap n etenim) the. ^^ tempering (9At/3wF). '* soft earth, fashioneth every ['?.•!.«?/ with much labour (f«*. rec. omits iv before ^Kao-Tov, but it ie found in III. X. C. 106. 157. 248. 253. 264. 261. 296. Co. Old Lat., and is adopted by Grimm, Reusch, and Fritzsche) ^5 yea (aAA', but with an intensive force, as in A. V.). i^ maketh (afeTrAao-arel 1' likewise also all such as serve ("as serve ■' is not in the Greek) to the contrary. ** either sort (Cod. II., mth 23. Aid., has «T6pov — text, rec, ejcarepou ; — eKaTcpuf, 253 , which is adopted by Fritzsche and Grimm: the Greek of the entire member runs; rovrutv Se iKareptav ti's esaiTTou k(Tr\v rj xP'l'rt';). ^^ the potter himself is the judge. 20 hig labours lewdly. 21 ei'en he which. 22 earth himself. 23 10 if,,, same (eU ro.vn^v — i. e., earth — is to be supplied before «f ^s) out of the which 24 when his life which was lent him shall be demanded (cf. ver. 16 and Com. at tbftl place) . shall have much labour (the context requires the sense given above to Kapveiv ; cf. Com. at IT. 1^ MM marg of A V.) " his life. "^ omits he -' eii'leivmireth tn .lo like the workers 28 his 264 THE APOCRYPHA. 10 spurious.' His heart is ashes, and his hope more paltry - than earth, aud his life 11 more despicable' than clay; for he knew not him that fashioned him,* and him 12 that breathed ^ into him an active soul, and implanted ^ a living spirit. But they counted our existence ' a pastime, and life * a coming together ' for gain ; for, s.ay they, we must be getting from whencesoever we can, yes, though it " be 13 by evil means. For this man, that of earthly matter maketh brittle '^ vessels and 14 graven images, knoweth that he sins above all others. But all are exceedingly foolish and more miserable than a child's soul, enemies of thy people, who hold 15 them in subjection."^ For they also "° counted all the idols of the heathen to be gods ; which neither have use of eyes to see, nor noses to draw breath, nor ears to 16 hear, nor fingers of hands to handle ; and their feet are useless for walking." For a "^ man made them, and he that borrowed his own spirit fashioned them ; for no 17 man can fashion a god equal to himself.'^ But"' being mortal, he produceth"' a dead thing with wicked hands ; for he himself is better than the things which he worshippeth ; in comparison with which he, indeed,"' lived once, but they never. 18 And '" they worship the animals ^" also that are most hateful ; for being com- 1 9 pared together as it respects stupidity ,'^- some are worse than others. Neither are they beautiful, as far as finding pleasure in the view of them as animals is coa- cerned ; and they failed also ^ of the praise of God and his blessing. Ver. 9. — 1 A. V. : counterfeit things (»ci'p57jAa). Vers. 10-14. — - A. V. : viie. s of i^g^ value. * forasmuch as he knew .... his Malcer [jov nKaaavTa ainov \ HI. C. 55. 157. 254. Ar. read iroi^o-ai'Ta for the participle ; but it is rejected by Grimm, Reusch, aud Fritz.sche. It would seriously mar the comparison), ^ inspired (e/iiri'eiJa'ain-a). ^ breathed in {iiJ. whereas he (for airoO ir, Fritzsche receives from X., avS' at*- ; 163. 257. omit we). 20 yea. 21 worshipped those beasts. 22 omits as it respect! stupidity {avota, text. rec. ; 55., aycot'a ; Grimm would prefer avitf — bane, trouble; Reusch and Fritzsche, following Tischendorf, adopt avoii^). ^s go much as to be desired in respect of beasts : but they went without {eitTr(ion of the ao- - T(\ris (e5, Tf'Aos), easili/ paid for, cheap; then tnean, pallri/, worthless. It is here used in thft sense of fleeting. Ver. 11. The author at this point uses \\ioxt\ and TTfevjxa in apparent distinction ; but it is, as it should seem, only an apparent one; the accent being laid on the adjectives which qu^ilify the two words, rather than ou the words themselves. Cf. i. 4 ; viii. 19 ; ix. 15 ; xvi. 14 ; and verses 8 and Ifi of the present chapter. Ver. 12. Pastime, traiyviov. Lit., a toif, from wal^CAi. — navrjyvpiffj.hl' eTrtKepSij. A traviryvpts { was ayopa) was an assembly of the whole natimi, espe cially for a public festival like the Olympic games- THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON 265 then, auy festival; and, as at such times there was much buying and selling, the meaning mar- ket also came to be attached to it. Ver. 14. Foolish and more miserable, !. «., with respect to ignorance and superstition. Ver. 16. Borrowed (his own) spirit, rh irvevfjia ZthavtKT^ifvos. See verse 8 : t5 t^s ^vxns diraiTTj^els XP^os, the loan of his soul beini^ dtmanded back. Cf. Text. Notes iind Luke xii. 20. Ver. 17. 'Acfl' wf avrSs, in comparison with which (the idols and their makers) he. With Sinaitic MS. has in this case preserved the true reading, although standing alone. Ver. 18. "Aj'oia yap (rvyKpii'6fim'a twv iWwf iarl x^^P"""' ft"" being compared together aa it respects stupidity [or fury 9] some [ani- mals] are worse than others. So most com- mentators. Grotius adds the remark: " Multo enim plus intelllgit elephas, sollertior est imlpes aut simia ; loquatior psittacus." Grimm, however, sup- posing that the subtilty of the serpent as de- scribed in Genesis (iii. 1) is referred to, would the common text, avrov uv auTtfs, there would be read, as appears above, for ivoia (avola, Fritzsche a peculiar use of the genitive of tlic relative in a partitive signiticatiuij, and at the same time in- cluding within itself the two following clauses: "of whom he indeed lived ; they, on the contrary, never." The Vulgate reads is for Si' {quia ipse). But it is not unreasonable to suppose that the and Rpusch) ayia, hnne, trouble, which certainly is more in harmony with tlie conte.xt, especially the €xSij(7as). <* they (cKetfoi p.iv). * for the ugly sight [({hixBetav ; iei^- feZa-ap, II. III. 68. 106. 253. Co. Aid. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. Arm. ; but it is rejected by Grimm, Reusch, and Fritzsche). ' beasts. * lothe even that, which they roust needs desire. ^ but these suffering penury >9 omits also tKac). u taste (-yevffetus ; but by metonymy used for the thing tasted) Vers. 4-8. — ^^ A. V. : penury, which t/ify could not avoid. '^ shewed. l* For. ^^ horrible. '" beastg (^piutf ; the context shows that reptiles are meant). ^^ these . . . with. ^^ small. ^^ that thty might be admonished, having .... to put them. ^o this thou madest thine enemies confess. Vers. 9-14. — ^ A..y. : bitlngs of grasshoppers. 22 a^y m were worthy. -* the verj' (ouSe). 25 ^as ever by (Arm (ivTin-ap^A0€). 26 pricked (marg., .-irimir). ^^ (Aey should. =8 that not. !" might be continually mindful of — xanx^.. never drawn from — (an-epiVjraffToi means, literally, no( drawn hither and thither, not distracted, S3. 253. read oTrcpioTaTOt, defenseless, helpless ; see Cojn.). 3o For it was .... mollifying plaister. ^i things (III. •6. 106. 157. 343. 254. 261. 296. readTTii-Tas for irii/Ta) >- omits both and iowu. 23 i,eii. 3' A man (6e' with the .*rce of on the other hand] indeed killeth through his malice (^ec t^ koxi^ ainov) : and(5ej the spirit when it is gone forth 266 THE APOCRYPHA. that they knew ' thee, were scourged by the strength of thine arm ; with unaccus- tomed ^ rains, and ' hails, and unavoidable showers, were they pursued ; * and through 17 fire were they consumed. What, however, was ^ most to be wondered at : the fire had more force in the water, that quencheth all things ; for the world ^ fighteth 18 for the righteous. For sometimes a flame was mitigated, that it might not burn up the creatures' that were sent against the ungodly, but themselves 19 might see and perceive that they were pursued by ' the judgment of God. And at another time it burneth even in the midst of water above the power of fire, that 20 it might destroy the fruits of an unjust land. Instead whereof thou feddest thy* people with angels' food, and didst send them untiringly from heaven bread prepared, strong in every kind of pleasant relish " and agreeing to every taste. 21 For thy substance ^' declared thy sweetness unto 9eltrav is rendered by Bunsen's Bibel' toerk, ge/esselte, bound, i. «., in the underworld : but its more literal meaning seems preferable, «t? ^5ov being under- itood. Vers. 16-20. — * A. V. : the ungodly that . to k-now(cf. for a similar thought xii. 27). 2 gtrange {f«Vo«, butwith the sense given above). 3 omits and. * and showers were they persecuted, that they could not avoid. ^ For which is (TO yap ; " Was aber .... war. Grimm and Bunsen's Bibdwerk. Cf. Kiihner § 500, 2). ^ world (6 x6o-MOf z^ the material world). ' the flame . bea#>t8. ^ persecuted with. * thine own {aov). ^^ them from heavea bread prepared (for aproc avroi? air' ovpavov eirefxij/a^y we have apTOj' ojr' (^f, 23. 155.) ovpafov (65. adds Kai) iropeVx*? (tire(»i/.* enemies (plur., but more idiomatically rendered by the sing.). ^^ his. '^ the righteous might .... creature that Mrveth. '8 the (the article is found, but with the force of the possessive pronoun). i^ increaseth his. so big strength. '* even. *2 fashions (n-ai^a, but the idea of being changed into — ail — kinds is contained in the verb). • children .... might know .... growing (ai yeveaeii), 84 nourisheth. 25 of the. 2< with a little. " pre- vent. ^ at the dayspring (irpbs mva.T THK WISDOM OF SOLOMON. '26 pression, €i! $a9t7ai' ifiireaoyTd Xitdtiv, is probably due to the idea of forgetfiilness entertained by the Greeks as connected with the river Lethe. — 'Airfplmaaroi. A word belonging to the later Greek. Here apparently in the sense given above. Ver. 12. Thy word, i.e., thy expressed will. Cf. Ps. evil. 20. Ver. 13. On the expression iru\oi S,Sov, cf. Job xxxvili. 17 ; Ps. ix. 13, cvii, 18; Is. xxxviii. 10. Hades, according to the general representa- tion of Scripture, is the kingdom of the dead, both of the good and of the evil, but especially the place where sinners receive the punishment of their evil deeds. Cf. Notes at Add. to Esth. ii. 7. Ver. 17. The fire that fell with the rain and hail Just spoken of, instead of being put out thereby, only raged the fiercer. Cf. LXX. at Ex. ix. 24. Ver. 18. The two plagues described are here mixed together as though they had occurred at the same time. Schmid would explain the repre- sentation by supposing that the Egyptians sought to exterminate the insects through fire. It is a pure invention, however. Ver. 20. Tpo(p^v ^•^djp.tuas rhv \a6v irov. This is one of the verbs which is commonly followed by two accusatives : one of a person, and the other of the thing. Cf. LXX. at Numb. xi. 4 ; Dent, zxxii. l.'i. At 1 Cor. xiii. 3, it is used in another sense: "Feed out all my goods." — 'AKoTritirajs tor aKOTitiuTa^, untiringly, is to be connected with firc/ii^as (or irapitrx^s). — Tlacav ijSov^v iffx^oyra, BtTong in (with respect to) every kind of pleas- ant relish, or, using the participle transitively, providing (lit., strengthening ) every enjoyment. The former is the rendering preferred by Grimm. Others take the participle in the sense of excelling, like the verb 7D' in Hebrew. It was taught in the Talmud, that as the child finds in the mother's milk various kinds of relishable things which the mother has eaten, so the Israelites in the manna. The same tradition seems here to be met with. The manna tasted to him who ate it just as the food which he at the time most desired would have taated. Some Roman Catholics, regarding this tradition as fact, go so far as to hold that an actual transubstantiation took place, and that tho manna was changed into the various other kinds of wished-for food. Ver. 21. 'H fj.ev y^p inrSaTcurls ffov. Schmid, Gutberlet, and others refer "thy substance" to the manna. Grimm says if it had referred to the manna, avrov instead of ffou would have been used, and that the substance, being of God is meant. But may not aov here be properly understood in the sen.se of " from thee " ? Ver. 22. The idea is that while the Egyptians were plagued through ice and snow, which the fire flashing through them could not melt, this ice-like substance, the manna, was not melted by the same agencies, but became food for the Is- raelites. Cf. Ex. xvi. 23 ; Numb. xi. 8. The manna (as it is here implied) was even cooked (ver. 20), and made ready to be eaten, by that which worked such evil to their enemies. Ver. 26. Cf. Deut. viii. 3, and our Saviour's words at Matt. iv. 4. Ver. 27. The statement just made is now illustrated by the case of the manna. For that which was not destroyed by fire, i. e. in the cooking, before it was sent down to the earth. Ver. 28. Uphs avaToKijv aiT6s, before day- break. Some commentators, without sufficient reason, take the preposition in the sense of direc- tion, and suppose tliat our author, with the Es- seues, would teach that one should pray with the face directed towards the rising sun. See Jo- sephus {Belt. .lud., ii. 8, § 5). Cf., however, Ps. V. 3; Ivii. 8; Ixxxviii. 13. The Mishna (Bera- choth, i. 2) also, according to Gutmann, has a similar thought: "One should begin it [prayer] as soon as he can distinguish light blue and white {;. e., at early dawn), and end with the shining out of the sun." Ver. 29. 'Axapicrros. We have translated by " unthankful ; " but this seems hardly the right word to suit the context. Bretschneider remarks on the passage {Lex., ad vac.) : 'Axapiffros signiji- cat vel nefandum (e. g, i,iiKQs,v. 24), vet alienum a Deo, alienum a gratia, beneficiis Dei, quales j^^gyp* tii idolatrice dedili, ibi describuntur." Chapter XVII. 1 For great are thy judgments, and hard to search out ; * therefore undisciplined 2 souls fell into error." For unrighteous men thinking ' to oppress a * holy nation, being shut up in their houses,^ prisoners of darkness, and fettered by ^ a long 3 night, lay banished ' from the eternal providence. For while they supposed them- selves to be ' hid in their secret sins, they were in darkness through a thick ^ veil of forgetfulness, being fearfully '" astonished, and thrown into confusion by ^' ap- 4 paritions.^'^ For not even the nook that held them kept ''^ them without fear ; ^* but noises " sounded about ^^ them and threw them into confusion," and sad spectres " Vers. 1-4. — ^ A.V. : cannot be expressed (5u(rBt>jy»7T0i, see Com.). ^ have erred. " when unnghteous men tbonght. * the. ^ they being . .. in (AeiV houses, the (marg., unrffr their roo/i). « with the bonds of. ^ lay thert exiled fmarg., fugitives). 8 supposed to lie. " were scattered {for effKopirio-^o-ac m. C. 65. 106. 167. 254. B. C. H. read i• neither might the corner (^uxo5 ; X.,^oixos; III., ^OSo?). .keep. " from fear (Fritzsche receives a^f>li^ous ((«a« f»£. II. X. 68., a(/>63u)!) from III. C. 23. 65. 106. 155. 157. 248. 253. 254. 261. Co.) " noises a.i af waters falling down. ** (repiKOfin-eu ; it is found only here in the Apoc. ; cf. Thucyd. vi. 17.) " omits last clause (eKTapaffcrorres, text, ret., ma.Tafiijwovrei ; X. 106. 261., TapierirovTe'; ; II. has not from the second band, as Fritzsche states, fieicrapao-ffoi^es, i. e I' flXTopo^. That is the reading of II . from the first hand. By a second hand was written an a»boTe, between the k anil « i. «., M tuiT«^«v. Hence the original reading of II. if thatwhioh Fritxeche, following Grimm, adopted). ^^ visiona 268 THE APOCRYPHA. 5 appeared unto them with frowning * countenances. And ^ no power of fire could ' give them light ; neither could the bright shining of the stars avail * to lighten that 6 horrible night. But there kept appearing unto them only a fire kindled of itself, very dreadful ; and ^ being exceedingly terrified at that sight which was not seen, 7 they thought what was seen to be worse. The tricks of magic art failed, moreover, 8 and its vaunting of wisdom was tested to its disgrace.* For they that promised to drive away terrors and troubles from a sick soul, were sick themselves with a fear 9 worthy to be laughed at. For though no real object of terror made them afraid," yet being scared forth both by the coming up of noxious insects, and the ' hissing 10 of serpents, they died for fear, even refusing to see the air,^ which can on '" no side be 1 1 avoided. For wickedness, condemned by her own testimony,^' is " timorous, and 12 being pressed by '" conscience, always forecasteth grievous things. For fear is noth- 13 ing else but a giving up of the means of succor" which reason offereth. But the expectation of succor, overpowered from within, counteth its ignorance more 14 than the cause that bringeth the torment. And they, sleeping the same sleep in the night which was really powerless and came from the recesses of the powerless 15 under-world, partly were harried by portentous apparitions, and partly were par- alyzed by their heart failing them ; for a sudden and unlooked-for fear came upon 16 them.^^ Since it was so, whosoever was there, losing all courage, was kept'' 17 shut up in a prison without iron bars. For whether he were husbandman, or shep- herd, or one of the laborers employed in the waste," he was overtaken, and endured the '* necessity, which could not be avoided ; for they were all bound with one 18 chain of darkness. Whether it were a whistling wind, or a melodious song " of birds among the thick ^'' branches, or a measured rise and ^^ fall of water running 19 violently, or a terrible crash -^ of stones cast down, or a running that could not be seen of frisking animals,^ or a roaring voice of most terrible -■* wild beasts, or a 20 rebounding echo from a mountain hollow ^^ : it made them ™ swoon for fear. For the whole world shone ^' with clear light, and was engaged in unhindered labor ; ^' 21 over them only was spread ^^ a heavy night, an image of that darkness which should afterwards receive them ; but they were ^ unto themselves more grievous than the darkness. Ver. 4. — 1 A, V. : heavy (a^»£^Tot(, not smilin^^ dark). Vers. 5-10. — • ^ A. V. : omits And. ^ the fire might. * flames of the stars endure. ^ Only there appeared unto them a . . . . for. ^ they thought the things which they saw to he worse than the eight they saw not {106 omits ixri before 0eiopov/ie'iTjs, and supplies it before (SAejro^eva). As for the illusions of art magick, they were i-nt down, and their vaunting in wisdom was reproved with disgrace. ' of fear .... though no terrible thing did fear them. * scared [iKaeao^ri^ivoi. ; e«jre(/)op7jjLi€Voi, 111. 106. ; iKite'iio^ovti.iviav , 261.) with wild beasts that pas.'ied by {»ctw5aA*i>»' frap65ot$) and. <' denying that they saw the air. ^o could of. Vers. 11-15. — i' A. V. : witness {text, rec, naprvpei ; Fritzsche, with Grimm and Reusch, adopt fiaprvpi from III. X. 65. 248. 264. 296. Co. ; C, fiap-rvpici). ^2 {5 very. ^^ pressed with (cf. ver. 20). ^* betraying of the succours. " And the expectation from within, being less, counteth the ignorance more than the cause which bringeth the tor- ment. (A. V. has a parenthesis inclosing vers. 11-13.) But they sleeping the same sleep that night, which was indeed intolerable, and which came upon them out of the bottoms of inevitable hell (for iSui-dTou qBov ^v\wi' 106. 261. read a5vvo.Tbiv fx.). were partly vexed with monstrous apparitions, and partly fainted, their heart failing them: for a sudden fear, and not looked for, came upon them (Fritzsche receives eirfx^dij from X. 23. 106. 156. 253. text, rec.^ CTTTJAflei'). Vers. 16-21. — '" A. V. : So then (it does not bring out the transition forcibly enough ; Gr., eld* ovro)?) whosoever there fell down (oq S^ttot' GUI' ^v e»cet, KaTairiinuiv ; the last word seems to have the meaning to lose courage) was straitly kept. 1^ a labourer (to)!' .... epyaTTjs fioxduf) in the field (marg., desert). '8 endured that [(tevio seems to have here the peculiar meaning given it in the A. V. ; so Grimm and Wahl ; Bunsen's Sibelwerk renders : erlag er^zgave up to, was subjected to). '" noise. 20 spreading (ofi'ti\o(/)^? = taking in on all sides, and so, thickly grown). 21 ^ pleasing (pvd^6s). 22 sound (ktuito? often refers to the crash of thunder or the clash of arms ; it comes from ti'tttw). 23 sbjij, ping beasts. 24 savage (dm)(/^s — here in the superlative — is the same word that is rendered " terrible,'' — marg., " hideous ■' — a few lines before. It means " rough," and then '' fearful,'- " horrible." For the gen. plur. , III. has the nom. sing.). 25 tiiQ mountain hollows. Fritzsche receives koiAottjtos from 11. III. X. 23. 55. 68. 106. 155. 248. 253. '.54. 296. Co. Aid. ; text, rec, KoiKoTtxTtov. 28 A. V. : these things made them to. 27 shined. 28 none were hindered in their labour (the subject of avveCx^To — cf. Acts xviii. 5 in the Greek, the A. V. not rendering it correctly - — is clearly 6 Kotr/xos of the preceding line). 2ti spread (Cod. II., with 111. 68. 106. Aid., read ejrtT-aTO — TreTavmjtii — Vulg., ineTeraro, pluperf. pass, of CTTiTeiVw). 20 ygt were they. Chapter XVII. Ver. 1. Auo-5i^77)T0i, difficult to make out, un- searchable. The word is not elsewliere found. Ver. 2. For the historical fact, cf. Ex. x. 23. — Banished from the eternal providence, i. e., excluded from t)ic hcuefits arisinj; from it. Ver. 3. Although not in harmony with the pointing of the text, rec, it seems much better to connect the words, " under a thick veil of forget- fuluess," with " to be hid," and the verse would then read : " For while they imagined that they THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 269 were hid in their secret sins under ;i dark veil of forgetfulness, they were fearfully astonished and thrown into great confusion by phantoms." Ver. 4. Mvx^s, nook {Lat., sinus, recessus, also penetrate). It refers to the retired part of the dwelling to which tiiey were banished by the darkness. Wliat is here and in the followiuf; verse given as historic fact is simply a fantastical enlargement of what is said of the Egyptians at Ex. X. 21 ff. Ver. 5. "tTrefiffoy, avail. The verb means to remain behind ; also, to venture, undertake, and to be able. Ver. 6. It is simply meant that their terror magnified the evil not a httle. They saw a tire, without anything to cause it ; and their fear be- cause of that whicli was hidden made this fire and light worse than the darkness. Vers. 7, 8. That the magicians sought through magical arts to do away with the fears of the Egyptians caused by the darkness, is not said in the Pentateuch. But cf. Ex. ix. 11, from which the idea may have been derived. Ver. 9. 'EK(Tfao$Tiixeyoi {ex ffo/Beto), soared forth, i. e., from the nooks into which thoy had been pre- viously driven by the darkness. — Refusing to see the air. They shut their eyes, and would not look at the reality, and so died of terror caused by imagined horrors. Ver. 11. Tp (TweiS-qaet. This is the first ap- pearance of this interesting word in Biblical Greek in the present sense. It means literally a knowing with one's self, i. e., one's own consciousness comes forward as witness. " It expresses the consciousness man has of his behavior {^vTifj.T)}, and his insight into its relation to moral obliga- tion ((rwfiris) in the form in which it manifests itself, — as he is .. witness against himself {/idprvs, KcLT-nyopos, ^vpifiaxos). What the nature of this cousciou.sness is — the fact that it is more than a mere function of the intellect or memory — be- comes clear where the word is used in its full force ; to wit, as adopted in the New Testament." 8ee Cremer's Ltj;., sub voce. Ver. 12. Of the means of succor. One of these is the habit of inquiry, by the exercise of which a person would not be frightened to death by what is merely phantasinagorial. Vers. 13-15. The idea is that despair of help leads to depreciating the means of help and to the concentration of the thought on the object that causes terror. And their despairing per- plexity, moreover, becomes to them a greater evil than the real evil that causes it. Ver. 18. 'PuS^ds seems to be used of the water, on account of the rising and f.alling of the sound according to the direction and force of the wind. Ver. 21. They were a " burden to themselves " on account of the stings of their violated con- sciences. Chaptek xvni. 1 But ' thy saints had clearest ^ light, whose voice they indeed heard, but saw not their ' shape ; because they also had not ■* suffered the same things, they counted 2 them happy.^ And ^ that they did not hurt them now, of whom they had been wronged 3 before, they thanked ihem, and besought pardon that ' they had been enemies. On the other hand thou didst furnish " them a burning pillar of fire, as well a guide on 4 an unknown journey, as * a harmless sun for a glorious expedition.'" Those truly deserved '^ to be deprived of light, and imprisoned in darkness, wlio had kept thy sons shut up, by whom the incorruptible ^'^ light of the law was to be given unto the world. 5 And having determined ^ to slay the babes of the saints, and ^* one child having been exposed,'^ and saved for punishment,'^ thou tookest away the multitude of 6 their children, and desoroyedst them altogether in a mighty " water. Of that night were our fathers informed beforehand," that knowing '^ unto what oaths they had 7 given credence, they might safely ■-" be of good cheer. So by '"■ thy people was expected first salvation for ^- the righteous, then ^ destruction for their -'' enemies. 8 For wherewith -' thou didst punish our adversaries, by this '^'^ thou didst glorify us, 9 whom thou hadst called. For the holy '' chUdren of good inen '^ did sacrifice se- vers. 1-5. — ^ \. V : Nevertheless. 2 a very great [fxiynrrov, but as the context demands with the sense given). 3 hearing, and not seeing their. * (For oCf, III. 2.54. Co. Old Lat. read ov.) 5 (See Com.) "5 But for. ~' them pardon for that (Grimm and Reusch recommend the reading Tjvxapltrrovv , which is supported by all the Codd. except n. X. 68., which support the text, rec, euxapitrrouo-if ). « Instead whereof thou gavest. » both to be a guide of the .... and {fj.iv — &i). lo to entertain tkevi honourably (dpAa^jj i^iKojiiiov ^ecireia? might also be rendered, with Orimm, " harmless with respect to a glorious expedition ; '- Bunsen's Bibelwerk, " which did not injure the glorious expedition ;'■ see Co;?!.). " For they {^ev yap eiceicot) were worthy. ^- \incoTVVi^t[Tas.rg., incorruptible). ^^ when they had determined. » omils and. « being cast forth (see Com.). '« to reprove them (see Com.). "mighty {i(rcu'w6ino>i', as also II. 68. 261. Ar., and apparently -\rm. ; see Com.). * enemies (plur., but used collectiTely). ^ lamentable noise {(txityi) is not found in the text, rec, tut is adopted by Fritzsche from HI. X. 23. 55. 106. 155. 167. 248. 254. 296. Co. Old Lat. Ar. Arm.) 6 The master and the servant were punished [afia is omitted by 23. 253. Jun.) after one manner. ^ like as the king so suffered the common person. Vers. 12-19. — ^ A. V. : So they altogether [biio9v^LaS6v) had innumerable dead with one kind of death ; neither were the living sufficient. ^ the noblest .... of them was (sing., but used collectively). ^^ the sons of God {deov vlbv Kaov). ^ quiet (lit., for while deep silence invested — Trepiexovayj^ — the All). ^^ that night. i3 ijt.^ her own swiftness. " A. V. : leapt. ^^ out of thy. '" a land of. '" and brought. is standing up filled. ^^ and it touched the heaven .... but it . . . the earth. ^^ visions {marg., imaginations ; Gr., 4tavTaa-iaL). -^ horrible (Seiriv is adopted by Fritz.iche from III. X. 55. 106. al. Co. Old Lat. Syr. ; text, rec, Scii/us). ■' omits unexpected. 23 them unlooked for. ^ were afflicted. Vers. 20-25. — ^ A. V. : tasting (:rerpa). ^0 „a.s a destruction .... the ^ itrm is added after opy^ by 23. 65. 157. 264. Old Lat.) ^ then the. » and stood forth to defend them : and bringing the shield. 3' the propitia- tion .... omits he. 3' declaring. 32 go he. 33 destroyer (toc oXoSpeuoi-Ta, 167. 248. Co. ; Jun., vastatorem ; the reading of the text. rec. is oxAof — as II. X. 23. Vulg. Syr. Ar. Arm. ; for this Bauermeister conjectured that xoAor should be written, and his opinion was adopted by Grimm, Reuseh, and Fritzsche). 34 with. 35 with. 3<; alleg- ing the ivnofj-vricrai). 37 made with. 3S when the dead were now fallen down by. 39 parted (marg., cut off). <" in (ciri). " in (eiri'). " the stones (the plur. of XiSou is found in III. C. 23. 56. 248. 254. Co.). " father* graven. ** was afraid of them ; for ( et^op^^trai' of the text, rec, Fritzsche, with Grimm and Reuseh, adoptse0o^>j^ from III. 23. 66. 106. 155. 248. 253. 296. Co. ; Cod. X. has the same by a second hand ; see Com.). « tasted of (cf. ver. 20). Chapter XVIII. Ver. 1. 'Whose voice they indeed heard. The Egyptians are represented as hearing the voices of the Isriielites. Cf. Ex. x. 23. The ren- dering of the la.st part of ilie veree in the A. V. was based on the reading oh for oZv, which alw Grimm adopts. This critic, moreover, jilaces oi after iireTrSveaaav. — They counted them happjt (i. e., the Israelites) that they also had not su* THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 271 fered. With the common reading the rendering would be : They held it accordimjly for a good for- tune [i. c, for themselves] that they [the Israelites] also had suffered. The Old Latin has : " Et quia non et ipsi eadem passi erant magmjicabant te." Ver. 3. Hei/iTcfa. Lit., a living abroad. It was especially u-ed of the life of a soldier in for- eign .service. Here the expedition of the Israelites to the promised land is meant, — their wandering in the wilderness. Ver. .5. 'ZKTeSei/Tos, exposed. This was the common word used for the exposure of children for the purpose of destroying them. Cf. Herod., i. 112. — For punishment {eh e\eyxof} is joined by some to whiit precedes, and by others to what follows. In either case it makes good sense. In the former case, which seems to us less natural, it would refer to what Moses afterwards became as the avenger of his people, — was saved with reference to punishment ; in the latter, to the de- struction of the first-born of the Egyptians. The antithesis between the one child and the multitude of children, the rescue of the one from the water and the destruct'on of the many in the water, is worthy of notice. Ver. 6 Of that night, i. e., the night on which the first-born of the Egyptians were slain. Ver. 9. 'AyaOwv may be taken as the genitive plural neuter, in the sense of good things, of sidra- lion, instead of of good men. The latter seems somewhat strained, and is contrary to the usage of the writer, who never elsewhere applies this epithet to the Israelites. Cf. for the historical groundwork, Ex. xii. 1.3, 46. — ^ To the holy (rbv T^s 6f((iT7)Tos vifjLov) law. &€t6Tr]s=Th eJyat ti, Ttyi 6uov. — N6/J.01' .... SUdevTo. Cremer [Lex., ad voc.) gives a similar interpretation to tliese words to the one given in the translation above. He says: " It is clear that this does not simply correspond to v6/xoi' riSeVai, ' to institute laws,' or to i>6nov TtSeaBat, ' to gi\e laws for one's self,' or ■ for the State ' in classical Greek ; and it cannot therefore be explained according to Judith v. 18, where it is to send, to appoint. The accusative with the infinitive, which follows, shows that it must he, to come to terms ov an agreement with. It cannot mean 'to carry out,' 'to execute,' on ac- count of the infinitive future." — Beforehand, i. e., before the paschal supper was celebrated. — Of the fathers. The fathers meant are the patri- archs, and they were either themselves praised, or songs transmitted from their time are meant. The latter is the more probable. Ver. 13. The use of the singular, "son," as applying to the whole of Israel, is found also at Ex. 'iv. 22; Hos. xi. 1. V^er. 16. T^i* avujr6Kpirov dniTayTjv frov, thine unfeigned commandment. The idea is that it was no simulated matter, in which he threat- ened something that he would not really do. Cf. V. 18 : and for the historical ^illusion, 1 Chron. xxi. 16. The word (i.e. will) of God is personi- fied, as at Hos. vi. 5. Ver. 18. Showed the cause of his death. As some suppose, it was the manner in which they lay and their general appearance which showed that their death had been unnatural and fearful. But it is more likely that a time before their death is referred to, and their own language re- specting the premonitions which they had re- ceived. This seems evident, indeed, from what immediately follows. Ver. 21. A blameless man. Aaron is called blameless, only as having had no part in the idolatry of the people. — The wrath, rf dv/of. In verse 20 the same rendering is given to fi op-fh. In Attic Greek the former word meant the feeling of wrath, while the latter was its active expres- sion. Cf. Thucyd., ii. 11, and remarks at 1 Mace. iv. 49, and Pr. of Man., ver. 10. Ver. 22. AiaS-qxas, covenants. In the Apoc- rypha (cf. 1 Mace. ii. .'54; 2 Mace. viii. 15; Ecclus. xliv. II, 20) this word means covenant, ani not testament, as it afterwards came to mean in the New Testament, and as it was used also by Philo, who gave it, in fact, uo other signification. Ver. 24. 'Wa.a the whole world., /. e. repre- sented. Cf. Josephus {Anliq., iii. 7, § 7) : " And as for the epliod, it showed that God had made the universe of four " [elements], etc. Ver. 25. The reading iipo^riBTiaau would re- quire that the Israelites be represented as fearing before the destroyers, which was in fact true ; but to say it at this point would have been out of place. Hence ifmv, i. e. t/iings living in water). *« omir* also (*eai). '^ generation. i* (Fritzsche adopts ore — instead of ori of the text. rec. — from II ni. X. C. 23. 65. 106. 165. 248. 253. 254. 296. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. Arm.). '• with their. «> delicate meats (lit., food as delicacies). '" Their contentment (marg., comfort). 22 former signs (instead of ytyovoriay of the text, rec., TrpoyeyoTOTiui' is to be adopted, with Reusch and Fritzsche, from III. X. C. 66. 106. 155. 157. 248. 263. 264. 261. Co. Old Lat. Sjr. Ar. Arm.) by the force of thunders. 23 according to their own wickedness. -* insomuch as (the yip of the text. rec. is omitted by X. 261.) they used a more hard and hateful behaviour. Vers. 14-18. — 25 A. V. : the Sodomites (see Com.). ''" (Grotius conjectured that iyvwras should be read for ayvoovf- Tas ; Old Lat. ignotos.) ■' when they came (Codd. 106. 261., ibs naptovrai for Trapoi-Tas). '■^ but these. '• perad- venture some respect shall bo had of those. ■''" used. »' not friendly. "' laws ISiKaiwy) with them (see Com.). M Therefore even {Si Kat ; the Ko.i appears in our translation as " also,'' after these). " omits also. '» horrible great. ^o every. ^^ of. ss j'or the elements were changed in themselves by a bind of harmony, like as in a psaltery notes change the name of the tune, and yet are always sounds j which may well be perceived by the sight of the Mm^.-i that have been done. Vers. 19-22. —=» A. V. : earthly things were turned into watery, and the things that before swam in the water, now went upon the ground. The fire had power (Fritzsche adopts lla 'IrjiTov Tou Sfipc^x, and sometimes, apparently for the sake of brevity, simply Sofia 26ipox. ') co(pla, or, by way of honorable distinction, i) iraviperos (ro(p{a; and even Trandperos and naiSayoiySs alone. The assertion of Jerome^ that in the Hebrew the book had the title "Proverbs" (□■"btl'Si) is open to .serious question, although it has the support of the Tanchuma, a certain commentary to the Mishna.'' That the original Hebrew work continued in circulation for some centuries is indeed possible, and even not improbable, considering the numerous refer- ences to it in the rabbinical and Talmudic writings. Still, it is more likely that Jerome saw some Aramaic collection having the name he mentions, than that, contrary to the unanimous testimony of all other witnesses, this solitary Jewish one alone excepted, it was borne by the present work. Moreover, the connection in which Jerome speaks of our book is quite re- markable, not to say suspicious. He says of it : " Quorum priorem Hebraicum reperi, non Ec- clesiasticum ut apud Latinos, sed Parabolas prcenotatum, cui juncti eranl Ecclesiastes et Canticum Canlicorum ut similitudinem Salomonis non solum librorum ntimero, sed etiam materiarum genere cofEquaret. ' ' How did it happen that in the MS. which Jerome professes to have seen Ecclesi- asticus had the place which properly belonged to the Book of Proverbs, while, at the same time, bearing the title by which the latter was commonly designated ? The Author. Not a little that has been said by different writers concerning the author of Ecclesiasticus is pure speculation. Some,' for instance, on account of his speaking at considerable length and in laudatory terms of the priesthood, maintain that he himself was a priest. Others,* again, see in him the high priest Jason (b. c. 175-172), a theory obviously inconsistent with the fundamental character of the book. Cf. 2 Mace. iv. 7-26 ; 4 Mace. iv. 15-17; Jos., Antiq., xii. 5, § 1. And still others (Grotius), solely on the ground that the medical profes- sion is commended (xxxviii. 1-15) hold that the writer must have been a physician. The author names himself (1. 27) simply "Jesus, Son of Sirach of Jerusalem," and his grand- son, in his prologue, says of him that he was a zealous student of the Law, Prophets, and Other Books of the fathers, and felt impelled in consequence to write a work himself, whose object should be to encourage a life according to the Law. The name, Sirach, is not found in Hebrew, and the Jewish rabbins, in speaking of the author, name him " the Son of Sira." In the Syriac version he is called, in the title which is given to the present work, the " Son of Simeon Asiro," and, at the end, simply " Son of Asiro." Whence this title originated it is not now possible with certainty to say. Probably, however, it is based on 1 Praf. in Libr. Sal., in lot. 2 Fol. 69a. 8 Ltnde, Glaubens- unit Sitlenhhre, etc., Einleit., p. ix. ; so also, ZunK and Scholi. 4 Georg. Syiicellus, Chrono^. (eJ. Dindorfj, i., p. 626. THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTICUS. 275 later trnditions. The Simeon meant seems to be the high priest of that name, for whom the writer showed special predilections.' According to chap, xxxiv. 11, 12, our author did not remain his entire life in Jerusalem, but travelled to some extent in foreign lands. He seems also to have been a person of considerable importance. He represents in one place (li. 1-12) that his life was broutjht into great danger through misrepresentations that had been made concerning him to some king. He was well versed in the Scriptures, and a diligent student of other learnin'^. as far as it prevailed in Palestine (li. 13 f., 23 f.). His attitude towards the Law, as well as his friendly way of speaking of the Scribes (x. 5; xxxviii. 24 f. ; xliv. 4), give a color of probability to the supposition of Fritzsche that he himself belonged to this class. His views, at least, are too broad, and his pen too bold and free, to have faithfully represented the already stiffening Pharisaism of his day. The Translator. Of the translator of Ecclesiasticus still less is known than of the author. He speaks of himself in the preface as grandson of the latter, but does not give his name. According to Jewish tradition, he was called Joseph, and his father Usiel. A somewhat later Christian tradition, on the other hand, which finally assumed in the false preface to our work a semi- official character, names him like his grandfather, Jesus the Son of Siraeh. But while it was undoubtedly true that in Jewish usage a grandson often received the name of the grand- father, in the present case it is most likely that the opinion that our translator was so named is based on a misunderstanding. In his prologue he calls his grandfather simply Jesus ; but at chap. 1. 27, it is said that one " Jesus the son of Siraeh of Jerusalem " had written in the book "the instruction of iknderstanding,"' etc. Hence it seems to have been supposed that two different persons were referred to, and that the latter was the name of the translator, and that he had not only made the Greek version, but had shared also in the composition of the work. So much is at least clear from the translator's own testimony, that he went to Egypt, and there performed the work which introduced the composition of his grandfather to the world of Greek learning. That he was capable of writing idiomatic Greek, his prologue sufficiently proves. And it is therefore much to his credit that he translated so faithfully and literally, and that he retained to such an extent in his work the Hebraistic style and coloring of the original. His modesty, also, in asking the indulgence of his readers for any defects of the version on the ground that " the same things uttered in Hebrew and translated into another language have not the same force in them," cannot but make a most favorable impression as it respects his real ability and honesty. Contents and their Arrangement. It may be said that the aim of the book, in general, is to represent wisdom as the source of all virtue and blessedness, and by warnings, admonitions, and promises to encourage the pur- suit of the same. There is, however, so little inward connection of thought that the greatest diversity of opinion prevails respecting the manner in which its materials are arranged, some critics even declaring that there is no logical order observed whatever. But this is an ex- treme opinion, and not justified by the facts. The view of Eichhorn- that the work is naturally divided into three parts (i.-xxiii.; xxiv.- xlii. 14; xUi. 15-1. 24), marking three distinct collections, has been satisfactorily disproved by Bretschneider.' Ewald* defends the opinion that the last author of the book made use ot two earlier works, the first (i.-xvi. 21) being left unchanged, the second (xvi. 22-xxxvi. 22) appearing only in fragments, while his own composition (xxxvi. 23-li.) makes up the re- mainder. But the grounds on which the theory is supported prove on closer examination to be wholly untrustworthy, and the theory itself is rendered quite untenable by the fact that one and the same spirit rules in the work from beginning to end, and that, a spirit of the most marked and individual character. Fritzsche ^ holds that the book is made up for the most part of distinct groups of proverbs and reflections composing sections of greater or less dimensions. He divides it, consequently, omitting the conclusion (1. 27-29) and the appen- dix (li.), into seven sections, as follows : i.-xvi 21 ; xvi. 22-xjdii. 27, xxiv. 1-xxx. 24, xxx. 1 Cf. chap. 1. a EMcil., p. 50 ff. 8 Liber Jesu SU-aeida Grace, Prolegom., 20 ff. t Bib Jahrb., iii. 125 B. ; x. 215 ff. and GeschiMe d. Volkis Is., iT. 342. 6 EinUit., p. xxiii. 276 THE APOCRYPHA. 25-27; XXX. 28-xxxiii. 11; xxxiii. 12-xxxvi. 16a.; .xxxvi. 1G6-22; xxxvi. 23-xxxix. 11; xxxix. 12-xlii. 14; xlii. 15-1. 26. With such examination as I have been able to give the theory in my study of the work — making due allowance for minor irregularities naturally to be expected in so large a book, and one requiring so much time in its composition, and for detached portions here and there which apparently admit of no logical association with the remainder — it seems to me to answer reasonably well to the facts. Original Language. The testimony of the translator, in his preface, that our book was written in the Hebrew ('E/3pai(7Tf) language is almost universally accepted as the truth. Indeed, it was to have been expected. For although at the time when the son of Sirach lived, Hebrew had ceased to be vernacular in Palestine, the Aramaic having supplanted it as such, still it was then, and for a considerable period afterwards remained, the language in which all learned works were written. Besides, the professed object of the writer being similar to that aimed at in the sacred books of his people, and his work being constructed on the same general principles as some of them, as well as steeped in the spirit of the whole, it was but natural that he should choose, if there had been really any occasion for choice, to clothe his thoughts in the same historic, venerated language in which they were written. The Talmud, moreover, offers im- portant testimony in confirmation of the same supposition. It contains in its two forms, Jerusalem and Babylonian, not a few citations from Ecclesiasticus, in fact, including those of the various Midrashim, not less than forty, ' all of which, except possibly three, are written in Hebrew. And although these citations are by no means literally made, still it would be impossible to deny that the original Hebrew form of expression has been to a good degree retained, at least so far as to fix the point that it was Hebrew, and not Aramaic, or Syro- Chaldaic. But even without appealing to any of these reasons as valid, touching the point at issue, the character of the translation itself would be a sufficient justification of the assertion that the original could not have been Greek. The Hebrew idiom is in some in- stances so closely followed that the Greek of the translator is almost wholly divested of its characteristic qualities. Besides, there are passages here and there which can be made intel- liL'ible only by presupposing a Hebrew original, and translating them back into that language. The translator has made obvious mistakes in his efforts to put the work of his grandfather into a presentable form for Hellenistic readers. For example, at xxiv. 27, we read : " He maketh the doctrine of knowledge appear as the light, as Geon in the time of vintage." In the two verses next preceding, mention is made of the Tigris, Euphrates, and Jordan, and we might have reason to expect that the Nile would not be overlooked. And we believe, in fact, that it was not. The word trans- lated " light," in the verse quoted, would be, in the Hebrew, "lis, and it is probable that our translator read this word, instead of liS'', which the original really contained. The latter word means " river," by which title the Nile is sometimes known in Scripture. Ac- cordingly, this part should read : " as the river, Gihon [ = Nile], in the time of harvest." It would have Been very easy to make this mistake, if in the original the yodh of the latter word was elided, as at Amos viii. 8, "I'SS, as a Jlood. Again, at xxv. 15, the translator,, without doubt, found in the text from which he translated, tTH"), but gave it the meaning; "head" (xecpaA-^), when he should have rendered it "poison," since the latter translation alone makes good sense, and is equally in place. So, at xxxviii. 28, we read that the smith sits by the anvil and " considereth the iron work," etc., an idea which has hut very little force. It would appear that V'V^ was translated, while the word in the text was VT, tires himself with. Further, at xlii. 22, we find the scarcely intelligible words, " Oh, how desir- able are all his works! and that a man may see even to a spark." The want of clearness seems to have arisen from the fact that the word meaning " flowers," niSa, was mistaken for V'i-"'?> meaning " spark," which was read in its place. Once more, at xlvi. 18, we have the passage, " And he destroyed the rulers of the Tyrians [Tup/ax]." Now history gives us no information concerning any hostilities between the Israelites and Tyrians. Hence, it is more than likely that we have here also a false rendering of the Hebrew text. The 1 ZUOI, Vorlrage, p. 101 t THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTICUS. 277 translator had the word D''~S before him, as is probable, and he rendered it as though it wai to be pointed D''"l'2, " Tyrians," instead of C""]!;', " enemies." The Greek Version. One of the greatest merits of the Greek translation of Ecclesiasticus is its extreme literal- ness. The translator was sufficiently well acquainted with the Greek then spoken in Egypt, as we have before seen, to have given his work, as it respects choice of words, grammatical forms, idioms, and style throughout, a more thoroughly Greek stamp. He happily chose, however, at the expense of smoothness, and sometimes even of clearness and good sense, to reproduce in a Greek dress, as far as possible the original text itself. It was a high compli- ment for Hellenic culture to pay to a Hebrew book, especially to one which, as was ad- mitted, had no place in the sacred canon. What he read in the text, that this translator gave in his version, apparently whether he understood it or not. His most glaring faults, conse- quently, are those of an occasional misconception respecting the true reading and the right understanding of single words or letters of the original, and in a failure to punctuate and divide his sentences properly. The Septuagint translation of the Old Testament was already current, and we are not surprised to find that it exercised considerable influence upon the present one. Sometimes, indeed, the translator seems to have made direct use of the same. The following passages furnish good evidence of it: cf. xx. 29 with Deut. xvi. 19 (Supa aTroTvipXol o(p6a\ijLovs aixpSiv); xliv. 16 ('Efoix ■ • • . /i«T6Te'fl7|) 17, 19, 21, with Gen. v. 24, vi. 9, xvii. 4, xxii. 18; xlv. 8 f. with Ex. x.xviii. 35 f. (ir€p£o-iteA^, tpyov woikiXtov, AoyETo;' Kplcreais) ; xlix. 7 with Jer. i. 10. There are also, here and there, single passages in the LXX. translation of the Proverbs, that have left their impression upon the work of our translator. Cf., for instance, li. 23 (^v otKif iraiSslas) with Prov. ix. 1; li. 28 with Prov. iv. 5 (in HI.); li. 26 (^77us ccttij' fupfTv ainriv'). So too, in chap. xlvi. 19, we have an allusion to the speech of Samuel, in which he gives an account of his stewardship for Israel. (Cf. LXX. at 1 Sam. xii. 3.) There is such a similarity in the Greek of the two passages as to suggest, at least, a reminiscence, although the whole is also evidently strongly colored by the proverbial words of Abraham to the king of Sodom (Gen. xiv. 23). A very clear dependence of the present translation on the LXX. is furnished at chap, xlviii. 18. The words, koI cnrripfv, are used, and, as it would seem, at first sight, quite unnecessarily and out of place, so that some vacillation in the MSS. has been caused thereby, although the present text is, notwithstanding, well supported. But we find, at Is. xxxvii. 8, where the same historical fact is described, the very same words employed (dir^pev aTrii Aax's). Moreover, the added clause in the apocryphal work, koI iniipe {x^^p'^ avrov M iiiiv), so far from raising a suspicion respecting the former one on account of its similarity, furnishes a beauti- ful example of a play upon words. * The word 7ropEKoAeen's Bibelwerk, TOI. vii., p. 54. 0 Smith ■« Bib. Did., art. " Ecclesiaeticus. ," vol. i., p. 479, foot-DOte ; Am, ed., p. 651. 7 Tilt Jrwith Church, ill., p. 268. 8 De ulriusgue Siracida JEtate (Erlang. 1832) ; and Bih. Rtalwiirieri. , ad «M THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTICUS. 279 The other high priest so called appears in Jewish liistory only in connection with the fabulous stories in 3 Maccabees as having lived at the time of Ptolemy IV., Philopator, and among other improbable things, prevented that king, by his prayer, from entering the temple at Je- rusalem. He is, in fact, wholly unworthy of mention in comparison with his illustrious name- sake, who is recognized as among the last celebrated teachers of the Great Synagogue, and as marking an epoch in the later Israelitish annals. Josephus, moreover, does not give a single favorable feature in bis delineation of the former's character. On the contrary, he says of him that he sided with the sons of Tobia, who were violent supporters of Hellenism as op- [losed to the strict interpretation and practice of the Mosaic law.' The opinion that the title " the Just " was applied not to Simon I., but Simon H., as some maintain, rests on no other basis than uncertain and confused Talmudic traditions, and is directly opposed to the testi- mony of Josephus, who applies the title solely to the former. It is with surprise, therefore, that we read in the late excellent work of Dean Stanley,^ just referred to, that " Derenbourg has conclusively established that the Simon of Ecclesiasticus was Simon the Just, and that this Simon was Simon II." Derenbourg makes no claim in his work to writing a history of the Jews for the time which his book covers, but simply makes a collection of rabbinical tra- ditions, relating to that history as found in the Talmud and Midrash. The view he supports is the traditional one, and in the past has had the most defenders. But the tendency of late has been quite in the other direction. Were it otherwise, we should scarcely expect from Professor Scburer, for instance, the assertion that " there is no doubt that Simon the Just wiis the high priest, Simon I." ^ The argument that since our book speaks in a number of instances (xxxi. 11, xxxvi. 17-22 of the Greek text, li. 1-12) of bitter hardships which the Jewi.-ih nation had to suffer, and of tyrants that oppressed them, and since such complaints would have been out of place in the period immediately following the death of Simon I., when the Jews were under the govern- ment of Ptolemy Philadelphus, that therefore Simon II. must be meant, is without any real force for the following reasons: The expressions referred to are far from being as strong aa they are represented. Moreover, there was a time of trial for the Jews also, in the earlier part of the reign of Ptolemy I., Soter, and his good-will towards them, as far as it existed, was probably more manifested towards those living in Egypt than in Palestine. Still further, there is nothing in the expressions referred to that might not be expected from the pen of a Jewish patriot, so long as his people were under a foreign yoke at all, however mild and peacefully inclined the alien government may have been. Again, Fritzsche,^ referring to what is said of the high priest Simon (1. 1-13), that " he repaired the house again, and in his days fortified the temple," etc., says that tradition knows nothing of this, so far as it concerns Simon I., "a silence which also points to Simon II." But this critic does not tell us where we may learn that Simon II. ever engaged in work such as is here described and praised. The silence of history, if it be silent on this point, in itself therefore, would be no more favorable to Simon II. than Simon I. But history is not wholly silent. Though it does not give us information so definite as we could wish on this subject, it does give us certain important hints, and these fall out much more in favor of the earlier than the later Simon. We know that in his wars with Demetrius, Ptolemy I., Soter, found it necessary at one time to leave his possessions in Coele Syria and Phoenicia, and in doing so, in order to give his opponent no advantage on account of the fortified places which they contained, he caused such fortifications to be destroyed. This we know to have been true of Acco, Joppa, Gaza, and Samaria, and there is good reason for supposing that it was true also of Jerusalem.^ Here, then, would be found the needed occasion for Simon I. " to repair the house again and fortify the temple." For these reasons, briefly stated, we must regard the points as settled : first, that the " thirty-eighth year" refers to the reign of Euergetes ; and second, that Simon, the high priest, can only mean Simon I., whom Jo- sephus names Sixmos, the Just. Now it is further clear that the author of Ecclesiasticus wrote his work, in which he describes with such a glow of enthusiasm Simon I. as the last in the long line of Jewish worthies, not long after the latter's death. Still, just how long an interval separated these two events it is not now possible with certainty to say. It would, however, seem from the 1 Cf. Antiq., xli. 2, § 6j 4, § 10. » ITatary of the Jewisk Cfiurck, vol. iii., p. 247. a G£ Neutest. ZeitgeschJehte, p. 453, and the citations there made. See especially, Qraetz, (resckichte, ii., p. 2.35. 4 Eijileii.f ad loc, and in Schenkel's Bibel-Lexicon, art. "Jesus Sohn Sirachs." 5 Graetz, 1. c. p. 230 280 • THE APOCRYPHA. language used, that the Son of Siraeh must himself have been eye-witness to the glory which he depicts. ,\ limit, at least, is fixed by what is said of the version made by the grandson. It was during the time that " Euergetes was king " in Egypt, and in tlie thirty-eighth year of his reign. Hence it is clear Ptolemy VII., Physcon (b. c. 1 70-116), must be meant. If we took the words, 6 iriinros /xov, in their usual sense, as meaning " grandfather," and regarded the author of the book as a contemporary of Simon I., we should not naturally, indeed, think of this Ptolemy, since in that case too long an interval would intervene between the composition and its translation. But neither of these suppositions is absolutely necessary. The words, d iraTTTros fiov, may be used in a general sense, and mean simply ancestor, while the vividness and warmth of coloring with which the great Simon is described may be due to something else than the personal observation of a contemporary. Then, as cow, it is likely the nobility and grandeur even of a truly great character showed to best advantage at a short remove from it. Is there not, then, some other more decisive factor in the problem? Such a factor as, we think, is found in the fact that the translator, as we have already seen, made considerable use of the LXX. version, not alone of the five books of Moses, but of the Proverbs, the Book of Joshua, and the prophecy of Isaiah. This version was begun in the time of the early Ptolemies (circa B. C. 280). At the time of Ptolemy III. it could hardly have come into such general use as our translator's work would indicate. In the year B. c. 132, however, the thirty-eighth of Ptolemy VII., Physcon's reign, this would have been easily possible. At this point, consequently, we feel justified in fixing the date of the Greek translation of Ecclesias- ticus which was written by the grandfather, or ancestor, of the translator, a man who was con- temporary with, or lived not long after, the high priesthood of Simon I. , surnamed the Just. Other Ancient Versions. Of the other ancient versions of our book the Old Latin is the most important. It was not revised by Jerome on being adopted into the Vulgate. It seems to have been made, at first, by one person, but has become much changed from its original form. There is not only in many places a different arrangement of sentences, but considerable additions are also found, including, in some cases, entire verses. A part of these changes are doubtless due to copyists and self-appointed editors ; but inasmuch as there are also certain late and less trustworthy MSS., like 248., with which this text preserves a tolerable uniformity, it seems probable that the origin of some of these peculiarities is to be sought in them. That the translation was made from the Greek, and not from the Hebrew, is generally acknowledged, and is proved by the retention in a Latinized form of many Greek words, as : lingua eucharis for y\aiaus and Justin Martyr pass over the book in silence, leading some to conjecture that it did not get into circulation in the Chris- tian church until the end of the second century. Clement of Alexandria makes a direct citation from Ecclesiasticus, and is the first Christian writer who does so. He, as well as 1 Commmalie qua Libri Sir., etc., p. 102. 1 Utm, pp. 20, 21, 204. Cf. also Zunj, trfem, pp 100-104. 8 Ben Sira et aliorum Orientaiium Stnltntia * franwi., 1597 5 BerUn, 1858. 284 THE APOCKYPHA. Cyprian of the Latin church, seemed to regard it as the work of Solomon, and more than once quotes it as Scripture. Other writers, as Dionysius of Alexandria, follow their example. Even Oriijen uses the formula -yiyfiairrtii in citing passages from it, and Athanasius quotes the passage xv. 9, as ra inrh Tov iri/eu/uaTos eis airhv elpTifieya. Still, it was well known that the work was not to be found in the Hebrew canon ; and it does not appear in the catalogues of Melito, Origen, Cyril, Hilary, or Rufinus. Eiisebiiis, Athanasius, Jerome, and Augustine all dis- tinguish it from the canonical books proper; and Jerome asserts that it ought not to be used for the support of doctrine, but simply for instruction. But theory and practice did not always harmonize, and it was sometimes so employed. In the Abyssinian church it was regarded as uncanonical, but was used for the instruction of the young.' In the Alexandrine Codex (III.), Ecclesiasticus is found at the end of the Old Testament, immediately after the Book of Wisdom. In the Vatican (II.), it has the same position relative to the latter book, but is followed by Esther (with the Additions), Judith, and Tobit, at the close of the Hagiographa. In the Sinaitic (X.), it is the last book but one of the Old Testament, the Book of Job being the last. In the list in the Codex Claromontanus it is found in the order: Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus. In the church of the MMdle Ages we find Bishop Junilius, of North Africa (e. A. D. 550), •scribing "perfect authority '' to Ecclesiasticus; while Thomas Aquinas (t A. D. 1274), of the Italian church, seems in doubt about its authority. Isidore of Seville (f A. D. 636) recognized the fact of its not being foimd in the Hebrew canon, but (like Augustine) held that it had received the indorsement of the church. Other Christian scholars of Spain, however, preferred to foUow the lead of Jerome : for example, Bishop Tostatus of Avila {a. d. 1450). In France, also, Alcuin (f A. D. 804), the spiritual adviser of Charlemagne, asserted, on the authority of Jerome and Isidore of Seville [!] that Ecclesiasticus was not to be used in support of Christian doctrine. In the Greek church, the catalogue known as the " SLxty Books" excluded Ecclesiasticus; and the Stichomeiry of Nicephorus (c. A. D. 828) reckoned it among the books " dispnted." In Great Britain the first writer to make any special investigations touching the canon was Alfric (t a. d. 1005), Archbishop of Canterbury. Westcott ^ quotes him as saying: " Now there are two bookes more placed with Solomons workes, as if he made them : which for liUenesse of stile »nd profitable use have gone for his ; but Jesus, the son of Sirach, composed them. One is called .... the Booke of Wisdome ; and the other Ecclesias- ticus. Very large bookes and read in the Church, of long custome, for much good instruc- tion." The later history of our book is for the most part identical with that of the remaining apocryphal works, and has already received sufficient attention. The Unauthentic Preface. In the Synopsis Scriptures Sacrce, falsely ascribed to Athanasius, as also in Codex 148. and the Complutensian Polyglot, is contained a second preface to Ecclesiasticus, which treats of the origin and contents of the work. In Credner's opinion ' this synopsis is a product of the ninth or tenth century. And it seems probable both from the form and substance of the second preface, which speaks of the translator in the third person — " this Jesus was the son of Sirach, and grandson to Jesus of the same name with him," etc. — that it was at first designed to be a sort of re'sume of the contents of the book, and was written by the author of the Synopsis. But, whether emanating from him or not, it is evidently simply the opinion of some third person, and cannot by any means be considered as having the value which would attach to a recognized historic tradition. In the book itself (1.27) the grandfather is called "Jesus son of Sirach." Here the grandson receives this name also, which in itself would cause no surprise, since grandchildren not infrequently received the name of the grandfather. But in the present instance, as we have already seen, it is clear that the assertion rests on a misunderstanding of the passage just mentioned, it being supposed that the translator was there meant, since elsewhere the grandfather and author is called simply 'Jesus." On this error is based another, viz., that the grandson shared in the composition jf the work, completing and editing it after the death of the first Jesus. "When now the nrst Jesus died, leaving this book almost [rxfSiy ti] collected, Sirach his son [another less trustworthy reading is o£t»» instead of * vUs}, receiving it after him, left it likewise [ToAd-J 1 Ewald, Jahrb. d. Bibl. Wissenschafl, T., pp. 147, 149. a Bib. in the Church, p. 208. « Ueschichte d. Neutat. Kanon, p. 225. THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTICUS. 285 to his own son Jesus, who then, when he had come into possession of it, arranged it all in one orderly volume, giving it the title Wisdom, with the name not only of himself and his father, but of course also [a\Ai /iiiv xaQ that of the grandfather." It is said, moreover, of the grandson that he lived in " the later times, after the Captivity and the return, and after nearly [o-x^Wi', better, however, omitted] all the prophets." The writer seems purposely thus to leave the date of the composition indefinite. The preface closes : " This Jesus was an admirer [oiraSiis, literally, attendant] of Solomon, and was no less famous for wisdom and learning, having both the repute, and being in fact, a man of great learning."' 1 I dD not ftUow the A. T. Ot p. SM ECCLESIASTICUS. Prologue.' Whereas many and important ° things have been handed down to us through the law ' and the prophets, and the others who followed after them,^ for which ' things Is- rael ought to be commended for learning and wisdom ; and since ° not only must the readers become ' skillful themselves, but also they that desire to learn be able to profit them who are abroad," both by speaking and writing : my grandfather Jesus, who had given himself more and more ° to the reading of the law, and the prophets, and the other "> books of our fathers, and had gotten therein no little proficiency," was drawn on also himself to write some work '^ pertaining to learning and wisdom, to the intent that those who '^ are desirous to learn, becoming attached to this also," might make much more progress '^ in living according to the law. Let me intreat you now '* to read it with favor and attention, and to be indulgent, in that where, perchance, with all the care bestowed on the translation, we may seem to have failed in some words." For what was originally uttered in Hebrew," has not the same force when translated into '* 1 The " Prologue made by an uncertain author," found in the A. V. before the present one, I omit from the text and give here. See remarks at the close of my Introduction to this book. *' This Jesus was the son of Sirach and grandchild to Jesus of the same name with him. This man therefore lived [arose] in the latter (later, Karui] times, after the people had been led away captiTe and called home again [after the Captivity and calling back], and almost [om i( almost] after all the prophets. Now his grandfather Jesus, as he [also] himself witnesseth, was [re, i. e., as well] a man of great diligence and wisdom (as of the greatest insight) among the Hebrews [omit among the H.], who did not only gather the grave and short sentences of wise [gathered not only the apothegms of sagacious] men, that had been before him, but himself also uttered some of his own, full of much under- standing and wisdom. When as therefore [When now] the first Jesus died, leaving this book almost perfected (collected], Sirach hii son [omit ital.] receiving it after him [likewise] left ti to his own son Jesus ; who, (then] having gotten it into his hands, compiled « all orderly into one volume, and called it (as) Wisdom, intituling i< both [not only] by his own name (and] his father's name [omit name], and [but of course also) his grandfather's ; alluring the hearer [belter reader] by the very name of wisdom to have a greater love to the study of this book [of the book itself). It containeth there- fore wise (now sagacious] sayings, [both] dark sentences, and parables, and certain particular ancient godly stories of (stories, and those about) men that pleased God ; also his prayer and song ; moreover [also], what benefits God had [omit had] vouchsafed his people, and what plagues he had [omit had] heaped upon their enemies. This Jesus did im- itate Solomon, and was no less famous for wisdom and learning (than he], both being indeed a man of great learning, and JO reputed also,''^ » A. V. : many and great (ney.iAoii', but clearly with the sense of " important "). ' delivered unto us by the law etc. (Sci Tov i/ofiou .... atSo/ieVuri/ ; the context requires the rendering given. There is usually found for the last word the same compounded with irapi). ' by others that have followed their steps. 6 tor the which. « whereof (cos ; the A. V. must have read i( !>v — Rob. Stephens and Badwell — or, !>v — Cod. H. — cf. Bretschneider and Com., ad loc.) ' not only the readers must needs become (for yireirfoi, X. C. II. 55. 156. read ytviaeax). ' which are without (marg., of another nation. The reference is to the Jews dispersed in other lands). • when he had much given himself («,7i irXeioi', more and more. I adopt Kritzsche's rendering, and not that of VVahl —diutius — who refers to Judith xiii. 1). l» and other. " good judgment (Irai/i)!' i^iv. The latter word has for a secondary meaning, skill as a result of experi- ence, practice. The first meaning is, a state, habit, of body or mind). '= write something (' oU tit/ hoKwfjiiv .... aZwajiitVy in which we might appear to be unable ; meaning, as the context shows, where I might se^m not to have hit the mark. — In Hebrew. As this prologue con- tains the first allusion to the Old Testament canon as a whole, so also it makes the first use of the word " Hebrew " which occurs in extant his- tory. — And not only this book, but the law. It is to be inferred, then, that the Old Testament had already been translated into Greek at the time these words were written. — Difference of learning (TraiSf/as). This Greek word means much the same as our word " culture" (German, Bildung) ; but it is doubtless used here in a more limited sense as referring to those subjects of whicli the Old Testament and the present book treat. — ' fk.6hi.otov has been variously rendered. It means what is unlike, different, the cultiva- tion of the Jews in Egypt was of a later sort, Hellenistic. — Some zeal. It is modestly spoken. — ''Ev T^ TTapoiKia. See Text. Notes. The word means living in a place as irdpoiKos, a sojourner. Cf. Jud. v. 9 ; Wisd. xix. 10. I have given it here the rendering " abroad," to correspond with e'KTiis above, the same persons being evident!/ meant. Chapter I. 1 AxL wisdom comefh from the Lord, And is with him for ever. 2 Who can number the sand of the sea, and the drops of rain, 288 THE APOCRYPHA. And the daj's of eternity ? 3 Wlio can trace ' out the height of heaven, and the breadth of the earthy And the deep, and wisdom ? 4 Wisdom was ^ created before all things. And prudent understanding ^ from everlasting.* 6 To whom was the root of wisdom revealed ? ' And who knew her subtile plans ? * 8 ' One is wise, greatly ' to be feared, The Lord sitting upon his throne. 9 He created her, and saw her, and made her known,* And poured her out upon all his works 10 Together with '" all flesh according to his gift. And he bestowed her abundantly on ^* them that love him.** 11 The fear of the Lord is honor, and glory, And gladness, and a crown of rejoicing. 12 The fear of the Lord contents the ^' heart. And giveth joy, and gladness, and a long life." 13 With him who feareth the Lord, it shall be well ■'' at the lasti And he shall be blessed ^^ on the day of his death. 14 To fear the Lord '" is the beginning of wisdom ; And it is ^* created with the faithful in the womb. 15 She prepared for herself an everlasting dwelling-place " with meOf And she will continually remain ^ with their seed. 16 To fear the Lord is fullness of wisdom. And she maketh them drunken '■'^ with her fruits. 17 She filleth all her house with things desirable, And the garners with her products.^ 18 The fear of the Lord is a crown of wisdom, Making peace and restored health -' to flourish ; ** 19 And he saw and revealed her ;^^ She pours forth skill and practical knowledge, And heightens the honor of them ^^ that hold her fast. 20 Tlie root of wisdom is to fear the Lord, And the branches thereof are long life.^ Vers. 1-6. — i A. V. : find. ^ jj^th been. s the understanding of prudence. (The Greek is trvvttrti ^pov^tnuf Wahl would render by jumma cogTii(/o ; Buneen's Biic/uferit, veretandige Eineicht ; Fritzsche, Hug-* Einsichi ; Oaab hochjle Versland ; Bretschneider, svmma sapientta.) * (ver. 5) The word of God most high is the fountain of wisdom; And her ways are everlasting commandments. (It is found only in H. 23. 55. 70. 106. (with a Tariation), 248. 263. (with a variation), Co. Old Lat., and I have omitted it.) ^ hath .... been revealed. ^ Or who hath known her wise counsels ? Vers. 7-12. — ' A. V. ; (ver. 7) Unto whom hath the knowledge of wisdom been made manifest ? And who hath under- stood her great experience? (It is found in H. 23. 55. 70. 106. 253. Old Lat.) ^ There is one wise and greatly. (The force of the Greek, ets ecrrt troi^d?, (i>ofiepoq (r^dSpa, is not sufficiently well brought out. In the following line, Codd. 55. 70. 106. 253. and the Old Lat. have supplied the words nal mptevtuv before Kvpco9, probably for the reason that in important authorities — II. III. X. C. H. — the last word is joined to what follows. The context seems to be decidedly against both changes.) o numbered her (e^Tjptfi^Tjaef. It is, apparently, a false rendering of our translator. Cf. the LXX. at Job xxviii. 27, totc elSev avTi)v koX ^rjYna-aTO avTJjv, which probably lay at the basis of the present expres- sion ; also, just before, 150)1/ TjpiBurjae. See Com,). ^^ She is with (the A. V. places a full stop at the end of the previ- ous line). " hath given her to (txopTJyTja-ev ; cf. ver. 26). ^ There is an addition of two lines to ver. 10 found in H. 70. 253. and it is found also, in a corrupt form, in the Old Lat. '3 A. V. : The fear . . . maketh a merry (repi/fei). 1* Following ver. 12 the codd. just mentioned have an addition of two lines. Vers. 13-18. — ^^ A. V. ; Whoso .... go well with him. ^* find favour. (For eup^trct xapiv of the text, rec, Codd m. X. 0. H. 23. 70. al. Old Lat. have evAoyij^^o-cTat, which is adopted by Fritzsche. The A. V. notices it in the mar- gin.) " (Instead of rov Qeov of the text. rec. and II., Fritzsche receives from III. X. H. 23. 55. al. Co. to*- fcupioc , which we find has been already adopted in the A. V.) '^ was (a general truth). '* hath built an ... . founda- tion. (Lit., hatched .... foundation. But the verb — votraevui — is not used as transitive, and hence Fritzsche would take 0e^i(\iov as nom., and in apposition with the verb, i. e., she nested, prepared a nest with men, an eternal founda- tion, dwelling-place.) 20 shall continue (not quite strong enough for ^/iTri(rrevd^(r€Tat . Fritzsche and Bunsen's BibeU werk, dauernd bteiben ; Wahl,._^(/cs ei habebitur versanti inter posleros eorum. See Com.). 21 fiUeth men. 23 their (as 111. H. 248. 2.53. Co.) house .... increase {yewfttLartav . " Increase '* is not sufficiently definite). ^3 perfect health 'vyieiav i.6nreta<; := health of healing, from healing. A remark of Gaab throws light on the rendering of the A. V. : " Per Uapsvyteia signified perfection, as vytijy, according to Suidas, is Tc'^eios ; so that it might be translated, perfect heal Ing.'*) M Following ver. 18 there is the following addition in the A. V. : " Both which are the gifts of God : And il anlargeth their rejoicijig that love him."' This is found in H. 70. 248. Co. Ver^. 19-24. —■-•■ A. V. omit.« this line (with 248. 253. Co.). »> Wisdom (.so H. 70. 108. 248. al. Co.) rainelh down (kill and knowledge of understanding (yvZxrtv (rvi/eo-ews ; cf. ver. 4), and exalteth them to honour. 27 (Ver. 21) The ECCLESIASTICUS. 289 32 Unrighteous anger ^ cannot be justified ; For the sway of his anger is to his fall.^ 23 A patient man holds out until his ' time, And afterwards joy springs ^ up unto him. 24 He hides his words until his ^ time, And tlie lips of many will speak fully of his sagacity.* 25 The intelligent proverb is '' in the treasures of wisdom ; But godliness is an abomination to a sinner. 26 If thou desire wisdom, keep the commandments, And the Lord will bestow her abundantly upon ' thee ; 27 For the fear of the Lord is wisdom and instruction, And fidelity and humility ^ are his delight. 28 Be not disobedient to the fear of the Lord,^" And come not unto it ^' with a divided '- heart. 29 Be not a hypocrite in the sight of men, And take heed ^^ what thou speakest. 30 Exalt not thyself, lest thou fall. And bring dishonor upon thyself," And God reveal '^ thy secrets. And cast thee down in the midst of the congregation, Because tliou earnest not to '* the fear of the Lord, And thy heart was " full of deceit. feir of the Lord driveth away sina : And where it is present it turneth away wrath. (The addition is found in H. 70. 106. 248. 253. Co. Old Lat., with more or less variation.) ' A furious man (as H. 70. 106. 348. Co.). = Inry ihall ie his destruction. ^ will bear for a. (The words ews Kaipov dcelcTai have a different force. The Terb Fritzsche idopts from 2-3. 243. 253. Co. Old Lat. tor ii-SefeTai of the text, rec, and II.) < joy shall spring. ^ will hide .... for a. "- many (iroAAwi' is adopted by Fritzsche from III. X. U. 55. 70. al. Co. Old Lat., for Tmrriav of the text. rec. ftnd II. ; cf. xsxix. 9) shall declare his wisdom (practical wisdom, intelligence, sagacity, trvvitriv). Vers. 25-30.—' A. V. : The parables (The plur. is found in X. II. 70. al. Old Lat. Co. ; but the sing, is probably used collectively) of knowledge are. (Cod. II. also supports the reading ejri0v^jj(ras, received by Fritzsche from III. X. C. H. 248. Co, Aid. Old Lat., instead of €7re0ufi^(ras of the text, rec.) » shall give her unto (cf. ver. 10). » faith (TTiffTi?, but here, as it would seem, in the sense of " faithfulness '') and meekness. (I follow Fritzsche and Bunsen's Bibelwerk.) ^o distrust not (marg.. Be not disobeiiient to) ... . when thou art poor (ii/Seij? we, found in H. 70. 248. Co. after Kvpiov). ^i him {avriZ refers to the preceding (fto^u). 12 double (cf. 5ii/nj;^o5 at Jas. i. 8, iv. 8). " good heed. " thy eoul {i. e., by Hebrew usage, and as better suiting the context, " thyself "). »5 so God discover (meaning, in the earlier English, uncover, revent). w not in truth (ei- iATjeei'ij, supported by 248. 253. Co. Old Lat.) to. 1^ But (Jun., serf) thy heart M. Chapter I. Ver. 1. Cf. Piov. iii. 13-20. — Wisdom. On :0 idea of wisdom as illustrated in the Old Testa- ment, see Bruch, Weisheits-Lehre der Hebraer ; Oehler, Die Gnmdzllge der Altestametitlichen W'eis- heit : Theologie d. Alt. Test., ad he. ; and in Herzog's Real-Eitcyk., v. 236 ff. On the meaning of the word as used by Philo, cf. Herzog's Real-Enci/k., xi. 588. 594 ; also, Excursus iii. in Bretschueider's Liber Jesu Siraridce. I will give here some remarks found in the opening chapter of Fritzsche'.s Com. on the present book. " To our author wisdom — ao(t)ia, n^2n, as whose correlated idea, in par- allelism, 3."248. and Co.; and if they might not be found in oilier related manu- scripts, still one recognizes the arbitrary altera- tion. And as they are externally fully supported, so they are also required exesjetically. If they are left out, what is the subject in what follows ? '' Ver. 22. On evfi6s cf. remarks at Prayer of Manassee, verse 10. Ver. 23. "E«$ xaipov, = nV'lV. Cf. Dan. xi. 24. It means here up to the right, opportune, time. Ver. 24. Hides his words. It refers to what precedes. He is not hasty to speak, waits till the proper time comes. Ver. 25. Tlapa^oX-ti. Parable, or, as used collec- tively, parables ; Heb., btffa. A secondary mean- ing is proverb, since this generally contained a witty comparison. Ver. 28. Obedience is here made the result of [trust. If they did not distrust the fear of the ECCLESIASTICUS. 291 Lord, they would follow it. — Unto it, i. e., t$ pi$if Kwpfou. — A divided heart. Cf. Pa. xii. 2. Ver. 30. In the midst of the congregation ((Twaywyrts). The court for trying offenses was held openly at the gate. Cf. Nnmb. xxxr. 12, 24 ; Prov. v. 14. Chapteb n. 1 My son, if thou dost set out ' to serve the Lord, Prepare thy soul for temptation. 2 Set thy heart aright, and be stedfast,' And make not haste in time of visitation.' 3 Cleave unto him, and withdraw not thyself,* That thou mayest become great in thy last days.' 4 All that cometh upon thee accept,' And be patient in the vicissitudes of thy humiUation.* 5 For gold is tried in the fire, And acceptable men in the furnace of humiliation.' 6 Trust ' in him, and he will espouse thy cause ; " Make thy way straight, and hope " in him. 7 Te that fear the Lord, wait for his mercy ; And go not aside, lest ye fall. 8 Te that fear the Lord, trust in '^ him, And your leward shall not fail. 9 Te that fear the Lord, hope for good, And for everlasting joy and mercy. 10 Look at the generations of old, and see : Who trusted in the Lord, and was made ashamed ? " Or who abode ^* in his fear, and was forsaken ? Or who called upon him, and he overlooked him ? ^ 11 For the Lord is compassionate and merciful," And forgiveth sins, and saveth in time of affliction. 12 Woe be to fearful hearts, and hands that hang down," And a sinner who entereth on two paths ! '* 13 Woe unto him that is fainthearted ! for it trusteth not ; Therefore shall it " not be defended. 14 Woe unto you that have lost patience ! ^ And what will ye do when the Lord shall visit you ? 15 They that fear the Lord will not disobey his words ; '^^ And they that love him will keep strictly ^^ his ways. 16 They that fear the Lord will seek his good pleasure ; * And they that love him will observe fully ^ the law. 17 They that fear the Lord will prepare their hearts, Vers 1-6. — i A. V. : come iTrpoirepxr}, comfstfortvard, i. e.^ showest a purpose, iettest out), * constantly endm [KapTeprjiTov. It is from KapTOi (v \6yov\. " He that loveth me not keepeth not my sayings" [tovs Arfyous]. So much discrimination, however, could scarcely be expected in the present writer. Ver. 17. Prepare their hearts. They will hold themselves in readiness to receive whatever it may please God to send. Cf. Ps. x. 17. Ver. 18. Fall into the hands of the Lord. Cf. 2 Sam. xxiv. 14. — So also is his mercy. " It must be great mercy or no mercy ; for little mercy will never serve my turn." Bnnyan. The mercy of God is much emphasized in the present book. It is characterized by eXeos at ii. 18, v. 6, xvi. 11, xlvii. 22, li. 8; 4\eriij.o0. ; Old Lat., injitiis. See Com.). 8 when he maketh (see Com.). ECCLESIASTICUS. 293 6 He that glorifieth ^ his father shall have long ^ life ; And he that is obedient unto the Lord shall give relief to' his mother,* 7 And will do good service under ^ his parents, as under ° mas^ors. 8 Honor thy father ' in word and deed, That a blessing may come upon thee from him.' 9 For the blessing of a ° father establisheth the honses of children ; But the curse of a '° mother destroyeth them to their foundations." 10 Glory not in the dishonor of thy father ; ^'- For thy father's dishonor is no glory unto thee. 11 For the glory of a man is from the honor of his father ; And a mother in disrepute '' is a reproach to children." 12 My son, help thy father in his age. And grieve him not as long as he liveth. 13 And If his understanding fail, be indulgent towards him ; *• And despise him not in the fullness of thy ^° strength. 14 For kindness towards " thy father shall not be forgotten ; And in spite of '' sins thy prosperity shall bloom again.^' 15 In the day of thine affliction thou shall ■" be remembered ; Thy sins shall ^* melt away, as ice in mild -'^ weather. 16 He that forsaketh his father is as a blasphemer ; And he that angereth his mother is cursed of the Lord.* 17 My son, carry out^^ thy business in meekness,^ And thou shalt °' be beloved of him that is accepted.*' 18 The greater thou art, the more humble thyself. And thou shalt find favor before the Lord ; ^ 20 For the power of the Lord is great. And he is glorified by ^ the lowly. 21 Seek not what is ^° too hard for thee. And search not out what is '' above thy strength. 22 What °^ is commanded thee, think thereon ; ** For thou hast no need of what is concealed.** 23 In that which goes beyond thy occupations waste no strength,** For very many things of human knowledge '° have been made known to thee. 24 For their notion hath led many astray ; *' And an evil fancy ^' hath overthrown their judgment." 26 A stubborn heart shall fare ill *° at last ; " And he that loveth danger shall perish ^" therein. 27 An obstinate heart shall be laden with troubles ; ** And the sinner will heap sin upon sins. Vers. 6-10. — ■ A. v. : honoureth (Sojifo);'). ^ a long. » shall be a comfort to (ovairavirei. Frttzsoho and Bunsen's Bibelwtrk, erquicket ; Old Lat., refrigerabit. It seems better to retain the original meaning of the word ; sea Com.). ' adds (at the beginning of ver. T), he that feareth the Lord will honour /iis father (with H. 253. Co. Old Lat. ; see Com.). e unto (er. It is wanting in H. 23. 106. 157. 248. 253. Co.). » to his. ' father and mother (H. 106. 248. Co.) iolA. « them (H. 106. 263.). » the. ■« the. " rooteth out foundations (lit., but not clear). *• For TraTpb? aTi/ii'a, II. III. C. read Trpby aTifitai/. Vers. 11-16. — ^^ A. V. ; dishonour (aSo^t'a. The word used in the two previous lines is artftc'if ). n the children. 16 have patience with him {(rvyyuiLfj-riv exe ; see Com.). i" when thou art in thy full. >7 the relieving of (eAeTj^too-vVij, with the gen.). " instead of livrl ; see Com.). » it shall be added to build thee up. (The verb TrpocTai'oixoSofie'u means to add in rebuilding; but the metaphorical meaning is here more in place ; cf. Com.) 20 jt shall {see Com.), 21 also shall. 22 the ice in the fair warm (lit., " As clear weather (works) with ice ''). 23 £5 cursed of God (106. 263., etoi). Vers. 17-25. — 2' A. V. : goon with (Sie'Jaye). 2= meekness (cf. i. 27). '" So shalt thou. ^^ a.pf^o^^i-(^'<''Ov, accepted, i.e.. of the Lord). 28 adds (as ver. 19), Many are in high place, and of renown ; But mysteries are revealed unto the meek (as H. 106. 248.253. Co.). 29 honoured of (Sofaferai). '^ oM the things tkat are. m Neither •earch the things that are. =2 g^t what. =s thereupon with reverence (oaim, H. 248. 253. Co.). s* For it is not ueedful for thee to see with thine eyes (248. Co. Old Lat. add (SAe'ireii/ oiAeaAf^ois) the Ming's that are in secret. st Be not curious in unnecessary matters (ei^ rots ,repta-a-0L9 rZiv epyutv (H. 248. Co., \6yiuv) ; cf. Com.} 36 For more things are shewed unto thee than men understand (TrKeiova — TrAeioi', 253. 307. — yap avfeVfius afSpwirtuf — 157. omits last word — vireSetx^Tj troi ; 155. omits erot). 37 uiany are deceived by their own vain (248. Co., ^ fiaraia) opinion. ss bub- picion. 3» adds (as ver. 25), Without eyes thou shalt want light : Profess not the knowledge therefore that thon hast not (with H. 248. 253. Co. Syr. Ar.). Vers. 26-31. —« A. V. : evil. *' the last. « perish (ijroAetTot, adopted by Fritzsche from m. X. C H. 23. 55. 106. 156. al. Co. in place of eiirreiruTon of the text. ret. and II.). *3 sorrows {tt6voi% ; see Com.) wicked man -294 THE APOCRYPHA. 28 The punishment ^ of the proud doth not cure hun,^ For the plant of wickedness hath taken root in him. 29 The mind of a sagacious person wiU meditate on a proverb ; • And an attentive ear ?'s the desire of a wise man. 30 Water will quench a flaming fire, And alms make ^ atonement for sins. 31 He ^ that requiteth good turns is mindful of that which comes after ;• And on occasion of his falling,' he shall find a stay. ■ball .... Bin (as 248. Co.)- ^ In the punishment (^v en-aywyn, H. 248. Co. ; uxt. ree., the nom.). * there U no remedy (lao-ts. Marg. of A. V ; " The proud man is not healed by his punishment "). s heart (see Con .) of the prudent [avverov) will understand (SiofoTj^jJaeTat) a parable (see Com.). * aluLs maketh an (cf. ver. 3). ^ And he. • may come hereafter (Bunsen's Bibelwerk, thinks — i. e., the Lord, as H. 106. 248. Co. Old Lat. — thereon in the time to come). ' when he (Fritzscbe adopts avroii after Trrwacuis from in. X. C. H. al. Old Lat.) falletb. Chapter III. Ver. 1. Cf. Deut. v. 16, and the fifth com- tnandment of the Decalogue, Ex. xx. 12. Ver. 2. Kpiaiv, right, law, i. e., the law to obey and honor the mother. Cf. Prov. i. 8, etcrtiovs fiT^rpSs (Tov. Ver. 3. Shall make atonement for (his) sins. It would seem that the reference is to the temporal consequences of sin. Love and obedi- ence to parents are never found as solitary vir- tues. See, however, remarks in the Introduction, under " Dogmatical and Ethical Character." Ver. 4. Layeth up treasure, aTroOn(Tavpl(!iiy. The same word is used at 1 Tim. vi. 19, " Laying up in store " (A. V.). Ver. 5. The passive liKppalvfaOai with wr the earthly , nient. Sec Deut. xxx. 19 ; Ps. xxvii. 13, xxxvi. existence. It iB rather used to denote the sum Jf i 9 ; Piov. xii. 28, xiii. 14, xiv. 27. Hence, ths ECCLESIASTICUS. 29' sense of the word in the present instance is in- tentionally a low and worldly one. C£. Luke xii. 15: "A man's life consisteth not in the abun- dance of the things which he possesseth." — Needy eyes. The language of the eyes is often the most expressive. — XlapeAKiiaris. Lit., to draio aside, or to one side. A secondary meaning is, to spiti out time. See Polyb., ii. 70, 3 ; Horn., Od., xxi. 111. There is a Latin proverb: "He gives double who gives quick, and nothing who delays his gift, " Bis dat qui cito dat, nil dat qui munera tardat." Ver. 2. Fritzsche quotes Isocrates : " Upbraid not one with his misforLuue, for what falls out is common, and unknown the future lot." Ver. 6. Cf. Ex. xxii. 23 ; Prov. xiv. 21 ; xvii. 5. Ver. 7. Gain the love of those on a level with vou, and be respectful to superiors. An old prov- erb runs : " If the monkey reigns, dance before him." The latter part of the admonition of our author does not contradict what is said in verse 27 about not " accepting the person of the mighty." Respect and politeness are by no means to be confounded with sycophancy. The Old Latin gives for (Tvyayuyrj , congregalioni pau- vernm. Ver. 9. Be not fainthearted, ;'. e., to the ex- tent of judging the rich and the proud — because they are such — too favorably. Ver. 11. 'EiriXo/i/3a«Tai. Cf. the use of this word in Heb. ii. 16, and the remarks of Tayler Lewis upon it in his work, The Divine-Human in the Scriptures (New York, 1860), pp. 94, 389. Ver. 12. Rise early to seek her (A. V., " seek her early"). One is at once reminded of the well-known passage in Prov. viii. 17. The same expression is also found at Wisd. vi. 14. The ob- vious idea is that one must seek earnestly, and not, as is generally held, early in life. The same word, opdptCa {= opBpeijai), is often used in the LXX. to render the Hebrew ^HtT. See Prov. xi. 27. Ver. 13. 'Where he entereth, i.e. the house of him who cleaves to wisdom. The other ren- dering: "where she (wisdom) entereth," is also possible, but seems not so well to agree with the context. Ver. 15. Judge nations. The Jews hoped not only to get possession of Palestine again, but finally to rule over all nations. Cf. Wisd. iii. 8; 1 Cor. vi. 2. This thought was more or less closely connected with the Messianic hope, so far as it continued to exist, to which they gave a material, rather than a spiritual, cast. Ver. 17. This verse and the following are among the most beautiful in sentiment and ex- pression of the entire book. Possibly the in- Btances of Joseph and Moses were before the writer's mind. Gutmann quotes from the Mishna (Tr. Aboth, vi. 4) a similar thought respecting the study of the law : " Eat bread with salt, and drink water by measure ; sleep on the ground ; live a life of care; give thyself trouble for the ,aw. If thou do this, blessed art thou, it shall go v«ll with thee. Blessed art thou in this world. and it shall go well with thee in the world to come." Ver. 19. This verse is intended to show the consequences, if one be unable to stand the tests which wisdom requires. Ver. 20. The translation of the A. V., with which that of De Wette nearly coincides : " And be not ashamed when it concerneth thy soul," i. e., to care for it, is not allowed by the parallel- ism. The thought is rather that, if one be not watchful against sin, he will have real occasion to be ashamed of himself. For the thought of the first part of the verse, cf. Eph. v. 16, i^ayopa(iiJ.- etfot rhv Katp6v. Ver. 21. The shame that induces sin is that which would lead one to refuse to express his true opinions from fear of being in the minority or of being ridiculed. Ver. 23. The last clause, although not sup- ported by all the MSS., is found (as it will be observed) in the Old Latin, Syriac, and Arabic versions, aiul is accepted as genuine by Linde, Bretschneider, Fritzsche, and others. Its mean- ing is that when silence seems to be " golden," an occasion of honor to a person, still it may be best to speak even at the risk, through unpalat- able, though good advice, of falling into disgrace. Bunsen's Bibelwerk and Fritzsche render els Ka\- \ovr]v by zum Ruhme, for fame. Ver. 25. On account of thy want of learning. He would not be able to speak the right word at the right time, or would be hindered from doing it through a false shame. A really cultivated person does not hesitate to confess his ignorance of many things, and to lament it. Ver. 26. This proverb seems to have been curreut in all times and languages. In Juvenal (iv. 89) it ran : " Direxit brachia contra torrentem.** The sense of the whole verse is : ** Do not hesi- tate to confess thy sins, for to conceal them will in the end be impossible." Ver. 27. Make not thyself [(TiavTSv) an un- derling (uTToffTpwfTjjs, from uTToiTTpuivyv/xi ^ iflTO- aropei/i'vui. Lit., / spread a mat for any one). See Is. Iviii. 5 (LXX.) ; Luke xix. 36, where it is used literally. In fact, its figurative use, as here, is not common. The Hebrew word was doubtless V2^, found also at Esth. iv. 3 : Ps. cxxxix. 8 : Is. xiv. 11. Ver. 29. The reading rpaxu! is to be retained, although the immediate conte.xt, as well as some first-rate MS. authorities, favor Taxi's. The au- thor seems to liave had already in mind what he was about to say in the following verse. Cf . i. 29. Ver. 30. *avTai7ioKo:rii/. It is found only here ill the Apocryphal books. It means "to in- dulge vain opinions," " give way to groundless suspicions," and then, as a secondary meaning, " be rough," '' harsh," " cruel." The first mean- ing seems here most in place. Cf. Eph. vi. 9. Ver. 31. The thought is not without force; but in both strength and beauty falls far short of those traditional words of the Master, for whose authenticity Paul vouches : " It is more blessed to give than to receive." 298 THE APOCRYPHA. Chaptek V. 1 Rely not ' upon thy goods ; And say not, I have enough.'' 2 Give not rein to thy inclinings and thy lustincBS,* To walk in the desires ^ of thy heart ; 3 And say not, Who shall control me ? ° For the Lord wiU surely punish thee.° 4 Say not, I sinned, and what happened ' unto me ? For the Lord is longsufEering.' 5 Concerning propitiation, be not without fear Li heaping sin upon sins.' 6 And say not, His mercy is great ; He will condone ^^ the multitude of my sins ; For mercy and wrath come from him, And his indignation resteth upon sinners. 7 Make no tarrying to turn to the Lord, And put it not '^ off from day to day ; For suddenly wUl '^ the wrath of the Lord come forth," And thou wilt perish ^* in the day of vengeance. 8 Rely not ^* upon goods unjustly gotten ; For thou wilt have no profit ^^ in the day of calamity." 9 Winnow not with every wind, And walk not in every path ; ^' So the sinner who is double-tongued.^' 10 Be stedfast in thy conviction,^ And let thy speech -^ be one and the same.** 11 Be swift to hear ; ^ And with deliberation " give answer. 12 If thou hast insight,'^ answer iky neighbor; But if not, lay thy hand upon thy mouth. 13 Honor and shame are ^^ in talk ; And the tongue of man is his fall. 14 Be not called a whisperer, And lie not in wait with thy tongue ; For a shame '■" is upon the thief, And an evil condemnation upon the double tongue. 15 Err not in a matter great or small. And ^* instead of a friend become not an enemy. Vers. 1-5. — ' A. V. : Set not thy heart (en-exe, here in the sense of leaning, relying upon). ' enough for my liis (ci« ^turiv, added by H. 248. 263. 308. Co., Old Lat., est mihi sujffidens vita). 3 Follow not thine own mind (see Com » and thy strength (i. e., what might be the natural impulses of one in his full physical strength). * ways (^Tri^/Atat? • H. 56. 106. 263. 254., the sing. ; 248. Co., oSois). ^ me for my works (SiA to ifya y.ov, added by H. 106. 248. 263. Co. Old lAt.). « revenge thy pride, (Instead of ere, H. 106. 248. 253. Co. have o-ov ttii/ vppii/. Codd. III. X. 55. 155. al. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. omit o-e.) • have sinned .... harm {Kvirtipov, H. 106. 248. Co. Old Lat.) hath happened. * long luffering (H. 106. 248. Co. add ou ^tj oe av^ ; Old Lat., pattens redditor), he will in nowise let thee go. * To add (irpotT^eifat. I have rendered so as to be in harmony with jii. 27) sin unto sin (plur. in all but H. 248. Co.). Vers. 6-10. — ^^ K.y .: be pacified (^ftAdtreToi. '* 2) Ez hebraica loquendi consuetudine. A) dt Deo usurpalum : eondono.*^ Wahl, J. e\rioti by III. X. H. 106. al. Old Lat. ; 248. 30". Co., ciifuX^o-fi alone; text. rec. (and II.) followed by Fritzsche, Jx^eA^o-eis). ^' calamity (en-a-ywy^s). " go not into every way (arpaTre^). " For M doth . . . that hath a double tongue. -" understanding (see Com.). " word (X6y«, but with the general signi- flcation of speech) " the same («Is, one ; but here used like our one and the same^ and is so rendered by Pritesche). VePB. 11-15. — ^ A. V. : hear : and let thy life be sincere. (The last member is found in H. 248. Co. After crov, ol the first member, oyo*)) is added by II. 106. 248. 253. Co.) '" patience (fiiucpo^ixii; ; but the context requires tha meaning given Bunsen^s Bibelwerk,KTti¥T\t.z&ciie, Beddchtigktit; cf. ver. 4). " understanding ((nii/eirK ; here tn- tight, tagacity). » If not . ii. " foul (jio^Sripi, as H. 106. 248. 253. Co.) shame. " Be not Ignarant ol (seeCOTn.) any thing {null iv, H. 248. Co.) in a great matter or a small. And (A. V. omiu And). I add, with FrltEsch©, to chap. 15, the first member of vi. 1, to make the parallelism complete Fritiaohe also adds to this chapter, aa ver 16, the remainder «f the same rerse. ECCLESIASTICUS. 299 Chaptek V. Ver. 1. Have enough. Cf. Tob. v. 19 ; Luke xii. 19; 1 Tim. vi. 17, "trust in (^XTtKeVoi iiri) uncertain riches." Ver. 2. Mind (if/uxp). Here used in the sense of desire, longing, inclination. — Lustiness, i.e., what tliy pliysical powers and propensities might lead thee to do. " Noli facere rptidquid potes ac libet." Grotius. Vers. 5, 6. Gutmann refers to a similar prov- erb of the Mishna (Tr. SaV, viii. 9): "If one think ; ' 1 will sin, and then repent,' there will be given him no help to repent. If one think: 'I will sin, and the day of atonement will effect the forgiveness of my sin,' the day of atonement will bring him no forgiveness." Ver. 7. It is the old and universal weakness of procrastination, so well described by Long- fellow : — " How oft my guardian angel gently cried, ' Soul, from thy casement look, and thou ehalt see How he persists to knock and wait for thee ! ' And oh I how often to that voice of sorrow, ' To-morrow 1 will open,* I replied ; And when the morrow came 1 answered still, ' To-morrow.' " Ver. 8. Cf. Prov. x. 2. The German proverb is: " Unrecht ffiit gedeihet nicht." Ver. 9. 'WLrmow not with every wind. " The wheat or barley is separated from the ear, when the quantity is small, by beating it out with a stick, and afterward throwing it up in the air, and letting the wind carry away the stubble (Ruth ii. 17) ; and with smaller quantities we not infrequently see men rubbing several ears in the palms of their hands, and blowing away the chaff while tossing up the grain, which they then eat unground and raw." Van Lennep, Bible Lands, p. 86. — Walk not in every path. Keep thine own course ; and do not try to please everybody, like the man who says " yes " to everything, and is as chan«:;eable as the wind. Ver. 10. ^vviffft. It seems to be used here in the .sense of " judgment," " conviction," i. e., what one has attained to bv his sagacity and insight. Ver. II. Swift to hear. Cf. Jas. i. 19, "For God has given us two ears, but only one mouth." Grotius. Cf. Zeno, ap. Viog. Laert., vii. 1, 23. Ver. 12. Hand upon thy mouth. Cf. Job xxi. 5, xxix. 9 ; Prov. xxx. 32. Similarly iu Latin : Digito compesce labellum ; and the Greek, ^ Aeye Tt fftyris Kpe'iaa'ov, ^ tTtyi]y €X«. Ver. 14. A whisperer, ^IBvpos. And since one who whispers about others, here and there, is likely to exaggerate and falsify, the word means also " slanderer." In fact, the root of the word seems to be allied to that of i|'eij5a> (if/uS, i(/t/9). At first thought there would seem to be no com- mon ])oint of comparison between a thief and a liar or slanderer. But it lies in the fact that both make use of opportunities to do behind one's back what they would not do in his presence. — KoTa-y- vtiiais. (1) Thinking meanly of one, then blame, censure: {2} judgment, condemnation. Ver. 15. Err, kyv6(i. The word is probably a translation of the Hebrew HJEJ, 3207, err, fail, T T ' - T ' ^ offend. The admonition has reference still, it would seem, to the tongue. Cf. Heb. v. 2 ; Xen., Anab., vii. 3, 38, for similar examples of the use of this verb. The rendering of the A. V., " Be not ignorant (of anything)," arose from paying too little attention to the requirements of the context. Chapter VI. For an ill name shall inherit ^ shame and reproach : So the ^ sinner who is double-tongued.' Exalt ^ not thyself in the purpose ^ of thy soul,' That thou be not torn in pieces as a palm.' Thou wilt consume * thy leaves, and destroy thy fruits,* And be left ^^ thyself as a dry tree. An evil ^' soul will '- destroy Mm that hath it, And will '' make him the " scorn of his enemies. Sweet language ^^ will multiply one's friends ; ^' And a pleasant " speaking tongue will increase kind greetings. Let there be many who live at peace with thee ; But thy counsellors, let him be one ^' of a thousand. If thou wouldst get a friend, get him through testing,^' And be not hasty to trust in ^ him. Vers. 1-7. > A. V. : thereby thou Shalt inherit ((cXTipofo^^treis, H. 253. Syr. ) an ill name. ' Even bo ihaU a. • tbfti oath a double tongue. * Extol (eirapj)?). 6 counsel OouAjJ. Not clear. It seems to mean here cAoice, purpoM). • thine own heart. ' thy soul .... a bull straying alone (see Coin.). 8 ghalt eat up. » lose .... fmik. '<> leave thyself (a^ijaeis treavrov ; so represented because it is the result of his foolish pride. The sense is better given by the paflsive). " A wicked (iroi^pii. It refers rather to the pride which has just been spoken of. It Is in that sense evil). ^~ shall. " shall. " to be laughed to (eir^xapfAa). i" language (lit., larynx). " malti- tly friends (outou, his, one's). i^ fair (" fair speaking " has come to mean " false speaking "). ^^ Be in peace with many : Nevertheless have hut one counsellor (see Com.). i" prove him first {ev ireipaxriLi^ Kjiiaat oajtov ; marg., git him in the time of trouble, which would also be a good rendering). ^ credit. 300 THE APOCKYPHA. 8 For many a one is friend in a time opportune for him,* And will not abide in the day of thy affliction." 9 And there is many a ' friend, who is transformed to an enemy, And wUl reveal thy disgraceful strife.^ 10 And many a one is friend as companion at table,^ And will not abide ^ in the day of thy affliction. 11 Yea,' in thy prosperity he will be as thyself, And will speak roughly to ' thy servants. 12 If thou be brought low, he will be against thee, And will hide himself from thy face. 13 Separate thyself from thine enemies, And beware of ^ thy friends. 14 A faithful friend is a strong defence. And he that hath found him '° hath found a treasure. 15 There is nothing to be exchanged for '' a faithful friend, And his excellence is invaluable.*^ 16 A faithful fi'iend is a medicine for one's life ; *' And they that fear the Lord shall find him. 17 He who feareth the Lord directs " his friendship aright ; For as he is, so is his associate also.*^ 18 My son, delight in *^ instruction from thy youth up. And thou shalt find wisdom till old age." 19 Come unto her as one that ploweth and one that soweth, And await ■■* her good fruits ; For thou shalt not be long wearied in her husbandry ; Yea, soon thou shalt eat of her fruits.*' 20 How rough is she to the uninstructed ! ^ And he '■'* that is without understanding '^ will not remain with her. 21 She will be upon him as a mighty stone of trial ; And he will not delay to cast her from him.^ 22 For wisdom is according to her name. And she is not manifest unto many. 23 Give ear, mi/ son, and accept my opinion,^ And refuse not my counsel ; 24 And put thy feet into her fetters, And thy neck into her yoke.'^ 25 Put under "^ thy shoulder, and bear her, And be not averse to ^^ her bonds. 26 Come unto her with thy whole soul,*" And keep her ways with all thy power. 27 Trace out,^ and seek, and she shall become '" known unto thee ; When thou hast- hold of her,** let her not go. Vers. 8-15. — i A. V : some man is a .... for his own occasion. * trouble (OAti/'ews). * is a. (The seiue Ij better giTen by our rendcriug, although the A. V. is literal.) * being turned to enmity (e^dpay ; exOpov, III. C. H. 65. 106. al.) and strife {the A. V. adds #cai ^ax^>' improperly to this member) Will discover thy reproach (cf. preced- ing note and Com.). '"' Again, some friend is a ... . the table {Tpan-e^oif). " continue (cf. Ter. 8). ^ But {Kai). 8 i,e bold over (eirl .... Trapprjo-taffeTai, to speak freely ; then, a.s here, to .•'peak with license^ boldly, harshly, i. e., as their lord). ^ take heed of {cf. Greek at Matt. vii. 15). '•* such a one (auTOF). ^i Nothing doth counter- vail {see Com.), ^2 excellency {lit., beauty, jcaAAoiojs) is unvaluable {lit., there is no weight, trraOfioi), Vers. 16-20. — 13 A. V. : is the medicine of life. (It is not clear. The meaning is that a true friend wiU make our cares and troubles less.) " \Vbo8o .... shall direct [evOvvel, 24S., instead of fvdvvet. Fritzsche, " preserves his friend- ship ; " Bun6en*s Bibehoerk, " leads his friend." The next line makes it clear what is intended). ^'^ shall his neigh- bour be also (6 TrATjtrtoc, but obviously in the sense of comjyanioji , associate ; cf . CoTU. Cod. 248. with Co. read ot ttKi\ be made. »■ when thou haat got hold of Acr. ECCLESDVSTICUS. ■ 301 For at last ' thou shalt find her rest, And she will turn to thee as - joy. And hei- fetters will be ^ a strong defence for thee, And her yokes a splendid robe.'' For there is a golden ornament upon her, And her bands are of hyacinthine threads.' Thou wilt put her on as a splendid robe,' And wilt set her upon thee as ' a crown of joy. iWy son, if thou wilt, thou shalt become instructed ; ' And if thou wilt apply thy mind, thou shalt be skillfal.* If thou lovest '" to hear, thou shalt receive ; " And if thou bow thine ear, thou shalt be wise. Be found in a gathering of '^ elders. And cleave unto him that is wise. Be desirous '^ to hear every godly discourse. And let not sagacious proverbs ■'^ escape thee. If '^ thou seest a man of understanding, rise early to seek him,** And let thy foot wear the steps of his doors." Let thy mind be upon the ordinances of the Lord, And meditate continually on " his commandments : He will ^^ establish thine heart. And thy desire for wisdom will be granted thee.^ Vers. 28-33. — ' A. V. : the last. ' thai shall be turned to thy. s Then shall her fetters be. < chains (cf Ver. 24 ; II. reads KAa5oi, youn^ branches^ shootx, for kAoioi) a robe of glory. 6 purple lace (marg., a ribband of bine silk ; cf. Numb. xv. 38, " ribband of blue ;'■ Gr., KAuxr/xa \iaxivdi.vov , i. e., hyacinthine thread. Fritzsche renders, " are of purple-blue threads ; ■' Bunsen's Btbelwerk, " For she wears a golden ornament on her head, Surrounded with purple- blue ribbons." See Corn.). c shalt . ... as a robe of honour (otoAtjv 6t>|)js, as in Ter. 29). ' shalt put her about thee OS (irepiflijcret? treavTtZ ; but the context shows that a crown for the head is meant. Only 307. has eniOriaeii. See Com,). * be taught. " prudent {navovpyo^. Cf. Prov. xiii. 1, in the LXX.). Vers. 33-37. — i» A. V. : thou love. " receive understanding («5efn. Codd. H. 243. 253. with Co. Aid. Old Lat. add avviffiv). ^- Stand in the multitude of the (the context requires the rendering given. Cf. Com.). " willing (not strong enough for fleXe here). i* the parables of understanding. ii" And if. w get thee betimes (op^pife ; cf. Com. at iv. 12) unto him. i^ steps Oa^^ous. Fritzsche, Schwellen, sills) of his door (Cod. II. has rpt^v for dvpOtv). 18 in. i» shall. 20 And give thee wisdom at thine own desire. Chapter VI. 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 Ver. 2. As a palm. The MSS. give as Tavpos, as a ball. But Holtzniaim (Bunseu's Bibeiwerk, ad loc], on a supposition of a false rendering of the Hebrew (HIS having, in his opinion, been confounded with ~nti? or TIP), has suggested that tlie true reading is probably (TTavp6s, palm, and his opinion is accepted bv the best critics. Cf. Hitzig on Hos. ix. 13. Ver. G. Lit. : " Those living in peace with thee, let them be many ; but thy counsellors, one of a thousand." One t,aken in coun.iV., 1878, pp. 458-475. _ _ Ver. 20. AiS6vTa tV il/ux^" ""toi/, is whoU? devoted. This seems to render the idea truly, although somewhat liberally. Bretschneider sup- poses that the reference is to those who sold them- selves into slavery. See Dent. xv. 12 ; cf., how- ever Dent. xxiv. 15. A Jewish commentator remarks on the passage : " The day-laborer risks his lite for his pay, since he exposes himseU to the most dangerous employments." _ Ver 21 Of his release. After a service of six years, or in the year of JubUee, the slave among the Hebrews was manumitted. Cf. x. 25, and Jer. xxxiv. 9. . , ^u Ver 23 The Svriac version renders the sec- ond member: "and give them wives in their ^"ver "4 A care for their body, namely, with respect to chastity. — An Oriental proverb runs: " He that strikes" not his daughter vnU stnke his own knees," i.e., in mourning. The propriety of such admonitions, however, it requires little dis- crimination to deny. Simple seventy, without tenderness, might be expected, as the world goes, to have quite the contrary effect from the one here sought. ., . ... Ver 95 A weighty matter. It is possible, though not absolutely necessary, that the idea of obtaining a down' is meant to be here included, since this was an invariable part of the transac- tion. See Van Lennep's Bible /.ands, p 540 1±. Ver. 26. Do not put her away. 1 he matter of divorce seems to be referred to. See xxv. 26, xxviii. 15 ; Lev. xxi. 7 ; Mark x. 4. The second member is rendered in the Old Latin : " Et odibxh non credas te;" the Syriac : " Q"»,f '/" ""P™^" ne te cona-edas iUi;" the Arabic : "Necfidemad- hibeas nil sifuerit impudlca." Gaab ( Com., m he) thinks that by |JLi,rov^.4vr, that wife^ among the many is meant who, for the time being, liad not the first place in the harem. But it is doubtful whether such a definite meaniug can be ascribed to the words. In the later periods of Judaism there ruled even greater looseness m the marriage relation, polygamy being very ^mraonly prac- ticed. Josephus {Anti/j., xv.i. 1, § 2) wrote. " From the father's times to ours it is customary amons us to have several wives at once. Ver 29. @ai^La(,. The Old Latin has sanct,- flea The word seems to mean here, hold in hiyli^ estimation. Luther renders : " Hold in all honor Cf xxxviii. 3. The priests were very bkely, i„ the midst of the various political revolutions which the Jews passed through in the last cen- tnries before Chi^ist, to suffer not a little m their means of support. .. Ver 31 As it is commanded thee. i^v. vn 30- Deut.'xviii. 3. — Holy offering, evc ; H., eufiadws ; Old Lat., sine querela). ^- the elders iyepoviiav). is And of ... . under- Btanding {avveaiv j cf. following). '* with the flame of his fire (Iv irvpl (^Ao-yos outou). Vers. 11-13. — ^^ A. V. ; Rise not up in anger at the presence of an injurious (see Com.). lo lie in wait (Iva nrj eyKa' fitrji) to entrap thee (ws ivfSpov, but probably for iveSpeviov — ^"^S — as Fritzsche supposes) in thy words (marg.,/or thy month). i' unto him that is. " For (leai) if thou lendest hirn, count it but (w« an-oAwAeKujs -yiVov). '^ For '«u). 2U 306 THE APOCRYPHA. 14 15 16 17 18 19 Go not to law with a judge, For they will decide ^ for him according to his high standing.' Travel not in ^ the way with a hold fellow, Lest he become burdensome * unto thee ; For he wUl do according to his pleasure,^ And thou wilt ^ perish with him through his folly. Strive not witli an angry man, And go not with him through the waste,' For blood is as nothing in his sight. And where there is no help, he will strUie thee down.' Consult not with a fool. For he cannot be silent about a matter.' Do no secret thinff before a stranger, For thou knowest not what he will bring to light.'" Open not thine heart to every man, Aid so get an Ul return.^' Vere. 14-19. — ^ A. V. : judge. 2 honour Ui^av. It refers to his high rank as ruler, or judge). » by (cr). ' grieTouB. B own will. ^ shalt. ' into a solitary place {fiiawopcuou .... ■nj*' eprjtLov, The preposition is omit, ted by 106. 248. 254. 307. Co.). « overthrow {Kara^aXtl) thee. « keep connsel (A^yov o-rtfai). i» forth (of Ci>m.]. " Lest he requite thee with a shrewd turn (to xdptv is added in H. 23. 106. 248. Co., ^ev£^ ; Old L&t.f gratiam ftUsam. It is an obvious though correct gloss) Chapter VIII. Ver. 2. Outweigh thee, atnuTTiiaTi crov t^" SKK-qv. Put over against thee the weight, namely, the weight of his money. He would he able, through bribery, to prevail, although his cause might be unjust. Ver. 4. Ancestors be disgraced. Such a man has no respect for anything, and one might therefore be wounded in his most sacred feelings by his thoughtless remarks. Ver. 5. See the account of the woman taken in adultery, John viii. 7 ff. ; as also the conduct of the elder son in the parable recorded in Luke, chap. XV. Ver. 6. See Lev. xix. 32. — In his old age ; Bnnsen's Bibebrerk, " on account of his old age," which is correct as a gloss. Ver. 11. Mt; e^oratrrps aTrh irpoadyjrov v&ptffrou. The sense seems to be : " Do not allow thyself to get excited in the presence of a reckless blas- phemer, and so be led to say things which he might use against thee." It might, however, mean : " Rise not up (reverently) before," ;. e., in order to win him over by moderation and indul- gence. But the context favors the rendering given, which is also essentially that of Wahl, and Bunsen'.s Bibelwerk. Ver. 12. To a man mightier. He would exercise against thee the right of the stronger. Ver. 16. Cf. xxviii. 8 ; Prov. xv. 18, xxii. 24. Ver. 18. A stranger. Not necessarily here a heathen, but one who is unknown. — TlicTetv. Probably for the Hebrew T"''", and here figura- tively used for bring to light. Cf. Job xv. 35 ; Ps. vii. 14. A Latin proverb runs : " Fide, sed cui vide;" German, " Trau, schau, wem." Ver. 19. Kai fj.^ avatpeperai ffoi x^P**'- The sense is given correctly by the A. V. In this case, as the context shows, x«P'*' means an ill turn ; el care, ne male libi rependat. Wahl's Clavis, ad vac. Bnnsen's Bibelwerk renders (with De Wette, less truly and forcibly ) : " He will not thank you for it ; " Fritzsche, " So shalt thou not have ill thanks (schlechten Dank) for it." On the force of a second imperative connected by /co(, as here, cf. Winer, p. 311. Chapter IX. 1 Be not jealous over ^ the wife of thy bosom, And teach her not an evil lesson against thyself. 2 Yield not thyself to a wife, To cohabit with her beyond thy strength." 3 Go not to meet ^ a harlot, Lest thou fall into her snares. 4 Be not long with a female singer,^ Lest thou be taken by her arts.* 5 Gaze not on a maid. Vers. 1-4. — ' A. V. : over for with respect to. The word yvvalKa has no prep, before it). * Give not thy soul unto • Toman (/i>) fiats yvvaticc rriv ^v\rjv o-ou) To set her foot upon thy substance (cf. Com. It might also be rendered * That she set herself ;tg!iinst thy power ''). s Meet not with (viravro. ; anavra, 248. 307. Co.). * Use not much he company (ei'fieAc'xtC^) of a woman that is a singer (cf. Com.). ^ with her attempts (eiriTTjSeufxaat*', H. 106. 248. Oo.). ECCLESIASTICUS. 307 Lest thou be annoyed with penalties on her account.* 6 Yield not thyself unto harlots,^ That thou lose not thine inheritance. 7 Do not look around " in the streets of a * city, And wander not in the abandoned ^ places thereof. 8 Turn away thine eye from a woman of beautiful form,' And look not upon a beauty that is another's ; ' Many have been led astray ' by the beautj of a ^oman ; And hereby * love is kindled as a lire. 9 Sit not at all with a married woman,'" I And be not given to feasting and wine-drinking with her,** Lest thine heart incline unto her. And through thy passion thou plunge " into destmction. 10 Forsake not an old friend. For the new is not equal '^ to him. A new friend, new '* wine ; If it has become old, thou wilt ^' drink it with pleasure. 11 Envy not the glory '° of a sinner, For thou knowest not what vdll '' be his end. 12 Delight not in that which the ungodly delight " in, Remember they will not be unpunished till death.** 13 Keep thee far from the man that hath power to kill, And thou shalt not be in suspense through ■" fear of death ; And if thou come unto him, make no mistake,^* Lest he take away thy life.'^^ Know -^ that thou goest "* in the midst of snares. And that thou walkest about ^ upon the battlements of a city." 14 As near as thou canst, study out those around thee,'" And consult with the wise. 15 Let thy conference '^' be with men of insight,^ And all thy communication ^ in the law of the Most High. 16 Let ^* just men eat and drink with thee ; ^^ And let thy glorying be in the fear of the Lord. 17 By reason of the hand of artificers the work will '' be commended. And the wise ruler of the people by reason of ^* his speech. 18 A man full of ^ tongue is feared "' in his city ; And he that is rash in his talk will^ be hated. Vers. 5-9. — * A. V : That thou fall not (crKai'SaAta^;, Wahl gives it here the sense of indi^nor) by those things that are precious in her (see Com.). 8 Give not thy soul (see ver. 1) unto harlots {see Com.). ^ Look not round about thee. * the. ^ Neither wander thou .... solitary {rat? fprjuoti, i. e., the disreputable portions). s thine (eroi* ifl added by 106. 254. 2o7.)eye from a beautiful woman (yvvtuKiyj €vfi6p<^ou). ' another's beauty (see Com.). ^ For (2i8. Co. have ydp)many .... decei-ved {inKavriSriaax'). ^ For herewith. ^^ another man's wife (^ero VTraj-Spou YVvaiicA?, i.e., a woman who is under the control of a man, has a husband ; cf . Rom. vii. 2, t) yap VTravSpo^ ywrt. These words were also sometimes used for a loose woman, but that is clearly not the meaning here. Codd. H. 248. Co. add leal |utj Kara- KkiSn^ eir' ayKoXHiv ^cT* auTTjs, which were adopted by the A. V., " Nor eit down with her in thhie arms). " spend not thy money (, Greek prostitutes being generally slaves). Cf. yvyaiKl eratfji^oixev^, ver. 3. Ver. 7. Cf. Prov. vii. 8. Tho dangers into which curiosity concerning evil leads oue are illus- trated by many proverbs, one of which is : " Talk of the Devil, and he is sure to appear." The Israelites were not allowed even to make inquiries concerning heathenism and the service of Strang© gods, lest thev should be led iuto sin. See Deut. xii. 29, 30. Ver. 8. Ka\Aos i.K\6Tpioy, namely, of a woman that is not thy wife, and that belongs to another. The Talmud has cited this pa.ssage, with varia- tions, aud an addition from Jeremiah : " Turn away thy eyes from a beautiful woman, lest thou be caught in her snares. Visit not her husband in order to drink wine or strong drink with him. For the form of a beautiful woman has already ruined many, and numerous are they who have beeu destroyed by her. The dealer in ornaments, who stimulates to unchastity, receives many wounds. As a spark kindles the flame, as the cage is full of birds, so her house is full of craft." Gutmann, Com., ad loc. Ver. 9. Cf. Numb. v. 29; Prov. vi. 24 f. Grotius : " Conjuncta sicnt conuivia et amores*' — Desire, Trreu/taTi. This word may mean " inclina- tion," " passion," (animal) " desire," and is prob- ably given as a reudering of H^l. Old Lat., Syr., Ar., and Clem, of Alex, read alfian for it. Ver. 10. A new friend, new wine, i. e., both are unproved, are simply in process of develop- ment, and less pleasant than afterwards. Ver. 11. Cf. Ps. Ixxiii. throughout, but espe- cially verse 17. — A lent to magnify. Vers. 24-31. — *A.V.: Great men, and judges, and potentates (H. 248. Co. hare the plur.)shan. lo y,.r 1.5 there ^ the servant Ihat is wise (o-o^oj ; H. 23. 106. 248. 307. Co., trvvsTt^} shall they that are free. ^ he that hath knowledge iayrip eTTicTT^fiiui') .... grudge (yoyyuaet ; H. 2iiS. Co. Syr. Ar. add naiSevotxevos ; Old. Lat., correptus) when he is reformed. 13 not thyself (ef. Com.}. " boasteth himself. '° glorify thy soul in meekness [fv irpavrrtrt Sofoaoc ttjv >ifvx^i' trov). 1*^ give it (auTTJ, thy soul, or thyself) honor. ^' the dignity thereof. '8 tig own soul. ^^ his own life {ttiv ^WTji- avTOu. The substantive seems to be used in the sense of ^xt^v in the previous versel. -'* The. 21 the. •2 He (III. C. 106. 157. 248. 296. 307. Co. join the Si to the verb, i. e,, instead of 6 Se aofofojieros read 6 SeSoiaaiiiyot). i^ how much 7rjore (*eal .... jro(ra\iaq ; lit., in how many ways. On icat, in such a construction, cf. Winer, p. 437. It might be rendered here '* also "). ^ he that is dishonourable. Chapter X. Vers. 1,2. Cf. Prov. xx. 8, and ix. 17 of the | rec. and II., the last member would read: "and present book. The Latin proverb is familiar : " Qualis rex, talis lex *' (or grtx). Ver. 3. OiKiaOiitriTai. Lit., " shall be built," i.e., shall grow, thrive. See the use of the same word at xxxviii. 32. Ver. 5. Prosperity, doSla. As the context shows, prosperity with reference to the attainment of high position is meant. — Ilpoo-ccTrij) ypaiifiaTeics. The connection requires the seu^e " official," " to im in otiicial po.-iition," corresponding to the Jebrew ");;tr. Cf. Gen. v. 6, 10; Josh. i. 10. Ver. 6. If violence is practiced, i. e., against thee. Lit., " in works of violence." This render- ing of iv Iffois uPpeus is iixed hy ihe context. Ver. 7. We have emended the translation in harmony with Grotius's and Fritzsche's sugges- :ion that th should stand for e'£ before an^orfptuv. If aStKla (with IH. X. 23. 5."). 106. I.S.5. 157. 254. 296. 307. 308.) is substituted for iSiHa of the text. against both injustice wiU do wrong." But it seems better to have the same subject for both members of the verse. Bunsen's Bibelwerk, retaining the common text, renders : " and through both must he rue it (TrATi^/xeAe'o;, a supposed rendering for D^S) in vain." Ver. 9. Earth and ashes. Cf. xvii. 27, and Gen. xviii. 27. The Syriac and Arabic texts render by " Cur siiperbiat puhls ac cinis f " Old Latin: " Quid superbit," etc. But the Greek is: Tl {nrepricj>av(v(Tat, etc. — "I [God] make him in- wardly tremble." So Fritzsche, who Buppo.-es the verb to be a rendering for Tf^vtt'n, Hiphil of T[ J'tf, in the sense of concutere. I have adopted the third person singular of the aorist, uistead of the first. Bnnsen's Bibtlu-erk renders: "In life are his entrails emptied out." Ver. 10. Jokes, makes light of, avo!, xi. 30 ; SSAios, xi. 29 ; cTwaTaK6s, xxi. 15; \oiSopos, xxiii. 8 ; anaiS-fis, xl. 30. Cf. Mer- guet, pp. 26, 33. Ver. 25. "Will not grumble, i. e., at that which had just been asserted ; since it was quite right, if one were wise enough to see it. There was no real want of propriety in it. Ver. 26. Overwise. Do not try to be very fine and very clever, and do everything after the most wonderful way ; for then nothing at all will be accomplished. Cf. LXX. at Ec. vii. 16. Ver. 27. The text of the vulgate and II. is Kpitaawv {248. 254. Co. add ytip) ip'ya^6ixiVos eV wairii' fi TrepiiraTwp (" thou a loafer ") ^ So^(i(6fxei/os, etc. Fritzsche adopts from X., by a corrector, H. 23. 248. Co. Old Lat. Syr. tcpelirffav iyya- ^6fisvos Kal nepKTffevwv 4v watriv ff (6, H. 248. Co.) Solafrf/zei/os, etc., which was the reading of the A. V. ; III. 106. 157. 296. agree, except that they add fi Tepi-n-arHy after iraffii', and III. C. 55. 106. 155. 157. 296. omit ^ before So^a^ifievos. Ver. 29. AiKaicui^ the words 6i' oxoij?}. ^ Understand (i-otjaof). '^ thou. ^ hn&Td the cause. « Neither interrapt men /iTj 1rape^■^(iAAou ; H. ^8. Co. add prjiia ; Old Lat., ne adjicias loqui). ^ their talk {\6yuv). lo in (irepi) -1 thee not (xpefa, found in the text. rec. after trou, is stricken out by Fritz.sche, as a later addition, in harmony with TTT. X. C. 23. 248. al. Co.). ^^ with {the verb is avveSpevt ; maJg. of A. V., in the judgment of sinners). ^3 meddle not {ttnfuaav aX jrpafets aov) with (jrept). " For if [iav yap, X. II. 55. 106. 167. 248. 254. Co., and Fritzsche adopts ; text, rec. omits yap). ^^ meddle much (jrAij^iii/jjs). ^^ sbalt not be innocent. i^ if thou follow a/ler. 18 ebalt not obtain (/xij KaroAa^ij;. The meaning given is quite as legitimate, and it strengthens the parallelism), ^^ Neither halt thou escape by fleeing (marg., escape hurt). Vers. 11-16, — -o A. V. : There is one that. 21 Again, there is another that is. s^ hath need. 's Wanting (vcTTepuiv. I have rendered as it was rendered in ver. 11) ability {Itrxvi. Fritzsche and Bunsen's Bibelwerk render by Thalkraft, enterprise, power to achieve, to correspond with their rendering of vinQpo-;, lazy, in the previous line. Both renderings seem to me to be out of harmony with the context. Why should God help a lazy man, and one who has no energy ? He never does, except by heavier burdens). ^ full of poverty (irr«xeiif irepicrtrevei, hcu an excess, is rich i» poverty). 26 yet (Kai) the eye (plur. ; sing., X. 248. 307. Co. Old Lat.). « looked (histor. aor.). " Aud set. s> lifted. » bead from misery (H. 248. 253. Co. add iirb oKi^piMs). » So that many that saw it (23. 248. 253. Co. add 6eu)p^(7a»n'es ; Old Lat., et honoraverunt deum) marvelled at {aTre^au^affai'). ^^ of the Lord. (In H. 23. 106. 248. 253. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. is found here an addition, which appears in tbe A. V. as follows : " Wisdom, knowledge, and understanding of the law, are of the Lord : Love, and the way of good works, are from him. Error and darkness had their beginning together with sinners : And evil shall wax old with them that glory therein.") Vers. 17-22. — 32 a. V. : The gift (56ats, not simply one gift, but what is given of the Lord in general ; or particularise riches that come from him). '^ There is that waxeth rich by. ^i is tbe pootion of his reward (^ ^epls (11. 23, 248 Co., /jiepW avToO arro) ToO fxccrdou avTou). ^G Whereas he saith. ^e yi\\\ pat continually (0ayu>^ai ; t^ayo^tu, X. III. H. 106. 807. Aid. ; H. 106. 248. Co. add. afiioAein-Twy) of my goods (cie rdv ayoBdv ^ov, 1. e., the good things accumu- lated). '^ And yet. ks what time (tic Katpoc ; cf. Com.) shall come upon him (irapeAfvo-erai ; U. 248. 263. Co. add avriv). '» mygt leave those. *" be conversant (o^i'Aet ; see Com.). *' And («ac fcwi5fcu/(rwm) wax. *' sinnera *■ omits quickly (cfdn-ifa, which follows £id 7a\mn). ** « in (i. «., the reward is that) the reward .... sudienly (f» mp^ raxiv^) " to flourish. ECCLESIASTICUS. 813 23 Say not, "What profit have I ? ' And what good things shall I have from now on ? * 24 Say • not, I have enough,' And what evil can come to me from now on ? ' 25 In the day of prosperity there is ° forgetfulness of adversity,' And in the day of adversity ' there is no remembrance of prosperi^. 26 For easy is it ' before the Lord, in the day of death, To reward a man according to his ways. 27 An hour's adversity caiiseth forgetfulness of pleasure,*' And at a man's end his deeds are uncovered.''* 28 Pronounce none blessed '- before his death, And " a man will " be known in his children. 29 Bring not every man into thine house, For the deceitful man huth many lurking-places." 30 A decoy partridge in a basket, so '^ the heart of the prond. And as the *' spy, he hath an eye *' for a *' fall ; 31 For he lieth in wait, turning the "^ good into evil, And on things worthy of praise putteth a blot.'^ 32 By ^ a spark of fire a heap of coals is set ablaze,'* And a sinful man lieth in wait ^ for blood. 33 Take heed of an evil doer,'-^ for he deviseth evils,-' Lest he bring upon thee a perpetual blot. 34 Receive a stranger into thine house, and through quarrels he will unsettle thee," And turn thee out of thine own.^ VeTS. 23-28. — ' A. V. : profit is there of my eerTice (H. 248. Co. add apeo-Keiac to xpfCa). * hereafter {airo tov vvv; cf. Ter. 24). ^ Again (Aid. has icoi) say. * and possess many things (H. 106. 248. Co. a4d koI iroAAd ^oi & €x- Eii(Tf8*fT€i at Twv (248, Co., ix rmy) ISlwy aov. Ot, taking iSlav as masculine, " estrange from tbeA thine own household." Chapter XTT. 10 If thou wouldst ' do good, know to whom thou doest it, And thou wilt - be thanked for thy benefits. Do good to a godly man,^ and thou wilt * find a recompense ; And if not from him, yet from the Most High. There is no good for ^ him that is bent on * evil, Nor to liim that giveth not alms gladly.' Give to the godly ma?i, And help not the ' sinner. Do good to a lowly man, and ^ give not to an ungodly one ; •* Hold back his '^ bread, and give it not uuto him, Lest he get the upper hand of ^" thee thereby ; For thou '^ shalt receive twice as much evU For all the good thou mayest have done ^* him.^° For also '* the Most High hateth sinners, And will repay with punislmcient ^" the ungodly." Give unto the good, And help not the sinner. The " friend will not be punished -" in prosperity. And the "^ enemy will not ■- be hidden in adversity. In the prosperity of a man his -^ enemies are in sorrow, ** And ^ in his adversity even the "^ friend wUl depart. Never trust thine enemy, For as the metal '■" rusteth, so "^ his wickedness. Vera. 1-6. — J A. V. : Wlien thou wilt CEaf e5 ffotps). ^ So shalt thou. 3 the godly man. * shalt. 6 can n* good come, {ftntv ; Fritzpche adopts e is defiled (marg., mingled) with him in. ^^ adds w/io wUt pity. i' But {*cat). ■« fall (UnKivjp ; ct. Com.). Vers. 16-18. — " A. V. : An. » lips (68. Aid., with II. in the lower margin, add koX iroXAi ; of the old trans- lations (Old Latin, Syriac, and Arahic) is con- fused. The repetition is obviously for emphasis ; while the variations in the old versions may be looked upon as attempts to soften somewhat the inexcusable harshness of the counsel given. The Syriac, for instance, instead of " Hold back his Dread," has " Intrust not to him thy weapons." Luther also omitted verse 7. Ver. 6. Toit atreffetriv, the ungodly. This word has not simply a negative force, uilthoul god- liness, but positive, and represents one who in character and life is opposed to that which the fear of God would require. Cf. Wisd. iii. 10 ; iv. 16; xix. 1. Ver. 8. Cf. Prov. xix. 4, 7. It is not improb- able that the translator of our book misunder- stood his text at this point, since some such idea as be jiianifest, be knoum, seems to be required by the context, as the various readings show. If the text be retained as it is, however, and the trans- lation be punished adhered to, there could still be a passable sense obtained from the passage : A friend will not be punished in prosperity, i. e., a supposed friend, who is not really .such, will give no occasion for punishment as long as one is prosperous. The latter clause of the following verse, in fact, gives support to this remlering. Linde, Bunsen's Bibehverk, and others render: " Not in good fortune is the friend known." Ver. -10. Iron (A. V.), xiAf^s. rather bronze, though the word is not infrcijuently used in the later (ireek poets for tn'STjpoy. Usually, however, the word x"''"''' "as applied to a mixture of cop- per and tin, answering to our bronze. As metal rusts, and is nu more recognizable as such, so wickedness is concealed under a fair exterior. Or, as rust spoils the metal, so wickedness tho man, — the ostensible, but not real, friend. Ver. 11. You will learn , if you are pmisnt, that he is always the same base man. and has only taken on a different guisf. Cf. Prov. xxvi. 24 ff. — As one who hath wiped a looking-glass. 316 THE APOCRYPHA. etc. When the metallic mirror ha.s been wiped clean, and the true image appears, that will be evident which was concealed before. The last clause of this verse Bunsen's Bibdiocrk translates : *' So wilt t/iou letini whether he is not rusted forever." Fritzsche : " And Jind out that he covered not him- self to '^6 ^"^ (always) with rnst" i. e., that he has not forever played false, since you have already discovered his hypocrisy. Gaab would prefer the reading of III., Karitorai, which would jiive, how- ever, much the same sense : "And thou wilt find out that he is not altop:ether covered with rust,'* /'. c, one can discover what his true inward condi- tion is. Liude renders the whole verse very loosely : " Thou art for him a polished mirror, Therefore he will not always show his rust," and remarks : " Wise reserve and watchfulness to- wards the enemy brintrs him at last to this, that he is obliged to conceal his blotches. But this purity is not natural, but forced, and therefore dangerous." Ver. 12. At thy right hand. The place of honor. Ver. 13. There are even at the present day, in Egypt and India, persons who capture and train serpents for exhibition. They are some- times made to dance to the music of a flute. " At Bombay, in India, the celebration of the ' Feast of Snakes ' presents the extraordinary spectacle of some three hundred ' charmers ' each wearing a basket with about twenty cobras, gathered in a Hindoo temple, when the creatures are fed with buffaloes' milk furnished by the su- perstitious people. The men handle them with perfect unconcern." — Van Lennep, Bible Lands, p. .306. Ver. 15. Begin to fall {4KK\lirris). Fritzsche, with Gaab, would translate by abbiegest (Heb. (""ID or nt;3), tumest aside, withdrawesl from him. on the ground that the meaning to fall is improp- erly given to the word ; but it is adopted for substance by Dnisius, Luther, De Wette, Bret- schneider, Wahl, and Bunsen's Bibelwerk. Ver. 16. 'With blood = with thy blood. Ver. 17. According to Fritzsche, the word lnro(rx'^(f"'t ^^ compound, is found only here. Cf. the LXX. at Jer. ix. 4, Tnfpvji irTtpvifl. Ver. 18. For similar examples of the varions tokens of diabolical joy, see xiii. 7 ; Job xvi. 4 ; Nah. iii. 19 ; Matt, xxvii. 39. Chapter XIII. 1 He that toucheth pitch will ^ be defiled,* And he that hath fellowship with a proud man wiU become like ' him. 2 Burden not thyself above thy power,* And have no fellowship witli a man ^ mightier and richer than thyself ; What fellowship hath " kettle with ' earthen pot ? ' This hitteth against, and that is shivered.^ 8 A rich man doeth ^° wrong, aud he threateneth besides ; ^* A poor man ^^ is wronged, and he intreateth besides.^' 4 If thou be for his profit, he will use thee ; And " if thou have want," he will forsake thee. 6 If thou have any thing, he will live with thee, Yea, he will empty thee,'^ and he will not trouble himself." 6 If he have need of thee, so will he lead thee astray,'* And smile upon thee, and put thee in hope ; He will speak fine things to thee,'" and say, "What is thy need?* 7 And he will shame thee by his feasts,^' Until he hath emptied thee "" twice or thrice, And at last -^ he will laugh at thee.^ Afterward, he will see thee, aud '^ will forsake thee, And shake his head over thee. 8 Beware lest"^ thou be led astray,-' And brought low by -" thy jollity. Vers. 1-3. —» A. V. : shall. = defiled therewith (248. Co. Old Lat. add ir axvff). ' shall be like unto (ijio'"*!'""- rai). * power while thou livest (H. 248. Co. add iv ^mjt trov). ^ one that w. « For how acree the. ' and the s pot together. ^ For if the one be smitten against the other, it shall be broken. ^'* The rich man hath dona (hist. aor.). ^i yet he threateneth withal [npoffeve^ptfJ-riaaTO ; cf. Com.]. 12 The poor. " he must iutreat also (7rpo a poor man {tc„,,^o, -. X. 248. Co., tt^xos) being down is thrust also away by Am friends. " When a rich man is fallen (n-Aovo-i'ou .j^aXivToi ; cf. the parallel). 28 y^ ^g^. » The poor man (Taireii/os) slipt (it might be rendered as present, but as aorist it is not without force). so and yet 3' rebuked him too (,7poae.r.T.>T,. e., close, painful, wearisome thought). Chapter Xm. C£ 1 Cor. XV. 33. There is a German " Wer Pech angreift, der besudell sich Ver. 1. proverb : damit.^' Ver. 2. The X'^P" ^^ * cheap earthen pot, and seems often to have been employed in a fig- urative sense. Atitiav x"tp the lut he wiU declare {t^^alvti ; 55. 248. 254. Co. and X., by a corrector, have the fut.). 1= wickedness Waxiov whose mean- ing IS limited by the context). ^ n The envious man hath a wicked eye l.i,ovr,pK o ^M-icotVu^ — 248. Co. add iSe^y — b^floVv)- ""' despiscth men (in-tpopSv^jjis, i.e., needy souls, the poor). '^ his. " the iniquity of the wicked (i«.«;a ironjpi ; 248. Co., non,poi for the latter). " hU (23. 248. Co. Old Lat. add aiioi) soul. w A wicked (i.on,pos, but colored in its meaning by the context). 20 envieth liis. 21 he u a niggard (iAAiTnjs) at his (1 render by " its " to correspond with the first member). 22 thy ability Uiv exiJ!). ^ his due offering (^rpooi/iopM i^im, i. «., offerings worthy of thy prosperous circumstances). 24 t^g grave (cf. ver. 16). Vers. 13-18. — 26 A. V. : thy friend (the pronoun is wanting, and we might have expected ital. in the A. V., which is to particular to write thy hand in the next line). 26 Defraud not thyself of the f^r, i4,vm.). a th» grave (I transfer the Greek word here, as in all such cases). 22 waxeth (otherwise than as applied to the moon obso- lescent). ^ S3 covenant (SiaS^di), but used here apparently in much the same sense as our word " law ■'). M be- finning (iir' alivo!) .... die the death. 36 o/the green leaves (sing., but used collectively). so thick [Saireot} tee. '" and some (i*Aa Si, with niv ia the previous clause. Fritzsche makes both verbs transitive.) a20 THE AroCUYPIIA. So also ' the generation of flesh and blood, The one cometh to an end, wliile " another is born. 19 Every corruptible work ^ consumeth away. And the worker thereof will pass away with it.* 20 Blessed is the man that doth meditate on ^ wisdom, And that discourseth about it in his sagacity ; ° 21 Who ' considereth her ways in his heart, And pondereth over her ' secrets. 22 Go out ^ after her as one that traceth. And lie in wait in her ways. 23 He prieth in at ^^ her windows, And hearkeneth at the posts of her doors." 24 He dwelleth very ^'-^ near her house, And driveth Ids tent-pin ^' in her walls. 25 He pitcheth ^* his tent nigh unto her. And dwelleth in a dwelling ^^ where good things are. 26 He putteth ^^ his children under her protection," And lodgeth ^* under her branches. 27 By her he is ^^ covered from heat, Aid he dwelleth in her glory.^ Yer 18. —I A. V. : is (The Bame critic adopts Kai from III. X. C. H. 106. 155. 167. 248. 296. 807. Co., whioh is no* found in the text. ric). ^ One .... and (Je, corresponding to izev). Vers. 19-23. — ^ a. V. : Every work rotteth and {irav ep-yov cnjTro^evoi'). * BhaU go withal (^rr' aiimv ane\evvtTa*y * good things in (re^cvrijcrei. Fritzsche adopts ^eAenjo-ei from 106. 248. 253. Co. Old. Lat.; H. 106. 248. 253. Co. add KoAd) 6 reasoneth of holy things (StoAex^^acTat ; H. 23- 248. 253. Co. add a-yta) by his understanding {Bretschneider and Wahl, render as the A. V. But the Greek t^eems to be a rendering of 3 ^31 = say something^ discourse through, or in), ' He that (6. It is a continuation of the previous thought). » shall also have understanding {ewcnj&rjaerat) in her. * Go (l^eXfle). *" He that prieth {bows down beside in order to look through) in at. " ShaU also hearken at her doors (€771 TblV ^p^xl/laTWC aUTT]?). Vers. 24-26. — ^~ A. V. : that doth lodge (6 K(VTaX.vojv ; cf. ovAta-dTja-erot, ver. 26). ^3 Shall also fasten a pin (see Com.). 14 shall pitch. i^ shall lodge in a lodging. i® shall set. i' shelter. ^^ gtiall lodge. i» shall be. 2P in her glory shall he dwell (for consistency's sake, I put all these verbs in the present, although in some instances the future, which stands in the text, would have equal force. But it is rather a fact than a promise that is meant). Chaptkb XIV. Ver. 1. 'Ev » Fhall cause him (aurif is added by 248. Co.; cf. Co?/?.) to inherit an everlasting name {text, tec, ovop.ix aXiliVLOv; Fritzsche receives oiii-os from III. X. C. 23. 155. 157. 248. 253. Co.). " But («ai, 24S. 253. Co.) foolish. " men that are liars (avSpes ^euorai, best expressed by the one word " liars '") cannot remember {ov p.rj fivrjaOriTovraL). ^* Praise ;marg., " A parable,'" i. e., oXvck, was supposed to be a possible rendering of ^Ct^72, but more likely of H vni*n). '6 it (so marg. ; see Com.). i" sent him (auT(i> is added by U. 106. 248. Co.) of. i' It is through .... t/iM L » the things that. "> hath caused me to err (oiros ^e .nAiiTio-ei- ; lirXairtv, 55. 106. 243. 254. 296. 307. Co.) ... - th« sinful. 322 THE APOCRYPHA. 13 The Lord hateth every abomination, And they that fear him ' love it not. 14 He himself made man from the beginning, And left him to his free choice ; ^ 15 If thou wilt, thou shall keep ^ the commandments ; And to act with fidelity is matter of liking.'' 16 He hath set fire and water before thee, Thou shalt stretch forth ' thy hand to which ever ' thou wilU 17 Before man is life and death. And which ever he ' liketh shall be given him. 18 For the wisdom of the Lord is great. And he is mighty in power, and beholdeth all things ; 19 And his eyes are upon them that fear him, And he knoweth every work of a man.' 20 He commanded not one to be godless,' And he gave not one '" license to sin. Vers, 13-15. — ^ A. V. : all abomination .... fear Qod. ^ in the band of bis counsel (Fritzsche refers the prcmoOB JH God, but it makes better sense to suppose that man is meant, " left him in the power, under the control, of his fret *H11.*' So Wahl, and Bunsen's Bibelwerk) 8 to keep ((rufTTjpTja-ei! ; X., by a corrector, (rvvnjpijire ; 55. 157. 263. 864., avynjpriirai ; Vulg., si volueris mandata servare). * to perform (n-oiiio-ai ; 106., jronjtrei?) acceptable faithfulness !ir('(mi' IT. eiiioKW, iari, being understood. Bunsen's Bibelwerk renders, " If thou wilt keep the commandments, And practice well-pleasing honesty "). Vers. 16-20. — o A. V. : Stretch forth [eKTeveU J H. 248. Co. Old Lat. read ejcreico*-). ^ unto whether (o5 iav, t. «., to which place, where the fire is, or, where the water is). ? whether him (o iav evSoK^ir|)). * of man (sing., and Oetter so rendered, on account of the connection). ^ hath .... no man to do wickedly (oux, — om. by 23. 106. 165. 248. al. — .... ovSevc acre^etf). ^^ Neither hath he given any man Chapter XV. Ver. 1. 'Will do this, namely, what had just been spoken of, — zealously pursue wisdom. — Holdeth fast to (e'yicpoT^s). adheres to, and obeys its precepts. Ver. 2. As a mother. Cf. Is. Ixvi. 13. — A vir- gin wife. The Vulgate renders by " uxor a vir- Bi'ni(aA.V. DEsraE not a multitude of unprofitable children, Nor have joy over ' ungodly sons. Neither delight in {)i.riSi — lexl . rtc. omits {«, but it is found in III. X. 55. al. — eiif p«fiw» M ECCLESIASTICUS. 'i'-'6 2 Though they multiply, have not joy over ^ them, Except the fear of the Lord be with them. 3 Trust not thou in their life, And do not rely on their place ; ' For one is ' better than a thousand, And to die childless * than to have ungodly children ; * 4 For by one that hath understanding shall a city be peopled,* But a race of transgressors shall die out.' 5 Many such things have I seen with mine eyes. And mine ear hath heard greater ' things than these. 6 In a convocation of sinners ° shall a fire be kindled, And in a rebellious nation wrath is set on fire. 7 He was not pacified respecting ^^ the old giants, Who fell away in their strength.^' 8 He spared not the people where Lot sojourned," Whom he abhorred '* for their pride. 9 He pitied not a nation devoted to destruction," Who were taken away '^ in their sins ; 10 And so '^ six hundred thousand footmen, Who were gathered together in the hardness of their heartSa 11 And if there be one stiffnecked," It is a '* marvel if this one '^ escape unpunished ; For mercy and wrath are with him ; He is mighty to forgive,^ also '-' to pour out wrath j ^ 12 As his mercy is great, so is his correction also ; He judgeth '^ a man according to his works. 13 A ^* sinner shall not escape with his spoil,^ And the hope '" of the godly shall not be unfulfiUed.'" 14 He will make room "* for every mercy ; '^ Every ^ man shall receive '' according to his works." 17 Say not thou, I will hide myself from the Lord ; And who from above will be mindful of ^ me ? I shall not be thought of ^* among so many ^ people ; For what am I in the immeasurable creation ? ^^ 18 Behold, the heaven, and the heaven of heaven,*' The deep, and the earth, are shaken at his visitation.** Vers. 2-5. — * A. V.: rejoice not in. * Neitlier respect tlieir multitude {icaX (lij enex^ iirt rov toitov — rb rrX^flo?, m. X. 23. al. Co. — avTMv). 3 that is just is (to ele, 248. Co. add BiKauo% ; Old Lat., linus timeits Deum. Tlie addition is correct if understood as a gloss ; but by making it, the beauty of the style, which consists in suggesting the thought without clearly stating it, is marred ; cf. ver, 4). * better it is to die without children. 5 them that are ungodly. ^ the city be replenished {(TvyotKurBritTeTai n-6At« ; cf. following). ' the kindred (marg., tribe ; Gr., <^uA7J, but probably for Xin^W72^ tt tribe, dan^/arntly, and also, a whole race] of the wicked (af o^pijiv xaX irAaviij^efo? SLavoeirat fiiopi). Vers. 24-30. — » A. V. : knowledge (^irtonj^Tjf . It seems to refer, as the connection suggests, to what the \vriter him- self has gained by his study and travels). '^ I will show forth doctrine in weight, And declare his knowledge (H. 106. 248. Co. add avroii after en-to^fujc ) exactly. The works of the Lord are done in judgment {iv Kpiaei Kvpiov — i. c, as the Lord has decided — Tacpyaovrov). i'^ disposed (SteareiAe for 7^^5^ i SiiareXXev is found in II. X. Aid. ; cf. Gen. i. 6.). ^' garnished {fKoirixritrfv. Others would prefer the rendering, ordered, arranged). i8 in his. hand are the (so 106. 248. Co.). ^^ unto all generations (ety yeveds avrCjv ; the last authorities mentioned, with H., ets yevtas yerewi/. Fritzsche renders, " from generation to generation *'). ^o labour {eneivaa-av). 21 nor cease. ^ works {epyiaVf but clearly used in the sense of special duties, offices). -^ hindereth (e^eeXiil/ei-, so Fritzschc from III. X. 23. 55. 106. 155. al. Co. 1 text, rec, ISKiijiei') another. " shall never (fut., but the thought is general). ^ omits And. *6 With d.]l manner 0/ living things (i/a'x>? — text, rec., )jru\T}v — Trayrir; ^wov) hath. 27 they shall return into it again. Chapter XVI. Ver. 1 . Unprofitable. It is meant that they principle announced in Ps. Iv. 23, that the nn- are unprofitable in as far as they do not fear God. godly " shall not live out half their days." It was generally regarded by the Jews as a great Ver. .'i. Greater things, i. e., worse things, which blessing to have many children. The childless he goes on in the following verse to specify. were looked upon as particularly unfortunate y^^. 5 Convocation, assembly, ^Ttp, cf. Numb. The patriarchal system fostered thi< idea, as well •> r't- as the customary habits of life and thought in the xi. 1 : Ps. Ixxviii. 21. East. Ver. 7. The old giants. Cf. Gen. vi. 2 ' Ver. 3. Kely upon their place, as though Wisdom, xiv. 6 ; Bar. iii. 26 ; 3 Mace. ii. 4. Th« they would permanently occupy it. — For one. subject of the verb is God, Jehovah, and is prob- One that fears God is doubtless meant. The ably omitted out of superstitious reverence. — lo A. V. h.18 supplied this idea, but without suffi- their Btrength, ;. e.. through confidence in their cient MS. authority. strength. The Vulgate has conjicientes suce vir Ver. 4. Tin- assertion miide is Iiaserl nn the liili. ECCLESIASTICU&. 32." Ver. 8. TlupoiKias. The abstract is used for the concrete. The people are meant, as the sec- ond clause shows. The idea of the destruction of the cities of the plain seems first to have entered the author's mind, and then he thought of the inhabitants. Cf. Ezek. xvi. 49, where the pride of the Sodomites is assigned as one of the rea- sons for their overthrow. See 3 Mace. ii. .■). Ver. 9. It is not cleur who are liere meant. Some think of the Sodomites ; otliers, of the Egy]]tians that were drowned in the Red Sea ; and still others of the Canaanites. But it is most likely that the Egyptians are intended, as the following verse seems to speak of those who fell in the wilderness during the forty years of wan- dering. Ver. 10. And so. The words, he showed not mercy towards, are to be understood ; t. e., the force of the verb from the preceding verse is to be brought along, the two verses being connected simply by a semicolon. Ver. U. God does not overlook individuals. He deals with great multitudes of people, but as composed of individuals. And if he did not spare the 600,000, much less would he spare the single person who sinned. Ver. 13. Hope. It is probable that Hlpri, (1) thread, (2) perseverance, hope, stood in the original. This word is ordinarily translated in the LXX. by (moiiovi,. Cf. Wisd. ii. 14. Ver. 14. He will make room for every mercy, namely, on his own part. Still, men were not on that account to expect that justice towards individuals would be overlooked. Vers. 17, 18. The later Jews held to the doctrine of a number of different heavens, one above another. Cf. Deut. x. 14 ; 1 Kings viii. 27 ; 3 Mace. ii. 15 ; 2 Cor. xii. 2. Fritzsche, however, thinks that the present expression, " heaven of heaven," simply refers to heaven taken as a whole. Ver. 22. Goal. The Greek word is SiaflTJKT;, covenant. But the idea is that the determination, reaching of results, the award of justice, is afar off. The covenant is referred to, therefore, ia its aims, — especially in its aim to punish all departures from it. Ver. 23. Thinketh this. They will think the day of retribution far off, and so go on sinning. Ver. 27. The chief of them, rij i.px^^ airuv. Probably the heavenly bodies are meant. Ver. 29. Blessings, i,ya6mv. — " Frumento, vite, olea, rebusgue aliis ad vitam aiU necessariis aut utilibus." Grotius. Ver. 30. Cf . Gen. iii. 19, " For dnst thou art, and anto dust shall thon retam." Chapter XVII. 10 The Lord created man of earth,* And turned him back ^ into it again. He gave them a number of ° days, and a definite time,* And he gave them ^ power over the things which are on it.* He endued them with strength like himself,' And made them according to his own * image. He put^ the fear of liim '" upon all flesh, And gave him dominion over beasts and fowls.*' Free will,'- and a tongue, and eyes. Ears, and a heart gave he them to consider." He ^* filled them with intelligent insight,*' And shewed them good and evil. He set his eye upon '" their hearts, That he might shew them the greatness of his works." And they shall praise his holy name. That they may celebrate the great things of his works.*' Vers. 1-5. — * A. V. : the earth. ^ omits back (iWoTpei/fei'). 3 them few (cf. Cotti.). * short time (icatpdi'). 8 omits he gave them (IStuicec auroi? ; omitted by 106., ami the whole line by 68. Aid.). ^ power also over the things therein. ^ by themselves (MSS., koJS' eavroiis. I adopt Fritzsche's conjecture, koB^ iavrov ; cf. Com.). 8 omits own {.text, rec, auTou ; fritzsche adopts eaUToC from III. X. 23. 106. 157. 296. 307.). ^ And put (Fritzsche strikes out the KOI before {flijKe.as III. X. H.23. 55.al. Old Lat.). "> of man (marg., of him). " fowls (H. 248. Co. have an ad- iition appearing in the A. V. as ver. 5 : They received (preceded, in the authorities mentioned, by ev 6/ioiwjuaTO the use tf the Jive operation.-: of the Lord, And in the sixth place he imparted them understanding, And in the seventh, speech, an Interpreter of the cogitations thereof). Vers. 6-10. — ^ A. V. : Counsel (Sto^oiiAioc. I render with Wahl, and Bunsen^s Bibelwerk; cf. xv. 14). ^^ under- stand (Siavoeio-flat). " R^/Aa/ he. i** tyirA the knowledge of understanding (67rt(m}fxi]c avi/eo-ew?. Fritzsche ren- ders, «'n5fcA/.^uoWer Kenntniss, knowledge full of insight ; Bunsen's Bibelwerk, intelligent iyisight). ^^ upon. (Others ren- der by tn, i. e., gave them some of his own knowledge, power of sight ; cf. Com.) ^~ works (H. 55. 106. 248. 254. Co. add here what appears in the A. V. as ver. 9 : lie gave them tc glory in his marvellous acts forever, That they might declare his works with understanding (trvferots; mjvfroi, n. 106.). Then follows, as ver. 10, An4 they (A. V., the elect, exAcKToi, with the above authorities) shall praise his (248. Co. add avTou) holy name). ^^ works. (This member as will be noticed, was placed before the last in the A. Y., and with the variation just noticed ; cf. Com.) 32G THE APOCRYPHA. 1 1 He ' gave them knowledge besides,^ And gave a lav? ° of life for an heritage. 12 He established * an everlasting covenant with them, And shewed them his ordinances.^ 13 Their eyes saw the greatness ° of his glory, And their ear ' heard his ' glorious voice. 14 And he said unto them, Beware of every ° unrighteousness ; And he gave every man commandments ^'' concerning his neighbOFa 15 Their ways are ever before him, They ^' shall not be hid from his eyes. - 17 He appointed a ruler for every nation," And Israel is the Lord's portion. 19 All " their works are as the sun before him. And his eyes are continually upon their ways. 20 Their unrighteous deeds are not " hid from him, And '^ all their sins are before the Lord." 22 A man's almsdoing is " as a signet with him. And he will keep a man's good deeds as the apple of the eye.** 23 Afterward he will rise up and reward them, And render their recompense upon their heads. 24 But unto them that repent, he granteth return," And comforteth those whose confidence faileth.^ 25 Eeturn unto the Lord, and forsake thy sins, Make thy prayer before his face, and lessen thy offence.'* 26 Turn again to the Most High, and turn away from unrighteousness," And hate thou abomination vehemently. 27 Who will -^ praise the Most High in Hades," Instead of them who ^ live and give praise ? ^' 28 Praise " perisheth from the dead, as from one who is no more ; " The living and sound ^ shall praise the Lord. 29 How great is the loving kindness '" of the Lord," And his compassion ^^ unto such as turn unto him ! ** 30 For all things cannot be in men, Because the son of man is not immortal. 31 What is brighter than the sun ? and this groweth dark ; " And an evil man taketh flesh and blood in consideration." 32 He vieweth the power of the height of heaven ; And men, all, are ^° earth and ashes. Vera. 11-18. — 1 A. v. ; Beside (Ai5 he. = omi/s besides. 3 And the law. < made. b judgments (jrp^^ara fo» D>tiQU?7!D) ^ majesty {fieyaXelov). ' ears. 8 his {avriav, text. rec. ; Fritzsche adopts sing, from X. 0. H, 23. 166. al.'Syr. Ar.). » all. lo commandment (ei-eTetAoTo, the decalogue is meant). ^^ And. 12 eyes. (The verses 16, 17, 18, I have stricken out as appearing, with variations, only in H. 106. 248. Co. They are as follows : Every man from his youth is given to evil ; Neither could they make to themselves fleshy hearts for stony. For in the division of the nations of the whole earth He set a ruler over every people ; But Israel is the Lord's portion (of. ver. 17, in the text) : Whom, being his first born, he nourisheth with discipline, And giving him the light of Aw love doth not forsake him.) .... people. Vers. 19-24. — "A. v.: Therefore (106. inserts SioTi) all. » None of their .... are. 10 But. " Lord (106. 248. Co. add what appears in A. V. as ver. 21 : But the Lord being gracious, and knowing his workmanship. Neither left nor forsook them, but spared them). " The alms of a man is («Atr|/iort (cf. iii. 30) and x<^P'> — which sig- nifies here much the same thing — which, accord- ing to the degenerated meaning of the words at that time, our translators have perhaps properly rendered by " alms " or " almsgiving." But it is easy to see that we are here in the very midst of the moral current whose result was the substitu- tion of " alms-giving " for " righteousness," — the outward act for the inward feeling. Cf. re- marks at iii. 30, and in the Introduction to Tobit. — As a signet. The signet ring was the dearest treasure to the Hebrew, — something that he wore continually. It was suspended from the neck by a string, or fastened upon the arm. In Solomon's Song (viii. 6) we read : " O lay me as the signet ring on thy heart, as the signet ring on thv arm ! " Cf. Rawlinson, Aticient 3ton.,i. 93 f., 264, 383 ; ii. 566 ; iii. 226, 342. Ver. 23. The reference is not to the same persons as in verse 17, but to their opposites, — sinners. Ver. 24. Mfrafooinnv, to them that repent. It is noticeable that this word is used here to de- note a mural change (cf. xlviii. 15; Wisd. v. 3) ; while in the LXX. this idea is usually expressed by fnt(TTp€(peit'. Ver. 27. The idea is : " Comply with these admonitions at once, for," — . Ver. 30. He " knoweth our frame." That is the reason he is merciful. V^er. 31. Tloirfiphs 4vdvfjirj9'fj(T€Tat crdpKa Kal aXfia. Supposing this to be the correct form of the text, the meaning seems to be that as the sun becomes dark, so man morally ; he is too much influ- enced by flesh and blood, and too little by the eternal realities. Cf. Gal. i. 16: "I conferred not with flesh and blood." Ver. 32. The contrast between the sun and man is here emphasized : The one watches over the host of high heaven, the other is but earth and ashes. Chapter XVIII. 1 He that liveth for ever created all things without exception ; * 2 The Lord only is righteous.'-^ Vers 1, 2. — ^ A. V. : things in general {»eotv^. It would be possible to render in the same manner 6Si2, or some raoh word, being understood : but it is probable that the Greek stands for a Hebrew word meaning all togetlter, i. e., withont tzception ; cf. Corn. Codd. 55. 254., eV Aoya) koX ra^et = righteous (H. 106. 243. Co. have an addition appearing in file A. V. as the second member of ver. 2 and as ver. 3 : -And there is none other but he. Who govemeth the world with ftle palm of his hand, .^nd atl things obey his will : For he is the king of ail, by his power Dividing holy things amonf them from profane). 328 THE APOCRYPHA. •t To none gave he power to make known fully ^ his works, And who will trace out his mighty ' acts ? 5 Who will measure ' the strength of his majesty ? And who will besides, set forth * his mercies ? 6 One cannot take from, or add to, Neither can he trace out, the wonderful things of the Lord.* 7 When a man is ^ done, then he beginneth ; And when he leaveth off, then is he in doubt.' 8 What is man, and whereto serveth he ? What is his good, and what is his evU ? 9 The number of a man's days Are many if an hundred years.* 10 As a drop of water from ' the sea, and a grain of sand," So a few years in the day ^' of eternity. 11 Therefore is the Lord ^^ patient with them, And poureth out '' his mercy upon them. 12 He saw and perceived that their end is" evil, Therefore he increased his compassion.^^ 13 The mercy of a man is toward his neighbor, But the mercy of the Lord is toward " all flesh ; He reproveth, and disciplineth, and teacheth. And bringeth back," as a shepherd his flock. 14 He hath mercy on them that receive discipline. And that hasten to his ordinances.^' 15 My son, give not blame with '° thy good deeds, And with any gift, bitter words.''" 16 Doth not the dew give relief from the east wind? " So is a word better than a gift. 17 Lo, is not a word above a good gift? ^ And "' both are with a gracious man. 18 A fool will upbraid ungraciously,^ And a gift of the envious maketh weeping eyes.** 19 Learn before t/iou speak, And take care of thyself before thou art sick."' 20 Before judgment examine thyself. And in the hour •" of visitation thou shalt find reconciliatioii.'' 21 Humble thyself before thou art '-'' sick. And in the time of sins show repentance. 22 Be not hindered from paying a '" vow in due time, And defer not until death to be justified. 23 Before making a vow, prove '' thyself. And be not as one that tempteth the Lord. Vers. 4-7, — 1 A. V.: whom {ovQevi ; H. 106. 248. Co., TtVt) hath he given power (e^eTrotijo-ef. As intransitive, fo ft« aujfficient. Fritzsche gives it the force of concessit^ verstattete er ; Bunfien's Eibelwerk, geit'dhrt er es) to declare. ' shall find out his noble. ^ shall number (e'^apiflfA7)(r6Tai. It meaUB to number — cf. Lev. xiii. 15 ; Job xxxi. 4 — and also, to rerkon up, and so determine, measure, which meaning the contest here demands). * shaU also tell out (irpocrfiijo-ei K6iT)y»j<7a{r6ai). ^ An for the wondrous works of the Lord, there may be nothing taken from them. Neither may any- thing be put unto them, Neither can the ground of them be found out. « hath. t then he shall be doubtful. Vers. 8-11. — 8 A. V. : at the most are an hundred years {ttoAAoi It») eKariv ; others render. Is a hundred, if his years are many). ^ unto (aTro) '"^ a gravel stone in comparison o/the sand (t/'T) of man .... upon (en-i, i. e., strictly, it extendeth over, includes). " nurtureth (wotSei'wc. In the next verse rraiSeiav is rendered discipline) .... again. 1* diligently seek after his judgments (fcpiVara. Cf. xvii. 12 ; xlv. 5). '* blemish not. 20 Neither use uncomfortable words when thou givest any thing. 21 shall .... asswage (acaffauo-ci) the heat (xauo-ui'a, cf. Judith Tili.3; Jas. i. 11). Vers. 17-21. — "A. v.: better than (iirt'p) a gift (Sofio oYaWi/ ; 106., iroi' d-yaedi- ; A. V. read ayaWt). 2» But, *• churlishly (axapiffToj?, and I have rendered to correspond with the rendering of Kexaptrw^xeVoj — Luke 1. 28, " highly favored "— in the preceding line). ^^ consumeth the {iKT^Kei, melts out, wastes away, i.e., here, by weeping^ » Use physick (deparrevov) or ever thou be sick. 27 ^^,.^y f^pa). =8 mercy (cftAao-^dr). 2« be. Vers. 22-27. — "" A. V. : Let nothing hinder thee to pay thy. »' thou prayest (eifaaOai, i. e., to make a vow, an," ECCLESIASTICUS. 329 24 Think upon the wrath on the day of death,* And the time of retribution,^ when he shall turn away his face. 25 In time of plenty, think of " the time of hunger, And in days of wealth, of * poverty and need. 26 Between morning and evening ^ the time is changed, And all things are soon otherwise ° before the Lord. 27 A wise man will be cautious ' in every thing, And in days of sinning he will beware of mistakes.' 28 Every sagacious man ^ knoweth wisdom, And will give praise unto him that finds *" her. 29 Those sagacious in proverbs are also themselves wise, And pour *^ forth exquisite parables. 30 Go not after thy lusts, And restrain ^' thyself from thine appetites. 31 If thou allowest thy soul to have pleasure in appetite, She will make thee a laughingstock to thine enemies.** 32 Take not pleasure in great luxury,** And be not tied to her entertainments." 33 Become not *" a beggar by banqueting upon borrowing, And when " thou hast nothing in thy purse.*' here to God) prepare. * tliat shall be at the end {lit., in the days of the end, reAevriis. The last word Is often used for death in the classics. Of. Thucyd., ii. 44). ' yengeance («icSiic^' Irom X. 0. 23. 157. al. Old Lit. Syr. Ar. • $at. Tec, TOK ^iXoi'). 2 hath not said tl. ' have {tipjiKtv). < speak it not again (nij {cvTepu^T)). ' Admon- ish. « tale (My). ' There is one that slippeth in his speech [lia, the subject ; cf . Com.). " performance iiroii) = 13^03, m a short time, though a translation little by little might also be allowable. Ver. 2. ToXfiripirfpos, most reckless. He will give free rein to his lusts, without regard to con- sequences. The comparative stands, as so often, for the superlative. Cf. Winer, p. 242. Codd. C. 55. 106. 157. 248. 253. Co. have the positive; Old Lat., neqnam. Ver. 3. The word " moths," (r^Tts (II., by the first hand, has (is for avyKCKvipas] in dark clouds." Ver. 27. 'ETtpoKOKptiv, to be deaf on one side. The word is fouud nowhere else. The meaning is that he acts as if he were paying no special attention, beard but little. Codd. 23. 248. 253. Co. read eBtKoKoxpiov, pretending deafness. Ver. 30. Excessive laughter. Lit., laughter of the teeth, y€\us 6S6vtwv ; meaning that kind of laughter in which one shows the teeth. Gaab supposes that some word has dropped out before oSifTuy. In any case, the psychology of the author, to say the least, is not very profoimd. Chapter XX. 1 There is a reproof that is not timely,* And many a one is silent, and he is sensible.^ 2 How ^ much better to reprove, than to be angry secretly* And he who openly confesset.h ^ shall be preserved from hurt.' 4 As is the lust of an eunuch to deflower a virgin. So is he that executeth judgment with violence. 5 Many a one is silent,' and is found wise ; And many a one " by much babbling becometh hateful. 6 Many a one is silent,^ because he hath not to answer ; And many a one is silent,'" knowing his opportunity." 7 A wise man will be silent '- till his opportunity," But the swaggerer and a fool will take no notice of an opportunity." Vers. 1-3. — ' A. V. : comely (wpaios). 2 Again ( secretly (H. 106. 248. Co. add Kpvn-Tws after evfiovirdai. It is implied in the context, and I have loft it in italics. Luther : heimtich Hass tra^en). ^ that confesseth his fault (6 avfio^oXoyou- uefof ; Bunsen's Bibelwerk, speaks it out, which agrees well with the context, but does not so well render the text) « hurt (after this verse the Old Lat. has an addition appearing in the A. V. as ver. 3 : How good is it, when thou art re- proved, to shew repentance ! For so shalt thou escape wilful sin. Codd. H. 24S., with Co., insert it after ver. 8). Vers. 4-7. — ' A. V. : There is one that keepeth silence. ^ anotlier (same construction as in the preceding member) ^ Some man holdeth his tongue. ^^ And some keepeth silence. ^i his time {Katpof, i. e., the right time, oppor tunity). 12 iiold his tongue. I3 he see opportunity (ew? Kaipov). '* a babbler (6 AaTrio-x^? ; o-oAn-temis, H. 157 286 308.) regard no time (vTrepP^trwat Katpo**). ECCLESIASTICUS. 333 8 He that useth many words shall be abhorred, And he that abusetli his privilege,' be hated. 9 Many a man hath good fortune in ill fortune,' And there is a gain that tarnelh to loss. 10 There is a gift that shall not proKt thee, And there is a gift whose recompense is double. 11 There is an abasement because of glory. And there is one who^ lifteth up his headfroin a low estate. 12 Many a one* buyeth much for a little, And repayeth it sevenfold. 13 The ^ wise man by his words ' maketh himself beloved, But the pleasant conceits ' of fools shall be poured away.* 14 The gift of a fool shall not profit ' thee. For he looketh to receive many things for one. 15 He giveth little, and upbraideth much. And '" he openeth his mouth like a crier ; To day he lendeth, and to morrow wUl he ask it again ; Such a man is hateful." 16 A ''^ fool saith, I have not a friend,^' And " / have no thank for my '° good deeds ; They '^ that eat my bread are evil-tongued : " 17 How oft, and of how many shall he be laughed at ! " 18 Better slip upon a pavement than with '* the tongue ; So the fall of the wicked shall come speedily. 19 A disagreeable man, an untimely speech : ^^ It will always be in the mouth of the uninstructed.^ 20 A proverb from a fool's mouth will be rejected,^^ For he will not speak it in its -^ season. 21 Many a one -'' is hindered from sinning through want, And in his ^ rest, he will have no remorse.'''^ 22 Many a one ^ destroyeth himself "' through bashfulness, And by accepting of persons ^ overthroweth himself. 23 Many a one out of bashfulness maketh promises to a '" friend. And maketh him an ^' enemy for nothing. 24 A lie is a foul blot on ^'- a man, It "^ is continually in the mouth of the uninstructed.** 25 A thief is better than he that is ^^ accustomed to lie. But both shall inherit destruction. °° 26 The disposition °' of a liar is dislionorable. And his shame is ever with him. 27 He that is wise in words shall promote himself," Vers. 8-18. — * A. V. : taketh to himself authority tlierein (6 evt:^oviTia^6tievoi = to use, or abuse, one^s power) shall. ' There is a sinner (H. 106. 248. Co. Old Lat. read afxaproiXiZ after av&pC) that hath good success (euoSc'a; 248. Co., eiiSo- «ttt) in evil things (the next memher shows plainly what is here meant). ■' is that (eorti' os). * There is that. 6 A. ° words (Fritzyche adopts Aoyois from III. X. 23. 55- al. Co. for A6ya) of the text. rec). ' graces {;^ttptTes. I adopt the rendering of the margin). ^ poured ou.t iSK\vffj}(TovTai, The meaning is, as the margin suggests, that they are spilled, lost\. ^ do thee no good (1 have rendered to correspond with the rendering of the same word at ver. 10) when thou hast it (H. 106. 248. Co. add Aa^6r^t, and further what apijears in the A. V. as : Neither yet of th« envious for his necessity). ^** omits And. ^' one is to be hated of God and man (so 106. 248. Co.). Vers. 16-20. — 12 A. V. : The. " no friends. " omits And (as 243. Co.). >» all my. " And they. 17 speak evil o/rne (0avAoi -yAwa-aT)). i^ to scorn (EI. 106. 248. Co. Old Lat. have an addition appearing in the A. V. as the last two members of ver. 17 : For he knoweth not aright what it is to have ; And it is all one unto him as if he had it not). 1^ To slip upon .... is better than to slip with. ^o xn unseasonable tale iavdpwno^ a^apis, iMvdo^ aKaipos. A. V. has in the margin. Or, An unpleasant fellow ; cf. Com.). -l Will always .... unwise {iwaiSevrtov). 23 x wise sentence {napa^oKij) shall be rejected when it cometh out of a fool's mouth). 23 (jug (ou-nis). Vers. 21-26. — 24 a. V. : There is that. 20 when he taketh. 20 shall not be troubled {(caTaruy^o-erai. Stings of conscience are meant). 27 There is that. 28 ^is own soul (tJji' il/uxijf auroiJ). >• accepting of persons (airb a<^povos Trpoff-wTTOu. For a^poi-os, 248. Co. have A^>//«i>s. Fritzsche justly suspects a failure on the part of oux translator, and suggests that he probably read C'll;'^ for rir*'2T^ before C^^-). ^"^ There is that for ... . promiseth to his. SI A,s. 82 in. S3 Yet it (Se is found in 106. 248. Co.). "untaught. =6 a man that is. s» they both shall have destruction to heritage. s7 disposition (^0os : also moral nature, character). Vers. 27-.32. — ss a.V. : A wise man shall promote himself to honour with his words {iy Aoyos to be joined, obviously 334 THE APOCRYPHA. 28 29 30 31 And a prudent mau will please the great.* He that tilleth the earth shall heap high his sheaves ; ^ And he that pleaseth great men shall make atonement for unrighteoosness.* Presents and gifts blind the eyes of the wise, And as a muzzle on the mouth turn they away reproofs.* Wisdom that is hid, and treasure out of sight : ' What profit is there in either ? ° Better a man that' hideth his folly, Than a man that hideth his wisdom.' to he that hath understanding will pleaiie great men. • his (auTou, 248. Co.) land shall increase his heap (d>^i^u(r« &r]fiiiiviav avToC). ^ get pardon for iniquity {f^t\d1wxa^ avdpuimuv. No more is meant than that they take away life. Cf. Wisd. i. 11). 6 All iniquity (iraaa avo^t'a). •> The wounds whereof cannot be healed (rp irKrjyfi aurris oiiK etrrtv lao-w). Vers. 4-8. —' A. V. : To terrify and do wrong (cf. Com.). 8 proud men (III. 106. 15.5. 157. 24S. Co., the pluT. Aa will have been noticed, every opportunity is taken, i. e., when other changes are made in the immediate context, to do away with the many instances of an unnecessary use of italics in the A.. V.). * the ears o/ God (ews dirliittf avrov Cf. Corn.). '0 To be reproved t.i\fytL6v) is in the way of sinners (cf. Com.). " But. 12 ^q eloquent man (lit., He who is mighty with the tongue; cf. Com.). i3 f^r and near [^jnutpoeev^from afar, but the sense given in the A. V. is also allowable). " a. 15 understanding [vo-fitiinv, a thinking man). !•• gathereth himself stones (text, rec , auToO Tovs Atflovs ; III. X. 55. 155. 157. al. the same, except in placing the pronoun at the end ; 248. Co., eaurw Xi0ou?) for the tomb of his burial («is xei/xoil'a ; eU Aei^xura, 308. ; €i« \iotxa raitri'; auTou, 106. 248. Co. Cf. Com.). Vers. 9-13. — ^^ A. V. : The congregation of the wicked /.s like tow wrapped (iTvvriyfj.€vov). ^^ is a. ... , fire to destroy them (so 106. 248. Co.). '• is made plain (lit., .■smooth, iijiaAiiav — crri^ia ovtwi' ; H. 106. 248. Co., to oro/ia aurui'). >8 the ujigodly. '^ A. 20 wheresoever he dwelleth {ly irapottcTjuei, in the place of his sojourn, i. e., by those around him). Chapter XXI. Ver. 1. JAt., Entreat (Se^fljjri) /"or thy former ones, namely, ask forgiveness. Grotius remarks ; " Utramque partem poenitentice bene expressit." Cf. xvii. 19-24. Ver. 3. A two-edged sword. A sword sharp on both edt;e,s, and hence very danjjjerous. Cf. Jndg. iii. 16 ; Ps. cxlix. 6 ; Piov. v. 4. Ver. 4. To terrify and use violence, koto- ir\T)7/x!is Kal 6/3pis. Bunseu's Bibelwerk translates : Misfortune and ivantonness. The rirst word is fonnd only here. The Old Latin has for it objur- gatio, but according to another recension (S. Ger. 15), ralaplectntio, thus transferring the word instead of translating it. Grotiu.s renders by ter- ritio, and De Wette by Getraltthatigkeit, violence. The English translators seem to have got the true meaning, intimidation, since its rendering must be influenced somewhat by the following v&pis, which 18 the actual carrying out of the idea expressed by the preceding word. Ver. 5. To His ears, namely, the ears of God. Others (Fritzsche, Bunsen's B'ihchverk), the ears of the lich man, not to his heart; which seems to us forced, and not so well to suit the context. Ver. 6. On the path, iv ix"^^- On the track, in the footsteps. Ver. 7. 'O Syfarhs iv jXiiaari might be taken either in a good or bad sense. 'I"he antithesis is, however, better marked with the second clause of the verse, if they are nnderstood in a good sense, as by the A. V. It is better to be a man of anderstanding than to be eloquent ; since the former knows how to judge of a speech, and can tell when errors are committed. — Tiit»aT6s is gen- erally nsed in the later Greek, in a passive signifi- cation, knoion ; in Plato, always in the sense of capable of being known. In the latter sense it seems also to be used in the present case, and is almost the only instance in Biblical Greek where it is so used. Cf., however, Acts iv. 16, and Rom. i. 19 (?). Ver. 8. Other men's money, i. e., money un- ju.stlv acquired. — Gathereth his atones for win- ter. The idea is, he does what is foolish and use- less. It is not stones that are wanted, but wood. The common reatling, airroU robs Ki6ous ets xf'M^''"» is undoubtedly right, the others having arisen from a failure to understand tlie meaning. Ver. 1 1 . KaTaKpoTe? tov h-vorj/iaros aurov. Fritzsche would render: gets the power over (rules) his mind, i. e., becomes wise. The context favors this rentlering. Others make outoS refer to the law, attains to its understanding. Bunsen's Bibel- loerk and others. Ver. 12. Increaseth bitterness. There are also clever rascals. Cf. also Ecclcs. i. 18. Ver. 13. Cf. Ps. xxxvi. 9; Prov. x. II, xiii. 14, xiv. 27, xvi. 22. Ver. 15. The gross man, i maTaKav. Lit., the glutton. But tlic comparison is between a man of intelligence and practical wisdom and one who is ruled simply by his lower appetites. The read- ing of 106. 248. Co. (see Text. Notes) showed an ii])])reciation of what the context demanded in thi* instance. ECCLESIASTICUS. 337 Cf. Ver. 16. Burden on a journey {if iif). Matt, xxiii. 4 ; Gal. vi. 5. Ver. 18. The point of the comparison is in the fact that neither can be used. Ver. 22. 'A-rb Trpoffd-rou. The word vpoatanov refers to tliat part of the house which is first seen by one who is entering, ('. e., the outer front wall, or perhaps the inner walls of the porch, entry. Van Lennep {Bible Lands, p. 427) says of the Eastern house : " The most important spot is the room where alone male strangers are admitted, and called par excelletice the liwan, or raised platform. It is situated directly opposite the door of en- trance, with the court intervening, and is still more suggestive of a tent than the other apart- ments, being entirely open in front. Its furniture consists of a divan arranged upon three sides of a raised platform, while in front of the latter the eye is sometimes refreshed by a basin of water or a jetting fountain." Ver. 25. The usual text of this verse (xe'^l itWarpluv iv Tovrois fiapwdTiaerat) malses no sense, and is doubtless corrupt. Fritzsche's sup- position that Q^7.t stood in the original Hebrew, while the Greek {aWoTplwf) is a translation of C^T, is probable, and I have translated ac- cordingly. The further words iv tovtois seem to be a translation of n^S2 (instead of n7S3). So Hitzig, Fritzsche, Bunsen's Bibelwerk. — In a balance ; i. e., they are carefully considered by others, or by themselves, before they are uttered. Ver. 26. Is their moutti. They speak only what they have duly pondered. Ver. 27. Satan, rhv aaTavav. It is not so certain that the prince of evil is here meant. He is at least nowhere else alluded to by our author, nor in any other of the Old Testament Apocryphal books, e.xcepting Wisdom (ii. 24), where dia.$o\os is identified with the serpent of Paradise. Smith's Bible Dictionary (iii. 1145), however, was hardly justified in saying that there is but one passage in the Apocryphal books where Satan is mentioned. Cf. article Teufel in Herzog's Real-Encyk. In any case, the writer represents that a wicked man, instead of cursing Satan, the enemy, as the au- thor of his misfortune, might better think of himself. Chapter XXn. 1 A SLOTHFUL man is like ^ a filthy stone, And every one will hiss over ^ his disgrace. 2 A slothful man is like ^ the filth of a dunghill, Every man that takes it up will shake his hand. 3 A father's shame is in begetting an undisciplined son,* And such a ' daughter is born to his " loss. 4 A prudent ' daughter will get herself a husband,' But she that acteth shamefully is a grief to her father.' 5 The over-bold disgraceth father and " husband. And both wUl despise her.'^ 6 Instruction ^- out of season is as music in mourning ; But stripes and discipline are wisdom at all times." 7 He who " teacheth a fool is as one that glueth a potsherd together ; He ^' waketh one from a sound sleep. 8 He that discourseth '" to a fool discourseth " to one in a slumber. And at the end, he wiU say, What is it ? " 11 "Weep over ^^ the dead, for light failed ; -" And weep over a ''■ fool, for understanding failed.'''^ Vers. 1-8. — > A. V. : is compared to (crvi/epAiiei), is thrown together with ; here, lor the sake of comparison). » him outto(««<7vpietmeanB«)iU AijjoKl,but, as followed by e'lri here, doubtless stands lor the Heb. pltT^, followed by /V. The same verb, followed by 7, meant to whistle for). s compared to. ♦ An evil nurtured son is the dishonooi of his father that begat him {Airx'/mi rraTpbs If yevvi\(rti diroiSrfiou). ' a foolish. » his (the context requires it). Vers. 4-6. ' A. V. ; wise (i^pociVt)). » shall bring an inheritance to her husband (marg., shall be the heir of her husband. Cf. Com.). » But (itaO .... she that liveth dishonestly (xaTaccrxwouo-a) « her father's heaviness. 10 She that is bold (r) «paTepioi' dTi>iam. In the original there probably stood IIIM which should have been rendered by tt6put — ov 6etAtoa-ei). *' a thought of understanding {^n-1 Etafoiq — Btavoias, text rec. and II. — }). " in the imagination of a fool (cf. Com.) cannot. i* fear. ^^ her knowledge lola9ii(ri<; = o sensation, here naturally, of pain). Vers. 20-26. — '" A. v.: Whoso. " at thy .... yrt despair. '• returning to /auour. i' II. »» /or (ir^iji', with the gen.). => or (*cai, in each instance). *= For, for (yop inserted by H. Co.). 23 Be faithful to (Ai/ (nins). • Who will (c£. note at xiii. 27). ' thoughts (Jioyo^ (laTot). 0 they spare ((f>eiVsli/iTmfpiPtp\T)t»en). Ct. Com. Fritzsche thinks "ISDD stood in the original, to be rendered, which ii atoned for). » God grant that it be not (a needless use of the name of God). » such things Bh*U. =» shall. *> in their. »' to untemperate swearing (iiraiStvffil ECCLESIASTICUS. 341 For therein are sinful words.' 14 Remember thy^ father and thy mother, When thou sittest among great men, Lest haply thou be forgetful ° before them, And through thy habit play the * fool. And wish that thou hadst not been born, And curse the da}' of thy nativity. 15 A man ' accustomed to opprobrious words Will not become disciplined * all the days of his life, 16 Two sorts of jnen multiply sin, And the third will bring down ' wrath : A soul, hot as burning fire, Will not ' be quenched till it be consumed ; A fornicator with blood relations Will not ' cease till the fire hath burned out.'" 17 Every sort of '' bread is sweet to a whoremonger, He will not leave off till he is dead.^^ 18 A man that breaketh wedlock saith in himself,** WTio seeth me ? I am compassed about with darkness, and " the walls cover me ; And nobody seeth me ; what should I '^ fear ? The Most High will not remember my sins. 19 And of men's eyes he is afraid ; '° And he perceiveth " not that the eyes of the Lord are ten thousand times brighter than the sun. Looking upon '' all the ways of men, And observing the secret places." 20 The universe was known to him before it was made ; * So also after it was completed.^' 21 This 7nan shall be punished in the streets of the city, And where he suspected ^^ not he shall be taken. 22 Thus also a '^ wife that leaveth her " husband, And bringeth in an heir by another.''* 23 For first, she disobeyed '* the law of the Most High ; And secondly, she trespassed ^ against her husband ; * And thirdly, she played '^ the whore in adultery, And brought in '" children by another '^ man. 24 She shall be led °^ out into the congregation. And calamity shall come upon " her children. 25 Her children shall not take root. And her branches shall not bring forth ^* fruit. 26 She shall leave her memory to be cursed. And her reproach shall not be blotted out. 27 And they that remain shall discern that there is ^ nothing better than the fear of the Lord, And nothing '" sweeter than to take heed unto the commandments of the Lord."" dovpci ; text, rec, with n. aTraiSevai'af iirvprj ; 248. Co., oKoAcuriif opKOv ; 55., dnaiSevvuf opKOu). * is the word ol Bin (Aoyo5 — used collectively — ofiapna?). ^ thy {text. rec. omits o-ou. It is found in III. X. 106., and is adopted by Fritzsche). s Be not (^ijitot' eTTi\d6jj) forgetful. ' so thou by thy custom become a. Vers. 15-21. — ^ A, V. : The man that is. ^ never be refonned- ' bring (^n-a^ei). ^ hot mind m as a burn- ing fire, It will never. « in the body of his flesh Will never. ^'^ he hath kindled a fire. " All 13 die. 13 Saying thus in his heart, i* omils and. ^ need I to. i^ Such a man only feareth the eyes of men " knoweth. " Beholding. i^ considering the most secret parts. ^'^ He knew all things eTe ever they were created. *i thty were perfected he looked upon them all (H- 248. Co. add KoBopa to. waina). ^^ suspecteth Vers. 22-28. — » A. V. : shaU it go also with the. " her (avris is added by 165. 157. 248. Co. Old Lat.). « an- >ther (marg. , a stranger, Codd. 23. 248. 253. Co. read oAAou, instead of aAAorpiou). ^^ hath disobeyed. *' hath trespassed. ** own husband. ^ hath played. s** brought (cf. ver, 22. Gr., Trapurrwa-a. See Com Fritische adopts Koi at the beginning from III. X. H. 23. 106. al. ; text. rec. omits). *i another (cf. ver. 22). » brought. us inquisition shall be made of (en-l to TeKva ainrt^ eirto-'coinj loToi). ^4 ghall bring forth [oXirovtTiv from m. X. 56. 106. 155. al. ; (e«. rjr.,{ioo-ovo'i)no. '^ inow tha.t there is. " (Aa< lAfre « nothing. S' Lord (H. 248. Co. Old Lat. add what appears in the A. V. as ver. 28 : /f u great glory to follow the Lord, And to be received of him u long life}. 342 THE APOCRYPHA. Ca^PTEB xxm. Ver. 1. Their counsel. The reference is ob- viously to what immediately precedes, ray xf'^^""- Ver. 2. Discipline of wisdom = discipline that le.ids to wisdom. — Mine ignorances. Cf. remarks on 47^0101 at 1 Esd. viii. 74. See also li. 19 of the present book. Ver. 3. The idea corresponds with that of the Oriental proverb ; " The passage of a rat is nothing, but it soon becomes a thoroughfare." Or. better, the Latin as quoted by Grotius : ** Prlrjcipiis ohsta ; sero medicina paratur cum mala per loiigas ini-aUiere moras." Ver. 4. MfTewpiafiiv o/pBaX/jtav. We have trans- lated freely, with rritz.sche and Bunsen's BibehoerJc (as also Luther, De Wette, and others, essen- tially) by " lascivious eyes," beheviug that some- thing like nSE7 (lit., a lifiinij up) stood in the original Hebrew for the first word. The prayer naturally is meant in the sense : " Let me not have." Ver. 6. Bodily appetite. So we have ren dered noiXlas ope^K as harmonizing best with the context. And it is not appetite for food that is particularly meant, but rather lust, licentious de- sire. It is more clearly designated in the follow- ing phrase, lust of the flesh, crvi'ouma iKKaitrr) nvp, namely, the fire of passion. Ver. 17. Cf. Prov. v. 15; ix. 17. The thought is that it does not make any difference with such a person who or what the woman is. — Tm he is dead, (ois hv T€\euT77(rp. Others render ; till he Is throui/h, i. e., till he has satisfied his lust. This is the second class : whoremongers in general. The third class, which now follows, are adulterers. Others, however, make all that has been hitherto said under this category refer to one class, and are therefore obliged to regard female adulterers (verse 22) as forming a distinct class, in order to make out the three. Vers. 18-20. The author, or at least his trans- lator, drops at the end of verse 18 the construc- tion with which he began the section, and does not take it up again till the beginning of verse 21, which contains the proper conclusion. — Breaketh wedlock. Lit., passeth by his bed, namely, his marriage bed, in order to go to one that is not allowed. Ver. 21. In the streets. Where he runs about to sate his lust. He will get into conflict with some other person similarly ini-lined. or in some other such way be found out and punished. Ver. 22. Leaveth her husband. Is untrue to him. Ver. 23. Disobeyed, riireiSriiTe 4v. This gram- matical construction is said to be found only here. — Brought in, i.e., into the world ; or, perhaps better, to the rest of the family. She has placed them beside other children which properly belong to herself and husband. Ver. 24. Cf. Lev. xx. 10 ; Deut. xxii. 22. Ver. 25. The reading oiaooaiv for Siixjovai, which Fritzsche adopts, with the authorities above given, presuppo.ses that S£ff3, rather than ]n^. stood in the Hebrew text. Ver. 27. They that remain. Not simply her children are meant, but all who knew her and he» sad end. ECCLESIASTICUS. 343 Chapter XXJV. 1 Wisdom may praise ' herself, And glory '^ in the midst of her people. 2 In the congregation of the Most High may ' she open her month And glory * before his power. 3 I came forth from ^ the mouth of the Most High, And covered the earth as a mist.* 4 I dwelt in the heights^ And my throne was on ' a cloudy pillar. 5 I alone compassed the arch of heaven, And walked about in the depth of abysses.' 6 In the waves of the sea, and in all the earth, And in every people and nation, I got a possession." 7 With all these I sought rest ; And in whose inheritance should '^ I abide ? 8 Then '- the Creator of all things gave me a commandment, And he that made me caused my tabernacle to rest, And said. Let thy dwelling be in Jacob, And thine inheritance in Israel. 9 He created me from the beginning before the world. And I shall never fail. 10 In the holy tabernacle I served before him ; And so was I established in Sion. 11 Likewise in the beloved '' city he gave me rest, And in Jerusalem was my power. 12 And I took root among an honored " people. In " the portion of the Lord, his inheritance." 13 I shot upward like a cedar on ^' Libanus, And as a cypress tree upon the movmtains of Aermon." 14 I shot upward " like a palm tree on the sea shores,^ And as a rose plant in .Jericho, And as '^' a fair olive tree m a field ; ^ And I shot upward -' as a plane tree.'" 15 I gave an odor '^ like cinnamon and the aromatic ^ aspalathos, And I dispersed -"^ a jileasant odor like the best myrrh. As galbanum, and onyx, and sweet storax. And as the fume of frankincense in the tabernacle. 16 As a terebinth I spread ^* out my branches. And my branches were ''^ branches of glory '" and grace. 17 As the vine brought I forth what was agreeable,^^ And my flowers,^- the fruit of glory and riches.** Vers. 1-7. — The title of the following section in III. X. al. is croi^ia; oXv€<7i^ ; so also in II., excepting the order A. v. : shall praise (better, may praise, or Let wLtdom praise. See Cojn.). * shall glory. 3 shall. * tviumpll (same word as in second line, Kaux^trerat, gfory, vaunt herself), ^ came out of (e|>j\5of .... an-o). ^ cload (6/itX'^'T)- ^ high ;7^ce5 (not clear. The heavens are meant). 8 f^ in. 8 walked {Trcpten-dTijaa) in the bottom of the deep [ev pdQei a^vaaojv). ^o got a possession (so the Greek, eKTri(rdi±i}v. But Fritzsche, with Gutmann and others, properly suspects a false translation, suppo.^ing that ^i~l'^Dp stood in the original, for which eKTiaa should have been given. He accordingly renders, as does also Bunsen's Bi/>f/!werfc, " I created." Cf. fon?.!. n shall. Vers. 8-15. — '2 A. v.: So. '^ beloved (marg., /lod/, .is W3. Co. Old Lat.). " in an honourable. '^ Even in. 1" Lord's inlleritance. ^' was exalted {amiipw&Tjv = raised on high; 248. Co. leave off the prep.) .... in. ^ Her- mon ('Aep^uf. This form of the word is also frequent in the LXX.). *^ was exalted. ^o in Engaddi (ec atyioAots ; 248. Co., iv TaSSC, i. e., iv 'EyyaS; ; h 'EyyiSois, 2a6. 318. ; sV TaSoi!, 253. ; Old Lat., in Cades. All are clearly correc- tions for the first). ^' As (Fritzsche receives Kai from III. X. 106. 165. 157. 254. 296. 308. ; text. rec. omits). *2 pleasant (wpaiu is prefixed by II. 248. Co.) field. ^ grew up {eLw^uiSt^v). 24 tree by the water (the addition ifl from 248. Co. Old Lat.). »« a sweet smell (oo-nii-. Codd. 23. 248. 253., with Co., omit it and the verb UiuiKa.). ^ omits the aromatic (dpuinaTwv, which follows aajroAaeos. In 248. Co., instead of the la^t word is read is irdXadoc). 21 yielded (6ie8(iiita). Vers. 16-22. — *8 A. v. : turpentine tree I stretched (see Com.). ^^ are the. so honour (So^ijs). 3i pleasant lavour (xdpii^ ; 248. Co., evuSioF. Cf . Com .). 32 flowers are. ss honour (see ver. 16) and riches (As ver. 18 in the A. v. there appears what has been added, with slight variations, by H. 248. Co. Old Lat. : I am the nother of fair love 344 THE APOCRYPHA. 19 Come unto me, ye that desire me,* And lill yourselves with my fruits. 20 For the thought of me is '^ sweeter than honey, And my possession than ^ honeycomb. 21 They that eat me shall yet be hungry, And they that drink me shall yet be thirsty. 22 He that obeyeth me shall not be ashamed,* And they that work by ^ me shall not sin.° 23 All these things are true of the ' book of the covenant of the Most High Glod, The * law which Moses commanded us As ^ an heritage unto the congregations of Jacob.*" 25 It filleth with " wisdom, as Phison, And as Tigris in the time of tlie n&^ fruits, 26 It maketh insight *- abound like Euphrates, And as Jordan in the time of the harvest. 27 It maketh instruction *' appear as the light, As Geon ** in the time of vintage. 28 The first man knew her not perfectly, And so '^ shall the last not trace *^ her out. 29 For her thought aboundeth more " than the sea, And her purposes ** than the great deep. 30 I also came out as a canal " from a river, And as a conduit into a garden. 31 I said, I will water my garden,'" And will water abundantly my garden bed. And lo, my canal ^^ became a river, And my river became a sea. 32 I will yet make instruction ^^ shine as the morning, And will send forth her light afar off. S3 I will yet pour out teaching "' as prophecy. And leave it to everlasting generations." 34 Behold that I labored not ^ for myself only, But for all them that seek her.''" And fear, and knowledge, and holy hope : I therefore bein^ eternal, am given to all my children Whkh are named ol himj. ^ all ye that be desLrous of me {X. Old Lat. add waives after ^e). ^ my memorial is. • mine in« heritance than the. * never be confounded (248. Co. add fitajroi'Tos). ^ work by (epyo^o/xn'oi w. Plitzsche ren- ders, jnake xtse of my service ; Bunsen's Bibelwerk, gives himself trouble on my account. Cf. Com.). * do amlfi4 (a>iapr^crouai). Vers. 23-29. — ' A. V. : are the (the words supplied seem needful to complete the sense). * Even the. • omits ns (Fritzsche receives tiiuv from III. X. 56. 156. 248. 263. 254. Co.), and has For instead of As. '" Jacob (A. V., as ver. 24, has an addition as follows : Faint not to be strong in the Lord ; That he may confirm you, cleave unto him : For the Lord Almighty is God alone, And besides him there is no other Saviour. They come from H. 248. Co. Old Lat. with Blight variations). i' He filleth all things with his (248. Co. insert rrayra before and aurou after ttjs (rw^i'as). " He .... the understanding to. i^ He ... . doctrine of knowledge (n-aiSetW, to which 248. Co. add yvtinrew;) appear as the light (cf. Com.). » And as Geon (so H. 248. 254. Co.). « No more. '" last find. " thoughts (SiariTKia ; III. 55. 106. 253. 264. 296. 308., the plur. ; 248. Co., same with the article) are more (eirAijeiireTi). ^ Counsels (i ^ovAi) profounder. Vers. 30-34. — '» A. V. : brook (marg., drain or ditch). =0 jjest (248. Co. add tw afurrov to /c^iroi') garden. *5 brook. 28 doctrine (TraiSei'o;'). *> doctrine [SiSavKaXiav). ^ all ages forever (eis yeveos aluivuv), " have not laboured. ^° wisdom (auT^c }. Chapter XXIV. Ver. 1. The future, alveiret, seems to stand for the imperfect of the Hebrew, which may be ren- dered by may, can, or will. Ver. 2. Cougregation of the Most High, i. e., the Israelitish people. Cf. verse 12. — Before (^i/ai/Ti) his power. This may be another ex- pre,si8ion for the temple, meaning the same as " before the ark of the covenant," on which the glory of the Lord was enthroned. Others trans- late : be/ore his host, namely, Israel or the heavenly host. Ver. 3. Cf. this verse and what follows with Gen. i. 2, and Fiov. viii. Ver. 4. "Was on a cloudy pillar = was a cloudy pillar : i. e., it was in the heights of heaven. So in Baruch (iii. 29) it is asked concerning wis- dom : " Who hath gone up into heaven, and taken her, and brought her down from the clouda ' " Cf . also Ps. Ixviii. 34 ; Ixxxix. 5, 6. The " cloudy pillar " which led Israel in the wilderness cannot well be meant. The originul dwelling-place of wisdom is under consideration. It is not till afterwards (verse 8) that her earthly habitation is mentioned. Ver. 5. Depth of abysses. The bottom ol ECCLESIASTICUS. 345 the sea is meant, ;is antithetic to the heights of heaven. Ver. 6. I got a possession, iKTT](rdfj.-qv. This is generally regariled as a failure in translation. The word Tl^-P probably stood in the Hebrew, as Gutmann and others suppose, and this is one of its meanings. But the meaning here should liave been created, irorlced, in order to bring it into harmony with the common rejireseutation that God first created wisdom, and that then it was with him in the creation and orderly arrange- ment of other things. Cf. Wisd. ix. 9. Ver. 7, 8. Gutmann thinks it possible that there is a reference here to the tradition found also in the Talmud (7V. Clbr. fol. 2), that God offered the Law to all the peoples of the earth in order ; but none were ready to accept it, except Israel. Ver. 9. From the beginning, before the world, nph rod a'lavos air' apxv'- Bretschneider and Bunsen's Bihdwerlc suppose the last two Greek words to be simply a gloss on the preced- ing. Fritzsche, however, maintains that they are original, and used for emphasis. Cf. the LXX. at Micah v. 2 (air' hpxris 4^ T}/jL€pui/ aiutvos), for a similar collocation of words. Ver. 10. In Sion, namely, in the temple on Mount Sion. Ver. 11. Was my power, i^ovarta. Here much the same as rule, sway. The Law, which accord- ing to this representation was the same as wis- dom, bore sway in everything that concerned the Jewish people. Ver. 13. In the LXX. at Ps. xxix. 6, we have also the same spelling of the word, At$aiio5. The cedar is often used in the Old Testament as an illustration. Cf. Smith's Bib. Diet., art. " Cedar." — Mountains of Aermon. A mountain range is meant. The plural (2'"3I3~'n) is also found at Ps. xlii. 6. The reading " Sion " (Syr. and Ar., followed by Bretschneider) for " Aermon " arose out of the fact that this was another name of the same mountain (]S''tO, the elevated). Cf. Deut. iv. 48. Ver. 14. On the sea-shores, ^v aiyioAois. Bret- schneider, De Wette, Bunsen's BihelwerJc, and others adopt the reading at Enqedi (cf. Text. Notes). But it is likely that it arose from a gloss. At least, it is far more likely that it was an after-thought than the common reading. En- gedi was situated on the western shore of the Dead Sea, and was famous for its groves of palms. — Rose plant, (pvra ^oSou. Cf. Sol. Songs ii. 1, and Is. xxxvi., where alone in the Knglish ver- sion of the Old Testament canonical bucks this flower is mentioned. The rose proper, however, is probably not meant in these passai^es. And in the present verse, as also at xxxix. 13, 1. 8, it is most likely that the Oleander is referred to. Cf. Fnrrer in Schenkel's Bib. Lex., s. v. — A plane tree. This is a tree of the maple kind. Ver. 15. Aromatic aspalathus. It was a prickly shrub, yielding a fragrant oil. It is re- ferred to by 'Theognis (1193), and as an instru- ment of torture in Plato's Republic (616 a.). Cf. also Pliny, Hist. Nat., xii. 24. — Galbanum. This was one of the perfumes employed in the preparation of the sacred incense. The word is much the same in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, and it is supposed that the same thing is meant l.y it. Cf. Smith's Bib. Diet., s. v. — Onyx. It was probably the operculum of a certain species of shell-fish which was used for perfume. Cf. XXX. 34, where it is mentioned as one of the in- gredients of the sacred perfume. — Sweet storax, iTTaKTT;. It is the Hebrew ^Xl'2 of Ex. xxx. 34. The gum which exudes from the myrrh plant. Pliny (xii. 35) says: " Sudaiit [i. e. myrrh-trees] sponte priusquam incidantur stacten dictam cut nulla prcefertur.*' Others, however, think it to be the finest kind of storax gum (Dioscar., i. 79). But it is doubtful if the latter would have re- ceived this name in Greek. Cf. Winer, Bib. Realworterbuch, s. v. Ver. 16. As a terebinth. It is probably the Hebrew n^S, oak. In Arabic it is called Butm. According to Robinson : " There is said to flow from incisions in the trunk a sort of transparent balsam, constituting a very pure and fine species of turpentine, with an agreeable odor like citron or jessamine." He afterwards adds, however : '' In Palestine nothing seems to be known of this product of the Butm ! " Cf. Smith's Bib. Diet., s. V. Ver. 17. What was agreeable, x"^/""' This seems a better rendering than that of our version, although Grotius also has : " produxi vinum bene olens," following the Old Latin, which has ; ^^ suavitatem odoris." It was doubtless intended as a paraphrase or explanation, but as such is mis- leading Ver. 21. The idea is beautiful, and not in opposition to that of John iv. 14. Ver. 22. Work by me, oi ipya(6ii.fV0i ii/ ifioC. Clearer, who avail themselves of my help. Cf. xiii. 4. The verb means to prosecute, realize, complete something, a work; or, without an object, to be active, to labor, to do business with, take trouble about. So eipyafffiTo iv avTots at Matt. x.xv. 16. Ver. 23. Congregations of Jacob. This is possibly a reference to the various synagogues of Israel scattered among different nations and in different lands. Cf. Ps. Ixviii. 26. Ver. 25. The law is meant. It gives a f ullneds of wisdom, as Pison and Tigris a fullness of wa ter. Cf. Gen. ii. 11, 14. — The time of the new fruits. The time when there was the greatest abundance of water in March and April. Ver. 27. Appear as the light, dxipalfaiv ij (f>iis. Here, too, it is quite clear there has been a failure in translation. It was to be expected that along with the other rivers the Nile would be mentioned, as it evidently was in the original. The word there was most likely not "liM, light, but liS'^, river, by which name the Nile is sometimes known in Scripture. Cf. Is. xxiii. 3 ; Am. viii. 8. For this supposition the following phrase furnishes good support. There is no Kai in the Greek before iis rT\aii. And it is a fact that at the time of the vintai^e in September and October the iV(7e stood at its highest point. Hence it is clear that Geon, i. e., Gihon, is used here as synonymous with the Nile. It is also so used in Jer. ii. 18, in the LXX. Ver. 29. Aboundeth (4iv\-n6tji/dri) more than the sea. The thoughts which flow out of it are more numerous and more grand and immeasur- able than the sea. Ver. 30. I, also. The writer, .Jesus Sirach. — As a canal. Such as was used for irriga- tion. 346 THE APOCRYPHA. Ver. 31. My garden. The word for garden is here Kriiroy, while in the previous verse it is vapiSetaoy. Ver. 33. As prophecy. Grotius says the meaning is, with the certainti/ of prophecy ; Gaab, 'tary, pp. 134-136. with its inspiration, enthusiasm ; Fritzsche, with its fullness. Bishop Lowth made an attempt to re- produce the present chapter in Hebrew; and Vritzsehe has printed the result in his Commen Chapter XXV. 1 In three things I was beautified, And stood up beautiful before the Lord * and men : Unity - of brethren, and * love of neighbors, And man and wife * that agree together. 2 But ^ three sorts of men my soul hateth. And I greatly detest ^ their life : ' A poor man that is proud, a rich man that is a liar, An old adulterer wanting in understanding.' 3 If thou hast not gathered in ' youth. How canst thou find it ^^ in thine age ? 4 0 how comely a thing is judgment " for gray hairs, And for old men '- to know counsel ! 5 O how comely is the wisdom of old men, And vmderstanding and counsel to men of honor ! 6 Much experience is the crown of old men. And the fear of the Lord '* is their glory. 7 Nine things I in mine heart pronounce " happy, And the tenth I will utter with my tongue : A man that hath joy of his children ; And he that liveth to see the fall of enemies ; 8 Happy he -"^ that dwelleth with a wife of understanding, And that slippeth not ^^ with his tongue. And that serveth not one unworthy of him ; " 9 Happy he that hath found prudence,^* And that speaketh it in willing ears." 10 O how great is he that findeth wisdom ! Yet is he not -° above him that feareth the Lord. 11 The fear of the Lord surpasseth everything ;^' He that lioldeth it fast, to whom -- shall he be likened ?°* 13 Any -'' plague, but the plague of the heart, And any wickedness, but the wickedness of a woman. 14 Any ^ affliction, but the affliction of ^'^ them that hate me, Vers. 1-4. — ' A. V. : beautiful (see Com.) both before God. ^ The unity (o^tovoia ; 248. Co., o^ocotav, and later ^lAiaf). * the. * A man and a wife (248. 253. Co. omit nai before at^p). ^ omits But (5e', as Athan., accordiog lo Ilolmes and Parsons). ^ am greatl}' offended at (irpocrwx0io"a). ^ life (fwp, but here manner of life). ® And |H. 106. 248. Co. have koi' before yipovTo.) an old adulterer (23. Old Lat. Syr. Ar., ixCipov. But the former is supported By a passage from the Talmud) that doateth [iKarrovfifvov (n>fto-€i). " hast gathered nothing in thy {248. Co. add uov ,0 reoTTiTi). "' canst thou find (etipoit ; ejpijs, 106. 248. 296. Co. Aid.) any lliing (wisdom is meant). 'i judgment KpiaLi. It is understood as a sentence pronounced upon others, by Wahl, Fritzsche, and Bunsen's Bibettverk). * ancient men. Vers. 6-9, — " A. V. ; God. " TAert 6e nine things liVi/cA 1 have judged in mine (111. X. U. 66. 106. 157. al. Co. Dave titni) heart to be. ^^ his enemy .... Well is him. ^" hath not slipped (aor., but in the sense of the present). " hath not served a man more unworthy than himself (avajtw ainov ; eoutou, III. 23. 56. 106. al. ; text, rec, avrov) >8 Well is him .... prudence {tjjpovTjaiv. It seems to refer here to practical wisdom, gutchness, keenness, and is rendered by Fritzsche and Bunsen's Bibeln-erk, Ktugheit. Fritzsche supposes that a line has fallen out at this, reading as fol- lows ; " Happy he who has found a true friend."' The Old Lat. has a different form for ver. 9 ; bealus qui invenit amieum verum, et gui enarrat justiliam auri audienti. A. V. also, has in the margin, a friend, ioT prudence). ^^ he that speaketh in the ears of them that ivill hear. Vers. 10-12. — »' A. V. : is there none (oi/it iariv). =' But the love l.|>6^os ; i-yimicrct ie, 248. Co.) of the Lord passeth all things (.niv ; Ttifra, 106. 185. 157. 308.) for illumination (248. Co. add eis iiiioTiuit.6v). ^^ holdeth It (KpoTui- aiirov), whereto (marg., lo whom). a liliencd (A. V. adds, as ver. 12, with H. 248. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Ai., The fear of thi Lord is the beginning of his love ; And faith is the beginning of cleaving unto him). Vers. 13, 14. — 2» A. V. : Give me any. =» And (jtai is found befors rrairav in III. X. 65. 155. 167. 254. 296. 30& »ny ^ affliction from {enayiayriv , usu'illy visitation, catamity). ECCLESIASTICUS. 347 And any revenge, but the revenge of enemies. 15 There is no head above tlie head ^ of a serpent, And there is no wrath above the wrath of an enemy. 16 I would rather dwell together - with a lion and a dragon, Than dwell ' with a wicked woman. 17 The wickedness of a woman changeth her appearance,* And darkeneth her countenance like sackcloth.^ 18 Her husband sitteth down ' among his neighbors, And he heareth and sigheth' bitterly. 19 Any wickedness is * little to the wickedness of a woman ; Let the portion of a sinner fall to ' her. 20 A sandy ascent to the feet of an old man,'" So is a wife full of words " to a quiet man. 21 Stumble not ^^ at the beauty of a woman, And desire not a woman because of her beauty." 22 If a woman '* maintain her husband. There is strife, and impudence, and much shame." 23 Low spirits, and a sad countenance. And a wounded heart is a wicked woman." She that doth not make happy her husband," Maketh weak hands and feeble knees. 24 Of the woman came the beginning of sin, And through her we all die. 25 Give the water no passage. Neither a wicked woman liberty.'' 26 If she go not as thou leadesli" Cut her off from thy flesh. ^ Vers. 15-17. — ■ A. V. : head (see Com.). ' had rather dwell. ' to keep house (ivonrijo-o* ; m. H. 23. 248. al., rvfOtK7)(rai). * face Vopairtv ; 157. 248. Co., irfiotmnov). ^ sackcloth (marg., tike a bear ; text, ree., (tokkov, which Fritzsche would reject for aptcos, with III. X. 23. 65. 248. al. Co. ; Old Lat., tanquam iirsus et quasi saeeum ostendit , see Coift ). Vers. 18-26. — " A. V. : shall sit (ocaTreffeiTai. As we sometimes BRy, lies back, ties off, i. e., takes recreation). ' when he heareth it {see Com.) shall sigh (248. Co. add St' air^i'). ^ All wickedness is but. " upon. 'O As (^. 248. Co. Old Lat. haTe ws) the climbing up a sandy way iat'afiais fuit before avioij). » Wkick * Whether a man be rich or poor, if he have a good heart towards the Lord (n-Xovcriov Se ">* whole passage) w But a. '1 is a yoke (niarg., yoke of o:ren) shaken to and fro {coXevofkevov = driven hither and thither, i.e., because lU-matched). " hath (xparili'). " though he held (o 8poo .\nd the stronger they are which contend, the more they will be inflamed (see Com.). " And (X. 53. 254. 296. have icai) as ... . strength ( ? influence). ^ fighting ((iiixi, rendered ver. 8, " strife j " but it means here a strife that comes to blows and blood). Vers. 13-17. — >3 A. V. : suck have {text. rec. with II. plur. Fritzsche adopts the sing, from III. X. 55. 106. 155. 157. 307.). '* backbiting (lit., " a third.'' but 248. Co., Sio-ini, as also in the following verse, with 157. At this point the Rom. ed. of the LXX. (1587) has the following annotation in the margin : *' In the margin of the Vatican Codex (? II.) there is written, yKtatrtro. rpi-nj, TeTpTjTnjpLe'nj." Nothing of this sort appears in the edition of this MS. by Cozza). 15 disquieted (not strong enough for ^ffdAevo-e here). 1"^ omiVs And (as 55. 254.). ''the houses. "virtuous (dvSpti'as ; cf . sxvi. 2). '** Whoso hearkeneth .... shall never find. 20 j^^^ never dwell quietly .... marks VwAiu^ras. Fritzsche adopts ixuiKtoira from 111. X. C. 55. 106. al. ; Old Lat., livorem). Vers. 18-22. — =' A. V. : Well is. 22 And. 23 passed through the venom thereof (^i^ASev if tm Su/xu avris * passed through in the midst," etc.). 21 drawn le'iAKvtre, but better understood in the Occident if " borne " is used). » .N'or hath. 26 The grave. 27 better (AvaireAiis ; cf. Too. ill. 6.). 2» have rule over (itpoiTiioT)) them that fe.nr ', to bind. On its force at Matt. xvi. 19, cf. the commentators, and Cremer's Lex., sub voce. Ver. 7. Overlook a fault, wiptSt iyyoiav. On the latter word, cf. xxiii. 2, and 1 Esd. viii. 75. Ver. 10. The members are misplaced in the common text. That which is put at the end should come immediately after the first, in order to preserve the parallelism : " As the material of the fire is, so it burneth; As the subject (o-Tepe- ttiffii') of the stiife is, so it burneth." It is prob- able, as Fritzsche and Bunsen's Bibelwerk agree, that C'*V3 stood in the original, in the sense of " according to the subject ; " but the translator mistook it for 'Z'''VZ, firmness, strength. Still, with the latter meaning an intelligible sense is possible. Cf. for the thought, Prov. xxvi. 20, 21. Ver. 12. Come out of thy mouth, i.e., are within thy easy control. Ver. 13. KaTopoireai. The infinitive for the imperative. Cf. Winer, p. 316. Ver. 14. A backbiting (rphri) tongue. The A. V. brings out the sense correctly. " A third tongue," according to Oriental usage, means a tongue that makes discord, sows calumny. It is thought by some that the author had the Samari- tans in view, who are mentioned in Ez. iv. It is more probable, however, if any particular case is in view, that the intrigues of court are meant. A parallel passage is quoted from the Talmud (T^iy, fol. 15). In the Orient one says : " The third tongue, or the tongue between, slays three persons, — the calumniator, the calumniated, and him who listens." Cf. Gutmann, Com., in loc. Ver. 19. Borne the yoke. Cf. Matt. xi. 29 ■ Upare rhv (uy6i> ;uou. At Deut. xxi. 3 we have the expression, " drawn in the yoke " ( viVB). Cf. Van Lennep, Bible Lands, p. 76. Ver. 21. Real death is preferable, he would say, to such a death-in-Iife, such a civil and social ostracism, as it causes. Ver. 22. Kpar-fiari, shall not get at, get power over, and so dominate. The first thought is more in place here : not even get possession of, much less rule. Ver. 23. Into it. The stinging, torturing fire which a calumniating tongue kindles, is meant. Cf . .Tas. iii. 6. — 'Ev auTois iKKa-l]aerat. Cf. the Hebrew and LXX. at Numb. xi. 1 : " The fire of the Lord burnt among them, and consumed them." — As a leopard (iropSoAis). The Greek word was used by the ancients for leopard, pan- ther, and ounce. In Homer the word TravBrip is also found, and TrSpSaXis is his usual way of spell- ing the former word. On the panther (which is here meant) and its habits, cf. Van Lennep, Bible Lands, pp. 249-254. The word " leopard " is never properly used of the "l^? °^ Scripture. It was a word first introduced in the fourth century to distinguish the African from the Asiatic " pan- ther." Ver. 24. The meaning seems to be : "If thoD wouldest not suffer irreparable loss, be watchful over thy tongue : it needs guarding qnite as mud as thy land, or thy silver and gold." Chapter XXIX. 1 He that practiceth mercy ^ will lend unto his neighbor, And he that supporteth with ^ his hand keepeth the commandments. 2 Lend to Iht/ neighbor in time of his need. And pay thou thy neighbor again in due season. Ver«.l,2.— ' A. v.: is merciful (irocii' f\eos). > strengtheneth (see Com.). ECCLESIASTICUS. 356 3 Keep thy ^ word, and deal in good faith ^ with him, And thou shalt always ' find the thing that is necessary for thee. 4 Many reckon what is lent as something found,^ And put them to trouble that help ^ them. 6 Till he get it,' he will kiss one's hands,' And for his neighbor's money he will speak humbly ; ' But when he should repay,' he wUl prolong the time, And return words of grief, And complain of the time. € If he be able,^" he shall hardly get back " half, And he will count it as something found ; ''^ But " if not, he hath deprived him of his money, And he hath gotten him an enemy without cause ; " He payeth him with cursings and railings. And for honor he wUl pay him disgrace. 7 Many therefore refuse because of such baseness," Fearing to be defrauded to no purpose." 8 Yet have thou patience with a man in poor estate, And delay not to shew him mercy. 9 Help a poor man " for the commandment's sake, And turn him not away empty '* because of his poverty. 10 Lose money for the sake of a brother and '' friend, And let it not rust under the '^ stone to be lost. 11 Lay up thy treasure according to the commandments of the Most High, And it shall bring thee more profit than the ^ gold. 12 Shut up alms in thy storehouses. And it shall deliver thee from all Ul-fortune.^^ 13 It shall fight for thee against thine enemy ,^ Better than a mighty shield and strong *• spear. 14 A good man will be^ surety for his neighbor; But he that is shameless wUl fail ^° him. 15 Forget not the favor " of thy surety, For he gave himself "' for thee. 16 A sinner will overthrow the fortune of ™ a surety, 17 And a man of ^^ unthankful mind will fail him that delivered.** 18 Suretyship hath undone many of good estate. And shaken ^- them as a wave of the sea ; Mighty men hath it driven from their homes,*' So that they wandered among foreign ^* nations. 19 A sinner falleth ^' into suretyship, And he that runneth after gain falleth into suits.°° Vers. 3-6. — ' A. V. ; Keep {irrepeaam ^ make Jirm, strong : in the LXX. generally, c The upbraiding of house-room (67riTt(iT)(ns oiicios), and reproaching of the lender (icat ocetSctr^ib? Saveitnov). Chaptek XXIX. Ver. 1. 'O eTTitrxvuv, one who makes strong, swjo- ports. This is tlie meaning of the Hiphil of p'^n, for which this Greek word probably stands. It refers to lending to the poor neighbor. Cf. Deut. XV. 7, 8 ; Prov. xix. 17 ; Matt. v. 42. Ver. 2. And pay thou ; namely, thou debtor, thou that liast burrowed. Ver. .3, The thing that is necessary. The money that one needs 10 borrow will be forth- coming, if one pay his debts promptly and keep his promises. Ver. 5. Return words of grief. Instead of paying back the borrowed money, he will put on a doleful countenance, and talk of misfortunes and hard times. — 'AKn^bias, "without care, but used here in the sense of grief, as also at Bar. lii. 1. Ver. 6. '^av io-xuffj?. If he (the debtor) have the power, be able (to pay). — He, namely, the other, the creditor. — But if not, namely, if the debtor be not able to J)ay. This sudden change of subject is not uncommon in Greek prose au- thors. See also Luke xi.-i. 4 ; Mark ix. 20. Cf. Winer, p. 6.')2. — And he (the creditor) hath got- ten him an enemy. — He (the debtor) payeth. Ver. b. It is sujiposed that the man is really poor; and not like him just njentioned, one who pleads ])0verty to get rid of paying his just dues. Cf. Matt, xviii. 26. Ver. ID. The meaning is: "Kather lose thy money by lending it to thy poor Israelitish brother, than by hoarding it up in a miserly way to do no one any good." — 'laifl^ru, rust. Used in this sense only in the language of llie people, since gold cannot properly rnst. Cf. xii. 10, and Ep. of Jer. 12, 24; Jas. v. 3, with Meyer's Coin, on the last passage. Ver. 11. More profit than the gold. Be more useful than the mere heaping up of money. Cf. Luke xii. 33. Ver. 12. Shut up alms. Money for benevolent purposes {eXe'qfj.otrui^rjy). Ver. 15. Himself, TtV "("'X^'' ""''■''"■ " Pericuh damni aid t^tiam strvilutis semet opposuit, ut te liber- wet." Grotius. The debtor who did not pay could be sold with his wife and children into servitude. Cf. Keil, ArcIiaoL, p. 726 ff. Ver. 18. Mighty (SufttTous), i.e., wealthy, and so influential. Ver. 19. A sinner (ajuaprtoArSs) faUeth into suretyship. He does not become surety for an- other as a matter of friendship or duty. He goes into it rashly for the sake of gain, and so ruins himself. There is no occasion for rejecting, with Bretschneider and Bunsen's Bihehverl^, afxapr(i)\6i as a corruption; or with De Wette to render: " He becomes a sinner who falls into suretyship." — Runneth after [jobs for the sake of| gain, SiciKoiv epyoKa^elas. The latter word means, a contract for doing work. The \erb in a secondary sense signities to do anything to make money ; and that seems to be the thought here, with special reference to advancing money in enter- prises where great returns are expected. — FaUeth into suits (eh KpiVeir), namely, suits at law. or, perhaps better, into judgments. He will be con- demtied by the courts, and so have the re|)iitaiioii of a bad or dangerous character in the corurnu- niiy. ECCLESIASTICUS. 357 Ver. 2 1 . The chief thing [apx'h ) • the staff, as we iro more accustomed to say. — To cover shame. This refers to the clothiLg, rather than to the house. Cf.Phil.iv.il. Grotius, Bretschneider, Fritzsche, and others receive, on the basis of the authorities above given, the additional words found in the text as the second member of this verse : " And the reproach," etc. Naturally, how- ever, it will always be suspected that the sentence was inserted by somebody to snpply the place of a lost clause. Ver. 27. 'Airi irpoaciirou 5(i|7js means either from before ((o) a man of honor, or with Fritzsche it may be referred to the dwelling, " (?e( o»t of this splendor," i. e., this splendidly furnished dweDing. Chapter XXX. 1 He that loveth his son causeth him oft to feel the rod, That he may have joy over his later life.^ 2 He that disciplineth his son shall have joy in him,'^ And shall rejoice in ' him among his acquaintance. 3 He that teacheth liis son maketh his enemy envious,* And before his friends he shall rejoice in ^ him. 4 Though his father die, yet he is as though he were not dead,* For he hath left one behind him that is like himself. 5 While he lived, he saw and rejoiced,' And when he died he was not sorrowful : 6 He left behind him an avenger against his enemies, And one that shall requite kindness to his friends. 7 He that indulgeth a ' son shall bind up his wounds, And shall be inwardly ° troubled at every cry. 8 A horse not broken becometh " headstrong. And a son left to himself will be willful. 9 Treat tenderly a '^ child, and he shall make thee afraid. Play with him, and he will bring thee to heaviness. 10 Laugh not with him, lest thou have sorrow with him, And lest thou gnash thy teeth in the end. 11 Give him not ^^ liberty in his youth. And wink '^ not at his follies." 12 Bow down his neck while in his youth,^' And beat his sides '" while he is a child. Lest he become " stubborn, and be disobedient unto thee, And thou have anguish of soul.'* 13 Discipline '' thy son, and hold him to labor,^ Lest his shameful "^^ behavior be an offense unto thee.''^ 14 Better a poor man,^' sound and strong of constitution,'^ Vers. 1-4. — 1 A. V. : Of him in the end {eir' itrxiiniv avrov. Fritzsche reads eaxaTw*/, with X. 23. 55. 155. al. Co. ; /ctf. ree., dat. Bing. ; Cod. n. also has etrxaruv, by the first hand. The title of this section in II. III. X. al. is Trepl riievwv) ' chastiseth (iraiSevwcJ .... joy in him (marg., good by him ,■ Gr., ot^creTai cir' auTiii ; 248. Co., evrftpavBriiTsTai €7r* avrif) 8 Of. * grieveth the enemy (Tropa^TjAwtrec Toi/ exOp^v)- ^ Of. ^ dead {lit., " His father died, and it is as though he died not"). Vers. 6-9. — ^ A. V. : rejoiced in him (248. Co. Old Lat. add en-' avrw). ^ maketh too much of hix (irepti/nj;( and good state of body are. > Or. (The words KaX avairavnt aiirvot Fritzsche with Bretschneider, receives from H. ; Old Lat., requUs alema ; 3yr. Ar., the grave ; text. ree. omita-) * delicates poured. ^ messes of meat set (de'^ara fiptufxaTiov). Vers. 19-20. — ^ A. V. : the. *^ For neither can it eat nor smell. ' persecuted (marg., afflicted ; Or., ckSiuko. ucvos. Sickness is referred to). * over thy mind (rijc i^xi^i* (rou, i. e., thyself). ^ in thine own counBel (sea Com.). ^^ The gladness of the ... of man. i^ (marg., exultation ; Gr., ayaAAia/ia). '2 thine own soul (tti*' ^nrxri' o-ov. See ver. 21. Codd. C. 23. 155. 253. 254. 307. 308. read irrirc for iiiita ; cf. xiv. 16). ■= killed (Fritzsche adopts anuiKeirev from III. X. C. H. 106. 165. 157. 296. ; 248. Co. the same, and add koX airdxTeivev ; text, ree., aveKTeivev), ^* carefulness. i^ cheerful and good heart will have a care of his meat and diet (Aofijrpa — cf. xxxi. 23 — KopSia Kal ayoBri ewi eSeV^ao-i Taif fipajixiTwv avT^s cTrt/ieA^aeTai. This Terse is the twelfth of chap, xxxiii. of the Greek text. See Com.). Chapteb XXX. Ver. 1. 'EvSeXfx^iTfi- Here used e.xceptionally in a transitive sense. Avroii refers to " son,'* and limits iffxaToiv, may rejoice over his later life. Ver. 2. Rejoice in him. Cf. for a similar construction Ps. xlix. 6 ; Pi-ov. xxv. 14 ; Rom. v. 2. — Among (his) acquaintance. Naturally, it would not he iu good taste to rejoice over him in this sense among strangers or doubtful friends. Ver. 3. Saw and rejoiced. Saw during his life the sou, and rejoiced in him as a well edu- cated, dutiful son, and died in peace with the assurance that he would go on as he had begun. Ver. B. An avenger. Cf. art. " Cities of Refuge." in Smith's Bib. Diet. ; and " Blutrache," in Keil's Bib. Arc/idol. , pp. 720, 734. Ver. 7. nepn^f/p^ofc, cool off round about, and so refresh, indubje. — Bind up his wounds, produced in brawls into which his ungovcrned passions had led him. — Troubled at every cry, ;'. e., while his wounds are dressed. Vcre. 9-12. One might suppose the advice here given was for the treatment of slaves rather than children, and it would even then be harsh. The underlying idea is undoubtedly good, and needful in our day, as well as in that of the iinthor of our book. But, in detail, it would be a very unsafe principle to follow. The s])irit that rules in the inspired books of the Bible is quite another one. Cf. Dent. xxxi. 12, 13 ; Prov. xxiii. 15. It encourages no weak indulgence (Prov. xiii. 24; xxii. 15; xxix. 15), but just as little unsympathetic and unloving harshness (Matt. xix. 13; Acts ii. 39 ; Eph. vi. 4 ; Col. iii. 21). An old Greek proverb is also worth con- sidering ; " He who is most severe against his son in admonitions is harsh only in words ; in his treatment he is a father. — ToiKptiCftv =: to have pain in the hack teeth, but here is equivalent to $pvXfti>. The name y6ii(pws was given to the molar tooth. Ver. 14. Afilicted. Tlie word fjteiMcumya>/j.evos means, rather, sconn/ed, beaten. But as the refer- ence of the context is to sickness, the A. V. doubt- less gives the true sense. Ver. 17. Eternal rest, i. e., in the grave. There is probably no reference to the promised rest of tlie godly, and the jiassage itself, as will be seen, is but poorly supported. Ver. 18. Cf. remarks at Tohit iv. 17, on cer- tain funeral customs Ver. 19. 'EKSiaK6/xeyoi, afflicted. This verb means to chase up, drive out, banish. The sense here must be, punishes, or visits with chastisement, affliction. Luther renders: " whom God maket ECCLESIASTICUS. 359 tichly. Sickness is held to be a chastisement also at xxxviii. 15. Ver. 21. In thine own counsel (A. V.), h 0ov\ii ffov. This rendering is not clear. Bov\f! might better be taken in the sense of deliberation, reflection, and refer to that revolving of painful thoughts in one's mind which is so characteristic of certain temperaments. Ver. 23. A proportionate regard for one's self is the highest duty. " The liest, the most Christian-like pity we can show is to have pity on our own souls ; the best, the most acceptable ser- vice we can render is to do justice and show mercy to ourselves." Coleridge's Aids to Reflection. Be- tween verse 24 of this chapter and xxxvi. 16, the chapters and verses of the common Greek text are in great disorder. And although this text is supported by all the Greek MSS. with but one exception (248.), it is obviously incorrect, as the want of connection in the thought sufficiently proves. The Old translations, Arabic, Syriac, and Old Latin, on the other hand, give a differ- ent arrangement. And since the latter, as far as age is concerned, have nearly or quite as much weight as the former, they have been commonly followed. In Fritz.sche's judgment, only thought- lessness and exegetical incapacity would lead any one to decide in favor of the order of the Greek MSS., since according to them some verses would be wholly unexplainable, and without any proper connection in the text. Happily, in this case, we find our English text already on the right side. 10 11 12 13 14 Chapter XXXI. Sleeplessness for the sake of * riches consumeth the flesh, And the care thereof driveth away '^ sleep. Sleepless care ° will not let n man slumber,* As a sore disease breaketh ^ sleep. A rich man tLi-eth himself out ^ in gathering riches together. And when he resteth, he is sated with his delicacies.' A poor man tireth himself out in a straitened life, And when he resteth, he cometh to want.* He that loveth gold shall not be justified,^ And he that followeth corruption shall be sated with it,^ Gold hath been the ruin of many,'' And their destruction was before them.'^ It is a stumbling-block '^ unto them that sacrifice unto it, And every fool shall be taken therewith. Blessed is a rich man who ^* is found without blemish, And hath not gone after gold. Who is he ? and we will call him blessed ; For wonderful things hath he done among his people. Who hath been tried thereby, and found perfect ? Let it also be to his '^ glory. Who could transgress, and transgressed not ? *° Or do evil, and did it not? " His goods shall be assured,'* And the congregation shall speak much of " his alms. If thou sit at a bountiful table. Be not greedy over -" it. And say not, There is really a great deal ^ on it. Remember that a greedy^'- eye is an evil thing. What '* is created more greedy '^ than an eye ? Therefore it weepeth from every face.^ Stretch not thine "^ hand whithersoever it looketh, Vers. 1-3. — * A. V. : Watching for (iypuTrvia, followed by the gen.). ^ (inveth away (o^tcrriy. For the form, el. fflner, p. 79). ^ watching care (lit., care of sleeplessness). * slumber (see Com.). ^ breaketh (see Com.). * The rich hath great labour (^KOTriowre TrAovo-to?). ' filled with his delicates. Vers. 4-8. — ^ a. V. : The poor laboureth in kis poor estate (eicon-iWe tttw^os iv ^Ka-nwaei fiiov) .... leaveth off (see Ter. 3) .... is still needy (eTriSojs y.^erai, i. «., comes to utter want). » justified (declared just ; he will be found guilty of false dealing). i" have enough thereo/isee ver. 3). '• many (lit., many were given to {243. Co., ideBriaav) fall on account of gold). ^^ present (see Com.). ^ stumbling-block (see Com.). ^* is the rich that. Vers. 10, 11. — 15 A. V. : Then let him [koX etrrw). i" might offend .... hath not offended (the verb is irapafiiivai, preceded in the first clause by ciui'aTo). ^^ done .... hath not done it. i8 established {see Com.). ^^ declare (c«5iTry^a€T(Zi). Vers. 12-16. — ^^ .4. V. ; upon (marg., open not thy throat upon). *l Thfre is much meat (n-oMd -ye Ta ev auTTJc) 12 a wicked {novTjpos, but its special sense is determined by the context). 23 ^nd what. ^4 wicked (see fir*'- mem- ber). 25 upon every occasion (see Cotn.). 2a thine (? iKavof .... to oKiyov). 12 fetcheth not his wind short (marg. And lielk not jiiiffins nnU blowing ; Gr., oui!, txact, correct). Vers. 25-31. — 2i» \, \. ,. thy valiantness. ^'^ the hearts of the proud by drunkenness (H. ^8. Co. Old Lat. read olcof iv KapSi'ij (Kap£i'ac, 11. ; Old Lat., corda) viTef>riavatv cV fxc0T]). ^^ is as good as life to a man (Fritzsche adopts dat. plur. from III. X. 23. 55. 106. ai. Co. Old Lat.) .... moderately (ei/ /ieVpti), 23. 66. 106. al. Co. instead of p-hpta aVToD). 33 jife is then to a man that. ^ For. 3* measurably drunk and in season. ^ Bnngeth gladness of the heart . . . cheerfulness of the mind (evi^potrvrrj tlnj\ri^). 3" But wine drunken with excess maketh .... the mind •^ brawling and quarrelling (see Com,). 38 rage (dvfiof, but here in the sense of heat, rashness). ^a maketh (TrpocTTTotif, addeth to, besides). *° the wine ((rvjuiroa-iy). "" despise him not. " Qiye him no despiteful words. *3 urging him to drink ^iv aniuT^o'ei ; 248. Co., iv airavrrtati. aitrov). ECCLESIASTICUS. 361 Chapter XXXI. (xxxiv. of the Greek text). Ver. 2. 'ATToiT^ffci, demand hack, or demand urgently. This meaning is not here suitable ; and the reading airoi7T77 for these things (cVl toutol?. Others, besides). Vers. 14-17. — " A. V. : Whoso. '- receive his (aiirov is read after rraiSeiay by 248. Co. Old Lat.). » him eany (H. Old Lat. read irpo? airov after opSpifoi'Tei. Cf ., on the last word, iv. 12). " filled (i. e., satisfied. Cf. ii. 16). M But (Kai). 2" offended thereat (uKai'SoAtCTd^ffeTat ev o{rT^. Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and essentially Linde, "dem gereicbt es zum Falle," " him brings it to his fall "). ^7 judgment (see Com.). 2' justice (see Com.). » will not be reproved (eicjtXtfei cXey(Li6»'). ^o But. ^1 excuse (ovyKpiiua, Bunsen's i>i6c/tiJcrA, " punishment "). Vers. 18-24. — ^"^ A. V. : counsel will be considerate. (Fritzsche joins oAAoTptov to this line, adopting the suggestion of QaAb, that it should be read for oAA^Tpios, making this member read, 'Ai/tjp PovA^? ov juij Trapt'Sji {lofoij^a oAAoTpwu) ^ But (itai) a strange and (see preceding note) pioud vian is not daunted (fcaTaTrr^^et, crouch, cower down) with feat '* Even when of himself he hath done without counsel [koX /lera to TroiTjoat p.er avrou avev ^ovAii?. Fritzsche adds, on the basis of the Old Lat., a line to complete the obviously imperfect sense : »cai ttj? afftpoovrTj? avrov eAeyx^'oerat ; Old \^1,.,"et suisinsectatinnibus arguetuT." Cf. Com.). »» advice OouAit. Others, rf/ffcf/on). '« once done, repen' aot (see Com.). " in a way wherein thou mayest fall. 3" stumble not (see ver. 19) among the. ECCLESIASTICUS. 363 22 And ^ beware of thy children. 23 In every work ''■ trust iu thyself ; ° For this also is keeping ^ the commandments. 24 He that believeth the law taketh heed to the commandments ; ' And he that trusteth in the Lord * shall not want.' Vere 22-24 — ' A. V i And (= "And bo,'' or " Even ■'). ' thine own .... good work (248. 808. Co. add iyae ri: on what sort of a way, i. e., on which way). " go to (needless) seek. Chapter XXXIII. (xxxvi. 1-I6a, xxx. 25-40, of the Greek text). Ver. 1. Even again. He will put him back again into the condition he was in before he was tried ; which is a better one, moreover, in so far as he has been now proved, while nothing that is really evil has happened to him. Ver. 2. Ship in a storm. He is driven here and there by his impulses, having no fi.xed prin- ciples to guide him. Ver. 3. 'Cls ipiiTriiia S-tiKav. The reading S^Xui/ is doubtless correct, StKalaiy being au emen- dation, which arose from a failure to understand the sense. It st.ands for the so-called " Urim " of the Jewish high-priest. The Hebrew word for it was the plural of "^^i*, light ; but it was rendered in the LXX. by S^Amo-is (Ex. xxviii. 30 ; Ecclus. xlv. 10 (and Sri'xoi) Numb, xxvii. 21 ; Dent, xxxiii. 8), and sometimes by participles of (panl^u (Ez. ii. 63; Neh. vii. 65). Ver. 4. 'Zvvir\aov has here the sense of collect, assemble ; and the force of the exhortation is. Gather information, or gather up what thou knowest, with consideration, and not till then give answer. Ver. 5. 27rXa7X''''> ^^'"6 *^« mirid, that wliich thinks. The fool's thoughts move in narrow circles, are concerned with but few subjects. Goethe says in Faust ; — " Von dtm AUem wird mir so dumm, ALs ging'' Tnir ein Mtihlrad im Kop/hetum.^^ — A rolling ((rrpecprffievos) axletree. The axle- tree only seems to roll. Ver. 6. The lustful steed has thought for noth- ing but gratification ; so the man who mocks, satirizes, shows his idiosyncrasy on every occa- sion, without reference to circumstances. Vers. 13-15. The philosophy of this writer is, to say the least, interesting. He makes human destiny quite dependent on the foreordinatiou of God, though not a blind foreordination. It is one controlled by wisdom. But he says nothing of human freedom, or the origin of evil. These are problems which seem not to have disturbed his mind very much ; or possibly they would have disturbed it too much, and so he let them rest. Still he shows, in other parts of his work, that he did not believe that man is a mere ma- chine under the guidance of a higher power. At XV. 12-20, he plainly declares that he is to be held responsible for his sins. Cf. Rom. i.x. 15-21. Ver. 16. Kayoj ^(Txaros rjypvwfrjaa. Fritzsche thus explains the somcw hat abrupt transition at tliis point, which also correspomis with the break in the MSS. : " With the feeling that he had just spoken something of import.ance, his position in general comes into the author's mind ; namely, that he, although a laggard, had not labored iu vain." He renders freely : " I then put forth sleepless effort, as the last." Bunsen's Bihelwerk : " I, I have awoke at last." As it seems to us, effxttTos is to be taken in the sense of the last, i. e., among writers on \visdom. Does he refer here to Biblical writers also ? Probably not, but simply to other uucanonical writers of his own and pre- ceding times, with whom he does not hesitate to compare himself favorably. Ver. 20. M)) aWa^ris c7iavT6v. The verb means to change, make otherwise, and then to give in ex- change. And the meaning here may be " exchange not thyself," in the sense of " give not up thy posi- tion " to another. Ver. 21. There is a German proverb : " One father is more willing to tiike care of six chil- dren than six children of one father ; " and an- other : " He who gives bread to his children, and must then suffer want himself, strike him dead with a club." Vers. 24-28. The severity recommended in these verses does not aeem at all consistent with 366 THE APOCRYPHA. what follows. Cf., on slavery in general in the East, Van Leniiep, Bihie Lands, jp. 565 ff., and the art. " Slave " in Smith's Bib. Diet. Ver. 30. 'With blood {eVaV;uoTi), '• e., as some suppose, at the risk of thy own life in battle (he being a prisoner taken in war) ; or, wiih thy blood as his father by a concubine. Fritzsche, with some others, however, takes the Hebrew word, D^, for which the Greek probably stood, in the sense of pecunia, pretium. " Thou hast bought him with what was precious ; treat him well." One must feel, however, that this suggestion would be somewhat at the expense of the author's character. Bunsen's Bibeluyrk renders: "For without blood hast thou got him ! " Ver, 31. The proper reading, judging from the context, seems to be, according to Fritzsche's emendation, imSriaets a shall not fea» (oviiv tiiKafi-qiriunai. Fritzsche receives the former word from X. 23. 66. 106. al. Co. (Old Lat., nihil trepidabil) ; text rec, ov fiTj) Nor be afraid (koI ov ^lrt SfiAiaoTj). Vers. 16-17. — 21 A. V. • To ... . look. =- strength ((rn}piyp.a ; another reading, airnirr^piyp.a). ^' For ^h» »* He is their. ECCLESIASTICUS. 367 A defence from heat,' and a covering^ at midday," A preservation from stumbling, and a help from falling. 17 He raiseth up the soul, and lighteneth* the eyes ; He giveth health, life, and blessing. 18 Sacrificing what is wrongfully gotten, is an offering of mockery,* And the mockeries of transgressors are ^ not accepted. 19 The Most High is not pleased with the offerings of the godless ;' Neither is he propitiated ' for sin by the multitude of sacrifices. 20 He who ° bringeth an offering of the goods of the poor Doelh as one that killeth the son before his father's eyes. 21 The bread of the needy is the life of the poor ; '" He that defraudeth hhn thereof '^ is a man of blood. 22 He that taketh away his neighbor's living slayeth him ; And he that defraudeth the laborer of his hire is a bloodshedder. 23 When one buildeth, and another puUeth down, What profit have they more than labors ? " 24 When one prayeth, and another curseth, Whose voice wUl the Lord hear ? 25 He that washeth himself because of " a dead body, if he touch it again. What availeth his washing ? 26 So '* a man that fasteth for his sins, And goeth again, and doeth the same : Who will hear his prayer ? Or what doth it profit that he humbled himself ? '° Vers. 18, 17. — A. V. : ' heat (see Com.). s cover. • from the sun at noon (lit., yrom tht noon, midday). * lighteneth. Vers. 18-20. — "A. V.: He that sacrificeth of a thing (evoLo^tjiv — the translator probably read n^^* ^^®° ^* Ihould haye read P^jT, i. e., took the person for the thing — ef aZUov) . ... Ms offering is ridiculous. • giita [marg., the mockeries. In 248. Go. there was read Sup^/xara for jLLoixTJ/iara) of unjust Tnen (afo^ui^) are. t wicked [a)7. froi TO. BaviiiiTid crov). ' that escapeth (see Com.). " (See Com.) " [hit. ,Jind dtstnution.) i» op- press the ((coutoui^es .... o-ou). ^ Smite in sunder ((nicTpn^oc). " heathen (exdpiav ; 106. 157. Co. Syr., ^dvHtv). '5 other but we. '" And inherit thou them (see Com.). Vers. 12-17. — ^^ A. V.: named thy (ufioiua-ai ; 167. 248. Co. Syr. Ar., oi^'o^oo-as, with the accusative following). " unto Jerusalem (properly joined to the next member). ^^ omits Jerusalem. *" Sion with thine unspeakable oracles. {yiM^., that it may magnify thine oractf a. See Com.) ^Mei'.) 22 rajge up prophets (marg , ;7rrtp^tffi>5. The common text has TTpoifTeia'; , but 248. Co., 7rpo'in7Tas. See Com.) that have been. zs let .... be found faithful (Fritzsche adopts e^jrtire of a man "). " kindness, meek- ness, and comfort (24S. Co. Old Lat. add nai laati) in. •'•' beginneth (see Com.). » like unto (see Com.). '« rest ^text. rec., avanavaeiuv. Fritzsche adopts the gen. sing, from III. X. et libri fere omnes. It is the reading of II '" ninmiKHK '(TTirMafet). ^^ omits VoT. ECCLESIASTICUS. 371 That skippeth ' from city to city ? So who will believe a man that hath no house, And lodgeth wheresoever the night tindeth " him ? X. 23. 65. 157. al.; e<^aAAo|x, 106. 156. 248. , text. tk. Ver. 26. — 1 A.V, : (Fritzsche receives a^oAAo^eVip from 111. taketh (see Com.). Chapter XXXVI. (xxxiii. 1-Ila, and xxxvi. 166-31, of the Greek text). Ver. 4. 'Hyiao-flTjj = here, shown thyself as holy. The sense is clear. The Israelites had been brought into affliction on account of their sins, «nd so God here proved himself a lioly God. The writer remarks that in a simihir way he would manifest his power on the heathen before the Israelites whom they had oppressed. — Meyo- Kvvdflf]!^ here, show thyself yieat. Ver. 6. The signs and wonders done in Egypt are meant. — 'AWolwcroi' should probably have been Sivripunov (n3tt''). So Grotius, Fritzsche, Bunsen's Bibelwerk, 3.ni others. — (Thy) hand and (thy) right arm = the hand of thy right arm, Ver. 7. Adversary, ofTiSi/coi/. It meant, first, the opposite party, whether plaintiff or defendant in a suit ; then, any opponent, adversary. Ver. 8. The oath {dpKurii6s. Cf. Gen. xxiv. 41 ; Lev. v. 1 ; 1 Mace. vi. 62) made with the Patriarchs is meant. The Hebrew word was probably not jT""!?, but H /S. The former word is always translated by Siafl^JK?? in the LXX., except at Deut. ix. 15 (fiapriptav), and 1 Kings xi. 11 [ii/ToK-n). Ver. 9. Him that would escape, 6 (ra^ifitvos. The rendering of the A. V., him that escapeth, does not bring out the meaning with sufficient clearness. The idea is that none should be per- mitted to escape from among the enemy. Others, however, find here a mistranslation ; supposing that for the Hebrew word meaning rebel, T~i^. the translator read T'~lCi7, fugitive. So Hitzig, who is followed by Bunsen's Bibdwerk. — Kage of the fire. There are various meanings given to the words, iv opy^ wpis, by different com- mentators ; bnt they seem to refer to the con- suming fire which might be expected to come upon them in consequence of (the divine) indigna- tion. Ver. 11. The reading of the MSS., KareKXttpa- v6fLT]aa, arose, it is likely, simply from the mis- placement of this clause in the Greek text. It is the last part of verse 16 of chapter xxxvi., and so follows TiypinuTjcra. Undoubtedly, with Fritzsche, KaTaK\ripov6tJ^'f](Tov or KaTaKKripov6fj.'i\(Tai is to be read in its place. Ver. 14. IWrtdOv "Ziivvdipai ra \6yi6. aou. The A. V. seems to have been influenced by the Old Latin : " Reple Sion inenarrabilihus verbis tuis et gloria tua populum tuum." Fritzsche, Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and others regard Spoi as intended for a translation of Sti'^, one of whose meanings is to take up and carry away, i. e., receive, appropri- ate. The sense of the whole passage would then be : " Fulfill to Zion the promises that have been made on her behalf." Cf. verses 4-7. Others (De Wette) take Spai in the sense of extol, praise. Others still: "Fill Zion (with readiness) to ac- cept thy doctrines." Fritzsche makes the re- mark in his critical apparatus at this point that, on the testimony of 'Tischendorf, II. hag here the reading aptTuKoyias aov, and adds : " Sed hoc quidem hie niillo modo locum habere potest." The new edition of this MS. shows the statement of Tischendorf to be a fact. The letters at, however, have been written over the e. It is probable that Sp6 is but a wrong spelling for Spat ; but possibly the noun apfraXoyla (genitive, ipsToAoyfus) was thought of. Ver. 15. The author's meaning is not so easy to find. The words KTitriiaal aov seem to refer to the Israelites. They were the creatures of God in the beginning, i. e., in verv early times. Bunsen's Bibtlwerk translates : " (rive a witness for thy deeds in the early time. — ''Eyeipop (^^pn) ■jTpocp'i^T€las = fulfill the prophecies made in thy name." So Grotius, Gaab, Bretschneider, Wahl, Fritzsche, Buusen's Bibelwerk. De Wette : ** Awaken proph- ecy in thy name." Cf. Jer. xxix. 15 ; 1 Mace, iv. 46, ix. 27, xiv. 41. The latter rendering does not so well harmonize with the thought of the conte.xt. Ver. 18. With this verse, it is evident, begins a new section, which treats of various social rela- tions and extends to xxxix. 11. Ver. 19. Tasteth = testeth, i.e., knows how to distinguish dishes made from wild game from other dishes. Ver. 20. A froward {(TTpfSKri) heart = by metonymy a heart that is crooked in its ways. The word is used with )roAa((r/naTo for tricks of wrestling. Ver. 21. A woman will receive [receive as husband) any man. With the men there was on the other hand, opportunity to choose among women. This seems to be the meaning of the verse, and it serves to show in what a sunken condition woman was at this time, even among the Jews. Cf., on the general subject, Van Len- nep, Bible Lands, p. 5.39 fE. Ver. 23. Other men. Lit., sons of men. He is unlike them in the sense that he is superior to them. Ver. 24. Getteth, KriiJievos- The idea of buying is not excluded. — A wife. The context shows that a good one is meant, such an one as had been just described. — Beginneth a posses- sion. The Greek translator seems to have read bn'', when he should have read brij"' Still, the Greek (ivipxerai) may be correct; and, if so, the A. V. has rendered it properly. The man who has obtained a good wife has laid a founda- tion for great prosperity. — Kar' auT (lit., well girded), and so ready for anything. The word (Tov ; 248. Co. Old Lat. read iroAe- fiiou. See Ciym.). ^^ mind (^xiii here better Acarf, or 501/i). Vers. 7-11. — •* See Com. ii^ A. V. : there is some that. " (marg., what use there Is of him.) " (See Com. J8 in (wepi, as also in the following cases). ^^ exchange (^eTo^oAias). 20 for. si a hireling for a year, of (see Com.). 2J Hearken not unto (jiij en-e^e eirt). Vers. 12-19. — 23 a. V. : to keep the commandments of the Lord (the addition is found in 248. Co. ; Old Lat., timorem Dei). ^ IhU., Who, in his mind, etc.) ^^ omits who. i*^ mi&c^TTy (wratcrpi, stumble, trip, make a mistake). •lind (^x^- Cf. ver. 6). w sometime. 20 git above in a high tower (iirl fiiniapov Kadrfixevoi eirl o-KOirij? ; hxt ECCLESIASTICUS. 373 15 And above all this pray to the Most High, That he will direct thy way in truth. 16 Let reflection be the beginning of •■ every enterprise, And counsel be before ^ every action. 17 As sign of a change of view four things appear : * 18 Good ^ and evil, life and death ; And ^ the tongue ruleth over them continually. 19 Many a one is clever as teacher of many, And yet is unprofitable to himself. 20 Many a one sheweth wisdom ' in words, and is hated ; He shall be destitute of all food.* 21 For attractiveness * is not given him from the Lord, Because '" he is deprived of all wisdom. 22 Many a one is wise for '' himself. And the fruits of his understanding are true in the mouth.** 23 A wise man instructeth his people, And the fiuits of his understanding are really true." 24 A wise man shall be filled with blessing, And all they that see him shall pronounce '^* him happy. 25 The days of the life of man may be numbered ; '' But '^ the days of Israel are innumerable. 26 The " wise man shall attain to confidence " among his people, And his name shall live forever.^' 27 My son, prove thy soul by thy life,^° And see what is evil for it, and give not that unto it ; 28 For all things are not profitable for all men, Neither hath every person ^-^ pleasure in every thing. 29 Be not insatiable " in any delicacy,^ Nor too greedy over food.^ 30 For excess of food ^ bringeth sickness,'^' And surfeiting leadeth to cholera morbus.^ 81 By surfeiting have many perished ; But he that taketh heed prolongeth his life. X. 248. Co. have the order of the A. V., and write the last two words together). * Let reason go before (^i^^ vow* rot Ipyou K6yo^. See Com.). ^ counsel before. 3 The countenance is a sign of changing of the heart (txww iX- Xoibjri. and his friend's defense. It is still, however, a question of self-interest with him. Others under- stand that he takes the shield only in self-defense, and leaves his friend without protection. Ver. 6. " A friend in need is a friend in deed." " 7s est amicus qui rejuvat, ubi re est opus." 374 THE APOCRYPHA. Ver. 7. Extolleth (^{a(pei). We mij^ht have expected a word meaning qiveth here, and so Fritzsche, Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and others trans- late. It IS possible that the Greek word is a cor- ruption. It will be noticed that the Old Latin has prodil. Still, the present text makes good sense. " A man," the author would say, " natu- I'ally extols his own business." Ver. 8. For he vsrill counsel for himself, i. e ., to his ow n advantage. This is parenthetic. — Cast the lot upon thee. In other words, " Leave thee to take thy chances," without the interest of a real friend. Ver. 10, 'X-no$\fiToix4vov fff = looketh upon thee askance, with an evil, jealous eye. Ver. II. (A. V.) hireling for a year ( eVcTeiou, as 55. 106. 248. 254. Co.). With the reading ^(pitTTtov (of the text. 7-ec.), the meaning would be a household servant, a hired man of the house, i. e., one who has an assured position, and hence might think that there was no reason for hurrying. Ver. 1.3. Stand = ^e of ivorih, valid. Do not think it of little importance. Have a proper self-respect. Do not lean too much on the coun- sel of others. Counsel thyself. Ver. 14. Seven watchmen. The number seven is used, like three and five, as a round, or Bo-called sacred, number. Cf. 1 Sam. ii. 5 ; Prov. xxvi. 16, 25 ; Jer. xv. 9. Ver. 15. There is a fine German proverb, which is sometimes inscribed on the fronts of houses : " An Gottes Segen ist Alles gelegen." Ver. 16. A6yos for \oyiiiii6s. Probably the Hebrew word was H^ti'* Vers. 17, 18. Obviously, no period is to be placed, as in the A. V., after xapSias, which seems to be used in the sense of disposition, ruling pur- pose. The idea of the verse is that according to the heart so will good or evil show itself. Ban- sen's Bibelwerk translates : " In consequence of a changed disposition ( Gesinnnng), four things arise." The author says, fui'ther, that it depends on the tongue how far these signs may or may not appear. Ver. 19. There is one (A. V.), taTiv ivfip. The meaning of this expression here and else- where where it is used in our book would be better brought out by " many a one." Ver. 20. The meaning of and might have rendered the last by Kat. Where two or more causal clauses fol- low each other, this particle is repeated in the sense of atid because, or and. See Gesenius' Lex., sub voce. Ver. 22. Is wise for himself. He uses his wisdom only for his own benefit. The fruits of such a man's understanding are true, real (itio-to/), ^ttI arinaros, upon the lips, in the mouth only, of him that declares it. They are not really so. The counterpart of such a man is described in the following verse. Ver. 27. Life, i. e., manner of living, experi- ence, as good or bad, helpful or injurious. — Thy soul (C53). TA^se//", thy entire being. Fritzsche thinks the body, the physical nature simply, is meant. But this limitation of the idea is first made at verse 28. Chapter XXXVIH. 1 Honor, with reference to thy needs, a physician with the honor due nnto him,* For the Lord created ^ him. 2 For of the Most High cometh healing ; And he shall receive a gift from ' the king. 3 The skOl of the physician shall lift up liis head, And in the sight of great men he shall be in admiration. 4 The Lord produceth * medicines out of the earth, And a discreet man will not be averse to ^ them. 5 Was not the water made sweet with wood, That the virtue ^ thereof might be known ? 6 And he gave' men skill, That he " might be honored in his marvellous works ; 7 With them « doth he heal," And taketh away one's sickness ; " 8 With them '- doth the apothecary make a mixture ; *' And he is not through with his labors " Before, from him, peace is abroad upon ^' the earth. Vers. 1-4. — 1 A. V. : Honour a physician .... him for the uses which you may have of him. ' hath oreated I honour of (instead of 66/jia, 23. 248. 253. Co. read Sofar). • hath created. ^ he that is wise {t^povttJ-tn) will not abhor InpoiroxStft)- Vers. 6-8. — * l,\t. , .ttren^ih. '' A.V. : hath given. ^ Ae fthiB rendering is the common one ; but it would ap- pear to be more in harmony with what follows to make " they,'' i. e., men, the subject of evSo^d^eaBat : " that they might honor themselves through his (God's) marvellous works ; "' namely, remedies). * such. '" heal men (it il the physician that is referred to). " their pains (toi' ttSvov ai/rov, i. e., one's sickness ; ovtwi' is found in 55. 10ft 2.54. 296.). 12 Of such. " confection. " of his works there is no end itrvvreKecr^ : but Fritzsche receives irvvr* \c(r«5 from III. X. C. 23. 106. 157. al. Co. Old Lat. See Com.). "^ And from him is peace over all. ECCLESIASTICUS. 375 9 My son, in thy sickness be not negligent ; But pray unto the Lord, and he will make thee whole.* 10 Leave off doing wrong,^ and order thine hands aright, And cleanse thy heart from every sin.' 11 Give a sweet savor, and a memorial of fine flour ; And make a fat ofiering, as though about to die.* 12 And' o-ive place to the physician, for the Lord created ' him ; And ' let liim not go from thee, for thou hast need of him. 13 There is a time when also * in their hands there is success ; ' 14 For they wDl " also pray unto the Lord, That he would prosper them ia seeking to relieve and cure for life's sake.'* 15 He that sinneth before his Maker, Let him fall into the hands '- of the physician. 16 My son, let tears fall down over a dead person," And beglu to lament as one suffering terribly ; " And enshroud his body as suitable for him," And neglect not his burial. 17 Weep bitterly, and make great moan," And make " lamentation, as may befit him," For '^ a day or two, lest thou be evil spoken of ; * And then comfort thyself for thy heaviness ; 18 For of heaviness cometh death. And heaviness of heart -' boweth down the ^ strength. 19 In misfortune too, there abideth heaviness,^ And the life of the poor weigheth upon '^ the heart. 20 Take no heaviness to heart. Put it away as mindful of the end.'^^ 21 Forget it not, for there is no returning ; ^^ And -'' thou shalt not aid him,-' and shalt ^ hurt thyself. 22 Remember my lot,^ for thine also shall he so ; Yesterday for me, and to-day for thee. 23 When the dead is at rest, let his remembrance rest. And be comforted for him, when his spirit is departed from him. 24 The wisdom of a scribe ^' cometh by opportunity of leisure ; And he that hath little '- business shall become wise. 25 How can he get wisdom that holdeth '^ the plough, That^* glorieth in the goad.^^ That driveth oxen, and is occupied in their labors, And whose talk is of bullocks ? ^^ 26 He giveth his mind to make furrows ; And his sleepless care is " to give the kine fodder, 27 So every mason and master builder,'* That laboreth ^ night and day ; And they that cut and grave '"' seals. Vers. 9-15. — ' iafferat ae. 2 A. V. : from 8ia (n-A-Tj/i^eAeiav, with oftoprtas In the next line). • all wicked* aesB. < as not being (marg., a.s a rfearf man. See Com.). s Then {icat). « hath created. ^ omits koA, omits aXm [Kdl). » good success (see C<>ot. ). ■» shall. u That, which they give for ease and remedy to pro- long life (ouTots avanavaiV leal laaLV xa-ptv eii^tMiTeui^). ^ hand. Vers. 16-20. — '^ A. V. : the dead. " as if thou hadst suffered great harm thystlf. '= Ihtn cover (irspi'irreaoK) ... according to the custom (naraaeTiji'KpiViv oiroC). i« (See Com.) "use. "he is worthy. i" And that. » (Lit., /or Ihe sake of calumny, i. e., to escape blame.) =' the heaviness of the heart. '^ breaketh (iciifii^ei). M affliction also sorrow remaineth (see Com.). -^ is the curse (lit., is against ; for Kara, 65. 248. 254. Co. read Kardpn] ol. 2B Drive .... and remember the last end (fiyrjiT^eU rd IffxaTa). Vers. 21-23. — » A. V. : turning again. ^ omits .A-nd. =» do him good. » but. *> judgment (marg., the sentence upon him. Fritasche reads ilou after Kpiiia, instead of avroO^ with III. 23- 55. 106. 155. al. Co. Old Lat. See Com.). Vers. 24-27. — ** A. V. : learned man (Ypaju/xaTeus). ^2 little (6 Mao-o-ou^ei-os n-pa^ei ai/Tov. Others, " who has no business "). sa holdeth (see Com.). ^ And that (Fritzsche strikes out the «at, as wanting iu III. X. 55. 106. 155. al. Co.). 8^ (See Com.) 3tJ bullocks (marg., " Gr., o///ie 6r«rf o/"6ii^oc/:5." The Greek is, ec uiois TauptuK). ^^ is diligent (seeCbm.). s» carpenter and workmaster (see Com ) »» laboureth (Sioyei, paMM, s/innrfs. One of the meanings of the word was also to manage, conduct business. But the meaning here seems to be that he spends the night as the day). '^ See Com. 376 THE APOCRYPHA. And he who is persevering in making manifold figures,' Who '^ give themselves to make a lifelike picture,' And whose sleepless care is * to finish a work. 28 So the smith ^ sitting by the anvil, And tiring himself with the rough iron ; • The smoke ' of the fire wasteth his flesh, And he fighteth with the heat of the furnace ; The noise of the hammer deafens his ear,* ' And his eyes are ° upon the pattern of the utensil ; *• He giveth his mind " to finish Ms work,'^ And his sleepless care is to polish it on completion.'* 29 So " the potter sitting at his work. And turning the wheel about with his feet, Who is always anxious about '^ his work. And maheth all his work by number ; '° 30 He fashioneth the clay with his arm. And maketh it pliable with his feet ; " He applieth himself to glaze ^* it over ; And his sleepless care is " to make clean the furnace. 31 All these trust to their hands, And every one is wise in his work. 32 Without these shall not a city be inhabited ; ™ And men ^' shall not dwell abroad,^'' nor go up and down ; •* 33 They shall not be sought for in public counsel. Nor sit high in the congregation ; They shall not sit on the judge's '^^ seat, Nor understand the statutes of the covenant ; ^ They shall not bring to light instruction '^^ and judgment ; And they shall not be found where parables are spoken. 34 But they will maintain the world," And their prayer be for ^* the work of their craft. Ver. 27. — ' A. V. are diligent to make great rariety (see Com.). > And. » counterfeit imagery (aee Com.). * watch (see ver. 26). Vers. 28-30. — ' A. V. : The smith also (ovtios xi^^f"')- ° considering (see Com.) the iron work (apytf mi^PV i iv Ipyiu (TiSw"". 248. Co. ; jpY"" o-'Sw"". HI- 167. 307. ; Old Lat., considerans opus fini ; X. 55. 106. 254. 296. 808. Ipya oiB-npov). ' Tapour. ^ hammer and the anvil (the addition is found in H. and Co.) is ever in (see Com.) his ears, s took Mill. ^° thing that he maketh {vKevovi). ^^ setteth his mind (icap5tac ainov ioio-ei. I render as the same is rendered at Tor. 26). '^ (plur., t. €., the vessels just spoken of.) >" watcheth (see vers. 26, 27) .... t« perfectly (see Cbm.). ^^ So doth. 16 alway carefully set at. ^^ [KoXkvtiptBtj.io'i ■tra.voiri ipyatria. avrov.) *' howeth down his strength before kis feet (marg., ttmpereth it loith his feet). '» to lead (mii'TeAetrai tJi xP'i>'f'o> '" complete the smearing). '" he is diligent. Vers. 31-34. — 'o A. V. : cannot .... inhabited (or built). '• they (not clear). '2 dwell where they will (TTopoiKijo-ouo-iv). » (See Com.) =* judges' (so 248. Co.). =5 sentence of judgment (see Com.). " cannot declare {injuiyuxTi) justice (Fritzsche adopts niuSeiav from III. X. 23. 55. 165. al. Co. ; text, rec, SiKci^oiruvriv). *' state (248. Uo. Syr. Ar., icT^/ia; other authorities, KTiV/»a. See Com.) of the world (aiufos). " all their desire (5cit;ainst {Kara, i. e., weigheth upon) the heart. This sense harmo- nizes well with the context, both that which pre- cedes and that which follows. Ver. 20. Mindful of the end (ri ecrxara), i. e., being mindful that it will hasten the time of death. Ver. 21. Forget it not, namely, death. — For there is no returning. There is " no discharge in that war." Eccles. viii. 8. — Not aid him. The departed one. Ver. 22. The dead man seems to be repre- sented as speaking in this verse throughout. The word Kplfia, judgment, sentence, i.e., with reference to death, is more clearly expressed as in tlie text. Ver. 24. A scribe, ypafifiareas. This well- known character is probably meant, and not simply a learned man in general. — 'Ev euxaipfa cxoX^t = the favorable opportunity which leisure affords. The assertion in the last part of the verse is to be taken with a grain of allowance. Leisure is not the only necessity, if one would be wise ; but, above all, a desire to study. Ver. 25. Holdeth {KpaTciy) the plough, iu the sense of ruleth, guideth, as the followin;; clause shows. — Glorieth in the goad. Lit., glorieth in the spear of a goad (i. e., which is a godd). Tho remark is made playfully. Ver. 26. 'Aypviryia is more than diligence. It denotes a care that is so great as to deprive one of sleep. The word occurs a number of times in what immediately follows as a sort of refrain to the several cases mentioned. Ver. 27. Ttxrav (Cl'^n) might indeed have the meaning carpenter ; but in connection with what follows is perhaps better translated by mason, and apxiT^KTtvif by head carpenter. Cf. verse 32. — Cut and grave. Rather, engrave cuttitigs, or simply engrave (yXvipovTft yXi/ifi-aTa). And he who is persevering (rj 4irinov^ alnov) in making manifold figures [aWomtrai TroiKi\lav). Lit., to change manifoldness. Grotius gives the sense well : " varias formas in gemmam intro- ducere." — Make a life-like picture {6/j,oiuaai ^wypatfttay) . \ er. 28. The smith generally does something more than merely consider the iron in the rough {KaTafMayddvaiv apyi^ (TidTipcp) : he works it. It is probable that there is mistranslation ; 'J"!^ having been read for Vy^, as might easily have been the case, and I have rendered accordingly. — The words Kaivi€7 rh ads avTov do not make sense. Some critics would emend by kv^, rubs, tickles, and De Wette, deafen. The latter idea is probably correct, though scarcely derivable from this word. The Hebrew word for it would be W~}n (cf. Micah vii. 16), and it may have been found in the form W^Jl'', and mistaken for Ci7^^', mean- ing to renew. Fritzsche agrees with Ewald and Hitzig in finding a similar exchange of these two words at Zeph. iii. 1 7 ; but this is doabtful. Cf. Keil's Com., in loc. — The words eVl amTeAelas mean when it is complete, or on completion ; and are not to be taken in an adverbial sense, as iu the A. V. Vers. 29,30. Cf. art. "Pottery" in Smith's Bib. Diet. " The clay, when dug, was trodden by men's feet, so as to form a paste, then placed by the potter on the wheel beside which he sat, and was shaped by him with his hands." — All his work by number, /. e., he works by the job, or has a definite task set before him. Ver. 31. AU these different classes are so busy in their various special occupations that they have no opportunity for acquiring much knowl- edge outside their particular sphere. Still, the im]>ortance (jf such physical labor is not to be denied, nor t0(] much depreciated. Ver. 32. Men shall not dwell abroad. The meaning is that the work of these artisans alone gives occasion for commercial activity at home and abroad, and lies at the basis of much intellectual and social progress. — Go up and down. Travel here and there in pursuit of knowledge, or for purposes of trade. Ver. 33. EttI bitfipov StKaaTov, on the judge's seat. The person who is referred to is not strictly the judge ((cpiTTjs) who pronounces sentence, but one who executes Si'ktj, maintains law and equity. He was more a juror than a judge. Cf. Liddell and Scott's Lex. : also Cremer, s. v. ; and espe- cially Schmidt, Sgn. der griech. Sprache, i., p 356 ff. — AiaSriKTiv Kpi/xaTOS- The Mosaic law, in accordance with which decisions were made, seems to be meant. Hence it might be rendered freely by divine statutes, or statutes of the covenant. 378 THE APOCRYPHA. Cremer, however [Lex., s. v.), would render by rule, or order of judgment. Cf. xlv. 17, where the Bame expression occurs. In Cod. II. the whole member, koI hiaQ4]Kriv .... ZiavtyqQriuov'Tfii, is en- closed in brackets. Ver. 34. KrltT^ia aioivos (TTTipiirovffi. The first two words seem to stand for the world. These persons are the support of the world, of that external order of things represented in it, in so far as without them the higher physical and social life of men would be impossible. — In the work of (their) craft, tV ipyaata t€x>")s- This seems to be the meaning, altliough the last word might be talien in the sense of " art,' " handicraft" in gen- eral. Their prayer is directed to the carrying out of such works as have been spoken of. Chaptee XXXIX. 1 But he that giveth his mind to the law of the Most High, And meditateth thereon,* Will seek out the wisdom of all the elders,^ And be occupied with ^ prophecies. 2 He will keep the sayings of * renowned men, And where subtile proverbs * are, he will have ingress.* 8 He will seek out the secrets of parables,' And be occupied with enigmas of proverbs.' 4 He shall serve among great men, And appear before princes ; ° He will travel through strange countries. For he hath tried the good and the evil among men.*° 5 He will have it at heart to rise early to seek " the Lord that made him^ And wUl pray before the Most High, And wOl open his mouth in prayer. And make supplication for his sins. 6 If ^' the great Lord will, He shall be filled with the spirit of understanding ; He shall pour out wise sentences,^' And give thanks unto the Lord in " prayer. 7 He shall direct aright his counsel ^^ and knowledge, And in his secrets shall he meditate. 8 He shall sliow forth that which he hath learned," And shall glory in the law of the covenant" of the Lord. 9 Many shall commend his understanding, And to eternity he shall not pass away ; ^' His memorial shall not depart, ^^ And his name shall live from generation to generation. 10 Nations shall show forth his wisdom. And the congregation shall publish ^ his praise. 11 If he live,-^ he shall leave a greater name than a thousand ; And if he die,'''' he shall increase it.'^ 12 I will still further relate what I have thought upon,** For -^ I am filled as the moon at the full. Vers. 1-3. — ' A. V. : is occupied in the meditation Mer«o/'(Siai'oou^eVou). ^ ancient (apxaiW). * in. * keep wyrtipritrti., aa probable rendering of "'^t*' ; it might be rendered, with others, " regard '■) the sayings {tiirY^jtv, re- eeived by Fritz?che from III. X. 23. 55. 106. al. Co. ; tert. rec, fiiTjy^crfi?. So perhaps, better " hare regard to the dis- course ") of the. Sparables. 8 he will be there also ((rvfeio-eAevo-crat. See Coth., and cf. xxsviii. 33.}. 'grave Bencencea (n-opoi^iwi/). » conver.flant in dark parables (ef aii'ty/Aatrt napa^oKuiv). Vers. 4, 6.—* Tjyou^ieVwi' Fritzsche receives from X. 23. 55. 106. al. Co.; text, rec, ^yov/ieVou. '"See Com. " A. V. : give his heart to resort early to {bpBpLo-tn rrpo?). Vers. &-11. — '2 A. V. : When (eal'l. '■' {prifiara ffoifcia? aiiTOv, word.^ of his wUdoTTl := wise words.) '* in his. ^ direct {KarevQvvei) his counsel (others, wilt). ^" (TraiSct'ai' fitfiacncoAta? auToi). Gaab and De Wette similarly to the A. v., " hifl wisdom learned." liut it would perhaps be better, with Fritzsche and Buneen's Bibelwerk, to take the words in the sense, *' his wise teaching,'* or, " teaching, doctrine of his wisdom.'') '' (See Cotti.) '^ gQ i(,ng aa the world endureth it (not his understanding, but his nanie. himself) shall not be blotted out (on account of the tbange of subject, I have changed the rendering of «|aA«ttiftHj(TeTat )■ '" depart away. -*' declare. " die (set Com.). "live. -' iu-noni (iii7i2. I'robably for S~ ""C"!', or S^ ^~'i^. Vers. 12-15. — " A. V. : Yet have 1 more to say, which I have thought upon ('En SiaforjStU Fritzsche receives Xpeiav from 65. 106. 155. al. Co. ; III. X. C. also agree in giving the sing. See Com. Vera. 22-27. — ^^ A. V. : dry land i^ripav). -- So (outo)?, and refers to what precedes) .... inherit (Kkripovotirjcret, but with the sense given). ^ hath turned. -* (In the A. V. these two members are read in an inverse order, which shows the course of thought far less clearly. In III. C. 106. loo. 157. 296. 307. 308. the second member, as we have given it, stood at the close of ver. 24.) ^■' wicked (avoVots, as antithetic to oo-iois in the previous line). ^ princi- pal things for the whole use of (ipxij irai>' = «■<" Sfl/asl,Jirm. « A. V. ; All the (as C. 106. 248. 307. Co.). ' are (see p» ceding). ^ gj^e (xoprjyijffet). " due (see Ter. 16). i** So that a man cannot (see Ters. 17, 21). i* (iv fcatp^ Not in process of time, but at the right time.) ^^ well approTed. ^'^ therefore praise ye the Lord. Chapter XXXIX. Ver. 1. Occupied with prophecies, as beiug the most important product of the ancient wis- dom. Ver. 2. Others (Wahl and Bunsen'.s Bibel- werk) render the second member of the verse, eV FTpo pi^iiarC nov to wb&t follows). 2 retain all shamefastness (lit., " to preserve every (kind of) shame "). « it altogether approved In every thing {navTa ttShtiv if Tricrret evSoKi^eirat). Vers. 1&-24. — * A. V. : Of iniquity {avoiiCas, transgression of the law). » in regard of the place (by meton., the place — TiSn-ou — is mentioned for those who occupy it, as frequently now). fl And (Fritzsche strikes out koI, witli H. 248. Co.) in regard of (see Com.). ' meat. ^ And (III. C. 56. 106. al. have koi) of scorning (a-KopaxKr/iou) to give and take (A^i(/ecus Kni aoo-eius). » And to (so III. C. 106. 156. 157. 296. 307.). '» Or to. "or. " Or (icni is omitted by III. C. 254.}. i3 another man's wife (yuvaiKosuTracSpou). " Or to be over busy (the A. V. took the preposition in Trepiepyeto? in an intensive sense. It might, perhaps, be better used a.*) meaning around, about) with his (o-eavToiJ. So Fritzsche, from conjecture ; text, rec, auroy ; 65. 157. 253. 296. 308., aurrjs). >5 come (^n-toTTJ^) not near, ifi Or of. 1' Or (248. Co. have Kai) of iterating and speaking again that which thou hast heard (aTrb Sevrepaitrews (cat JtiJyov a*co^s. The construction is peculiar. Perhaps icai is for tov. Fritzsche, however, claims that the former is genuine. In that case the sentence means : •' Of repeating and [even] of repeating reports '■). i^ go, is shame- fast 20 before all men. Chapter XLL Ver. 1 . ' fLttepio-KatrTtji. To this word, at 1 Cor. •'ii. 35, is given the meaninfi without distraction. Cf. Wisd. xvi. 11. — Is yet strong to receive food. He is still in a condition to enjoy all the good things of this life, as the sickly man is not. Ver. 2. 'ATteLBowTt. Fritzsche, differing from most commentators, gives to this word here the meaning of refractory, stubborn, intractable, which certainly is etymolugically correct, and is not out of harmony with the context. Ver. 4. The pleasure, determination of God respecting the time of his death is meant. — 'EKiyixht C^Vt- Lit., refuting, reproviny of life. The idea seems to be that there will be no blame attached to a person with resjiect to the length of time he has lived, whether it be long or short. Ver. 5. The second member of the verse gives the reason for what is said in the first. Gutmann renders as the A. V. Ver. 1 1 . About their bodies, namely, the death of the same. Others ( Bunsen's Bihp'lwerk) render ; ",/or their relatives.'* Bretschueider, Gaab, and De Wette : "The suffering of men is in their bodies, i. e., is external, not deep. Ver. 12. A good name is a more certain treas- ure than gold and silver. Cf. Prov. xxii. 1 ; Ec. vii. 1. Ver. 13. (But) few days. Lit., a {definite] nmnber ofdai/s. Ver. 14. Keep [observe, act upon] discipline (iroiSe/av). Probably, here, instruction, indoctrina- tion in the principles of true wisdom, is meant. — In peace. In a calm, undisturbed course of life. The last half of this verse and the whole of the 15th is put in brackets by Bunsen's Bibelwerk, as a later addition. Luther also omits them. Still, thev do not seem out of place, and are retained by "I"ritzsche on the ground that they bear the character of a current proverb ; and the first part, at lea.st, is in good harmony with the context. Ver. 16. The last part of the verse is used illnstratively. It is not fitting to be ashamed under all circumstances, just as it is not fitting t« approve of everything. ECCLESIASTICUS. 385 Ver. 17. And what of God ? A different spirit ruled in the 51st Psalm: " Affainst thee, thee only, have I sinned, and done this evil in thy eight," etc. Cf. also the conduct of Joseph ; Gen. xxxix. 7 ff. Ver. 19. With what triviality and apparent bluntness of conscience this author associates moral offenses of the most heinous character with mere transgressions of the rules of social eti- quette, as though they were of the same impor- tance! — And in regard to the truth of God. This may he a later addition ; or at this point the author happens to think that stealing is also a moral offense and expressly forbidden. Grotius and some others (Fritzsche) would read \iiSrii, "forgetf Illness," for a.\ri9elas. Ver. 21. Take away a portion and a gift. This relates to what has just been said, — the treatment of relatives. — Gaze upon. Karayo- iiaiui is used in a bad sense, of gazing lustfully. Chapter XLII. 10 11 12 13 Op these things be not thou ashamed, And accept not the ' person to sin thereby : Of the law of the Most High, and his covenant, And of a verdict that justifleth " the ungodly ; Of conversation with a partner and with travelers,* And of giving over * the heritage of friends ; Of exactness of balance and weights. And ^ of getting much or little ; Of gains in barter and commerce,^ And ' of much correction of children, And to make the side of an evil servant to bleed. A seal is * good, where an evil wife is. And locking up,^ where many hands are. Let what thou deliverest up be by '" number and weight, And put all in writing that thou givest out, or receivest in. £e not ashamed to correct '^ the unwise and foolish, And the extremely ^'' aged that contendeth with the young : " And so ^* shalt thou be truly instructed,^' And approved of every one living.^' The father is wakeful " for a ^* daughter when no man knoweth, And the care of her taketh away sleep : When she is young, lest she pass away the flower of her age ; And being married, lest she should be hated ; In her virginity, lest she should be defiled. And gotten with child in her father's house ; Living with a '^ husband, lest she should be untrue,** And being -' married, lest she should be barren. Keep a sure watch over a headstrong " daughter, Lest she make thee a laughing-stock to thme enemies, A ^ byword in the city, and a reproach among the people, And make thee ashamed among a great '■'* multitude. Look not at any one in fine clothes,'^ And sit not in the midst of women ; For from garments cometh the -^ moth, And from woman, woman's wickedness.'" Vers. 1-4. — ^ A. V. : no. ^ judgment to justify {see Com.). 3 reckoning with My partners (X. C. H. Old Lat. floT.; ias:rg., 0/ thy partners' speech. See Com.) and travellers. « Or of the gift of (see Com.). 5 Or. Vers. 5-5. — "^ A. V. : And of merchants' indifferent selling (Fritzsche retains the reading dSiaifiopov, though III. X- C. 155. 157. 307. Co. have aia.i)opoii. The «ot before e/iir6piu>' is omitted by HI. X. C. 23. 106. 155. al. Co. Of. Com.). mriils And. * Sure keeping is. ' shut up. ■» Deliver all things in (248. Co. omit o before irapoSiiip!). inform (marg., rebuke. Gr., TratSetas, in the sense of set rights correct). r2 extreme. ^^ those that are yooDg marg., that is accused of fornication. Codd. 253. .307. read Trepl iropveicL^ for Trpbs ve'ovs. See Com.). " Thus {Koi). 15 learned (jien-aifiev/LieVos, in the sense of instructed, well nurtured',. i« all men living. Vers. 9-11. — '■ A. V. : waketh. '= the. '» jind having a (^eri i^-SpbtoCo-a. Codd. X. 55. 248. 263. 296. prefix icoZ) '0 misbehave herself (rrapa^jj, turn aside to another man). 21 when she is (see ver. 5). ^ shameless (cf . xxvi. 10) *3 And a. 24 before the {ev nXriQet, ttoAAwi/. Cod. 106. omits the first two words). Vers 12-14. —25 A. V. : Behold not ((lij iii^Kerre) ev.ery body's beauty (iv xiXXti.. See Com.). " a. " from 386 THE APOCRYPHA. 14 Better is a man's churlishness than a woman's coquetry ; * Even a woman who " bringeth shame and reproach.' 15 I will now make mention of ■* the works of the Lord, And speak fully of what ^ I have seen ; Through ^ the words of the Lord, arose ' his works. 16 The sun that giveth light looketh down * upon all (kings, And the work thereof is full of the glory of the Lord. 17 The Lord hath not given power * to the saints to set forth fully " all his marvel lous works, Which the Almighty Lord established,^' That whatsoever is might be established in '^ his glory. 18 He searcheth '" out the deep, and the heart, And considereth their subtile plans ; " For the Highest '"' knoweth all that is known," And he looketh into the signs of the times." 19 He announceth '^ the things that are past, and to " come, And revealeth the steps of hidden things. 20 No thought escapeth him, And not one "" word is hidden from him. 21 He ^'^ garnished the great ^'^ works of his wisdom, And he is ^ from everlasting to everlasting ; He hath neither increased nor grown less,''* And he hath no need of any counsellor. 22 Oh how desirable are all his works ! And as flowers to look upon.^ 23 All these things live and remain for ever for all nses, And they are all obedient. 24 All tilings are in pairs, one over against °° another ; And he made ^ nothing that passeth away.^ 25 One thirtg establisheth the good of another ; And who can be sated ^ with beholding his glory ? women wickednees (Aid. omits yv^aiKos at the end). ' w the churlishnesB (ma.rg., wickedness. Gr., ironjpia, bnt clearly to be taken in a sense which shall make it antithetic to the following ayadon-oiog) .... than a courteooB woman {see Com.). ^ A woman, I say, which. ^ Ljt.^ unto reproach. Vers. 15-17. — * A. V. : remember. 6 declare /Af rAin^5 that. « In. ''are. ^ looketh (jire^Xfi/fe, followed by Kara. But Fritzsche would join Kara rrav with the preceding ^uni^tav). ^ given power (^feirotjjo-e : (1) to make in, vut into ; (2) to produce, create, in ; (3) to produce, cause, which seems to be its use here). *o declare. " firmly settled (same word as in following line). '2 for (iv). Vers. 18-19. — '3A.V.: seeketh. ^* cT&ity device?- {■jravovpyi]ft.a(ri.v, fine, nice, subtile plans). " the Lord (marg., the Highest. Fritzsche receives vi/'ioros from III. X. C. 106. 156. al. ; text, rec, fcvpto^}. ^^ may be known (eiSijo-ti' ; X. {avviSri'jiv) C. 55. 155. 254. 296. 307., avvfiSTivtv). " beholdeth (ece^Aei/zec) the signs of the world {aloivos. Bee Com.). i» dcclareth. » for to. ^o Neither any. Vers. 21-26. — " A. V. : He hath (aor.). 22 excellent ((xtyoAeio). ^^ (The A. V. adopted the reading os ecrrC, with III. C. 55. 106. 165. 157. 248. 264. 296. 307. Co. Old Lat. ; X. 23. 263., m ; text, rec, em, which is adopted by Fritzsche. See Com.) ** Unto him may nothing be added, neither can he be diminished. ^ that a man may see even to a Bpark (text rec, ws (nrivQripfK \ H., us (Ttiiv6ripa<; : X. C. 55. 248. 296. Co., ews aTrtfgTJpos. I adopt Fritzsche's emendation and read oj« avdri. See Com.). 26 things are double .... one against. =7 j^ath made. 28 unperfect (see Com.). <> shall be filled. Chapter XLII. Ver. 2. Verdict that justifleth the ungodly, Kpifj.aTos SiKaiuaat rhv aae^r). Tlijit is, when the uii;_'Oilly has the right of a matter. Luther, whuiii Biinseii's Bibilwirk follows, renders the last word by ijodly, i. e., reads eiio-e^?. Fritzsche suggests that '''ti'"' may have stood in the orig- inal, and hieu meant in the sense of one not an Israelite-, Sro/ioi. Ver. 3. riepl \6yov koivuvov Kal iihonr6poiv. The sense is not very clear, and ciinjnuntators differ greatly in their renderings. The meaninj; rerl.onin//, which i^ given to \6yos in the A. V., however, can hardly be justified. It would seem to nicau here, as usual, word, speech, conversation, and the whole member may be translated, " 0/ conversation with a partner and (fellow) travelers ; or, perhaps. Of conversation about a partner and trav- elers. — Kal irepl ZiiTittiS K\TipoPOtJ.(as ^Taipaiv. The A. V. appears to give the right sense: "Of the (jifl [ijivini] over] of the heritage of [i. e., that be- longs to] /nV»f/s. ' 'Eralpav might well have the more specific meaning here of fellow-heir. Or K\T]povop.ia. nnght be taken in a more general sense of possession, property, H Ij.? ('^f' P^- " 8 ; Prov. xx. 21 ) ; and the phrase would then rea4 (If the pecxtniarij assistance of friends. Ver. 5. riepl aSia(p6pov rrpdaeias Kal 4p.ir6pwr Lit., Of the want of difference ofsellini) and ofmer ECCLESIASTICUS. 387 chants. Wahl would drop xaC, and render, " Of e^juable selling by merchants.^* Retaininff the pres- ent text, however, unimpaired, and taking a in aiiau(nl>i' from III. X. C. 106. 157. al. Co. ; tczr. rrc, efK^uo-oif. See C0771.). n bright. 12 (Hmmeth. ^2 that. ^■* runneth hastily (Karitnrevtje Koptiav. For the former, 23. 157. 24S. Co. read KariTz-avire). Vers. 6, 7. — ^^ a. V. : He made the moon also to serve (it followed 24S. Co. : ical ireA^inji' tnoCijaev elg araatv 615. 3rabe also suggested that for iv Tra(rLv of the text. ree. there should be read ev tna